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 AUTOBIOGRAPHY AND 
 POLITICAL CORRESPONDENCE 
 
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 AUGUSTUS HENRY 
 THIRD DUKE OF GRAFTON
 
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 AUTOBIOGRAPHY 
 
 AND POLITICAL CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 OK 
 
 AUGUSTUS HENRY 
 THIRD DUKE OF GRAFTON 
 
 K.G. 
 
 FROM HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS IN THE 
 POSSESSION OF HIS FAMILY 
 
 EDITED BY 
 
 SIR WILLIAM R. ANSON, Bart., D.C.L. 
 
 WARDEN OF ALL SOULS COLLEGE, OXFORD 
 
 WITH PORTRAITS 
 
 LONDON 
 JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET 
 
 1898
 
 LIBRARY 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 VIA BARBARA 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 PACE 
 
 Introductory Memoir vii-xli 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 Autobiography, 1735-1765 1 
 
 Letters 33 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 Grafton as Secretary of State in the Rockingham Ministry . 40 
 Letters 75 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 The Ministry of the Earl of Chatham 88 
 
 Letters 128 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 The Effacement ok Chatham 13 2 
 
 Letters 174 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 The Junction with the Bedford Party 183 
 
 Letter 209 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 Removal ok Shelburne vnd Retirement of Chatham . . .212 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 Revival "i Chatham and fall of Grafton 236 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 f.KAKTON SUPPORTING LORD NORTH'S MINISTRY 2JI
 
 vi CONTENTS 
 
 PACE 
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 Grafton in Opposition 270 
 
 CHAPTER X 
 The Opposition after the Death of Chatham . . . 303 
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 The Rockingham Ministry 316 
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 The Shelburne Ministry 329 
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 The Coalition 363 
 
 CHAPTER XIV 
 
 Pitt, Prime Minister 383 
 
 Letters 403 
 
 INDEX 407 
 
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Portrait of Augustus Henry, third Duke of Grafton . Frontispiece 
 From a mezzotint by Charles Turner, after the portrait by John Hoppner, R.A. 
 
 A Noble Duke ; taken on the Steyne at Brighton . . To face page 403
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 Augustus Henry Fitz-Roy, the third Duke of Grafton, 
 has received somewhat hard measure in the histories of the 
 eighteenth century. The bitterest invective of Junius has 
 assailed his character, and has thrown contempt on his political 
 capacity: the solemn denunciations of the Whig historians 
 have marked his departure, albeit in the company of Chatham 
 and Camden, from the true Whig faith : his own record of his 
 political career has been ransacked by writers of history and 
 editors of memoirs, but of these scarcely one has been impelled 
 by gratitude to present an adequate picture of the statesman 
 who has contributed to their knowledge of his times. 
 
 At least the Duke should be allowed to tell his own story. 
 It is the story of a man whom no biographer's enthusiasm 
 could describe as a statesman of the first rank, and yet it sets 
 before us a character not very common in the eighteenth 
 century. 
 
 For the Duke of Grafton was a nobleman with a high sense 
 of public duty, with a real desire to use his powers and his 
 position for the good of his country, and very ready to 
 recognize virtue and ability in others. If his instinct was 
 not sufficiently sure, nor his confidence in himself strong 
 enough to save him from grave error at critical points in his 
 career, he was led astray by no sordid or self-seeking motive ; 
 he did not seek or retain office to satisfy personal ambition, 
 or the greed of hungry followers. 
 
 For the work of that ill-assorted Ministry which was formed
 
 viii INTRODUCTION 
 
 by Chatham, and recruited, after the effacement of Chatham, 
 from the least promising of the political groups, Grafton can- 
 not escape responsibility. Perhaps his own narrative is his 
 best defence. It is written, as it should be read, with perfect 
 candour. The history of the reign of George III has too 
 often been written in the style of a political pamphlet. The 
 modem Liberal idealizes the Rockingham Whigs, the modern 
 Tory takes a kindly view of the king's friends, and the 
 narrative is coloured by the sympathies of the writer. But 
 the men of that time are entitled to be judged on their merits, 
 and their merits determined by the circumstances in which 
 they lived, the difficulties with which they had to contend, 
 and the spirit in which they met them. 
 
 I propose to preface the Autobiography with a short account 
 of the Duke's career in relation to the history of parties during 
 his time. As the Autobiography becomes fuller, my intro- 
 ductory statement will become slighter : nor is it necessary to 
 follow the Duke beyond the period during which he took part 
 in political life. 
 
 The Autobiography was commenced in October, 1804, and 
 was resumed after a brief interval in February, 1805. It is 
 worked up, in the more important parts, from journals or 
 memoranda made at the time of the events recorded. There 
 are, or were, three copies of this memoir : a ' foul copy,' a copy 
 written out clean in thirteen books, examined and revised by 
 the Duke, and a copy of this last, made for the use of the late 
 Lord Carlingford, who at one time had contemplated an edition 
 of the Autobiography. Of the ' foul copy ' some books have 
 been lost. This is unfortunate, for these contained notes 
 indicating in one or two places the points at which the Duke 
 began and ended the use of contemporary memoranda. The 
 third copy, however, contains some notes by Lord Carlingford 
 referring to these lost portions, and supplying to some extent 
 the information which they contained.
 
 INTRODUCTION ix 
 
 The third Duke of Grafton was descended in the third 
 generation from Henry Fitz-Roy, the son of Charles II, by 
 Barbara Villiers, Duchess of Cleveland. This Henry, the first 
 Duke, was a man of courage and ability beyond the other 
 sons of Charles II. He served with credit, first in the navy 
 and then in the army, and was killed at the siege of Cork in 
 1690. He was married, at the age of nine, to Isabella 
 Bennett, daughter and heiress of the Earl of Arlington, who 
 was then five years of age. Charles, the second Duke, born 
 in 1683, was the only child of this marriage. He was Lord- 
 Lieutenant of Ireland from 1721 to 1724, and held the office 
 of Lord Chamberlain for the thirty years before his death in 
 1757. He was a great favourite with George II 1 . He 
 married, in 1713, Lady Henrietta Somerset, daughter of the 
 Marquis of Worcester, and by her had five sons, all of whom 
 died in his lifetime, and all but one childless. The third son, 
 Lord Augustus Fitz-Roy, was a naval officer of some promise, 
 who died of fever, at Jamaica, in 1741. By his wife Elizabeth, 
 daughter of Colonel Cosby, he left two sons, Augustus Henry, 
 the third Duke, and Charles, afterwards Lord Southampton. 
 
 Augustus Henry was born on October 9, 1735. Of his 
 early years there is little to say. He was educated at Hackney 
 School and at Peterhouse College, Cambridge, and as a boy 
 he received kindly attention from Mr. Pitt when staying 
 at Stowe 2 . Evidently he was brought up in Whig circles, 
 and instructed in Whig doctrines, basing his political studies 
 on 'the sound system of Mr. Locke'; and evidently too he 
 read seriously and with a view to political life. 
 
 At the end of his time at Cambridge he went the tour of 
 Europe, and not long after his return he married Anne Liddell, 
 the only child of Lord Ravensworth. 
 
 In the same year (1756) he was returned for the two 
 boroughs of Bury St. Edmunds and Boroughbridge. He 
 
 1 See Autobiography, p. 10. a Ibid., p. 52.
 
 x INTRODUCTION 
 
 chose to sit for the former, but his career in the House of 
 Commons was short. His grandfather died in May, 1757, 
 and he took his seat in the House of Lords. 
 
 At this very moment was being formed the great Coalition 
 Ministry which stilled political turmoil by the combination of 
 all sections of the Whig party, and by a series of unexampled 
 triumphs in the war with France. I will not dwell here on 
 the process by which this Ministry was formed *, but it may 
 not be out of place to consider the political situation as it was 
 when George III came to the throne, and the action which he 
 took almost immediately upon his accession. 
 
 We read, not infrequently, in these Memoirs and elsewhere, 
 of the principles of the Revolution, and of the departure from 
 these principles of George III and the group of politicians 
 which formed itself around him. It is reasonable to ask what 
 these principles were, and in what respect George III departed 
 from them. 
 
 So far as the Constitution of the eighteenth century is 
 discoverable, it must be sought in the Bill of Rights and the 
 Act of Settlement, and the course or conventions of Govern- 
 ment which grew up on the basis of these enactments. 
 
 The king is a part of the Constitution of the realm : if he 
 fail in his duty he has no divine immunity from resistance by 
 his injured subjects. He may not make, suspend, or dispense 
 with the law ; nor tamper with the interpretation of the law by 
 removing the judges at his pleasure; nor raise money without 
 consent of Parliament. Speaking and voting in Parliament 
 should be free, not merely from direct interference by king or 
 minister, but from the more subtle influence which might be 
 exercised by the presence of placemen or pensioners in the 
 House of Commons. When to all this was added the 
 control assumed by the Commons over the grant of supplies, 
 and the maintenance of a standing army, it is plain that the 
 
 1 See Autobiography, pp. 8, 9.
 
 INTRODUCTION xi 
 
 king and his ministers were constrained to work in harmony 
 with the House of Commons, and that the king's choice of 
 ministers must be determined by the willingness of the House 
 of Commons to support them. 
 
 In the main these rules and principles were observed, but 
 they were marred in their operation by a serious flaw. While 
 every care had been taken to make the king's ministers 
 responsible to the House of Commons, no provision had been 
 made for securing that the members of that House should be 
 responsible to any one but to themselves, or to the proprietors 
 of the boroughs which they professed to represent. The coun- 
 ties excepted, the constitue cies were for the most part small, 
 listless, or subject to some influence which made their choice 
 of members no real expression of their political opinion. 
 
 The same sort of influence affected their representatives. 
 The statesmen of the reign of William and Anne had 
 diminished, but not very seriously, the number of places held 
 of the Crown which were compatible with a seat in the House 
 of Commons. Their successors supplemented these sources 
 of influence by a system of pecuniary bribes. 
 
 The principles of the Revolution did not involve the with- 
 drawal of the king from all control over the policy of the 
 country. The personal inclinations of William and Anne 
 had weight in the choice of ministers, and the conduct of 
 business : but the Hanoverian kings allowed these matters 
 to slip out of their grasp, and when once a system of Par- 
 liamentary influence had grown up, and the distribution of 
 places and bribes had passed into the hands of ministers, it 
 was not easy for a king who knew little of the Constitution 
 or the language of his subjects to obtain a control of machinery 
 which every one else was interested in keeping out of sight. 
 
 Thus the minister who knew the processes of corruption 
 held strings by which he could make the House of Commons 
 dance to any tune he pleased ; while the man who despised
 
 xii INTRODUCTION 
 
 or neglected the arts of Parliamentary management might, 
 like Pitt, be the idol of the nation, or, like Carteret, stand 
 first in the regard of the king, but he could not command 
 a majority in the House of Commons, and without this his 
 tenure of office would be transient. 
 
 The statesmen of the Revolution were impressed, and we 
 cannot blame them for it, with the paramount necessity for 
 controlling the power of the Crown. They did not realize 
 that a House of Commons which professed to represent the 
 people might be so manipulated as to become subservient 
 to the objects of a king or an oligarchy. There is less 
 excuse for the Whig opposition to George III, to whom 
 politics were merely a contest for power between themselves 
 and the Crown, and who never saw that to obtain a sure 
 footing they must rest their power upon public approval, 
 indicated by the votes of a House of Commons which had 
 something of a representative character. Even under the 
 conditions of the eighteenth century the nation might be so 
 vehemently stirred by indignation against one minister, or 
 admiration for another, as to produce some effect on political 
 combinations. Ill represented as it was, an angry people 
 could not be gainsaid. Thus Walpole fell in 1741 and 
 Newcastle in 1756, and thus was Pitt called to office in 1756 
 and 1757. 
 
 The strength of the Coalition Government of Pitt and 
 Newcastle lay in this ; that Newcastle, awed by the popu- 
 larity of Pitt, placed at the disposal of the Ministry all his 
 resources for gaining and keeping a majority. Pitt, in quiet 
 times, was helpless without Newcastle : Newcastle, in times 
 of national anxiety, could not sleep secure unless shielded 
 by the character and reputation of Pitt. 
 
 Such was the combination when Grafton entered the House 
 of Lords, and its success left little opening for a young peer 
 to take part in debate. Parliament met to vote congratu- 

 
 INTRODUCTION xiii 
 
 lations and subsidies ; and Grafton, in 1761, went abroad for 
 his wife's health, and did not return to England for more 
 than a year. 
 
 George III had succeeded his grandfather before Grafton 
 left England, but the changes which thereupon ensued had 
 not then become apparent. The new king was young and 
 popular. His father, who died in 1751, left the impression 
 of a character at once frivolous and unamiable ; but his mother, 
 the Princess of Wales, a clever woman with the autocratic 
 notions of German royalty, trained her son, in a narrow prac- 
 tical way, to try to govern as well as to reign. In these 
 instructions she was seconded by Lord Bute, who had served 
 in the household of Frederick Prince of Wales and had been 
 recalled to act as Groom of the Stole when an establishment 
 was formed for the young prince in 1757. 
 
 Bute was unused to Parliamentary or public life, but he 
 seems to have known what the young king wanted, and to 
 have been able to obtain it for him. 
 
 The Autobiography * mentions three points in which the 
 new king departed, in Grafton's opinion, from sound and con- 
 stitutional policy : — in the exclusion of the Whig families ; in 
 the assumption of personal control in the choice and support 
 of his ministers ; and in his want of loyalty to those who were 
 his ministers for the time being. 
 
 The first two of these charges mean no more than this, that 
 the king intended to be his own master, and was determined 
 that if Parliament was to be corrupted — and he had no 
 objection to its corruption — it should be corrupted to serve 
 his purposes, and not those of his ministers. His political 
 morality was the morality of the day. 
 
 The third charge goes deeper. It was an unamiable as 
 well as an unconstitutional habit of George III, to regard 
 every minister as a mere instrument, not only to be used or 
 
 1 pp. 13, J 4.
 
 xiv INTRODUCTION 
 
 cast aside at pleasure, but to be used while he was in the act 
 of negotiating with others, or intriguing with the little group 
 of his personal adherents, the ' king's friends,' to supplant the 
 men whom he was treating with apparent confidence and 
 goodwill. 
 
 When we consider that George III managed his Parliaments, 
 chose his ministers, and never allowed an independent minister 
 to feel secure in his employment, or a subservient minister to 
 leave office if he could possibly be retained, we may realize 
 what risks the country ran under the rule of this king. For 
 the capacity of George III did not extend beyond the arts of 
 obtaining power ; our history can hardly produce a sovereign 
 less capable of governing an empire. 
 
 George III would have found it hard to put his policy into 
 action, to break up the Whig party, and to seize the strings of 
 Parliamentary management, without the aid of a minister who 
 was entirely in his confidence. Such a minister was Bute. 
 Within less than a week from the death of George II he was 
 made a member of the Privy Council and of the Cabinet, and 
 he very shortly afterwards became Secretary of State in the 
 place of Lord Holdernesse. Thus situated he could interfere 
 in many matters of detail in a way that would have been 
 impossible for the king. 
 
 His first object was to bring about a peace ; for it was 
 impossible to break up and humiliate a party which was in the 
 midst of conducting a glorious and successful war. Events 
 favoured him. Pitt had commenced negotiations for peace 
 with France, when he became aware of the projected alliance 
 between France and Spain. Anxious to strike the first blow, 
 he urged upon his colleagues an immediate declaration of war 
 with Spain. With the exception of Temple, his colleagues 
 declined to support him, and, with Temple, he retired from 
 office in October, 1761. The sequel justified his policy. War 
 with Spain broke out very shortly, and was prosecuted with
 
 INTRODUCTION xv 
 
 such success that our victories seemed likely to postpone for 
 a time the possibility of peace. 
 
 Newcastle would have done well to resign with Pitt. He 
 now found himself subjected to constant slights, inflicted with 
 the obvious intention of driving him from office. Matters 
 came to an issue over the subsidy hitherto paid annually to 
 the king of Prussia during the war. Newcastle found that 
 the king and Bute were determined against the continuance 
 of this subsidy, and he resigned in May, 1762, not without 
 undignified lamentations. 
 
 Bute took his place as First Lord of the Treasury, and 
 became in name and substance Prime Minister, so far as we 
 may apply a term with a recognized modern meaning to the 
 leading spirit in an eighteenth century Administration. 
 
 As Grafton passed through Paris on his way home 1 , he found 
 that the Duke of Bedford was expected there, and that the Due 
 de Nivernois was starting thence, to negotiate for peace ; before 
 the autumn was far advanced the preliminaries were signed. 
 On the merits of the Peace of Paris historians have long ago 
 pronounced, or provided materials for pronouncing. The war 
 was costly ; the peace was not unwelcome, and, such as it was, 
 it was practically assured when Grafton returned to England. 
 He came at a stirring time, and his political career may now 
 be said to commence. 
 
 Political feeling was running high as the new scheme of 
 government began to assume a clear outline. The resignation 
 of Pitt deprived the old regime of popularity ; the removal of 
 Newcastle placed the machinery of party management in the 
 hands of the king's friends. But it was necessary to find 
 some one who would work this machinery boldly and without 
 scruple. When Bute stepped into Newcastle's place as First 
 Lord of the Treasury, George Grcnvillc succeeded Bute as 
 Secretary of State. He was also what we now call the 
 
 1 Autobiography, p. 19. 
 
 b
 
 xvi INTRODUCTION 
 
 ' Leader,' but what in those days was called the ' Manager 1 ' 
 of the House of Commons. He was now required to give 
 place to Fox, who entered the Cabinet with no higher office 
 than the lucrative post, which he had enjoyed since 1757, 
 of Paymaster of the Forces. Under these circumstances 
 Fox could not lead the House when a Secretary of State 
 was present, so Grenville was bidden, much to his annoyance, 
 to change places with Lord Halifax, and to become First Lord 
 of the Admiralty. 
 
 Fox now led the House : the machine of corruption was 
 set going, and the king was in a position to show the Whig 
 families that he meant to be master. His treatment of the 
 Duke of Devonshire is described in the Autobiography 2 ; and 
 thus was war openly declared against the great Whig con- 
 nexion. But Fox and the secret service money had done 
 their work efficiently, and the preliminaries of the peace were 
 approved in both Houses. 
 
 In the House of Lords Grafton made his first appearance as 
 a speaker ; he says of his speech that it was too declamatory, 
 but it created a very favourable impression. Nevertheless, the 
 opponents of the peace did not venture to divide the House. 
 The king had triumphed, and the next step was to make 
 the vanquished realize the consequences of defeat. Grafton, 
 Newcastle and Rockingham were removed from the Lieuten- 
 ancies of their respective counties. The Duke of Devonshire 
 only escaped a similar affront by a timely resignation. Then 
 followed a proscription of the friends of the late ministers. 
 ' I believe,' said Rigby, ' that there will be a general ddroute, 
 from the Duke of Grafton's Lieutenancy of Suffolk to the 
 underlings of the Custom House 3 .' 
 
 An organized Opposition was now formed, and among 
 the Whig peers of whom it consisted, Grafton held a promi- 
 
 1 IValpole, Letters, iv. 36. 2 p. 21. 
 
 3 Bedford Correspondence, iii. 171.
 
 INTRODUCTION xvn 
 
 nent place. From the first he took the view which guided 
 his policy and conduct for some years to come, that no 
 Ministry could be strong or lasting without Pitt. When 
 therefore the Opposition tried to secure the leadership of Pitt, 
 Grafton was sent to Hayes to offer any terms which Pitt 
 might be pleased to accept 1 . But these overtures were 
 fruitless ; the Opposition remained a group of great nobles 
 and landowners, respectable in character, moderate in abilities, 
 and helpless in their attempts to subvert the new system of 
 government. 
 
 The Ministry too was weak, especially in the Commons. 
 Fox had done his work and claimed his peerage ; Grenville 
 was tedious and pedantic ; Sir Francis Dashwood was a 
 singularly incompetent Chancellor of the Exchequer. Yet 
 Bute thought that his following might hold its own, and 
 would be stronger if it were relieved from the load of un- 
 popularity which attached to his name. He resigned early 
 in April, 1763. 
 
 There is no need to look far for an explanation of the 
 retirement of Bute. He had neither interest nor experience 
 in the business of administration; his nationality and his 
 supposed relations with the Princess of Wales made him 
 exceedingly unpopular; and the objects for which he had 
 entered upon office were attained. 
 
 From some points of view, Bute's short political career was 
 one of remarkable success. He found the Whig families in 
 full possession of political power, and, with the aid of Pitt, 
 waging a war of unexampled popularity and triumph. In 
 little more than two years the Whig leaders were dissociated 
 from Pitt, the war on which their popularity rested was at an 
 end, and not only were they driven from place and power, 
 but the proscription of January, 1763, had taught the crowd 
 
 1 Bedford Correspondence, iii. 186. 
 b2
 
 xviii INTRODUCTION 
 
 of office-seekers that favour must be sought elsewhere than 
 from Newcastle and his friends. 
 
 The adversaries of Bute, no doubt, played into his hands ; 
 the imperious courage of George III, and the unscrupulous 
 management of Fox, were essential elements in the success 
 of the new policy. But in truth the Whig system of govern- 
 ment had no sure foundation ; otherwise the long domination 
 of the Whig families would hardly have collapsed before 
 a young king new to affairs, a bold party-manager, and 
 a pompous amateur, like Bute, who had neither eloquence, 
 experience, nor business capacity. 
 
 Bute had made arrangements for his successors in office 
 without much reference to their personal wishes. Grenville 
 became First Lord of the Treasury, with Egremont and 
 Halifax as Secretaries of State. Bute would have preferred 
 Shelburne to Halifax, but in this instance alone was Grenville 
 allowed to have a voice in the formation of the Ministry of 
 which he was the nominal head *. Bedford who had returned 
 from Paris was invited to become President of the Council, 
 but he treated the whole arrangement as ephemeral and 
 suggested a resort to such of the Whig Opposition as were 
 least disagreeable to the king, mentioning Grafton among 
 others 2 . Bute was not prepared to ask the Whigs to return 
 to the place from which he had so lately ousted them, and so 
 the Ministry of George Grenville started on its ill-starred career. 
 
 Inasmuch as the most important, at any rate the most 
 conspicuous, part of Grafton's career was determined by the 
 influence exercised over him by Pitt, it is well to consider 
 for a moment the position of Pitt in relation to the political 
 groups of this period. 
 
 All dealings with Pitt were at this time beset by three 
 serious difficulties. The first of these was his health, which 
 was never good, and which now, after the strain of several 
 
 1 Grenville Papers, ii. 32-39. 3 Bedford Correspondence, iii. 228.
 
 INTRODUCTION xix 
 
 anxious years of office, made him really unfit for continuous 
 active work. The second was his temperament. Pitt no 
 doubt possessed genius, but genius is not always the best 
 companion for every-day life. For great occasions he was 
 the greatest of living Englishmen ; for ordinary business he 
 was too often pompous, affected, intractable 1 . The third 
 was his relationship to Temple and the Grenville family. Of 
 all the political cliques of the time the Grenvilles, though 
 not the least capable, are certainly the least attractive ; the 
 pretentious vanity of Temple, and his determination to resist 
 any political combination which did not give to himself and 
 his family the importance which he conceived them to deserve, 
 make one deplore that at a critical period in the history of 
 the country Pitt allowed his conduct tb be influenced by this 
 mischievous connexion. 
 
 To the recognized Whig leaders Pitt was a disturbing 
 element in party combinations. To these men such com- 
 binations were an end in themselves : a Ministry was a 
 success if an adequate number of persons, whom it was 
 important to satisfy, were satisfied with the offices conferred 
 upon them, and the business of the country was somehow 
 carried on. To Pitt a Ministry was an instrument for carry- 
 ing into effect a great imperial policy, for furthering colonial 
 enterprise, and for ensuring to us the command of the sea. 
 So long as these ends were served he did not care how 
 the various offices were distributed, or whether the friends 
 of Newcastle or of Bedford were most gratified by the dis- 
 tribution. 
 
 The attitude of the older Whigs towards Pitt was not that 
 of Grafton, nor, after the first years of his public life, of 
 Shelburne. Grafton in particular was convinced that no 
 
 1 The two essays of Macanlay on between the fustian of Carlylc and the 
 Pitt seem to give an admirably just ill-natured reminiscences of Shelburne. 
 portrait of the man, well balanced
 
 xx INTRODUCTION 
 
 Ministry could be of service to the country unless Pitt were 
 at its head. His Autobiography tells us how strenuous and 
 unremitting were his efforts from the beginning of 1763 to 
 induce Pitt once more to take the lead. These efforts cul- 
 minated in his unwilling acceptance, in 1766, of an office to 
 which he felt himself unequal — an office which he only ac- 
 cepted because Pitt told him that otherwise his projected 
 Ministry would fall to the ground 1 . 
 
 To George III, and to Bute, Pitt was invaluable as a solvent 
 of party combinations. In the course of the war a coldness 
 had arisen between Bute and Pitt, but it was always possible 
 for the king, with or without the recommendation of Bute, 
 to unsettle any Ministry by opening negotiations with Pitt. 
 
 Grafton then, though a member of the Whig Opposition, 
 differed from the followers of Newcastle, of Bedford, and of 
 Rockingham in this that he was prepared to waive all per- 
 sonal considerations which might stand in the way of Pitt's 
 return to power. He was at this time in frequent com- 
 munication with Pitt, and realized sooner than others — sooner 
 than Pitt himself — what an obstacle the impracticable dis- 
 position of Temple might prove to the formation of a strong 
 Ministry. 
 
 On the first occasion that recourse was had to Pitt the 
 failure of the negotiations was not due to Temple. Grenville 
 had not been in office many months when Egremont, one of 
 the Secretaries of State, died suddenly. Bute, without con- 
 sulting Grenville, advised the king to send for Pitt. On 
 August 27, 1763 (a Saturday), Pitt had a long interview with 
 the king, and stated the conditions under which he thought 
 a strong Ministry might be formed. It was to include the 
 Whig leaders, and, of the younger men, Grafton was to have 
 a place in the Cabinet. The interview was to be resumed 
 on the Monday, but meantime Bute seems to have taken 
 
 1 Autobiography, p. 90.
 
 INTRODUCTION xxi 
 
 alarm. In the course of Sunday he advised the king to 
 withdraw from the negotiation, and simultaneously advised 
 Pitt to moderate his terms. This Pitt was not prepared to 
 do, and on the Monday the scheme broke down 1 . 
 
 But the negotiation had two results. It exasperated Gren- 
 ville against Bute, who had certainly treated the Ministry 
 as puppets to be removed at his pleasure. And it procured 
 for Grenville unexpected support. For the king talked freely 
 of his conversation with Pitt 2 , and as the narrative grew in 
 repetition those whom Pitt had proposed to exclude were 
 greatly irritated. Among them was Bedford, whom Pitt 
 considered to be responsible for the Peace of Paris, and there- 
 fore proscribed. Bedford, in consequence, with his following, 
 joined Grenville, and with this accession of strength the 
 Ministry held on. 
 
 The measures of the Grenville Ministry do not specially 
 concern us here. During the remainder of their term of office 
 Grafton was, as he tells us in the Autobiography, negligent of 
 his political duties. 
 
 It was at this time that he formed the connexion which 
 Junius has made historical. Nancy Parsons has been im- 
 mortalized by Gainsborough, and the refined beauty of her 
 face furnishes the only excuse that can be offered for the 
 conduct which at once involved Grafton in domestic troubles 
 and lowered his public character. He was separated from his 
 wife in December, 1764. They parted on terms of mutual 
 civility, but as their friends feared at the time, they were 
 never reconciled. In 1769 they were divorced, and each 
 married again. 
 
 The Autobiography from the conclusion of the Peace in 
 
 1 Grenville Papers, ii. 95, 96. public men to talk freely of their 
 
 - This practice of George III is colleagues or rivals, and would then 
 
 mentioned more than once in the betray their confidence for his own ends. 
 
 memoirs of the time. He would induce
 
 xxii INTRODUCTION 
 
 1763, to the negotiations which preceded the fall of the 
 Grenville Ministry, is slight and in some places not free from 
 confusion, but from the middle of May, 1765, it is evidently 
 taken from contemporary memoranda. In the spring of 
 1765 the Grenville Ministry managed at once to offend the 
 king, and to lower themselves in public esteem by their mis- 
 management of the Regency Bill. Grenville himself, in his 
 dealings with the king, was dull, plain-spoken, and intolerably 
 lengthy, and George determined to have recourse to Pitt. 
 The Duke of Cumberland was asked to intervene, and though 
 broken in health and retired from public life he did his best 
 to help his nephew. He sent Lord Albemarle to see Pitt, 
 and summoned Temple and Grafton to London. Pitt's 
 language was obscure, though not altogether discouraging : 
 but when Temple appeared on the scene difficulties at once 
 arose. Lord Northumberland had been suggested as First 
 Lord of the Treasury, and Northumberland was Bute's son- 
 in-law. This objection, though not made at the time, was 
 dwelt upon afterwards. In vain Albemarle went twice to 
 Hayes, and Cumberland once. Pitt, at the instance of 
 Temple, refused to come forward. The true ground of 
 Temple's conduct appeared a little later : he had become 
 reconciled to his brother George, and formed visions of a 
 Ministry in which the Grenville family should be supreme. 
 
 For a moment the ministers triumphed, but they pushed 
 their success too far ; they endeavoured to put slights not 
 only upon Bute and his friends but upon the Duke of 
 Cumberland, and they drove the king to despair. In June 
 a second application was made to Pitt. This time Pitt, as 
 well as the king, seemed to be in earnest. Temple was to be 
 First Lord of the Treasury, Grafton and Pitt Secretaries of 
 State. Again did Temple interpose, and refuse to take the 
 place assigned to him, or any other. Pitt sorrowfully with- 
 drew, and thus ended a fair prospect of a strong Ministry.
 
 INTRODUCTION XX111 
 
 The king asked the Duke of Cumberland to find him a 
 Ministry of some sort, and the Duke turned to the Whig 
 leaders. They met, and agreed to take office. Rockingham 
 became First Lord of the Treasury, Grafton and Conway 
 Secretaries of State, Newcastle Privy Seal, with the church 
 patronage thrown in, Northington remained Chancellor, and 
 Chief Justice Pratt, the life-long friend of Grafton, became a 
 peer, with the title of Lord Camden. 
 
 We must give to Lord Rockingham and his followers all 
 the credit that is due to public spirit and good intentions ; 
 but it must be admitted that they were fortunate in securing 
 Burke as a dependant, and, in their later career, Fox as an 
 ally. Still more fortunate have they been in their literary 
 history, since Macaulay has treated them as the direct ancestors 
 of the Whigs of 1H32. Most fortunate of all in the in- 
 capacity of the ministers, or the incoherence of the Ministries, 
 to whom they found themselves opposed between 1765 and 
 
 17*3- 
 
 So far as they could be said to have a policy when they 
 entered office, their policy was to recover for the Whig 
 families the position which they had lost in 1762. Here 
 Grafton stood apart from his colleagues, and it is here that he 
 has come under the censure of the Whig historians. He did 
 not regard the supremacy of the Whig families as an end 
 in itself. In fact, he ventured to think that Pitt was more 
 essential to the service of the country than Rockingham, with 
 all the Cavendishes at his back. This difference of opinion 
 made itself felt later on. 
 
 The Ministry was perfectly frank in the admission of its 
 helplessness. For the first few weeks of its existence the 
 meetings of the Cabinet Council were attended, with the 
 king's approbation, by the Duke of Cumberland, and it is 
 clear from the Rockingham Memoirs that the Duke's advice 
 was asked on all questions of importance. But the Duke
 
 xxiv INTRODUCTION 
 
 died early in October, and the ministers were left to their 
 own resources. 
 
 Meanwhile, the American policy of George Grenville had 
 borne fruit in disturbance and disaffection throughout the 
 New England colonies and Virginia, and the ministers knew 
 not whether to propose repressive or conciliatory measures. 
 They sent Mr. T. Townshend to consult Pitt, but Pitt would 
 give no counsel. The Session opened before Christmas, but 
 no serious discussion took place until the House reassembled 
 after the Christmas recess, when a debate ensued on the 
 address in answer to a second speech from the throne. Then 
 Pitt declared for the repeal of the Stamp Act, and the policy 
 of the Ministry was determined. 
 
 Against the will of the king, and in spite of the open 
 hostility of the king's friends, the Ministry carried the repeal 
 of the Stamp Act. The accompanying Act, which declared 
 the right of Parliament to tax the colonies, if it so pleased, did 
 not satisfy the king, while it discounted in great measure the 
 attempt to conciliate the colonists. 
 
 On this Declaratory Act Pitt and the Ministry were at 
 variance. Yet a serious effort was made, with the king's 
 sanction, so soon as ministers had announced their American 
 policy, to secure the accession of Pitt. Pitt and Temple now 
 differed widely on the American question, and from Grafton's 
 account of the negotiations \ it would seem that Pitt might 
 have been induced to join the Ministry but for the deter- 
 mination of Rockingham to retain the Treasury. Later, 
 in February, Rockingham sent messages to Pitt, through 
 Shelburne 2 , and through Nuthall 3 , the Solicitor to the 
 Treasury, intimating a willingness to accept him as leader, 
 but always with a view to ' preventing the breaking up of the 
 present Administration.' Pitt replied, very reasonably, that he 
 
 1 Autobiography, p. 65 ; Rockingham 2 Chatham Correspondence., iii. 7. 
 
 Memoirs, i. 312. 3 Ibid. ii. 399.
 
 INTRODUCTION xxv 
 
 could only confer on such a subject with His Majesty's 
 commands. 
 
 Thus all attempts to obtain the help of Pitt failed, and 
 Grafton discovered that, whereas he desired Pitt to enter the 
 Ministry as a leader, Rockingham wanted the assistance of 
 Pitt as an ally to support the Whig families against the king. 
 At the end of April Grafton resigned. It was not easy to 
 find a successor, but eventually the Duke of Richmond took 
 the seals, and the Ministry struggled on until July, when 
 Northington, seeing that his colleagues were helpless and 
 doomed, brought matters to an issue by tendering his resigna- 
 tion. Rockingham did not realize his own weakness, and 
 was beginning to look about for a new Chancellor, when he 
 and his colleagues were informed, on July 9, that Pitt had 
 been sent for, and that their services were no longer required. 
 
 Now comes the most important part of Grafton's career. 
 Pitt came to town on July ii, 1766, and received full powers 
 from the king to form a Ministry. He at once addressed 
 himself to Conway, whom he asked to retain the seals of 
 Secretary of State, and to lead the House of Commons, 
 a request ominous of the part which he intended to play in 
 his Ministry. Temple was summoned as a matter of course. 
 It is difficult to see how Temple, associated as he now was 
 with his brother George, and differing from Pitt on the vital 
 question of our American policy, could possibly have acted 
 with Pitt or with Pitt's allies. But the brothers-in-law quar- 
 relled, not on the policy to be adopted, but on the distribution 
 of patronage and power. Temple proposed to deal with 
 Pitt as an equal, Pitt made it clear to Temple that he might, 
 if he pleased, be First Lord of the Treasury, but that was all \ 
 
 Then Pitt sent for Grafton, who, after much misgiving, 
 accepted the post which Temple had rejected, and, unhappily 
 
 1 It is curious that the Autobiography Pitt and Temple, though there is an 
 says nothing of the quarrel between allusion to it in a letter from Camden.
 
 xxvi INTRODUCTION 
 
 for the Empire, prevailed on Pitt to appoint Charles Towns- 
 hend as his Chancellor of the Exchequer. For a time the 
 process of forming a Ministry went on smoothly. Pitt was 
 resolved to depend on no group or family connexion. He 
 brought into office only four followers of his own, Grafton, 
 Shelburne, Camden, and Bristol. Of these the first two were, 
 as his correspondence shows, devoted lieutenants, and Camden 
 was a creditable and popular Chancellor. There was no 
 desire to displace the main body of the former Ministry, but 
 Rockingham and his following chose to consider themselves 
 aggrieved by their supersession. Rockingham treated Pitt 
 with marked rudeness \ Dowdeswell declined the place 
 which was offered to him. Egmont, Lord John Cavendish 
 and some others resigned. Then Pitt, to the dismay of his 
 colleagues, became Earl of Chatham, and lost thereby the 
 devotion of his countrymen, as well as the control of the 
 House of Commons. 
 
 Two great sources of weakness soon became apparent in 
 the Ministry. 
 
 It was extraordinarily deficient for purposes of manage- 
 ment and debate in the House of Commons. Conway, who led 
 the House, was honourable and amiable, a hero of romance 
 on the battle-field, in the political arena timid and vacillating, 
 and yet opinionated. But the virtuous incapacity of Conway 
 was wisdom itself compared to the Puck-like vagaries of the 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer. To Charles Townshend the 
 emoluments of office were the only serious part of politics. 
 Where these were concerned he was anxious and oppressed : 
 apart from these, such matters as the character of his col- 
 leagues, the finances of the kingdom, the loyalty of our 
 colonial dependencies, were trifles with which he dealt more 
 as though he were an actor in a charade than a statesman 
 responsible for the well-being of an empire. 
 1 See Autobiography, 95, and note.
 
 INTRODUCTION xxvn 
 
 But a more serious source of weakness was the difficulty 
 which Pitt experienced in dealing with men and attending 
 to the details necessary for making and working a Ministry. 
 As a great war minister he had been a dictator in large 
 matters of policy. The business of management for every- 
 day purposes of government had been taken off his hands. 
 In those days too men of experience were about him : 
 Newcastle and Hardwicke were ' old Parliamentary hands,' 
 and knew how the necessary jobs should be done : Legge 
 was an efficient and tried financier. Now he had to deal 
 with a set of recruits, for Grafton and Shelburne, though 
 capable and devoted to their leader, had little experience, 
 nor was Camden of much account in politics. Grafton tells 
 us that Pitt was in the habit of forming grandiose designs, 
 and expecting that every one would assist him to carry them 
 out, but he did not take the trouble to conciliate those 
 whom he relied upon to help him. Thus he was led into a 
 series of blunders, not the least of which was the alienation 
 of such of the Rockingham Whigs as had retained office 
 under him. Even Conway, the leader of the Commons, 
 received little of his confidence, and was with difficulty in- 
 duced to continue at his post. 
 
 After the Autumn Session of 1766 Chatham returned to 
 Bath, and from that time forth he ceased to take any part 
 in the affairs of his Ministry. The disastrous malady which 
 befell him must leave it for ever doubtful whether he could 
 have succeeded, by the force of his genius and the splendour 
 of his name, in controlling the diverse elements of which his 
 Ministry was compacted. 
 
 The Autobiography tells in simple language the story of 
 Chatham's deserted followers. In the first months of 1767 
 king and ministers continued to urge the Prime Minister to 
 communicate, in some form or other, some hints for the 
 guidance of his colleagues. The answers were all of the same
 
 xxvm INTRODUCTION 
 
 tenour. Chatham could offer neither advice nor consolation. 
 The painful interview which Grafton obtained after much 
 solicitation, at the end of May, resulted only in entreaties to 
 him to retain office, and suggestions that aid might be sought 
 from the Duke of Bedford and his following-. 
 
 In June the Ministry seemed on the point of breaking up. 
 Conway, ill-suited to his office, and distracted between Horace 
 Walpole, who wanted him to hold on, and the Cavendishes, 
 who pressed him to resign, had informed the king that he 
 must retire. Northington's health was breaking. Townshend 
 asked for some evidence of the stability of the Ministry, and 
 Grafton could furnish none \ 
 
 In June negotiations were commenced with the Rockingham 
 party, and Rockingham endeavoured to form a junction of 
 all the Whig families. Bedford and his following were pre- 
 pared to come into the arrangement, but they had renewed 
 their connexion with Temple and George Grenville, and this 
 proved fatal to the scheme of reunion. The Bedford and 
 Rockingham parties held a great meeting at the house of the 
 Duke of Newcastle on July 20, where Bedford spoke for the 
 Grenvilles, who were absent. 
 
 Bedford, on behalf of the Grenvilles, called on Rockingham 
 for a declaration of his American policy. This Rockingham 
 denounced as ' a trap V Then Bedford claimed the leader- 
 ship of the House of Commons for Grenville ; Rockingham 
 desired to retain Conway. So the meeting broke up without 
 issue. 
 
 Rockingham and Bedford met on the following day, but the 
 question of the leadership again proved fatal. Bedford offered 
 
 The king to Chatham {Chatham ingham's objection seems absurd, but 
 
 Correspondence, iii. 275). he was evidently, for all his honesty, 
 
 2 Bedford Correspondence, iii. 383, a very dull man, with no conception of 
 
 384; Rockingham Memoirs, ii. 51. a general policy beyond the restoration 
 
 Considering the importance of the of the Whig families as a check on 
 
 American question at this time, Rock- royal power.
 
 INTRODUCTION xxix 
 
 to accept Dowdeswell as leader, but Rockingham, who was 
 in communication with the king through the agency of 
 Grafton and Conway, must have felt that he could hardly 
 displace both ; that Conway might resent the substitution 
 of Dowdeswell for himself, and that, if the Grenvilles and 
 Bedford held together and the union of the Whig families 
 was to be effected, George Grenville must inevitably lead the 
 House. On this point the negotiation failed. 
 
 Then Charles Townshend died, and Lord North, succeeding 
 to his place, displayed an unexpected power of managing the 
 House of Commons, and an unhappy readiness to adapt his 
 opinions to those of the king. At the end of the year arrange- 
 ments were concluded with the Bedford party, and though 
 the Duke took no office, his followers were admitted to places. 
 No more unfortunate alliance could have been made. The 
 residue of Chatham's Ministry had, at any rate, some notion 
 of the mode in which Chatham had proposed to treat Indian, 
 American, and Irish affairs : the Rockingham party, incom- 
 petent as they were, desired honestly to govern well ; the 
 Grenvilles had a definite, though probably a mistaken policy 
 of colonial government ; but the followers of Bedford had no 
 political opinions except that office was desirable, and together 
 with North, they were ready to do as the king wished. 
 Possibly this very indeterminateness of political opinion may 
 have commended them to Chatham, who liked his following 
 to be servants or disciples. To Grafton, whose fault was 
 infirmity of purpose, the admission of these men to office- 
 brought the failure and the discredit which is associated, and 
 rightly, with what was henceforth the Grafton Ministry. 
 
 The rest of the story of that Ministry is told in the Auto- 
 biography ; there is no need to follow in detail the history of 
 the gradual strengthening of royal power and influence, which 
 for the next fifteen years was to prove so fruitful in disaster 
 to the country.
 
 xxx INTRODUCTION 
 
 The Ministry is known mainly by the incidents of the 
 Middlesex election, by the taxation of the American colonies, 
 and by the invectives of Junius. 
 
 The affair of the Middlesex election was allowed by the 
 weakness of the Ministry and the rancorous obstinacy of the 
 king to grow, from a matter which merely concerned the 
 privileges of the House of Commons, into a serious attack on 
 electoral rights. The vacillations of Camden afford some 
 excuse for Grafton, so far as the legal aspect of the case is 
 concerned. But he ought to have seen that when members 
 or supporters of the Ministry moved the resolutions by which 
 Wilkes was expelled and the votes of the Middlesex electors 
 set aside, the Ministry itself became responsible for the action 
 of the House of Commons. 
 
 The account given by Grafton of the way in which he was 
 outvoted on the question of the duties imposed on the colonies, 
 reads strangely at the present day. But the conception of 
 a Prime Minister, as we understand the term, is barely a 
 hundred years old, and may be said to date from the time of 
 the younger Pitt. It is clear that Grafton never regarded 
 himself as Prime Minister in the sense that he was responsible 
 for the policy of the Ministry. He held the most important 
 office in the Government, one which was supposed to carry 
 with it the first place in the king's confidence, and the re- 
 sponsibility for seeing that there was a Ministry of some sort 
 to carry on the business of the country : but this was all. 
 The idea of resigning because he was outvoted in his own 
 Cabinet on a question to which he attached great importance, 
 does not seem to have occurred to him. And indeed it is 
 rare, throughout the last century, that a minister should resign 
 because he could not agree with his colleagues on a definite 
 political issue. Ministers waited to be turned out, or resigned 
 from personal reasons because their friends were turned out ; 
 or because, in the language of the time, they ' found the ground
 
 INTRODUCTION xxxi 
 
 insecure.' The retirement of Pitt and Temple in 1761, on the 
 question of the Spanish war, stands out as a rare instance 
 of a political opinion held strongly enough to compensate for 
 the loss of office. The American war produced a few such 
 resignations, Grafton's (in 1775) among the number; but in 
 1769 precedents would have been hard to find. 
 
 It is remarkable that, throughout the Autobiography, no 
 allusion is made to the letters of Junius : indeed, from one 
 end to another of the memoir there is not an ill-natured 
 word said of any contemporary. Whether this was due to 
 a natural careless magnanimity of temper which led Grafton 
 to disregard all personal attacks, or whether to the deep re- 
 ligious feeling which came over him during the last twenty- 
 five years of his life ; it is in keeping with his strange silence 
 concerning the savage attacks of the unknown writer. 
 
 It is now commonly assumed that Sir Philip Francis, who 
 was at this time a clerk in the War Office, was the author of 
 the letters. Macaulay was sure of it, for five reasons. Sir 
 George Trevelyan is sure of it, probably because Macaulay 
 was sure. A biography of Francis has been composed by 
 Messrs. Parkes and Merivale, of which the first volume is 
 mainly composed of assumptions and of arguments founded 
 on assumptions, to the effect that Francis wrote the letters 
 of Junius and a good deal else besides. The handwriting of 
 Francis has been compared with that of the letters, and 
 Francis has been convicted on the evidence of experts. 
 
 And yet it is impossible to read these letters and not to 
 feel that they suggest an intimacy with the higher walks of 
 political life, and a knowledge of the persons concerned, which 
 could hardly have been acquired or affected by a clerk in the 
 War Office, living, as Francis evidently lived, in common- 
 place if not vulgar surroundings. Nor does anything in the 
 career of Francis explain the savage ferocity of the attacks 
 made by Junius upon the Dukes of Grafton and Bedford. 
 
 c
 
 xxxii INTRODUCTION 
 
 The extraordinary superficial resemblance between the 
 delicate and characteristic handwriting of Lady Temple and 
 that of the Junian MSS. may perhaps be disregarded in 
 deference to the evidence of experts 1 . But if, besides the 
 letters of Junius, the mass of pre-Junian controversial litera- 
 ture is considered, including the Candor and Anti Sejanus 
 papers, attributed by Messrs. Parkes and Merivale to Junius 
 and therefore to Francis, it will be observed that there is 
 a curious correspondence between the tone taken towards 
 Pitt, both before and after his acceptance of a peerage, and 
 the varying relations of Temple to his distinguished brother- 
 in-law. 
 
 I will not disturb the ashes of the Junius controversy 
 except to express a conviction that whatever part Francis 
 may have played in the composition of these letters, Temple 
 directed their policy, supplied much of their information, and 
 may conceivably have polished their invective. And it is the 
 invective and nothing else that has made the letters famous. 
 Of political wisdom there is little, if any ; where the writer is 
 maintaining a political opinion or a constitutional right, he 
 seldom rises above the level of a clever advocate ; but when 
 character is to be assailed, the polish of his weapon shines 
 forth and its cruel edge ; and the sentences rise to the splendour 
 of rhythm and balance, which have made Junius an English 
 classic. And thus Grafton appears to all time as depicted in 
 the tremendous apostrophe : ' Sullen and severe without 
 religion, profligate without gaiety, you may live like Charles II, 
 without being an amiable companion, and for aught I know 
 may die as his father did, without the reputation of a 
 martyr.' 
 
 If we suppose that Temple was the guiding spirit of Junius, 
 the excessive animosity to Grafton is explained. Grafton, 
 
 1 The handwriting of Junius profes- With preface and collateral evidence. 
 sionally investigated. By W. C. Chabot. By the Hon. E. Twisleton.
 
 INTRODUCTION xxxm 
 
 and Conway whom Grafton brought into Parliament, had 
 been the mainstay of the weak Rockingham Ministry which 
 ousted George Grenville at the moment that Temple had 
 become reconciled to his brother. When the Rockingham 
 Ministry collapsed, and Pitt was requested to form a Ministry, 
 he invited Temple to become First Lord of the Treasury. 
 Temple thinking that Pitt, as on previous occasions, would be 
 unable to do without him, demanded a larger share in the 
 arrangement of offices than Pitt was willing to grant. Pitt 
 broke with Temple and turned to Grafton. When Grafton 
 hesitated, Pitt said that if the Duke failed him his Ministry 
 was at an end : the acceptance of Grafton made it possible 
 for Pitt to take office without Temple. 
 
 Bedford, too, had been closely associated with Temple in the 
 negotiations for a re-union of the Whig families, which took 
 place in the summer of 1767. This was natural since Bedford 
 had been a prominent figure in the Ministry of George Gren- 
 ville. And so, when Bedford allowed his followers to reinforce 
 the tottering Grafton Ministry in the winter of 1767-8, the 
 bitter jealous spirit of Temple might well regard this not only 
 as a disappointment, but as a betrayal. 
 
 There was no conceivable reason why a clerk in the War 
 Office should have regarded either Grafton or Bedford with 
 peculiar malignity, nor is there anything in the relations of 
 Francis with the politics of the time to explain the calculated 
 malevolence of the letters addressed to these men. To strike 
 at them as Junius struck, needed a motive ; Temple, whose life 
 was passed in political intrigue, had a motive ; and had, more- 
 over, the sort of temper which would not be gainsaid by 
 considerations of charity or even of decency. 
 
 We may dismiss Junius with a regret that the Duke of 
 Grafton should not have thought it worth while to hazard 
 a surmise as to the identity of his libeller. In truth the blows 
 directed at Grafton were not well aimed. If Junius had pos- 
 
 c 2
 
 xxxiv INTRODUCTION 
 
 sessed real insight he might have laid his finger on the sources 
 of Grafton's weakness as a Prime Minister. 
 
 There can be no doubt that Grafton allowed hunting and 
 racing to occupy more of his time than was suitable or con- 
 venient in his high office. We read of a Cabinet meeting 
 specially summoned by the Prime Minister and then not 
 attended by him, in consequence of some engrossing interest 
 at Newmarket. No doubt, too, his domestic affairs were 
 somewhat distracting at a critical period, during the first six 
 months of 1769. But the secret of his ill-success lies some- 
 what deeper. 
 
 Shelburne, difficult as he was to work with, was a man of 
 great ability, and an acute, though not always an accurate, 
 student of character. He had a good opportunity of taking 
 the measure of Grafton, and in a phrase he has touched 
 precisely the weakness of his colleague's political character. 
 
 Talking to Fox, at, or soon after, the time that Fox seceded 
 from his Ministry, Shelburne said to him, ' It was very pro- 
 voking, I must own, for you to see Lord Camden and the 
 Duke of Grafton come down with their lounging opinions, to 
 outvote you in the Cabinet V 
 
 The words express very happily the quality of the Duke's 
 political convictions ; they were, as we can see from his auto- 
 biography, those of an advanced liberal, more suited in many 
 respects to a follower of Cobden than to a disciple of Chatham, 
 far removed certainly from those of the aristocratic Whigs, of 
 Rockingham, and the Cavendishes. But, either these opinions 
 were not formulated so as to be fit for expression in action, 
 or, if so formulated, the Duke shrank from putting them into 
 force when the moment for action came. 
 
 The most conspicuous illustration of this infirmity of purpose 
 is afforded by his policy in respect to the American colonies. 
 Here he had not only the force of strong personal conviction 
 
 1 Memorials of C.J. Fox, i. 454.
 
 INTRODUCTION xxxv 
 
 to move him to decided action, but the knowledge that 
 Chatham, who had formed the Ministry of which Grafton was 
 left in charge, was profoundly opposed to the taxation of the 
 colonies. He must have known also that if he had announced 
 to his colleagues that he would resign unless his opinion was 
 allowed to prevail, the majority must almost inevitably have 
 given way. It was not want of conviction, but weakness of 
 will, that made him accept with a grudging assent the adverse 
 decision of a majority of one. 
 
 The same features mark his subsequent career. He accepted 
 office under Lord North in 1 771, in the hope that his influence 
 might be of use in obtaining concessions on behalf of the 
 colonies. But though he held a Cabinet office he begged to 
 be excused from attendance at Cabinet meetings, and, as 
 a matter of course, a man who declined responsibility could 
 not expect to exercise influence. His ' lounging opinions ' had 
 little effect on his colleagues, and absolutely none upon the 
 king. 
 
 It was unfortunate that North did not offer him, in the 
 beginning of i77i,the post which he would undoubtedly have 
 accepted — that of First Lord of the Admiralty. He was 
 interested in the navy ; his father had been a promising naval 
 officer, and he had some definite views x as to the manage- 
 ment of the Admiralty. But George III disliked having Lord 
 Sandwich about him as Secretary of State, and so, when 
 Hawke retired, Sandwich was moved to the Admiralty ; the 
 comparative fitness of one man or another for a great ad- 
 ministrative post was a matter of indifference to a king who 
 desired to manage everything himself. Thus Grafton lost the 
 chance of showing what he could do as an administrator. It 
 was unfortunate for him, and also for the country. The 
 hopeless mismanagement of the Admiralty under Sandwich 
 is only one instance of the administrative incapacity of the 
 
 1 Autobiography, p. 259.
 
 xxxvi INTRODUCTION 
 
 Government of Lord North, but it was the chief cause of our 
 failure in the unhappy war in which we had to face, not only 
 our American colonies, but the combined powers of Europe. 
 The change which came over the fortunes of the war when, 
 after the fall of North, Keppel succeeded Sandwich at the 
 Admiralty, is a significant comment on the previous conduct 
 of affairs. 
 
 As it was, Grafton held the office of Lord Privy Seal for 
 nearly four years, until it was forced upon him that good 
 advice and sound opinions are of little value when offered to 
 those who are unwilling to receive them, and cannot be 
 made to attend to them. He resigned in 1775, and at once 
 took an active and useful part in opposition. 
 
 When the Whigs returned to office in 1782, Grafton became, 
 once more, Lord Privy Seal in the Rockingham Ministry. 
 The disunion of this Ministry is often attributed to the 
 insincerity of Shelburne, and to his attempts to secure and 
 use the favour of the king at the expense of his colleagues : 
 but the Ministry was, in truth, a coalition of the Chathamite 
 and Rockingham Whigs, and contained various elements of 
 discord. It was the nature of Shelburne to distrust his 
 associates and to play for his own hand, and the exaggerated 
 politeness of manner, which ill concealed the low opinion he 
 formed of his colleagues, was not calculated to smooth over 
 differences or win confidence. Fox, as his father's son, had 
 an hereditary grudge against Shelburne, and the methods and 
 dispositions of the two men were so dissimilar that they were 
 not likely to work together. 
 
 But the two sections of the party differed in this, that the 
 reduction of the king's power and influence was the end and 
 aim of the Rockingham Whigs. While they thought that 
 George III exercised any control in the choice of his 
 ministers, or had any voice in the determination of policy, 
 they were uneasy in their places.
 
 INTRODUCTION xxxvii 
 
 Shelburne, who, with Grafton, Camden and Dunning, 
 represented the following of Chatham, were disposed to 
 allow to the king some place in the working of the Constitu- 
 tion. George III was quick to see the rift in the apparently- 
 united Whig Government, and he took full advantage of the 
 differences of its members. From the first he gave his 
 confidence, or appeared to give his confidence, to Shelburne, 
 though Rockingham was ostensibly Prime Minister, and with 
 Thurlow, the Tory Chancellor, in the Cabinet, business never 
 was allowed to work easily. 
 
 It must be confessed that Grafton did not help to smooth 
 the difficulties of the Ministry. He had come to adopt the 
 attitude, so unsatisfactory in a colleague, of the critic who 
 finds fault with everything, and yet suggests nothing at all, or 
 nothing to the point. Fox, who seems to have been really 
 attached to him, complains of this in the discussions in the 
 Cabinet on Burke's bill, saying that ' he was rather hostile, 
 though professing right principles in the strongest terms, but 
 full of little projects of his own, and troublesome in the 
 extreme.' 
 
 When Rockingham died, and many of his adherents, in 
 company with Fox, broke away from Shelburne, Grafton 
 retained his office, and gave Shelburne his support. But the 
 support was given grudgingly, and it is unsatisfactory to see 
 how little sense of the relative importance of things is shown 
 in the Duke's complaints of his leader. 
 
 The proposed cession of Gibraltar to Spain was one of the 
 matters in which he was opposed to Shelburne, but the 
 admission of the Duke of Rutland to the Cabinet, without 
 the previous assent of the other Cabinet ministers, seems to 
 him to be a more serious ground of complaint, and most 
 serious of all was the refusal of Shelburne to promote Bishop 
 Minchcliffc to the See of Salisbury. It was characteristic of 
 his temper that, though always on the point of resigning, he
 
 xxxviii INTRODUCTION 
 
 held office until the Coalition Government of Fox and North 
 was actually formed. Of that coalition he takes a reasonable 
 view, which comes out in his conversation with Fox l , that in 
 the existing state of parties, and with the American question 
 practically disposed of, some combination with the followers 
 of North was inevitable, and that the serious objection to the 
 junction of Fox and North was the personal discredit which 
 it brought upon the two leaders. 
 
 His political career was now at an end ; the half-hearted 
 offers made to him by Pitt mark its close. Pitt may well 
 have thought that Grafton would bring no great accession of 
 strength to his Ministry, and that in securing Camden he had 
 secured the Parliamentary support of Grafton. This was not 
 invariably the case, as appeared when Pitt brought us to the 
 verge of war with Russia : but Grafton's attitude to politics 
 had by this time become that of a bystander. Country pur- 
 suits had always possessed a strong attraction for him, and 
 for the last five-and-twenty years of his life theological inte- 
 rests engrossed him : from his own sketch of his political 
 career, it seems tolerably clear that he had no liking at any 
 time for the practical work of politics, and that a sense of 
 duty alone brought him from his hounds and his farms to 
 office or to the House of Lords. 
 
 This want of genuine interest in politics, coupled with his 
 want of clearness in forming, and firmness in enforcing, his 
 convictions, combine to make him the ineffectual figure which 
 he appears in our history. So he is represented in Walpole's 
 Memoirs, vehement in the purpose of the moment, and yet 
 unstable, wanting to get business done, and to get away into 
 the country ; trying this man and that, without much thought 
 of their capacities or power of working together, if somehow 
 he could patch up a Ministry. So, too, he appears in later 
 memoirs, and in his own account of himself, with right prin- 
 
 1 Autobiography, p. 375.
 
 INTRODUCTION xxxix 
 
 ciples of a very general character, and captious doubts and 
 hesitations to which he could give as little effect as to his 
 larger views. 
 
 But though we may point out easily enough his short- 
 comings as a statesman, it is only fair to the Duke of Grafton 
 that, looking back on his political career as a whole, we should 
 recognize the honesty of purpose and the sense of public duty 
 with which it was inspired. He did not enjoy the business of 
 office, and he did not care for its emoluments ; he had no 
 ambition to make a great figure in history, nor any sordid 
 purpose of finding places or fortunes for his family and friends, 
 yet he was prepared to play his part in office or in opposition 
 for the service of his country and, according to his lights, for 
 the maintenance of certain principles of government which he 
 believed to be sound and right. Such characters were not 
 common in the eighteenth century. Nor can we say that at 
 any period of history is it easy to find the generous treatment 
 of contemporaries which the Duke of Grafton, buffeted and 
 maligned as he was by storms of adverse criticism, shows 
 when, in the autumn of life, he wrote down his recollections of 
 his career. Chatham, in the last interview which he accorded 
 to Grafton before the cloud of illness wholly overshadowed 
 him, exhorted the Duke to retain office, and counselled an 
 alliance with the Bedford Whigs. In both matters the advice 
 was taken, but when Chatham recovered he denounced the 
 Duke, in language wholly unjustified by anything that had 
 passed, as a traitor to himself and to the liberties of his 
 country : yet Grafton only expresses surprise and regret, and 
 a cordial satisfaction when, near the close of Chatham's life, 
 their friendly relations were restored. Camden held office 
 with Grafton until Chatham re-appeared on the scene, and 
 then, with an undignified self-abasement, which must have 
 made his desertion doubly irritating, expressed in public his 
 regret for the share he had taken in the policy of his colleagues.
 
 xl INTRODUCTION 
 
 Yet Grafton welcomed the first signs of returning friendship 
 on the part of Camden, and seemed hardly to think that there 
 was anything to forgive. The two men had much in common. 
 Their political principles were admirable, but each needed a 
 leader ; they found one in Chatham, but from the time of his 
 disappearance from the political scene they seem to have 
 leaned on one another. Grafton was the younger, and perhaps 
 the more vigorous in action ; Camden had the more cultivated 
 intelligence. There is something pathetic in the life-long 
 friendship of these two forlorn disciples of Chatham. 
 
 In his later years Grafton drifted away from his first faith 
 under the influence of another master-spirit. Fox and 
 Grafton had always lived in friendship, though they had not 
 always agreed in politics, but towards the close of the century 
 Grafton's deepening sense of the horrors of war, and his 
 strong dislike to the repressive measures at home, which 
 were thought to be a necessary safeguard against the revolu- 
 tionary propaganda of France, brought him more closely into 
 accord with the policy of Fox. And thus, by a strange 
 revolution of feeling and opinion, Grafton, who opened his 
 political career as an opponent of the peace of Paris, a 
 devoted supporter of the bold Imperialism of the elder Pitt, 
 ends his autobiography with regrets that public feeling 
 cannot be brought round to the anti-national, peace-at- 
 any-price policy of Fox, and that the younger Pitt is still 
 encouraged in his resistance to France, and his efforts on 
 behalf of the freedom of England and of Europe. 
 
 The religious inquiries which seem to have engrossed him 
 after his retirement in 17H3, and determined him in the 
 acceptance of the Unitarian creed and form of worship 
 may to some extent account for some characteristics of his 
 reminiscences. But the reader of history who knows the 
 Duke of Grafton mainly through the Letters of Junius or 
 the Memoirs of Horace Walpole, may well be surprised at
 
 INTRODUCTION xli 
 
 the liberality of opinion, the sombre gravity of treatment, 
 and the kindliness in the estimate of others which mark 
 the Autobiography. 
 
 For the division of the Autobiography into chapters I am 
 responsible, and also for the selection of the letters which 
 are inserted at the close of some of the chapters. 
 
 W. R. A. 
 All Souls College, 
 August, 1898.
 
 Autobiography and Correspondence 
 
 of 
 
 Augustus Henry, Duke of Grafton 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 AUTOBIOGRAPHY. 1 735-1 765 
 
 Ocf. 9 th , 1804, 
 
 My dear Euston, 
 
 The interest you appeared to take, and the earnestness 
 with which you perused the political letters and papers, 
 which I put into your hands last winter, have convinced me, 
 that I ought, long since, to have arranged all the important 
 papers on public transactions and concerns, that are in my 
 possession, into some connected order. With this object in 
 view, and with a desire that, after my death, they should 
 come under public inspection, I have undertaken the work 
 which I hope will not be unwelcome to you now, as forming 
 a kind of memoir of my life ; and hereafter possibly gratify 
 the curiosity of an historian by a relation of those occur- 
 rences, which came within the circle of those years, in which 
 I was most concerned : I foresee, that I shall have perpetually 
 to insert whole letters, as well as other authentic documents : 
 these alone arc calculated to render such a memoir acceptable; 
 and as I trust, will not bring reproach on a parent, whose 
 character, I well know, in every instance, you would rejoice 
 to support. 
 
 The weight on my spirits, caused by the late melancholy 
 
 B
 
 2 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1804 
 
 losses of members of our family 1 , the recollection of whose 
 long sufferings is constantly reverting to my mind in spite 
 of every effort to draw comfort from reflection, has furnished 
 an additional incitement to me to sit down to some serious 
 task : Not knowing where to attain this object better, 
 I adopted this, hoping to derive relief and probably some 
 satisfaction from the occupation. 
 
 If I am led to say more of myself, than appears to be 
 becoming ; let it be remembered, that it is unavoidable in 
 a narrative of this nature : for it is founded, in its most 
 interesting periods, on the relation of transactions where 
 I was necessarily a principal actor. 
 
 The too good opinion also of my friends, discovered in 
 their letters, — friends, some of whom were of the best and 
 greatest characters, must naturally be very flattering : but let 
 me not be reckoned so vain as to imagine that I was entitled 
 to what their kind partiality inclined them to express. 
 
 It is always most pleasing to read what we know to be 
 true : and without further and unnecessary profession, allow 
 me to add only that, at the proper day, when the public 
 eye may be called to the examination of every circumstance 
 herein contained, I feel a pleasure in foreseeing that justice 
 will be done to the memoir on this head. Adhering to this 
 declaration, and considering the importance and authenticity 
 of the materials furnished for the building, I trust that I have 
 not gone too far, when I say, that these alone, however unably 
 they may be handled, may possibly produce a work not 
 unacceptable to the accurate and curious historian. 
 
 Entering this day into the seventieth year of my life, 
 I am more particularly led to offer up my unfeigned thanks 
 to the great and merciful Author of my being, the benevolent 
 Governor of the universe, that I am allowed to apply to this 
 undertaking under as few of the infirmities of age as fall to 
 the lot of most men. May I ever be truly grateful for all 
 
 ' The Duke had recently lost two died May 28, 1803 ; Lady Harriott 
 daughters — Lady Caroline Fitz-Koy, Fitz-Roy, April 14, 1804.
 
 CH. I] EARLY LIFE 3 
 
 the blessings which I am still permitted by a kind Providence 
 to enjoy! May I never, dum spiritus hos regit artus, be 
 deprived of that greatest of comforts which I have in seeing 
 yourself, and so many of my amiable and excellent young 
 people about me ! 
 
 The early loss of my own father, Lord Augustus Fitz Roy *, 
 who commanding the Orford at the Siege of Carthagena 1741 
 was attacked there by the' malignant fever, of which he died, 
 naturally turned my brother and myself over to the care 
 of my grand-father ; and deprived us of the great advantages 
 we might have derived from the presence, advice, and 
 example of a parent, who, had he lived, would probably 
 have been as distinguished a character in the civil, as he 
 had shown that he was in the military line. 
 
 The education, however, that I received was liberal, under 
 the worthy Mr. Newcome 2 , at Hackney School; and after- 
 wards at Peter-house, Cambridge, where M r . Stonhewer 3 was 
 my private tutor. Here commenced my knowledge of this 
 gentleman, whom you all with great reason respect and love ; 
 and who stands in no want of the voice of any advocate to 
 sound his praise : for to his merits the world universally 
 subscribe. But it is pleasing to reflect that he and I have 
 lived for fifty-three years in the most uninterrupted attach- 
 ment, confidence, and friendship for each other. 
 
 Leaving this seat of learning 1753, with the reputation 
 of a fair progress for my age, I set out for the Continent, 
 accompanied by Mons r . Alleon, a Genevois, a real gentle- 
 man, and a man of great honor, with much knowledge of 
 the world ; but who was more fitted to form the polite man 
 than to assist, or encourage any progress in literary pursuits. 
 
 1 Lord Augustus Fitz-Roy, born Oct. than eighty years of the last century, 
 
 1716, a promising naval officer, who under three generations of Newcomes. 
 
 had commanded several ships of war 3 Stonhewer, the friend of Gray, 
 
 between 1735 and 1741. He married Mason, and of Horace Walpole, in 
 
 Elizabeth, daughter of Colonel Cosby, whose correspondence his name fre- 
 
 in 1734. At the time of his death he quently appears. He was afterwards 
 
 was M.P. for Thctford. private secretary to the Duke of 
 
 1 Hackney School flourished for more Grafton. 
 
 13 2
 
 4 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1753 
 
 However, I by no means neglected the little I had attained : 
 and a natural inclination leading me to history, and to study 
 those principles of government which were ever present to 
 my mind from the time I first read the sound system of 
 M r . Locke, I lost no opportunity of improving myself in that 
 science, on which the most essential interests of mankind in 
 this world depend. 
 
 In this tour, we stretched down as far as Naples, and 
 passing through the South of France, making a second stay 
 at Geneva, we visited Switzerland, a very small part of 
 Germany, and turned, through Holland, back by Flanders 
 to Paris, with the intention of making a longer abode in 
 that city, than we were afterwards enabled to accomplish. 
 Our stay at Paris, and Fontainbleau, however, was not less 
 than five months : and I had, thro' the means of L d . Albe- 
 marle x , our ambassador, in whose family I was intimate, 
 the opportunity of seeing the best company at Paris, which 
 I cultivated much to my satisfaction. 
 
 Before I left France, there was full reason to expect that 
 the disputes and jealousies then subsisting between the two 
 Courts regarding their boundaries on the back settlements 
 of the colonies and near the Ohio were increasing every day, 
 and likely to terminate in a rupture. 
 
 On my return to London, I found the various parties of 
 political men ambitiously struggling to advance their own 
 power and that of their friends, and appearing to be less 
 attentive to the state of the nation. From the late death of the 
 respectable M r . Pelham 2 strong contentions had taken place 
 between those statesmen who were entitled to have the lead. 
 
 Notwithstanding this state of things the Duke of Newcastle 
 
 1 William Anne, second Earl of under him. He knew the details of 
 
 Albemarle, born 1702; died 1754; parliamentary management, was a good 
 
 married Lady Anne Lennox, daughter man of business, and ' without being 
 
 of the first Duke of Richmond (see an orator, or having the finest parts, 
 
 Walpole, Letters, iii. 320). no man in the House of Commons 
 
 1 Henry Pelham, died on March 6, argued with more weight, or was heard 
 
 1754. Whigs of all sections of the with more attention' (Waldegrave, 
 
 party had combined to serve quietly Memoirs, 18).
 
 ch. i] NEWCASTLE, PITT, AND FOX 5 
 
 was still the Minister : because he was supported by the body 
 of Whigs 1 ; and he secured this preference by the confidence 
 they had in the sincerity of his principles, and the dis- 
 interestedness of his character. Obligations for favors past 
 bound some, but the power actually placed with him enticed 
 more, to declare for the Government under his Ministry. The 
 confidence, however, which had been shewn by the city of 
 London in the administration of the two brothers was by no 
 means the same, when the Duke of Newcastle had patched 
 up a weak Cabinet including neither of the two most dis- 
 tinguished statesmen of the time 2 . M r . William Pitt and 
 Mr. Henry Fox were both men of considerable penetration, 
 sound judgement, manly understanding, and great ability. 
 Fox derived the influence he possessed not only from the 
 favor of the Duke of Cumberland, but also from the weight 
 he had with many of the first and most powerful families in 
 the kingdom : the Dukes of Bedford, Marlborough, Richmond, 
 Bridgwater, the Marquis of Hartington, with all the Caven- 
 dishes, Lords Gower, Sandwich, Weymouth, and many others, 
 were reckoned to be of this number. On the side of M r . Pitt, 
 
 1 ' They (the Whigs) have not always House of Commons without a leader, 
 been united in one body, under one and Newcastle could not bear to entrust 
 general, like a regular and well-dis- to any one the powers which his 
 ciplined army: but may more aptly brother had exercised. Fox was invited 
 be compared to an alliance of different to become Secretary of State, and to 
 clans, fighting in the same cause, manage the business of Government in 
 professing the same principles, but the House of Commons. This he was 
 influenced and guided by their different ready to do without the control of the 
 chieftains (Waldegrave, Memoirs, 20). Secret Service money, but he asked 
 
 2 Newcastle was Secretary of State that he might be informed how it was 
 at the time of Pelham's death, and he spent, so far as ' to enable him to speak 
 and Lord Hardwicke who acted in close to the members without appearing 
 concert were evidently anxious lest Fox ridiculous.' Newcastle refused this, 
 should succeed Pelham as First Lord of nor would he confide to Fox any of 
 the Treasury, and in this position control the ordinary details of parliamentary 
 the springs of parliamentary influence management (\\'a.\po\e,Afewoirs,i. 382). 
 
 nardwicke,/.?/l',vol.ii.5i2). TheCabi- So the negotiation broke off, and Sir 
 
 net was induced to impress upon the king Thomas Robinson became Secretary of 
 
 the importance of placing Newcastle at State, and the butt of Pitt's denuncia- 
 
 the Treasury, and treating him as Prime tion and Fox's raillery. The House of 
 
 Minister, and to this the king assented. Commons was left to manage itself. 
 But the death of Pelham left the
 
 6 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1755 
 
 his followers were few, nor did he pay court to any ; but his 
 pretensions stood on higher grounds, namely, the voice of 
 the nation, from a full persuasion of his eminent ability, as 
 well as his unbiassed attachment to the welfare of his country. 
 By a letter of the Duke of Newcastle to my grandfather 
 I have reason to think, that they both inclined to wish 
 M r . Pitt to be the man received into the Ministry, together 
 with his friends, in preference to his rival \ 
 
 Whether the Duke of Newcastle could have carried this 
 point or not I will not take upon me to assert ; but the power 
 of M r . Fox prevailed 2 , and he was entrusted to uphold that 
 Administration which S r . George Lyttleton 3 and S r . Thos. 
 Robinson were not able to defend 4 . 
 
 1 It is difficult to say in what direction 
 the jealous and vacillating temper of 
 Newcastle might not have veered from 
 day to day. Fox would be more ready 
 to give way to him on matters of general 
 policy than Pitt : on the other hand Fox 
 would be more likely to interfere with 
 the businessof patronage and corruption. 
 
 In April, 1754, Newcastle and Hard- 
 wicke assured Pitt that the king's 
 aversion was the reason for not offering 
 him high office ; but serious negotiations 
 with him did not begin until August, 
 1755, when he and Legge had entered 
 into friendly relations with Lord Bute 
 and the party of the Princess of Wales 
 and the heir to the throne. 
 
 In the meantime, in April, 1755, Fox 
 was admitted to the Cabinet, and places 
 were found for some of his friends. 
 Although this took place after friendly 
 communications between Fox and Pitt 
 ( Chatham Correspondence, i. 1 24 et sq.) 
 it caused a breach between the two, and 
 Pitt renounced further connexion with 
 Fox (Dodington's Diary, 319; Walpole, 
 Memoirs, ii. 37). Although Newcastle 
 had secured Fox and disunited him from 
 Pitt, the events of the summer of 1755 
 made him anxious to secure the aid of 
 Pitt. 
 
 2 The friendly relations established 
 between Pitt and the party of the 
 Princess and the young Prince of Wales ; 
 the commencement of war with France 
 in July ; the unpopularity of the sub- 
 sidies paid to foreign powers for the 
 protection of the King's Hanoverian 
 dominions, all these things combined 
 to induce Newcastle to make another 
 effort to gain Pitt. In August, 1755, 
 negotiations were re-opened through 
 Hardwicke, but Pitt declined to support 
 the subsidies i^Hardwicke's Life, iii. 28). 
 In September, Newcastle and Pitt 
 met, but with no better results ; Pitt 
 objected not only to the subsidies but 
 to the Duke's method of conducting the 
 business of Government, he demanded 
 to be ' not a secretary merely to write 
 letters according to order, or to talk 
 like a lawyer from a brief, but to be 
 really a minister' (Waldegrave, p. 45). 
 So in November, 1755, Pitt was dis- 
 missed from his office of Paymaster. 
 Fox became Secretary of State, and Sir 
 Thomas Robinson retired on a pension 
 of .£2,000 a year for thirty-one years 
 (Walpole, Memoirs, ii. 45). 
 
 3 George, the first Lord Lyttelton 
 (1 709-1773), vide infra, p. 47. 
 
 4 Thomas Robinson, the first Lord
 
 ch. i] MINISTRY OF THE DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE 7 
 
 However, this arrangement, tho' supported by M r . Fox's 
 talents as Secretary, did not enable the Duke of Newcastle to 
 stand his ground. The account of disasters and ill success 
 poured in from different quarters ; and in particular the ill- 
 planned, and worse conducted enterprize under Braddock who 
 fell himself in the action near Crown Point, a victim to his 
 own rashness, together with the feeble attempt of Admiral 
 Byng to relieve St. Philip's Castle in Minorca, raised loudly 
 the public cry against the Ministry, and encreased their un- 
 popularity to such a degree that they retired from office in 
 consequence, Nov 1 ., 1756 \. 
 
 The Duke of Newcastle was succeeded by the Duke of 
 Devonshire, who had an able Chancellor of the Exchequer in 
 M r . Legge 2 ; and M r . James Grenville 3 was also of this Board 
 of Treasury. Lord Temple became First Lord of the 
 Admiralty in the room of Lord Anson, and M r . Pitt was 
 Secretary of State. This Ministry was also of short duration ; 
 and, though composed of men much respected and approved 
 by the public, they were not equally fortunate in rendering 
 themselves acceptable in the closet. It was even said, and 
 I believe with much truth, that the old king could never be 
 brought to treat Lord Temple with common civility. The 
 engaging manners of M r . Pitt, on the other hand, softened 
 much those prejudices his Majesty had conceived against him 4 . 
 
 Grantham. He held various diplomatic wanted to be a peer of Great Britain, 
 
 appointments between 1723-1749, when He applied for aid to Lord Granville, 
 
 he returned to England and entered who said he 'would be hung before he 
 
 Parliament. He was raised to the became responsible for the Duke's 
 
 peerage 1761, and died in 1770. measures rather than after.' Finally 
 
 1 Fox found that Newcastle did not he resigned with Hardwicke, Anson, 
 
 trust him with the management of the and Fox in November, 1756. 
 
 House of Commons, and that the king 2 Henry Bilson Legge (1708-1764) 
 
 regarded him with ill-concealed dislike. sat for various constituencies from 1 740 
 
 He began to fear that he might be until his death, and enjoyed a high repu- 
 
 made the scape-goat of an incompetent tation as a financier. 
 
 Ministry, and he asked leave to resign 3 James Grenville (17 15-1783) was 
 
 in October, 1756. fourth son of Richard Grenville, and 
 
 Newcastle searched in vain for a brother of Lord Temple and George 
 
 Leader of the House of Commons. Grenville. 
 
 Pitt refused to act with him ; Egmont 4 Pitt seems to have bored the king
 
 8 
 
 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1756 
 
 The strongest debates of the Session of 1756 (the first in 
 which I sat in Parliament l ) were on the inquiry into the loss 
 of Minorca 2 . My vote was given with M r . Pitt, and with 
 a respectable minority ; but the defence of the last Cabinet 
 was espoused by the Court, as well as by the First Lord of 
 the Treasury, with all his friends. M r . Pitt, Lord Temple, 
 &c, soon after resigned their offices, and the nation was left 
 a considerable time under what was then styled an inter- 
 regnum. Indeed there was no minister, although the moment 
 called for the ablest. At length the impatient expectation of 
 the public was satisfied by the coalition 3 that took place ; 
 which was so comprehensive as to leave no room for dis- 
 content to be attended to in any quarter ; and the nation 
 
 without offending him, but Temple was 
 always pompous, prolix, and impertinent. 
 The Ministry however failed, not because 
 the king disliked its members, but 
 because it had no interest in the 
 boroughs, and no support in the House 
 of Commons (see Walpole to Mason, 
 Letters, iii. 44-48). 
 
 1 Lord Euston was elected for Bury 
 St. Edmunds in 1756, and sat for that 
 borough until the death of his grand- 
 father in May, 1757. 
 
 2 The debates on the inquiry into the 
 loss of Minorca did not begin till 
 April 19, 1757. Temple had been 
 dismissed on the 5th, and Pitt a day 
 later with his immediate followers 
 Legge, George Grenville, and Charles 
 Townshend. The immediate cause of 
 dismissal was the dislike of the Duke 
 of Cumberland to take the command of 
 the Electoral forces in Hanover while 
 Pitt was Secretary of State. 
 
 The debates to which the Duke 
 alludes ended a few days before the 
 death of his grandfather and his succes- 
 sion to the dukedom. 
 
 3 On the dismissal of Pitt in April, 
 1757, the king requested Newcastle to 
 form a Ministry, and he was empowered 
 to treat with Pitt. Pitt, however, would 
 
 not come to terms with Newcastle, and 
 the Duke was ready once more to 
 attempt to govern the country with 
 only a nominal leader of the House of 
 Commons (Walpole, Letters, iii. 78). 
 Lord Chesterfield now intervened at the 
 instance of Lord Bute and the party of 
 the Princess of Wales. He persuaded 
 Newcastle that it was to his interest 
 to keep on good terms with Pitt, who 
 in his turn had established friendly 
 relations with the party which sur- 
 rounded the heir to the throne. Thus 
 Newcastle and Pitt were brought to- 
 gether, but now the king resented this 
 new combination and induced Lord 
 Waldegrave to attempt the formation 
 of a Ministry. This attempt was 
 frustrated by Newcastle, who had many 
 friends in and out of office bound to 
 him by obligations or promises. These 
 with one consent refused or resigned 
 office, and Lord Waldegrave withdrew. 
 Then the king gave way and entrusted, 
 first, Lord Mansfield and then Lord 
 Hardwicke with powers to negotiate 
 with Pitt and Newcastle, stipulating 
 only that he should see as little as 
 possible of Temple, and that Fox should 
 be Paymaster. Thus was formed the 
 Ministry described in the text.
 
 ch. i] MINISTRY OF NEWCASTLE AND PITT 9 
 
 gave the new administration its fullest confidence. Indeed, 
 that of the houses of Parliament was so strongly marked that 
 every measure passed in houses much too thin. 
 
 M r . Pitt returned to the Seals of the Northern Department 
 — the Duke of Newcastle, with M r . Legge Chancellor of the 
 Exchequer, to the Treasury — Lord Temple became Privy 
 Seal — Lord Anson took up his former post 1 — and the Duke 
 of Devonshire 2 , with a seat at the Cabinet, Lord Chamberlain : 
 and I always understood, that the Earl of Hardwicke 3 , though 
 not in office, was called to the Cabinet. Lord Granville 4 pre- 
 sided at the head of the Council. If it be thought necessary 
 to go farther, I should mention that M r . Pratt, afterwards 
 Lord Camden, and M r . Chas. Yorke 5 , were Attorney and 
 Solicitor General. With such an Administration, backed by 
 the good-will of the nation so decidedly in their favor, public 
 affairs soon took a more successful turn. 
 
 Those persons who were not witnesses would hardly be 
 brought to credit the degree of despondency which, from some 
 time back till this moment, prevailed almost universally 
 through all ranks of people. I can never forget it, nor the 
 indignation with which I, as a young man, viewed an alarm so 
 foreign to the just character of the country. ' The contention 
 
 1 George Lord Anson, First Lord of regular political work. Nevertheless, 
 the Admiralty 1751-1756, and 1757- he says, on Aug. 27, 1757, 'I attended 
 1 762. a meeting of the king's servants ; ' and a 
 
 2 William, fourth Duke of Devon- little later, ' as I know there is to be 
 shire, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland 1755; a meeting of the king's servants, I have 
 First Lord of the Treasury 1756. The added my opinion' (Harris, Life of 
 circumstances of his retirement from Hardwicke, iii. 153, 156). 
 
 the post of Lord Chamberlain and from 4 John, Lord Carteret, and Earl of 
 
 all other offices are told later, p. 21. Granville, who for a brief period after 
 
 He died in the forty-fourth year of his Vv'alpole's fall was the ruling influence 
 
 age, at Spa, in 1764. in the Ministry which succeeded to 
 
 3 Lord Hardwicke seems to have power; he died 1763. 
 
 occupied the peculiar position, possible 5 Charles Yorke (1722-1770), second 
 
 during part of the last century, of a son of the first Lord Hardwicke. His 
 
 statesman holding cabinet rank, but not melancholy end is told later in the 
 
 habitually attendant at cabinet meetings. Memoir. There is an excellent account 
 
 After helping to arrange the Ministry of his character in Trevelyan's Early 
 
 he took no office, and retired from History of C.J. Fox at p. 233. 

 
 IO AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1757 
 
 with the power of France,' too many usually argued, ' was 
 vain and hopeless,' and that, ' if we could fortuitously hold up 
 against it for their own times, it would crown their highest 
 expectations.' No less striking, nor less wonderful was the 
 almost instantaneous turn from that dejection which the 
 nation soon demonstrated. M r . Pitt's spirit, vigour and per- 
 severance seemed to instill itself into the hearts of every 
 individual, as well as of those employed in both services, in 
 a manner more than natural, and this in every quarter of the 
 globe. The consequences were security at home, and as 
 complete success by sea and land as Britain has to boast. 
 
 About this time, my grandfather 1 , who had held for so many 
 years the Staff of Lord Chamberlain, and who had long been 
 the much honored friend of the late king, died in consequence 
 of a fall from his horse a hunting. I shall not attempt to 
 give you his full character, but I may say that few men have 
 ever been more agreeable in society, or surpassed him in the 
 knowledge of men, or in his brilliancy in company, which was 
 equally coveted by the young as by the older of his numerous 
 acquaintance. 
 
 The freedom with which he often delivered his opinions, 
 and even advice, to the king, encreased his royal master's 
 esteem. He would speak truths to His Majesty which others 
 did not venture to risk ; and the ministers were duly thankful 
 for the effective support they thence received. 
 
 When I waited on His Majesty at Kensington, and was 
 admitted into the closet, in order to deliver the ensigns of 
 the Order of the Garter of my late grandfather, the king, 
 after a few common questions, said, and with tears evidently 
 
 1 Charles, second Duke of Grafton. books was totally illiterate : yet from 
 
 ' He had been Lord Chamberlain during long observation and natural sagacity 
 
 the whole reign, and had a particular he became the ablest courtier of his 
 
 manner of talking to his master on all time ; had the most perfect knowledge 
 
 subjects, and touching upon the most both of king and ministers, and more 
 
 tender points which no other person opportunities than any man of doing 
 
 ventured to imitate. ... He usually good or bad offices ' (Waldegrave, 
 
 turned politics into ridicule ; had never Memoirs, 114). 
 applied himself to business, and as to
 
 ' 
 
 CH. I] THE PRINCE OF WALES HOUSEHOLD II 
 
 rising in his eyes, ' Duke of Grafton, I always honored, and 
 loved your grandfather ; and lament his loss: I wish you may 
 be like him : I hear you are a very good boy? 
 
 This may be the proper place to mention that in the pre- 
 ceding autumn I had accepted the offer of being one of the 
 Prince of Wales's Lords of the Bedchamber ; but it was not 
 till after kissing his Royal Highness's hand that I was in- 
 formed by himself, that he had failed in his endeavour to 
 have me as his Master of the Horse ] ; but that the Duke of 
 Newcastle would not recede from his recommendation of Lord 
 Huntingdon 2 to the king. I retained, however, my place 
 about the prince, with great kindness from himself, until, from 
 the absence of some of my colleagues and from the illness of 
 others, the duty was become so irksome and constant that 
 I was really compelled to ask leave to resign this post, 
 Lord Bute' 5 not being able to give me any expectation of 
 further relief. 
 
 It is not the business of this memoir to enter into a relation 
 of any of the events which happened during the course of 
 this war ; brilliant as they were in that light in which the 
 world in general view these horrid scenes of endless calami- 
 ties : and, having little further knowledge of all the transactions 
 than what will be found in most of the accounts published 
 of that period, I shall refer you for particulars to them. 
 Suffice it for me to say, that the military success of Great 
 Britain, both by sea and land, was uniformly striking. 
 
 Voltaire, if I mistake not, has at the head of one of the 
 chapters of his Histoirc universelle ' Les Anglois victoricux 
 
 1 The bickerings which took place who carried the sword of state at the 
 
 in settling the establishment of the coronation of George III, and succeeded 
 
 Prince of Wales; the insistence by the Lord Bute as Groom of the Stole. On 
 
 Princess and her son on the appoint- his death, in 1790, the earldom fell into 
 
 ment of Lord Bute as Groom of the abeyance until a title to it was estab- 
 
 Stole, and the way in which Newcastle, lished in 1819. 
 
 after having made this concession, filled 3 John, third Earl of Bute (171 3— 
 
 up other places about the Prince with 1792), had been Lord of the Bedchamber 
 
 his personal friends are described in to Frederick Prince of Wales, and was 
 
 Lord Waldegrave's Memoirs, d-^cj. now Groom of the Stole in the household 
 
 ■ Francis, tenth Earl of Huntingdon, of his son.
 
 12 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1759 
 
 clans les Ouatre Parties du Monde V He alluded particularly 
 to the occurrences of i759> when this nation was favored with 
 so many victories as to redound everywhere to the honor of 
 the country, and especially of those gallant officers whose skill 
 and bravery were so instrumental to our success. The like spirit 
 and consequences appeared in the subsequent years of the war, 
 and had not the Due de Choiseul succeeded in stirring up the 
 Court of Spain to declare in favor of France 2 , that kingdom 
 would probably have been reduced to as low an ebb as it was 
 under Lewis 14 th , previously to the Peace of Utrecht. 
 
 However the hostile declaration of Spain did not take place 
 till after the Accession of George the 3 d . The disposition 
 of that Court, did not escape the sagacious foresight of 
 M r . Pitt : but his counsels were over-ruled, though the event 
 proved the superiority of his political wisdom. 
 
 During the life of the late king M r . Pitt had as little 
 opposition in the Cabinet to any of his measures as there was 
 in Parliament : and he had gained so much the esteem of 
 His Majesty by the brilliancy he had given to the setting 
 years of his reign, and by his attention to those who were 
 most in the king's favor, that I was assured by Lord North- 
 ington 3 , as a fact which he well knew, that had the king lived, 
 
 1 Walpole writes to Sir Horace Mann, to see if we can make some alliance 
 Oct. 3, 1762, 'Voltaire is continuing with France which should protect us 
 his Universal History ; he showed the from those accidents we ought to fear ' 
 Duke of Grafton a chapter, to which {Chatham Correspondence, vol. ii. pp. 91, 
 the title is Les Anglais vainqueurs dans 92, 95-101). Grimaldi, by his influence 
 les Quatre Parties du Monde' {Letters, with the French Court, seems to have 
 vol. iv. p. 32). forced the hand of de Choiseul and 
 
 2 The overtures for an alliance would obtained the introduction of the Spanish 
 seem to have come from Spain, judging difficulties with England, and their settle- 
 from the letters which passed between ment, into the negotiations which were 
 the Marquis Grimaldi and the Count de going on in London between Bussy, 
 Fuentes, the Spanish ambassadors at de Choiseul's agent, and Pitt. Stanley 
 the Courts of France and England. to Pitt, August 20, 1761 {Chatham 
 The French were anxious for peace ; Correspondence, ii. 139). 
 
 Grimaldi was equally anxious that a 3 Robert Henley, Earl of Northington 
 
 peace should not be concluded, which was Keeper ofthe Great Seal 1757- 1761, 
 
 would leave Spain alone to settle her Lord Chancellor 1 761-1766, President 
 
 differences with England; and in of the Council 1766-67, died 1772. 
 February, 1761, he began 'working
 
 ch. i] GEORGE III AND HIS POLICY 13 
 
 he would have placed the full power, as his minister, into the 
 hands of M r . Pitt. 
 
 The Administration, constituted as I have stated it to be, 
 continued without the smallest change through the remainder 
 of the life of George the 2 d , gaining every day more and 
 more the confidence of the nation, as also weight and con- 
 sideration from foreign states who admired and envied the 
 prosperity of this country. 
 
 On the death of the old king a new scene appeared, though 
 it was at first held out that the same system was to be main- 
 tained. Happy, indeed, would it have been for this nation 
 had such a disposition been realized. 
 
 Few princes have ever ascended the throne under more 
 advantages and auspicious circumstances : and the prudent 
 and virtuous conduct of H.R.H. in his youth increased the 
 public expectation. 
 
 Few kings, however, have lived to see, without any signal 
 calamity, the condition of their subjects so wholly changed as 
 no longer to afford to the enquiring eye the view of that once 
 happy nation, enjoying almost every blessing that could be 
 desired under a well-principled Government at home, and 
 one which was admired courted and respected abroad. If it be 
 asked whence such a downfall has taken place, I should not 
 hesitate in saying, that it would be no difficult task to trace 
 the cause of most of our misfortunes to fatal errors in the 
 governing powers ; though I cannot confine the blame to the 
 executive alone. At the beginning of the reign, and probably 
 some time before, notions were instilled into the mind of his 
 present Majesty, that the late king had never been so far his 
 own master as to have about him those ministers whom he 
 would himself have chosen ; and it was insinuated to the 
 young king, that in order to secure himself from the like 
 dilemma no measures would with equal certainty effect this 
 object, until the body of the Whigs, whose influence from 
 long possession of power had become formidable, was fairly 
 broken asunder. 
 
 Other fatal principles and declarations were soon advanced
 
 14 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1760 
 
 in every company that I frequented, namely, ' that there was 
 no person so insignificant whom, through the power of the 
 Crown, the king could not appoint and support as his 
 minister.' It has also been said, and the event has too 
 much justified the observation, that, through a dread of 
 seeing a strong and powerful administration, His Majesty 
 has discovered to most of the Ministers who have served 
 him, that, as they rose in the esteem of the public and met 
 with the support of Parliament, so were they to depend less 
 on that which they might naturally expect from the Court. 
 I am afraid that these pernicious ideas have led to great 
 mischiefs, and that the Constitution itself has much suffered 
 from the introduction of the violent measures these have 
 produced 1 . 
 
 But I will enter here on no discussions on government ; 
 where the relation of facts I have known and observations 
 I have made are to be the main subjects for my purpose. 
 Still, allow me to declare, in confirmation of some of my 
 assertions, that at no period of my time have I ever known 
 the situation of this country to be equally gloomy, and 
 alarming as at this present, while I hold my pen. I pray to 
 God to avert the blow 2 ! 
 
 The Administration, though unaltered, soon perceived that 
 their advice was not attended to with that deference which 
 was shewn to that of others who were consulted in private ; 
 and it was considered to be wiser, and less dangerous, that 
 Lord Bute 2 should himself hold a Cabinet office. It was 
 soon arranged : and Lord Holdernesse 3 resigned the seals of 
 Secretary of State, which were delivered to the Earl of Bute. 
 
 1 In the Introduction, I have en- the impending outbreak of hostilities 
 
 deavouied to explain somewhat more with France and Spain, the doubt as to 
 
 fully the nature of this new system the sufficiency of our resources, were not 
 
 which the Duke has here briefly and compensated by the return to power of 
 
 graphically described. Pitt with broken health and a weak 
 
 2 The year 1804, in which the Duke following, 
 commenced his memoir, was one of 3 Robert Darcy, fourth and last Earl 
 
 general anxiety and dejection in England. of Holderness, died 1 778. 
 The failure of the Addington Ministry,
 
 ch. i] THE INFLUENCE OF BUTE 15 
 
 It was immediately found that the old system was to exist 
 no longer ; and that all power was quickly hastening to the 
 hands of Lord Bute, who was patronized by the Princess 
 Mother, and supposed through H.R.H's. assistance to influ- 
 ence the young king. 
 
 The change of system did not escape the vigilance and 
 penetration of Frederic of Prussia : and to the political 
 principles and conduct of the favorite, which he had watched 
 with suspicion from the commencement of the reign, he often 
 imputed the disappointing termination of the Seven Years 
 War : together with the breach of an alliance so well calcu- 
 lated to maintain and secure a just balance of power in 
 Europe. The Duke of Newcastle and some other Whig 
 members of the Cabinet had not the same discernment ; 
 and when they joined to over-rule M r . Pitt in his conviction of 
 the necessity of declaring war against Spain they had soon the 
 mortification to see themselves placed also in a situation, where 
 to retreat was the only honorable step left for them to take l . 
 
 As a new state of things is now discovering itself here at 
 home, before I enter on the subject, it will perhaps not be 
 improper to mention that, on account of some domestic con- 
 cerns 2 , I set off in June 1761 for the benefit of a change of 
 
 1 Pitt retired with Temple in October compliment, after near fifty years service 
 
 1761, and Newcastle alone, in May, 1762. and devotion to the interest of his royal 
 
 It was plain that if the king and Bute family ' {ibid. i. 1 1 2). 
 were to manage public business they 2 The cause of the journey was the 
 
 must get rid of Newcastle, who worked health of the Duchess of Grafton. ' The 
 
 the machinery of corruption, This was Graftons go abroad for the Duchess' 
 
 done by a series of insulting slights. He health, another climate may mend that.' 
 
 was left uninformed about important (Walpole to Montagu, April 28, 1 761.) 
 
 negotiations: his proposals for appoint- Wnlpole's letters to Mann contain many 
 
 ments and the fillingupof boroughswere allusions to the movements of the 
 
 refused or criticized ; finally, Bute inter- Duchess of Grafton, of whom he was 
 
 fered in the business of the Treasury, a great admirer and a lifelong friend, 
 
 and as the Duke put it, ' engaged my As no allusion is made in the diary to 
 
 colleagues and my secretary in open op- the Duke of Grafton's first marriage, 
 
 position to me ' (Rockingham Memoirs, it may be well to state here that, as 
 
 i. no;. On May 19 he resigned, and Lord Kuston, he married, in 1756, Anne 
 
 complains with some justice, 'the king Liddell, daughter of the first Lord 
 
 did not drop one word of concern at my Ravensworth. They separated at the 
 
 leaving him or even made me a polite end of 1764, and were divorced in 1769,
 
 16 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1761 
 
 climate. Your dear sister Georgiana x was with us. Through 
 the interest of the Marquis Du Quesne, a prisoner on his 
 parole at Northampton, I obtained a passport, which for years 
 past had been refused to every Englishman. Mons r . Bussy 
 was just arrived to treat with M r . Pitt on preliminaries for a 
 general peace 2 ; and when I reached Paris I found M r . Stanley 
 negociating on our part, (though unsuccessfully), with Mons r . 
 de Choiseul. Belle Isle was at this time attacked, and an 
 account of its surrender to my old friend LA General Hodgson 
 was received before I left that city. 
 
 The attentive politeness with which the news was com- 
 municated to M r . Stanley was remarkable in words very 
 complimentary on the success of the arms of the king his 
 master. Mr. Stanley favored me with a sight of the note 
 from the French Minister, and of his intended answer; in the 
 conclusion of which he expressed the hope that it would be 
 the last contest between two nations honoring and esteeming 
 each other. 
 
 We received particular civilities from various quarters 
 during our short stay at Paris. At the old and respectable 
 Duke of Biron's 3 I dined with a numerous set of officers ; 
 and his reception of me was flattering. He had commanded 
 the ' Gardes Francoises ' ever since the battle of Fontenoy, 
 and was adored by persons of every rank. I had lived 
 a great deal with him at Lord Albemarle's, with whom he 
 was intimate. 
 
 From Paris we passed through Dijon, and Pontarlier to 
 
 in which year the late Duchess married These negotiations lasted from June to 
 
 the Earl of Upper Ossory ; and the September, 1761. The prospect of a 
 
 Duke, as he mentions later, married Spanish alliance had by that time dis- 
 
 thc daughter of Sir Richard Wrottesley. inclined de Choiseul to make the con- 
 
 1 Lady Georgiana Fitz Roy (1737- cessions with which he might otherwise 
 1799) married (1778) Mr. John Smyth, have satisfied Pitt. The resignation of 
 
 2 A congress to discuss the terms of Pitt shortly followed, on the refusal of 
 a general peace was in contemplation, his colleagues to anticipate Spain in 
 but separate negotiations were com- a declaration of war. He retired on 
 menced in 1761 between France and October 5, 1761. 
 
 England. M. de Bussy was sent to 3 Louis Antoine, Duke de Biron 
 
 London, and Mr. Hans Staidey to Paris. (1 701-1788).
 
 CH. i] TRAVELS IN ITALY 17 
 
 Geneva, and to a good house I had hired at Chouilly, two 
 leagues from that city. It was impossible for us to pass 
 our time better than we did here. Our house was open to 
 all our acquaintance, and was frequented by the best company. 
 In the beginning of winter we passed the Mount Cents, and 
 stopped about six weeks at Turin. 
 
 It happened that the old King of Sardinia \ soon after our 
 arrival, was taken ill and confined to his room. This circum- 
 stance gave the Duke of Savoy 2 an opportunity of paying 
 me a compliment which had been rarely, if ever, offered to 
 any foreigner. I was invited to H.R.H.'s private dinner ; 
 where the company consisted of no other than the Duke, his 
 lords and equerries, military men. At coffee I was much 
 flattered and surprized on the Duke of Savoy's coming up 
 and telling me that he should expect to see me in the same 
 manner every hunting day, until his royal father's recovery. 
 The conversation ran principally on general political, and mili- 
 tary matters ; sometimes on horses and hounds, with great affa- 
 bility and no restraint but such as became well-bred gentry. 
 From my constant correspondance with my brother 3 , who 
 was then in Germany and aid-de-camp to Prince Ferdinand, 
 I had the means of letting the Duke of Savoy know the exact 
 operations of that army, which was gratifying to H.R.H. to 
 a great degree. Another particular favor was offered to me, 
 that of wearing the royal hunting uniform ; which was looked 
 up to as an uncommon distinction, and which I found would 
 have been of great use, if I had had to travel much in 
 Piedmont. Our next stop was at Milan, where I profited of 
 my former acquaintance with the Comte de Firmian 4 , whom 
 I had known at Naples in my former tour. He was now the 
 governor of the Austrian territories in Lombardy ; and had 
 contrived, by great attentions, management and impartiality, 
 
 1 Charles Emmanuel III, reigned away by the arms of the French. 
 1730-1773. 3 Lord Charles FitzRoy, born 1737 ; 
 
 - Afterwards Victor Amadeus III, created Lord Southampton, 1 7S0. 
 who died in 1796, before his kingdom, 4 lie was appointed Governor of 
 
 all but the island of Sardinia, was swept Austrian Lombardy, 1759. 
 
 C
 
 l8 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1761 
 
 to draw unusual sums without complaint from individuals for 
 the Empress Queen's war necessities. Comte Firmian re- 
 ceived us with all the cordiality, and indeed friendship, that 
 could be shewn, and more than I could have expected. But 
 those who knew the amiable and friendly character of this 
 nobleman will not be surprized at this courtesy from him : 
 and we kept up ever afterwards a friendly intercourse. From 
 Milan our course was along the Adriatic coast to Rome. 
 Here we made a longer stay, and found a very pleasing 
 society. Many of the English who were there were very 
 agreeable young men ; and we were particularly recom- 
 mended by Comte Firmian to Monsignore Piccuolomeni [sic], 
 governor of Rome, and by the Marquis de Breigle [sic] to 
 his own son, who was ambassador from Malta to Rome. 
 Lord Tavistock 1 lived much in our society : as did Mess rs . 
 Crewe 2 , Hinchcliffe 3 , Crauford, James, and others. 
 
 The governor and the ambassador I have just mentioned 
 were both of an amiable disposition ; men of the world, and 
 well informed. Piccuolomeni became cardinal afterwards. 
 We were much gratified by the frequent opportunities we 
 had, of enjoying their company, both at their houses and 
 at ours. 
 
 Here my intimacy with Hinchcliffe, Bishop of Peterborough, 
 began, and continued stedfastly till his death. It is not 
 common to find a man of so pleasing and engaging manners, 
 and whose affectionate gratitude to his friends could not be 
 
 1 Francis, MarquisofTavistock(i739- scholar, and afterwards a Fellow of 
 1767), eldest son of John, Duke of Bed- Trinity College, Cambridge. On his 
 ford ; was killed by a fall from his horse. return to England he was made Head- 
 
 2 John Crewe, afterwards the first master of Westminster, but almost im- 
 Lord Crewe, was at this time making mediately resigned this post. His 
 the grand tour with Hinchcliffe as his friendship with the Duke of Grafton 
 tutor. For many years he represented procured for him, in rapid succession, 
 Cheshire in the House of Commons, the Rectory of Greenwich (1766), the 
 and in 1782 brought in the bill which Mastership of Trinity (176S), the Bishop- 
 disqualified officers of the excise and ric of Peterborough (1769). In 1788 
 customs from voting at parliamentary he gave up the Mastership for the 
 elections. Deanery of Durham, but retained the 
 
 3 
 
 Hinchcliffe was a Westminster Bishopric until his death.
 
 CH. i] SOJOURN AT GENEVA 19 
 
 surpassed : but no one has a better right to weigh his merits 
 than you, who knew him so well and regarded him so much. 
 
 We passed two or three weeks at Florence ; and a few days 
 only to pay our court at Turin ; then proceeded to Geneva, 
 near which place we arrived at the beautiful villa I had hired 
 of Mons r . Galatin. We passed our summer in a most agree- 
 able manner, receiving all the best company at our house. 
 La Duchesse d'Anville was also at Geneva, with her son ; the 
 Due de la Rocheguin, afterwards Rochefocault, and here he 
 probably imbibed those principles of government which, 
 though they did him so much credit, yet brought him to his 
 fatal and cruel end 1 . We had the pleasure of meeting them 
 frequently in different houses; for a foolish etiquette pre- 
 vented us from visiting directly each other, while our countries 
 were at war ; but we were not prevented from interchanging 
 every possible attention and civility. With Voltaire there 
 was not the same scruple ; and we not only visited him 
 frequently, but were treated one day after dinner with 
 a representation of his own Alzire, himself, Mad e . Dennis, 
 and Mad lle . Corneille 2 performing the principal parts, and in 
 a small theatre within the Chateau de Ferney. 
 
 Leaving the neighbourhood of Geneva before the expiration 
 of the summer, 1762, we found on our arrival at Paris that 
 a fresh negociation for peace was expected to take place 
 immediately, on which the French relied with much confidence 
 and joy. 
 
 I must not omit here, that, by invitation from them, I met 
 at Gravelines the Comtc and Comtesse d'Herouville, with 
 whom I passed a most pleasant day. He was a respect- 
 able officer, having the rank of Lieut.-General and the 
 command in Flanders. Madame d'Herouville was of a dis- 
 position and figure to be beloved and admired by all her 
 acquaintance ; but her uncommon merit, and very superior 
 
 1 The Duke was murdered at Gisors, benefit Voltaire was now engaged upon 
 in the presence of his wife and mother, an edition of the works of Corneille 
 on September 4, 1792. {Chatham Corresp. ii. 132). 
 
 2 A great-niece of the poet, for whose 
 
 C 2
 
 20 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1762 
 
 understanding were best known to those with whom she was 
 more intimate. 
 
 On our arrival in London, I found a confirmation of the 
 pacific dispositions of the two countries. The Duke of Bed- 
 ford * was on his departure for Paris. The Due de Nivernois 
 at the same time, as ambassador from France, passed over to 
 England 2 . The noted Madame d'Eon attended him ; she was 
 only known in those days as the gallant Capitaine de Dragons, 
 and the intelligent and active Secretaire d'Ambassade*. 
 
 After a visit to Lord and Lady Ravensworth, at Erlington, 
 and to yourself who was with them, I came up to London for 
 the meeting of Parliament. The business of the preliminaries 
 was soon to be discussed in both Houses ; and the agitation 
 arising from the unfeeling proscription which issued forth 
 against every being, down to the lowest clerks in office, who 
 owed their situations to the Pelhams was so universal as to 
 draw down great reproach against the Ministry 4 . Whether 
 it was a measure proposed at Court or chargeable to the 
 ministers only did not appear ; but the outcry against so 
 cruel a proscription was general ; and the hardships and 
 distress it occasioned to numberless families were of a greater 
 extent than could be at first imagined. However, when we 
 came into office in 1765 we stipulated in the very first instance, 
 that every person who was dismissed at this juncture should 
 be restored his place or office. This mode of concluding the 
 business will probably prevent the same harsh step from being 
 ever resorted to henceforward. May every violent measure 
 meet with a like disgraceful end ! 
 
 1 John, fourth Duke of Bedford (17 10- de Guerchey. In 1777 he was recalled 
 
 1 771). See Introduction. to France, and received a pension on 
 
 - This was in September, 1762. condition that he wore female dress. 
 
 There is a full account of the Due de This he did until his death. The dis- 
 
 Nivemais in the Rockingham Memoirs, putes as to his sex were settled by a 
 
 i. 119. post mortem examination, which proved 
 
 3 The Chevalier d'Eon de Beaumont him to be a man. 
 (1 728-1810). On the return of the Due 4 This proscription is ante-dated by 
 
 de Nivernais he remained in England as the Duke. It took place after the pro- 
 
 rharge' d'affaires and quarrelled violently ceedings in Parliament upon the I're- 
 
 with the succeeding ambassador, Count liminaries.
 
 CH. I] DOWNFALL OF THE WHIG MINISTRY 21 
 
 I have already mentioned that when Mr. Pitt found him- 
 self in a minority in the Cabinet and unable to persuade 
 his colleagues of the unavoidable necessity of a war with 
 Spain, he had retired in much disgust to a private station 
 together with Lord Temple. The Duke of Newcastle and 
 Lord Hardwicke were not aware, that, though thus delivered 
 from the over-ruling genius and ability of Mr. Pitt, which 
 they dreaded, their own fate was hastened by his retreat l . 
 Every one expected such an event except those who were 
 most personally interested in it. Even the Duke of Devon- 
 shire had not the foresight of the loss of all his court favor. 
 He was at Bath for his health, and was summoned in a hurry 
 up to assist at a Council on the consideration of the Pre- 
 liminaries. The Duke did not obey the summons, but came 
 up with a full determination, as Lord John Cavendish's letter 
 now before me states, in the civilest manner possible to acquaint 
 His Majesty, that he could not hold his place any longer, as 
 he felt that he must decline in future attending the Cabinet. 
 
 The accounts of this resignation were variously reported : 
 but, as Lord John' informed me that it was attended with 
 some extraordinary circumstances, I shall deliver them in his 
 own words : 
 
 ' As soon as my brother came to town he went to Court, and sent in 
 one of the pages to desire an audience : the page returned, and told him 
 that the king would not see him. He desired him to go in again, and 
 enquire in whose hands he should leave his staff. The king sent word 
 back, that he would send him his orders. Upon this he went immediately 
 to Lord Egremont's 3 , and desired him to take the staff and key to the 
 king, as he wanted to go out of town : and so left them in his lordship's 
 hands. Lord Besborough * and George 5 were to resign the next day.' 
 
 1 The retirement of Newcastle has 3 See p. 26. 
 
 been mentioned. It took place in May, 4 William Ponsonby, Earl of Bes- 
 
 1762, and he was succeeded as First borough, had married the Duke of 
 
 Lord of the Treasury by Lord Bute. Devonshire's sister, and was at this time 
 
 a Lord John Cavendish, third brother Joint Postmaster-General, 
 
 of the Duke of Devonshire, was the i Lord George Cavendish, eldest 
 
 most active politician of the family. He brother of the Duke of Devonshire, was 
 
 figures prominently in the history of member for Derbyshire, and at this time 
 
 the Rockingham Whigs (Rockingham Comptroller of the Household. 
 Memoirs, i. 226).
 
 22 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1762 
 
 This transaction undoubtedly passed as related above, but 
 infinite pains were taken to represent it as improperly con- 
 ducted by the worthy Duke. It was industriously propagated 
 that his Grace had left the staff of Lord Chamberlain with the 
 page of the back stairs : which is peremptorily contradicted 
 by Lord John's relation. But a blow was probably to be 
 aimed at the Whig Party, and one of the heads of that 
 description was to be disgraced ; and the fall of this respected 
 character was the first object destined to satisfy the expecta- 
 tions of those who wished about this time to be denominated 
 the Kings Friends 1 . At a Privy Council assembled on 
 purpose, the Duke of Devonshire's name was struck out of the 
 list of Counsellors, but this feeble stroke of vengeance carried 
 no more edge in his Grace's instance, than did the similar 
 proceeding against Mr. Charles Fox 2 in later days. 
 
 In a letter from the Duke of Devonshire to me, from 
 Chatsworth, Nov r . 6. 1762, he says : 
 
 ' It is no small satisfaction to me to find you approve of my conduct ; 
 but, indeed, my lord, there was scarce any option left me. It seems 
 as if they had a mind to get quit of me, and acted in such a manner as 
 I must have been the lowest of mortals to have submitted to. There is 
 some mystery in the great resentment that the king has shewed against 
 me ; what it is I am at a loss to guess.' 
 
 His Grace at the close of this letter writes : 
 
 ' It is indeed a great pleasure to me to find our sentiments agree, and 
 that we are likely to act together ; for I fear parties will run high, and 
 consequently friendship and connexions break: but believe me, my 
 dear lord, whatever happens, my friendship and regard for your Grace 
 will always be the same.' 
 
 Thus began this new system, where corruption and 
 intimidation were prevalent features. 
 
 The war, though glorious and successful, could offer no 
 
 1 The phrase 'King's Friends' appears the Privy Council in 1782, was struck 
 
 in a letter of Bute to Grenville of out of the list of Councillors on May 9, 
 
 March 25, 1763 {Grenville Corresp. ii. 1798, and was re-admitted in 1806, 
 
 33). The editor notes that the phrase when he became Secretary of State for 
 
 is here used for the first time. Foreign Affairs. 
 
 - Charles James Fox was sworn of
 
 CH. i] THE PEACE OF PARIS 23 
 
 moment more suitable for an advantageous peace than the 
 present. The wishes of the nation were evidently for peace, 
 and I have no doubt that the Preliminaries would have 
 become quite popular, if the King of Prussia, our faithful and 
 undaunted ally, had not been abandoned in a manner dis- 
 graceful to the honor of this country and unmerited by 
 him, who had never swerved one instant in his steadiness to 
 the alliance 1 , even in the most formidable situations, in 
 which he was more than once placed. After the defeat at 
 Cunersdoff the similarity of situations might have brought 
 the letter of Francis the first into the King of Prussia's head ; 
 as he repeats the very words the French King used in his 
 letter to the Queen after the Battle of Pavia : ' Tout, Madame, 
 est perdu — hormis l'honneur ! ' No, his honor was never 
 tarnished ; nor was his spirit ever subdued, even when he saw 
 himself surrounded with threatening difficulties and the most 
 formidable distresses. 
 
 Under these impressions the Preliminaries came to be 
 considered in Parliament at the beginning of Dec r . 1762: 
 and the public was sanguine enough to hope for an adequate 
 resistance to a system which was generally condemned ; but 
 they witnessed only the melancholy proof of the all-powerful 
 influence of the Crown, though it had not then mounted to 
 that height where we now behold it 2 . 
 
 1 Frederick of Prussia was doubtless tion at the later date, and more party- 
 ill-treated by us. Bute withdrew at loyalty. But the king's wishes had a 
 short notice a subsidy of .£2,000,000 weight due to the accident that George 
 which we had paid for some years ; III was, at the later date, always on 
 and he opened separate and secret the verge of insanity. Very recently Pitt 
 negotiations for peace at Vienna. But had been constrained by the pressure 
 the fidelity of Frederick to the alliance of this anxiety to abandon the idea of 
 was, with him, a matter of self-interest. a Ministry in which Fox would have 
 There is no reason to suppose that been Secretary of State and his followers 
 he would have remained our ally a in office. No doubt a king has a quite 
 moment longer than he found to be exceptional influence if he can intimate 
 convenient. that unless his wishes are gratified he 
 
 2 It must be doubted whether the shall probably go mad, and throw the 
 influence of the Crown was so potent whole machinery of government out of 
 a factor in politics in 1804 as it had gear. 
 
 been in 1762. There was less corrup-
 
 24 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1762 
 
 Mr. Pitt came into the House suffering so much under an 
 attack of gout as to be allowed permission to deliver great 
 part of his speech as he sat. Speeches since that night have 
 been as long, or longer ; but the length of this was in those 
 days particular. 
 
 Though Mr. Pitt's indisposition rendered his manner of 
 delivering his speech less spirited than usual, there was no 
 defect in the matter of it. On the contrary, he displayed 
 such an intimate knowledge of the interests of these king- 
 doms, as well as of the condition and views of foreign states, 
 as justly excited the admiration of the whole House. After 
 hearing a few speeches from the other side, he retired ; and, 
 as it was given out that there would be no division, many of 
 the Opposition left the House on that idea 1 . About sixty or 
 seventy of those who remained did divide, and complained 
 much that they were deserted by their friends. This mis- 
 apprehension caused some ill-humour ; and the absentees 
 came down the next day to divide on the Report against the 
 Address. 
 
 In the House of Lords, on the division, the number of Peers 
 who opposed the Address was short of the expectations we 
 had formed ; but their consideration as to character and 
 property was too weighty to be over-looked. Lords Suffolk - 
 and Shelburne 3 , moved and seconded the Address. I was the 
 first who rose to condemn what appeared to be the disadvan- 
 tageous parts of the Preliminaries under our consideration. 
 
 This my first speech was too declamatory, and directed 
 chiefly against Lord Bute. — The violence of my language was 
 
 1 For an account of the debate of inherited the fortune and assumed the 
 December 9, 176 2, seeWalpole, Memoirs, name of his uncle, Henry Petty, Earl of 
 i. 223. Shelburne. His eldest son William 
 
 2 Henry, twelfth Earl of Suffolk, and succeeded him as Earl of Shelburne 
 fifth Earl of Berkshire, born May 10, in the peerage of Ireland, and Lord 
 1739, died March 6, 1779, was Lord Wycombe in the peerage of England. 
 Privy Seal in 1 771, and Secretary of He was created Marquis of Lansdowne 
 State in the same year. in 1784. He was born in 1739 and 
 
 3 William, eldest son of John Fitz- died in 1805. See his life by Lord 
 maurice, a younger son of the first Earl E. Fitzmaurice. (Macmillan & Co., 
 of Kerry. In 1 751 John Fitzmaurice 1875.)
 
 CH. i] THE WHIG OPPOSITION 25 
 
 easily excused in a young man speaking from his heart * : and 
 it had one good effect at least, for it called up the Earl of 
 Bute, who by his manner of speaking rather exposed himself 
 than supported his cause. 
 
 The Opposition, however, soon began to get together 2 , 
 better to understand each other, and to act with more system. 
 A considerable club 3 of the Whigs was formed, consisting of 
 a very large number : many members of it dining or supping 
 there every day. The spirit of the Whig party was much 
 raised by these exertions : still it was the fix'd resolution to 
 oppose only on points which bore the clearest sanction of 
 rectitude and truth. 
 
 In spring 1763 4 , Number 45 of the North Briton made its 
 appearance. I shall not detail the particular steps taken 
 against M r . Wilkes by the messengers under a general warrant, 
 issued by Lord Hallifax 5 , as Secretary of State, to apprehend 
 the author, and all others concerned in the publication of the 
 paper above mentioned, and to seize all his other papers. 
 
 The particulars of the whole transaction are well worthy of 
 attention, but these will be found accurately stated in many 
 different publications. 
 
 M r . Wilkes was apprehended under this general warrant ; 
 and his papers seized and tumbled about in a manner not 
 warrantable, even had the seizure been less questionably 
 legal. He was committed close prisoner to the Tower, under 
 a fresh warrant. Of the close imprisonment, I, with many of 
 his acquaintance, was witness ; for we were denied admittance 
 to him ; Major Rainsford shewing us the warrant under which 
 
 1 Walpolc (Letters, iv. 52) writes: ville Ministry, against whom this oppo- 
 ' I received your letter for the Duchess sition was directed. 
 
 of Grafton. . . Her Duke is appearing 3 This was Wildman's in Albemarle 
 
 in a new light, and by the figure he Street. The club was called The Coterie 
 
 makes will soon be at the head of the (Grcnville Papers, ii. 47). 
 
 Opposition if it continues.' 4 On April 23. 
 
 2 The Duke here deals with the prin- s George Dunk, third and last Earl of 
 cipal topics of opposition during the Halifax, was Secretary of State through- 
 years 1763, 1764, and then goes back, out the Grenville Ministry, and again 
 on p. 28, to the formation of the Gren- from January to June, 1 771, whenhedied.
 
 26 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1763 
 
 he acted. In signing this, as well as the other subsequent 
 warrants, Lord Egremont l was equally implicated with his 
 colleague. 
 
 A writ of habeas corpus was moved for, and obtained as 
 soon as could be by two of M r . Wilkes's friends, and when he 
 was brought up to the bar of the Common Pleas, the case 
 appeared so important that the Lord Chief Justice Pratt 
 desired two days for the consideration of it ; and remanded 
 M r . Wilkes back to the Tower, but expressly directing that 
 he was not to be a close prisoner. 
 
 On the hearing on the 6 th of May, M r . Wilkes was liberated ; 
 the Lord Chief Justice declaring the unanimous opinion and 
 decision of the Court, that publishing a libel did not come 
 within the offences of treason, felony, or breach of the peace, 
 which cases alone deprived a member from privilege of 
 Parliament 2 . 
 
 From this business arose some questions in both Houses : 
 and M r . Pitt 3 joined heartily in the attempt to condemn these 
 proceedings against the indisputable rights and privilege of 
 Parliament. 
 
 Though the Opposition was foiled in a noble struggle, on 
 a close division in a very full house, and after long debate, 
 and was not able to bring the house directly to stigmatize the 
 Secretary who had issued a general warrant, the nation had 
 an extreme satisfaction in hearing- from the mouth of the 
 
 'fc> 
 
 1 Charles, eldest son of Sir William the peace. As soon as Parliament 
 Wyndham. He succeeded to the Earl- re-assembled the two Houses resolved 
 dom of Egremont on the death of his that ' privilege of Parliament does not 
 uncle, the ninth Duke of Somerset, on extend to the case of writing or publish- 
 whom this peerage had been conferred, ing seditious libels.' Chief Justice Pratt 
 with a limitation to his nephew Charles was technically right, but the resolutions 
 Wyndham, in 1749. Lord Egremont of the Houses were needed to prevent 
 was Secretary of State from October 9, parliamentary privilege from interfering 
 1761-August 21, 1763, when he died with the course of the criminal law. 
 very suddenly. His sister, Elizabeth, 3 Pitt strongly opposed the abandon- 
 married George Grenville. ment of this ' privilege,' and in the Lords 
 
 2 The ground of decision was that Grafton joined in a protest against the 
 a seditious libel was not a breach of the resolution {Pari. Hist. xv. 1378). 
 peace, though it tended to a breach of
 
 CH. i] THE MINISTRY OF BUTE 27 
 
 same illustrious Lord Chief Justice the declaration that, except 
 in cases of treason, a general warrant was illegal, oppressive, 
 and unwarrantable ; a victory in the cause of liberty thus 
 obtained in a court of justice gave additional comfort 1 . 
 
 The judges received the applause to which this proof of 
 their spirit and independance had the fairest claim ; and this 
 weighty decision tended greatly to ennoble the constitutional 
 lawyer who had so peculiarly distinguished himself, and the 
 tenor of whose whole life was a constant testimony how well 
 he was deserving of the honor to which he was afterwards 
 called. Near the end of his days, another point Lord Camden 
 also carried, and which he often mentioned to me with exulta- 
 tion that he had lived to see decided, and in the success of 
 which he had been so instrumental ; for his lordship and 
 M r . Cha 8 . Fox had the principal honor in getting a bill 
 through the two Houses which restored to juries that constitu- 
 tional right, in cases of a libel, of judging of the law as well 
 as of the fact 2 . 
 
 It could not be expected that Lord Bute's Treasury z , with 
 S r . Francis Dashwood 4 as Chancellor of the Exchequer could 
 long resist that torrent which appeared breaking in upon them. 
 
 1 The two matters of this nature On the second of these points the 
 
 which came before Pratt were — decision of the Court of Common Pleas 
 
 (a) The legality of a general war- was not questioned (Entick v. Carring- 
 rant, i. e. a warrant issued by a Secretary ton, 19 State Trials, 1030). 
 
 of State to seize a person, not named in 2 This is not quite accurate. By 
 
 the warrant, as being concerned in a 32 Geo. Ill, c. 60, a jury in cases of 
 
 specified offence. libel may find a verdict on the general 
 
 (b) The legality of a warrant, simi- issue of libel or no libel, and is not con- 
 larly issued, to enter premises and to fined to the question of publication, 
 seize and bring books and papers to be s Here we go back to the beginning 
 examined. of 1763. 
 
 On the first of these points his ruling 4 Sir Francis Dashwood, afterwards 
 
 was questioned in a bill of exceptions, Lord Despencer. Historians chiefly 
 
 the case was taken to the King's Bench dwell on the profligacy of his private 
 
 as a court of error, and went off on life and the incapacity which he dis- 
 
 a bye-point after Lord Mansfield and played as Chancellor of the Exchequer, 
 
 the three puisne judges had left no doubt but he seems to have been a man of 
 
 of their opinion as to the illegality of taste and ability, though not a financier, 
 
 these warrants (Leach v. Money, 19 See Walpole, Memoirs, i. 172 note, by 
 
 Stale Trials, 1001). Sir Denis Le Marchant.
 
 28 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1763 
 
 An injudicious and ill framed tax on cyder, giving formid- 
 able powers to the officers of excise, raised a ferment in the 
 country ; and nothing but its repeal could have allayed the 
 out-cry. The nation, even where a tax on cyder was no 
 grievance, caught the alarm from conceiving that the dis- 
 position of Government was to extend arbitrary and oppressive 
 laws on the people. The dread of these exasperated the 
 populace, and drove them to unwarrantable lengths, and Lord 
 Bute, was, in consequence, assaulted by them in the most 
 menacing manner 1 . Soon after, and suddenly, the Earl of 
 Bute withdrew from the Treasury 2 and from the helm, to the 
 management of which his talents were by no means equal ; 
 neither did he possess sufficient political fortitude, a quality 
 so essential to a statesman in a high responsible situation, that 
 every other would lose its proper effect for want of this. 
 
 M r . George Grenville 3 became First Lord and Chancellor 
 of the Exchequer ; and, as we understood, on the advice of 
 Lord Bute to the king 4 , though there may be good reason 
 for believing, that his manners were never agreeable to His 
 Majesty. I had not sufficient knowledge of M r . Grenville to 
 venture to describe his character, though I believe he meant 
 well for the public, in whose service he was certainly inde- 
 fatigable ; but many of his measures were undoubtedly most 
 injudiciously chosen. On the resolution regarding general 
 warrants, he was nearly pushed in the House of Commons 5 , 
 but on every other question he had from both houses the 
 
 1 The assault upon Bute took place was whether Shelburne or Halifax 
 not in consequence of the Cyder Bill, should be Secretary of State, and his 
 but at the opening of Parliament, on opinion in favour of Halifax prevailed 
 November 25, 1762. {Grenville Papers, 32-40). 
 
 2 The Cyder Bill received the royal 5 The Ministry were most closely 
 assent on March 31,1 763. Bute resigned pushed in a division on a motion for an 
 on April 8. adjournment of the debate on a reso- 
 
 3 George Grenville (171 2 - i77o\ lution condemning general warrants as 
 second son of Richard Grenville and contrary to law. Their majority was 
 brother of the first Earl Temple. reduced to 10. This was in the early 
 
 4 The entire Ministry was settled by morning of February 15, 1764. The 
 Bute. The only point on which Gren- House sat till 7.30 a.m. {Grenville 
 ville seems to have been allowed a voice Papers, ii. 263, 491).
 
 CH. i] THE GRENVILLE MINISTRY 29 
 
 fullest support. The particular measures to which I have 
 alluded were the laws and regulations which put a stop to 
 that trade between the Americans and the Spanish West 
 India Islands and Main which had been so long winked at 
 by every Government with advantage, because the British 
 manufactures &c. were spread through the extent of these 
 countries, and the return to a great proportion paid in bullion. 
 With this assistance the American trader could take off and 
 pay for large shares of the exports from Great Britain : the 
 mother country thus deriving every essential commercial ad- 
 vantage from this most lucrative traffick. The sourness and 
 discontents occasioned by these measures were great and 
 general throughout the American colonies. Associations were 
 entered into to promote their own manufactures of every 
 description. But the minister's foresight did not reach such 
 an event ; nor did this angry resolution of our American 
 brethren instruct him to relax from his threatened Stamp 
 Act, the notorious source of still greater evils. 
 
 During the course of the summer many were the ministerial 
 intrigues between the different parties to approach nearer to 
 each other; but, as they all missed their object, I have not 
 retained such a recollection of them as to wish to relate 
 them ; nor would they be interesting if I had. An attempt 
 to bring the Ministry, namely, D. of Bedford, M r . Grenville, 
 and the two Secretaries, the Earls of Sandwich and Hallifax, 
 to a more close and cordial connexion with Lord Bute 1 and 
 his friends failed entirely. 
 
 Various overtures were also made to M r . Pitt ; but none of 
 these did shew the ground sufficiently secure for him to 
 venture into office. I was with him several times both at 
 
 1 NVhen Egremont died suddenly in tion of Bedford by Pitt caused Bedford 
 
 August, 1763, Bute, without consulting and his friends to join the Grenville 
 
 Grenville, advised the king to send for Ministry. It is difficult therefore to see 
 
 Pitt. Pitt saw the king on Saturday, how any attempts could have been made 
 
 August 27, and Monday, August 29. The with the faintest likelihood of success to 
 
 negotiation fell through, but the inter- bring Bute and the ministers together, 
 
 ferencc of Bute made Grenville intensely {Life of Hardwicke, iii. 377-381). 
 hostile to him, and the alleged proserin-
 
 30 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1764 
 
 Hayes and in Harley Street, and afterwards at his small 
 lodging in Bond Street ; he always treated me with great 
 frankness ; but all his conversations and observations, which 
 were long, constantly terminated with his firm opinion that 
 the ground was not secure. With Lord Temple I lived a 
 great deal, both in town and in the country. His lordship 
 was more backward than M r . Pitt in his hopes of seeing an 
 Administration again established that could give confidence 
 to the nation, and gain its support in return ; and this persua- 
 sion or determination in Lord Temple encreased so much, and 
 beyond the observation of M r . Pitt himself, that when, some 
 little time after 1 , he had considered all things to be settled 
 with His Majesty, and had sent for his Lordship, he laughed 
 at my idea, when I declared that I believed he would not find 
 Lord Temple so accommodating as he might expect. How- 
 ever, on their first discussion of the business after Lord 
 Temple's arrival, M r . Pitt found that I had judged right ; and 
 the want of Lord Temple's concurrence at that time was 
 given out as the cause of M r . Pitt's declining also. If that 
 arrangement had taken place, M r . Pitt intended that I should 
 have been one of the Secretaries of State 2 . 
 
 But to return to M r . Grenville's Ministry, which had been 
 supported by great majorities, (except on the debate on 
 general warrants,) in both Houses ; we can but remark that 
 the vexatious and impolitic acts that were passed in the year 
 1764, and at the beginning of 1765 under these mighty 
 majorities were rapidly working out the greatest distresses 
 and losses to the country. 
 
 The Administration met the Parliament in 1765 with great 
 confidence in their own strength ; and too little attention to 
 those steps by which they had ascended to their power. The 
 illness of the king during the session awakened the duty of 
 
 1 In June, 17^5, see infra, p. 53. be Secretaries of State, while Grafton 
 
 2 Perhaps this is a confusion of Pitt's was to be of the Cabinet. At the later 
 intentions in August, 1763, and in June, date Grafton was offered the post of 
 1765. In the first case, Pitt intended Secretary of State (Grenville Papers, 
 that he and Charles Townshend should ii. 199).
 
 CH. i] THE REGENCY BILL 31 
 
 Parliament to bring forward a Regency Bill, which was early 
 suggested by the king himself. The bill was accordingly 
 brought into the House of Peers and there passed, though so 
 drawn as to exclude the princess mother from being nominated 
 regent. In the Commons this affront was taken off by the 
 insertion of H. R. H.'s name, and by the amendment carried 
 up and agreed to, by the Lords : when the ministers had the 
 mortification of being obliged to submit to bear that affront 
 which they had destined for others l . 
 
 The evident intention of the king's principal servants in 
 this business sealed their own overthrow ; and as they had 
 never been graciously considered in the closet, the conse- 
 quences which would naturally follow were easily foreseen. 
 Yet some were so blinded with ambition as not to be aware 
 of the slippery ground on which the Ministry stood : and it 
 was observed with surprize that M r . Cha s . Townshend 2 in 
 particular, a short time after, accepted the part of Paymaster 
 on the dismission of Lord Holland 3 , who had, on the retreat 
 of Lord Bute, given up the lead of the House of Commons 
 to M r . George Grenville. 
 
 My friends very justly reproached me for idling my time 
 away in the country during a great part of this Session, without 
 attending sufficiently to that duty in Parliament which became 
 my station and was expected from me. They, however, 
 
 1 The ministers first proposed that of the name of the princess as described 
 
 the king should be empowered to nomi- in the text. 
 
 nate, as regent, the queen or any other 2 Charles, second son of the third 
 
 member of the royal family usually Viscount Townshend (1 725-1 767). His 
 
 resident in England. Then arose the talent, his social charm, and his in- 
 
 question whether the Princess of Wales, (irmity of purpose, make him a promi- 
 
 the king's mother, was of the royal nent figure in the memoirs of the time ; 
 
 family. On this point the Lord Chan- his disastrous American policy gives him 
 
 cellor differed from Bedford and Halifax, a permanent and melancholy place in 
 
 who maintained that the royal family our history. 
 
 meant those who were in the succession. 3 Henry Fox, the first Lord Holland 
 
 Ministers, by representing to the king (1705-1774). The story of this dismis- 
 
 that the princess' name if introduced sion is most fully told in Fitzmaurice's 
 
 would be struck out, persuaded him to Life of Shelbume, vol. i. ch. iii, ' The 
 
 agree to a form of words which definitely Pious Fraud.' 
 excluded her. Then came the insertion
 
 32 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1765 
 
 treated me with more attention than such conduct deserved ; 
 for I was by them constantly acquainted with all that was 
 passing in the political world, and the Opposition had so little 
 expectation of being called upon to take a part in administra- 
 tion, unless under, and by the recommendation of M r . Pitt, 
 that even when the coolness between the king and his servants 
 was apparent to all mankind, to act under M r . Pitt became 
 the general voice and was our principal wish. 
 
 It may not be amiss to insert Lord Rockingham's * letter, 
 which brought me up to attend the Regency Bill, as it may 
 serve to shew the light in which the marquis and his friends 
 considered the Bill in its introduction ; and afterwards it will 
 be proper to enter into some detail on many negociations and 
 occurrences that followed. 
 
 April 24 th , 1 765. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 His Majesty came to the House to day to open the affair of the 
 Regency Bill. I enclose to your Grace the speech. Our Address was 
 only in general terms, to congratulate upon His Majesty's recovery, and 
 to thank him for his care and foresight &c. in providing for the security 
 of the country &c, and to promise that we will proceed in this matter with 
 all expedition. Nothing was said in our House by any of our friends. 
 Lord Temple and L d . Lyttleton went away before the Address was 
 moved. The Bill I expect will be brought in on Friday and read the 
 first time, and it would not surprize me if a second reading and commit- 
 ment should be pressed for that day or for Saturday. 
 
 Upon so great a point I cannot refrain expressing my earnest wish that 
 your Grace should not be absent. Your Grace will observe by the speech 
 that it is not intended that the regent shall be appointed by the Act ; 
 but that it is left to the king by instrument to nominate either the queen 
 or some one of his royal family. It is said that by this description a 
 certain great lady is excluded : how far it is so, I am not certain. But 
 supposing it was so, yet a fresh objection lies from the unusualness of the 
 Regent not being nominally inserted. There are other parts expected in 
 the Bill which will be liable to great objections, and I doubt not but that 
 there will be some lords who can and will make their objections. 
 
 Lord Temple yesterday wished I would have sent an express to you 
 for to-day : but the time was so short that your Grace would scarce have 
 
 ' Charles Watson Wtntworth, second 1730; died July 1, 1782. He was a 
 Marquis of Rockingham, born March 19, direct descendant of the Earl of Strafford.
 
 CH. i] LETTERS, 1761-1765 33 
 
 arrived in London before 3 °clock this evening, and indeed I doubted 
 whether anything would have been entered upon in the House to day- 
 
 I have more expectation on what may pass on Friday, but even on that 
 I have hesitated for some hours whether to send to you or no, as I would 
 not willingly occasion you a long journey to little purpose. The very 
 chance of a debate deserves your attention, and in that light I will hope 
 to apologize for my venturing to do what I now do. 
 
 I am ever &c. 
 
 Rockingham. 
 Grosvenor Square, 
 
 Wednesday night, 12 "clock. 
 
 LETTERS, 1761-1765 
 
 The Rev. John Young to the Duke of Grafton 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 Tho' I make no doubt but your Grace has many who give you far 
 better accounts of what is doing here, than I am able to do, I will not 
 make that any longer my excuse lest your Grace think it a pretence to 
 cover my laziness, and that I fail in my regard and respect to you, which 
 would give me very great concern. 
 
 As I have not seen our new queen, I cannot give your Grace any 
 account of her person on my own authority. They who have seen her, do 
 not say much of her beauty. By what I hear, she is a little woman, not 
 unlike Miss Pitt who refused Lord Buckingham. But whatever her 
 person is the king is highly pleased with her, and very happy in his 
 choice. The shew, of cloth and jewels was very extravagant : the Court 
 well conducted. L d . Westmoreland * kneeled to Lady Sarah Lennox 
 mistaking her for the queen, as she stood next to Her Majesty, being 
 first bridemaid. It was observed that there is a fatality on the Chancellors 
 of Oxford, always to mistake their kings and queens. George Selwyn 
 says the lady in waiting should have told him that was the Pretender. 
 
 Lord Huntingdon has raised a flame in the bed-chamber, wh. will at 
 last destroy him ; tho he has less interest than any one in so high a post, 
 he carries it higher than any of his predecessors, and has made all the 
 
 1 Chancellor of the University of Oxford, 1758- 1762. 
 
 D
 
 34 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1761 
 
 lords his enemies, who seem agreed to dispute with him every point, and 
 will at last drive him out of his place. 
 
 Your old friend the Abp. of York 1 is at last gone to his own home. 
 The Bp. of London is dead too 2 . L d . Talbot 3 who is become a very great 
 man, and an attentive hearer of sermons (I am not in jest) pushes Bp. 
 Hayter for London. He made Hayter's peace for him at Leicester 
 House in the late reign. The D. of Newcastle, who has never forgiven 
 him the affair of the preceptorship, sets up Bp. Thomas of Lincoln against 
 him, tho he never cared for Thomas, but he is L d . Granville's man, whose 
 assistance I suppose his Grace expects, and that by their joint interest 
 they may keep Hayter out of London. Bp. Drummond of Salisbury is 
 talked of for Abp. of York, and L d . Talbot's brother and Dr. Newton of 
 St. George's for the new bishops : but I believe nothing will be settled till 
 after the coronation. 
 
 As to peace or war, what I hear is, that there were great divisions 
 in the Cabinet. L ds . Granville, Temple, Bute, Halifax, Legonier* and 
 Mr. Pitt were for continuing the war, L d . Chancellor, the Dukes of 
 Devonshire, Bedford, and Newcastle, L ds . Hardwick and Mansfield for 
 accepting the terms offered by France ; and it is surmised that L d . Bute 
 came at last over to their opinion. There was some heat between the 
 D. of Bedford and Mr. Pitt. The present negociation relates only to the 
 separate interests of England and France ; whatever relates to the Allies 
 on either side (and consequently the towns in Flanders) is to be referred 
 to the Treaty of Augsburgh. The great dispute relates to the Newfound- 
 land Fishery. By the Treaty of Utrecht the French have a right to build 
 stages and dry their fish on Newfoundland from Cape Bonavista north- 
 wards ; they demand Canso in Nova Scotia for their small craft to run 
 into : we refuse it because it is on the continent, and offer them St. Pierre, 
 a small island in the Gulf of St. Laurence instead of it, a.nd are now in 
 expectation of their answer. Mr. Pitt's friends affect to give out that they 
 are not sincere in the negociation : I should think their distress a good 
 pledge of their sincerity. 
 
 And now I think I have troubled y r Grace with a great deal. I wish 
 you may not be tired with so long a letter, and so little worth y r know- 
 ledge. I beg my most humble respects to her Grace. What has she 
 
 1 John Gilbert (1693-1761), he was man of parts, but violent and ec- 
 
 succeeded by the Hon. R. H. Drummond. centric. 
 
 a Thomas Sherlock, he was sue- * John, Earl Ligonier (1680-1770), 
 
 ceeded by Bishop Hayter. he had fought in all Marlborough's 
 
 3 William, son of Lord Chancellor battles, and served in our campaigns in 
 
 Talbot, he was Steward of the House- Flanders and Germany 1 742-1 747. He 
 
 hold 1 76 1- 1 782, and Lord High Steward was at this time Master-General of the 
 
 at the coronation. He is described as a Ordnance.
 
 ch. i] LETTERS, 1761-1765 35 
 
 been about, that the world has not yet seen an ode from Voltaire on the 
 
 Duchess of Grafton ? That was one of the first things I expected from 
 
 her residence in his neighbourhood. I hope she is pleased with the 
 
 Swiss, and happy there and wherever she goes. I am, my lord, with 
 
 the sincerest wishes for your health and happiness, 
 
 V Grace's most obliged and obedient ser. 
 
 John Young. 
 London, Sef' er . 11 th , 1761. 
 
 Lord John Cavendish to the Duke of Grafton 
 
 London, Dec 1 '. 15 th , 1761. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I had the honour of yours on the 5th of this month, I believe it was 
 very long in its journey. Considering the events which have happened 
 here, I ought to have wrote to you without waiting for an answer, but 
 everything is so perplex' d both in politicks and upon the turf, that I do 
 not know how to give an account of them. It is difficult to assign any 
 reason for Pitt's quitting, which does not make strongly against him. 
 Whether he was averse to all peace, because he found that his importance, 
 would diminish at the end of the war; or that finding the war grow too 
 expensive, and its conduct too difficult, he chuse to get out of the scrape 
 in time ; or whether he really had formed the magnificent project which 
 is imputed to him, of crushing both branches of the house of Bourbon at 
 once, none but himself can tell. His subsequent conduct has been weak ; 
 the accepting the peerage and pension, at the same time that his brothers 
 resigned their places, was absurd. His writing the letter was mean 1 , but 
 the going to dine at Guildhall in such a parade as almost to excite the 
 mob to insult the king, was criminal. He conduct in the House of 
 Commons has been calm and proper (his indecent inveteracy against 
 G. Grenville excepted). A few days ago Rigby as the Duke of Bed- 
 ford's mouth made a violent and good speech against the German 
 war, particularly against employing English troops there ; after much 
 speeching, Pitt spoke for an hour and a half in defence of the measure 
 with great compliments to the late king and Prince Ferdinand, but no 
 question was put upon it. The next day Pitt not being there, your knight 
 of the shire Mr. Banbury stood up, and with a very theatrical tone and 
 gesture made a flimzy kind of speech against the German war, and took 
 the liberty of abusing Pitt heartily. Soon after L d . George Sackville 
 
 1 This must be Pitt's reply to Bute's disposed to accept. The letters are in 
 letter asking him, by llie king's direction, the Chatham Corresp. ii. pp. 146-153. 
 what mark of royal favour he would be 
 
 D 2
 
 36 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1761 
 
 spoke very well and moderately against the expence of it. He was heard 
 as quietly and replied to as civilly by those who answered him, as if 
 nothing had happened 1 ; he has been up twice with equall success. Soon 
 after, spoke a Col 1 . Barre, an Irishman, brought in by L d . Shelburne (who is 
 a great man now). He has served in America with reputation and is called 
 clever ; I only know him to be the most impudent man living. He said 
 that during the late reign everything was made subservient to Hanoverian 
 counsels and interests. That he believed this king had never looked on 
 the map of Hanover. From the late king he proceeded to Pitt, whom 
 he called the most profligate of men, and abused him for about ten 
 minutes, and so finished. Our friend Townshend called him to order 
 about the late king, but being wrong in his point of order was forced to 
 let him proceed. The worthy gentlemen with great places were shame- 
 fully cool in vindicating their late master. At last Charles Yorke did it 
 prodigiously well, he gave the history of the last seven years, and 
 vindicated the conduct of the king and his ministers throughout. I think 
 it was the best argumentative speech I ever heard, his manner could not 
 be pleasing. The next day, Barre having been told, as I imagine, that it 
 was wrong to attack a man behind his back, fell upon Pitt in a more 
 outrageous manner than before, and went on to the end with a torrent of 
 Billinsgate, without the least appearance of talking to the question. He 
 was interrupted four or five times, but nothing could shake his steady 
 Irish countenance. Pitt only explained one point, did not answer, was 
 quite calm. I suppose this to be a favourite, but I think he will do his 
 friends more harm than good. Now for the more important point of the 
 turf. I had a great deal of money upon Prospect, so never went below 
 the turn of the lands. When I first saw Cassandra she was quite done, 
 yet the colt she beat came in a tolerable good place. I know that L d . 
 Rockingham thought Ottley's mare a good one, he had tried her a long 
 course, and that kind of lameness from a bruise in the foot very often does 
 not stop horses much after they are warm. Your mare is certainly no 
 Tartar, but she need not be quite so bad as she appeared. I do not know 
 what to think of your match with Dorimond. S 1 ' John Moore's Dan has 
 made such improvement, that there is no reasoning about him. Panton 
 certainly thought his grey horse an extraordinary one, but his being beat 
 by Pangloss Fribble seems to prove the contrary. I am persuaded he did 
 not race in his form the last day. Fortunatus's beating Prospect has 
 compleated the confusion and proved that our stable knew nothing. 
 I believe Dorimond is speedy and a great jade, but a son of Panton's 
 Arabian ought not to make the play. Upon the whole I think it a cross 
 and pile' 1 match ; I should be glad he could be tried again if possible. 
 I am glad your Grace is grown so great a courtier ; shall you come 
 
 1 See p. 66 n. 2 Cross and pi!e = heads and tails, a toss-up.
 
 CH. l] LETTERS, 1761-1765 37 
 
 back as great a coxcomb as you did the last time. I must trouble your 
 Grace to give my most respectful compliments to the Dutchess, and thank 
 her for her goodness in remembering me. 1 take it for granted that Lady 
 Georgiana grows very tall and jabbers French prodigiously, but pray do 
 not lett her forget her English. I suppose you have heard that my 
 brother George is made Comptroller ; it was done in the handsomest 
 manner possible. I have been forced to stay generally in town, and have 
 had very little hunting hitherto ; and London has been remarkably dull. 
 Charles Fitzroy is grown very fat. I never saw him look so well. 
 
 I am yrs sincerely, 
 
 J. Cavendish. 
 
 Duke of Devonshire to the Duke of Grafton 
 
 Chatsworth, Nov r . 6, 1762. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I shou'd have answered your Graces very kind letter immediately, 
 but I was apprehensive that if I trusted it to the post that it wou'd go 
 round by London and there undergo an inspection, which I was unwilling 
 to indulge the Ministry with. 
 
 Your Graces friendship and goodness to me on this occasion has made 
 me happy beyond measure. I do assure you no one can set a higher 
 value upon it than I do, I only wish to have it in my power to shew my 
 gratitude to your Grace, and to convince you that I think myself most 
 infinitely oblig'd to you. It is no small satisfaction to me to find you 
 approve of my conduct, but indeed, my lord, there was scarce any option 
 left me, it seems as if they had a mind to get emit of me, and acted in 
 such a manner as I must have been the lowest of mortals to have sub- 
 mitted to ; there is some mistery in the great resentment that the kin^ 
 has show'd against me, what it is I am at a loss to guess. My brother 
 deliver'd your message. The Whigs will certainly think themselves much 
 oblig'd to you as it can not be in better hands ; as yet I am quite 
 a stranger to what ought or can be done, we can not be too cautious 
 how we set out, and whenever we attempt to show our strength, take 
 care to do it upon a strong point, and in which we shall be well grounded, 
 as yet there are no overt acts, and nothing to lay hold of but a favourite, 
 and that always weighs sufficiently on the nation. What effect it will 
 have in both Houses I can not pretend to determine. I take for granted 
 you will be up at the meeting, every body will then be in town, and we 
 must consult together and see what is proper to be done. It is indeed 
 a great pleasure to me to find our sentiments agree, and that we are likely 
 to act together, for I fear parties will run high, and consequently friendships 
 and connections broke. Hut believe me, my dear lord, whatever happens,
 
 38 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1762 
 
 my friendship and regard for your Grace will always be the same, and 
 
 you will ever find me 
 
 Your Graces 
 
 most faithfull friend 
 
 and obed*. humble serv*. 
 
 Devonshire. 
 
 May I beg my most respectfull compliments to the Dutchess and beg 
 leave to assure her Grace y t I am her most humble serv*. 
 
 General Conway x to the Duke of Grafton 
 
 Near Willemsdahl, 25 June, 1762. 
 
 My Lord, 
 As Fitz Roy is not with us I think it a duty I owe to your Grace's 
 goodness for me to acquaint you with any of our military events that are 
 deserving of your notice. That of yesterday I really think so : and tho' 
 not a battle, as glorious an action for our commander as any that has 
 happen'd perhaps since the war began. 
 
 We were encamp'd since the 21 st near the Dymmel ; the French near 
 Halle, about two leagues on the other side. Our situation seem'd defen- 
 sive ; but yesterday morning our Duke 2 executed his very noble design 
 of passing the Dymmel and attacking the two marshals in their camp. 
 L d Granby with his corps march'd to their right flank and Genl s . 3 
 and 3 to their left, while the rest march'd to their front. We 
 
 crossed the river about 4 o'clock in the morning and it's past all credi- 
 bility that at the distance we lay and in full daylight these gentlemen 
 shou'd let themselves be surpriz'd ; yet so it was, their tents were standing 
 till L d . Granby was withing about half a mile of their flank : after the 
 attack began it was rather a flight than an action on their part through- 
 out. The chief stand they made was on their left, where L d . Granby 
 attack'd with his usual spirit and where he must have been overpower'd 
 I think by their numbers if we had not mov'd up in the critical time to 
 disengage him, which indeed was H.S.H.'s plan. 
 
 The French did not stop till they came to Cassel. They have lost 
 I reckon about 5,000 men, as we have 100 officers and above 3,000 
 prisoners, and I saw a great many kill'd and wounded. Our loss 
 
 1 General Conway was connected by Cumberland in the command of the 
 marriage with Grafton, whose aunt English forces in 1758. This fight was 
 I .ady Arabella Fitzroy married Con- the beginning of a series of operations 
 way's elder brother, the first Marquis which ended in the surrender of Cassel 
 of Hertford. by the French. 
 
 2 Ferdinand of Brunswick (1721- 3 These names are illegible in the 
 1792). He succeeded to the Duke of MS.
 
 ch. i] LETTERS, 1761-1765. 39 
 
 I imagine does not exceed a few hundred, and scarce an officer of note 
 but poor Col. Harry Townshend, who I am afraid is mortally wounded, 
 and Cap. Middleton of the Guards. 
 
 We have taken a good many colours and a few canon ; but the 
 Grenadiers I think also lost two or three of the latter. 
 
 The French officers whom 1 spoke to all talk of their commanders in 
 terms of the highest contempt and of ours with the greatest admiration 
 as he deserves. 
 
 I beg my best respects to the Duchess, I hope you have had all the 
 agrement and satisfaction you cou'd wish for in your Italian journey, and 
 am, my lord, with the greatest respect, 
 
 Your Grace's most obedient 
 
 and faithful servant 
 
 H. S. Conway.
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 AUTOBIOGRAPHY. 1 765- 1 766 
 
 GRAFTON AS SECRETARY OF STATE IN THE 
 ROCKINGHAM MINISTRY 
 
 1 Notwithstanding there had been many reports of dis- 
 sentions among His Majesty's ministers and servants during 
 the course of the whole winter, and particularly towards the 
 conclusion of the session, no authentic accounts ever reached 
 me of them, nor of the kings displeasure at their conduct and 
 behaviour to himself, till I received an express from the Duke 
 of Cumberland. The letter written by H.R.H. was brought 
 to me at Wakefield Lodge the 14 th of May at night 2 . It con- 
 tained an intimation of the king's intention of changing his 
 Administration, of taking in their places those whom H.R.H. 
 said, both he and myself had wished in power, and adding a 
 desire of talking public, as well as private affairs over with me. 
 
 This summons was instantly obeyed, and I got to Cumber- 
 land House even before the Duke was called. He sent for 
 me to come immediately into his bedchamber, and opened 
 
 1 Here begins that portion of the negotiations, will be found at the end of 
 
 autobiography which was composed the chapter. 
 
 from memoranda made at the time. It 2 The account given by the Duke of 
 
 is unfortunate that the ' foul copy ' in Cumberland of these negotiations — set 
 
 which this is noted should here be out in the Rockinghavi Memoirs, p. 193 
 
 wanting. I rely for the statement as to et seq. — tallies in the most remarkable 
 
 the use of the memoranda upon a manu- way with that given by the Duke of 
 
 script note of Lord Carlingford, who Grafton, only the Duke of Cumberland 
 
 had the ' foul copy ' before him in its has made the whole transaction earlier 
 
 entirety (see Introduction). The letter by a week, than it really was. 
 referred to, with others turning on these
 
 ch. 11] THE KING AND THE GRENVILLE MINISTRY 41 
 
 the discourse by telling me, that, though he was only com- 
 manded by the king to intimate his present dispositions to 
 employ M r . Pitt, and the Lords Rockingham and Temple, yet 
 he was confident that he should be forgiven, if he stretched 
 his commission by adding me to the number, saying at the 
 same time with his usual goodness, that he had that regard 
 and opinion of me, that he could not avoid wishing to hear 
 my thoughts and inclinations, as well for myself, as for my 
 friends on such an occasion. After expressions of this sort the 
 Duke told me that he had had some knowledge of His Majesty's 
 intentions before the Regency Bill was brought into our 
 house ; but as he had endeavored to dissuade the king from 
 bringing it in, at so short a notice, and when so little time was 
 left to consider a matter of that importance, he had humbly 
 begged to decline giving His Majesty his opinion of men, 
 as he was sure those whom he might recommend would not 
 undertake that Bill so drawn and pressed at such a moment. 
 
 The behaviour of the ministers on that occasion, who wished 
 to exclude the princess dowager, was such, as neither answered 
 their own design, nor in any way turned to their honor, but 
 put the finishing stroke to the dislike the king had already 
 conceived against them. After Lord Hallifax had moved, 
 that the king might in that Bill be empowered to name 
 as regent any one of his royal family, descendant of 
 George 2 a , they thought their end was answered ; but soon 
 saw the meanness to which they were obliged to bend by 
 assenting afterwards to the amendment, proposed and made 
 to it in the lower house, of allowing the princess dowager 
 by name to be added to those who might be regent. The 
 defeat of their design was not the only consequence of their 
 attempt, which was plainly seen through, and the princess 
 was naturally expected to resent this affront. Their servility 
 in submitting was sufficient to add in the king's mind a con- 
 tempt of their characters to that disgust he already had for 
 men who had brought an odium on his Government and who 
 had not, as he expressed, served him with decency in the closet. 
 
 The king, in this situation and a few days before the intended
 
 42 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1765 
 
 prorogation of Parliament, sent for the Duke of Cumberland l , 
 and asked his advice in forming such an Administration 
 as would please his kingdom, and carry weight and credit 
 both at home and abroad ; two points, of which he was 
 sensible the country as well as the Crown stood in need. 
 The Duke, penetrated with this mark of the king's favor, 
 and more with the return of His Majesty's confidence, 
 expressed his sensibility of both, but added that he was 
 certain that the king would not, in any shape, mean that 
 he should engage in an affair of such delicacy and real 
 consequence in any manner derogatory to his honor. Give 
 me leave, Sir, said the Duke, to observe that I should hurt 
 that honor, as well as lose the esteem of the world, if I was 
 forming an Administration in which Lord Bute should have 
 either weight or power. After every assurance given by the 
 king, on this head the Duke could no longer doubt of the 
 sincerity of such a proposal. Much conversation then passed 
 on the means of forming a new Administration, and the Duke 
 left the king, commanded by him to think fully upon it. 
 
 His Majesty had intimated, however, his wish to have Lord 
 Northumberland" at the head of the Treasury; a proposal, 
 of which, in the hurry of so many and important matters, 
 I sincerely think the Duke did not immediately weigh the 
 consequence, but he soon afterwards saw it, and had the 
 satisfaction also to find that the king himself abandoned it, 
 when it was shewn to him to be inconsistent that so near 
 a relation of Lord Bute's should hold so great a post of 
 
 1 The Duke of Cumberland evidently described as having taken place on 
 left on Grafton's mind the impression that Easter Day, April 7 {ibid. 186), when 
 he had recently seen the king, and his the king seemed to wish to say some- 
 own account of the negotiations, printed thing which he never said, 
 in the Rockingham Memoirs, reads as 2 Sir Hugh Smithson married the 
 though he must have known more of eldest daughter of the seventh Duke of 
 the king's wishes than he could have Somerset, on whose death, in 1749, he 
 learned at second-hand ; but he does succeeded to the earldom of Northum- 
 not there mention any interview with berland. A dukedom was conferred on 
 the king before Saturday, May 18, or, him in 1766. His eldest son, Lord 
 as he calls it, the nth {Rockingham Warkworth, married Lord Bute's 
 Memoirs, i. 200) ; except the one daughter.
 
 CH. n] GRAFTON AND THE DUKE OF CUMBERLAND 43 
 
 business. For, let his professions have been ever so satis- 
 factory to those, who were to act with him ; the world would 
 still deem the Treasury in the hands of a lieutenant of Lord 
 Bute's, and would consider such a step incompatible with all 
 the former conduct and professions of those who were to form 
 the new Administration. 
 
 This was the Duke's account of what had passed : he 
 then sounded my own inclinations, and whether I wished 
 any thing in such a change for myself, or what for my 
 friends : he told me he both disapproved and much lamented 
 that I was so much retired from the world, and not giving, 
 in my rank, every assistance which my country had a right 
 to require of me. I answered H.R.H., with many thanks 
 for the favorable opinion he had of me, that I was very 
 sensible that my power of serving my country he rated 
 infinitely beyond my abilities, but that no one could in his 
 heart wish it better, nor would go further to serve it, and 
 that I did not mean to retire another year so much from 
 the world as I had done. I expressed next, that the small 
 experience I had early in my life of a Court had made me 
 take a resolution, which was every day strongly confirmed, 
 that no inducement could lead me to take a Court employ- 
 ment, but that I was ready to undertake any one of business, 
 provided I was satisfied that I could go through such an 
 office with credit to myself and without prejudice to my 
 country ; that I owned my wish was to have my brother, 
 Col : Fitzroy, Scudamore, and some other friends who had 
 been sufferers on my account, replaced, which would 
 sufficiently shew my intentions, and to be left myself to 
 applaud and forwardly to support the measures, which I was 
 confident would be pursued by an honorable Adnii)iisiration x . 
 
 1 ' I proposed to him, if Secretary of affair in general must succeed : and that 
 State should stagger him, that he would there was no present need for him to 
 be first Lord of Trade with the Cabinet engage in business : yet that a place in 
 Council, as that would be reckoned in Court was what he could not endure, 
 the world to be short of what he had from the attendance requisite. There- 
 shown himself fit for. It did not avail fore, fearing his stay in town might add 
 me, as he was equally sanguine that the to the other suspicions the ministers
 
 44 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1765 
 
 Indeed such appeared to me, and does still, the way in which 
 I could have been of the most use. The lower parts of 
 business were not fit for the rank I stood in, nor were the 
 greater more fit for the total inexperience I had of any office. 
 Whereas the support of a man, who was looked upon as 
 steady in his conduct, and not famed for supporting all Ad- 
 ministrations, would have given weight to a cause, if I could 
 have been allowed to have served it without being in place. 
 
 The Duke was not satisfied with my answer, and proposed 
 and pressed me to be at the head of the Board of Trade, 
 which I begged to decline, looking upon it in a very 
 different light from what I found H.R.H. did, as I really 
 thought it as difficult a post as any whatever. As this 
 transaction was not to transpire at that time, I asked the 
 Duke's leave to return into the country again that very day, 
 which I did. I should have mentioned before, that whilst 
 I was with the Duke, he asked me this question, whether 
 I thought an Administration could be formed (principally out 
 of the minority) without M r . Pitt ? On my assuring him that 
 my opinion was, that nothing so formed could be stable, he 
 said he hoped there was every reason to think he would en- 
 gage, as Lord Albemarle 1 had been with him the day before, and 
 that his Lordship thought he saw it in a favorable light. With 
 these hopes I left London, and in a few days afterwards had 
 the mortification to see them blasted, by receiving a fresh mes- 
 senger from the Duke of Cumberland desiring my immediate 
 attendance in London. A letter written by Lord Albemarle 
 by the Duke's order, dated at night May 22 d : brought me 
 this account in words to this effect, that the Duke had been 
 five hours with M r . Pitt at Hayes, without prevailing on him 
 to take a part, that the king was the next morning to answer 
 
 would have, he would return directly into ' George, third Earl of Albemarle 
 the country most heartily wishing us sue- (1 724-1 772), had been the Duke's aide- 
 cess.' Such is the Duke of Cumberland's de-camp at Fontenoy and Culloden, and 
 account of the end of the interview as commander of the land forces at the 
 {Rockingham Memoirs, i. 194). The taking of the Havannah, had greatly 
 correspondence of the two statements is distinguished himself. He was now a 
 creditable to both parties. lord of the bedchamber to the Duke.
 
 CH. il] NEGOTIATIONS WITH PITT 45 
 
 some questions, to be put to him by his present ministers, in 
 one of which H.R.H. was personally concerned, and that 
 the Duke desired my support on the occasion. Lord Albe- 
 marle also adds, that the king had been most insolently 
 treated by his ministers, and shamefully abandoned by those 
 who should have profitted by this occasion to serve their 
 king and country 1 . 
 
 On receiving this account, my first step was to go instantly 
 to receive H.R.H.s commands, whom I found just going 
 to Court to know the king's determination. He told me, 
 however, in a few words the advice he had given to the 
 king the night before, and referred me to Lord Albemarle 
 for the whole of what had passed since I last waited upon 
 him, commanding me also to wait upon him on his return 
 from St. James's, and to dine with him. Lord Albemarle's 
 account tallied so exactly with what the Duke afterwards 
 related to me, that it is needless to repeat both. 
 
 H.R.H. said, that finding L d . Temple cooler on the subject 
 than he expected, and that M r . Pitt was also less forward since 
 Lord Temple's arrival in London, he had explained to the 
 king the absolute necessity there was of every object being 
 removed that might prevent M r . Pitt's taking a part, and 
 hoping even to have His Majesty's assurance that many 
 measures might be redressed, and some wholly broken 
 through, to make it more satisfactory to M r . Pitt on entering 
 upon his Ministry. On the preceding Saturday the king had 
 sent for H.R.H., and told him, in the kindest terms and most 
 explicit words, that he put himself wholly, in this affair, into 
 his hands, that he saw plainly the propriety of his advice. 
 For which reason he ordered him to go the next morning to 
 M r . Pitt with full powers from him to treat with M r . Pitt, 
 and to come into the constitutional steps he had before 
 mentioned, as essential to the country ; as also that the 
 king was not backward to lean to his foreign politics, if he 
 (M r . Pitt) should think it most beneficial, when he saw how 
 affairs then stood. H.R.H. told me, that he had patience 
 
 1 The letter is printed infra, p. 81.
 
 46 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1765 
 
 to attend to very long discourses which M r . Pitt held on the 
 subject, in which the Duke declared he could not always 
 follow him ; as he was sometimes speaking of himself as 
 already the acting minister, and then would turn about by 
 showing how impossible it was for him ever to be in an 
 employment of such a nature, and always would end by 
 observing that if such and such measures were pursued, he 
 would applaud them loudly from whatever men they came. 
 
 M r . Pitt also told H.R.H. that if an Administration went 
 in on such ground as he had laid down, he would exhort his 
 friends, nay his brothers, to accept, but that he doubted much 
 whether the latter (meaning L d . Temple and James Gren- 
 ville) would. His plan abroad was for a close union with the 
 northern Courts of Germany together with Russia, to balance 
 the Bourbon alliance, to which the Duke gave the answer 
 I before mentioned, and that the king was ready to support 
 M r . Pitt in any alliance that he should judge the most valid 
 to check any attempts that might arise from the family com- 
 pact of the House of Bourbon. At home M r . Pitt lamented 
 (and in which the Duke most sincerely joined) the infringe- 
 ment on our Constitution in the affair of the warrants left still 
 undecided, though twice before Parliament ; the army de- 
 graded, as well as our liberties struck at, by the dismission 
 of officers who had taken the part in Parliament which their 
 consciences prompted them to ; so much to their honor, tho' 
 contrary to their interest ; and in addition to these, should 
 be taken into consideration the propriety of rewarding the 
 uprightness of LA Chief Justice Pratt at such a crisis, by 
 giving him a peerage. To M r . Pitt's question to the Duke 
 whether the great seal was promised to M r . Cha 8 . Yorke ? 
 H.R.H. could only answer, that he could not say how far 
 the king had engaged himself with that gentleman. 
 
 The Duke did not tell me what I afterwards heard from M r . 
 Pitt ; that the Duke had that day mentioned it to be the king's 
 wish to have L d . Northumberland at the head of the Treasury. 
 If it was mentioned, it is very clear that it was almost as 
 soon dropped, and I am confident that it was not, that day,
 
 ch. n] pitt's first refusal 47 
 
 the Duke's desire, any more that that of M r . Pitt ; in which 
 case I think it was possible that it was named more to feel 
 M r . Pitt's notion or affections to that quarter, or perhaps by 
 a policy, very unnecessary with so great a man, thinking it 
 might be a concession that would please, when he found that 
 L d . Temple would be agreeable to the king in that office. 
 H.R.H. often, as he told me, pressed M r . Pitt to chalk out 
 to the king a list of such as he would wish to fill all the posts 
 of business, which, the Duke answered for, the king would 
 instantly adopt. This was to no purpose ; and the Duke was 
 obliged to return to Richmond with the unpleasant account 
 of his ill-success. The day following 1 , the Duke, by His 
 Majesty's command, was employed in endeavoring to form 
 an Administration without M r . Pitt, and to that end L d . 
 Lyttleton 2 was sounded to be placed at the head of the 
 Treasury, with M r . C. Townshend as the Chancellor of the 
 Exchequer 3 . These gentlemen both thought the ground too 
 weak to stand long upon and wished to decline it. The 
 latter of them accepted the pay office two days after under 
 the old Ministry 4 . Many different posts were thought of 
 and proposed for me during this arrangement ; but none of 
 them ever came to my ears till my coming to London, as it 
 was unnecessary I should know of them, till the greater posts 
 were fixed on and accepted. The king, on the day follow- 
 ing 5 , disappointed of this plan also, with his present Ministry 
 at the door of the closet ready to resign, was under a difficulty, 
 and in such a situation that he knew not which way to turn. 
 
 1 Monday, May 20. that Newcastle and the Cavendishes were 
 
 3 George, first Lord Lyttleton: he anxious for such a Ministry. Conwaywas 
 
 was first cousin to Temple and George to have been Secretary at War, so Wal- 
 
 Grenville. His father, Sir Thomas pole probably heard all that was under 
 
 Lyttleton, married Christian, daughter discussion. He and Conway agreed, and 
 
 of Sir Richard Temple: Richard Gren- with reason, that such a Ministry could 
 
 ville, father of Temple and G. Grenville, not last. No one at this time seems 
 
 married Esther, an elder daughter of to have thought of Rockingham. 
 
 Sir R. Temple. Lord Lyttleton was 4 Charles Townshend kissed hands as 
 
 connected by marriage with Pitt, his Paymaster on Friday, May 24 (Gretu 
 
 sister having married Pitt's only brother. villi J'aJ>ers, iii. 182). 
 
 Walpole, Memoirs, ii. 170, says s Tuesday, May 21. 
 
 3
 
 48 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1765 
 
 The Duke's advice then was, as the lesser evil of the two, to 
 call in his old Administration rather than to leave the country 
 without ministers, while the town was in a tumult raised 
 against the Duke of Bedford by the Weavers, and the House 
 of Lords passing the most strange, as well as violent, resolu- 
 tions l . On the Wednesday morning, M r . Grenville, in the 
 name of the rest, acquainted the king that before they 
 should again undertake his affairs, they must lay before him 
 some questions to be answered by His Majesty, on which 
 the king taking him up, said ' Terms, I suppose you mean Sir, 
 what are they 2 ?' M r . Grenville answered that they should 
 expect further assurance that Lord Bute should never meddle 
 in State affairs of whatsoever sort : that M r . Mackenzie :i (his 
 brother) should be dismissed from his employment : that Lord 
 Holland should also meet with the same treatment : that Lord 
 Weymouth 4 should be named Lord Lieutenant to Ireland, and 
 that Lord Granby should be appointed Commander-in-Chief. 
 He then left the king, from whom they were to have their 
 answer the next day. M r . G. Grenville on that day also took 
 the lead in the name of the rest ; and the king, advised by 
 the D. of Cumberland, except in that point relating to him- 
 self, told them that he would never give up the possibility of 
 
 1 The House of Lords, at the instance porary authorities {Grenville Papers, iii. 
 of the Duke of Bedford, had thrown out 181, 182, 187; Walpole, Memoirs, ii. 
 a Bill for raising the duty on Italian 174). Bedford Cotrespondence, iii. 284, 
 silks. In a riot which arose from the d is- where an extract from the diary of Sir 
 appointment of the Spitalfields weavers Gilbert Elliott describes the not un- 
 at the rejection of the Bill, the Duke of natural anger of George III. 
 Bedford was assaulted and struck with 3 James Stuart Mackenzie, the only 
 a stone on his way to the House: two brother of Lord Bute. For an account of 
 days later his residence was attacked, his dismissal, see Walpole, Letters, iv. 
 and blood was shed in dispersing the 367. He held the Privy Seal of Scot- 
 rioters. The House of Lords examined land, and was reinstated in 1766. 
 witnesses and passed resolutions for the 4 Thomas Thynne, third Viscount 
 maintenance of the peace, but the ex- Weymouth (1734- 1796). He was ap- 
 pressions ' strange and violent ' seem pointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in 
 uncalled for. May, 1765, but never entered on the 
 
 2 The statement made here as to the office; was Secretary of State 1768- 
 terms imposed by Grenville upon the 1770 and 1 775—1 779 ; was created 
 king is confirmed by various contem- Marquis of Bath 1789.
 
 CH. n] NEGOTIATIONS WITH PITT 49 
 
 employing his uncle on an emergency ; which he should do, 
 if he put any one in the post of Commander-in-Chief ; that 
 he assented to the others, tho' against his opinion ; and that 
 he supposed they would not press him to break his word 
 which he had given to M r . Mackenzie, but that he was ready 
 to give up the management of the Scotch affairs, if they would 
 leave him in as Privy Seal to that kingdom. On their still 
 insisting on his total dismission, the king was obliged to 
 assent ; and then by their friends they were considered as 
 much stronger than they ever had been l . 
 
 This affair being thus concluded, after having paid my duty 
 at the king's levee I returned again into the country, and soon 
 waited upon H.R.H. at Windsor Lodge during the races. 
 
 [The Duke of Cumberland was over at Hayes the day after 
 I went back to Wakefield Lodge ; and M r . Pitt had two 
 long conferences, in consequence, with the king ; and in the 
 latter on Saturday May 19 th had expectation that a thorough 
 change would have taken place, according to the fullest of 
 our wishes. Our hopes however were strangely thwarted 
 by the disinclination of Lord Temple, who made such use of 
 the mention of the Earl of Northumberland for the Treasury, 
 as to stagger M r . Pitt himself, as I conjectured. But the 
 cause of the failure of this negociation was imputed differently 
 according as the partialities and prejudices of political men 
 led them to represent it ; that no obstacle arose from His 
 Majesty I am perfectly assured. Those with whom I chiefly 
 consorted were much inclined to blame M r . Pitt, who, as they 
 
 1 A confusion arises here from an sentence beginning 'This affair being 
 
 interpolation made by the Duke of now concluded,' after which sentence 
 
 (irafton into the first draft of the MS. came the words ' In the meanwhile' on 
 
 As that draft is lost I must rely upon p. 50, followed by the narrative and 
 
 Lord Carlingford's notes for an ex- correspondence describing the interview 
 
 planation. of Colonel FitzRoy with Pitt. 
 
 I collect from these notes that in the Next came a later insertion of the 
 
 first draft the memoir went without words now included in brackets. They 
 
 interruption from the words ' Stronger seem to import a confusion between the 
 
 than they ever had been,' to the words interviews which Lord Albemarle and 
 
 on p. 52, 'It was not to be wondered the Duke of Cumberland had with Pitt 
 
 at.' Into this draft two later intro- in May, and the interviews between Pitt 
 
 ductions were made. First came the and the king in June. See p. 53.
 
 50 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1765 
 
 said, had carte blanche from the king. M r . Pitt, on the other 
 hand, would not allow that this was the case ; and he observed 
 that the expression itself was unfit to be used on such an 
 occasion ; and M r . James Grenville has assured my brother 
 that M r . Pitt was much hurt to find the latter offer, to which 
 he had acceded, broken off before M r . P. had returned his 
 answer; and M r . J. G. added, that the reconciliation with 
 George Grenville did not regard the public] 
 
 In the mean while, I received a letter from my brother, who 
 mentioned a conversation with M r . J. Grenville, in which 
 that gentleman had declared his own thoughts on the late 
 negociation ; adding that M r . Pitt desired much an oppor- 
 tunity of explaining the whole to me. My brother pressed 
 me strongly from himself, as well as from M r . Meynell 1 and 
 other of my friends, to see M r . Pitt as soon as possible, in 
 order that I might be able to clear up and put a stop to 
 divisions that this whole affair had made among friends, eager 
 to defend the part those to whom they were most attached 
 had taken in it. I returned for answer to my brother that 
 I must have some plainer certainty of such a wish of M l *. Pitt's, 
 and that I would desire him to go to Hayes to know whether 
 the case was as represented, and to lay before him my 
 thoughts of his conduct on the occasion, which, partial as 
 I was to him, even to me appeared unfathomable, and to 
 want great explanation. I even offered, in case of any 
 thing having been misunderstood, that I should be too happy 
 to be thought worthy of being employed by him either to get 
 explained or renewed a measure that appeared to me the only 
 one by which our king and country could attain their ancient 
 glory. Immediately on the receipt of my letter, my brother 
 went to Hayes, and having heard from M r . Pitt the whole 
 relation, he transmitted the chief purport to me that same 
 evening in the following letters. 
 
 1 Mr. Meynell is slightingly spoken member successively for Lichfield, Lym- 
 
 of in Walpole's Memoirs, iii. 119, but ington, and Stafford. He moved more 
 
 he was a man of considerable position in sporting than in political circles, 
 in his county (Staffordshire), and was
 
 CH. n] NEGOTIATIONS WITH PITT 51 
 
 London, Wednesday, May 29 th . 
 Dear Brother, 
 
 At the end of my conversation with M r . Pitt, I asked if I should 
 
 write word to you, that he was resolved not to renew the negociation ; he 
 
 said, Resolved was a large word, and desired I would express myself thus 
 
 ' Af. Pitt's determination was final, and the negociation is at an end." 
 
 (These are his own words.) As to your coming, he shall be extreamly 
 
 happy to have the honor of seeing you, but would be ashamed to bring 
 
 you to town for so little an object ; yet, if you should come to London, 
 
 would not only be proud to see you at Hayes and talk things over, but, if 
 
 he could walk on foot to London to pay his respects to you, he would do 
 
 it. Having said this, at your own leisure, any time within a week or so, 
 
 if you come to London, he should think himself happy to see you at Hayes. 
 
 I am &c. 
 
 Charles FitzRoy. 
 
 Dear Brother, 
 
 My other is a formal answer to my commission, — this is a private 
 account of my conversation at Hayes, as near as I can recollect the 
 different heads and shorten in substance M r . Pitt's two hours incessant 
 talking. It is quite private between us, I mean you and myself. — 
 
 I st . I found he had not been acquainted with James Grenville's con- 
 versation with me ; upon my telling it to him i?i part, he said it might 
 have come from Lord Temple, but that the different periods were not 
 exactly stated. He then went through every part of what had passed, 
 and made his remarks with several refinements upon manner and words ; 
 and often declared his unwillingness to engage again in office. He rested 
 the whole objections of this negociation upon the transaction's opening 
 with the king's wish to have L d . Northumberland at the head of the 
 Treasury : at the same time, he expressed that he, M r . Pitt, did not 
 desire L d . Temple should be there ; but that he thought the whole 
 transaction a phantom, and could never have been intended serious. He 
 declared it impossible for him and H. R. H. to talk a different language 
 as to fact, but that nothing like carte blanche was ever hinted (N.B. he 
 thinks that an improper phrase, as it sounds like capitulating). He talked 
 much of revolution families perso?ial!y from their weight, but unconnected 
 and under no banner; for all that was factious. He mentioned the great 
 popular points : restitution of officers, privilege, &c, &c, change of 
 system of politics, both domestic and foreign : said everything you would 
 like, and resolved nothing but retirement — I must add, the highest 
 commendations of H. R. H., his judgment, abilities, integrity, &.C., &c. — but 
 said that 'no man in England but himself would have brought such 
 terms, no, not even IX Bute.' He left me totally in the dark, further 
 than I could easily distinguish, he thinks that it was not meant to have it 
 his administration. 
 
 E 2
 
 52 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1765 
 
 For God's sake see him ; it must not be tomorrow, as he has his 
 reconciling dinner with George Grenville ; this he told me l . The D. of C. 
 goes to the birthday, so you may come on Monday, if you will, to see 
 M r . Pitt, and take the birthday on Tuesday, if you like it. 
 
 Adieu yours 
 
 C. F. R. 
 
 It was not to be wondered at if His Majesty, under these 
 circumstances 2 , was led to try every practical means by which 
 he could form an Administration capable of relieving him 
 from the irksome situation in which he stood with his present 
 servants. Among others, I was myself commanded by the 
 king, thro' the D. of Cumberland, to wait on M r . Pitt at 
 Hayes, and to bear to him His Majesty's wishes to be 
 informed what steps would be the fittest for His Majesty to 
 take in order to constitute an Administration, of which 
 M r . Pitt was to be the head, and which might, thro' a confidence 
 of the principles and abilities of the other ministers, give 
 satisfaction to his people. H.R.H. told me, that if I had any 
 doubt as to the authority, I might receive it from the king 
 himself. I was young and unsuspicious, and moreover per- 
 fectly relied on the honor of those who were then present 
 at this conference at Windsor Great Lodge, when the king's 
 commands were communicated to me ; and I desired no other 
 authority. Since that time, experience would probably have 
 stopt me from undertaking a commission so critical and, 
 I may add, so hazardous 3 ; yet I received the satisfactory 
 declaration from all parties, that I had discharged my com- 
 mission faithfully. M r . Pitt received me with the usual 
 kindness which I had constantly met with from him ever 
 since he first knew me at Stowe, when I was a boy from 
 school ; indeed his obliging attention had been daily encreas- 
 ing. He appeared to be much pleased with the subject of the 
 
 1 This dinner took place at Hayes on 2 This sentence, in the original draft, 
 
 Thursday, May 30 [Grenville Papers, followed after the words ' stronger than 
 
 lii. 191). The reconciliation occurred they had ever been,' on p. 49. 
 
 just when the first applications were 3 The Duke's anxieties on this head 
 
 being made to Pitt, and accounts in part are expressed in a letter to Albemarle, 
 
 for the conduct of Temple. p. 84.
 
 ch. h] pitt's second refusal 53 
 
 message I brought. He talked over many weighty political 
 considerations and situations in a very open manner; some of 
 which were to be considered as going no further than my 
 own breast ; the rest I was desired to report. In a visit of 
 more than 2 hours 1 , he concluded that, with every sense of 
 duty to His Majesty for his obliging condescension, he could 
 not, but to the king himself, state his views, and what would 
 be his advice for the king's dignity and the public welfare. 
 
 M r . Pitt did see the king in a day or two after this, and 
 again on June 22 d ; but, alas! it will appear by the following 
 letters, that he was much disappointed in the warm expecta- 
 tion he had formed. 
 
 My Lord Pall Mall > Saturda y» J une 22<1 > J 7<>5- 
 
 Having had an audience again to-day of His Majesty at the queen's 
 house, I find myself under a necessity of expressing my extreme desire to 
 have the honor of a conversation with your Grace ; did my shatter'd 
 health permit I would have had the pleasure of being my own messenger 
 to Wakefield Lodge ; as it is, I trust your Grace will, in consideration of 
 my sincere respect and attachment, pardon the great liberty I take in 
 desiring that your Grace would take the trouble of a journey to town. 
 I am going to sleep at Hayes, where I find it necessary for me to be, as 
 much as may be, for the air ; and shall be proud and happy to have the 
 honor of waiting on your Grace at my return to London Monday night, 
 in case you should be then arrived, or some time on Tuesday next. 
 A letter would but ill convey what I have to impart, I therefore defer entering 
 into matter till I have the satisfaction of meeting ; and will only say, that 
 I think the royal dispositions are most propitious to the wishes of the 
 publick, with regard to measures most likely to spread satisfaction ; when 
 your Grace arrives, you will hear with your own ears and see with your 
 own eyes, which will be better than any lights I can convey. I have the 
 honor to be, with perfect truth and respect 
 
 Your Grace's most obed 1 . and most humble serv 1 . 
 
 William Pitt. 
 
 Hayes, Tuesday Even*. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 It is with extreme concern that I am to acquaint your Grace, that 
 L d . Temple declines to take the Treasury. This unfortunate event 
 wholly disables me from undertaking that part which my zeal, under all 
 
 1 This visit of the Duke of Grafton He went on to Stowe to confer with 
 to Hayes seems to have taken place on Temple before the king had seen Pitt 
 June 18 (Gtenvillc Papers, iii. 197). {ibid. 199).
 
 54 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1765 
 
 the weight of infirmities, had determined me to attempt. As, in this 
 crisis, I imagine your Grace will judge proper to come to town ; I trust 
 you will pardon the trouble of this line, and believe me with true respect 
 and attachment, Your Grace's most faithful and most obed*. humble 
 
 serv • William Pitt. 
 
 Despairing of receiving M r . Pitt's assistance at our head, 
 a new plan for establishing a Ministry was proposed to His 
 Majesty by H.R.H., and accepted ; several, with myself, 
 understanding that it came forward with the full declaration 
 of our desire to receive M r . Pitt at our head, whenever he 
 should see the situation of affairs to be such as to allow him 
 to take that part. My concern afterwards was great, when 
 I found, before the conclusion of our first session, that this 
 idea was already vanished from the minds of some of my 
 colleagues. I always understood this to be the ground on 
 which I engaged ; and it will be seen that I adhered to my 
 own resolution to the last. 
 
 When the principal line of ministerial departments was 
 settled between His Majesty and H.R.H., a considerable 
 number of the leading men in both Houses were invited to 
 a great dinner, (at whose house 1 I do not exactly recollect) ; 
 where the great officers were to be fix'd on, as much as 
 possible to the general satisfaction of the meeting as to the 
 person himself. A real difficulty, however, arose concerning 
 the Treasury; for the delicacy of Lord Rockingham kept him 
 back, for sometime, from accepting that post, to which the 
 Duke of Newcastle was giving up the claim reluctantly, though 
 most of his own friends felt that his advanced age rendered 
 him inadequate to fill it. After long resistance the Marquis 
 yielded ; and the other officers were nearly agreed upon, as 
 we kissed hands for them on the 10 th of July 2 . 
 
 1 The meeting took place at the Duke Memoirs, i. 218, and some further de- 
 
 of Newcastle's house, Claremont, on tails in Walpole, Alemoirs, ii. 189. 
 June 30. Grafton was not present, but 2 The Ministry was settled as fol- 
 
 Newcastle answered for his readiness to lows : — 
 
 take part in an Administration. The list First Lord of the Treasury, Marquis 
 
 of those present, and an account of what of Rockingham, 
 took place, is given in the Rockingham
 
 ch. 11] THE ROCKINGHAM MINISTRY 55 
 
 From many visits to Hayes, I was fully persuaded that 
 M r . Pitt would be glad to see a Ministry take place, which 
 was formed of men whose principles were in a great degree 
 congenial with his own, notwithstanding his disappointment, 
 and although he could not allow the new formation to pass in 
 the world as of his recommendation to the king. On this 
 ground I embarked with confidence, and am convinced that 
 M r . Pitt approved, though he would not allow it to be said in 
 so many distinct words ; and when Admirals Saunders and 
 Keppel 1 were in doubt whether they should come in as Lords 
 of the Admiralty, they had the express sanction of M r . Pitt. 
 To keep the Duke of Newcastle in good humour, the patronage 
 of the Church was added to the Privy Seal. Lord Winchelsea 2 
 came to the Presidency of the Council, and Mr. Conway 3 
 Secretary for the Southern and myself for the Northern 
 Department. 
 
 One of the first acts of our Administration was to obtain 
 from His Majesty the honors of a peerage for the true 
 patriot, Lord Chief Justice Pratt, which the king had the 
 condescension to grant to our earnest entreaties, the news of 
 which was received by the nation with much applause. 
 
 The Duke of Cumberland was present at all our councils, 
 on a general request made to H.R.H., approved by the king. 
 We proceeded in business with great zeal and perfect con- 
 cord, and we had every reason to be satisfied with the conduct 
 of our new friends Lords Northington and Egmont in all 
 our meetings. May I be allowed to say, that our entry into 
 the Ministry was pleasing to the nation, though it must be 
 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. W. 2 Daniel, seventh Earl of Winchelsea, 
 
 Dowdeswell. was now in his seventy-seventh year. 
 
 Lord Chancellor, Lord Northington. He had on two previous occasions, in 
 
 Lord Privy Seal, Duke of Newcastle. 1741 and 1757, held the office of First 
 
 President of the Council, Lord Win- Lord of the Admiralty for a few months 
 
 chelsea. on each occasion. 
 
 Secretaries of State, Duke of Grafton, 3 Second son of Francis, Lord Con- 
 
 and General Conway. way, and brother to the first Marquis of 
 
 First Lord of the Admiralty, Lord Hertford. He was born in 1721 and 
 
 Egmont. (See p. 93, note.) died in 1795. 
 
 1 See p. 1 01, note.
 
 56 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1765 
 
 owned that the disappointment was great, particularly in the 
 city, when it was seen that M r . Pitt was not the minister ? 
 Men's minds were so worked up by their wishes, that those 
 who affirmed that the Administration had the approval of 
 M r . Pitt, and those who maintained the reverse equally, in 
 their extremes, passed over the strict boundary of truth ; and 
 by these very altercations they contrived to add much to the 
 popular opinion of his consequence. 
 
 When we had been about a month in office, I received 
 the following letter from M r . Hopkins \ which occasioned 
 a letter of mine to M r . Pitt, and his answer. These will 
 probably be the best means of shewing what were his sen- 
 timents and dispositions at that point of time. 
 
 OVING, Altg H . 12 th , 1765. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 I was exceedingly sorry, on my return home from M r . Bridgeman's, 
 to find that your Grace had been in the country, and that I had been 
 deprived of the pleasure of waiting on you by the other engagement. 
 
 I wanted to have seen you, to have told you how industrious M r . G. G e 
 
 is among his country neighbours in assuring them how much M r . Pitt 
 disapproves of the present Administration. He dined a few days since 
 at a neighboring baronet's, where he entertained the company with 
 a conversation which had passed at Hayes between you, and the master 
 of it, which, I believe, was not all of it exactly the truth, but which I am 
 prevented from repeating by being told it was private conversation and 
 therefore to go no further. As to the former part, viz. his disapprobation, 
 &c. I said it was one thing to say, he not approved, and another that 
 he disapproved ; that the former might be true, but that I did not believe 
 the latter. I was answered, — M r . G. said over and over, that M r . Pitt 
 had absolutely expressed his disapprobation of the Ministry to him very 
 strongly, and to such a positive assertion I had nothing to reply more 
 than that I did not believe it. 
 
 I shall not trouble you with any remarks of my own, nor make this 
 
 letter longer by apologizing for the trouble I am giving you, being happy 
 
 in every opportunity I can have, of assuring your Grace how much 
 
 I am &c. &c. 
 
 RicH d . Hopkins. 
 
 Having received this intelligence from M r . Hopkins, I sent 
 the following letter to M r . Pitt. 
 
 1 Richard Hopkins was member for Dartmouth, 1 766.
 
 ch. II] PITT AND THE ROCKINGHAM MINISTRY 57 
 
 Bond St., Aug* 1 . 20 th , 1765. 
 
 Dear Sir 1 , 
 
 I have received the enclosed letter from a particular friend of mine, 
 who is a neighbour of M r . G. Grenville's in Buckinghamshire. If he has 
 the honor to be known to you, I am confident that he is not without your 
 good opinion. You will see by the language M r . Hopkins held, that he 
 was never told that you approved the present set of ministers ; but the 
 having it reported to the other extreme, and even with a conversation 
 between us at Hayes laid down as the inculcating proof, I own, hurts me 
 in more than one light ; and in none so strongly, as that I should be 
 construed to have engaged on any political system where you would have 
 endeavored to have kept me back. What passed between us I never 
 thought myself at liberty to reveal, except that part which I understood 
 I was to mention by your desire ; the substance of which was not so 
 flattering to us as to have made me eager to have divulged it, unless 
 I had thought that, by concealing it, I should not act consistently with 
 that sincerity and friendship which you have ever shewn me. To this 
 intent I declared, (though much against my inclinations), that you had not 
 allowed me to name even the post that was to be entrusted to myself, and 
 that you would have it to be understood and known, that the whole was 
 so far from being approved by you, that you would disavow the knowledge 
 even of the dramatis persona: ; that, though you might have wished to see 
 Admirals Saunders and Keppel at their Board, the difference was great 
 between saying so much to them, and to recommend to the D. of G. 
 a post to which it was probable he might be nominated on this occasion. 
 Such were the words I repeated, and thought myself bound to do, since 
 it was your express desire : but these were not sufficient to furnish 
 argument for M r . Grenville : this makes me imagine that gentleman 
 to have been told by some newsmonger or other that which never had 
 passed between us at Hayes. 
 
 The experience of every day shews me that the points on which you 
 had the most apprehensions, and which are unfit to be mentioned by 
 letter, are less and less to be feared ; and I only wish for that hour 
 in which I could resign the Seals, and stand forth the loudest supporter 
 of the measures of you, my successor. On foreign measures I must, 
 from my 'situation, be silent, whatever may be my desire to the contrary ; 
 but I must say, (reasoning from the conversations we have had together) 
 that the almost only internal one which the recess of Parliament allows to 
 come to light was done in the very manner you could yourself have 
 recommended on that particular point. 
 
 Words of disapprobation, before any other steps appeared, can never 
 
 1 This letter and Mr. Pitt's reply are ii. 3' 8 - See also Walpole's Memoirs, 
 printed in the Chatham Correspondence, ii. 202.
 
 58 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON • [1765 
 
 come from one who thinks so candidly and so justly as I have always 
 found that you did ; I must therefore suppose that they were brought 
 to M r . Grenville from some improper quarter, and must beg to submit 
 to you whether it should not be explained to M r . Grenville, particularly 
 as he brings me so personally into it. 
 
 I have the honor to be, 
 
 with every sentiment of the most unfeigned 
 esteem and respect &c. &c. 
 
 Grafton. 
 
 Burton Pynsent, Aug H . 25 th , 1765. 
 My Lord, 
 
 I am extremely sorry that a report, from hand to hand, of discourse 
 attributed to M r . G. Grenville, in which I am mixt, should have given 
 your Grace a moment's uneasiness, and occasioned you the trouble of 
 the letter with which I am honored, and to which I am under no small 
 impatience to return an answer. Upon matters of this nature, it is fit to 
 be explicit ; I assure your Grace, then, that I have seen M r . G. Grenville 
 but once since the present Ministry took effect, and then in the presence 
 of others ; that / never said to him, nor to any 7>ian living, that I blamed, 
 or in the least disapproved, either the ministers or any individual for 
 going into the king's service, nor that I ever had a wish to keep back 
 the Duke of Grafton from taking the Seals. Let me now be as explicit, 
 my lord, in declaring what I have said, as often as occasion offered, 
 with regard to certain rumours industriously propagated, in which I could 
 not acquiesce, namely, that the present Ministry was formed by my 
 advice and approbation. To men under such impressions I have 
 constantly averred, that this Ministry was not formed by my advice, 
 but by the counsels of others ; that, from experience of different ways 
 of thinking and of acting, Claremont 1 could not be supposed an object to 
 me of confidence and expectation of a solid system of measures, according 
 to my notion of things ; and, as an authority I wished to refer to upon 
 
 1 The Duke of Newcastle's residence ' I humbly and earnestly entreat that 
 is used as a sort of impersonation of the for the future the consideration of me 
 Whig families, and the secret of Pitt's may not weigh at all, in any answer 
 distrust and dislike of the Rockingham your Grace may have to make to pro- 
 section of the Whig party is here indi- positions of a political nature. Having 
 cated. It represented the men who seen the close of last session and the 
 refused to support Pitt's war policy in system of that great war in which my 
 1 761, and assented to terms of peace share of the Ministry was so largely ar- 
 which he regarded as a virtual censure raigned, given up by silence in a full 
 on his action as Secretary of State. House I have little thought of begin- 
 This comes out clearly in a letter from ning the world again upon a new centre 
 Pitt to Newcastle, of October, 1764 : — of union ' {Chatham Corresp. ii. 297).
 
 CH. ii] PITT AND THE ROCKINGHAM MINISTRY 59 
 
 these subjects, I have appealed, as I have every right to do, to the 
 
 conversation I had the honour to hold with the Duke of Grafton at Hayes. 
 
 The exact and candid manner in which your Grace has taken the trouble 
 
 to collect the substance of that conversation is the best proof that I well 
 
 knew where I might securely appeal. I trust your Grace will think I am 
 
 sufficiently direct, upon a subject where it would be very painful to me to 
 
 be misunderstood ; and especially to be supposed by any man to entertain 
 
 any sentiments towards the Duke of Grafton, but those of sincere respect, 
 
 esteem, and friendship. After this state of the affair, I must submit to 
 
 your Grace's judgment how far any explanation from me to M r . G. Gren- 
 
 ville would be proper, considering that names are not mentioned in the 
 
 letter of intelligence to your Grace, and that some misapprehension, 
 
 without intention, cannot but have had a share in this business. Give 
 
 me leave now, my dear lord, to express how truly I feel the honor you 
 
 do me in the continuation of your favourable sentiments and flattering 
 
 wishes, upon the subject of one, who sees his zeal for the king and for 
 
 the publick become every hour more and more unavailing ; who despairs 
 
 of being enabled to do any essential good, and would indeed be sorry 
 
 to do hurt, as far as his lights carry him. Accept then, my lord, the 
 
 best wishes of a Somersetshire bystander, that the affairs in your Grace's 
 
 hands may turn out so fortunately and happily, as to make you as full 
 
 of ardour for business as I am of disrelish for the political scene, for 
 
 which I am, on so many accounts, very unfit. I have the honour to be, 
 
 with 
 
 the truest sentiments of esteem and respect, your Grace's 
 
 most obed*. and most humble serv 1 . 
 
 William Pitt. 
 
 Burton Pynsent, Sep 1 '. 18 th , 1765. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I am honoured by a king's messenger, with your Grace's very obliging 
 letter, accompanying one from the Hereditary Prince of Brunswick, and 
 am extremely sensible of your Grace's kind attention upon the occasion, 
 and of the honour of expressions so flattering to me. You will see, I have 
 taken the liberty to enclose to your Grace a letter for H. S. H., which 
 I beg may be conveyed to his hands. I will not add to your trouble and 
 retard the messenger, si lotigo sermone morer; please to accept then, my 
 dear lord, in one line, my best acknowledgments, and believe me to be 
 with all the sentiments of the truest respect and esteem 
 
 Your Grace's most obed*. and most humble serv*. 
 
 William Pitt. 
 
 The declarations contained in my former letter, were intended for such 
 proper use as your Grace might judge fit to make of them.
 
 60 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1765 
 
 This last letter is inserted merely on account of the post- 
 script, which gives great weight to the expressions of the 
 foregoing. 
 
 To this new Administration the public was indebted for 
 many beneficial measures ; and the proof they gave of a due 
 application to business will not be contested, when the effects 
 of their labours are fully considered. Great temper was shewn 
 towards the colonies by the repeal of the Stamp Act, a 
 measure founded on good policy, and (as it was thought by 
 many), on justice towards the Americans, who had com- 
 mitted, it must be owned, some violent outrages, on the 
 arrival of the stamps. The ill advised regulations on the 
 trade also were set aside, and all moderation was shewn 
 towards the colonies, while the mother country was soothed 
 by the declaration of the authority of Parliament over them 
 in all cases whatsoever. Here I am sorry to add, as my 
 belief, that the repeal of the Stamp Act could not have been 
 carried, unless accompanied by the Declaratory Bill ; so great 
 was still the desire, both within and without doors, of drawing 
 a revenue from America. It was not generally considered 
 that, in fact, every coat or shoe the Americans put on, or 
 saddle they rode on, &c, &c, were virtually paying, and 
 largely, towards the taxes of Great Britain. Besides this 
 most essential point, the long contested affair of the Canada 
 Bills was settled to the satisfaction of the holders ; and the 
 Manilla ransom, long neglected by our predecessors, met 
 with an issue which the claimants had nearly given up every 
 hope of being able to attain. The demolition of certain 
 fortifications at Dunkirk was attended with more credit to 
 the nation than it ever had been, and not without proper 
 liberality, and attention to the wholesomeness of the place. 
 In the island of Dominica a free port was established, much 
 to the joy of the American merchants ; and in Europe a very 
 advantageous commercial treaty was concluded with Russia '. 
 
 1 This seems to be a somewhat rose- were settled satisfactorily, but the nego- 
 
 coloured view of the performance of the liations concerning the Manilla ransom 
 
 Rockingham Ministry. The claims were only revived, and the demolition at 
 
 against France under the Canada Bills Dunkirk seems to have been partial.
 
 ch. li] THE AMERICAN TROUBLE 6l 
 
 By the death of the D. of Cumberland, which happened on 
 the 31 st of Oct 1 , from a stroke of apoplexy, in the evening 
 as we were assembling at H.R.H.'s house for a Council, we 
 lost a support in the Closet which we all felt ; for on the 
 Duke's most honorable character we placed our hopes and 
 our confidence 1 . 
 
 The event, though melancholy, had been foreseen as 
 approaching : and whatever real strength the Ministry had 
 lost by it, they still proceeded as before. 
 
 About this time, an intimate friend of M r . Pitt's and of 
 mine 2 had occasion to write to him : I shall give, in his own 
 zvords, the political part of M r . Pitt's letter, in answer, as it 
 appears to elucidate what was his intention regarding the 
 public, and also with what description of men only he was 
 disposed to act. 
 
 I have now troubled you enough, my dear Sir, upon my small private 
 concerns : upon public and great things, (if great belongs to the affairs of 
 so distracted a country), what remains for one so strangely circumstanced 
 as I am, to say to a friend ? You well know how I was frustrated in my 
 views for the public good : and a repetition of so unaccountable a story 
 could have neither utility, nor amusement. All I can say is this ; that I 
 move only in the sphere of measures. Quarrels at Court, or family recon- 
 ciliations, shall never vary my fixed judgment of things. Those who, 
 with me, have stood by the cause of liberty and the national honor upon 
 true revolution principles will never find me against them, till they fall 
 off, and do not act up to those principles. 
 
 This letter will probably find you amidst additional perplexities of Court 
 and city 3 , from the late melancholy but long foreseen event. Many, no 
 doubt, are the speculations upon the consequences of it ; but I am too far 
 
 1 The Duke's position in relation to enjoyed for independence and capacity 
 this Ministry was curious. He was is in great measure a literary after- 
 present at all Cabinet meetings ' on a thought. 
 
 general request made to H.K.H., and ' The Hon. Thomas Walpole, second 
 
 approved by the king' {supra, p. 55). son of the first Lord Walpole of 
 
 Lord Rockingham speaks of his Ministry Wotterton (' Old Horace '). The letter 
 
 as ' formed under your Royal Highness' which follows is printed in the Chatham 
 
 protection' {Memoirs, i. 242). He con- Correspondence, ii. 242. 
 
 suited the Duke even in small matters 3 Mr. Walpole was a merchant and 
 
 {ibid. i. 241-3''. The reputation which banker in London. 
 Rockingham and his colleagues have
 
 62 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1766 
 
 off from the scene, and you are too near it, and too clear sighted for me 
 to hazard any opinion of mine. I propose going to Bath in about a week, 
 for which place I was on my way last Saturday, when I was stopt by the 
 melancholy news 1 , which broke the hereditary prince's journey thither. 
 Wherever I am, I beg you will be assured that you have there a very 
 sincere friend, and servant, who does justice to the steady spirit with which 
 you stand up for a shaken country, feels all the value of the friendship 
 with which you honor him, and who has a particular satisfaction in 
 assuring you, &c, &c. 
 
 William Pitt. 
 Burton Pynsent, Nov*. 5 th , 1765. 
 
 The accounts from America were very alarming ; our own 
 disposition to restore peace and confidence was extremely 
 strong, and measures had been proposed in the Cabinet for 
 that purpose ; but being anxious to know M r . Pitt's senti- 
 ments, we commissioned M r . T. Townshend 2 to go to him at 
 Bath, and authorized him to say, not only that we requested 
 to be favored with M r . Pitt's advice on the measure then 
 under consideration, but that we desired much to receive him 
 at our head, now, or at any time he should find it suitable 
 with his views for the public. M r . Pitt's reception, though 
 kind towards M r . Townshend as well as those who had de- 
 puted him, was more cold than my colleagues expected. To 
 myself, who perhaps knew better the manner of M r . Pitt than 
 they did, there was nothing to give me any doubt of his 
 goodwill 3 . In his retired station, what could have been said 
 plainer than this declaration, that he should look to measures 
 and not to men, that those who acted on true revolution prin- 
 ciples, would meet with his support ; but so long only as 
 they should not depart from them ; that he had disproved of 
 all the late Acts which had passed, relative to the colonies, 
 
 1 The death of the Duke of Cumber- goodwill. Pitt writes to Mr. Cooke, 
 land. who had asked him whether he should 
 
 2 Thomas Townshend, bom 1733, accept an invitation to second the Ad- 
 aherwards first Viscount Sydney, and dress, expressing his resolve ' never to 
 Secretary of State in the Shelburne be in confidence or concert again with 
 Ministry, 1782, and again under Pitt, his Grace (Newcastle), nor accede to his 
 1783-89. At this time he was M.P. for Grace's Ministry' {Chatham Corresp. 
 Whitchurch, and a Lord of the Treasury. ii. 343.) 
 
 3 The Duke over-estimated Mr. Pitt's
 
 CH. ii] NEGOTIATIONS WITH PITT 63 
 
 and that he should deliver his opinion fully to the House? 
 Nor could he be expected, after the ill use made of some 
 little encouragement l he had formerly given, to speak more 
 openly. The reply of M r . Pitt was to me perfectly intelli- 
 gible and satisfactory. And if he received only as a com- 
 pliment our desire of seeing him at our head, it was not to 
 be wondered at ; for from the king alone such an offer could 
 have been attended to by him. 
 
 The Session opened early in December 2 ; but the king 
 having notified in the speech that all papers relative to the 
 disturbances in America should be laid before the Houses, 
 Parliament was adjourned till after the holydays ; which also 
 gave time to fill up the many vacancies occasioned by those 
 who had accepted of offices 3 . 
 
 The Parliament met, according to adjournment, on the 14 th 
 of January 1766. Previously to this 4 , I delivered the sub- 
 joined paper to Lord Rockingham, as my humble advice, 
 recommending earnestly that a letter conforming to it should 
 be written by one of the king's ministers to M r . Pitt. The 
 paper was in these words ; ' That His Majesty would not press 
 M r . Pitt to come sooner up to London than was his inten- 
 tion, particularly as there must be some days allowed to 
 consider the American papers, after they are presented to the 
 Houses, before a decision upon them ; but that the king 
 would be glad to hear his sentiments on the occasion, when 
 he arrived.' 
 
 On the day following, I presumed to recommend this step 
 to His Majesty, who had no objection to it, until he had seen 
 Lord Rockingham 6 . Anxious to know M r . Pitt's opinion of 
 
 1 Probably the rumour that the Rock- themselves for re-election. 
 
 ingham Ministry had been formed with 4 This must have been prior to the 
 
 his approval. 9th of January, when the king wrote to 
 
 1 Dec. 17, 1765. Rockingham declining to authorize 
 
 3 The Speaker had not at this time Grafton to say anything to Pitt 
 
 the power which he now possesses to (Rockingham Memoirs, i. 266). 
 
 issue new writs during the recess. Conse- 5 This must be the matter which tin 
 
 quently those members of the Commons king in his letter of the 9th to Rocking- 
 
 who had accepted office in July were ham says he had considered most atten- 
 
 obliged to wait until December to offer tively, and resolved in the negative.
 
 64 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1766 
 
 the most expedient plan for Government to adopt in the 
 critical state of the colonies, I much desired to see him, and 
 on the evening of the 16 th I received the following answer to 
 the letter I had written to him. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 I trust your Grace will easily believe that they are not words of 
 compliment, when I assure you that nothing could flatter me more than 
 the honour of your Grace's most obliging letters, and the kind sentiments 
 of opinion and friendship which you are so good to continue to a real 
 humble servant. 
 
 I am engaged this evening till towards nine, from which hour, I shall 
 be proud and happy to be at your Grace's orders, being ever with the 
 truest respect and attachment, your Grace's most 
 
 obed*. and affectionate humble servant 
 
 William Pitt. 
 
 Bond S t ., Thursday night. 
 
 The interview with M r . Pitt came fully up to the con- 
 struction I had passed on his discourse with M r . Tho 9 . 
 Townshend at Bath. He made no scruple of letting me feel, 
 that he had no longer thoughts of Lord Temple at the 
 Treasury. He was as open in declaring that the present set 
 of ministers were the only men with whom he could desire to 
 act. On the affairs of America, he should advise the most 
 lenient measures, the very reverse of those which had been 
 taken and pursued by the late Administration. 
 
 The following note, taken down in M r . Stonhewer's hand- 
 writing, is likewise added, as it appertains to and gives the 
 particulars of the same transaction. 
 
 Thursday Jan r y. 16 th . 1766. Lord Rockingham acquainted the Duke of 
 (irafton that he had proposed and recommended, (according to agree- 
 ment), to His Majesty that the Duke of Grafton should be authorized to 
 go to M r . Pitt, and to know from him on what plan he would enter into 
 the king's service. Lord Rockingham added that the king's answer was, 
 that he foresaw so many difficulties that he could not come into that 
 proposal, and that he looked upon that point as absolutely decided. The 
 Duke of Grafton, from the declarations he had made before, thought the 
 whole affair at an end, and on his return that day from the House of 
 Lords wrote to and appointed with M r . Pitt a meeting at nine o'clock the 
 same evening. At seven o'clock, the Duke of Grafton received a sum- 
 mons from the king to attend him at the Queen's House immediately.
 
 CH. n] NEGOTIATIONS WITH PITT 65 
 
 On coming into the room, he found the king extremely agitated, who 
 opened the discourse by declaring to him that, in return for the plain and 
 open manner with which the Duke of Grafton had conducted himself 
 during this negociation, he was determined to be as frank with him, and 
 to assure him that however misinterpreted his own conduct might be, 
 he acted most honorably by those whom he had called to his service ; 
 that whilst they saw a possibility of going on, he had [supported], and 
 would support them to the utmost of his power ; but as he saw it likely to 
 be broken, he was determined to acquaint him with his design. The 
 Duke of Grafton interrupted him by saying that he was from thence 
 going to M r . Pitt, in order that he might be better founded in the decisive 
 answer His Majesty expected from him; that he was induced to it from 
 two motives, first, the hopes that M r . Pitt might authorize him to prove 
 to His Majesty that he had been right in his construction of M r . Pitt's 
 declarations, viz. that M r . Pitt was far from meaning a change of 
 Administration ; the next, that he thought it not impossible but that 
 M r . Pitt, if he had conversed with L d . Temple, might have found that 
 lord so connected as to be unable to take a part with him ; the know- 
 ledge of which might determine M r . Pitt to decline also, tho' he might 
 express the desire of seeing the present establishment supported, being 
 formed in a great measure of men whom he would wish to see in 
 Administration. His Majesty then declared his firm resolution that no 
 declaration should be carried to M r . Pitt from him ; and positively 
 insisted with the Duke of Grafton that he should not deliver anything 
 whatever from him : That he would wait to the next day to know from 
 the Duke of Grafton whether he could not remain in his service. At nine 
 o'clock M r . Charles Townshend was with His Majesty, who could not 
 persuade that gentleman to take a leading part in the forming a new 
 Administration. On the contrary, M r . Townshend endeavoured to prove 
 to the king that M r . Pitt alone was the minister who could put His 
 Majesty's affairs into an easy and solid state. The Duke of Grafton was 
 two hours that night with M r . Pitt, who kept a great deal to the same 
 language he had before held with M r . Tho 8 . Townshend, adding, however, 
 that whenever he came into power, it should only be with those who had 
 acted on the like principles and exerted themselves for the preservation of 
 the constitution ; that the difference in politics between L d . Temple and 
 himself had never till now made it impossible for them to act upon one 
 plan; but that he would answer, that a difference upon this American 
 measure would in its consequence be felt for fifty years at least ; that, if 
 he was called to form a proper system, it must be with the two present 
 Secretaries, and first Lord of the Treasury ', they co-operating, willing, 
 
 1 It would appear from what passed later that Pitt did not contemplate the 
 continuance of Rockingham in that particular office.
 
 66 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1766 
 
 and thoroughly confidential; any honors or favors to be shewn to the 
 Duke of Newcastle, but not to be of the Cabinet, as his perplexing and 
 irksome jealousies would cast a damp upon the vigor of every measure. 
 He condemned much the filling up the vacant offices, and particularly 
 restoring LA G. Sackville to the Privy Council l , at which he never would 
 sit with his lordship. That he looked upon that measure as reproachful 
 to the late king's memory, to his ministers, to Prince Ferdinand, and 
 to the verdict of the court martial that had condemned him. He owned 
 that he saw with pleasure the present Administration take the places of 
 the last ; that he came up upon the American affair, a point on which he 
 feared they might be borne down. 
 
 M r . Pitt was so good as to leave to my discretion the use 
 that might be made of a long conversation. 
 
 Encouraged by the tendency of this discourse, I renewed, 
 the next day, my humble advice to the king, to desire 
 M r . Pitt's assistance, at a time when the country stood in 
 need of the abilities of the most experienced statesman. 
 I ventured even to give my decided opinion that M r . Pitt 
 would not retire again from the Closet, ' re infect&l on 
 account of L d . Temple, a point on which I had difficulty in 
 persuading His Majesty, who had the condescension, never- 
 theless, to allow me to write to M r . Pitt, to know when 
 LA Rockingham and myself could wait on him with a mes- 
 sage from the king, to which he returned immediately the 
 answer which follows. 
 
 Bond S t ., Saturday, Jan v . 18 th . 
 My Lord, 
 
 I am honoured with a letter from your Grace acquainting me that 
 your Grace and L d . Rockingham are charged to deliver to me from 
 His Majesty; and that you propose doing me the great honor to call at 
 my lodgings. I shall remain at your orders, and be proud to receive 
 your Grace and L d . Rockingham there. I am with truest respect your 
 Grace's most obed 1 . 
 
 humble serv*. 
 
 William Pitt. 
 
 1 Lord George Sackville had been Rockingham obtained the restoration of 
 
 struck off the list of the Privy Council this man to the Privy Council, and his ap- 
 
 in April, 1760, after having been found pointment as Vice- Treasurer of Ireland, 
 
 by a court-martial to be unfit to serve There is a curious memoir concerning 
 
 the king in any capacity, in consequence Sackville in Fitzmaurice's Life of Site l- 
 
 of his cowardice at the battle of Minden. burnc, i. 356.
 
 CH. n] ROCKINGHAM AND PITT 67 
 
 Having fully received the king's commands delivered to us, 
 both being present, we left the queen's house in Lord 
 Rockingham's carriage; but, on discoursing on our orders, 
 I found that we had not the same conception of the essential 
 parts ; and, as we differed widely in opinion \ I did desire that 
 we might turn back, which we did from Constitution hill, 
 when we entreated His Majesty to set us right. The king 
 did not hesitate one moment ; but told Lord Rockingham 
 that he had mistaken his meaning. On going out of the 
 king's room. I thought it right to put the two questions down 
 in writing, in order to prevent any future altercation. After 
 the explanation we had just received from His Majesty, 
 L d . Rockingham readily acquiesced in the words, after a 
 trifling correction. 
 
 i Bt question — Whether,, at this time, M r . Pitt is disposed to 
 come into the king's service ? 
 
 2 nd question — Whether, if L d . Temple should decline to 
 take a part, this will be a reason for M r . Pitt's declining also? 
 
 M r . Pitt receiving us with his usual politeness, we opened 
 the purport of our commission. On the first article, he said 
 that he was penetrated by His Majesty's kind opinion ; that 
 his life was devoted to his commands, wherever he thought it 
 might be of benefit to the country; and that the men who now 
 served His Majesty would be those with whom he should wish 
 to act ; but there must be a transposition of offices ; which, as 
 he repeated it several times, appeared to me to be ill received 
 by L d . Rockingham ; but, as his lordship made no reply and 
 I made no observation, this must be considered only as my 
 opinion. 
 
 On the 2 d question, M r . Pitt remarked that he had only to 
 lament that he could not have the assistance of L d . Temple ; 
 but he found that their opinions on the measures to be pursued 
 were so widely differing as not to allow him to think of it 
 at this juncture. M r . Pitt dwelt long on the disgrace that the 
 recall of L d . G. Sackvillc to the Council had brought on the 
 
 1 The difference was that Grafton wanted Pitt as a leader, while Rockingham 
 
 wanted him as an ally. 
 
 F 2
 
 68 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1766 
 
 nation, declaring over and over that his lordship and he could 
 not sit at the Council board together. On our return we 
 made immediately a faithful report to His Majesty ; and tho' 
 I never was able to make out how the business dropt x after 
 having had so favorable an appearance, I shall never change 
 my opinion in thinking that, under M r . Pitt's accession, the 
 nation would have been brought to a conviction, at least, of 
 the expediency of giving up all right of taxation over the 
 colonies. He would have made the attempt at least ; and 
 should he have succeeded, what scenes of woe might there 
 not have been avoided ? 
 
 Things were in this state, when the Bill for the Declaration 
 of the Right of Taxation, with that for the Repeal of the 
 Stamp Act came under the consideration of both Houses. 
 The Declaratory Bill 2 was strenuously opposed in the House 
 of Commons by M r . Pitt, as also in the Upper House by 
 L d . Camden : but they were supported by few voices in either. 
 The Repeal was carried, however, handsomely, and the measure 
 was much assisted by the active support which L d . Camden, 
 L d . Shelburne and M r . Pitt brought to us on the occasion. 
 Before I quit this subject, I must not conceal from you that 
 the Repeal of the Stamp Act went heavily down with those, 
 who passed under the denomination of kings friends ; and 
 
 1 ' How the business dropt.' The refused to be further concerned in the 
 
 Rockingham Memoirs (i. 271) leave no matter. How that direction was carried 
 
 doubt as to the cause. Pitt demanded into effect is stated in Fitzmaurice, Life 
 
 ' a transposition of offices,' which would of Shelburne, i. 375- 
 remove Rockingham from the Treasury. 2 The Declaratory Bill might reason- 
 
 This was represented as ' impracticable ' ably have been opposed on the ground 
 
 by Rockingham to the king. that it was idle to assert a right which 
 
 In the Rockingham Memoirs (i. 271) was not intended to be enforced: Pitt 
 
 a paper addressed by the king to Rock- and Camden opposed it on the ground 
 
 ingham, undated, is treated as an answer that as the colonies were not represented 
 
 to a request made by Rockingham on they could not be taxed. The rhodo- 
 
 Jan. 15 and set out on the preceding montade of Camden on this subject 
 
 page of the Memoirs, for leave to treat {Pari. Hist. xvi. 179) exhibits a treat - 
 
 with Titt. Pmt it is, clearly, a direction ment of constitutional law and legal 
 
 to Rockingham as to the mode in history astonishing in a man who enjoyed 
 
 which Pitt should be informed that some reputation as a judge. 
 ' the business had dropt,' Grafton having
 
 CH. Ill REPEAL OF THE STAMP ACT 69 
 
 tho' most of them voted for the Repeal, yet it was done with 
 so bad a grace, that they could not help seizing an opportunity 
 by which they might affront an Administration growing every 
 day up to popularity, and. at the same time, make their own 
 consequence appear. On an address to His Majesty praying 
 that the governors might be directed to 'recommend' to the 
 assemblies to make good the losses which had by many been 
 sustained, L d . Bute himself rose, and moved for the leaving 
 out of the word 'recommend' and to substitute 'require' The 
 House divided, and the question was carried against us K 
 
 On the next day, much irritated with this usage, we went to 
 Court with a strong disposition to resign our offices, if ample 
 satisfaction was not given, on our complaint. From the 
 assurances we had from the highest authority, I believe that 
 the plan had not been communicated to the king. We 
 attempted, nevertheless, the removal of one or two of those 
 who had appeared to be the most hostile ; and the failure of 
 obtaining their dismission did not augur much good to our 
 future consideration and favour at Court 2 . The Stamp Act 
 repealed, and the Declaratory Act passed, together with some 
 other laws beneficial to trade, cleared very satisfactorily the 
 business in the two Houses. Still men's minds were not at 
 rest, while no prospect was open to bring forward M r . Pitt, 
 nor any step taken to gratify on that head the expectation of 
 the public. Many of my friends spoke to me under great 
 concern, lamenting that this desirable object bore too much 
 the appearance of being laid aside. My uneasiness on this 
 matter was equal to theirs ; and was encreased by feeling that 
 my character was at stake, and that I was called upon to 
 prevent the present favorable moment from slipping in- 
 effectually by. It became incumbent on me to come to 
 a full explanation on the subject with LA Rockingham. 
 
 On the 21 st of April 1766, I found LA Rockingham in the 
 evening, and was soon shewn into the dinner room, whence 
 
 1 This must have taken place in 2 See Rockingham Memoirs, i. 299, 
 
 Committee. The Address passed in the and Walpole, George III, ii. 288. 
 House without a division.
 
 70 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1766 
 
 all the guests were retired, except Lord Albemarle, who staid 
 the whole time, and who did not utter, as I recollect, a single 
 word during our long conversation. 
 
 Three letters which passed between General Conway and 
 myself, on this and the following days, give so natural an 
 account of this interview, and the causes which led to it, 
 that I prefer transcribing them to any description I could now 
 give of the circumstances that attended it. With General 
 Conway I had long been connected in cordial friendship and 
 great intimacy 1 . But a violent attack of illness, from which 
 he was just recovered at Park Place, deprived me of his 
 assistance and advice, till the time of the date of these 
 letters ; for he was for a few weeks incapable of attending 
 to business, and having often discoursed over with him my 
 painful situation, I had avoided mentioning it to him at this 
 moment, when it would have given him still further un- 
 easiness. 
 
 Park Place, 2 2 d April, 1766. 
 
 My dear Lord Duke, 
 
 Having had a hint from a friend that your Grace is on the point of 
 taking some final resolution on the present occasion of our political situation, 
 I own it has alarm'd me much ; tho' having heard nothing like it from 
 yourself, but on the contrary a wish that we might meet and talk on the 
 subject, I flatter myself it is not so ; and, if your Grace has done nothing 
 on it, do most earnestly entreat you, that you will be so good as to 
 suspend any determination for a few days, till we may have an oppor- 
 tunity of talking it over. I feel myself so much interested and concern'd 
 in what your Grace resolves, and think it of such consequence, not to 
 ourselves only but to the king and the publick, that it does in every light 
 deserve our thorough deliberation. I would have come to town even 
 without summons ; but to day I have no fires &c. order'd in my house ; 
 and to-morrow I must set out early in the morning, which I ought not, 
 even to see you for a single half hour ; and after that could not get back, 
 but must enter into all the fatigue and business which I am not yet fit for ; 
 and most of all it would be impossible for your Grace after I had seen 
 you, in that short interval before your setting out for Newmarket, to 
 do or settle any thing. But yet my chief dependance is, that you will 
 have the goodness not to take a final resolution, so deeply affecting us all, 
 till we have had an opportunity of meeting, and especially as you have 
 
 1 Grafton brought Conway into Parliament for Thetford.
 
 CH. II] ROCKINGHAM AND PITT 71 
 
 not summoned for it. I have often been in hopes you might have found 
 a few idle hours to have run down here ; tho' 1 durst not ask it, not 
 knowing how far it might appear importunate and interfering with your 
 business or engagements. I will not trouble you further now, but shall 
 really be much reliev'd and happy to hear we may have some little 
 consultation before our system, be it what it may, is either form'd or 
 dissolved. 
 
 I am with the highest esteem 
 
 Your Grace's most faithful humble serv*. 
 
 H. S. Conway. 
 
 Grosvenor Square, April 22 ud , 1766. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 A conversation which I had last night with Lord Rockingham makes 
 me trouble you with a longer letter than I should otherwise do, if it was 
 to acquaint you only that I shall go part of the way to-morrow night 
 towards Newmarket, intending to return on Saturday. Any time on 
 Sunday I am ready to talk over to you what my steps will probably be in 
 the closet, and in which the conversation I am going to relate makes me 
 see my way much clearer than I have hitherto done. Whatever my present 
 designs may be, I would not call them resolutions, (tho' I must profess 
 they approach very near to that in my mind), nor would I open them in 
 the closet, till I have had an opportunity of communicating them to you. 
 
 I found IA Rockingham and L d . Albemarle together, without any third 
 person. They had din'd, and as the House of Lords had sat till seven, 
 I believe L d . Rockingham expected no one on business ; and after some 
 digressions came more to the point and with more openness as to one 
 than I had ever known him do. 
 
 There was now no hesitation in him to declare that he would never 
 advise His Majesty to call M r . Pitt into his closet, that this was a fixed 
 resolution to which he would aahere l . He added that he saw no reason 
 why the present Administration, (if they receiv'd assurances from the king 
 that people in office were to hold their posts at the good will of the 
 ministers), should not carry on very well and with honor to themselves 
 the king's business. The first of these 1 must consider as an absolute 
 opposition to M r . P. coming into the Ministry at all. We know that it is 
 with the king alone that he can settle it, and I can feel M r . Pitt's reasons 
 to be strong on that head. I also feel very well that there is no quarter 
 from which that advice can come to the king, if L d . R. does not make 
 a part. His lordship has often declared to me, that he wished to see 
 
 1 Overtures had been made to Pitt in the existing Ministry. Chatham Corresp. 
 
 February through Nuthall, the solicitor ii. 399, iii. 9. Pitt's answer was on each 
 
 to the Treasury, and through Shelburne, occasion that he would act only on the 
 
 but always with the view ot maintaining commands of the king.
 
 72 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1766 
 
 M r . Pitt forming an Administration, but the hardship he then complained 
 of was, that he was press'd to say beforehand that he would at all events 
 form a part, whereas he desired that it might depend on the consistency 
 he found it with his honor so to do, and that the leaving in or turning out 
 such as he had press'd into office was to be his guide in that. As to the 
 other measure, I differ extremely. The weakness of the Cabinet as 
 now composed, the great bodies of men not included, many of ability, 
 with a large share of those of property (even supposing M r . Pitt and 
 his friends neuter) present immediately such a determin'd opposition, 
 that no point essentially right for this country can be carried through 
 with certainty by Administration ; and I know not whether it is more 
 pitiful, or more the part of a slave, to be the whole sessions, and indeed 
 the year out, fighting against such difficulties as will necessarily arise ; 
 knowing at the same time, that the very support, which has not come 
 cordially from the closet, and on which hereafter you are to depend, may 
 more likely deceive you ; as it is indeed only to be obtain'd from 
 the dread there is of seeing matters once more in confusion. 
 
 These are my objections against remaining on as things stand. If any 
 of the great parties of men give their assistance by forming a part, 
 my assistance would be superfluous, since there would be successors in 
 plenty, and as I should not approve such a junction cordially enough to 
 form a part, I could not be a voluntary actor in it. This would not, 
 however, prevent my wishing heartily to see such a measure adopted, 
 if unfortunately we are destin'd not to see the only man who stands 
 sufficiently above the rest to be able allowed at this moment to give 
 strength and stability to Administration. I own to you I have been 
 deluded by the expectation that no such determination had been taken 
 by L d . R . I was deceiv'd, my eyes are now open, and I shall prob- 
 ably take that step on Monday, (at least to acquaint the king with my 
 resolution upon it) — that step I say, which nothing but a different idea 
 
 of L d . R 's conversations with me had prevented my taking as soon 
 
 as the Stamp Act was repealed, and which I have every hour repented 
 that I had not done. 
 
 M r . Stonhewer will call on you on Thursday evens. I shall talk very 
 
 fully on the subject to him, and any questions relating to myself he will 
 
 be able to inform you upon. I am &c. &c. 
 
 Grafton. 
 
 Park Place, 23 d April, 1766. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 Your Grace's letter of yesterday I must own gives me a good deal of 
 alarm and uneasiness; as, if any Administration is to be continued on the 
 present system or attempted, I foresee the greatest weakness, or rather 
 impracticability, without your name and assistance ; if it is weak now in
 
 CH. ii] ROCKINGHAM AND PITT 73 
 
 your opinion, what will it be when you leave it? For my own part, 
 I know not what to resolve ; my desire on a thousand accounts is to 
 be out of this office, how much more now ! yet I own I do not know how 
 to say we will break up and leave things, [in] or rather throw them 
 into, their ancient confusion, or a worse ; it is such a dilemma as I can 
 satisfy myself in neither way. I shall certainly be in town to see your 
 Grace at your return, and talk all these matters over. I wish it were 
 possible you could give a little more time to so serious a consideration, 
 affecting so many of your friends, than that you have allotted, perhaps 
 you may yet do that. 
 
 I am with the greatest truth 
 
 Your Grace's faithful servant 
 
 H. S. Conway. 
 
 After the explanation with Lord Rockingham and his 
 declarations that he thought the present Ministry sufficiently 
 able and strong to conduct His Majesty's business without the 
 aid of M r . Pitt ; and that he had no intention of calling on 
 that gentleman any further for his assistance, I had little left 
 to inform M r . Conway upon, when we met, as agreed, except 
 a repetition of the circumstances on which I had already 
 written x . There had been nothing more said to me on the 
 subject by Lord Rockingham ; nor was there the smallest 
 hope that he would change his opinion. The transposition 
 of offices, talked of in our interview with M r . Pitt, had not 
 been relished : but perhaps the declaration he had made of 
 never sitting at the Privy Council with Lord George Sackville 
 was still more galling. Here indeed Lord Rockingham had 
 been drawn into a perplexing dilemma. To have reinstated 
 him in the Council was open to great reproach : to have seen 
 him afterwards degraded a second time from it, would have 
 been dishonorable. General Conway could not but acknow- 
 ledge my embarrassment ; the footing I stood on with M r . Pitt 
 and my connexion with him left me but little room for much 
 consideration. The Ministry, in the judgement of M r . Conway 
 
 1 The Rockingham Memoirs, i. 330, did or did not take place it certainly was 
 
 and Walpole, George III, vol. ii. 321, not authorized by Rockingham, who 
 
 mention an application to Pitt at this seems now to have come to think that 
 
 time, from Grafton, or from Grafton and he could stand alone. 
 Conway together. \\ hether an interview
 
 74 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1766 
 
 as well as of myself, was weak as it stood ; but I did not 
 admit that my retreat could affect it so sensibly, as he was 
 persuaded that it would ; and I had every reason to think 
 that the marquis and his connexions were very confident that 
 it would be of little consequence. 
 
 On my audience of His Majesty on the Monday following, 
 and in presence of M r . Conway, I stated to His Majesty the 
 reasons which prevented me from continuing longer in my 
 office, and my full intention and desire of giving his Adminis- 
 tration every support I was able as long as they continued 
 to follow up those principles on which we had embarked. 
 Nothing could be more gracious than the king's obliging 
 declarations to me, and I left the seals in His Majesty's 
 hands, to the great concern, I believe, of the king and both 
 of us. 
 
 I had soon after the satisfaction of standing forward to 
 vindicate Lord Rockingham's Treasury against the attacks 
 of Opposition, who much blamed the taxes laid on in lieu of 
 the Cyder Tax, which had given such general alarm. Before 
 I concluded what I had to say on this occasion, I desired 
 the indulgence of the House to allow me a few words on 
 the condition of the country, and thence of the necessity 
 that there was, more than ever, for a junction of the ablest 
 and most experienced statesmen whom the country could 
 produce ; that there were no pains nor trouble that would 
 appear too great, provided so salutary an object could be 
 obtained ; and I recollect observing, that if every one would 
 join with me in declaring they would take up the mattock 
 and the spade l in so good a cause, it would be soon accom- 
 plished. This latter part was listened to and appeared to be 
 so well received, as to mark plainly how much it was in 
 unison with the general sentiments of the House. 
 
 1 See Chesterfield, Letters, v. 510. dignity and spirit of character meeting 
 
 Pitt was much gratified. He writes to with high rank, add every flattering 
 
 Nuthall, June 1, ' I am indeed most circumstance to the favourable suffrage 
 
 proud of the honour the Duke of with which his Grace has been pleased 
 
 Grafton has done me. The testimony to distinguish his humble servant ' 
 
 is genuine, not the result of cabal ; and {Chatham Corrcsp. ii. 423).
 
 CH. II] LETTERS, 1765-1766 75 
 
 LETTERS, 1 765-1 766 
 Lord Villiers to the Duke of Grafton 
 
 London, Wednesday Night, Jan. 16 th [1765]. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 Mr. Rigby l has been so good to trouble himself with these few words 
 to your Grace which I could not help writing to you. Our political 
 concerns stand thus — on Monday comes on in our House, and I am told 
 in your house also, the affair of the French prisoners : in this the declara- 
 tion of the French has already been read to us, in which they promise 
 to pay to us ,£670,000 during the course of about 4 years ; in lieu of our 
 demand which is in reality ^1,100^000, but which has been lowered to 
 / 900,000. I fancy little will be done in our House upon this question, 
 and perhaps less in yours. On Tuesday comes the warrants, as you 
 know ; on which day I wish we may make so good a figure as we ought ; 
 Mr. Pitt is at present confined to his bed with the gout, and I question 
 much whether he will attend us ; and C. Townshend, I hear, intends to vote, 
 but not to speak on our side. So that I fear we must trust greatly to the 
 goodness of the cause itself, which however to our comfort is good 
 
 indeed. Now as to our further proceedings L d . J. C h has told me 
 
 that they intend to move something in our House about the middle of 
 next week concerning Conway 2 , and he should be extreamly glad if your 
 Grace would come to town, that the same might be moved in your House 
 also, where he could venture to say you might .have a great deal of sup- 
 port. He believes the D. of Richmond will either move or second 
 anything upon that subject. I could not help mentioning this to your 
 Grace as you desired to be informed of the plans in agitation. Nothing 
 seems to have happened this week but Mr. Pitt's legacy 3 and what is 
 confidently talked of, the demand of Mello for 6,000 men and ships 
 to defend Portugal. I am not certain of the truth of this, but every 
 
 1 Richard Rigby (1 722-1 788), a busy his vote in the House. The contem- 
 
 politician and jovial companion, at- plated motion came to nothing, see 
 
 tached to the Bedford party, whose Walpole, Memoirs, ii. 45. 
 political movements he to some extent 3 Sir William l'ynsent had just left 
 
 directed, always with a view to his own his whole fortune, amounting in real 
 
 interests. and personal property to about £40,000, 
 
 a This related to the dismissal of to Mr. Pitt. 
 Conway from office by Grenville, for
 
 76 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1765 
 
 body seems to believe it, and if it should prove true will turn us a little 
 out of those contented notions of peace which we have been told lately is 
 so well established in all parts. 
 
 I am, with the sincerest wishes for your health and happiness, 
 
 My dear lord, 
 
 Your most sincere friend, 
 
 VlLLIERS 1 . 
 
 Lord Rockingham to the Duke of Grafton 
 
 Grosvenor Square, 
 
 Thursday, Noon, 5 °Clock, 
 Apr. > e 25th, '1765. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 The Regency Bill is determined to be put off till Monday. I have 
 just heard it in a manner that I can rely upon and have therefore sent 
 a servant to stop your Grace, that you may not have an unnecessary trouble. 
 L d . Albemarle imagines that your Grace will receive an express from 
 his R.H. to desire to put off Antinous and Herod's match — till the 
 Saturday. 
 
 I hope in that case your Grace will be in London to give your assis- 
 tance and weight on the present occasion. 
 
 I am ever, my dear lord, your Grace's 
 
 Most obed*. humble serv*. 
 
 Rockingham. 
 
 Lord Villiers to the Duke of Grafton 
 
 Grosvenor Square, Friday \_May 10 th ]. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I had fully determined to have written to your Grace each day after 
 the debate in our House upon the Regency Bill, to give you some account 
 of our proceedings there, not knowing whether any body else had under- 
 taken to send you any information. But I was each time unexpectedly 
 called away, and the post going to Wakefield only three times in the 
 week, I consequently lost my opportunity. Perhaps it may not be too 
 late to do it even now, nor improper, as the present state of that Bill is 
 the cause of my troubling you with this express. 
 
 On Tuesday, upon the second reading of the Regency Bill (not a word 
 having been said upon the first reading of it the day before), Lord John 
 Cavendish made the same motion to address the Crown to name the 
 
 1 George Bussy, fourth Earl of Jersey in 1 769, and held from time to time 
 (1735-1805); he succeeded to the title various appointments about Court.
 
 ch. 11] LETTERS, 1765-1766 77 
 
 Regent, that I understood Lord Lyttleton did in your house. This was 
 debated for some time, but I think with little spirit, and I suppose Lord 
 John thought so too, for he let his motion be rejected without dividing 
 the House. For my own part I am sorry he did, for in my opinion we 
 should have been as strong upon that question as upon any other in the 
 course of the whole Bill, notwithstanding the languid manner in which 
 most had spoken. This being disposed of, the next question was upon 
 the Comitment of the Bill. This was a more lively debate and produced 
 some good speeches ; among the best was Barrels. But as Conway and 
 some others were for the Comitment, this question went also without 
 a division. Mr. Pitt was not able to attend at all ; I believe myself that 
 he really was not, but you know the generality will always think his 
 absence not owing to any real illness. 
 
 Upon our entrance into the Comittee of this Bill yesterday, Rose 
 Fuller moved that the queen might be named regent ; this you will 
 easily guess was opposed, but the motion was well supported, and the 
 debate a good one, such as I thought would have produced a better 
 division, for our numbers were only 67 to 258. 
 
 Immediately after this, Mr. Moreton, seconded by Kynaston, and 
 thirded (if I may use the word) by Martin, moved for the Princess of 
 Wales to be inserted. You will be surprised perhaps when I tell you 
 there was but little debate upon this, and it passed without a division. 
 
 But the curiosity of it was that none of the B d's 1 dare support what 
 
 had been the opinion of their party in your House, and G. Gren. expressing 
 by his looks and manner, which are not to be mistaken, how much he 
 disliked the motion, spoke only ten words ; that he dare say it would be 
 agreable to His Mty. With this alteration, you see, it must come back to 
 your House, and it is upon this account that I send this express, many of 
 our friends wish to make a stand upon the occasion in the House of Lords, 
 and to force matters to light, and make the divisions, was so apparently 
 sown amongst the ministers, of some good to the country, by obliging 
 the secret movers to step forwards. Your assistance therefore is much 
 wanted, and you may possibly receive letters from other hands to the 
 same purport as this ; but I have taken this method (as by the post you 
 could not have heard before Sunday) with the knowledge only of Lord 
 Spencer, who joins with me in wishing much to see you here, and to do 
 yourself that credit, which all sides agree in giving as your due from your 
 last appearance in the House. 
 
 The Bill is to be read the third time in our House to-day, and I suppose 
 you will have it on Monday. 
 
 Your Grace, I am sure, will excuse this application, as I can have but 
 one motive in it. 
 
 1 The Duke of Bedford's parly.
 
 78 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1765 
 
 I was exceedingly vexed not to have come to Newmarket, but racing 
 matters, &c, I must defer to some other opportunity. 
 
 I am 
 
 Ever, my dear lord, 
 
 your most sincere friend 
 
 VlLLIERS. 
 
 H.R.H. the Duke of Cumberland to the Duke 
 
 of Grafton 
 
 Cumberland House, May y e 14 th , 1765. 
 
 My Lord Duke of Grafton under the seal of secrecy I think my self 
 obliged to acquaint you that an almost totall change is likely to take 
 place here, the king being totally dissatisfied with the present Adminis- 
 tration and inclined to remove them and fill up their places with those 
 that you and I have formerly wish'd in Government at such a criticall 
 time. I should be very happy to talk publick as well as personall affairs 
 over if it were but an hour. 
 
 Ever your most affectionate friend 
 
 William ' 
 
 Lord Villiers to the Duke of Grafton 
 
 London, Saturday Morn e . 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 A report prevailed yesterday in so strong a manner that it gained 
 
 belief every where of an immediate general change in the Administration ; 
 
 I had before heard that the Pari*, was not to be prorogued, but only 
 
 adjourned from time to time, w ch is a confirmation of the above report. 
 
 I observed much remarkable whispering, and as remarkable a length of 
 
 faces ; indeed it became at last the whole topic of conversation and 
 
 as a determined thing even among persons of the present connections. 
 
 I have yet heard no particulars. 
 
 The Weavers assembled again yesterday, much more riotously than 
 
 the day before ; they attempted to pull down Bedford House ; and at 
 
 last the Horse Guards were ordered to give them a general charge. This 
 
 cleared and secured Bloomsbury Square and the avenues to it, but I do 
 
 not find that any were secured, which is the material point. After this 
 
 the mob adjourned to Carr, the mercer's, house, which perhaps by this 
 
 time may be quite down : the last I heard of them was that they had 
 
 1 There is a full account of these principles were not those of the king, 
 
 negotiations from the Duke of Cumber- for he was a strong Whig, seems to have 
 
 land himself in the Rockingham Me- acted a straightforward and generous 
 
 motrSfi. 185. The duke, whose political part.
 
 CH. n] LETTERS, 1765-1766 79 
 
 begun upon it and the Lord Mayor had applied for a battallion of 
 Guards. What makes this mob more to be apprehended is that they 
 are under the direction of one man who harangues them and whom 
 they obey implicitly. 
 
 If any more news should fall in my way, I shall take the liberty of 
 troubling your Grace with it. I am, 
 
 My dear lord, 
 
 Your most sincere friend, 
 
 VlLLIERS. 
 
 Saturday Night. 
 A general change is now in every body's mouth, and it is looked upon 
 to want only the forms. 
 
 Lord Charles FitzRoy to the Duke of Grafton 
 
 DEAR BRO R . London, Saturday Night, 19 th May. 
 
 I met M r . Ja. Grenville in the evening ; and upon conversation with 
 him, heard the following declarations, which he desired me to transmitt 
 to you. 
 
 I st . That nothing like carte blanche has been offered to M r . Pitt, nor 
 was there any thing mentioned by H.R.H. in the visit to Hayes like an 
 offer more than M r . P. Sec^. of State and L d . Temple at the head of the 
 Treasury, with some other things if asked for friends. 2 dJ y. That nothing 
 was convey'd that might have either for object or end, any thing like 
 M r . Pitt's settling an Administration upon his own plans ; nor was there 
 the least ground for M r . Pitt to rest a belief, that such an Administration 
 was designed. That even when the last proposal was sent to Hayes 
 (which was far more at large), nothing like carte bla?iche was then 
 offer'd; and the whole was broke off before H.R.H. knew M r . Pitt's 
 answer to the last proposal, to which he acceded. 
 
 That M r . Pitt would be happy to see the D. of Grafton, as M r . Gren. 
 is convinced he could explain everything to him: if that cannot be, that 
 I might go to Hayes and hear the whole from M r . Pitt in order to trans- 
 mitt to my Bro r . That he is sure the plain truth would then appear to 
 his Grace, and he would be able to detect him if he said false. 
 
 As for the reconciliation with G. Grenville, that was merely private 
 family satisfaction, and did not regard the publick. 
 
 He profess'd M r . Pitt's high regard for you, as far as you were per- 
 sonally concern'd. And upon my asking whether he was disatisfied with 
 H.R.H. he said that personally throughout the whole he had acted hand- 
 somely, and repeated personally. I think he rather hinted an impossibility 
 of ever being with the D. of Newcastle and his immediate friends (to 
 whom I suppose he alluded when he repeated the word personally).
 
 80 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON ^1765 
 
 I think I have faithfully transmitted the substance of his conversation, 
 and as he wish'd you should know it, in order to have things (as he said) 
 clear'd up to you, I thought it my duty to acquaint you with it, that you 
 may either see Pitt, write to him, send me to him, or draw what other use 
 from it you chuse. As the thing strikes me, I think your interposition 
 might lay a storm jealousy has raised. 
 
 Ever faithfully 
 
 Your loving bro r . 
 
 C. F. R. 
 PS. — Pray observe that is wrote not as an opinion of my own (for 
 these diff 1 . accounts confound me) but as a repeated conv n . to which I do 
 not add more credit than to report. 
 
 Lord Charles FitzRoy to the Duke of Grafton 
 
 Dear Brothr. 
 
 The inclosed I wrote in order to send it by Eylmore, but as there is 
 no chance of knowing when he goes, as he is now out of town, I thought 
 fit to send it by Jacob. I told L d . Rockingham the contents. 
 
 I am sorry to tell you that many people talk a language that is likely 
 to make a breach between Pitt and others — which was contrary to your 
 desire to Meynell and myself. 
 
 Meynell among many other people wish you to see M r . Pitt, and as 
 he has given such an opening by M r . Grenville's conversation with me, 
 they think your doing it might stop mischief that seems at present to be 
 increasing, and may divide our friends. He tells me that he knows the 
 
 K is at present most violent and at the same time miserable and 
 
 ready to take any offer against the present set — and if you could but see 
 Pitt it might prevent his going off from you and stop language that must 
 breed ill blood. However I leave this, like the former, to your con- 
 sideration, without making any remarks upon it. 
 
 L d . R thinks that since M r . Grenville held that conversation with 
 
 me (and desired I would transmitt it to you) that I should be blamable 
 in not doing, and you see I have no safe method of doing it but by 
 a servant going to you. 
 
 L d . R. says the D. of Portland ] and himself intend going to the birth 
 day if you will, but desire to be guided by you. 
 
 Sincerely and faithfully 
 
 Your loving brother 
 
 Monday, 4 o'clock. C. FlTZ ROY. 
 
 1 William, third Duke of Portland, as a Tory. He held other high offices, 
 was twice First Lord of the Treasury, in but is not otherwise memorable. 
 1783 and in 1807, first as a Whig, then
 
 CH. n] LETTERS, 1765-1766 8l 
 
 Lord Albemarle to the Duke of Grafton 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 We have had strange doings here, nothing absolutely fixd about 
 the ministers. I should rather think the present will remain, because 
 M r . Pitt could not be prevailed on to take a part. The Duke of Cumber- 
 land was five hours with him at Hayes. To-morrow I understand the 
 king is to answer some questions put to him by the ministers, and as the 
 duke is personally concerned in one of them, he begs your Grace will 
 be so good as to come to town to give him your support. The king has 
 been most insolently treated by his ministers, and shamefully abandoned 
 by those who ought to have profited of this occasion of serving their 
 king and country. I am, my dear lord, with the most perfect regard and 
 esteem, 
 
 Your Graces 
 Most obedient, and faithfull 
 
 humble servant 
 
 Albemarle. 
 Cumberland House, 
 May 22 d , eleven o'clock. 
 
 Lord Villiers to the Duke of Grafton 
 
 London, May 22 d , 1765. 
 My dear Lord, 
 Your Grace will be sorry, but not surprised I am sure, to learn from 
 me that the negotiation mentioned in my letter of Saturday, has met 
 with the same fate which that of last summer twelvemonth did. The 
 same person who was supposed to be the author of the failure then, may 
 be the cause of the present miscarriage. In short, my dear Lord, on 
 
 Sunday last H.R.H. the D. went to H y's with, what was called in the 
 
 world, carte blanche ; how far it was fundamentally so I am at a loss to 
 say. However, such as the terms were they were refused ; assistance 
 and support, it is said, was promised, if right measures were pursued ; 
 but neither of the brothers would come into office at present. In this 
 state of confusion it has remained for two days, and a curious one it was : 
 a greater variety of faces in point of length I never saw. In the mean 
 time some of our friends have been endeavoring to form an Adminis. 
 by themselves, but in vain, and yesterday H.R.H. told his M. that he 
 could not succeed without Mr. P., and therefore recommended it to him 
 to take the same into place again ; they had not, it is true, been turned 
 out, but nothing seems to have been wanting except the forms. And 
 now they are supposed to be reinstated, tho' upon what terms (for 
 I heard they intended to make some) I cannot tell. And a circumstance 
 
 G
 
 82 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1765 
 
 has happened, which makes some material alteration. G. Grenville and 
 L d . Temple were reconciled yesterday, and it is said he is to resign 
 immediately — Chas. Town — d I have been told, and with some autho- 
 rity, has been offered the place of Chan, of the Ex. and has refused. 
 In this situation do things remain, as far as comes within the knowledge 
 of the public. The same person seems to be the object of most parties 
 at present, but it is difficult to know how he will be come at. 
 
 I wish most sincerely your Grace had been in town during the late 
 transactions, your advice would have had the greatest weight, and I dare 
 say would have put things in the channel we both wish them. 
 
 They say we are to be prorogued to-morrow or at least adjourned for 
 some time. 
 
 Whatever occurs, as you seem to desire intelligence, you may depend 
 upon hearing constantly, till the arrangement of matters has reduced the 
 conversation of the town to its usual stand. 
 
 The Weavers, who have for this last week alarmed the whole town as 
 much as if the French had been without our walls, and put the D. of 
 Bedford and his house in real danger, did not make the attack yesterday 
 onthe House of Lords which they were expected to do ; but as nothing 
 has passed either to terrify or appease them, I fear they wait only for 
 the absence of the Guards to commit some fresh riot or insult. 
 
 Adieu, my dear lord, but I cannot conclude without lamenting that 
 
 from some mismanagement, such an opportunity has been missed of 
 
 gaining the most material point. 
 
 I am 
 
 Ever yours 
 
 VlLLIERS. 
 
 W. Meynell, Esq., to the Duke of Grafton 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 I should have wrote you word before of what was reported to be 
 going on in politicks, had I not imagin'd you would hear of it from those 
 who could give you much better information. Sunday the D. went to 
 Hayes by the K.'s desire, to tell M r . P. that the people who were about 
 H. M — y were as disagreable to him as they were incapable of doing 
 anything for the good of the country ; that it was impossible for him to 
 continue his affairs any longer in their hands, and that he therefore beg'd 
 M r . P. would stand forth as minister and take upon himself the nomina- 
 tion to all the great offices. This was made publick by the desire of the 
 K. and the D. before the latter returned from Hayes, and all Sunday it 
 was taken for granted that the D. of Bedford and his friends would all be 
 out immediately, and that an administration would be form'd out of the 
 minority. Monday it was known that M r . P. had declin'd accepting of the
 
 CH. 11] LETTERS, 1765-1766 83 
 
 K.'s offer ; but it was said he had promis'd his support to any Administra- 
 tion that should be composed of men of the old Whig familys who had 
 been in opposition to the late measures ; and till this morning nobody 
 seem'd to entertain the least doubt, but that the D. of Bedford &c. were 
 to go out. But to-day we are told, that all the old Administration 
 continues, that L d . Temple and M r . Pitt have promist to support them, 
 and that the D. says he will never more be concern'd in opposition ; all 
 which I believe to be true, tho' some of our friends that I saw just before 
 dinner seem not to give absolute credit to it. It is certain Geo. Grenville 
 was at L d . Temple's yesterday for some hours ; that they are reconcil'd, 
 and that L d . Temple immediately after his brother had been with him, 
 went down to Hayes, from whence he return'd this morning ; and after- 
 wards made a long visit to G. Grenville. The D. of B. and his friends 
 are so much irritated against IA B-te, that I conclude one condition of 
 their continuance in His M.'s service is IA B.'s being banish'd his 
 presence and all his friends turn'd out. Many of our friends wear as 
 melancholly aspect to-day as L d . Waldegrave, Rigby, &c. have for the last 
 three or four days ; and countenances more dismal than theirs were till 
 to-day you cannot well conceive. Ascott begins the 10 th of June, and 
 I propose going down that morning. I agree entirely with your Grace, 
 that it is better to send Antinous to York, than to match him on any 
 terms ; and if he is well I shall be dissappointed if I do not win very 
 considerably on him there. Pilkington writes me word that all the horses 
 are well except my colt ; and that he sees rather better. If any thing 
 material happens, you may depend on hearing from me. I am with all 
 
 possible respect, my lord, 
 
 Yr. Grace's 
 
 most faithful 
 
 and most humble serv*. 
 
 W. Meynell. 
 Hill Street, May 22, 1765. 
 
 Lord Albemarle to the Duke of Grafton 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I am commanded by the Duke to inform your Grace that H.R.H. is 
 just come from Richmond, that M r . Pitt was between three and four 
 hours with 1 1 is Majesty this morning, and was received in the most 
 gracious manner, every thing he asked and wished in regard to home 
 politicks was agreed, and given into, particularly the favorite point of 
 Cha?icellor for Lord Chief fustice Pratt upon a vacancy. M r . Pitt 
 insisted upon a triple alliance with the courts of Prussia and Russia, 
 which His Majesty did not immediately agree to, alarmed at the con- 
 sequences of so sudden a resolution, especially as M r . Pitt had not 
 
 G 2
 
 84 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1765 
 
 engaged himself in His Majesty's service, and seeing the impropriety, if 
 
 not impossibility of engaging or entering into such a measure, but thro' 
 
 him. H.R.H. desires to see your Grace to-morrow morning, as he is 
 
 directed by His Majesty to order M r . Pitt to attend him again on 
 
 Saturday morning. I have the honor to be, with the greatest truth and 
 
 regard, 
 
 My d r . lord, 
 
 Your Graces 
 
 most obedient 
 
 humble serv*. 
 
 Albemarle. 
 Cumberland House, 
 Wednesday night, \ past ten o'clock. [19 th June, 1765.] 
 
 Duke of Grafton to Lord Albemarle 
 
 Wakefield Lodge, June y 6 20 th , 1765. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 My inclination as well as my duty would always prompt me to run 
 from the farthest corner of the world to pay my court to H.R.H and to 
 receive his commands. In this situation I not only hope he will excuse 
 my not coming up, but even will approve of my conduct in it when he 
 hears the difficulty I feel myself under, which I am sure from your good- 
 ness to me you will convey to him. I mentioned, when I was last in 
 town, the unsatisfactory part I had to act in carrying messages back- 
 wards and forwards to those persons who from their friendship treated 
 me with an unreserved confidence I had no reason to expect. I must say 
 now that a delicacy of honor on that ace*, stops me in this instance from 
 obeying H.R.H.'s commands, as I should (in fact) by entering into any 
 scheme, or even delivering my poor opinion at this conjuncture, forfeit the 
 truth of those assurances I had given, in hopes to give more weight to the 
 conversation I had with him, and to the entreaties I added from myself, 
 by declaring my resolution of leaving London the next day, and to wait 
 the issue of the negociation in the country, particularly after I had given 
 him leave to make use of my name (if necessary) as ready to enter His 
 Majesty's service in the employment he should put me in, it renders 
 it impossible, I think, as a man of honor, to be framing any other system, 
 or even the appearance in me of consulting upon it, untill the time, if 
 unfortunately that should happen, that this is at an end. To go to 
 M r . Pitt with any entreaties of mine now, would not only be of no weight, 
 but would even take away the small fruits which had arose from the last 
 conversation ; and he would have reason to treat me with as much cold- 
 ness as he had with frankness before. Now, my dear lord, not to detain 
 you any longer, I will only add, that every sentiment of mine I have
 
 CH. il] LETTERS, 1765-1766 85 
 
 delivered to H.R.H. in the most open manner. They are such which 
 I am ready to put into execution, if the affair should go off; tho', I must 
 own, our situation is not promising, if that must be our fate. I mean at 
 present to be in town, ready to receive H.R.H.'s commands on Sunday 
 morning by ten o'clock. If any thing which I do not foresee, or your 
 lordship did not intimate should be the business on which H.R.H. would 
 employ me, I could be in town by noon to-morrow. At all events I will 
 send a servant to Dunstable to wait there till eight o'clock to-night, in 
 hopes that your lordship will be so obliging to send me one line, and i 
 will make me happy beyond expression to hear that H.R.H. is not offended 
 at my conduct. 
 
 Lord Albemarle to the Duke of Grafton 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 The Duke is extreamly concerned that his summons should have 
 given your Grace a moments uneasiness. H.R.H. sees and feels your 
 delicacy, and thinks that if I had been a little more explicit in my letter 
 last night your Grace would have seen the motives that induced H.R.H. 
 to desire your assistance in town. It was not to assist in the forming of 
 an Administration upon a supposition that M r . Pitt could not agree with 
 His Majesty on the next interview, it was to desire your Grace to use your 
 weight at Hayes, and soften him a little upon his foreign politicks, by 
 shewing him the impropriety, as I said before, of the king's going 
 headlong into such a treaty by the advice of a person who was not in the 
 king's service, nor in any shape engaged to serve His Majesty. The 
 king wishes to employ M r . Pitt, will submit to him as far as possible ; he 
 does not object to the system, but the precipitate mode of doing it, 
 against the opinion of the ministers thro' whose hands the negotiation 
 with the foreign courts must pass. H.R.H. is thoro'ly satisfied with the 
 part your Grace has taken throughout this whole negotiation, and very 
 sensible of your attachment and inclinations to him, and would by no 
 means press you upon any point, where he thought your honor at stake, 
 or when your Graces great and becoming delicacy upon that head 
 suggested to you that it was in the least degree of danger. H.R.H 8 . 
 flatters himself that M r . Pitt will be more reasonable upon that point of 
 the tripple alliance next Saturday, and that he will undertake the adminis- 
 tration for the ease and dignity of His Majesty, as well as the good and 
 salvation of the country. This foreign point was the chief reason for 
 H.R.H.'s wishing you in town, and that your Grace might have talked 
 over with M r . Pitt the difP. arrangements necessary to provide for the 
 poor sufferers which H.R.H 8 . is afraid M r . Pitt could not consider so 
 much as he wishes. H.R.H 8 . commands me to repeat his thanks to your
 
 86 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1766 
 
 Grace for the part you have taken in this affair, and for the noble manner 
 
 in which you have engaged yourself. H.R.H 8 . still hopes and believes 
 
 that matters will be settled to all our satisfactions on Saturday, and will 
 
 not trouble your Grace before Sunday, unless some very unforeseen event 
 
 should make him think it necessary to take that liberty. Excuse, my d r . 
 
 lord, the hurry of this letter, and give me leave to assure your Grace of 
 
 the very great regard and esteem with which I am, my d r . lord, 
 
 Y r . very faithfull 
 
 humble servant, 
 
 Albemarle. 
 Cumberland House, Thursday, 4 o'clock. 
 
 Lord Albemarle to the Duke of Grafton 1 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 The Duke will be at Cumberland House this evening, and begs to 
 see your Grace at seven o'clock. H.R.H. thinks His Majesty very well 
 inclined, and disposed to do every thing that is right. I have the honor 
 to be, with the greatest regard and esteem, 
 
 My d r . lord, 
 
 your Graces 
 
 most obedient 
 
 humble servant, 
 Albemarle. 
 Windsor G t . Lodge, Thursday Morning. [27 th June, 1765]. 
 
 Conway to the Duke of Grafton 
 
 Park Place, 16 Apr. [1766]. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 Having just recouer'd a little the use of my hand, one of the first 
 
 uses I make of it is to thank you for the favour of your last letter. 
 
 I hear with much pain and concern what has lately past in the H. of 
 
 Commons ; the account I have seems to me quite incredible in respect to 
 
 the unprovoked violence with which M r . Pitt is said to have arraign'd the 
 
 Administration on the slightest occasion, evidently sought for, and with as 
 
 much passion, as if the highest provokation had been offerr'd him. This 
 
 is the first H. of Commons news I have heard since I was here, and 
 
 indeed the first political, as to any point of our internal politicks. So that 
 
 I am too much in the dark to aim at conjectures, except the general one 
 
 that something done or omitted must have given him offence, which he 
 
 sought the first opportunity to express, but that he wou'd have done it at 
 
 1 This letter seems to refer to the Ministry on the failure of the negotia- 
 resolution of the king to form a Whig tions with Pitt.
 
 CH. n] LETTERS, 1766 87 
 
 once, on so slight an occasion, and with so little reserve or candor as 
 I hear it represented I cou'd not believe. I had heard a gen. report that 
 he was angry at not being consulted, and on not having been treated 
 with ; but being only report, and thinking both very improbable, knowing 
 your Grace on the spot and better inform'd, I omitted saying anything 
 on the subject, which I was two or three times on the point of doing, 
 from the anxiety which even the flying reports I mention'd had given me. 
 I thought indeed that, as soon as the holidays were over, some com- 
 munication wou'd have been had with him ; and especially as by what 
 I understood from L d . Rockingham there seemed to be then a very good 
 disposition for it in the closet. All the rest remains still a mystery to me, 
 and I long to hear from your Grace the real state of the case and your 
 sentiments on what has past. 
 And am in the mean time, with the greatest truth and respect, 
 
 Your Grace's most faithful 
 
 and obed*. servant 
 
 H. S. Conway. 
 
 Conway to the Duke of Grafton 
 
 Park Place, 20 Ap. 1766. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I had fix'd my journey to town for Thursday, which I am told is as 
 soon as I ought to think of it : I gather strength daily, but do not yet 
 feel equal to Court and Cabinet and Parliament business. I am griev'd 
 to be absent at this time, the difficulty and delicacy of which I perceive ; 
 and I wish much for an opportunity of talking to your Grace and L d . R. 
 I must own M r . Pitt's behaviour appears to have more passion and levity 
 in it than I cou'd have believ'd, and yet I shou'd be much for sounding 
 him, that we may appear consistent. Yet I hear he has already had 
 several conferences with L d . Temple and G. Grenville ; all which surpasses 
 me. I shall be glad to know if your resolution holds for Newmarket on 
 Wednesday ; if not shall hope to see your Grace on Thursday. If your 
 Grace thinks it of absolute necessity, I will obey your commands sooner, 
 to see you, but cannot otherwise be of much use. 
 I will not defer your messenger any longer, 
 
 and am, with the greatest truth, your Grace's 
 
 most oblig'd and faithful servant, 
 
 H. S. Conway.
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 AUTOBIOGRAPHY. JULY, 1 766 — MAY, 1767 
 
 THE MINISTRY OF THE EARL OF CHATHAM 
 
 Feb r v. 19 th , 1805. 
 
 My dear Euston, 
 
 Since my arrival in London, I have had too many 
 avocations, arising from business of various natures, to allow 
 me leisure sufficient to proceed with the Memoir ; but the 
 reception you and some few friends have given to the work, 
 as far as I have gone, encourages me to apply to it with 
 encreased alacrity. 
 
 You have just seen that I was relieved from an elevated 
 station, which I could no longer hold with honor or comfort 
 to myself. You have before you also the cause of all my 
 uneasiness ; and posterity, if it ever reads this account, will 
 judge whether, in this point, L d . Rockingham or I was to 
 blame. My desire, however, of giving every little support 
 I was able to my former associates in office was as earnest 
 as they could have wished it to be ; and as long as in the 
 material measures the Administration kept fairly to the 
 principles which had originally united us, I should not have 
 stumbled at all lesser things. It was evident, when the 
 Parliament was up, even to the most common observer, that 
 the Ministry, though composed of men of character and who 
 possessed individually the general esteem of the public, could 
 not hold long without some material accession of strength.
 
 ch. in] PITT ACCEPTS OFFICE 89 
 
 The Duke of Richmond filled my place x ; but the general 
 backwardness to embark with the Ministry was great. 
 
 Soon after the Parliament was prorogued I retired into the 
 country, where the accounts daily received portended that 
 there must be some essential alteration ; and a letter from 
 M r . Pitt desiring my attendance in London brought me 
 directly up from Euston, near the middle of July 1766. In 
 it I was informed only, that a new Administration would take 
 place immediately on the most extensive and comprehensive 
 plan, if His Majesty was not thwarted in his views, and in 
 the formation of which there should neither be any exclusion 
 of any man of ability and integrity, nor any listing under any 
 banner whatsoever. 
 
 Travelling to London alone, I revolved well in my mind 
 my own situation ; and the result was, that I should be ready 
 to undertake, and to my utmost properly to discharge, any 
 office in which M r . Pitt should wish to place me ; but that 
 the situation of the first Lord of the Treasury, or that of 
 Lieutenant of Ireland, were accompanied with circumstances 
 so very disagreeable to me, that no consideration should 
 induce me to embark in either. 
 
 I found L d . Villiers (now Earl of Jersey) in town. We 
 went together to dine and sleep at Wimbledon that night ; 
 both of us, at that time, living much with our amiable and 
 excellent friends Lord and U Spencer 2 ; whose good qualities 
 both of head and heart were rarely equalled. Agreeing as 
 we all did in our political wishes, and being without other 
 company, we conversed in the most confidential manner 
 during the course of that whole evening on all that was 
 passing, and what might be expected. They all joined in 
 combating my decision as to the Treasury, tho' ineffectually 
 
 1 Charles Lennox, the third Duke of he considered unjust to his brother Lord 
 
 Richmond (1 735-1 806J. The seals were George Lennox {Rockingham Memoirs, 
 
 first offered to Lord Hardwicke, and on i. 339). 
 
 his refusal his brother Charles Yorke, " John, first Earl Spencer (1734-1 783), 
 
 the Attorney-General, was suggested. a staunch Whig. Lady Spencer was a 
 
 Richmond had offended the king by daughter of Stephen l'oynlz of Midgham 
 
 protesting against an appointment which in Berkshire.
 
 90 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1766 
 
 to the last, when I was stepping into my phaeton to proceed 
 to North-End 1 , where M r . Pitt then was; and it was my 
 intention to return with my report in the afternoon. 
 
 I found M r . Pitt very anxious to explain to me what had 
 passed at Court, in as concise a manner as the business 
 admitted. He was perfectly satisfied that the ground was 
 firm under him ; that the king heartily adopted, and would 
 support M r . Pitt's determination of standing in the gap to 
 defend the Closet 2 against every contending party. He 
 added, that His Majesty had given him full powers thus to 
 form a Ministry which might be generally approved by the 
 nation. M r . Pitt came soon of course to mention the office 
 His Majesty had approved for me : and this office was no 
 other than the Treasury. Though I was prepared with my 
 answer, for a long time neither of us could be driven from our 
 ground ; and I felt, for a moment, happy with the hope of 
 retiring with my negative admitted and acquiesced in. At last 
 M r . Pitt, shewing strong marks of disappointment, rose from 
 his chair, and declared that he must fairly tell me, that 
 his whole attempt to relieve the country and His Majesty was 
 at an end ; and that he must acquaint the king, that he was 
 once more frustrated in his endeavors to serve him ; and that 
 he should recommend to His Majesty to employ others ; for 
 that he could do nothing, if he had not my assistance at the 
 Treasury; his own health allowing him to enter into no office 
 except that of Privy Seal. Here all that I wished to see estab- 
 lished, together with all that I dreaded for myself, crowded at 
 once on my mind, already too much agitated for due considera- 
 tion. If M r . Pitt's threatenings were realized, it was easy to 
 
 1 Pitt arrived in Town on July 11 undergone a gradual change. In 1763, 
 after a hurried journey from Somerset. when consulted by the king as to the 
 He slept in Harley Street at the house formation of a Ministry, the restoration 
 of Captain Hood, and waited on the of the great Whig families to office was 
 king at Richmond on the 12th. The an essential part of his programme {Lif 
 hurry of his journey upset him, and he of Hardwicke, iii. 378). In 1765 ' he 
 went to Mr. Dingley's house at Hamp- talked much of revolution families, from 
 stead on the 13th or 14th. their weight, but unconnected' {supra, 
 
 2 Pitt's ideas as to combining with p. 51). In 1766 he seems to adopt an 
 the great Whig families seem to have attitude definitely hostile to them.
 
 CH. ill] GRAFTON ACCEPTS THE TREASURY 91 
 
 foresee the confusion into which the country would be plunged, 
 and possibly that I should be marked as the principal cause of 
 the disaster. I still remained as firmly persuaded as ever, how 
 little suited the post was to my inexperience and my feelings. 
 I yielded however, at length, tho' with reluctance, to M r . Pitt's 
 solicitation. His views were great and noble, worthy of a 
 patriot ; but they were too visionary to expect that ambitious 
 and interested men would co-operate in promoting them. He 
 had persuaded himself, that his weight as a statesman, 
 together with his present popularity, and the cause well 
 supported by His Majesty, would be able to reconcile every 
 man to those posts which he had designed for them *. 
 
 M r . Pitt's plan was Utopian, and I will venture to add, 
 that he lived too much out of the world to have a right 
 knowledge of mankind. His turn of mind was to be suspicious 
 and jealous, tho' perfectly forgiving. On the present occasion, 
 to men, who came to him from almost every quarter, he held 
 a language which could not but be approved by them in 
 principle ; though certainly not palatable to the interested 
 expectation of their friends. M r . Pitt attributed more efficacy 
 to these flattering visits than they merited. No doubt could 
 be entertained on the position, that it was a desirable object 
 for the country that the men of the best talents and fortunes 
 and highest rank, taken from every party, should unite in one 
 common cause. But in the heighth of his spirits, M r . Pitt 
 flattered himself with succeeding in an undertaking so very 
 difficult ; indeed, from his statement of the disposition he had 
 found in some of the principal characters with whom he had 
 
 1 An illustration of this may be seen best way of dealing with the vacillating 
 
 in his dealings with Temple, Townshend, Townshend (Walpole, Memoirs, ii. 346). 
 
 and Dowdeswell. He knew the self- Dowdeswell had been Chancellor of the 
 
 importance of Temple, and must also Exchequer under Rockingham. Pitt 
 
 have known that on the great question offered him a place at the Board of 
 
 of American policy they differed pro- Trade, or a joint paymaster's place, and 
 
 foundly, yet he desired Temple to take called on him to decide in a few hours, 
 
 office and would allow him no voice He declined both (Chatham Corresp. 
 
 in the formation of the Ministry. His iii. 22). 
 peremptory method was perhaps the
 
 92 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1766 
 
 conversed, I was led myself to give in to the like persuasion ; 
 until the intrigues of party breaking out in various ways, dis- 
 covered to us our short-lived delusion. 
 
 I do not recollect whether it was the next or the following 
 day that I returned to North-End, when the conversation 
 chiefly turned on the particulars of the intended arrangement. 
 M r . Cha 8 . Townshend had paid great attention to me, 
 especially since I resigned the Seals. He possibly might 
 consider me as a rising man, and worthy of more than 
 ordinary attention. His talents had captivated me, I grant ; 
 but it was not till afterwards that I discovered his knowledge 
 to be more confined than I had rated it. His powers, as 
 a speaker, were brilliant. In the forementioned interview 
 I much pressed M r . Pitt that M r . Townshend might be the 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer 1 . M r . Pitt, who knew the 
 gentleman much better than I did myself, said everything 
 to dissuade me from taking, as a second, one from whom 
 I should possibly meet with many unexpected disappoint- 
 ments. I had seen M r . Townshend and was weak enough 
 to persist in my desire, as I had found him eager to give up 
 the Paymaster's place for this office. M r . Townshend might 
 possibly view this situation as the readiest road to the upper 
 seat : and his professions had gained me over to expect every 
 assistance from him. The credit I gave M r . Townshend 
 made me very unwisely persist in my first wishes ; and 
 M r . Pitt at last gave way, though much against his inclination, 
 as well as his opinion. M r . Townshend, however, was not to 
 be called to the Cabinet; a point on which he was so sore, 
 that he was not at rest till he had, through me, teazed 
 M r . Pitt to admit him there, just as that gentleman was 
 setting out on his most unfortunate journey to Bath. The 
 first Cabinet was composed as follows, 
 
 1 The vacillations of Townshend about a year: but when Pitt seemed ready to 
 
 this office may be gathered from the acquiesce in his refusal of the Exchequer 
 
 Chatham Correspondence (ii. 452, 456, his vanity got the better of his interest, 
 
 459> 462, 464). The paymaster's place and he became urgent to be Chancellor 
 
 was the more valuable by some £4,000 of the Exchequer.
 
 CH. ill] THE NEW CABINET 93 
 
 Lord Camden Chancellor. 
 
 Lord Northington President. 
 
 M r . Pitt, created Earl of Chatham Privy Seal. 
 
 D. of Grafton First L d . of the Treasury. 
 
 Lord Shelburne Southern Sec. of State. 
 
 L*. Gen 1 . Conway Northern Sec. of State. 
 
 Lord Granby 1 Commander in Chief. 
 
 S r . Cha s . Saunders First L d . of the Admiralty. 
 
 It was not the intention to remove Lord Egmont from the 
 Admiralty 2 ; but he chose to resign; and I believe from 
 a general dislike of M r . Pitt's politics. 
 
 Lord Camden was on the circuit — I had but little acquaint- 
 ance with him at that time ; but the state of his mind during 
 this impending arrangement, as well as his view of the 
 business, may be well collected from the following letters, 
 which were written to a particular friend of both, who 
 presented them to me, desiring that I would make such use 
 of them as I thought proper. They may be acceptable in 
 
 this place. 
 
 July 19 th , 1766, Leicester. 
 
 I am arrived late at this place, and find letters from you and Nutthall, 
 pressing me to leave the circuit. I am willing enough to quit this dis- 
 agreeable employment ; but I think I ought not, upon a private inti- 
 mation, depart from my post. If you will by letter, or by express, if you 
 please, only tell me, that M r . Pitt would wish to see me, I will post to 
 town at a moment's warning. L d . Temple is gone. If M r . Pitt is not 
 distressed by this refusal, or if he is provoked enough not to feel his 
 distress, I am rather pleased, than mortified. Let him fling off the 
 
 Grenvilles, and save the nation without them 3 . 
 
 Yours, &c. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 I shall be at Warwick on Wednesday next. 
 
 1 Eldest son of the third Duke of pole {Memoirs, ii. 193) is wrong in 
 
 Rutland : the most popular military saying that he became First Lord of the 
 
 figure of our Continental war in 1758- Admiralty in the Rockingham Ministry. 
 
 1760. He died in his father's lifetime, He succeeded Sandwich in 1763. He 
 
 Oct. 1770. now resigned, not from loyalty to 
 
 1 John, second Earl of Egmont (1711- Rockingham but from dislike of Pitt 
 
 1 770), sat in the House of Lords as Lord ( Walpole, Memoirs, ii. 360). 
 
 Lovel and Holland. He had been of 3 This is the first intimation in the 
 
 the Household of Frederick, Prince of autobiography of the quarrel between 
 
 Wales, and was a friend of Bute. Wal- Temple and Pitt.
 
 94 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1766 
 
 July 20 th , 1766, Leicester. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I have slept since I wrote to you, and having taken the advice of 
 my pillow upon the subject of my coming to town, I remain of the same 
 opinion, that I ought not at this time to quit my station, uncalled and 
 uninvited. If M r . P. really wants me, I would relieve his delicacy by 
 coming at his request, conveyed to me either by you or Nutthall ; but 
 I suspect the true reason why he has not desired me to come is because, 
 as things are just now, he does not think it fitting. Sure M r . P. will not 
 be discouraged a second time by Lord T.'s refusal. He ought not for his 
 own sake ; for it does behove him now to satisfy the world that his 
 greatness does not hang on so slight a twig, as T. This nation is in 
 a blessed condition, if M r . P. is to take his directions from Stowe. A 
 few days will decide this great affair, and a few days will bring me back 
 of course. In the mean time, if my sooner return should be thought of 
 any consequence, I am within the reach of an express. I understand 
 
 Ly. Camden has paid her comp t3 . to M rs . , which I look upon as 
 
 a ratification of the treaty between the two families. I was catched at 
 Chatsworth by the D. of Devon 1 and his 2 uncles, and very civilly com- 
 pelled to lye there, where I had the pleasure of seeing L d . and Ly. , 
 
 but not one word of politics, or the great change. 
 
 I am, &c. 
 Camden. 
 
 Take care, that I do not break in again upon your foreign correspon- 
 dence : but let me have an inland letter. 
 
 Warwick, July 2^, 1766. 
 I am much concerned to find M r . Pitt's illness hangs upon him so 
 long, and the wishes of the public by that means retarded. He must set 
 his hand to the plough ; for the nation can not be dallied with any 
 longer. L d . T.'s wild conduct, tho M r . P. is grievously wounded by it, 
 may, for aught I know, turn out to be a favorable circumstance, to 
 reconcile him more to the present Ministry, out of which corps he must 
 form, as he always intended, this our Administration. Indeed this 
 inclination is one of the principal grounds of difference between the two 
 brothers ; L d . T. having closely connected himself with that set of men 
 whom he opposed so inveterately. I have heard very authentically 
 from the Stowe quarter that one of the chief points upon which they 
 broke was upon the promotion of L d . Gower 2 recommended by L d . T. 
 to be Secretary of State, under the color of enlarging the bottom and 
 
 1 William, fifth Duke of Devonshire ville Papers, iii. 267-272). It is worth 
 (1748-1811). noting the belief of Camden that Pitt 
 
 2 See letters from Temple to George would desire to form a Ministry of the 
 Grenville and to Lord Gower (Gren- Rockingham Whigs.
 
 CH. in] THE NEW MINISTRY 95 
 
 reconciling all parties. That since he asked nothing for his brother 
 George he had a right to insist upon this promotion. The other, on 
 the contrary, put a flat negative upon all that connexion. L d . T. was 
 very willing to go hand in hand with M r . P. pari passu, as he called it, 
 but would acknowledge no superiority or controul. This was continually 
 and repeatedly inculcated, not to say injudiciously, if he really intended 
 to unite, because such declarations before hand must create an incurable 
 jealousy, and sow disunion in the very moment of reconciliation. He 
 taxes M r . P. with private ingratitude, and is offended that two or three 
 days elapsed before he was sent for. This is public talk at his Lord- 
 ship's table, and therefore requires no secrecy. There are now, or will 
 be in a few days, at Stowe the two Dukes of B. and M. with their ladies. 
 S r . J. Amherst, and the royal guests '. Therefore L d . T. is declared not 
 the head of that party ; for that is an honor he must never expect, but 
 a proselyte received amongst them. Let not M r . P. be alarm'd at this 
 formidable gathering of great men. The king and the whole nation are 
 on the other side. I hope to be in town next Wednesday. I received 
 your last on Saturday night at Leicester, where the post comes every 
 day, and answer'd on Sunday morning, so that it arrived very regularly 
 in town on Monday morning and was not opened. I shall call at Nutt- 
 
 hall's in my way. 
 
 In the mean time believe me, 
 
 With utmost sincerity y r . most obed*. 
 
 faithful servant 
 
 Camden. 
 
 On the Sunday after his Lordship's arrival in London. 
 I received the annexed letter from M r . Pitt. 
 
 Harley Street, past 2 "clock, Sunday [July 27 th ]. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 All being entirely fixed with M r . C. Townshend, who has accepted 
 the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer, your Grace is desired to be 
 at the queen's house to-morrow at twelve. His Majesty's intention is, 
 that we should arrange things for kissing hands on Wednesday, which 
 may very well be, if your Grace should be of that opinion. I think it 
 imports the king's Government, that this kind of inter-ministeriuni 
 should not be protracted. I shall be to-morrow at the queen's house ; 
 where I hope to have the honor of seeing the Duke of Grafton perfectly 
 well, and perfectly satisfied with his Chancellor of the Exchequer. 
 
 I took my chance to-day at Lord Rockingham's door 2 ; but found his 
 
 1 Lord Temple entertained at Stowe 2 For an account, more or less 
 
 the Princess Amelia, and the Dukes of exaggerated, of this episode, see Rock- 
 Jicdford and Marlborough. iiigliam Memoirs, ii. 4 ; Grenvillc
 
 96 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1766 
 
 Lordship going out, so was not let in. I meant to make a visit of respect, 
 
 as a private man to Lord Rockingham, and had I found his lordship, to 
 
 have told him, as Pitt to Lord Rockingham, what I understood to be the 
 
 king's fixed intentions. I am ever, with respectful and warm attachment, 
 
 My dear Lord Duke's 
 
 Most humbly devoted servant 
 
 William Pitt. 
 Turn over. 
 
 I saw M r . Yorke yesterday ; his behaviour and language very hand- 
 some : his final intentions he will himself explain to the king in his 
 audience to-morrow *. 
 
 I make no apology for adding here a letter from M r . C. 
 Townshend, written to me at that time. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 In performance of my promise, I report to your Grace the result of 
 the audience which I had this day ; in which I found that M r . Pitt had 
 renewed the subject of our last conversation, and informed His Majesty 
 that he earnestly wished that I might be the Chancellor of the Ex- 
 chequer. I then stated the difference of the offices in real income and 
 supposed rank: I frankly declared my resolution to act as the king 
 should command ; and professed my ambition to prefer the honor (for 
 such I think it is) of contributing, with M r . Pitt and your Grace, to the 
 stability of government, to any emolument or any ease. The king, in the 
 kindest manner, left me to consider and decide, only adding that my 
 manner of acting was too liberal to permit him to press me, as he would 
 do other men. I have since received the most friendly and honorable 
 letter from M r . Pitt, and on Sunday I shall again see the king. In the 
 mean time, your Grace may be assured that I shall accept ; still desiring 
 to be understood that I relinquish my own natural inclination and 
 evident interest, upon the hope of being known by you, M r . Pitt, and the 
 Crown to sacrifice, with chearfulness and from principle, all that men 
 usually pursue to the veneration I bear M r . Pitt, my plan of union with 
 your Grace, and my gratitude to my sovereign. Here let this anxious 
 matter rest. If you feel it as I do, words are useless. God prosper our 
 
 Papers, iii. 283 ; Walpole, Memoirs, ii. Rockingham regarded Pitt as the cause 
 
 355. Pitt was prevailed upon by Con way of his dismissal, and was very angry, 
 
 at the instance of the Cavendishes to call while Pitt had been told that Rocking- 
 
 on Rockingham, who refused to see him. ham would be gratified by the attention 
 
 Either Rockingham's followers mis- of a call, 
 
 understood him, or they must have 1 Mr. Yorke resigned his place as 
 
 deliberately induced Pitt to subject him- Attorney-General. 
 self to a rebuff : for it is clear that
 
 ch. Ill] THE EARL OF CHATHAM 97 
 
 joint labors, and may our mutual trust, affection and friendship grow 
 from every act of our lives. 
 
 I am, my very dear lord, 
 
 Your Grace's affect 9 . 
 
 and faithful humble ser*. 
 
 C. TOWNSHEND. 
 July 25 th , 1766. 
 
 Being appointed to the queen's house \ I found Lord 
 Northington and Lord Camden already there. Mr. Pitt was 
 in with the king. The two lords appeared to be in most 
 earnest conversation, and much agitated. On perceiving it, 
 I naturally was turning from them, after my bow ; but they 
 begged to impart to me the subject of their concern, asking me 
 whether I had any previous knowledge of M r . Pitt's intention 
 of obtaining an earldom, and thus placing himself in the 
 House of Lords ; whereas our conception of the strength of 
 the Administration had been, till that moment, derived from 
 the great advantage he would have given to it by remaining 
 with the Commons. On this there was but one voice among 
 us, nor indeed throughout the kingdom 2 . When M r . Pitt 
 left the Closet, we had only to receive notice of the measure, 
 as a matter fixed, and not for deliberation. The reception 
 we gave to the communication was so evident, that it could 
 not escape a penetrating eye ; for we were all struck with 
 the idea of the prejudice it would do to his new Adminis- 
 tration. Other necessary matters being arranged, we entered 
 on office on the day which had been named for kissing the 
 king's hand. 
 
 M r . Pitt, now become Earl of Chatham, who was bent on 
 the salutary measure of a great alliance in the North, consist- 
 ing of Prussia, Russia, Great Britain, and including Holland, 
 was confident that he should be able to effect such a treaty 
 of alliance, as a proper counterpoise to the famous Facte de 
 
 1 July 28. '• 4 12 )- Choiseul fears lest Chatham 
 
 1 Not only in the kingdom but should seek to regain his lost popularity 
 
 abroad was the mistake noted: see a by schemes of conquest. He is also 
 
 remarkable letter from Choiseul to sceptical as to the continuance of the 
 
 i\\\cTc.hy(Y\\.zma.xLT\cz,LifeofShelOurne y quarrel between Chatham and Temple. 
 
 II
 
 98 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1766 
 
 Famille ; and M r . Stanley was commissioned to negociate this 
 important business. Some have thought that, if Russia in- 
 stead of Prussia had been the power to which we had applied, 
 it might have succeeded. I do not think that this circum- 
 stance would have made the least alteration. Lord Chatham 
 had the mortification to find, that M r . Pitt had more weight 
 with Frederic, who wanted him, than the Earl of Chatham 
 had, whom he did not want at that particular moment \ The 
 opening to an alliance, which must have appeared desirable 
 for the independance of Europe, having at the present moment 
 failed, the Ministry thought it adviseable to wait a more favor- 
 able opportunity. If I was to hazard an opinion on the 
 coldness shewn by the Court of Berlin in particular, I have 
 since attributed it to the plan, which might already have been 
 formed in the K. of Prussia's head, and which he knew would 
 be objected to by the Court of St. James's, namely, the 
 dismemberment of Poland. 
 
 Among the other events of the year there appeared none 
 which more merited the attention and good management of 
 the Administration than the great and extensive acquisitions 
 obtained in the East Indies. I heartily joined in L d . Chatham's 
 opinion, that it was idle to be talking on terms and arrange- 
 ments with the Company, while the great point had not been 
 decided in Parliament, namely, who had the right to the 
 territorial possessions in India? that it was preposterous that 
 the right could lye in the Company ; and that the Imperial 
 Crown of Great Britain, (not the king) had the sole territorial 
 right 2 . Beside this, the steps taken of laying an embargo on 
 all vessels laden with corn, which prevented a scarcity here, 
 
 1 Mr. Stanley was intended to super- We had treated him badly in 1762 : our 
 sede Sir George Macartney at the frequent changes of Ministry made our 
 Russian Court, and on his way thither foreign policy disconnected and un- 
 to discuss, at Berlin, the scheme for an certain ; and there were many chances of 
 alliance of the Northern powers. Sir a collision between England and the 
 Andrew Mitchell, our representative at Southern powers which would not 
 Berlin, found that Frederick was dis- interest Prussia {Chatham Corresp. iii. 
 inclined for such an alliance, and 36, 46, 67, 80, 82, 139). 
 Stanley's mission never took place. 2 This question of territorial right 
 
 Frederick's reasons were substantial. was settled by 53 Geo. III. c. 158.
 
 ch. in] THE EMBARGO ON CORN 99 
 
 became a subject for much parliamentary debate. The Opposi- 
 tion acknowledged the rectitude of the measure ; but we were 
 not to be justified on the ground on which the Cabinet thought 
 fit at first to take up the business, by supporting it as maintain- 
 able under the Salits Populi Suprcma Lex\ and we had the 
 mortification, after two days' debate, to stoop to a Bill of In- 
 demnity, which ought to have been proposed in the beginning l . 
 It has been mentioned that Lord Egmont quitted the 
 Admiralty on Lord Chatham's appointment. The first per- 
 son thought of as his successor was Lord Gower ; and Lord 
 Chatham desired that I would be the negociator. As such 
 I embarked, with more desire, I confess, than expectation, 
 of success ; and my letter from Wakefield was written to 
 Trentham, and drawn out according to the directions of this 
 
 letter of Lord Chatham's. 
 
 Bond Street, 
 Wednesday, Aug* 1 . 20, 1766. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 It is with very real concern that I find your Grace's indisposition so 
 considerable as to prevent your much wish'd return to S*. James's. I am 
 commanded by the king to express in His Majesty's name, how sorry he 
 is to hear your Grace is ill ; and I should not do justice to His Majesty, 
 if I did not add that the king's expression and manner was full of the 
 most gracious attention towards the Duke of Grafton. 
 
 Inclosed your Grace will find the Duke of Bedford's letter to you 2 : 
 I have related the contents of it to the king. His Majesty is of opinion, 
 and I applaud the judgement, that your Grace should, without loss of 
 time, sound Lord Gower directly with regard to the Admiralty, and bring 
 
 1 The Act of Indemnity, 7 Geo. III. and Grafton, the substance of which is 
 c. 7 covered the ministers who had given in the Bedford Correspondence 
 advised the Order in Council which (iii. 342). The Duke told Lord Tavi- 
 imposed the embargo, as well as those stock that ' Lord Chatham's idea was 
 who acted under it. The Lill should, a great and conciliating plan ' : but the 
 as the Duke says, have been proposed Bedford party were to get no more than 
 at once, but there was a gieat deal of the appointment of Lord Gower to the 
 affectation in the solemn constitutional Admiralty. The Duke of Bedford was 
 discussions which ensued, and Lord informed of this and declined, in the 
 Mansfield, though no friend to ministers, letter referred to in the text, ' to be a 
 thought at first that the embargo was middleman between the Administration 
 lawful (Grenvillc Papers, iii. 337). and Lord Gower' {Bedford Corresp. iii. 
 
 2 The negotiation began with a con- 344). 
 versation between Lord Tavistock 
 
 H 2
 
 IOO AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1766 
 
 on a clear decision of a matter which cannot remain in suspence. The 
 king rests entirely on your Grace's prudence and address, not to commit 
 His Majesty in opening this offer to Lord Gower. It is taken for granted 
 that your Grace will dispatch, in some proper way, this proposal to 
 Trentham, and save as much time, as may be, with propriety in an affair 
 of this nature. I am far from well myself, and write in much haste. 
 I will only add to your Grace's trouble at present, by saying that, if the 
 Duke of Grafton will be so good to bring himself back in perfect health, 
 he will more than compensate the shattered state of his Grace's 
 
 most truly devoted 
 
 humble servant, 
 
 Chatham. 
 
 To the letter I wrote to Lord Gower I received the follow- 
 ing answer. 
 
 Trentham, Aug H . 22°' 1 , 1766. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I received your Grace's letter x last night at ten o'clock, the contents 
 of which I had been appriz'd of two days ago by a letter from the Duke 
 of Bedford, communicating to me what had past in London between your 
 Grace and Lord Tavistock. I am extremely honored and flatter'd by 
 your Grace and the chief of His Majesty's servants in thinking me 
 a proper successor to the Earl of Egmont at the Board of Admiralty, 
 and I need not inform y r Grace how happy it would make me to be a 
 pars parva of an Administration of which your Grace is so considerable 
 a member ; but so uninformed as I am at this distance, and so very 
 unexplanatory as your Grace's letter is, and I therein call'd upon for 
 a clear decision, I find myself necessitated to decline the acceptance of 
 the office. For, tho' I am acquainted with the commanders in chief 
 of the Administration, and I do assure your Grace that I have not the 
 least personal objection to any one, yet your Grace must know how 
 unpleasant it is to be in a responsible office (and such is the Board of 
 Admiralty), unconnected with the individuals who compose that Ad- 
 ministration, and finding myself, as M r . Beckford would say, Isole '; nay, 
 your Grace has not given me the least hint, who are to be the mariners 
 in the vessel, on board of which it is propos'd that I should embark. 
 Your Grace says that a fundamental principle on which the present 
 Administration have embark'd is to conciliate and unite ; it gives me 
 infinite pleasure to hear that intention is such, for it is the only principle 
 which can give stability to Administration, or ease to the Crown ; and 
 
 1 This is the letter described by have erred on the side of indiscreet 
 Temple as 'not very wise' (Grenville disclosure. 
 Corresp. iii. 321). It does not seem to
 
 CH. ill] THE ADMIRALTY BOARD IOI 
 
 that this was my opinion, I had the honor to tell your Grace more than 
 once last winter. Give me leave to add (least improper motives should 
 be suppos'd to have influenc'd me upon this occasion), that I do not 
 decline entering into the office propos'd to me from any dislike to any 
 one member whatever of the present Administration : I know their 
 abilities, and I honor their characters ; nor from my name having been 
 some time since mention'd for a considerable post which was not 
 acquiesc'd in l ; for as it was proposed without my knowledge, so would 
 it have been accepted against my inclination ; nor do I do it in con- 
 sequence of any one opinion but my own, and consequently very likely 
 to be wrong. I cannot conclude without acquainting your Grace, how 
 unhappy I feel not to embrace with eagerness a proposal of this kind 
 which comes from or thro' your Grace, as no one is 
 with more sincerity y 1 " Grace's 
 
 most obliged and most obedient servant, 
 
 Gower. 
 I hope this letter will find y r Grace in better health. 
 
 His lordship dined with me at Wakefield Lodge a few days 
 
 after, when we had the subject over and over, in every light 
 
 in which it could be presented ; and we parted in the best 
 
 humour possible with each other, and as old friends. In the 
 
 meantime, the answer from Lord Gower was forwarded to 
 
 Lord Chatham 2 , from whom I soon received the letter which 
 
 follows : 
 
 North-End, Saturday, 4 o'clock. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 I have the honor to agree entirely with your Grace, in the view of 
 the declining of Lord Gower : the issue is not what I expected. The 
 fruit of the offer will be full of advantage ; and if His Majesty shall be 
 pleased to form an Admiralty with S r . Charles Saunders, and M 1 '. Keppel :1 
 (S r . Charles first Lord Commissioner), I have no doubt that the publick in 
 general, and the sea-service in particular, will receive such an arrange- 
 ment with satisfaction and applause : the fleet will be well filled and 
 served, and harmony insured at the Board. Confirmed in these senti- 
 ments by your Grace's full concurrence, I have presumed to write to the 
 king this day, to submit most humbly this arrangement to His Majesty's 
 wisdom. It is necessary for me to be to-morrow at S*. James's, which will 
 
 1 The post of Secretary of State. Sec cumbe in November of this year. Sir 
 
 Camden's letter, p. 94. Charles Saunders died in 1775. Au- 
 
 • Chatham Corresp. Hi. 54. gustus Keppel, second son of the second 
 
 3 Saunders and Keppel were Whigs Earl of Albemarle, was made Viscount 
 
 of the Rockingham party: they both Keppel, and became First Lord of the 
 
 resigned on the dismissal of Lord Edge* Admiralty in 1782. He died in 17S6.
 
 102 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1766 
 
 oblige me to defer the honor of receiving your Grace's commands, as you 
 pass. I trust to heaven we shall have your Grace confirmed safe and 
 well by Sunday. The next week we all hope to fill with important objects. 
 Meetings upon E. India affairs, (the greatest of all objects, according to 
 my sense of great), as well as the whole outline of the ensuing Session. 
 The Duke of Rutland 1 has in the most handsome and noble manner, 
 thro' Lord Granby, offered his office for the accomodation of the king's 
 affairs. Lord Hertford 2 has been spoke to by His Majesty upon the 
 subject, of which his lordship will more properly give your Grace an 
 account. The answer from Berlin is anxiously expected. That our 
 expectations of seeing the Duke of Grafton well, may be answered 
 to-morrow, is the ardent wish of your 
 Grace's most respectfully 
 
 and affectionately devoted humble servant, 
 
 Chatham. 
 
 This intercourse with the Duke of Bedford's party was 
 renewed in autumn, at Bath, where his Grace often saw Lord 
 Chatham, as well as Lords Northington and Camden 3 . By 
 what passed there, and by the good disposition shewn on 
 both sides to an honorable junction, I had no doubt of the 
 interviews Lord Chatham had, in the beginning of winter, 
 with the D. of Bedford ending with satisfaction. It proved 
 otherwise : and Lord Chatham found the duke rising in his 
 demands on every attempt to provide suitably for his friends : 
 which may be attributed in a great manner to the weight of 
 M r . Rigby, who did not see that office within his reach 
 which might answer his wants, as well as his ambition. 
 The approaching Session assisted this gentleman's endeavors; 
 tho' it was thought that the Duchess, L d . Tavistock, Lords 
 Gower and Ossory were earnest for the junction. So much 
 for these unsuccessful parleys and negotiations, on which 
 I shall perhaps be considered as having dwelt too long already. 
 
 1 John, third Duke of Rutland (1696- He had been appointed Lord-Lieutenant 
 1779), was now Master of the Horse; of Ireland in 1765. He now became 
 he placed his office at Chatham's dis- Master of the Horse, and in December 
 posal, who was thus able to offer it to of this year Lord Chamberlain. 
 
 Lord Hertford, and so obtain the Lord- 3 The Duke of Bedford left an account 
 
 Lieutenancy of Ireland for Lord Bristol. of these interviews {Bedford Corresp. 
 
 2 Francis Seymour Conway (17 19- iii. 348-354). 
 1 794), first Earl and Marquis of Hertford.
 
 CH. ill] MINISTERIAL TROUBLES 103 
 
 S r . Charles Saunders, on Lord Gower's declining, became 
 First Lord of the Admiralty : unfortunately, he held that 
 important office for a short time indeed ; and was succeeded 
 by S r . Edward Hawke in December following. 
 
 Lord Chatham, with his superior talents, did not possess 
 that of conciliating mankind : he was admired, but was rarely 
 liked. So far from succeeding in smoothing away all party 
 divisions, as had been his first and great declaration, he 
 contrived to irritate and offend most ; and his mistrust of 
 the friends of the Duke of Newcastle was greater than could 
 be conceived. While he continued to honour them for the 
 political principles by which they professed to be actuated, 
 he suspected that they were not well-wishers to him, in 
 which he was probably not mistaken ; but he at length put 
 their patience to a trial, which could only be received by 
 that party as a declaration of hostility. I was not the only 
 person among his friends, who ventured to dissuade him from 
 his design of removing Lord Edgecombe from his office 1 , and 
 giving his stick to M r . Shelley, the nephew of the Duke of 
 Newcastle, whom he had some time quitted in order to attach 
 himself to M r . Pitt. 
 
 You will not be displeased, that I should here introduce 
 a letter from M r . Cha s . Townshend. It will be read with 
 satisfaction, at the same time that it is creditable to him. 
 I wish that I had many of the sort to produce. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 Having dined this day with M r . Conway and had the opportunity of 
 reading his letter to Lord Chatham, and Lord Chatham's answer, I cannot 
 resist my own apprehensions, least the matter which you have left 
 depending should end unfortunately. The generosity of Lord Besborough 2 
 
 1 George, third Lord Edgecumbe, Lordship of the Bedchamber, which he 
 
 created Earl of Mount Edgecumbe in refused : he was thereupon dismissed. 
 
 1789, had served with distinction in the He commanded four boroughs, and was 
 
 Navy, and was at this time Treasurer intimate with the Rockingham Whigs, 
 
 of the Household. Chatham wanted the Conway remonstrated strongly witli 
 
 place for Sir John Shelley, who had the Chatham {Chatham Corresp. iii. 120). 
 
 merit of having deserted Newcastle a Lord Besborough had offered to 
 
 for Pitt. Kdgecumbe was offered a give up to Lord Edgecumbe the place
 
 104 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1766 
 
 can never be enough celebrated by every real friend to public tranquility, 
 the union of the Whigs, and the common cause of those great persons 
 and families who have acted together, ever since the reality of a Whig 
 party. M r . Conway has communicated the idea of a new arrangement, 
 with the utmost delicacy and good sense : but a motive of accomodation 
 seems to have been construed into a plan of authority, and what was 
 designed to express good humour and prevent connexion has been dis- 
 liked as stipulation and presumption. I confess I cannot adopt the 
 interpretation ; I lament the ill success of so promising a ground of 
 reconciliation ; and I beg leave to repeat my earnest and most anxious 
 wishes, such as I am, that disunion may be prevented among men, who 
 cannot separate without weakness to the public. It is mean to think of 
 private situations when so general an interest is at stake : but every 
 honest man who has a heart worthy of respect will be comfortless in his 
 station, whether that be in government, or out of it, if the ancient Whig 
 families should, in the opening of a Ministry so popular, so able, and so 
 sure of success, be divided, and each part be obliged to form an entire 
 Administration or a settled Opposition. The settlement of the times, the 
 peace of the king's mind, the hopes of the country will all be once more 
 dissolved, and for what ? It may double M r . Shelley's income ; it may 
 do the work of former ministers, it may gratify our enemies ; but it 
 cannot answer the ambition of any man we love, nor the expectation of 
 the people. For these reasons, I cannot help renewing my entreaties, 
 that you will persevere in your powerful endeavors to obviate the stroke. 
 It will be your own work, and it is worthy of you. I am with the sincerest 
 affection, 
 
 My dear lord, your Grace's, &c. 
 
 Chs. Townshend. 
 
 Downing Street, Friday evening. [Nov r . 25 th .] 
 
 M r . Secretary Conway was properly the servant of the 
 Crown, to take the lead in the House of Commons. It was 
 with him that Lord Chatham ought to have been really 
 confidential in his different purposes. How could it be ex- 
 pected that, with coldness towards M r . Conway, his Ministry 
 could ever move with comfort to any part of it ? M r . Conway 
 felt disappointed on this treatment from the beginning ; 
 his complaints to me were daily, and these were much 
 fomented by Lord Rockingham, the Duke of Richmond 1 J and 
 
 of joint Postmaster which he held, and under Chatham now resigned, except 
 
 to become a Lord of the Bedchamber. Conway. 
 
 This was refused, and all the Rocking- 1 The efforts of Rockingham and the 
 
 ham Whigs who had retained office Cavendishes to induce Conway to resign
 
 CH. Ill] CHATHAM AND TOWNSHEND 105 
 
 the Cavendishes, while his brother, M r . Horace Walpole, and 
 myself strove all in our power to reconcile him to his situation. 
 Mr. C. Townshend perceived M r . Conway's uneasiness ; tho' 
 he might not exactly attribute it to its true cause. He was 
 no longer within the lash of M r . Pitt's formidable eloquence ; 
 and took more on himself in the House than he would have 
 ventured under any other circumstances. 
 
 On the night preceding Lord Chatham's first journey to 
 Bath, M r . Cha 8 . Townshend was, for the first time, summoned 
 to the Cabinet. The business was on a general view and 
 statement of the actual situation and interests of the various 
 powers in Europe : Lord Chatham had certainly taken the 
 lead in this consideration in so masterly a manner, as to raise 
 the admiration and desire of us all to co-operate with him 
 in forwarding these views. M r . Townshend was particularly 
 astonished, and owned to me, as I was carrying him in my 
 carriage home, that Lord Chatham had just shown to us 
 what inferior animals we were : and that, as much as he had 
 seen of him before, he did not conceive, till that night, his 
 superiority to be so very transcendant. M r . Townshend, 
 however, soon forgot the great and extensive mind of the 
 minister ; and I had daily to hear, or to read his train of 
 grievances, among which the disappointment he had met with 
 in his application for a peerage for Lady Dalkeith was not 
 the least. 
 
 Excepting our vast acquisitions in India, and the embargo 
 laid at home on the ships laden with corn, there was not 
 anything that occurred to arrest materially the public atten- 
 tion. The ministers, however, who remained in London were 
 by no means idle, tho' very uncomfortably situated, in the 
 absence of the President, Lord Chancellor, and Lord Chatham, 
 who were all at Bath ; and we had the mortification of receiv- 
 ing from them the draft of a speech, drawn up on a ground 
 which some much disapproved 1 ; but which was conformed 
 
 and the successful persuasions of Horace {Memoirs, ii. 377). 
 
 Walpole which induced Conway to ' The king's speech dwelt mainly on 
 
 retain office, are described by Walpole the prevailing scarcity of corn.
 
 ro6 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1766 
 
 to, thro' deference to the authority of those from whom we 
 had received it. In the debates which took place at the 
 opening of the Session it was curious, in the struggle for 
 and against the necessity of passing the Indemnity Bill, 
 to see Lord Mansfield bestriding the high horse of liberty 1 , 
 while Lord Chatham and Lord Camden were arguing for an 
 extension of prerogative beyond its true limits. And it was 
 in these debates that this upright chancellor, in the warmth 
 of speaking, inadvertently made use of the expression ' that, 
 if it was a tyranny, it was only a tyranny of forty days.' 
 
 The desire of acquiring the support of the Duke of Bedford 
 and his friends was not dropt by Lord Chatham, even after 
 the first days of the opening of the Session : as will appear 
 from the following note and letter to myself from his lord- 
 ship 2 . S r . Cha s . Saunders and Admiral Keppel resigned 
 
 1 Lord Mansfield's doubts as to 
 whether the embargo was not lawful 
 have been mentioned, supra, p. 99. 
 
 a The early troubles of the Chatham 
 Ministry, indicated in these letters, may 
 thus be summarized. The offer of Lord 
 Besborough to change offices with Lord 
 Edgecumbe was notified to Chatham at 
 the beginning of the week of Nov. 25. 
 
 On Tuesday, November 25, Beckford, 
 in the House of Commons, moved to 
 take into consideration the affairs of 
 the East India Company. This was 
 opposed by Grenville, Rigby, and the 
 Rockingham Whigs. 
 
 On Wednesday, November 26, Chat- 
 ham wrote to Grafton doubting whether 
 Rigby ' is after yesterday's vote ad- 
 missible.' (See letter on p. 107.) 
 
 On Thursday, November 27, the 
 Duke of Portland, Lords Scarborough, 
 Besborough, and Monson resigned. 
 Cower had an interview with Chatham, 
 and received offers which he was to 
 communicate to the Bedford party. 
 
 On Friday, November 28, the Ad- 
 miralty Board, Saunders, Keppel, and 
 Meredith, desired to resign, and only 
 
 deferred a formal resignation until the 
 following Monday at Chatham's request 
 {Grenville Papers, iii. 390). 
 
 On Saturday, November 29, Gower 
 returned from Woburn and saw Chatham. 
 The king is indifferent or averse to the 
 the negotiation {Chatham Corresp. iii. 
 
 135)- 
 
 On Monday, December 1, Bedford 
 
 came to London and met his followers 
 to consider Chatham's offer : i.e. Gower 
 to be Master of the Horse ; Weymouth, 
 joint Postmaster ; Rigby, Cofferer ; the 
 Duke of Marlborough to have the Garter 
 at an early date. Bedford saw Chatham 
 and asked for some further concessions 
 {Bedford Corresp. iii. 359). 
 
 Tuesday, December 2. The Duke's 
 demands were refused, all negotiations 
 broken off, and the Admiralty Board 
 was filled, Sir Edward Hawke being 
 first Lord. 
 
 Thus in a week Chatham had 
 alienated the Rockingham and Bedford 
 groups, and stood alone, with Grafton, 
 Camden, Conway, Shelburne, and some 
 placemen and king's friends.
 
 CH. in] FURTHER MINISTERIAL TROUBLES 107 
 
 at the same time with the Duke of Portland and Lord 
 Rockingham's other friends, on the dismission of Lord Edge- 
 combe from the Treasurership of the Household. 
 
 Lord Chatham, with most real concern, begs to inform the Duke of 
 Grafton, that his Grace's intelligence with regard to S r . Cha s . Saunders 
 and M r . Keppel was too well founded. 
 
 Lord Gower received the offer made to him with all the duty to the 
 king, as well as all the genteelness and excellent good sense natural to 
 his lordship, and proposes to go to Woburn to-morrow morning ; after 
 which his lordship will make his answer. This is all that could be 
 expected ; Lord Chatham does not hazard any conjectures on the final 
 issue. 
 
 Bond Street, 
 
 Thursday night {November 27). 
 
 Wednesday (A T ov br . 26). 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I beg to return your Grace many thanks for the obliging trouble you 
 are so good to take, and to express at the same time my just sense of the 
 friendly and kind intention of the correspondant, whose note your Grace 
 takes the trouble to inclose. As to the present crisis, I view it in its 
 whole extent, but knowing where there is firmness, I cannot consider the 
 journey to Woburn as matter of alarm. I doubt much, whether M r . Rigby 
 is even, now after yesterday's vote, admissible : if he is, it is as much as 
 can be said ; and that only on condition of another conduct. Unions, 
 with whomsoever it be, give me no terrors : I know my ground, and 
 I leave them to indulge their own Dreams. If they can conquer, I am 
 ready to fall ; but I shall never consent to take any premature step from 
 the consideration of what Rigby's manoeuvres may produce. I repeat 
 again, that I doubt whether the abovesaid gentleman can be admitted : 
 the consideration of the Duke of Bedford and Lord Gower alone can 
 bring that about. To sum up all in two words : faction will not shake 
 the Closet, nor gain the publick. I wait the issue without the possibility 
 of change in my sentiments. Give me leave, my dear lord, under these 
 considerations, to decline taking any step, but that of advising the king 
 to fill up the offices as they shall become vacant, by the most eligible who 
 will accept them. I depend on the Duke of Bedford's rectitude and 
 wisdom, and I have every good to expect from Lord Gower's knowledge 
 of things, his discernment, and his excellent sound understanding. I fear 
 your Grace may think me foolhardy and presuming. Indeed, my lord, 
 the Closet is firm, and there is nothing to fear. I am ever with truest 
 respect and attachment, my lord, 
 
 Your Grace's most devoted ser*. 
 
 Chatham.
 
 108 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1766 
 
 Previously to Lord Chatham's coming up from Bath about 
 the 4 th of Nov r ., his Lordship had received several letters 
 from me ; in many of which I had represented to him the 
 circumstances which indicated that no light clouds were 
 collecting to disturb the political horizon ; and which to 
 disperse would require, in my best judgement, all Lord 
 Chatham's dexterity and management. I transcribe a letter 
 from his lordship, in order to shew the sense he had of his 
 own political situation. 
 
 Bath, Ocf. 19 th , 1766. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 It is with much difficulty, and at the same time with particular 
 pleasure, that I attempt a few lines to return your Grace many respectful 
 and warm thanks for the honor of several most obliging letters. That of 
 the 17th 1 , just received, gives me great satisfaction, as it informs me of 
 a very agreeable conclusion to a matter, which, I confess, gave me much 
 uneasiness 2 . 
 
 As to the phalanx your Grace mentions, I either am full of false spirits 
 infused by Bath waters, or there is no such thing existing. The gentle- 
 man your Grace points out as a necessary recruit, I think a man of parts, 
 and an ingenious speaker 3 . As to his notions and maxims of trade, they 
 can never be mine. Nothing can be more unsound and more repugnant 
 to every true principle of manufacture and commerce, than the rendering 
 so noble a branch as the Cottons, dependant for the first material upon 
 the produce of French and Danish Islands, instead of British 4 . My 
 engagement to Lord Lisburne 5 for the next opening at the Board of 
 Trade is already known to your Grace ; nor is it a thing possible to wave 
 for M r . Burke. M r . Hussey 6 , I believe, is in Cornwall. That gentleman's 
 ability and weight are great indeed ; and my esteem and honor for his 
 character the highest imaginable : I flatter myself with some share in his 
 regard : but, as to his intentions, my Lord Chancellor may possibly be 
 
 1 This letter is printed in the Chat- Burke, as ' the readiest man upon all 
 ham Correspondence, iii. no. points perhaps in the whole House.' 
 
 2 Lord Cardigan, who had been * I do not know when or where 
 promised a dukedom, was prevailed Burke expressed this opinion. 
 
 upon to give up the office of Governor 5 Lord Lisburne was offered a place 
 
 of Windsor Castle on becoming Duke at the Admiralty Board when Keppel 
 
 of Montagu {Chatham Corresp. iii. 101, and Meredith resigned, but his seat was 
 
 107, 1 10). The king wrote to Grafton too insecure to allow him to accept it. 
 
 expressing his 'thorough approbation 6 Richard Hussey (17 15-1770). At- 
 
 of the delicacy you have shown in the torney-General to the Queen and Counsel 
 
 course of this affair.' to the Admiralty, a politician of Whig 
 
 J The Duke pressed the claims of principles and high character.
 
 CH. in] THE ' FATAL JOURNEY TO BATH ' 109 
 
 more able to inform your Grace, when you meet, than I can presume to 
 do. M r . Nugent 1 I have not yet seen, having missed him when he was so 
 good to call- 
 
 The inclosed draft, which is submitted to the consideration of your 
 Grace, the Secretaries of State, and M r . Chancellor of the Exchequer, 
 has the approbation of Lord Camden and Lord Northington. If new 
 matter should arise before the meeting, the speech will, to be sure, adapt 
 itself to the event. I have the most sensible joy in being able to acquaint 
 your Grace, that Lord Spencer has, with infinite goodness, listened 
 favorably to my earnest intreaties, and will move the Address. Your 
 Grace will be so good as to think of a seconder. I think of going about 
 Wednesday next for one day to Burton-Pynsent ; and hope to pay my 
 respects to your Grace in town, about the 4 th of November. 
 
 My hand recovers very slowly, but my general health is mended by the 
 waters ; and I trust that a second reprise of ten days will help my hand. 
 I am, with truest esteem and respect, 
 
 Your Grace's 
 
 faithfully devoted, 
 
 most humble servant, 
 
 Chatham. 
 
 I hope the Special Commission will not be delayed. 
 
 When Lord Chatham set out on his fatal journey to Bath, 
 he was not sensible, nor would he be persuaded, of the many 
 difficulties under which his Administration labored, though 
 they were viewed with real concern by the nation at large, 
 who perceived an union of parties, sufficiently powerful to 
 embarrass every measure. But he had also internal dangers 
 to expect. M r . Conway was not satisfied in his situation ; 
 and M r . Townshend was never settled in any ; and these two 
 gentlemen saw the management of the E. India business in 
 a very different light from what Lord Chatham had wished. 
 
 They were for waving the decision on the right, and for 
 bringing forward a negociation with the Company, without 
 entering on this essential point, which Lord Chatham, 
 together with the rest of the Cabinet, wanted to see decided 
 in the first instance ; and which M r . Ald n . Beckford - had 
 undertaken to move in the House of Commons. 
 
 1 Afterwards a peer of Ireland, Vis- 2 Beckford (1709-1770) represented 
 
 <unt Clare. the City from 1753 until his death, and
 
 IIO AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1766 
 
 Lord Chatham's illness, and indeed his constant bad state 
 of health, often making it impracticable to talk with him on 
 business or even to get access to him, brought a weakness 
 on the Ministry which will be easily conceived ; and placed 
 us, who wished to forward his views, in the most uncomfort- 
 able and perplexing of all situations, scarce knowing what 
 line to adopt ; for Lord Chatham did never open to us, or to 
 the Cabinet in general, what was his real and fixed plan. 
 He would have found Lords Northington, Camden, and 
 Shelburne, together with S r . Edw d . Hawke and myself, full of 
 zeal to support him. 
 
 I shall transcribe a letter of Lord Chatham's to myself, 
 when he was preparing for his journey. There is no other 
 date to the letter, than Sunday night ; tho' a docket in my 
 handwriting, I see, puts it to December 7 th , 1766. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I grieve most heartily at the report of the meeting last night. If the 
 enquiry is to be contracted within the ideas of M r . Chancellor of the 
 Exchequer 1 , and of M r . Dyson' 2 , the whole becomes a. farce, and the 
 Ministry a ridiculous phantom. M r . Beckford will move his questions, 
 (waving for the present the bonds and transfers), and upon the issue of 
 Tuesday must turn the decision of the present system, whether to stand 
 or make way for another scene of political revolution. M r . Dyson's 
 behaviour cannot be acquiesced in. M r . C. Townshend's fluctuations 
 and incurable weaknesses cannot comport with his remaining in that 
 critical office. Your Grace will not, I trust, wonder at the pain I feel for 
 the king's service and personal ease, as well as for the redemption of 
 a nation, within reach of being saved at once by a kind of gift from 
 heaven ; and all marred, and thrown away by fatal weaknesses, co- 
 operating with the most glaring factions. What possible objection, fit to 
 listen to, can be made to the bringing the revenues in India before the 
 House ? I hope M 1 '. Beckford will walk out of the House, and leave the 
 name of an enquiry, to amuse the credulous, in other hands, in case this 
 
 was Lord Mayor in 1761 and 1769. as Walpole said, 'been chid by the 
 
 Though a friend of Chatham he was Duke of Grafton for his variations' 
 
 a vain and noisy politician. {Memoirs, ii. 408). 
 
 1 Charles Townshend showed more 2 Jeremiah Dyson (172 2-1 776) at one 
 
 than his usual instability on this Indian time clerk of the House of Commons 
 
 cjuestion, but in the debate which arose and now M.P. for Yarmouth and a 
 
 on Beckford's resolutions on Dec. 9 ' king's friend.' A busy underling, 
 he took a more decided line, having,
 
 CH. ill] ILLNESS OF CHATHAM III 
 
 question be not fully supported and carried. For my own part, I shall 
 
 wash my hands of the whole business, after that event. Pardon the zeal, 
 
 my lord, of a man in earnest for the king and for the community, and 
 
 believe me, in all events, with the utmost respect and attachment, my 
 
 dear lord, 
 
 Your Grace's most obedient and 
 
 devoted humble servant, 
 
 Chatham. 
 Sunday night. 
 
 All negotiations with the Duke of Bedford having failed ; 
 and no accession of strength having fallen in to fill up the 
 great chasm made by the resignation of the Duke of 
 Newcastle's and Lord Rockingham's friends ; and having the 
 Grenvilles more bitterly hostile than any other faction, we. 
 depending on our own best intentions for the public welfare, 
 were preparing to meet the Parliament after the recess, with 
 the firmness derived from a consciousness of the uprightness 
 of all our endeavors. Judge then of the increased intricacy of 
 our situation, when, in addition to all other concerns, we 
 received the account of Lord Chatham's being seized again 
 with the gout, and obliged to turn back from Marlborough 
 to Bath ; and the following letter from his lordship of the 
 10 th of January will shew the flattering expectations he had 
 given us of coming to our immediate relief. 
 
 (Private.) 
 
 Bath, Ja>i' v . 10 th , 1767. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 It is with very real concern that I learn from the honor of your 
 
 Grace's letter you had brought back from the country the indisposition 
 
 which troubles you but too often ; and I feel myself more particularly 
 
 obliged to your Grace for having the goodness to write to me, under so 
 
 painful a circumstance. Tho' I trust this will find your Grace in perfect 
 
 health, I will not detain you with a long letter, as I propose setting out for 
 
 London in a day or two, and shall principally mean at present to express 
 
 my best thanks to your Grace for the communications you have done me 
 
 the honor to give me, with regard to East India affairs 1 . I wish, my 
 
 1 For the communications which iii. 149-158. On Jan. 8, 1767, Grafton 
 
 passed between Chatham and Towns- sent to Chatham a paper delivered to 
 
 hend on the dealings with the East him by the Chairman of the Company 
 
 India Company, see Chatham Corresp. {Chatham Corresp. iii. 163).
 
 112 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 dear lord, I could see cause to express any thanks to the good chairman 
 and deputy chairman for their communication to your Grace. I will say 
 but a few words upon their captious and preposterous paper. The points, 
 on which the committee are of opinion it is requisite and necessary to 
 treat, entirely pass by the great objects of parliamentary enquiry and 
 national justice ; and, to render the disingenuity of the proceeding more 
 gross, all this is, (according to the words of the reference), in pursuance 
 of the resolution of the General Court. On this self-evident state of the 
 thing, I am forced to declare I have no hopes from the transaction ; my 
 only hope centers in the justice of Parliament, where the question of 
 right can alone be decided ; and which cannot (upon any colourable 
 pretence) be in the company. The temper and turn of your Grace's 
 answer, upon this occasion, may be more discreet than such an one as, 
 I confess, I should have made in like circumstances ; for I should have 
 desired the gentlemen to dispense me from receiving a resolution of the 
 committee, not admissible as the opening of a treaty, because taking no 
 notice of the revenues in question. I hope soon to be at your Grace's 
 orders in town, though I see not the least use I can be of in this matter ; 
 possibly rather in the way of others, from whom I have the misfortune to 
 differ toto coelo upon these matters. With regard to M r . Ch. Price, I beg 
 leave to defer that consideration till we meet ; only suggesting to your 
 Grace at present, that whatever shall be resolved, the agreement had 
 better be specifick, and must have the king's approbation. Allow me to 
 beg the favour of your Grace to tell Mr. Townshend I apprehend my 
 account will not have pass'd soon enough for his view : no time shall be 
 lost. 
 
 I have the honor to be, with truest respect and attachment, 
 My dear lord, your Grace's 
 
 most obedient and most faithful humble servant, 
 
 Chatham. 
 
 A note to me, dictated by Lord Chatham, dated Bath, 
 Jan 3ry . 15 th , 1767, brought us an account that his lordship on 
 the Sunday preceeding had attempted the journey, but that 
 he was compelled through excess of pain to return to his bed 
 at Bath. This melancholy event discovered all the weakness, 
 which was to be expected in consequence of Lord Chatham's 
 absence, at a moment when his presence was so peculiarly 
 wanted. Indeed I may say that the accident was fatal to the 
 king's affairs. His Majesty appeared to be duly sensible of 
 this misfortune, and that it was singularly detrimental to the 
 affairs of the public as well as to his own personal comfort.
 
 ch. in] THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 1 13 
 
 Lord Chatham was not more earnest, I may say, than His 
 Majesty himself in thinking that in Parliament alone could 
 be determined the great point of right to the territorial 
 acquisitions in India. 
 
 The letter following was the next account we had from 
 Lord Chatham, and which will be best related in his own 
 words : 
 
 Bath, Friday evening, Jan 1 ". 23 d . 1 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 Having been taken up for the first time yesterday, I can hardly use 
 
 my pen. Give me leave to begin this short letter by begging your Grace 
 
 again to lay me most dutifully at the king's feet, together with every 
 
 sentiment which can fill the heart of a most devoted servant, deeply 
 
 penetrated with the infinite condescension and gracious goodness of 
 
 a most humane and indulgent sovereign ; expressing at the same time 
 
 my extreme solicitude to hear that His Majesty's cold is entirely removed, 
 
 to which, I trust in God, this more favorable weather will have greatly 
 
 contributed. 
 
 As to East India affairs, my last letter to your Grace, as well as two 
 
 I wrote to M r . Townshend, shew how unpromising I think that matter is. 
 
 Allow me, my dear lord, to say, that it is not my absence which affects 
 
 this business, but an unfortunate original difference of opinions among 
 
 the king's servants, which, totally contrary to my notions, by enervating 
 
 at the outset the principle of the Parliamentary enquiry, shook the whole 
 
 foundation of this great transaction, and has, in my opinion, thrown it 
 
 into confusion inextricable ; for the consideration of the Company's right 
 
 to the enormous revenues is the hinge upon which must turn the very 
 
 essence of the question, namely, whether the Company is to receive, on 
 
 this head, indulgence and benefit from Parliament, or whether the 
 
 Compa?iy is to make a grant to the public. This right must, of necessity, 
 
 be admitted or decided one way or other, before a just rule can be laid 
 
 down whereby to judge if the proposal, when made, be adequate. The 
 
 aim of the Company seems to be, to give the change, and, by making an 
 
 inadmissible proposal, to reduce the king's servants to make demands 
 
 upon the Company, with regard to the revenues in India, instead of 
 
 1 The business part of this Utter that it wa: assigned on the supposition 
 
 appears in the Chatham Correspondence, that this letter was an answer to Graf- 
 
 iii. 199, with a note — ' from the original ton's of February 8, printed below, and 
 
 in Lady Chatham's handwriting, and also in the Chatham Correspondence. 
 
 with a date assigned by the editor' But the answer to Grafton's letter of 
 
 [Feb. (>, 1767]. Feb 8 now appears for the first time in 
 
 I think that this date is wrong, and the letter dated Feb. 9 on p. 116.
 
 114 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 receiving from them applications to supply a want of title, and to indulge 
 them with a princely establishment civil and military, over and above 
 many beneficial extensions in point of trade, which the commercial policy 
 of their charter, and the wisdom of their institution suggest. If this be 
 the project, as I believe, of this notable negociation, I know one of the 
 king's servants who will beg to be excused running his head into such 
 a snare ; in this case Parliament alone can decide, and fix the public lot. 
 As for any reviving hopes of particular factions, I confess, my dear lord, 
 they are all indifferent in my opinion, and engage but little my thoughts. 
 My whole mind is bent to acquire, by the prosecution of national justice, 
 such a resource, once for all, as must give strength, ease, and lustre to the 
 king's reign. If this transcendent object fails, it will not be by the force 
 of factions from without, but from a certain infelicity, (I think incurable), 
 which ferments and sours, (as your Grace has observed), the councils of 
 His Majesty's servants. Nothing, I am persuaded, my dear lord, ever 
 was or will be wanting on your Grace's part for the king's service, or the 
 public good : but for all these generous and salutary endeavours things 
 can hardly go on, till there is more agreement, or more acquiescence. 
 I am ever with truest respect and attachment, 
 My dear lord, your Grace's 
 
 most faithfully devoted humble serv*. 
 
 Chatham. 
 
 Here I am of opinion that I cannot do better than to lay- 
 before you the letters which passed between Lord Chatham 
 and myself previously to his arrival from Bath to London, 
 as his lordship's will best indicate the state of his mind on 
 the great India business. 
 
 Grosvenor Square, Feb ry . 8 th , 1767. 
 My dear Lord 1 , 
 
 I am not without hopes that this letter may meet your lordship on 
 your journey to London, where, give me leave to say, your appearance 
 was never so much wanted as at this time. There is no interpretation 
 that the ill-wishers to the present system do not endeavor to give to 
 your absence, and, I am sorry to say, they succeed so far, as to make 
 every one feel the languor under which every branch of the Adminis- 
 tration labours from it. My Lord Chancellor, the Lord President, and 
 myself have within this day or two conversed a good deal on the con- 
 sequences it may bring on, and as much as we are acquainted with your 
 lordship's zeal in the cause you have so nobly undertaken, yet are we 
 most thoroughly convinced that your presence is absolutely necessary to 
 give dignity to the Administration, and to carry thro' this affair (the 
 
 1 Printed in Chatham Correspondence, iii. 194.
 
 CH. ill] THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 115 
 
 most important of all) of the East India Company, in which they all 
 think that there is no stirring without your assistance and concurrence : 
 and on my part, I am ready and desirous to declare that whatever shall 
 appear to you to be the most eligible mode to terminate it, that same 
 shall I most thoroughly join in : not that 1 imagine any present difference 
 of opinion on the subject between us, but meaning only to observe that, 
 if there should be, I should frankly open to your lordship my reasons, 
 and then be ready to fall into the measures which your experience and 
 ability will always call upon me to prefer to all others. 
 
 Since the time of my writing last to your lordship, I have had no sort 
 of intercourse with or intelligence from any one person concerned in the 
 East India direction until the night before last, when I received a note 
 from the East India House that the chairman and deputy would wait 
 on me in the morning. They came accordingly yesterday at ten o'clock, 
 and opened their discourse by telling me that they came authorized by 
 their Treasury Comittee to lay before me the ideas on which they thought 
 the revenues, &c, in the East Indies might be terminated with mutual 
 advantage to the publick and the company, desiring me to communicate 
 them to the principal of His Majesty's servants. Before they open'd 
 the contents of the paper, (a copy of which I inclose), I observed to 
 them that it was my duty certainly to receive their ideas, and to com- 
 municate them to the Cabinet, which I was glad to express to them before 
 I was inform'd of the contents of the paper, that they should not interpret 
 my doing it even to my personal avowal of the admissibility of this 
 proposal. M r . Dudley then said that, their being somewhat declaratory 
 of their opinion in regard to the right of those acquisitions, he was 
 order'd to say that it was expected that no use would be made of their 
 opinions against themselves, in case their ideas should be totally rejected: 
 as such was the opinion of them as individuals, and on which their 
 constituents had not authoriz'd them to decide. My answer was, that 
 I should not fail mentioning this request of theirs, when I open'd their 
 scheme to His Majesty's servants, and that I would be frank enough to 
 deliver it as my opinion, that a confidential avowal of the way of thinking 
 of individuals ought not to be turned against them ; but that I would be 
 answerable for no one but myself, who, if they told me their opinion in 
 confidence, would look upon myself as obliged not to declare that I had 
 receiv'd it from them, lint to this I added that, if call'd upon in Parlia- 
 ment as a servant of the publick, I did not see how it could be avoided. 
 To which M 1 '. Rous observed that they were directed to say this, but that 
 he saw that, in the case I mentioned, it was unavoidable. I will not 
 make my remarks on the contents of this paper, tho' I think there are 
 many objectionable parts : the length of the term, and the want of direct 
 application of the company's moiety I think are capital ones. 
 
 Your lordship will observe that the idea of blending the profits of the 
 
 I 2
 
 Il6 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 revenue, &c, and that arising from their trade, and dividing them with 
 the publick are new, at least they are so to me. Lord Northington, to 
 whom, and to whom alone I have had an opportunity of communicating 
 the paper as yet, perfectly agreed with me that your lordship should have 
 a copy of it sent to you ; and that I should not lay it before the Cabinet 
 till your lordship comes to town. Though not in direct words, I think 
 I could gather from the directors that they might go farther. I shall 
 think it incumbent on me to lay it to-morrow before the king. 
 
 That I may soon have the honor of seeing your lordship, and well 
 recovered, is the sincere wish of him, who is with the most perfect respect 
 
 Your lordship's &c. 
 
 Grafton. 
 
 Bath, Feb ry . 9 th , 1767. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I have very many thanks to return your Grace for the honor of your 
 obliging letter, accompanying the proposal from the Committee of the 
 East India Directors. If my wishes to be where I might be of a little 
 use, were not what they are, your Grace's kind exhortations, and those 
 of the Lords you mention, would be effectual spurs to me to quicken 
 my motions. I can venture to assure your Grace, that the same 
 duty and devotion to the king which animated me to attempt, and sperare 
 contra spent still prompts me to struggle, under bodily infirmities, and 
 equally incurable disadvantages which certain infelicities of the age 
 throw upon publick business. As soon as I can recover strength enough, 
 I will set out ; but I cannot imagine the least utility, in my lying short 
 by the way, or being confined to my bed the moment I reach London. 
 In the mean time, reports about my absence seem quite immaterial : 
 those of my not being satisfy'd with certain notions, and with a conduct 
 consequential to them, from the beginning of the East India enquiry to 
 this hour, I should be sorry to remove : on the contrary, I would have 
 this clearly understood : but instead of this dissatisfaction being a cause 
 of prolonging my absence, it would most certainly accelerate my return. 
 My present state will hardly allow me to hope I can be in town before 
 the 18 th , nor can I see the importance of a week, more or less. 
 
 I now come to the papers of the 6 th of Feb 1 "?, from the Committee of 
 Directors. I shall not enter into the merits of the proposal. Parliament 
 is the only place where I will declare my final judgement upon the whole 
 matter, if ever I have an opportunity to do it 1 . As a servant of the 
 Crown, I have no right or authority to do more than simply to advise 
 that the demands and the offers of the Company should be laid before 
 
 1 This is a characteristic statement. important question of policy until he 
 
 Apparently Chatham, though Prime had in the first instance confided them 
 
 Minister, did not propose to acquaint to Parliament, 
 his colleagues with his views on an
 
 CH. in] THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 117 
 
 Parliament, referring the whole determination to the wisdom of that 
 place. 
 
 But tho' I abstain at present from entering into the merits of the above 
 paper, I must take notice of the manner of this transaction. The paper 
 begins by asserting that the Committee have already offered to the con- 
 sideration of Administration several articles in which their commerce 
 seems to require new regulation and present relief. This refers (most 
 ingenuously) to a paper put into your Grace's hands, upon your return to 
 town, to show respect and only for communication to your Grace, re- 
 quiring no answer. Well then, to take these gentlemen at their word, 
 and according to their own sense of the thing, these articles requiring 
 regulation and present relief cannot possibly be withheld from Parlia- 
 ment, and must, in due time, be laid there. Next, I come to the 
 notable attempt to render the proposal relating to the revenues only an 
 idea, and unauthorized by their constituents ; the transaction too to be 
 a secret. Was ever anything so puerile and ridiculous as this state 
 artifice ? Who can abet these gentlemen in so captious and offensive 
 a proceeding? I cannot talk seriously upon such a farce of negociation. 
 To sum all I have to offer upon this affair, I beg to acquit myself by 
 submitting it as my clear opi7iion, that Parliament is intitled to be 
 informed what steps have been taken by the directors in consequence of 
 the resolution of the general Court, and that the servants of the Cro7v?i 
 are indispensibly bound in duty not to suppress any [facts], but to lay 
 them in due time, even uncaWd for, before the House j besides their 
 general duty, it is become still more incumbent, if possible, from the pro- 
 ceedings of the Committee of Enquiry being stopt, with regard to printing 
 the papers, by a formal declaration of an expected proposal. Thus much 
 I think necessary to say with regard to the secrecy of this strange 
 business. Now, my dear lord, give me leave to beg your Grace's 
 forgiveness for this diffuse, prolix letter ; the matter fills my mind and 
 heart ; the manner of proceeding of the committee is insidious ; the 
 proposal deserves no other observation, than that it is enormous and 
 unconscionable, even to effrontery. Thus, my lord, your Grace sees, 
 I can declare to the Duke of Grafton a direct opinion, out of Parliament. 
 As to the poor cunning of these pedlars in negociation, I am much 
 mistaken, if they are not already taken in their own snare ; for they 
 have done enough to lead, bye and bye, to the ddnouement in Parliament, 
 with more advantage to the friends of the publick, against the advocates 
 for the alley. 
 
 I am ever, with the truest sense of your Grace's great goodness to me, 
 
 my dear lord, 
 
 Your Grace's most humbly 
 
 devoted serv 1 . 
 
 Chatham.
 
 Il8 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 Grosvenor Square, Feb ry . 15 th , 1767. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 Lord Granby, who is confined (by advice) on account of his leg at 
 Knightsbridge, has asked me much to call upon him, and as Lord 
 Shelburne informs me that a messenger sets out this afternoon from his 
 house with a packet to your lordship, I must be obliged to put in as few 
 words as possible what pass'd at the Cabinet last night on the considera- 
 tion of the paper from the directors which I sent to your lordship some 
 days ago. Every one agreed that it was so general and unintelligible, 
 that no one would venture to pronounce even an opinion on what they 
 protested they did not understand. To all it appeared extremely 
 objectionable, to most totally inadmissible, to some insidious, nay almost 
 impertinent, considering the time they had taken to make up so incoherent 
 a proposition, and which was for the consideration of the king's servants. 
 On the whole it was agreed that, explanation being necessary even for 
 a dismission of the proposition, such questions should be put to the 
 directors for their answer as the dark parts of it required. It was 
 doubted whether the questions agreed upon, and herein inclosed, were 
 such as could allow them to continue a negotiation ; but as they were 
 necessary to be asked in justification to the decision of the king's 
 servants, the consequences were to turn out as they might ; for it would 
 have been indeed sufficient and a good handle for opposition to have 
 heard the ministers declare that they had decided on proposals they 
 understood not, without requiring an explanation. 
 
 I have written by the direction of the Cabinet to desire the chairman 
 and deputy to call upon me to-morrow, when I am to deliver a copy of 
 the inclosed i?i writing, it being determined that if they choose to 
 complain of the treaty with them being broken off, they should at the 
 same time be obliged to confess that they had throughout met with the 
 most regardful reception from Administration. I will only add that 
 the whole passed last night with a cordiality which Cabinets of late have 
 not shewn, and owing greatly, as I think, to the presence of my Lord 
 President, whose manly conduct and experience have been of the greatest 
 service. I am of opinion that the explanation of their sense of the word 
 annexation will puzzle the gentlemen so much who hoped to be screened 
 under it, that your lordship will find, I think, this affair going on under 
 a parliamentary enquiry, and the only one in which it can end properly 
 for the advantage of the publick. 
 
 I am very anxious for your lordship's return, which I am confident you 
 are not less concerned about yourself. Believe me to be, with the truest 
 esteem and respect, 
 
 My dear lord, &c. 
 
 Grafton.
 
 ch. ill] CONTINUED ILLNESS OF CHATHAM 119 
 
 The gout having returned so severely upon Lord Chatham at Marl- 
 borough as to confine him to his bed, he desires, with his best respects to 
 the Duke of Grafton, that his Grace will be so good to lay him at the 
 king's feet, and acquaint His Majesty with his situation, which detains 
 him, so unhappily for himself, from attending his duty at this very 
 critical conjuncture. The moment he is able to move he will endeavor 
 to reach London. 
 
 In the mean time, Lord Chatham humbly submits, as his opinion, that 
 it is adviseable, and even necessary, to put off the proceedings in the 
 enquiry 'till the final intentioti of the Company, and their application to 
 Government, in consequence of the resolution of the General Court, can 
 be brought to maturity enough to be laid before Parliament. If the Duke of 
 Grafton and the rest of the king's servants should concur in this opinion, 
 Lord Chatham begs the Duke of Grafton will see M r . Beckford, as soon 
 as conveniently may be, and apprize him of what shall be agreed upon. 
 
 Marlborough, Monday, 16 th Feb rv . 1767. 
 
 Lord Chatham continues much in the same state he was yesterday, 
 and quite unable to enter into any detail of things ; he therefore only 
 begs leave humbly to submit his opinion, that the proposal from the East 
 India Company, vague and extravagant as it is, should not finally be 
 dismiss'd by the king's servants, but, on all accounts, left to the con- 
 clusive judgement of Parliament. Lord Chatham is also of opinion, that 
 it seems most adviseable and indispensible, that the first proceeding in 
 the continuation of the enquiry should be, to desire to be informed if any 
 applications, and what, have been made from the directors of the East 
 India Company to the servants of the Crown, relative to the state of the 
 Company's affairs in consequence of the resolution of the General Court. 
 
 With regard to New York, Lord Chatham desires to submit his opinion, 
 that the disobedience of the assembly of that province to the Mutiny Act 
 is a matter so weighty and big, with consequences which may strike so 
 deep and spread so wide, that it ought, on no account, to rest on the 
 advice of meetings of the Cabinet and the course of office ; but that the 
 memorial, transmitted by the Governor of New York, relative to this 
 event ought, in the proper manner, to be laid before Parliament, in order 
 that His Majesty may be founded in, and strengthen'd by, the sense of 
 his grand council, with regard to whatever steps shall be found necessary 
 to be taken in this most unfortunate business. 
 
 Lord Chatham humbly offers to the consideration of the king's servants 
 the above opinions, and also begs that they may be laid with all duty and 
 submission at His Majesty's feet. 
 
 Lord Chatham begs the Duke of Grafton will accept of his best respects, 
 and many thanks for the honor of his Grace's very obliging letter. 
 
 Marldorolgh, Tuesday, l-eb rv . 17th, 1767.
 
 120 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 Grosvenor Square, Feb ry . 22 nd , 1767. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 The East India directors brought to me yesterday the inclosed paper 
 as an answer to the questions on the meaning of their former paper, which, 
 by directions of the king's servants, I had delivered to them. I know not 
 how satisfactory they may appear to the other lords of the Cabinet, but 
 I profess that I thought I could guess better at the meaning of their 
 propositions before than now I can after their explanations. In short, 
 my lord, it seems now that our thoughts must be turned to the most 
 adviseable steps to be taken upon this great affair by the king's servants 
 in Parliament, where the decision of the right must, I think, be in the 
 first place determined. Resolutions to be moved on this business must 
 be well weighed and worded, so as to carry the effect that Administration 
 aims at. When you are free from pain, I am confident you are turning 
 this thoroughly in your thoughts, as I am certain that your plan is much 
 desired by all the ministers in general, many of whom, among which 
 I am, would not willingly give into any other, until they know your 
 sentiments. If your lordship acquaints me that you are likely to be 
 detained still at Marlborough, I am ready to run down there, to talk this 
 whole matter over with your lordship, and to receive and communicate 
 your wishes upon it. If you would have me come, let me know the time 
 of day that I shall arrive there, to be the least inconvenient for you to see 
 me, who have the honor to be, 
 
 &c, &c. 
 
 Grafton. 
 
 PS- Your lordship has certainly been informed that the day stands 
 fixed for Friday se'ennight. 
 
 Lord Chatham's best respects attend the Duke of Grafton, with many 
 acknowledgements for the honor of his Grace's very obliging letter. 
 Nothing can be more kind than the offer the Duke of Grafton has the 
 great goodness to make, of which Lord Chatham desires to express 
 the humblest and warmest sense. At the same time his Grace will give 
 him leave to suggest that, until he is able to move towards London, it is 
 by no means practicable for him to enter into discussions of business. 
 He desires farther to add, that, with regard to East India regulations, his 
 fix'd purpose has always been, and is, not to be a proposer of plans, but, 
 as far as a seat in one House enables, an unbiass'd judge of them. 
 Friday se'ennight, the day mention'd in the Duke of Grafton's letter as 
 fix'd for the enquiry in the House of Commons, being the 6th of March, 
 leaves room to hope the gout may before that time be enough abated to 
 admit of my getting to London. 
 
 As to the proposal from the East India House, with their explanation, 
 Lord Chatham begs leave to refer to his former clear opinion, transmitted
 
 CH. ill] THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 121 
 
 to his Grace by Cleverley, with regard to the full information which 
 Parliament indispensibly ought to have concerning this transaction. 
 Marlborough, Monday, 23 rd Feb ry , 1767. 
 
 I do not recollect, nor do I find among my papers, that 
 any other letters passed before Lord Chatham arrived himself 
 in London, which must have been about the first week in 
 March 1 . The sixth was the day fixed for entering into the 
 East India business in the House of Commons 2 : M r . Conway 
 previously to this, finding that he differed in opinion on this 
 head from Lord Chatham, myself, and other of the king's 
 principal servants, presented his opinion to His Majesty in 
 writing, and conceived in these terms : 
 
 I am of opinion the propositions made by the directors of the East 
 India Company ought to have been admitted, as a ground of further 
 treaty : 
 
 1. Because, by consenting that the possession of their territories in 
 India should be annexed to the exclusive charter, for such a term as the 
 Parliament shall think proper to grant them, they do in effect give up 
 their claim of right. 
 
 2. Because they offer now, in the first instance, one half, not of the 
 Dowannee only, but of all the territorial revenue in India, together with 
 the half of the clear profits arising from their trade, after all expences 
 civil and military are defrayed, and all necessary charges at home 
 deducted, which article, tho' not now sufficiently explained, cannot fail, 
 when properly ascertained, of producing a very considerable clear revenue 
 for the use of the public, and might probably, on further treaty with the 
 directors, be not only explained to the satisfaction of Government, but 
 altered or improved so as to be free from every objection now made to it. 
 
 3. Because the directors, by proposing to fix the quantum or rate of 
 the dividend on their stock hereafter, do in effect thereby take away in 
 great measure the immediate interest of the Company even in their half 
 of the nett surplus, and necessarily constrain and induce the employment 
 
 1 It must have been on March 2 Townshend was inclined to deal 
 
 (Walpole, Memoirs, ii. 426). easily with the Company, and was 
 
 1 The Ministry were strangely divided not wholly free from the suspicion of 
 on this question. Chatham and Grafton speculating in East Indian Stock. Con- 
 seem to have wished that the proposals way thought that the proposals should 
 of the Company should come before have been considered. It came out in 
 the House of Commons with no in- debate that the Cabinet had already 
 dication of the wishes of the ministers, rejected them (Walpole, Memoirs, ii. 
 and so should obtain an independent 430). 
 condemnation.
 
 122 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 of whatever shall remain, after the dividend is paid and their present 
 debts satisfied, to some purposes advantageous to the public, either by 
 extending or improving their commerce, or by disposing it in loans to the 
 Government at a low interest, in such manner as may be hereafter settled. 
 4. Because, by pursuing this method of negociation, all the difficulties 
 which attend a Parliamentary decision of this question may be avoided 
 as well as the great inconveniencies that must follow from a breach with 
 the Company, or even a delay in making some proper settlement of their 
 affairs, both for the Company's and the public benefit '. 
 
 Lord Chatham, on his arrival in London, was much con- 
 cerned to find that M r . Conway differed so essentially from 
 him in the manner of conducting the East India enquiry in 
 Parliament. He did not, (for no man could), question the 
 sincerity of the general's views ; but felt how much the 
 leading minister in the Commons, differing from the king's 
 other servants, lessened the general efficacy of their measures. 
 As to M r . Townsh end's behaviour, Lord Chatham considered 
 him as the man who had marred the business in the outset ; 
 inasmuch as he had held language to the directors and others 
 quite improper, and unbecoming his situation. This was not 
 all that excited Lord Chatham's anger. Mr. Townshend had 
 lost the question on a land lax at 4 shillings in the pound, 
 which was proposed by him 2 . The failure was very generally 
 imputed to a want of exertion on his part. 
 
 Lord Chatham received the account of this defeat with 
 an increased indignation against the whole conduct of the 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer ; and he had no difficulty to 
 obtain the king's leave to speak to Lord North, and to 
 encourage him to become the successor of Mr. Townshend. 
 Lord North, however, after a long conversation with the 
 minister, declined the offer ; of which I informed the king, 
 whose commands I received to wait on Lord Chatham the 
 
 1 The proposals made by the Com- lings in the pound to three. Dowdeswell 
 pany to the Government are to be found had been Chancellor of the Exchequer 
 in the Chatham Correspondence, iii. in the previous year, and must have 
 150, 196. known that the Government could not 
 
 2 On February 27 the country gentle- afford such a reduction. Burke did 
 men, headed by Dowdeswell, carried a not vote. 
 
 reduction of the land-tax from four shil-
 
 CH. in] TOWNSHEND AND HIS COLLEAGUES 123 
 
 next day, to hear whom he would recommend to be the 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer, and I was directed to prevent 
 Lord North from coming to His Majesty, in order that his 
 refusal should not be suspected *. The same idea had struck 
 Lord North himself, as appears by the following letter : — 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 As I returned from your Grace's this evening a reflection suggested 
 itself to me, which I think I ought to communicate to you. What has 
 passed this evening between your Grace and me need not be known to 
 any, but His Majesty and ourselves. But if I wait on the king at the 
 queen's house to-morrow, the negociation will become public. It will 
 soon be known that I have declined the offer, and such a report will, 
 I am afraid, be an additional weakness to Government. I have the 
 highest sense of gratitute both for the honor of being thought by His 
 Majesty worthy of so great an employment, and for the very gracious 
 manner in which the offer is intended to be made. But, as my resolution 
 is fixed upon a thorough conviction that my acceptance of the seals will 
 not be of any real service to the king, I should think it adviseable that 
 they should not be publickly offered to me, or indeed to anybody else, 
 before it is certain that they will be accepted. 
 
 I submit this consideration to your Grace out of a sincere goodwill to 
 Government, and a grateful sense of my duty to the king. If it should 
 appear of any weight to His Majesty or your Grace, I hope to have a line 
 from you before half an hour after eleven o'clock to-morrow morning. If 
 1 hear nothing from you before that time, I will then set out for the 
 queen's house, in obedience to His Majesty's commands delivered to me 
 this evening. I am with the greatest respect, my lord, 
 
 Your Grace's most faithful, 
 
 humble servant, 
 
 Pay Office, Wednesday night. 
 
 North '-. 
 
 1 Yet Townshend seems to have iii. 232). It is to be hoped for the 
 
 heard of the offer. credit of Lord North that Townshend's 
 
 Shelburne tells Chatham on March 13 statement was as imaginative aa many 
 
 that Townshend had assured the Cabinet of his public utterances seem to have 
 
 00 the preceding evening that he had been. 
 
 promised the House of Commons to 2 Frederick Lord North, eldest son 
 
 raise a revenue from America. Shel- of the first Earl of Guildford, Chan- 
 
 burne further says that Townshend's cellor of the Exchequer, Sept. 1767; 
 
 conduct seemed incomprehensible 'till First Lord of the Treasury, Jan. 1770- 
 
 1 afterwards understood that he de- March, 17S2; Secretary of State, April- 
 dared he knew of Lord North's refusal, December, 1783. His best friends can 
 and from himself {Chatham Corresp. say little more for him than that he
 
 124 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 I have not, at this distance of time, the recollection that 
 any other was proposed for the post, wherefore I conceive 
 that there was none ; and that Mr. Townshend, owing to the 
 violent illness of Lord Chatham taking place soon after, 
 remained in his office, quite uninformed of Lord Chatham's 
 intentions in regard to himself. On some day previous to 
 the transaction, the note which I transcribe here was received 
 by me, sufficiently marking the minister's anger against 
 M r . Townshend. 
 
 Bond Street, Wednesday l . 
 
 Lord Chatham has the honor to agree entirely with the Duke of 
 Grafton and other servants of the Crown that a meeting of Cabinet 
 should be had, upon the East India business — the capital object of the 
 ■publick, upon which Lord Chatham will stand or fall. Report, not 
 rumour, is unjust indeed, if M r . Townshend did not give up the enquiry 
 yesterday, and clearly convey his opinion not to call for more lights, or 
 at least, not to lay open the whole. If this be so, the writer hereof, or the 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer aforesaid, cannot remain in office together, 
 or M 1 '. C. Townshend must amend his proceeding. Duty to the king 
 and zeal for the salvation of the whole will not allow of any departure 
 from this resolution. 
 
 If to-morrow night should be agreeable to the Duke of Grafton, Lord 
 Chatham desires the favor of his Grace to appoint the meeting at his 
 Grace's house at seven in the evening ; being the house from which firm- 
 ness, candour, and salvation is to be hoped, if anywhere, in these factious 
 times. 
 
 A suppressed gout falling on his nerves, to a degree 
 sufficient to master his resolution, soon rendered Lord 
 Chatham unwilling, and indeed unfit to receive any of us 
 on business. Had his health allowed it, I have no doubt 
 that he would still have weathered those difficulties which 
 presented themselves from all quarters to resist his views for 
 the public. From this time he became invisible, even to the 
 Lord Chancellor and myself; and he desired to be allowed to 
 attend solely to his health, until he found himself to be equal 
 to any business. Here, in fact, was the end of his Adminis- 
 
 was a man of good business capa- everything except the length of his 
 city, and cultivated understanding, very tenure of place, 
 amiable, indolent, and unfortunate in ' Probably March 11.
 
 CH. in] MISFORTUNES OF THE MINISTRY 125 
 
 tration ; tho', relying on the hopes of his recovery, we were 
 struggling to the end of the Sessions, in order to prevent, 
 if possible, the government of the country from falling into 
 other hands. 
 
 I have often thought that, if certain steps had not been 
 taken and others not omitted, the confusion into which Lord 
 Chatham's illness plunged the Ministry might have been 
 totally avoided. Who will venture to assert that the state 
 of the country might not have been very different at this 
 crisis, in case Lord Chatham had not quitted the House of 
 Commons, where he was looked up to as the great commoner, 
 and where he would effectually have controuled all the 
 unsettled behaviour of the Chancellor of the Exchequer? 
 if he had shewn confidence towards M r . Conway, who was 
 worthy to be trusted by him ? and if he had conciliated 
 the friends of the Duke of Newcastle and Lord Rockingham, 
 which might have been attained without receiving the former 
 into the Cabinet? But it is in vain to look back, and un- 
 availing to lament : still I must observe that I never had but 
 one opinion on the unhappy impolicy which guided these 
 different measures, and this opinion can never be erased from 
 my mind. 
 
 I must now turn again to the drudgery of Parliament, for 
 such it truly was to the very end of the Session. 
 
 After much cavilling with the India Company, a temporary 
 agreement was adopted, rather than to pursue the right 
 forward road, on which Lord Chatham had laid the greatest 
 stress, and which I earnestly wished to follow. But while 
 this was depending, the attempts of the general courts to 
 run up the dividends to an enormous height compelled me 
 to submit to the king's servants the necessity of rescinding 
 the resolution of the general court, and restraining the 
 dividend to 10 per cent, during the continuance of the 
 agreement which had been entered into under the sanction 
 of Parliament. This, as a regulation of finance, fell naturally 
 under my department, and the full support I received from 
 the court, and from all my colleagues, except M r . Secretary
 
 126 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 Conway and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, enabled us 
 to get the Bill through both Houses 1 . 
 
 The measure undoubtedly was a strong one, but so neces- 
 sary that I was and am persuaded that encreased dividends 
 would in a short time have produced an East India bubble, 
 which would have gone much farther in its mishievous con- 
 sequences than even the well known and infamous transactions 
 of the South Sea Company in 1720 ; and I had the satisfaction 
 to find that the steps taken to prevent similar distresses met 
 with public approbation. 
 
 The Act also which prohibited the Governor, Council, and 
 Assembly of New York from passing any Act, until they had 
 in every respect complied with the requisition of Parliament 
 on the quartering, &c, of the troops, was considered to be 
 a temperate, but dignified proceeding, and purposely avoiding 
 all harsh and positive penalties. Had such a conduct been 
 uniformly observed, every day would have encreased, and not 
 have alienated, the affections of the two countries from each 
 other. Such were the genuine sentiments of the king's 
 servants, when, in an ill-fated hour, M r . Townshend chose to 
 boast in Parliament that he knew the mode by which 
 a revenue might be drawn from America, without offeiice' 2 . 
 M r . Grenville fixed him down directly to pledge himself 
 on the declaration, which was received with such welcome 
 by the bulk of the House as dismayed M r . Conway, who 
 stood astonished at the unauthorized proceeding of his vain 
 and imprudent colleague. On being questioned by the 
 Cabinet on the evening following, how he had ventured to 
 
 1 It did not pass the Lords without But Townshend had pleased Walpole 
 a strong protest signed among others by making fun of Grenville, and had 
 by Temple, Gower, Portland, and pleased Grenville by a general concur- 
 Rockingham {Pari. Hist. xvi. 351). rence in his policy of taxing America. 
 
 2 Charles Townshend made this state- It is clear that he then pledged him 
 ment in the debate on the army extra- to find a revenue from the colonies 
 ordinaries, Jan. 26, 1767. This is not {Chatham Corresp. iii. 178, 185). The 
 clearly brought out in the accounts of details of his plan were laid before the 
 the debate in Walpole, Memoirs, iv. House on May 13 {post, p. 176). 
 
 414, and the Grenville Papers, iv. 211.
 
 CH. ill] MISFORTUNES OF THE MINISTRY 127 
 
 depart, on so essential a point, from the profession of the 
 whole Ministry, M r . C. Townshend turned to M r . Conway, 
 appealing to him whether the House was not bent on obtain- 
 ing a revenue of some sort from the colonies. M r . Conway 
 acknowledged that such a disposition had been indicated by 
 the House in a very decided manner, though I never under- 
 stood that any symptom of such disposition appeared, before 
 Mr. Townshend had himself given to Mr. Grenville the ground 
 on which with eagerness he set his foot. No one of the 
 Ministry had authority sufficient to advise the dismission of 
 M r . Cha s . Townshend, and nothing less could have stopped 
 the measure, Lord Chatham's absence being in this instance, 
 as well as others, much to be lamented. 
 
 To render the business as little offensive as possible, articles 
 were thought of which came within the description of Port 
 duties \ A Board of Customs was proposed to be erected in 
 some central spot of the colonies, and I was not aware of 
 the mistrust and jealousy which this appointment would bring 
 on, nor of the mischief of which it was the source : otherwise 
 it should never have had my assent, and I must here confess 
 my want of foresight in this instance. The novelty of the 
 situation in which I was placed may perhaps afford some 
 excuse for me. and for those who then acted with me. The 
 right of the mother country to impose taxes on the colonies 
 was then so generally admitted, that scarcely any one thought 
 of questioning it, tho', a few years afterwards, it was given up 
 as indefensible by everybody. 
 
 As the Session proceeded, the want of cordiality among the 
 king's servants in the House of Commons was remarkable on 
 every debate. The Chancellor of the Exchequer often in 
 a minority with the Secretary of State, and sometimes like- 
 wise on different sides. M r . Conway and myself continued 
 in our usual intimacy and friendship, though we differed in 
 
 1 The American coloni-ts had, in tinction was one well known in our 
 
 1766, drawn a distinction between own Constitutional History. But 
 
 duties on imports and direct taxes such Townshend had treated the mattei in 
 
 as Grenville had imposed. The dis- a tone calculated to irritate and alarm.
 
 128 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1766 
 
 the conduct of the East India business, as well as in our 
 confidence in Lord Chatham. The general leaned to the 
 Marquis of Rockingham and his friends, and had never been 
 easy in his own situation since the fatal breach with them. 
 
 M r . Townshend had other views : he found that Lord 
 Chatham was little likely to appear for some time on the 
 political stage ; and therefore all his ambitious views prompted 
 him to strive in every mode he could devise to attain their 
 object. His lively imagination was for ever on the stretch, 
 and turned him to pay the greatest court, wherever the 
 political appearances of the day seemed most to invite him. 
 He lived but a short time to enjoy the satisfaction he had 
 in having obtained the Peerage of Greenwich for Lady 
 Dalkeith \ 
 
 LETTERS, 1766 
 Lord Northington to the Duke of Grafton 
 
 Grainge, 31 Aug. 1766. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 I had the honor of your Grace's letter of Friday evening's post and 
 therefore could not answer it till this day. I am much obliged to you for 
 the authentic information of what hath passed relative to Government 
 since I left London, as I was too ill when I left that place for taking any 
 consideration of establishing a correspondence in my absence. 
 
 I own I was surprized with the confirmation of Lord Egmont's resig- 
 nation and the manner of it ; importing a total disapprobation of 
 Ministry and an offer to support their measures, which the offer of 
 taking the Bedchamber, to any man of sense must imply, as it is im- 
 possible for any Ministry in this country to carry on the business of 
 administration without the confidence of their fellow servants. 
 
 I was not surprized that Lord Gower did not take the office of 
 I. ' Comra.' ; as it was an office so important to the State and the business 
 
 1 Lady Caroline Campbell, daughter Her peerage expired with her, for she 
 of John, Duke of Argyle. Her first outlived her two sous by Charles Towns- 
 husband was Charles, Earl of Dalkeith. hend, and died in 1 704.
 
 CH. in] LETTERS, 1766 129 
 
 of which, I suppose, he was altogether to learn : however I was pleased 
 to see that he took in a proper sense the offer, and as he is a person of a 
 very good understanding, and respectable, I shall be glad to see him in 
 a proper office. 
 
 Y r . Grace knows it hath been my constant opinion, that in the present 
 circumstances of this country, the true interest of it and the honour of 
 the Crown can only be maintained, by the most impartial supply of 
 offices : and I am fully persuaded that the king's Ministry persisting in 
 that resolution, will get the better of faction, the bane of everything 
 great, manly or vertuous in Government. 
 
 I understand from Lord Chatham his intentions with respect to the 
 Earls of Hertford and Bristol ' ; I allways approved the plan of constant 
 residence and 1 only doubted the last Earl's health to manage the 
 rudder of so turbulent and bacchanalian a State. 
 
 Your Grace is very wise in the attention you have paid to the present 
 condition of the E. I. C°. and I don't doubt its being attended with 
 salutary effects. 
 
 I come now to that part of your Grace's letter which more immediately 
 relates to my office : the revival of the prohibition of the exportation of 
 corn, by order of Council pursuant to the late Act, which I have not here. 
 And I am of opinion that is absolutely fit and necessary as I stand at 
 present informed. 
 
 As to the question concerning the revenue of Canada I am a stranger 
 to the state of it. 
 
 But I am very desirous of coming to London to give my personal 
 concurrence in those measures : tho' I can with difficulty set out till 
 Friday next, as 1 have blisters on me for an attack of the gout in my 
 head, notwithstanding I am better than when I left London ; I will 
 therefore be in town to attend a Council Saturday next or Monday 
 sennight as your Grace shall advise me which day will be most agree- 
 able to the king's serv 1 *. that are in London. 
 
 1 have not spent my time here without regard to my new employment, 
 having perused the business, the papers relative to w h . I brought down 
 and which have been long in arrcar. 
 
 I am sorry Lord Chatham is laid up, & shall only add that I think no 
 journey inconvenient w h . tends to the king's service, or to express the 
 great personal regard with \v h . I am 
 
 My d r . L d . 
 
 Y r . Grace's 
 Most obedient & hum b . serv*. 
 
 NORTHINGTON. 
 
 1 Lord Bristol was to take Lord Hertford's place as Lord-Lieutenant, Hertford 
 becoming Master of the Horse. 
 
 K
 
 130 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1766 
 
 The King to the Duke of Grafton. 
 
 Duke of Grafton, Tho I can on all occasions rely on your 
 punctuality, as well particular attention to me, yet as you did not hold 
 last winter your present employment, I am uncertain whether you are 
 appriz'd that it has ever been the usual practice of your predecessors to 
 send me the morning after the meeting of the Lords * a list of those that 
 attended : I shall therefore expect it to-morrow morning, and that evening 
 a note from you with the contents of that day's debate. 
 
 George R. 
 
 Queen's House, 
 
 AW. 10 th , 1766. 
 m 
 
 ^8 P - 3 Pm - 
 
 Queen's House, AW. 1766. 
 
 m 
 
 — past eleven a.m. 
 
 5 
 
 Duke of Grafton, I see several names in the list you have sent me 
 that I did not expect, & remark that altho the Bedford party speak 
 civily none of them appeared on this occasion ; L d . Egmont's name not 
 being in the list rather surprizes me, and makes me fear he is more 
 adverse than I had flatter'd myself unless he may have staid away from 
 his disapprobation of the embargo, and thinking it therefore more civil 
 not to attend and object to it. 
 
 Lieut. Gen. Conway has acquainted me that my Ministers wish the 
 Privy Council may attend me this Evening if the House of Commons is 
 up in any reasonable time, that the embargo may be instantly prolong'd 
 on wheat, & be extended to barley and malt. I have therefore desired 
 the addresses may be brought to me on that subject as early as possible 
 this evening, and that the Council may meet here any time before 
 eleven. 
 
 Lord Camden to the Duke of Grafton. 
 
 Oct. 4 th . 1766, Bath. 
 My Lord, 
 
 It is some time since I had the honour of your Grace's letter, w ch . 
 
 w d . have been answered sooner if L d . President or myself c d . have 
 
 1 A meeting held at the Cockpit, which would be delivered on the next 
 Whitehall, immediately before the open- day from the Throne, 
 ing of Parliament, to hear the speech
 
 CH. in] LETTERS, 1766 131 
 
 procured by any information here a choice of Scotch or Irish titles to 
 have submitted to His Majesty, for it is not very easy without having 
 recourse to the College of Arms or some books of heraldry either to 
 recollect what titles have been born by the Blood Royal or to suggest 
 any new ones that are not already possessed by the nobility of Ireland 
 or Scotland l . 
 
 With respect to the latter I am informed that Strathern w h . is a kind 
 of County Palatine has been heretofore a Royal title, and has laid 
 dormant for some generations, and that this is the only one of the sort 
 that L d . Buchan, to whom I have applied, can recollect. That if a new 
 title should be thought proper — either Inverness or St. Andrews are 
 open. The first if I mistake not has been taken up by the Pretender, in 
 w h . respect possibly not so fit to be adopted by His Majesty upon this 
 occasion, as it is a new title. The other, that of St. Andrews, is described 
 to me as a place of dignity and antiquity : the seat of y e Primate formerly, 
 and y e oldest University in Scotland. As to Ireland for want of better 
 information we are able to mention no title of sufficient eclat but that of 
 Dublin or Ormond. If the first is unpossessed, as we believe it is, it 
 recommends itself enough by being the metropolis of that kingdom. The 
 latter is dignified enough, and not unworthy to be assumed by His Royal 
 Highness : unless it sh d . be thought that this choice might give umbrage 
 to the heir of y e Butlers. 
 
 My Lord I am afraid L d . President and myself are rather out of our 
 element upon this occasion and may ignorantly propose some names 
 that upon further inquiry may be liable to objections unknown to us : 
 in which case the Earl Marshal or the College of Arms might be able to 
 furnish better materials and more certain information. We have ventured 
 however to submit these titles and if the precedent of his Royal Highness' 
 2 brothers is to be followed Prince Henry must be created a Duke by 
 his English and Scotch titles, and an Earl by his Irish title. 
 
 My Lord Northington has been pleased to compliment me as y e 
 greater person with the honour of answering your Grace's letter to both 
 of us, w h . I am forced to accept as Chancellor but utterly disclaim as 
 Lord Camden. 
 
 His Lordship is mending every day and begs his respects to your 
 Grace. 
 
 Lord Chatham too is growing well apace, goes abroad every day, and 
 has begun to drink the waters at home. 
 
 I am my Lord with the highest respect your 
 
 Grace's most obed*. faithful serv f . 
 
 Camden. 
 
 1 This letter concerns the choice of in this year. He was created Duke of 
 
 a title for Prince Henry, the third brother Cumberland and Strathern, and Karl of 
 
 of the king, who attained his majority Dublin. 
 
 K 2
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 1767 
 
 THE EFFACEMENT OF CHATHAM 
 
 Every day's additional acquaintance brought me on a more 
 confidential footing both with Lord Camden and with Lord 
 Northington. We all perceived, and much lamented the dis- 
 tressful dilemma into which we were brought, and we had 
 many consultations on the part which it became us, as good 
 subjects and as men of honor, to act. We could get no 
 access to Lord Chatham, and we were perfectly agreed, that 
 the present system, circumstanced as it stood, neither could 
 nor ought to proceed. It was therefore our duty to state to 
 the king that, in spite of our best endeavours and these well 
 supported by His Majesty, his Administration was in fact 
 dissolved. We ventured to recommend to His Majesty, since 
 all our attempts to see, or hear from Lord Chatham had 
 proved ineffectual, that he would be pleased to call upon his 
 lordship for his advice on the present urgent occasion. The 
 king was so gracious as to listen to our joint representation ; 
 and though it was determined, that the Administration should 
 be considered as at an end ; yet it did not appear in the many 
 debates we had in Parliament, that this secret ever got beyond 
 the few persons who were intrusted with it. I was directed 
 to write a pressing letter to Lord Chatham, earnestly desiring 
 to lay before him, the plain state of His Majesty's Administra- 
 tion ; and of the impossibility of carrying it on, unless his
 
 ch. IV] ILLNESS OF CHATHAM 133 
 
 lordship could suggest his advice to the king in a situation 
 so difficult, and on which I earnestly entreated to be allowed 
 to wait on him, in order to receive his commands, together 
 with the advice he could offer to the king. To this letter 1 
 I received the answer which follows, and written in Lady- 
 Chatham's hand. 
 
 North End, May 27 th : 1767. 
 
 Lord Chatham still unable to write, begs leave to assure the Duke of 
 Grafton of his best respects, and at the same time to lament that the 
 continuation of his illness reduces him to the painful necessity of most 
 earnestly entreating his Grace to pardon him, if he begs to be allowed 
 to decline the honor of the visit the Duke of Grafton has so kindly 
 proposed. Nothing can be so great an affliction to him, as to find 
 himself quite unable for a conversation, which he should otherwise be 
 most sincerely proud and happy to embrace. 
 
 Lord Chatham takes the liberty to send the Duke of Grafton his 
 proxy signed, which he begs his Grace will do him the honor to have 
 rilled up with his own name, and entered. 
 
 His Lordship's proxy sent to me in this manner, had some- 
 thing in it satisfactory : but nothing that could take off from 
 the disappointment Lord President and I felt on Lord 
 Chatham's declining to receive me at North End. We had 
 a long consultation, and concluded, that a letter from the 
 king himself, desiring that he would see and converse with 
 me, on the measures immediately necessary to be taken, would 
 be the most likely circumstance to rouse Lord Chatham to 
 admit a political conversation. His Majesty condescended to 
 receive our humble advice; and on the 29 th of May wrote to 
 Lord Chatham to this purpose. I thought it right to send 
 a letter at the same time, in Lord Northington's and my own 
 name, and I should have added Lord Camden's also, if he 
 had been in London. It is right to insert here the copy of 
 my letter, and of the answer, which was in Lady Chatham's 
 handwriting. 
 
 'a- 
 
 1 The letter appears in the Chatha?n relief: for the moment is too critical 
 
 Correspondence, iii. 255. Grafton says, for your lordship's advice and direction 
 
 ' If I could be allowed hut a few minutes not to be necessary.' 
 to wait on you it would give me great
 
 134 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 Grosvenor Square, May 29 th : 1767. 
 My dear Lord ', 
 
 I sufficiently expressed to your lordship by my letter of Wednesday 
 last, how very necessary I thought it for the well-being of the king's 
 affairs, indeed, almost for their existence, that I should be permitted 
 to deliver some advice from you, on a situation of affairs that appeared 
 to me, to be pressingly critical. Disappointed of such an interview, 
 and thus deprived of an assistance which I never expected to have been 
 without to direct me in the difficulties that might arise, I thought the 
 state of affairs too serious, not to wish as a man of honor to apprize 
 His Majesty of my thoughts upon them, that the king might consult 
 others of his servants, and decide what was most judicious to be done. 
 I found, on imparting my ideas, the night before last to my Lord 
 President, that his lordship saw the king's affairs at least as embarrassed 
 as I did ; and that the king might find factions united intruding them- 
 selves upon the closet, before he might be expecting so offensive an 
 event. We judged it thoroughly proper to lay fully our opinions before 
 His Majesty who would have cause most truly to blame a silence on 
 this head from those in his service, who were in a situation to form 
 some judgment on the present state of things. We yesterday separately 
 laid before the king the real state of his Administration ; in one House 
 acting from the beginning of the Session in direct contradiction to all 
 Cabinet decisions : in the other, by the prevalence of faction brought 
 to such a crisis, as to carry questions in a very full House, by majorities 
 of three only, and even those made up by the votes of two of the king's 
 brothers, and some lords brought down from their very beds. The 
 king was of opinion that your lordship's presence and advice could still 
 reinstate, and give Administration some consistence again. Unfortunately 
 your illness deprives us of the first, and unless your lordship's experience 
 and abilities can suggest any measure for bettering the state of things, 
 and in support of your Administration, all our powers and faculties 
 having been tried, we see no possibility of serving His Majesty with 
 effect, honor, or justice, to him or to the public. It is in conjunction 
 with my Lord President, that I have the honor of writing this to your 
 lordship, whom I met by the king's orders for that purpose ; and I 
 believe I do not go beyond my authority, when I say His Majesty 
 has no expectation of being relieved from this embarrassing dilemma, 
 but by your counsel and advice. What I felt in this situation, I leave 
 your lordship to judge ; but disagreeable as the task is, to carry the 
 opinions of others on so delicate a subject, I am ready to undertake it, 
 if you prefer that mode to a letter. Pray send me your commands, 
 indeed, my lord, your thoughts and advice in such a situation are due 
 
 1 This letter appears in the Chatham Correspondence, iii. 257.
 
 ch. IV] ILLNESS OF CHATHAM 135 
 
 to the king, and to those who have supported to their utmost in your 
 absence every view of yours. I have the honor to be with the most 
 perfect esteem and respect 
 
 My dear lord, 
 
 Your &c, 
 
 Grafton. 
 
 P.S. — We should have desired Lord Chancellor to have been with us 
 last night, but unfortunately he was gone into the country, to profit of 
 the adjournment. 
 
 North End, May 29 th : 1767. 
 Lord Chatham continuing under the same inability to write which he 
 was under the unhappy necessity of conveying to the D. of Grafton so 
 lately ; begs again his Grace's indulgence for taking this method of 
 repeating the same description of his health, which for the present 
 renders business impossible to him. He implores the D. of Grafton 
 to be persuaded that nothing less than impossibility prevents him from 
 seeing his Grace (which he so ardently desires) and entering into the 
 fullest conversation with him. At present, all he is able to ofter in true 
 zeal for His Majesty is, that the D. of Grafton and Lord President 
 may not finally judge it necessary to leave the situation they are in. 
 The first moment health and strength enough, at present denied him, 
 return, Lord Chatham will most humbly request permission to renew 
 at His Majesty's feet, all the deepest sentiments of duty, and most 
 devoted attachment. 
 
 These answers from Lord Chatham perplexed the business 
 more and more ; and it appeared that all that could be done 
 by us could go no farther than to keep matters from falling 
 into confusion while His Majesty should be forming such a 
 Ministry as might give contentment to his people. But the 
 difference of opinion, so decidedly maintained by one of the 
 ex-parties against the other ; and especially on the American 
 Stamp Act, seemed to render all junction between them 
 almost impracticable ; at least, it never could be expected to 
 be cordial. Lords Northington, Camden, and Shelburne, 
 with myself, and I believe, Lord Granby, would have declined 
 any office, that might be offered to us ; showing thereby our 
 steady attachment to Lord Chatham, with whom we desired 
 to be considered as acting. 
 
 His Majesty, aware of the consequence and necessity of
 
 T36 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 our being informed of Lord Chatham's present intentions, and 
 of the advice, which he might have to give, wrote to him so 
 pressing a letter \ that I received the note following, written 
 in Lady Chatham's hand. 
 
 ' Lord Chatham presents his respects to the Duke of Grafton, and 
 begs to have the honor of seeing his Grace to-morrow morning at North 
 End, at eleven. Unfit as he is, for the favor of such an interview, he 
 can only hope his Grace will attribute this liberty, to the most real 
 respect for his Grace's person, and to the truest zeal for His Majesty. 
 
 ' North End, Saturday even 8 .' 
 
 I readily obeyed this summons, which I received in con- 
 sequence of the letter with which he had been honored by 
 the king. I carried to North End the most zealous dis- 
 position to exert myself on any practicable plan, which his 
 lordship might be able to suggest, as capable of giving ex- 
 pectation of carrying on with credit the king's Government, 
 until Lord Chatham could feel himself well enough to resume 
 the reins. My own determined objects were, either to assist 
 his lordship, in his absence, in such a manner, as to enable 
 him to return to the head of affairs ; which was my first and 
 ardent wish ; or on the other hand, to retire myself to a 
 private station, until some more favorable opportunity of 
 being serviceable to the country should call me forward. 
 
 Though I expected 2 to find Lord Chatham very ill indeed, 
 
 1 The king's letter is printed in the keep him above a day unless you would 
 Chatham Correspondence, iii. 260. It see him and give him encouragement.' 
 describes the troubles of the Ministry The President and Chancellor are 
 as formidable. Majorities of 6 and of 3 described as of the same mind with 
 in the House of Lords, though the Grafton ; Shelburne as a secret, and 
 king's brothers were ordered to vote, Townshend as an avowed enemy. Con- 
 and the House was full. This was on way as anxious to retire, ' though with- 
 the mode of dealing with an Act of the out any view of entering into faction.' 
 Assembly of Massachusetts {Pari. Hist. 2 Chatham's illness seems to have 
 xv. 360). In the Commons the majori- been regarded as mysterious by his con- 
 ties were large, but on the East India temporaries. Walpole thought he was 
 question, Conway, the Secretary of State, mad {Memoirs, iii. 41). Later, when 
 and nominal leader of the House, and his general health improved, it was 
 Townshend, the Chancellor of the Ex- believed that he was acting a part 
 chequer, voted in the minority. As to {Grenville Papers, iv. 311). It seems 
 Grafton the king says, ' I fear I cannot probable that the anxiety and excite-
 
 CH. IV] 
 
 INTERVIEW WITH CHATHAM 
 
 137 
 
 his situation was different from what I had imagined ; his 
 nerves and spirits were affected to a dreadful degree : and the 
 sight of his great mind bowed down, and thus weakened by 
 disorder, would have filled me with grief and concern, even if 
 I had not long borne a sincere attachment to his person and 
 character. The confidence he reposed in me, demanded every 
 return on my part : and it appeared like cruelty in me to have 
 been urged by any necessity to put a man I valued, to so 
 great suffering as it was evident that my commission excited. 
 The interview was truly painful : I had to run over the many 
 difficulties of the Session : for his lordship, I believe, had not 
 once attended the House, since his last return from Bath. 
 I had to relate the struggles we had experienced in carrying 
 some points, especially in the House of Lords ; the Opposition 
 also, which we had encountered in the East India business 
 from M r . Conway, as well as M r . Townshend 1 ; together with 
 the unaccountable conduct of this latter gentleman, who had 
 suffered himself to be led to pledge himself at last, contrary 
 to the known decision of every member of the Cabinet, to 
 draw a certain revenue from the colonies without offence to 
 the Americans themselves : and I was sorry to inform Lord 
 Chatham, that M r . Townshend's flippant boasting was received 
 with strong marks of a blind and greedy approbation from 
 the body of the House-. I endeavoured to lay everything 
 before his lordship, as plainly as I was able ; and assured him, 
 that Lords Northington and Camden had both empowered 
 me to declare how earnestly they desired to receive his 
 
 ment of the years 1 757-1762 had told 
 upon his health, and had left him 
 more liable than ever to his constant 
 malady, the gout. The effort of forming 
 a Ministry completely broke down his 
 nervous system. He had, in fact, under- 
 taken a task difficult in itself and un- 
 stated to his peculiar genius, at a time 
 when his constitution needed entire test. 
 The breakdown is not surprising. 
 
 1 It should be borne in mind when 
 Grafton's conduct in relation to Con- 
 
 way is criticized, that Conway, though 
 nominally leader of the House of Com- 
 mons, had failed to support his col- 
 leagues on more than one occasion. In 
 fact, the Chancellor of the Exchequer 
 and the Secretary of State acted from 
 time to time in complete independence 
 of one another, of their colleagues, and 
 of their party. 
 
 2 For an account of this debate, see 
 Walpole, Memoirs, iii. 28.
 
 138 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 advice, as to assisting and strengthening the system he had 
 established by some adequate accession, without which they 
 were confident, it could not, nor ought to proceed. 
 
 It was with difficulty that I brought Lord Chatham to be 
 sensible of the weakness of his Administration ; or of the 
 power of the united factions 1 against us ; though we received 
 every mark we could desire of His Majesty's support. At 
 last, after much discourse, and some arguing, he proceeded to 
 entreat me to remain in my present station ; taking that 
 method to strengthen the Ministry which should appear to 
 me to be the most eligible ; and he assured me, that, if Lords 
 Northington and Camden, as well as myself, did not retain 
 our high offices, there would be an end to all his hopes of 
 being ever serviceable again as a public man. His lordship 
 doubted not, that we should find also every support from Lord 
 Shelburne. I answered Lord Chatham, that without some 
 material accession of Parliamentary strength could be properly 
 obtained, we were all decided that the Administration would 
 have too much to contend with ; and that M r . Townshend's 
 oratorical abilities would add to the power of our opponents, 
 though it had been so little useful to the measures of the 
 Cabinet. I observed, that a junction with the Bedfords or 
 the Rockinghams appeared to me to be the only steps that 
 could now be effectual : to which his lordship assented, though 
 he inclined to prefer entering into negociation with the 
 former 2 . Hopeless as I was, from all appearances, that I 
 might see Lord Chatham restored to health in any but 
 
 1 The lists of speakers in the debates 
 in the House of Lords in June, 1767 
 {Pari. Hist. xvi. 347), show how the 
 Grenville, Rockingham, and Bedford 
 parties combined to attack the Ministry. 
 Tn one list appear Temple, Lyttelton, 
 and Mansfield, Newcastle and Rich- 
 mond, Bedford and Weymouth. 
 
 2 The preference expressed by Chat- 
 ham for the Bedford party, as against 
 the Rockingham party, is at first sight 
 strange to us who, in the light of sub- 
 
 sequent events, see how important was 
 the American policy in which Chatham 
 and Rockingham were agreed. On two 
 cardinal points there was a deep differ- 
 ence between Chatham and Bedford : 
 the latter was for a pacific policy towards 
 France and Spain, and for dealing 
 sharply with the colonies. But Chat- 
 ham seems above all things to have 
 mistrusted Newcastle, and to have re- 
 garded the Rockingham Whigs as a 
 clique.
 
 CH. iv] NEGOTIATIONS WITH ROCKINGHAM 139 
 
 a most distant day, I was cautious of committing myself to 
 him, under any assurance, that I would do my best to fulfill 
 his wishes. In entreating me to proceed in office, if I could 
 bring my mind to undertake the charge, Lord Chatham 
 assured me, over and over, that I might depend on his giving 
 all his support to the measures I should bring forward in his 
 retirement ; and on a return of health, that he would smooth 
 over any which he might have disapproved, knowing that 
 they had arisen from the purest motives. Our interview must 
 have lasted two full hours ; and we parted with the most 
 cordial professions of good-will and attachment to each other. 
 Returned to London, I lost no time in communicating the 
 particulars of this transaction, in the most ample and open 
 manner, to the king, Lord Chancellor, and the Lord President. 
 There appeared to us, so little chance of a disposition of either 
 of the great parties to associate with the Ministry, considered 
 by them in a manner dissolved, from the circumstance of the 
 very sad illness of Lord Chatham, that we joined in advising 
 the king to see one of the leaders of these parties, and to 
 hear how that Administration would be composed, which 
 either of them had to recommend. His Majesty preferred 
 the communication with Lord Rockingham l , which he knew 
 likewise would greatly conciliate General Conway. A measure 
 of this nature we had some reason to think would disunite 
 the parties among themselves : and the desire of the Lords 
 Camden and Northington was as earnest as my own that we 
 should do everything to assist the king, during this negocia- 
 tion ; and to prevent all unbecoming conditions being exacted 
 from His Majesty : for we were still his servants, and in the 
 highest offices. Lord Camden's sense of the state of his 
 friend's illness, and of the line he wished me to follow will be 
 
 1 The king seems to have feared that that His Majesty was not disinclined to 
 
 a junction with the Bedford party might take Lord Rockingham, but protested 
 
 bring back George Grenville. Walpole that he had almost rather resign his 
 
 ( Memoirs y iii. 51) says that Grafton crown than consent to receive George 
 
 ' told Mr. Conway and me that he had Grenville again.' 
 never seen the king so much agitated :
 
 140 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 best explained by the subjoined short letter, which I received, 
 as I was stepping into my phaeton to go to North End. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 I am leaving London, but shall be within call, to wait your Grace's 
 
 commands at a moment's warning. It is very uncertain what may 
 
 happen during my absence ; but I should hope, that your Grace will 
 
 keep your future decision in your own power, during the remainder 
 
 of the Session. Every thing depends on your Grace's determination. 
 
 Lord C m may recover ; but if he recovers only one moment after 
 
 you are decided, he recovers too late. 
 
 I am with the most perfect esteem and respect, 
 
 Your Grace's most obedient faithful ser*. 
 
 Camden. 
 June 4 th , 1 767. 
 
 Under these untoward circumstances, we carried forward the 
 remaining business in Parliament, till an end was put to this 
 long Session by prorogation on the 2 d . July, 1767. As soon 
 as the Parliament was prorogued, the different parties became 
 more alert to reconcile their jarring opinions, and interests, 
 and they expected daily to be applied to, in order to form 
 a comprehensive Administration. At the same time His 
 Majesty continued to receive the same advice from us, as 
 before ; which was more approved, as we gave the king 
 assurances that we would remain in our offices until the 
 negociation with the Opposition should take a favourable, or 
 an unsuccessful turn. We desired, however, that His Majesty 
 would be pleased to consider the part we were taking, as 
 intended to facilitate an honorable and just settling, and to 
 carry this on, with more decorum to himself. The Lord 
 President, from infirmities of age, wished to give notice at any 
 rate of his intended retreat. There was no one from whom 
 I received so just accounts of the schemes of the various 
 factions (for, I must so style them on the present occasion) 
 than from M r . Horace Walpole, who since became Earl of 
 Orford. His friendship, and attachment to M r . Conway had 
 been constant, and he was well known ; and his zealous desire, 
 that we two should be more closely united, urged him to sift 
 out the designs of those who were counter-acting his active
 
 CH. IV] DIFFICULTIES WITH CONWAY 141 
 
 endeavors : and no person had so good means of getting to 
 the knowledge of what was passing, as himself. The letter 
 from him, which I transcribe, will give you a just representa- 
 tion of M r . Conway's difficulties, and flings some light on his 
 final determination. 
 
 Arlington Street, May 23 d , 1767. 
 
 I must intreat your Grace, to look upon the trouble I give you, with 
 your usual indulgence ; and as my zeal to serve you, has been hitherto 
 attended with success, I will beg you to hear me with patience, when 
 things are come to such a crisis, that my endeavours to prevent Mr. 
 Conway's resignation are almost exhausted. Your Grace knows his 
 honor and delicacy, and I may be bold to tell you, who are actuated by 
 the same motives, that it is the character I hope he will always maintain. 
 I had much rather see him give up every thing and preserve his honor, 
 than stay with discredit. But in the present case, I think him too much 
 swayed by men who consult nothing but their own prejudices, passions 
 and interests, to which they would sacrifice him and the country. 
 
 I need not tell your Grace, that on the dismission of Lord Edgcumbe, 
 M r . Conway declared he would not remain long in the Ministry. With 
 infinite pains I have prevailed to keep him in place to the end of the 
 Session. He now persists in quitting, but the extravagance and un- 
 reasonableness of his old friends, I think, ought to discharge him from 
 all ties to them. They have abused him in print, reflected on him in 
 Parliament; and I maintain have broken all their engagements to him. 
 I will name nobody, but was witness in the Summer, to repeated promises 
 from them that they would (t/10' taking liberties with L a . Chatham) 
 distinguish M r . Conway, commend him, and openly in their speeches 
 avovj their abhorrence of M r . Grenville. The world have seen how they 
 have adhered to these declarations. What is worse ; when M r . Conway 
 came over to them in the American business and professed publicly his 
 disposition towards them, was it not notorious that they received him 
 with the utmost coldness and indifference ? They not only avoided 
 a single expression of good will to him, but sat still, and heard him 
 abused by Grenville and Rigby. He was thoroughly hurt at this behavior, 
 and I would beg your Grace to paint it strongly to him. 
 
 In many late conversations with him, they have shewn the utmost 
 extravagance: they not only aim at every thing, but espouse M r . Gren- 
 ville, and tho' they say they do not like him for first minister, would 
 absolutely make him a part of their system. M r . Conway objected 
 strongly and I went so far as to reproach them with this contradiction 
 to all their declarations, and with adopting so arbitrary and unpopular 
 a man.
 
 142 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 Having stated these facts, I will now take the liberty of informing 
 your Grace of my motives of writing you this letter. I told M r . Conway, 
 that if his friends would not come in, I could not conceive why he was 
 to go out; and that I thought the question turned singly on this. When 
 he made his declaration to them, he, at the same time protested against 
 entering into opposition. If they therefore will not come in but by force, 
 does not their refusal put an end to his connection with them ? Nothing 
 therefore seems left but to drive them to this refusal. Accordingly, I have 
 begged M r . Conway, to open his mind to your Grace, and I thought it 
 right to apprize your Grace, of what he will say to you, that you may not 
 be surprized, and may be prepared with your answer. Your kindness to 
 him, my lord, has been invariable, and I am sure will continue so on 
 this occasion, which I flatter myself may preserve the union of two men 
 who have the strictest honor, and most public spirit of any men in 
 England. The more indulgence your Grace shows to his scruples and 
 delicacy, the more he will feel the wildness and unreasonableness of his 
 other connexions. Pray my lord, forgive the extreme liberty I take of 
 suggesting behavior to your Grace ; but knowing M r . Conway as I do 
 better than any body does, I am called upon to paint to your Grace the 
 best method of treating with him. If you should be so good as to tell 
 him that you are willing to assist his delicacy, and to contribute to bring 
 in his friends on reasonable terms, and that you hope he will not gratify 
 them in any unreasonable hopes ; it will open the door to a negociation, 
 in which I can venture to say they will be so immoderate in their 
 demands, that it will not only shock him, but be a strong vindication to 
 His Majesty's rejection of them, and what is most at my heart, may, 
 I hope, conduce to retain M r . Conway in the king's service, when his 
 other friends have shown that they mean nothing, but to engross all 
 power in league with the worst men, or to throw the country into the last 
 confusion. 
 
 If I can but prevail to keep M r . Conway united with your Grace and 
 acting with you, it is the height of my ambition ; and if your Grace is so 
 good as at least to accept my labours favorably, I shall be overpaid, for 
 I have most undoubtedly no views for myself but those of being approved 
 by honest men ; and as there is nobody I can esteem more than your 
 Grace, I am not ashamed, my lord, tho' you are a Minister, of professing 
 myself, 
 
 Your Grace's 
 
 Most obed 1 . and devoted humble servant, 
 
 Hor. Walpole. 
 
 With the king's permission and approbation I had a meeting 
 first with Lord Gower, which produced a conference, as open 
 as either of us could wish ; so much so, that many parts of
 
 CH. iv] THE WHIG GROUPS 143 
 
 our discourse were to be considered as unauthorized, as the 
 communications of two old acquaintance who had a true 
 regard for each other. The situation in which the friends of 
 the Duke of Bedford viewed the Administration gave them 
 such confidence, as rendered them quite unreasonable l ; and 
 it was soon found that all the other parties were equally so, 
 and they appeared to have forgotten how difficult would be 
 the reconciling each other to the measures that were to be 
 proposed in regard to cultivating once more a good under- 
 standing with the American colonies. Except his Grace, the 
 Bedford party were less difficult on measures, than on in- 
 fluence. This was not the case with Lord Rockingham and 
 many of his friends ; who always wished to act on principle. 
 It is to be lamented, that he was too often swayed by those, 
 whose judgment was not equal to his own. Lord Temple's, 
 and M r . G. Grenville's opinions were not so supple as to be 
 formed into a different mould ; and I believe, that those, who 
 knew best the characters, would agree that an union of senti- 
 ment with Lord Rockingham on American politics could 
 never have been settled between these wide differing states- 
 men. After this I received His Majesty's commands to see 
 Lord Rockingham, taking Gen 1 . Conway with me, as we had 
 both long lived with the marquis in the greatest intimacy. 
 Our conversation lasted long ; and it chiefly turned on the 
 propriety of Lord Rockingham being sent for previously to 
 his laying a plan before His Majesty 2 , as a foundation for an 
 able and solid Administration ; or when he should be prepared 
 to lay his plan before the king. The latter mode was re- 
 quired by His Majesty, and the marquis with great propriety 
 gave way. The following were the letters which I was 
 
 1 This meeting, which took place in each case on the inclusion of the 
 
 during the Whitsuntide recess, at Wake- Grenvilles. 
 
 field Lodge (Walpole, Memoirs, iii. 56), 2 Rockingham took the modem view 
 
 and a later meeting at White's Club of the position of a Prime Minister. 
 
 (Grcnville I'apcrs,\ v. 36), served to show He desired to receive the king's com- 
 
 the close union which at this time sub- mission to form a Ministry. George III 
 
 sisted between the Bedford and Grcn- wished to have suggestions made to him, 
 
 ville parties. The negotiation broke off which lie might accept, reject, or modify.
 
 144 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 directed to write to Lord Rockingham, and his lordship's 
 
 answer. 
 
 Grosvenor Square, July 15 th , 1767. 
 My dear Lord 1 , 
 
 After having delivered to His Majesty the answer which your lordship 
 communicated to Gen 1 . Conway and myself this morning, I was com- 
 manded to acquaint your lord?, that the king wishes your lordP. would 
 specify the plan on which you and your friends would come into office, in 
 order to extend and strengthen his Administration ; that His Majesty may 
 be enabled to judge, how far the same may be advantageous to His 
 Majesty's and the publick's service. I have the honor to be &c. &c. 
 
 Grafton. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I have the honor of your Grace's letter by which your Grace acquaints 
 me that His Majesty wishes me to specify the plan, on which I, and my 
 friends would propose to come in, in order to extend and strefigthen his 
 Administration. 
 
 I hope your Grace will do me the honor to explain to His Majesty, that 
 the principle on which I would proceed should be to consider the present 
 Administration as at an end, notwithstanding the great regard and esteem 
 which I have for some of those who compose it 2 . 
 
 If His Majesty thinks it for his service to form a new Administration on 
 a comprehensive plan, the general idea of which has already been opened 
 to your Grace, I should then humbly hope to have His Majesty's per- 
 mission to attend him, in order to receive his commands, it being im- 
 possible to enter into particulars till I have His Majesty's leave to 
 proceed upon this plan. 
 
 I have the honor to be, with great respect and regard 
 
 Your Grace's most obed*. and most humble serv 1 . 
 
 Rockingham. 
 
 Grosvenor Square, 
 
 Thursday, P.M. 2 "Clock, July 16 th , 1767. 
 
 Grosvenor Square,/*//^ 17 th , 1767. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I have laid your lordship's letter before His Majesty, and have the 
 
 satisfaction of acquainting your lordship, that the king's gracious senti- 
 
 1 The original draft of this letter 2 Walpole says that ' nothing could 
 
 appears in Walpole, Memoirs, iii. 69. surpass the insolence' of Rockingham's 
 
 Horace Walpole amended it where it answer. The insolence consisted in his 
 
 seemed open to misconstruction, and assumption that the Grafton Ministry 
 
 drafted Grafton's second letter to Rock- was at an end, and that he was prepared 
 
 ingham. His memoir serves to show to undertake the formation of a new 
 
 how intensely personal were the politics one {Memoirs, iii. 71). 
 of this time.
 
 CH. IV] ROCKINGHAM AND GRAFTON 145 
 
 ments concur with your lordship's in regard to the forming of a compre- 
 hensive plan of administration, and that His Majesty desirous of uniting 
 the hearts of all his subjects, is most ready, and willing to appoint such 
 a one as shall exclude no denomination of men attached to his person 
 and government. 
 
 When your lordship is prepared to offer a plan of administration formed 
 on those views His Majesty is willing that your lordship should yourself 
 lay the same before him for His Majesty's consideration. 
 
 I have the honor to be, with the most perfect esteem and regard 
 my lord 
 
 Your lordship's &c. &c. 
 
 Grafton. 
 
 M. of Rockingham. 
 
 After a few days I received the following T , 
 
 1 My dear Lord, 
 
 As I propose desiring an audience of His Majesty I much wish to 
 
 see your Grace previously. I shall therefore desire that your Grace will 
 
 either appoint a time, that I could wait upon you, from 11 to I, or that 
 
 you would call for a moment here, whichever best suits your convenience. 
 
 I am, my dear lord, with great truth and regard 
 
 Your Grace's most obed 1 . and most humble serv*. 
 
 Rockingham. 
 Grosvenor Square, 
 
 Tuesday Night, July 21 st , 1767. 
 
 Lord Northington, who had been so much my coadjutor 
 through this whole business, was gone down to the Grange : 
 and anxious as I knew him to be for some account of our 
 proceedings at this critical moment, I wrote to him the letter 
 which follows ; and which I had luckily at the time desired 
 M r . Stonhewer to copy. I lay the letter before you with 
 greater satisfaction ; because I can depend more on the ac- 
 curacy of its contents, than from anything I could be able to 
 
 1 For an account of the negotiations certain to be a stumbling-block. Not 
 
 which took place between the various only measuies but men caused difficulty, 
 
 sections of the Whig party, see Bedford Bedford would not accept so incom- 
 
 Corresp. iii. 382-385 ; Rockingham petent a leader in the Commons as 
 
 Memoirs, ii. 5 ; and Walpole, Memoirs, Conway, and Rockingham, who saw 
 
 iii. So. It is plain that when a com- that Grenville was the necessary alter- 
 
 hination in which Rockingham and native to Conway, broke off on this 
 
 (Jrenville were to take part came to be ground, 
 seriously discussed, colonial policy was
 
 146 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 draw, at this distance of time, from recollection, on trans- 
 actions so very intricate. 
 
 Grosvenor Square, July 18 th , 1767. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 By the last letter which I had the honor of writing to your lordship, 
 you will have reason to expect, that the D. of Bedford's friends did not 
 quite answer to the reasonable dispositions, which they have so often 
 flung out to us ; and which your lordship and myself have as constantly 
 found to be otherwise, whenever we came more to the point. Thus it 
 proved on the last attempt where Lord Gower whom I talked with, 
 professed that he was unauthoriz'd, but that he believed that the Duke of 
 Bedford and Lord Temple would willingly confer with myself on the 
 grounds of forming a solid and extensive Administration ; that he did not 
 imagine they had any objection to my remaining at the Treasury, but, 
 that if Lord Temple came into any other great office, then the Administra- 
 tion must greatly hold out the complexion of being his ; for, continued he, 
 how can he think of having less weight in this, than in one last year which 
 he would not enter into unless pari passu with Lord Chatham ? 
 
 Your lordship will certainly conceive that such a formation could not 
 keep me where I am; nor did it satisfy His Majesty; particularly as 
 Lord Gower told me that the openings must be large indeed. Thus 
 failed this attempt, which some moderation from that quarter might have 
 brought to bear, and to have formed the best Ministry (in my opinion) 
 which this country is now in a condition to receive. By the intimation of 
 Gen 1 . Conway to the king, and by his firm belief of the favorable dis- 
 position to the Marquis of Rockingham, His Majesty was induced to 
 order the Gen 1 , and myself to meet his lordship, in order to know from 
 him the plan on which his friends and himself could honorably to them- 
 selves come in to assist the king's Government together with the Chancellor 
 and the remains of the present Administration. Your lordship may 
 imagine that the conversation was long and very diffuse ; many questions 
 asked upon particulars which were answered by saying that the time was 
 yet too early to go into them till his lordship offered his plan. On his 
 enquiring whether the plan was to be confin'd to his own people or 
 whether it was to comprehend the Bedfords and even the Grenvilles ; my 
 answer was that the king had particulariz'd no one, but that if his lordship 
 went to the including both parties as well as his own, I could not make 
 out, how it could possibly be consistent with His Majesty's most gracious 
 opening to his lordship where the remainder of the present Administration 
 together with the Chancellor was to be the foundation of it. After much 
 conversation the words I was directed to report to His Majesty from Lord 
 Rockingham were these ' That his lordship and his friends on considering 
 the opening His Majesty had honored them by making, were of opinion
 
 CH. iv] MINISTERIAL NEGOTIATIONS 147 
 
 that they would not do right to come into Administration without it could 
 be made to comprehend Lord Rockingham and his friends, the Duke of 
 Bedford and his friends, such of M r . Grenville's also as chose to come into 
 office j for as to the particular determination thereupon of Lord Temple 
 or his brother personally his lordship did not take it upon him to answer? 
 To which message of his lordship I returned the answer, the next day, 
 mark'd N°. 1. This brought his lordship's answer to it the day following 
 N°. 2, and on my sending with the king's approbation the letter mark'd 
 N°. 3 ', his lordship call'd upon me at night to say that he certainly now 
 must go to work in order to produce his plan ; disagreeable as the task 
 appear'd to him : that his wish was, still to have been admitted previously 
 to the king, which he dropped on my assuring him, that I had, from orders, 
 endeavored to make it clear that His Majesty neither designed, nor ought 
 to grant that request. 
 
 Your lordship will take notice that the former part is wrote on the 18 th 
 as I was interrupted before ; and that I am now finishing my letter on the 
 I9 ,b . I mention this, that you may not think the messenger has been 
 faulty in delivering the letter. 
 
 I understand that they are now employed in making out their plan to 
 be offer'd to His Majesty's consideration, a work, which before it can be 
 brought to birth, seems open to so many accidents, that I am, I own, not 
 without thinking it possible, that it may disunite parties freshly and 
 loosely cemented, and that some one among them may find it for their 
 interest, as well as credit, to fall in honorably with the present Administra- 
 tion. If resentment comes in aid on account of too little consideration 
 shewn to some, or too much power grasp'd at by another, this event may 
 still be the more likely. The Duke of Bedford, I understand, is sent for 
 from Woburn, to assist at this work, which I fear they will offer on such 
 enormous terms that no one can wish His Majesty to accept ; for it is too 
 preposterous to suppose that a solid Government is to be attain'd if it 
 should be so composed as to drive, in the divided state of this country, 
 the king's inclination towards those who would be opposing his Administra- 
 tion. M r . Grenville and Lord T. have been those who in this affair have 
 acted as the wiser politicians. 
 
 On the opening of this matter to them by Rigby dispatched from 
 Woburn, where the D. of Bedford and Lord Rockingham were, their 
 answer was, that they should be glad to see an Administration where the 
 D. of Bedford's friends should have a great share ; that they should be 
 well-wishers to it, and desirous that their friends should have places 
 under it. They appear to me to be waiting only the moment to pave 
 their way towards reconciling the closet by a moderation now, when 
 others take up their violence, and seem to have laid in for joining 
 
 1 These are the letters set out above, dated July 15, 16, 17. 
 
 L 2
 
 148 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 effectually with the king's friends, and Lord Chatham's, who both must 
 be proscribed, if I can guess at Lord Rockingham's views ; and thus the 
 Grenvilles see the coiners in weaken'd by their own scheme, and raising 
 to themselves opponents capable of making head against them ; even if 
 they had His Majesty's support farther than they have any right to expect, 
 their principle being not to trust that they shall have it, but to make it 
 impossible for the king not to give it to them. 
 
 Your lordship will call this, most likely, too much refining on the 
 conduct of these different gentlemen. My only excuse is, that on the 
 occasion, I write as I think to your lordship. 
 
 I now come, my dear lord, to the point I am most concern'd in, and 
 where you have so obligingly assisted me with your advice. M r . Conway 
 sees the extension of Lord Rockingham's connexions in the same light as 
 myself, and I believe there is nothing he would not do to prevent such 
 a Ministry from taking place under the certainty of bringing the country 
 into fresh difficulties. He presses me much not to retire. My only answer 
 has been that which your lordship knows : however by the king's most 
 gracious proposals to these different sets of men, so strangely receiv'd by 
 them all, I think the case greatly alter'd, and that there is a great deal 
 to justify those, who shall endeavor to carry on Administration on 
 a narrower ground than they could wish. I have told the king on his 
 repeated requisition to me to remain at the Treasury, that one previous 
 point must be attained to make it possible and that, even then, it would 
 labor to a great degree, perhaps too much to move forward. That 
 previous point in such case must be M r . Conway's retaining the lead in 
 the House of Commons. In consequence of this His Majesty has much 
 employed his brother to press him so to do : and though he is determined 
 to resign, which he will do on Wednesday, it is not impossible but they 
 may still prevail on him ; so much he apprehends the consequences of the 
 other event. Your lordship sees that my fate remains still undecided, or 
 rather dependent on what M r . Conway can bring himself to. In truth, 
 my lord, Mess r8 . Grenville and Conway are the only two men able to lead 
 the House of Commons ; and you will see that the latter thus taking on 
 in his own cause is not liable to that leaning to another party which last 
 year brought on half the mischief of it. 
 
 If this does take place ; one favour I must entreat of your lordship, 
 
 who considering the consequence it is of to the publick must not refuse, 
 
 which is, tho' out of office, to assist the Cabinet and particularly myself, 
 
 with the advice which your ability and great experience in public affairs 
 
 will make so essential to the king's service. I have trespass'd so long 
 
 that I have tired your lordship as well as myself; I shall only beg now to 
 
 assure you of the sentiment of the truest esteem and respect with which 
 
 I have the honor to be &c. &c. 
 
 Grafton.
 
 CH. iv] NORTHINGTON 
 
 149 
 
 It will be proper also to introduce here Lord Northington's 
 answer. We lived in full and mutual confidence in each 
 other: he had about him the genuine principle of a Whig: 
 and in all transactions I found him to be a man full of honor, 
 a disinterested gentleman, and though much devoted to the 
 king, with great zeal for the constitution. As a lawyer, his 
 knowledge and ability were great ; but his manner and speech 
 were ungracious. I shall ever do honor to his memory, wher- 
 ever I hear his name brought forward. — But, — for his letter. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I think myself much obliged to your Grace for communicating to 
 me, in so clear and historical a manner the progress of political matters, 
 since I left London. It gives me not only a view of their present state, 
 but affords a kind of prospect of the event and end of them : and con- 
 sidering the strange state of men and times not a displeasing one. I was 
 not surprized at the forbidding language of Lord Gower on this delicate 
 subject, it being uniform to what he held to me, and which I told your 
 Grace I considered as an end of treaty ; as it in effect required a surrender 
 of not only servants, but of the master. This would have been igno- 
 minious indeed ; but what is if possible worse, useless. For it is impos- 
 sible, that the several parties, so numerous and extensive, can ever 
 agree ; and besides, I always thought, and do think, that the king's 
 friends would, together with the remainder of the present ministers, have 
 carried out more power and abilities to distress, than all of them could 
 have brought in to strengthen Government. However, I think His 
 Majesty has acted with great wisdom in pursuing every means to obtain 
 an Administration that might, as much as possible, conciliate and destroy 
 faction, the bane of Government, so disastrous to this country. I must 
 however, conclude that the opening to the Marquis of Rockingham 
 wise in its commencement, will be attended with the same impracti- 
 cability as that to Lord Gower ; and with the insupportable consequences 
 I have mentioned above ; for I cannot be at a loss to conjecture what 
 advice will prevail in framing the answer. But His Majesty must by 
 this conduct, so royal and gracious, fix the eyes of the public on the 
 true object, and awaken the zeal of his faithful subjects, which next to 
 his own, will be the best support he can afford to the Ministry he shall, 
 in his royal wisdom, think fit to establish. In this embarrassed situation 
 of the king and country, in this opposition so boldly and unbecomingly 
 founded, 1 cannot sufficiently admire your Grace's reluctance in quitting 
 the service of our amiable sovereign. I am satisfied, it will redound 
 to your honor and glory with the public, afford your Grace the highest
 
 150 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [T767 
 
 pleasure, self-approbation, and I verily believe, attain the desireable end 
 of preserving a constitutional Government. I shall be happy to find, you 
 have the support of Mr. Conway's abilities in so laudable an undertaking. 
 
 As to myself, my lord, I thought it my duty frankly to open my state 
 of health, and its insufficiency to an office so extensive and of so much 
 attendance : it was but just both to the king and to his ministers, as 
 I was, and am, morally certain, I shall never re-establish my strength 
 to sustain that burthen : but, I desire to be laid at the king's feet, as one 
 that, out of office, will be as zealous as in, and as one that will ever to 
 the best of his abilities, support His Majesty's Government ; and, without 
 a compliment, never with so much pleasure, as when your Grace is at 
 the head of it. 
 
 I have the honor to remain, with most perfect respect, my dear lord, 
 
 Your Grace's most obedient 
 
 & most humble serv*. 
 
 NORTHINGTON. 
 20 th July, 1767. 
 Grainge. 
 
 On the 22 nd Lord Rockingham had the audience of His 
 Majesty : I was at Court, and his lordship conversed with me 
 with his usual civility both before and after he saw the king ; 
 and said that he doubted whether His Majesty would enter 
 into his views for forming an Administration. His Majesty 
 soon sent for me into the closet, and I heard from himself 
 what had passed, as well as the king's opinion that it went to 
 the total overthrow of the system Lord Chatham had estab- 
 lished. 
 
 A few notes of my own, forming a kind of short diary, and 
 overlooked, I shall add here, as they may help to elucidate 
 and confirm the former recital. I have often lamented, that 
 I had so much neglected this method, which would have 
 furnished information which must surpass what even the most 
 retentive memory can produce. What differences there are, 
 will be found to be on no material points, though the diary 
 descends into some more particulars. 
 
 1767. — July 2 nd . I delivered to His Majesty the fair draft 
 of a paper J which Lord President and myself sketched out 
 
 1 There is no copy of this draft date in the Chatham Correspondence ; 
 among the Grafton MSS., nor is there but in vol. iii. pp. 266-8, there is a 
 any record of communications of this letter from the king enclosing a paper
 
 CH. iv] THE KING AND CHATHAM 151 
 
 the preceding evening, in order to shew the situation in which 
 we stood in the king's service ; unable to assist His Majesty 
 in patching up the Administration temporarily, till Lord 
 Chatham's health allowed him to return ; a measure we could 
 neither justify to the king, to the country, nor to ourselves. 
 
 His Majesty determined on this to word a letter to Lord 
 Chatham in such a manner, as either to incite him to exert 
 himself to forward the measure he recommended by filling up 
 the offices, in effect vacated 1 ; or to draw from him an avowal 
 of the necessity the king lay under of calling in other assis- 
 tance. 
 
 July 4 th . His Majesty honored me with a communication 
 of the answer from Lord Chatham, penned by her ladyship ; 
 wherein his health is represented as still worse, with many 
 expressions of his unfortunate state, which renders him at 
 present absolutely useless to advise the king. 
 
 His Majesty feeling the necessity of some step being taken, 
 and that advantage was every moment given up by delay, 
 ordered me to sound Lord Gower on the hopes there might 
 be of the Duke of Bedford and his friends coming in to join 
 the remains of the present Administration, in a manner honor- 
 able to themselves. The idea of Lord Temple or M r . Gren- 
 ville in a great office was no ways a hindrance in the king's 
 mind ; if, by it, I could remain in my post ; and by that 
 make it bear the appearance of an accession to, and not a 
 defeat of, the present Administration. 
 
 drawn up by Grafton and Northington, to occur : — 
 
 and with an answer from Lady Chatham. ' The resignations pointed at are the 
 
 The purport of these documents is Lord President and lieutenant-general 
 precisely the purport of those referred Conway ; besides the Duke of Grafton 
 to in the text, but they are dated finding it impossible himself to under- 
 June 2. It seems probable that the take the forming a temporary Admin- 
 Chatham papers are misdated by a istration; so that the present one will 
 month, for Grafton had seen Chatham infallibly fall into pieces in less than 
 on May 31, and there is another letter ten days unless you point out proper 
 of the king to Chatham of June 2, persons to fill the vacancies that may 
 merely inquiring after his health. arise. Indeed M r . Townshend may be 
 
 1 The king's letter to Chatham, dated added to the list of those retiring unless 
 
 in the Chatham Correspondence June 2, additional strength and ability be ac- 
 
 names the following vacancies as about quired.'
 
 I52 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 Lord Gower this evening enlarged so much from the style 
 of our conversation at Wakefield, that, though unauthorized 
 as we both declared ourselves to be to treat, it was clear to 
 make out, that the openings to be made would be great ; and 
 that the Ministry must bear to a considerable degree the 
 marks of Lord Temple's weight, if the Duke of Bedford and 
 Lord Temple should talk with me on the formation of an 
 extensive and solid Administration. 
 
 I had liberty to mention this part to His Majesty ; and, 
 without giving any opinion of my own, that might lighten the 
 difficulties I foresaw, we parted with this declaration from 
 me, that my part in the Treasury, upon such a footing, would 
 require at least the reflexion of one night before I could 
 answer it even to myself. 
 
 July 5 th , 1767. His Majesty received from me at Richmond 
 an account of my conversation with Lord Gower ; and con- 
 sidered it so much as the grounds of an Administration to be 
 formed by, and under, Lord Temple, that he immediately ex- 
 pressed the greatest objections to it, and did me the honor to 
 ask, how I should conduct myself if he could think well enough 
 of the scheme to lean to carry it into execution. My answer 
 was, that it was so loaded with objections which I, as an 
 individual, more particularly felt, that I should look upon 
 myself as acting very inconsistently with the professions I 
 made to His Majesty, and to Lord Chatham, on my coming to 
 the Treasury, to act the same part under men so very opposite ; 
 that my honor forbade me also to do it, where persons who 
 had deserved my little support, were by this plan given up. 
 
 The king's desire was, to see Gen 1 . Conway to-day, that he 
 might hear from him the possibility there might be of finding 
 Lord Rockingham's friends practicable. 
 
 At night, in communicating to Lord Gower, that I did not 
 find a desire of making so total a change as his conversation 
 led to conclude, I chiefly rested it on the impossibility of my 
 own standing in such a situation in a Ministry, which, in fact, 
 would be a Grenville one 1 . 
 
 1 Here the separate memoranda come to an end.
 
 CH. IV] THE MINISTRY HOLDS ON 153 
 
 While it was problematical in what shape the new plan of 
 Ministry was to appear, which was to be offered by Lord 
 Rockingham for the king's approbation, or whether the 
 changes called for might not be so extensive as to endanger 
 the failure of the whole, it was most natural, and indeed most 
 incumbent on me to consider, what, in the last of these cases, 
 was our duty, and especially mine, to yield to in this serious 
 state of things ; and what could be done to extricate the king 
 and the country, with some satisfaction, out of the mischiefs 
 of threatening internal dissensions. As much as I desired to 
 be released from my office, I foresaw, that circumstances 
 might arise, so as to compel me to comply with that which 
 might appear most beneficial to the public. However, I should 
 not, even then, be able to answer to myself the continuance at 
 the Treasury ; unless General Conway, who earnestly wished 
 me to remain, should undertake to be the Leader in the 
 House of Commons. The friends of us both pressed earnestly 
 that we should mutually decide, according to their zealous 
 wishes. 
 
 After many expedients proposed, and declined as soon as 
 well considered, M r . Conway and myself yielded to the en- 
 treaties of our friends, unwilling as we were to see the king 
 and country deserted : when such assistance as we could bring, 
 was thought by very many independent men, capable of 
 giving essential relief. M r . Cha 8 . Townshend after a great 
 favor granted to his lady 1 , and his brother coming over, in 
 order to be sent Lieutenant to Ireland 2 , promised his assis- 
 tance also with every profession of attachment. His death 
 followed so soon that it would be too uncandid to call his 
 sincerity in question. I cannot say that Lord Shelburne 
 (M r . Conway's colleague) took much part in what was going 
 forward. His lordship probably saw that the Ministry still 
 bore so much the seal of Lord Chatham's, that he could not 
 
 1 Supra, p. 128. 1 767. He was created Marquis of 
 
 2 George Viscount Townshend (1724- Townshend in October, 1787. His 
 1807); he succeeded Lord Bristol as career as Lord-Lieutenant began well, 
 Lord- Lieutenant of Ireland in August, but ended in disaster. Lecky, iv. 40 1.
 
 154 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 well be justified in quitting under these circumstances his 
 post, though he was never cordial with us l . Matters were 
 sufficiently arranged, before the end of the month, to enable 
 me to write the following note to Lady Chatham with the view 
 of her ladyship's acquainting Lord Chatham with our decision, 
 whenever she thought the moment to be proper. 
 
 Grosvenor Square, July 31 st : 1767. 
 
 The Duke of Grafton's best respects wait on Lady Chatham, and begs 
 to inform her ladyship, that General Conway has given him authority to 
 say, that (though the particular situation is not fixed on) he is determined 
 to stand forward in the House of Commons to carry on the king's 
 business, having been assured that no consideration whatever could 
 induce the Duke of Grafton to remain in his present post, in order to 
 wait the return of Lord Chatham to the head of affairs, if the general 
 was not the person on whom he could place his confidence in that 
 House. The distressful state, to which the Crown must have been 
 reduced, has actuated them both to take this part ; and to struggle with 
 the difficulties that surround them. 
 
 The hopes that this account may give some satisfaction to Lord 
 Chatham, is the occasion of the trouble the Duke of Grafton gives to 
 her ladyship. 
 
 He must add, that no motive weighed so much with himself, as the 
 reflexion of the just accusation he should draw on himself, if, on Lord 
 Chatham's recovery, he should find that it proved some months too late 
 to do the good which his superiority can alone effect. 
 
 Without disturbing Lord Chatham, the Duke of Grafton entreats him 
 only to think that, where he cannot immediately approve, he would 
 consider him as acting for the best, and often in these intricate times, 
 compelled to make the lesser evil the more eligible measure 2 . 
 
 The messenger brought me back her ladyship's answer. 
 Lady Chatham presents her best compliments to the Duke of Grafton 
 
 1 Lord Shelburne had ceased at this of 1767. 
 
 time to attend meetings of the Cabinet, 2 This letter and the answer to it 
 
 and was endeavouring to carry out a appear in the Chatham Corresp. iii. 
 
 firm and conciliatory policy towards 281, 282. Grafton uses the argument 
 
 the colonics. Fitzmaurice, Life of Shel- with which Camden had pressed his 
 
 burne, ii. 38; and see Shelburne to retention of office : that so long as he 
 
 Lady Chatham, Chatham Corresp. iii. was at the Treasury the way was kept 
 
 294, where he describes his isolation open for Chatham's return, 
 from his colleagues during the summer
 
 CH. iv] GRAFTON AND CHATHAM 155 
 
 with many grateful acknowledgments to his Grace for his great goodness 
 to Lord Chatham in the most obliging attention shewn to his present 
 unfortunate state of health. She begs also to express how sensibly she 
 feels the honor done her by his Grace, in the note intrusted to her. She 
 persuades herself from the experience of the D. of Grafton's friendship 
 to Lord Chatham, that she shall be forgiven by him, if she intreats to be 
 permitted to withhold the contents till some little degree of amendment 
 in Lord Chatham's health may render it less anxious to communicate 
 anything of business to him, especially upon a point which cannot fail of 
 turning his thoughts upon the whole of things, which till he has recover'd 
 more strength must be prejudicial to him. This, Lady Chatham is clear 
 the Duke of Grafton knows, without her taking the liberty to assure him 
 of it, that Lord Chatham's opinion has been constantly, that his Grace's 
 stay in his present post is essential to the well-being of the king's affairs, 
 and the good of the whole. She therefore judges whatever confirms that 
 most desired circumstance will be heard with infinite pleasure by Lord 
 Chatham. 
 
 She hopes his Grace will believe she is under the greatest confusion 
 in hazarding so much from herself, and that she is conscious nothing 
 less could excuse it than her apprehension for Lord Chatham, whose 
 illness has rather encreas'd for some time past, and who is to-day under 
 physical operation. This she flatters herself will plead her pardon with 
 the D. of Grafton. 
 
 N. End, July 31 st : 1767. 
 
 A much greater degree of responsibility you see directly 
 devolved on my shoulders ; and you will consider this hour, 
 as having opened a fresh rera in my life. I hope I am not 
 too presuming in thinking, if the same disposition for moderate 
 councils had been pursued by my successor, that this country 
 would readily have settled all its disputes with our colonies ; 
 have released America from the fetters of their old charters, 
 and in conjunction with them bid defiance to all our enemies ; 
 or what would have been far preferable, employed our 
 strength and weight to maintain the blessings of peace to 
 many countries. What a retrospect for us, who now see 
 Great Britain detested and insulted throughout Europe ; 
 threatened by a formidable enemy, and sinking under heavy 
 and vexatious taxes, the consequences of our repeated follies, 
 if not of our iniquities ! 
 
 It is a great comfort to a public man to be able to say that
 
 156 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 his best endeavours were exerted to prevent the mischief and 
 the sad policy which future ages will join to condemn. 
 
 I am now to enter upon the most arduous part of my 
 undertaking ; and I am sensible of the many difficulties which 
 may be expected to arise. However being determined to do 
 no injustice to any person, nor more than justice to myself, 
 I shall not be afraid to bring forward every material truth. 
 You will bear in mind, that you are not to look into this 
 memoir, for a general history of the times, but of those 
 transactions solely, in which I was more immediately con- 
 cerned ; and of which I can give the best authenticated 
 accounts. To the debates in Parliament, and to the professed 
 histories of the king's reign, I shall beg leave to refer you for 
 all information, which does not come within my recollection, 
 or cannot be supplied from my papers. 
 
 The various parties, declaring themselves in opposition to 
 the Administration, circumstanced as it stood, were formidable 
 indeed, whether they were to be considered from the landed 
 property they possessed, from the numbers they were com- 
 posed of, or from the weight of their abilities. 
 
 On our side, we had the satisfaction of seeing a great and 
 very independent majority in the House of Commons, which 
 gave us credit with the publick. 
 
 The declaration also of our readiness at any time to extend, 
 without exclusion of any, the Administration to as com- 
 prehensive a plan as could be effected, gave a good impression 
 of the moderation of our characters : and the hopes, though 
 distant, of the recovery of Lord Chatham, brought some 
 accession to our cause: and the list annexed will shew, that 
 my colleagues, who still composed the Ministry, though they 
 were deprived of Lord Chatham's aid, were most respectable 
 for their talents and abilities. For Lord Camden was Chan- 
 cellor, Lord Northington President, Lord Chatham, (but 
 unfortunately absent) Privy Seal, Lord Shelburne, and M r . 
 Conway, Secretaries of State, M r . Charles Townshend Chan- 
 cellor of the Exchequer, Sir Edw d . Hawke at the head of the
 
 CH. IV] IRELAND 157 
 
 Admiralty, and Lord Granby Commander in Chief. But, to 
 proceed : the affairs of Ireland called for our early attention ; 
 the Lord Lieutenancy was vacant, and a new Chancellor was 
 to be appointed. Lord Townshend was entrusted to discharge 
 the duties of the former important office, under the same 
 stipulations for permanent residence as Lord Chatham had 
 intended l : for it was my earnest wish to adhere to his lord- 
 ship's plans, as far as I was acquainted with them. Lord 
 Chatham saw that it was highly expedient to bring a dis- 
 tinguished officer to the command of the army in that 
 kingdom, where parliamentary favor led too often to 
 pernicious partialities. With a view of placing Sir Jeffry 
 Amherst 2 in that situation his lordship had desired to see him ; 
 but was much disappointed and discontented when he found 
 that the attempt to persuade him was in vain. No officer in 
 the service could have been thought of so proper as Sir 
 Jeffrey to discharge this ; and whose talents were particularly 
 calculated to enforce strict discipline and due subordination. 
 
 Lord Chatham likewise inclined to concede to the Irish 
 Ministry the three or four points at which they principally 
 aspired. To shorten the duration of their parliaments was an 
 essential object ; and justly to be demanded by a free nation ; 
 and on that ground would have received his sanction. — You 
 well know that the life of the king was the period of its 
 former duration. 
 
 Lord Townshend was no sooner named to be the Lord 
 Lieutenant, than he was surrounded by Irish advisers 3 ; and 
 
 1 Fitzmaurice, Life of Shelburnc, ii. rogative ; and to assimilate the tenure of 
 
 93, says that Townshend had not been the judges in Ireland to that of the 
 
 made aware of this requirement. The English judges. 
 
 residence of the Lord -Lieutenant was 2 Jeffrey, first Lord Amherst (1716- 
 
 designed, among other things, to take 1 797"),had commanded with brilliant suc- 
 
 t he control of Irish business out of the cess in America during the years 1 75S— 
 
 hands of the Lords Justices who had 1762. He wasat this time the non-resi- 
 
 hitherto conducted the government. dent Governor of the colony of Virginia. 
 
 Chatham proposed also to limit the 3 For a description of Irish politics 
 
 duration of the Irish Parliaments, which and Irish statesmen at this period, see 
 
 had hitherto lasted the king's life unless Fitzmaurice, Life of Slielbume, vol. ii. 
 
 sooner dissolved by an exercise of pre- PP-93 _I1 7-
 
 I58 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 some of them, as was thought, not the most disinterested. 
 Through the medium of these men he viewed the various 
 proposals offered, or rather pressed on him. The first point 
 his lordship was anxious to carry, was the appointment of 
 a Chancellor from the Irish Bar. I believe, that I was not at 
 first aware of the objections, or leaned perhaps too strongly 
 to gratify Lord Townshend in his wishes ; as I might also in 
 my letter to Lord Camden, though my determination was, not 
 to proceed in it without the concurrence of the Lord Chan- 
 cellor, to whom, at Bath, I transmitted Lord Townshend's 
 long letters and papers, and from whom I received in return 
 the well considered letters, which follow. 
 
 Bath, Sep r . 27 th , 1767. 
 My dear Lord Duke, 
 
 I have since the receipt of your Grace's letter turned my thoughts 
 upon the subject of it, with the most serious attention ; and am displeased 
 with myself for not agreeing altogether with your Grace in conferring the 
 Irish Seal upon an Irishman. I will readily confess, that I am not a 
 competent judge of this question, for want of knowing the true state of 
 that country ; the manner in which it has been governed of late years, 
 the power and influence of the several connexions, and above all, the 
 importance of the Irish Barr in the House of Commons there : and 
 therefore it is very likely that your Grace may be much better enabled 
 than myself, to form a true judgment upon the utility and policy of com- 
 plimenting the Irish, with the high office. Your Grace, however, has 
 a right to my poor opinion, such as it is; and indeed, my lord, I am 
 very loth to give up to the unreasonable demands of two or three 
 barristers (however eminent) the last, as well as most important law 
 office in that kingdom, which England hitherto has thought fit to reserve 
 to herself. All the chiefs upon each bench were formerly named from 
 hence : the Irish have acquired the King's Bench ; and the last Lord 
 Lieutenant for the first time made them a present of the chief baron ; 
 and there has not for many years been an instance of a puisne judge 
 sent from this country : I believe Baron Mounteney was the last 1 . 
 
 Thus, by degrees, has this country surrendered up all the great offices 
 of the law, except only the Common Pleas, and the Great Seal ; and 
 I much doubt, whether this country acquired any advantage by all these 
 concessions. 
 
 In the last Session, Mr. Flood 2 moved a general censure upon the 
 
 1 He was appointed in 1 741. 2 Henry Flood (1732-1791) entered
 
 CH. iv] IRELAND 159 
 
 characters and capacity of the judges sent from England, with a view, no 
 doubt, of inflaming the people against all these nominations, in hopes of 
 extending their encroachments to a total exclusion of the English from 
 the Irish bench : and now, such is the danger of precedent, they threaten 
 general opposition, for so I understand from Lord Clare 1 , if this favour is 
 refused and your Grace seems to think it will be an affront upon the 
 Great Council there. 
 
 Jocelyn and Bowes, though both Englishmen, are honored with the 
 appellation of Irish for the present purpose, and are cited as precedents 
 in their favour 2 . 
 
 I am very apprehensive, that if your Grace should indulge now the 
 Irish in this demand (for I can call it by no other name) the precedent 
 will bind England for ever : for national favours once conferred, can 
 never be resumed. Ireland has reason enough to be discontented with 
 the mother country : the popular party are sure to distress the Castle to 
 some degree every Session, and the method has been hitherto to win 
 over the leaders in the House of Commons by places, pensions, and 
 honors, which has enabled the Lord Lieu*, for the time being, to close 
 his particular Session with ease to himself : at the same time that it has 
 ruined the king's affairs, and enraged the people. The next successor is 
 involved in the same difficulties, and his convenience has been com- 
 plimented with the like measures, till, at last, by this profusion of 
 rewards, the Government has nothing to give ; and is left beggared, and 
 consequently unsupported. In such a state of things, would your Grace 
 wish to pursue this plan, and grant now, before the opening of Session, 
 the highest post in the law to one member only of the H. of Commons 
 (for only one can have it) whose removal afterwards to make room for an 
 Englishman (let his behavior be ever so obnoxious) would be a most 
 odious and unpopular measure in that country ? An Englishman in the 
 office is expected to remain an Englishman, and is permitted : an Irish- 
 man anglicized would never be endured.— Indeed, my lord, the very 
 yielding, in my humble opinion, would be a weakening of Government, 
 and be more pernicious, than the most troublesome Session. 
 
 I am truly sensible of Lord Townshend's embarrassments, and foresee, 
 that if he should not obtain this boon, he must expect to meet with some 
 very disagreeable struggles. But I daresay his zeal, courage, and ability 
 are equal to the whole ; and, I am sure, he will chearfully undertake 
 
 the Irish Parliament in 1759 where he but made no great figure there, 
 was for some time leader of the popular ■ Robert Nugent (1702-1788), Vis- 
 party. Acceptance of office lost him this count Clare (1766, and afterwards Earl 
 position which was occupied by Grattan Nugent, in the peerage of Ireland, 
 and never regained by Flood. He " Jocelyn was Chancellor 1 739-1 756, 
 entered the English Parliament in 1793, and Bowes 1 756-1 767.
 
 160 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 what he has accepted, though your Grace should adhere to our first 
 opinion, of keeping the Seal for the present in commission. 
 
 Your Grace takes it for granted, that no proper person can be had 
 from hence at present : S r . T. S. 1 (who was not perhaps the properest) 
 has refused, and no other person has yet been applied to. Suppose the 
 Attorney and Solicitor 2 should decline it, perhaps M r . Justice Bathurst 3 
 might accept. I am sure Mess rs . Justices Aston * or Hewitt 5 would be 
 pleased with it ; who, if not of the most shining parts, are yet good 
 lawyers, and sensible men, and I a sure of very sufficient abilities to 
 command respect from the Irish Bar : and I should not for my own part 
 have had difficulty in the nomination of either of them at this time : 
 but I submitted to the opinion of others for the Commission, thinking 
 that this expedient might be a means of carrying Lord T. through the 
 Session with more facility. 
 
 Your Grace will be pleased to consider, that the Chancellor, Chief 
 Baron, and Chief Justices, are called to the Council in Ireland, in the 
 quality of statesmen, and that the Council in that country is an assembly 
 of equal importance with either of the branches of the Legislature. If 
 the Lord Lieu*, is surrounded with Irish only, filling these offices, at that 
 board he is subject to be over-ruled in every quarter by the great chiefs 
 of the law, in which case, I doubt he must submit. 
 
 1 Sir Thomas Sewell, Master of the 
 Rolls, a lawyer and judge of con- 
 siderable reputation. 
 
 2 William de Grey, the first Lord 
 Walsingham, who succeeded Wilmot 
 as Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, 
 was Attorney-General 1766-1771. He 
 was a good lawyer and possessed an 
 extraordinary memory. Fosse, Lives of 
 the Judges, viii. 264. 
 
 Edward \Yilles,son of Sir John Willes, 
 Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, 
 was at this time Solicitor-General. 
 Mr. Fosse says that Willes would have 
 liked to accept the Chancellorship of 
 Ireland, but that Camden had promised 
 the place to Hewitt, whom Willes suc- 
 ceeded as a Judge of the King's Bench. 
 
 3 Henry Bathurst, 17 14-1794, after- 
 wards Lord Apsley and second Earl 
 Bathurst, was at this time a Judge of 
 the King's Bench. He was a Com- 
 missioner of the Great Seal in 1770, 
 and became Lord Chancellor in 1 771 
 
 as Lord Apsley. He succeeded to the 
 earldom of Bathurst in 1775, and re- 
 signed the office of Chancellor in 1778. 
 He was afterwards President of the 
 Council 1779-1782. 
 
 4 Richard Aston had been Chief 
 Justice of the Common Pleas in Ireland 
 1 739-1 765, when he was removed to 
 the King's Bench in England. He was 
 Commissioner of the Great Seal with 
 Bathurst and Smythe, J. J., in 1770. 
 He is described as a good lawyer, with 
 a rude and overbearing manner. Fosse, 
 Lives of the Judges, viii. 237. 
 
 5 James Hewitt, afterwards Lord 
 Lifford, was at this time a Judge of the 
 King's Bench. He had been a tedious 
 speaker in the House of Commons, br.t 
 his Whig principles commended them- 
 selves to Camden, whose promise to 
 him of the Irish Great Seal, if, as alleged 
 by Fosse, it had been already made, 
 throws some light on the correspon- 
 dence.
 
 ch. iv] IRELAND l6l 
 
 But, if your Grace should at last be determined to name an Irishman, 
 you will please to consider, whether S r . A. Malone 1 is not clearly the 
 properest person. He has not indeed applied for it : but, I understand 
 he would be happy with the offer : and such is the deference to his 
 superior character, that every one of those gentlemen, who have applied, 
 have put themselves only in the second place after him. So that, if your 
 Grace is resolved upon an Irishman — ' Detur dignissimo ! ' Let it carry 
 with it a mark of publick spirit, at the same time that it is a management 
 of parties. I know your Grace will forgive my frankness : this is my 
 present opinion, though I shall most willingly submit to a contrary 
 determination, and when your Grace has done it, shall say in public 
 that it is well done : indeed, I shall go near to think so, because, I am 
 sure the decision will be taken by those who understand Ireland better 
 than I do. 
 
 I presume your Grace has asked Lord Northington's opinion upon 
 this subject ; that will have great weight with me, as well as your Grace. 
 He used to think as I do, as did Lord Chatham, but different circum- 
 stances may well bring about a change of opinion. 
 
 I know your Grace will be anxious to hear some news of Lord 
 Chatham : if I had been able to have given you any authentic intelligence 
 of his amendment to any considerable degree, I should have wrote 
 before. The whole country in his neighborhood report him much 
 better, but his knocker is tied up, and he is inaccessible. I read a letter 
 from Lady Chatham yesterday, who is so fearful of owning my lord to 
 be better, that she retracts it, even while she is admitting it in the same 
 sentence, and conveys hopes of his recovery while she forbids them. 
 I verily believe he is considerably mended. 
 
 I propose to be in town on Wednesday morning the 7 th of next month, 
 to prorogue the Parliament at 1 1 o'clock in the morning : if your Grace 
 will be so good as to order the proper preparations— to go to Court— to 
 swear in Lord North 2 and set out immediately for my return ; I hope 
 this will be permitted. 
 
 I have the honor to be, with the most perfect respect and esteem, 
 your Grace's 
 
 Most obedient faithful serv*. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 1 Antony Malone, 1 700-1 776, had Commons and not in the Irish Privy 
 
 been Prime Serjeant 1 740-1 750, and Council (Lecky, Hist, of England, iv. 
 
 Chnncellor of the Exchequer 1757- 359). 
 
 1761. He was dismissed from this 2 On September 10 Lord North had 
 latter office because he had supported accepted the Chancellorship of the Ex- 
 the contention that Irish money bills chequer in succession to Charles Towns- 
 should originate in the Irish House of hend, who died on the 4th. 
 
 M
 
 162 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 Secret— Bath. 
 My dear Lord Duke, 
 
 Since I had the honor of writing last to your Grace, I have had 
 
 a conversation with Lord Frederick Campbell ', a letter from Lord 
 
 Townshend, and have seen some papers drawn up by M r . Tisdale 2 , all 
 
 concerning the seals, and find to my great concern that this business 
 
 calls for an immediate decision, for as I understand, the Commission is 
 
 called a grievance, and will be followed by addresses, and M r . Tisdale 
 
 is of opinion that this office belongs of right to the Irish and ought not 
 
 to be withheld from them, and what is still more decisive, that there is 
 
 not a lawyer in England duly qualified to execute the office. It seems 
 
 odd enough that his Lordship should rely upon this occasion for advice 
 
 upon a gentleman, who is a principal candidate for the office. But, so 
 
 it is, and Lord Townshend is so overcome by his arguments, as to 
 
 adopt all his ideas, and to press the business with as much warmth as 
 
 M r . Tisdale himself. 
 
 My lord informs me further, that your Grace is brought over, and 
 Lord Townshend assures me, that M r . Conway is of the same way of 
 thinking ; and most probably Lord Shelburne, from his connexion with 
 Ireland, will agree. 
 
 Now, my dear lord, I take it for granted, that M r . Tisdale knows all 
 this, and that the only difficulty remains with me. In this state of the 
 business, it is no longer a subject of deliberation, but is in truth decided ; 
 for my single resistance must not stop a proceeding agreed to by the 
 majority of the Cabinet : and indeed it is too much for me to contend 
 against the whole kingdom of Ireland, with the Lord Lieu*, at their head, 
 unless your Grace was of the same opinion with me. 
 
 But, if this thing is to be done, I wish it may be done handsomely, with 
 a proper respect and complaisance for the Irish Bar : and though it is 
 manifestly extorted, let it seem at least not to proceed from a conviction of 
 its being right, but to be bestowed, as a royal favour ; and give me leave 
 to repeat again my wish, that S r . A. Malone may be the man. M r . Tis- 
 dale's age, giving a probability of a speedy vacancy, in my opinion is of 
 no consideration, seeing, that after England has once yielded the point, 
 she can never reclaim it, especially, as it has been given up upon a struggle. 
 
 My dear lord, the present state of Ireland fills my mind with anxiety. 
 The Privy Council is so numerous, that the Lord Lieu*, cannot command 
 it, and they are as mutinous as the H. of Commons. This board, the 
 guardian and enforcer of Poynings' Law, and the Lord Lieu*' 8 , body guard 
 is surrendered up to the Irish, and Poynings' Law virtually repealed. 
 
 1 Fourth son of John Duke of 2 Attorney-General for Ireland, for 
 
 Argyll, and M.P. for Glasgow. He thirty years M.P. for Dublin Univer- 
 was now secretary to Lord Townshend. sity.
 
 CH. iv] IRELAND 163 
 
 The king's influence and all the rewards of Government alienate to men, 
 who being first rendered independent, immediately turn ungrateful ; and 
 turn the Crown's battery against itself : and now at last the highest office 
 of the law (the rest having been given up before) is torn away from 
 Government by violence. For, I do assure your Grace, that M r . Tisdale's 
 papers breathe nothing less than defiance and opposition. In this state 
 of things, the Lord Lieu*, is won over to be the Irish champion ; and in 
 this critical moment uses his power to force the measure by a proceeding 
 that is indeed inevitable. 
 
 He tells us in his letter, that this measure is the very criterion of an 
 odious, or a popular Administration, that, if it is not granted, it will be 
 a proof of his own insignificance, and that it will be safest for him to 
 confess it to all mankind. He then descants on his own merit in 
 accepting this office at such a time, and upon so short warning, as if 
 it had been forced upon him against his will, and concludes with saying, 
 that he leaves his letter with me, as a justification of his conduct, in case 
 such events should follow as he has reason to expect. 
 
 When such language is used, there are but two things to be done ; 
 to quarrel, or to submit. The first being at this time to the last degree 
 imprudent and dangerous, which his lordship well knows, makes the 
 latter necessary ; and therefore if there was no more in the business, but 
 this consideration, I should resolve at once to acquiesce. But what 
 makes me submit with more chearfulness, is your Grace's opinion, 
 founded I am persuaded upon a full and attentive reflection of the diffi- 
 culties, that would otherwise attend the Lord Lieu*' 8 , government at this 
 time, when perhaps England is too weak to make a struggle on such 
 a point. I am not enough acquainted with that country to be obstinate 
 on this subject, which is more a State question, and not properly within 
 my department. 
 
 But, my dear lord, the time must come, (I wish it was come) when 
 a different plan of government must take place for that country. I am 
 apt to believe, that Lord Chatham intended now to begin it, and to 
 enable himself to contend with the powerful connexions there, proposed 
 to establish himself upon the basis of just popularity, by granting the 
 four favorite Bills 1 . This intended scheme has got wind, and the Irish 
 grand juries begin to form all their addresses for the Septennial Bill, &c. 
 What will Lord T. do with these favorite Bills? Are they to be resisted ? 
 I am afraid the Irish will think they have taken the Great Seal by storm, 
 and will be apt to try the Lord Lieu" 8 , metal by other attempts in the 
 same way. How, if his lordship should give way and tell the king's 
 
 1 These were a Hal eas Corpus bill, grant of pensions, and to limit the ilura- 
 and Lills to make the judges immovable tion of Parliament. 
 at the royal pleasure, to restrain the 
 
 M 2
 
 164 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 servants here, that, if his advice is not followed, he will declare his 
 insignificance to the whole world! Or, if on the other hand, he is 
 disposed to a firm refusal, what will become of his popularity ? He that 
 begins by yielding, will find it difficult to change his mode of proceeding. 
 
 These my remarks upon the Lord Lieu 1 ' 8 , conduct are intrusted only 
 to your Grace, and will, I am sure, be safely lodged in your breast. 
 How just they are, you will judge, when I shew you his lordship's letter. 
 In the mean time, if your Grace pleases, my language shall be, that 
 altho' I wished very much, that a Chancellor might be sent from England, 
 yet, since I find by the united opinions of those who understand that 
 country, better than I do, that it would be too hazardous at this time, to 
 disappoint the expectations of so many powerful persons there, I submit 
 myself to better judgments. I take it for granted, that your Grace has 
 consulted Lord President, and I hope he will concur; for, though there 
 may be difference of opinions amongst us, as there must be sometimes, if 
 we are honest men, yet our actions ought to be united. 
 
 I have the honor to be, with the most perfect esteem and regard, your 
 
 Grace's most obed 1 . 
 
 Faithful servant, 
 
 Camden. 
 Sep T . 29 th , 1767. 
 
 N.B. This letter of Lord Camden's of Sep r . 29 th 1767 must 
 not appear during the life of Lord Townshend ; after this, it 
 cannot be prejudicial to any person. The subject gave rise to 
 a curious discussion : and I can see no reason for suppressing 
 afterwards, observations which do credit to the head and 
 heart of Lord Camden, tho' communicated under injunctions 
 of secrecy at the time. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I find by your Grace's letter, and one I received at the same time 
 from Lord Shelburne, that I am called upon to name a person for the 
 Irish Seal. — He must be eminent, and one who at this ticklish juncture 
 would be every way fit for the office. I doubt it will be too much for me 
 in such a dearth of men, willing to accept, to recommend one who will 
 answer that description, nor dare I undertake it without the sanction of 
 a Cabinet. The whole business is indeed a State question, and does not 
 properly fall within my department : and I presume, when I left London 
 that the nomination of a fit person would be the discussion of another 
 Council. This consideration does in reality make part of the general 
 question, and may of itself decide it ; for, if no such person can be found 
 here, the Irish must have their Chancellor, 'ex necessitate' ; and I am
 
 CH. iv] IRELAND 165 
 
 persuaded at last it will end there, as I had the honor to tell your Grace 
 in a former letter. 
 
 Mr. Justice Bathurst seems, in your Grace's judgment, not to be 
 improper ; wherein I have the pleasure of concurring ; but I do not 
 believe, that he will ever be persuaded to undertake it. M r . Solicitor, 
 from what I have heard, will certainly refuse : in which case, I am 
 reduced to Aston and Hewitt : the first is thought unfit, especially at 
 this time ; the other though a good lawyer, and an honest man, will 
 probably be thought not of sufficient eminence, to be recommended at 
 this time. Nay perhaps it would be difficult, considering all that has 
 passed, to prevail on any body to accept it, if he knew what we all know, 
 with the unwillingness of Ireland to receive a Chancellor from hence. 
 
 I wish I could know your Grace's opinion upon the whole of this 
 business, for our Council was not meant to be conclusive till that was 
 taken. 
 
 Thus much I have ventured to say to your Grace at this distance ; 
 but, whatever be the result, it will be impossible for me to take any step 
 till I come to London, which will be next week : for, it would be very 
 imprudent upon many accounts to feel pulses, or make applications by 
 letter. 
 
 I am sorry, that it does not suit your Grace, to give the little office 
 
 I applied for to my friend : but the answer is a fair one : your Grace's 
 
 servants have a right to be preferred to mine ; but, as you have so much 
 
 to give, and I so little, give me leave to trouble you, on some future 
 
 occasion, when it shall not be inconvenient, in favour of M 1 '. Greenland. 
 
 I have the honor to be, &c. &c. 
 
 Camden. 
 Bath, 0a T . 20 th , 1767. 
 
 Lord Northington's opinion concurred so fully with Lord 
 Camden's on the disposal of the Great Seal of Ireland, that 
 the Cabinet was persuaded not to give way to Lord Towns- 
 hend's reasoning in favor of an Irish lawyer's holding it: and 
 I am persuaded that our firmness gave more real considera- 
 tion to his lordship's situation, and dignity and weight to his 
 Government, than any yielding of his own would have 
 effected. 
 
 Before Parliament met, M r . Serj'. Hewitt accepted the 
 Seal, with every good disposition to discharge properly the 
 great trust put into his hands : and his learning as a lawyer 
 sanctioned our expectations from the appointment. He was 
 a true Whig : and bore a character to which all parties gave
 
 l66 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 their assent and respect ; and though his speeches in Parlia- 
 ment were long and without eloquence, they were replete with 
 excellent matter and knowledge of the law. His conduct in 
 Ireland, under the peerage of Lifford, soon gained the esteem 
 of the public. 
 
 The rapid illness and unexpected death of M r . Cha s . 
 Townshend, who, seized with an inflammation in his bowels, 
 died in the first days of September, distressed us much ; as 
 the filling properly up so great a chasm in our body was of 
 the utmost importance. 
 
 After the experience His Majesty had of Lord North's 
 disposition when he declined, in the last winter, the offer of 
 the office from Lord Chatham, it appeared to be hopeless to 
 apply to him now ; though all our friends wished his lordship 
 to be successor to M r . Townshend. However, His Majesty 
 laid his commands on me to write directly to Lord North, 
 offering him the seal of Chancellor of the Exchequer : the 
 choice of this nobleman was particularly satisfactory to me, as 
 I knew him to be a man of strict honor : and he was besides 
 the person whom Lord Chatham desired to bring to that very 
 post. What follows is his lordship's first answer to my letter, 
 of which I conclude I took no copy, as I do not find any. 
 
 Wroxton, Sep r . 6 th . 
 My Lord, 
 
 I have just received your Grace's letter, and am much shocked at 
 
 the news it brings. I am greatly honored by the proposition your Grace 
 
 makes to me, but it is too important a subject for me to be able to give 
 
 an immediate answer to it. That, you will be so good as to permit me to 
 
 defer, till I have the honor of seeing your Grace in London, which 
 
 I hope to have, at the time appointed in your letter. 
 
 I am, my lord, your Grace's 
 
 Most obliged and faithful humble serv*. 
 
 North. 
 
 Lord North came up to London according to his intention, 
 had a very gracious audience of His Majesty, was afterwards 
 with me to state his reasons for declining the office, and set 
 out directly to re-join his father at Wroxton. The seals 
 cannot be kept vacant many hours : and in a hurrying
 
 ch. iv] LORD NORTH 167 
 
 moment, I offered them with the king's leave to Lord Barring- 
 ton. His lordship accepted the offer, through duty and 
 gratitude, to His Majesty, and expressed his hopes, that it 
 would be only a temporary appointment, untill His Majesty 
 could consider where better to place them. Those who 
 knew the amiable temper of this honorable person will not be 
 surprized at this instance of an accommodating conduct in his 
 lordship. Having, as I thought, fixed a Chancellor of the 
 Exchequer, I set forward with M r . Bradshaw for Euston, 
 where I wanted to spend a few days, but was overtaken at 
 Woodford by a messenger, who delivered the following letter 
 from Lord North, which I shall transcribe; 
 
 Wroxton, Sep r . 10 th , 1767. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 I am just arrived here, full of the warmest sense of gratitude to His 
 Majesty, and your Grace, but very uneasy for fear that my refusal of the 
 honorable offer lately made to me, should have given offence, or appeared 
 to proceed from want of zeal to His Majesty, or regard for his present 
 ministers. 
 
 Your Grace will do me the justice to believe, that I am incapable of 
 saying what I do not sincerely mean, and I do assure you, that in any 
 situation, I shall be always ready to give all the assistance to Government 
 in my power. 
 
 Upon my return here, I find Lord Guilford astonishingly recovered \ 
 
 the cause of his illness removed, and the whole family in spirits. Mine 
 
 are so much raised by it, that, if you continue to find any real difficulty 
 
 in disposing of the seals, I shall be ready to obey any call from His 
 
 Majesty, or your Grace, tho' I own, I am better pleased to serve on in 
 
 my present office. I am, my lord, with the highest respect and gratitude, 
 
 your Grace's most obliged and 
 
 Faithful servant, 
 
 North. 
 
 This alteration of mind in Lord North, was received by me 
 with much satisfaction, convinced, as I was, that I should 
 have in him an able assistant both at the Board, and in 
 Parliament. We turned back a little way to the house of an 
 acquaintance, who furnished us with every thing necessary 
 for writing. The messenger was soon dispatched back with 
 
 1 Lord Guildford was born in 1704, and survived till 1790.
 
 l68 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 letters to the king, Lords Barrington and North ; and we 
 proceeded on our journey. 
 
 Lord Barrington was happy to remain in the office * which 
 he worthily filled ; and the accession of Lord North, as Chan- 
 cellor of the Exchequer, brought great consideration to the 
 Administration. At that particular point of time, there was 
 much to encourage, and little to alarm any honest man, 
 entering into a ministerial situation. It would be idle to 
 expect that any nation can long be free from various ills ; 
 especially a country, like ours, spreading its government into 
 so many remote branches. Yet, on the whole, the moment 
 must be acknowledged to have been favorable. 
 
 What was then passing in Poland and between Russia and 
 the Porte, were undoubtedly important events, and were 
 neither overlooked nor unlamented by the British Cabinet : 
 but the distant situations of these countries, rendered all 
 active interference on our parts, except by our good offices, 
 preposterous, but we were not prevented however from 
 interesting ourselves in the warmest manner, where we might 
 with propriety, in the cause of the dissidents 2 , and His 
 Majesty was equally desirous that his wishes in their favor, 
 might be conveyed directly to the King of Poland. 
 
 The Due de Choiseul and the French nobility would 
 willingly have entered (I have no doubt) into a war, impatient 
 to retrieve the honor and credit of their arms, which had been 
 so frequently tarnished in the late war, both by sea and land. 
 But the abhorrence, which Louis 15 th had of war, was not 
 to be overcome by the ambitious views of his minister. Our 
 policy, however, was constantly to have a fleet in forwardness 
 equal to what both houses of Bourbon could bring forth. 
 
 From America we had as yet received no account of the 
 good effect of the Act passed for inforcing the quartering the 
 troops in New York, nor of the ill-humour expressed by some 
 
 1 Lord Barrington was Secretary at were excluded from office and political 
 War. rights. The grievances of the dissidents 
 
 2 The dissidents were members of the furnished an excuse for the interference 
 Protestant and Greek Churches who of Russia.
 
 CH. iv] TROUBLES AT HOME AND ABROAD 169 
 
 of the colonies on the absurd taxes of the last Session. At 
 Boston it produced violent resolutions, inviting to adopt 
 a system of non-importation. 
 
 The principal grievance attendant on this moment was the 
 great distress felt especially by the poorer sort, from the high 
 price of all provisions, and particularly corn. Several 
 successive bad crops and harvests were the real cause: and, 
 I believe, that every thing was done by the Legislature that 
 could be thought of for their effectual relief : though I was 
 not forward in taking up the visionary projects which were 
 often started in Parliament, whose interference in these 
 matters is too often attended with pernicious consequences. 
 
 Shall I say, that all was prosperous in India, while I am 
 persuaded that I trace the germs of our interior luxury and 
 profligacy of manners, with a great share of our present 
 corruptions, in various ways, to our fatal connexions with that 
 country? It is true; the English arms flourished, and did 
 conquer : but, the hearts of Englishmen, were each day 
 further reconciled to every act of oppression, extortion, and 
 cruelty. Even to this day, I cannot bring myself fairly to 
 rejoice, when I hear the account of a splendid victory, gained 
 over some country power, which probably might have become, 
 by good management, an ally : because it brings to my 
 thoughts all the evil, which, I conceive, India, has brought to 
 this country 1 . 
 
 It was at the end of August that I received from Lady 
 Chatham the following letter, with Lord Chatham's request, 
 who continued to be oppressed by his most afflicting dis- 
 orders. 
 
 North End, Friday, August 28 th , 1767 3 . 
 My Lord, 
 
 The interest your Grace is so good to take in Lord Chatham's health, 
 makes me trust, that you will excuse my giving your Grace the trouble 
 of these few lines, to say, that he continuing extremely ill, Doctor 
 
 1 There is an anti-Imperial tone about a This letter is printed in the Chatham 
 
 these ieflections which makes them come Correspondence (ii. 282), hut is dated 
 strangely from a follower of Chatham. ' September — ,'apparently by the editor.
 
 170 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 Addington is of opinion, that an immediate change of air, and a journey 
 are indispensibly necessary. His state of weakness being such, that he 
 is totally unable to write himself, he hopes your Grace will allow him in 
 this manner to take the liberty of begging your Grace, to lay him with all 
 duty at the king's feet, with his humble request, that His Majesty will 
 be graciously pleased to permit him to go for some time into Somerset- 
 shire in hopes of his recovery. 
 
 Lord Chatham and I have enough experienced your Grace's goodness, 
 to relie you will pardon this trouble, 
 
 I am, my lord, 
 Your Grace's most obed*. humble serv*. 
 
 H. Chatham. 
 
 No time was lost in laying the letter and request before 
 the king, by whom I was commanded particularly to express 
 His Majesty's concern to find that Lord Chatham's disorder 
 was so afflicting, as to render it necessary for him to remove 
 to so great distance ; that His Majesty earnestly hoped, that 
 it would be of effectual service to his health, for the recovery 
 of which he should eagerly look, anxiously expecting that 
 moment, when he could again be assisted by his councils 1 . 
 
 A very few days after this application of Lord Chatham's 
 to the king, through me, M r . Cha s . Townshend died at Sud- 
 brook, his villa near London. 
 
 Lord Shelburne, with the leading members of the Cabinet 
 were much busied, about this time, in framing the best bill 
 they could point out, to be offered to Parliament, for 
 meliorating and settling the civil and ecclesiastical constitution 
 of Canada : and I am glad to be able to transcribe a letter 
 from the Lord President on a business full of difficulty. 
 
 9 th August, 1767. 
 Grainge. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 My eyes would not permit me to write to your Grace by the last 
 post, as I intended, with respect to the affairs of the Canada Legislation 
 [sic] ; and to inform you fully of my idea on that business. I must first 
 premise, that the formation of any plan of that kind can never commence 
 nor proceed through the office, that I now enjoy, in whatever hands it 
 
 1 The letter of which the substance is given here is printed in the Chatham 
 Correspondence, iii. 283.
 
 CH. iv] THE OPPOSITION 171 
 
 shall be placed : because the Council cannot correspond with any of the 
 king's officers there, to know the true state of that country, which 
 correspondence alone resides in the Secretary of State. When such 
 information is acquired by him, I am of opinion that, before a plan can 
 be formed, which must necessarily have the sanction of Parliament, it is 
 necessary to have the full sense of the king's servants upon that subject, 
 that the measures may have the general support of Government ; and not 
 be thrown, as they were last year upon one person, not in the least 
 responsible for them. When every information is obtained, I am certain 
 your Grace's penetration anticipates the difficulties to be encountered, 
 not only from the civil constitution of that province, composed of French 
 received under a capitulation, incorporated with English intitled to a 
 Legislature at some time, and who have been encouraged to call for it, 
 by the proclamation, the King's commission, and other excitements. To 
 this, as great a difficulty succeeds, with regard to a Popish hierarchy, 
 and of course a Protestant one ; both of which are in my opinion delicate 
 subjects : loads too heavy to be sustained by any strength, less than that 
 of a concurring Administration. I have all along been of this opinion in 
 different Administrations, and have been willing to lend my aid to this 
 difficult task. 
 
 I hope to be able to be in London in about ten days, though I am very 
 indifferent still. 
 
 Your Grace has heard the Receiver is dead : I hope my recommenda- 
 tion may take place, or my credit will be very low here. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. &c. 
 
 NORTHINGTON. 
 
 I am not aware that any particular occurrence, previous to 
 the meeting of Parliament, is omitted, which should have been 
 introduced into this memoir. On account of its being the 
 last Session, the Houses were convened in November, in 
 order, that the business might be carried sufficiently forward 
 to allow the Parliament to be dissolved in suitable time for 
 the election of a new one. 
 
 Without being able to make out a case on which the 
 jarring opinions of the Rockinghams, Bedfords and Grenvilles 
 could well agree, the Opposition Was earnest to find one out at 
 all events. The Duke of Bedford's friends were evidently the 
 most impatient, under an exclusion of office ; and perhaps 
 one may also say, that they were less embarrassed with 
 scruples, on the head of measures, than the other parties, with
 
 172 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 whom they were acting. Lord Weymouth went so far as to 
 move the House for a day in January to be fixed, to go into 
 a Committee on the state of the nation. The nature of 
 Lord Weymouth's motion surprized us ; as we could not 
 conceive any ground his lordship could stand on, where he 
 could have the voice of the public with him, for, except the 
 scarcity of corn, there was no grievance. However before 
 the recess for Christmas took place, the friends of the Duke 
 of Bedford, through the channel of Lord Ossory, opened to 
 M r . Meynell, an intimate and most esteemed friend of mine 
 and member for Stafford, their desire to enter into negociation 
 with me, in order to be received on reasonable terms into the 
 Administration : that two seats at the Cabinet were all they 
 did, or would expect, and that the Duke of Bedford desired 
 to give his full support, without holding any office. As to 
 any other favors, or situations for their friends, these were to 
 be discussed at a meeting for such purposes. My answer 
 was, that it would be very satisfactory to me, if we could 
 make such a junction ; and that I should request the king's 
 permission to hear what they would propose. In con- 
 sequence of these messages, through M r . Meynell verbally, 
 it was settled that Lord Weymouth and Lord Ossory, 
 M r . Meynell and myself should meet at this gentleman's 
 house, as if by accident in our walks. But I must observe, 
 that the mystery attached to the meeting was not derived 
 from any caution to be attended to on our side. 
 
 There were circumstances at this time, which contributed 
 much to facilitate this arrangement. Lord Northington had 
 for some time past signified his desire to retire from office, on 
 account of his increasing infirmities : and General Conway 
 likewise was uneasy that no means were yet found to allow 
 his return to the service ; [where] the post of Lieu 1 . General 
 of the Ordnance, being preferred by him, to that of Secretary 
 of State. 
 
 At the meeting for negociation, it was evident, that the two 
 lords came with great disposition, at least, if not determina- 
 tion to acquiesce in what might be reasonably proposed.
 
 ch. iv] THE BEDFORD PARTY 173 
 
 Indeed, the principal points had already been understood ; 
 and, though, I doubt not, they might have been beaten down 
 farther -in some of their expectations, I could see no dignified 
 reason or policy, in placing those, who were acceding to our 
 Ministry, in situations which their interests also did not call 
 them to maintain. Besides, the conditions, now proposed 
 and accepted, were short of those which Lord Chatham would 
 have agreed to ; either in the conference he had himself with 
 the Duke of Bedford in Dec r . 1766 1 , or in that I had with 
 Lord Gower in June 1767. 
 
 The arrangement was settled and laid before His Majesty 
 to which he agreed except in one particular. The next 
 vacant Garter was to have been given to the Duke of 
 Marlborough, on stating this to His Majesty he said that he 
 had intended in his own breast, to mark by this favor, his 
 approbation of my conduct. Thanking His Majesty for his 
 consideration of my zeal in his service, I humbly entreated 
 him to allow me to decline the honor, till a future moment, 
 as it would grieve me beyond measure, to think, that I had 
 been in the remotest manner, the cause of setting aside an 
 accession of strength, which was so much wanted, to His 
 Majesty's Government ; and especially in the House of 
 Lords. 
 
 I saw Lord Weymouth the next morning, and acquainted 
 him, that His Majesty had acquiesced in the particulars we 
 had entered into; that my colleagues had approved them, 
 and that I should be glad to hear that the D. of Bedford was 
 fully satisfied in order that I might proceed in the business ; 
 which desire produced the letter following. 
 
 Thursday night, 1 1 o'clock. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 In consequence of your Grace's wishes, I have communicated to the 
 Duke of Bedford the conversations which have passed between your 
 
 1 This seems not to be quite accurate. December, 1767, are much more liberal 
 
 If the terms demanded by the Bedford than those which the king regarded as 
 
 party are referred to [supra, p. io6«.) extravagant in 17G6. 
 it will be seen that those conceded in
 
 174 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 Grace and me ; and can now inform you, that the Duke of Bedford and 
 the rest of our friends have consented to them. I think it very unneces- 
 sary in this note, to recapitulate what the tenns agreed on are, as I am 
 perfectly satisfied, that there can be no misunderstanding between your 
 Grace and me on that head. I take this earliest opportunity of acquainting 
 your Grace with this matter, as you desired, that you may take the steps 
 to-morroAv, which you may think necessary. 
 
 I have the honor to be, &c. &c. 
 
 Weymouth. 
 
 LETTERS, 1767 
 
 Some Data on the present state of men &cet. with a sketch 
 of a joint letter to Lord Chatham from L d . President 
 and the D. of G\_raftoii\ 1 . 
 
 Supposing — 
 
 1. The impossibility of carrying on L d . Chatham's Ad mn . 
 
 2. The D. of Grafton not being willing or averse to be minister. 
 
 3. The K. wisheth to have the Session fought out in order as it is said 
 not to be taken captive. 
 
 4. Then the D. of G. stands minister during the Inter P*. to act on 
 a iooo d events — upon w ch he will not open the P'. as minister. 
 
 5. The D. of Gr. no resort but to form an Adm n of the E. of B. or to be 
 negotiating between that and R. — the or parties absolute — and my op: 
 R. will not coalite with B. 2 
 
 6. The op n of Court was to have supported L d . Ch. and present Ministry 
 but is now to try the B. 3 faction w ch is to me impossible of success. 
 
 7 1 y. Ld. Ch. hath joined with E. Bute 4 on supposition of his being the 
 root may be true) but he is afraid to meet it. 
 
 1 These data and the letter which Bedford parties, 
 follows are in Lord Northington's hand- 3 Bedford. 
 
 writing, are very sketchy, and not very 4 The introduction of Bute's name to 
 
 legible. practical politics suggests that they who 
 
 2 This enigmatical paragraph may be believed in the continuance of his in- 
 interpreted to suggest an alternative fluence were right. At any rate, Chat- 
 between a Ministry resting on Bute and ham's Ministry now consisted of a few 
 the king's friends, and a Ministry resting personal admirers and a number of office 
 on a coalition of the Rockingham and seekers and of king's friends.
 
 ch. iv] LETTERS, 1767 175 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 The present situation of the king's affairs relative to Adm n . having 
 been so untoward from the want of y r . 1p s . great support and influence ; 
 from the unfortunate situation of y r . 1p 8 . health, on whose weight and 
 abilities the whole was rested ab initio ; and now being come to the 
 last chrisis, and essential for the king's immediate consideration, is the 
 occasion of this trouble. Y r . 1p 9 . Ministry have during the whole Sess n . 
 been none — Conway, Townsend the only efficient men in the House of 
 Commons perpetually opposite to y*. 1p s . desires and of the majority of 
 sentiments of the Cabinet. The divisions in the Lords, in part by force 
 of faction are prevalent and ascendant, the last division being carried by 
 a maj'y. of 3, 2 of wch were the K's. brothers. In this state of affairs our 
 respect for y r . 1p. confirmed by our general support of you in y r . absence 
 makes it essential to ask whether you have in y r . extraordinary abilities 
 any measures to suggest for bettering these matters and in support of y r . 
 own Adm n . If not, all our powers and faculties having been tried, tho 
 destitute of councel, we think our hon r . requires us to inform the king, 
 that we have not a possibility of serving His Maj'y. with effect hon r . or 
 justice to him or the public 1 . 
 
 Lord Northington to the Duke of Grafton 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I was this morning at Court and had the honor of speaking to H. M. 
 at the Drawing Room, but as he had no commands for me and several 
 persons of Ministry going in, I did not trouble the Closet. But I thought 
 it fit to signify to your Grace, that I am convinced from circumstances 
 that it is wished by many to pause till after the Session is up. And 
 I could perceive by the discourse of a noble neighbour of mine that the 
 thing you are enquiring after is as extensive as I thought it, and too 
 large for y r . reception. The many alluded to above are not of our friends, 
 and it being my permanent opinion that we sh d . penetrate thro' the 
 present cloud, I send this for y r . better and cooler judgment. I was 
 much surprized too to find that the noble and warm neighbor of mine, 
 did not adopt the thing in extenso, and therefore I conclude he is of the 
 politics of the many abovementioned, which tho' beyond my line to 
 fathom, I judge are not benign to y r . Grace's sentiments or mine. 
 
 The S. Sy. 2 was beginning a long account of the state of Am a . [America] 
 his having got to the mastery of it, and yesterday rec d . gen 1 , directions 
 thereon from the K. &c. &c. But in the midst of this Hurlo-thumbo they 
 were both called in, staid a long time in the Closet and I left there. 
 
 1 This is probably the rough draft of the paper of July 2, referred to supra, p. 150. 
 2 The Southern Secretary, Shelbume.
 
 176 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 Now as I am most Certain this l d . knows nothing of that business, 
 I must be persuaded it is a preparation to quit participating his 
 
 public transactions to the consideration of the co-Ministry. 
 
 My lord, the affection I bear to y r . Grace's sentiments hon r . and 
 abilities (and you know I can speak on this occasion only from truth) 
 have induced me to suggest every material circumstance relative to y r . 
 Grace's conduct in this nice and important c/trisis, and if my friendship 
 outruns my judgment I am confident that I shall not only receive your 
 pardon, but thanks, for my warmth, in endeavouring to express myself 
 
 My d r . l d . 
 
 Y r . Grace's 
 
 Most respectfull and 
 
 Obed 1 . serv*. 
 
 NORTHINGTON. 
 11 June, 1767, 
 
 London. 
 
 Thomas Bradshaw to the Duke of Grafton 
 
 Great George Street, 
 
 Thursday morning, 3 o'clock. 
 
 [14 th May, 1767.] 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 The House of Commons sat 'til one o'clock 1 , and it is with great 
 satisfaction I have the honor to acquaint your Grace, that upon a division, 
 it was carried for the proposition moved by M r . Townshend, 180 to 98. 
 
 M r . Townshend opened the business of the day with a declaration, 
 that he was not at Council when it was resolved to lay the American 
 papers before the House ; that it did not belong to him, in respect of his 
 office, to take the lead in the business, but that he opened it as a member 
 of Parliament : he stated it fairly and ably ; mentioned his duties, but 
 refer'd the consideration of them to the Committee of Ways and Means — 
 he also stated the intention of Government to establish a Board of 
 Customs in America. M r . Dowdeswell, prefer'd the mode of requiring 
 the civil magistrates to billet in private houses, if the Assembly would 
 not make provision for the troops. — M r . Edw d . Burke spoke with great 
 acrimony against Government ; treated the proposition as a mark of 
 extream imbecility ; that it threaten'd a great deal without being likely 
 to prove effectual, as the colony could do without new laws if they chose 
 it. Lord North supported the proposition, saying, that, if it was not 
 
 1 This was the great debate of May It is unreported in the Parliamentary 
 
 13, in which Townshend unfolded his History, but Walpole, Memoirs, iii. 28, 
 scheme for taxing the colonies. gives a fairly full account of it.
 
 CH. iv] LETTERS, 1767 177 
 
 unexceptionable, it was at least such a one, as seem'd most likely to 
 unite different opinions. 
 
 M r . Grenville attacked M r . Conway with great violence upon not 
 having transmitted to the colonies the resolution of the Lords ; asked, 
 by what authority he had said that Parliament were ready to forgive ; 
 animadverted upon his changing his department, and upon the alteration 
 in the powers of the Board of Trade ; talked of encouragement given 
 to the colonies in their misbehavior, and that impeachments might 
 follow the authors ; he then proposed different measures, such as, to 
 order the Treasurer of New York to pay the money ; to address the 
 king to bestow marks of favor on the persons who had suffered for their 
 good behavior and had not been compensated ; to reward the colony of 
 Barbadoes, who acted dutifully and had been unfortunate, with a grant 
 of ,£10,000 ; and to establish a test for Assembly men and officers in 
 America, by requiring them to subscribe a declaration, to the effect of 
 the declaratory Act of last year, which last measure he means to move 
 upon the report. He stated the intended duties on wine, fruit, and oyl, 
 as a subversion of the Act of Navigation under colour of a tax ; supposed 
 that M r . Townshend had been diverted by influence from other more 
 effectual taxes, and said he would propose a better tax, viz. on paper 
 currency : he also attacked very violently Lord Shelburne's letter of last 
 September to Governor Barnard T . 
 
 M r . Conway defended himself against M r . Grenville's attack ; lamented 
 his misfortune in differing from his friends, but said, he thought the 
 proposition violent, dangerous, and ineffectual, and stated the instance 
 of disobedience as a trifling one. — M r . Townshend applied himself par- 
 ticularly to answer M'". Conway ; said, that the more trifling the occasion, 
 the more marked was the spirit of disobedience ; objected to the test 
 proposed by M r . Grenville, as carrying universal imputation on all the 
 colonies, whereas part only had, in this particular, misbehaved— laughed 
 at the idea of granting public money to Barbadoes for a bare discharge 
 of their duty— disclaimed the giving up any taxes from influence; said, 
 that he had drop'd the salt, on conviction that it would not answer ; 
 that the scheme upon tea must depend on a settlement with the India 
 Company ; and, as to paper currency mentioned by M r . Grenville, he 
 had always intended, but forgot to mention it in his opening. M r . Yorke 
 spoke very much in support of M r . Grenville's arguments, and adopted 
 all his propositions. — M r . Rigby renew'd the attack upon M r . Conway 
 with great vehemence ; observed, upon his having mention'd lenient 
 measures, that M r . Conway had no business to write lenitives to America, 
 which the Parliament did not prescribe, and that it was the apothecary's 
 going beyond the doctor : he took notice of the frequent complaints of 
 
 1 See Pitzmaurice, Life of Shclbumc, ii. 27. 
 
 N
 
 178 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 a want of permanency in the Administration ; wished the gentleman 
 (M r . T.) who had stated that so strongly the other night, and whose 
 performance had as much wisdom in it as it had wit, had disclosed to the 
 House who was the former of all these short lived Administrations, and 
 what hidden influence raised, and displaced them. Sir George Saville 
 and Lord John Cavendish spoke against the proposition. — Col. Barre 
 justified Lord Shelburne ; wished the proceedings of the House to be 
 as unanimous as possible, but thought the ground bad, and that the 
 Mutiny Act was of an odious nature. 
 
 Lord Clare supported M r . T.'s proposition ; thought there was no 
 great difference between that and the others, but wished to know, for 
 which the majority would vote, that he might vote accordingly. 
 
 M r . Wedderburn 1 was very personal against M r . Conway ; denied the 
 prevalence of any hidden influence, and complained that M r . Conway 
 had opposed M 1 '. T.'s proposition, without substituting any other : this 
 occasioned M r . Conway's declaring, that M r . Townshend's was the most 
 exceptionable of all that had been made ; and that he himself was for 
 raising the money by a local tax. 
 
 The East India Committee was at first agreed to have been fixed for 
 to-morrow ; but upon M r . Dyson's mentioning the bill relating to the 
 dividend, it was agreed to be postponed to Wednesday next. Sir G. 
 Colebrooke 2 and M 1 '. Cust 3 wished it to be postponed, upon the expectation 
 of further propositions — both M r . Conway and M r . Townshend disclaim'd 
 any further negociation on the part of Government. M r . T. Townshend 
 read the papers your Grace gave him, of which the House testified their 
 entire approbation, and agreed to defer the Committee, not in considera- 
 tion of the Directors' request, but upon the single ground of the bill for 
 limiting dividends. 
 
 M r . Townshend will meet your Grace in Grosvenor Square, on Satur- 
 day evening at 8 o'clock. He asked me, if you seem'd to consider his 
 resignation as decisive of the fate of Administration — I told him I had no 
 reason to believe you did. He had seen M r . Worsley in the morning, 
 and told him of M r . Conway's intended resignation : by the channel he 
 made choice of it is easy to guess, to what place he wish'd this informa- 
 tion to be convey'd. 
 
 I beg your Grace will pardon the hurry in which I have set down these 
 particulars, at so late an hour, and with a violent head-ach. 
 
 I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, &c. 
 
 Tho s . Bradshaw. 
 
 1 Alexander Wedclerburn(i732-i8o5), 2 M.P. for Arundel, the father of the 
 
 afterwards Chancellor, Baron Lough- well-known Oriental scholar, 
 
 borough and Earl of Rosslyn, was at :I Peregrine Cust, M.P. for Bishops 
 
 this time a follower of Grenville. In Castle. 
 1 771 he became a Tory.
 
 CH. iv] LETTERS, 1767 179 
 
 Great George Street, 
 
 Saturday, 16 th May, 1767. 
 
 My Lord, 
 The House of Commons sat till near one o'clock this morning, upon 
 the report of the resolutions of Wednesday last 1 . 
 
 It was moved by Garth and Rose Fuller to recommit the first resolution, 
 upon the ground of New York's not having been guilty of a direct 
 disobedience to the Mutiny Act. The distinctions taken by them were 
 exploded by the Attorney General so effectually, that that ground of 
 recommitment was soon changed, and the debate went on, upon general 
 objections to the whole plan of the proceedings. 
 
 Upon this general ground, M r . Conway stated himself as obliged to be 
 for the recommitment : M r . Townshend opposed it firmly, and even 
 eagerly ; exposed the frivolousness of the distinctions upon which it was 
 moved, but chiefly pressed the disgrace that would attend the House, if 
 they should appear unable to persevere for two days together in the same 
 opinion, upon a matter of such importance ; observed, that want of 
 sufficient efficacy was the objection to his plan, and that nothing could 
 be so likely to render it inefficacious, as the appearance of hesitation in 
 deciding upon it. M r . Townshend spoke so ably, and with so much 
 effect, as to leave no doubt but that all who had concurr'd in the 
 resolutions, would adhere to them ; the debate, however, continued 
 some time longer. M r . Dowdeswell and Lord Rockingham's party re- 
 peated their former objections, tho' apparently with less earnestness than 
 formerly. — Sir Gilbert Elliot 2 spoke strongly against the recommitment ; 
 stated M r . Grenville's management in the Committee as calculated for the 
 purpose of uniting for a moment, upon a single question, opinions, and 
 interests, so thoroughly discordant, as to be incapable of being long kept 
 together, and advised M r . G. not to venture a recommitment, least if the 
 present propositions were laid aside, instead of a more efficacious plan, he 
 should find himself obliged to accept of a weaker one.— M r . G. proved 
 how much he felt this speech, by the acrimony with which he ansvver'd it. 
 
 M r . Stanly spoke against the recommitment, and by way of anticipation, 
 objected to M r . Grenville's scheme of the test : the question of recommit- 
 ment passed in the negative, without a division. 
 
 M r . Grenville then moved an amendment to the first resolution, by 
 stating, that some of the colonies persisted in denying the authority of 
 Parliament, as a foundation for a resolution which he was to move 
 afterwards, for establishing the test. Mr. Dyson objected to this ; as 
 altogether improper, if meant to be substituted instead of the particular 
 
 1 See vol. xxxi. p. 364 of the Commons* Governor Pownal not here alluded to. 
 
 Journals, and vol. xvi. p. 331 of the 2 M. P. for Roxburghshire : father of 
 
 Parliamentary History. There is no the first Larl of Minto. 
 record of the debate except a speech of 
 
 N 3
 
 180 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 proceeding upon the province of New York, the peculiarity of whose 
 conduct required some specific provision ; and as offered out of it's proper 
 place, if intended merely as a collateral proceeding. Some debate ensued 
 upon this, and the amendment was rejected by 150 to 51 : such of Lord 
 Rockingham's friends as stay'd, were in the majority. 
 
 The three resolutions were then agreed to. M r . Grenville moved 
 a resolution for establishing the test, which without much debate was 
 rejected by 141 to 42. He then moved an address that the king would 
 bestow marks of his favor upon such governors and officers as had suffered 
 for their loyalty &c. in America, which passed nem. con. He also 
 moved an address for favor to Barbadoes in consideration of their having 
 obey'd the Stamp Act, and of their late misfortunes. Rose Fuller laid 
 in a like claim for Jamaica, in respect of their obedience, and Lord Adam 
 Gordon for Canada ; the motion was rejected without a division. 
 
 I thought it proper to inform your Grace of these particulars, previous 
 to your meeting this evening. I beg leave to return my sincere ac- 
 knowledgments for the honor of your note, and to assure your Grace, 
 that I shall be happy in every circumstance, which marks my zeal, and 
 my respectful attachment to you. 
 
 I am assured from good authority, that the leaders of the last general 
 court, have fallen upon a new plan for carrying their point, and hope to 
 bribe Parliament into an allowance of their encreasing their dividend, by 
 an immediate offer of a large specific sum, instead of a moiety of the 
 surplus. I think it my duty to apprize your Grace of this intention, lest, 
 when the offer is made, or the view of it held out, any attempt should be 
 made to conceal from your Grace the real motive. 
 
 M r . Townshend was so warm yesterday morning upon his treatment in 
 being opposed by the Secretary of State 1 , and that the Secretary at War 2 
 went about complaining of his American proposition, that I think he will 
 mention these circumstances to your Grace to-night, and therefore I beg 
 leave to state to your Grace the grounds upon which he complains of 
 Lord Barrington. — My obligations and my affection for that lord made 
 me see him immediately, and I stated to M r . Townshend before he went 
 to the House in the presence of M r . Cooper how that matter stood. 
 
 At the meeting at M r . Townshend's, where the plan was opened and 
 everybody desired to give their opinion freely, Lord Barrington said he 
 was of opinion, that the conduct of the Assembly of New York did not 
 amount to an actual disobedience of the Mutiny Act, altho their dis- 
 position to disobey, was too evident : the day after the resolutions were 
 moved in the committee, Lord B. sitting in the House, by M r . Cooper, 
 (who was also present at the meeting at Mr. Townshend's,) told him he 
 continued of the same opinion ; Sir W. Baker came up to them and said 
 
 1 Conway. 2 Lord Barrington.
 
 ch. iv] LETTERS, 1767 181 
 
 the same thing, to which Lord B. replied, that he had been just expressing 
 the same opinion to M r . Cooper 1 . Lord Barrington notwithstanding this 
 opinion, for which he privately gives his reasons, voted with Government 
 upon every question. 
 
 I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 Your Grace's 
 
 Most humble, and most 
 Obliged servant, 
 
 Tho s . Bradshaw. 
 
 PS. — I do not recollect whether in my former letter I mentioned to 
 your Grace, that on Wednesday night General Conway, Lord Beauchamp, 
 the Walpoles, and L d . Fred Campbell were in the minority, and Mr. 
 Conway with Government. 
 
 Great George Street, 
 
 20 th Ocf. 1767. 
 
 My Lord, 
 As Lord North thinks it necessary to send a messenger to your 
 Grace, upon the subject of the distillery, I beg leave at the same time to 
 acquaint you, that I have seen M r . Calcraft 2 , who came to town to wait 
 upon your Grace, in consequence of the note I wrote him in your name. 
 He expresses great attachment to you and Lord Chatham, but considers 
 M r . Pitt's re-election as a matter, that may, unless it is properly under- 
 stood, very much affect his interest at Wareham ; that however, to show 
 his regard to your wishes, he makes the following propositions. He will 
 bring in M r . Pitt at present, provided he gives it under his hand that he 
 will not interfere at Wareham at the General Election ; he will bring in 
 any other person you recommend, and by that means make a vacancy 
 for M r . Pitt at another place ; or he submits, whether M r . Pitt may not 
 enjoy the emoluments of the place of Surveyor of the Woods, without 
 the appointment, till the end of the next session : he concluded by hoping 
 your Grace would consider this as a matter of property, in which he was 
 obliged to take care of his own interest. 
 
 The Solicitor General is returned from Taunton : he has no doubt of 
 
 his success, but thinks the contest will be expensive, if the Lords stand 
 
 their ground. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with great respect, &c. 
 
 T110 8 . Bradshaw. 
 
 1 Secretary to the Treasury. acquired a large borough influence, and 
 
 2 John Calcraft (1 726-1 772) started from 1769 to his death was an active 
 in life as a follower of Henry Pox ; purveyor of political intelligence to 
 made a fortune as an army agent ; Chatham and Temple.
 
 182 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 A List described as 
 
 ' Names taken down at the time of the negotiation, from Lords Wey- 
 mouth and Ossory as persons to be noticed at the time or as soon as 
 could be arranged.' 
 
 Lord Gower. 
 
 Weymouth. 
 Sandwich. 
 Mr. Rigby. 
 Vernon. 
 Thynne. 
 Lord Ch. Spencer. 
 Lord Bolingbroke. 
 Essex. 
 
 D. of Marlborough. 
 Mr. Brand. 
 
 Lord Eglinton.
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 THE JUNCTION WITH THE BEDFORD PARTY, 176& 
 The Cabinet was composed of the following persons, 
 
 Lord Camden . 
 Earl Gower 
 Earl of Chatham 
 Lord Shelburne "l 
 Lord Weymouth J 
 Duke of Grafton 
 Lord North 
 Lord Granby . 
 Gen 1 . Conway . 
 
 Lord Chancellor. 
 Lord President. 
 Lord Privy Seal. 
 
 Secretaries of State. 
 
 . First Commissioner of the Treasury. 
 
 . Chancellor of the Exchequer. 
 
 . Commander in Chief. 
 
 . Lieu'. Gen 1 , of Ordnance. 
 
 S r . Edw d . Hawke, K.B. . First Commissioner of the Admiralty. 
 
 It appeared to me, that for some time His Majesty observed 
 a shyness towards our new allies, as if he had not forgotten 
 the treatment he had received from their party in 1765 : and 
 the king even cautioned me against allowing their advice to 
 be too prevalent. But the engaging manners of the two 
 lords overcame by degrees all the prejudice there might have 
 been against the whole party, and their habits and principles 
 of government entitled them more to Court favor, perhaps, 
 than mine. 
 
 In the House of Lords this accession of strength was 
 essentially felt ; and damped every expectation which the 
 other parts of Opposition might have formed to have 
 embarrassed the Administration. 
 
 However Lord Weymouth lay open to an attack, which
 
 184 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1767 
 
 was not missed, and which his lordship had expected : though 
 we had been obliged to adjourn over by the Xmas Recess 
 the day, on which Lord Weymouth had moved to summon 
 the House 'to consider the state of the nation,' but, the 
 circumstance was never treated in a serious manner. 
 
 An incident happened before the close of this year 1767 
 which would not have been noticed here, had it not, in its 
 effects, occasioned very perplexing difficulties, and given much 
 uneasiness to the king's servants : but it may help to shew 
 what then was the disposition of Lord Chatham towards the 
 Ministry; for it ended in his reassumption of the Privy Seal. 
 
 Lord Botetourt, much attached to Lord Bute, and con- 
 sidered to be wholly devoted to His Majesty, (in whose bed 
 chamber he ambitioned to be placed) had embarked great 
 part of his fortune, speculating on the expectation of vast 
 profits from some great manufacturing company in the west. 
 In the process of this affair, a Caveat was entered, in the 
 Privy Seal Office, against the scheme ; and, (as far as I now 
 recollect) against incorporating the Company \ The delay of 
 the cause before the Privy Seal, Lord Botetourt stated to be 
 ruinous to his property ; and he sometimes threatened, that 
 he would bring up his complaint to shew, that the public 
 justice was impeded by the long absence of the Lord Privy 
 Seal, and that he would pray for a redress of so great a 
 grievance. With the assistance of some friends, we succeeded 
 so far, as to keep his lordship for some time tolerably calm. 
 But, after Christmas all our intreaties were of no avail : his 
 violent importunities reached Lord Chatham, and determined 
 him to desire leave to resign the Seal. 
 
 Whether Lord Chatham had conceived, or had it intimated 
 to him, that this might be a manoeuvre, contrived by those, 
 
 1 Lord Bottetort appears to have con- iii. 152, states that the patent did not, 
 templated a fraud on his creditors by in the end, pass the Commissioners of 
 incorporating a Company on such terms the Privy Seal. Lord Bottetort, as Nor- 
 as would save his private estates from borne Berkeley, had represented Glou- 
 the creditors of the Company of which cestershire. He was appointed Governor 
 he was a member. Sir Denis Le Mar- of Virginia in August of this year and 
 chant in a note to Walpole, Memoirs, died there in 1770.
 
 CH. v] THE PRIVY SEAL 185 
 
 who were styled the king's friends in order to offend him, 
 I know not: but, if ever he had a notion of the kind, it is 
 plain that he did not long retain it ; as he so readily 
 acquiesced in the expedient, which was proposed, for the 
 return of the Seal into his hands. Besides, what purpose 
 could have been answered by losing the credit of Lord 
 Chatham's name, though he was unable to assist with his 
 counsels ? And in what situation would these nominal friends 
 have placed him, where his influence could have been less 
 formidable to them? 
 
 A letter, similar to that I received from Lord Botetourt 
 and probably one as abrupt ; had occasioned Lord Chatham's 
 message to me. 
 
 I insert Lord Botetourt's to me, together with my answer. 
 
 Mv Lord, 
 
 Your Grace's fair and noble manners, entitle you to notice, that 
 
 I mean to-morrow to move the House, that a day be appointed and lords 
 
 summoned, in order to take under consideration a matter of justice, and 
 
 to declare that I shall then complain of the Earl of Chatham for delay in 
 
 his office. I have the honor to be, with the utmost respect, my lord, 
 
 Your Grace's very devoted humble ser 1 . 
 
 Botetourt. 
 Suffolk St. 
 
 Jati*. 19 th , 1768. 
 
 Grosvenor Square, 
 
 Jari v . 19 th , 1768, at night. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 Your lordship has surprized me by your letter, declaring your resolu- 
 tion to make a motion to the House of Lords, which so materially affects 
 Lord Chatham's present situation in the king's service. This step is so 
 important in every light, to your lordship, to the king, and to the publick 
 that I should hope you will not precipitate the matter so suddenly, whilst 
 most of the king's servants are as yet unacquainted with the circumstances 
 of your lordship's case, and have had no possible opportunity hitherto to 
 take it into their consideration : nor can I think your lordship would wish 
 to do so before you have received His Majesty's final answer, which has 
 not as yet been given to your lordship ; His Majesty desiring further time, 
 before he signified his opinion on the subject : and therefore I wish your 
 lordship to consider whether you can, consistent with duty to the king, 
 make this business publick before you have received that answer; too
 
 l86 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1768 
 
 important perhaps for His Majesty to choose to deliver to your lordship, 
 before he can have consulted his principal servants. 
 
 Therefore, I would entreat your lordship, to delay it for a little time, 
 that we may be able to turn it in our thoughts, in order to give your 
 lordship the best satisfaction the nature of the case will admit. 
 
 I have the honor to be &c. &c. 
 
 Grafton. 
 
 The morning following, Lord Botetourt, by a short letter, 
 promised me, that he would not utter on the subject, till he 
 saw me. 
 
 In the audience I had of His Majesty, wherein I laid before 
 him the letter I had prepared to be sent directly to Lord 
 Chatham, the king not only concurred in every part of it ; but 
 likewise told me that he should express it in a letter, which 
 he intended to write in his own hand to his lordship, on this 
 occasion. What follows is a copy of my letter, and the 
 
 answer to it. 
 
 Grosvenor Square, 
 
 Jan rv . 21 st , 1768. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 M r . James Grenville having just left me after having communicated 
 a message from your lordship, contained in an answer to a letter he had 
 wrote, without the knowledge of Lord Chancellor or of myself, it puts me 
 under the necessity of troubling your lordship with this letter. My first 
 business must be, to assure your lordship that the hopes and expectations 
 of your return to the head of affairs were never of more importance to the 
 king's service than at this moment, consequently your holding the office 
 you are in is of no less necessity. I will next add to what you owe to 
 His Majesty and the public, the right those have to claim it from your 
 lordship, who have remained in the king's service, and particularly my- 
 self, who came into, and remained in my present office solely at your 
 instigation, and who have gone through difficulties inexpressible, prompted 
 to it by my zeal for the king's service, and thinking that it might be the 
 means of furnishing again to your lordship the opening of serving your 
 king and country with the lustre you have done. After having expressed 
 the obligation, (the word is not too strong), you are really under to us 
 all, as well as the service that the king may, and does expect from your 
 lordship's recovery, I would suggest to your lordship an expedient, as 
 natural as it has been usual, to remove this difficulty, which the peculiar 
 character of the noble lord who presses his grant seems to make necessary. 
 For on one hand no persuasion has weight with him, and if threats were 
 added, he is of a temper more likely to add it to his complaint than to
 
 CH. v] THE PRIVY SEAL 187 
 
 drop from thence his resolution; on the other, I dread alike the bankruptcy 
 of the Company he is engaged in ; when, if it should happen, as certainly 
 as falsely the illnatured clamours of the world will lay their ruin to the 
 grant having been delayed and not heard before the Privy Seal. 
 
 When the Bishop of Bristol was absent long for the Peace of Utrecht 
 there was a Commission of Clerks of the Council &c. to hold the Privy 
 Seal though he enjoyed the title, and signed the treaty under the name 
 and in the full possession of his office. The same was done when the 
 Duke of Bedford went to Paris, and I am confident if the office was 
 searched, twenty other precedents if they were wanted might be found. 
 Thus, my dear lord, might this intricate matter be easily unravelled ; the 
 grant of this unreasonable lord heard by the assessors, whom these com- 
 missioners would call in, the hope of the public of seeing your lordship 
 return to the head of affairs not disappointed, the only flattering side 
 which has given me courage to surmount so many difficulties still assist- 
 ing me to persevere, and lastly His Majesty continuing to hope that he 
 may be aided by your lordship's counsel, certain to add glory to the 
 king's reign, and dignity to his government. These, my dear lord, I may 
 venture to assert from the truest knowledge, are also His Majesty's 
 wishes. They are too great for you to resist, considering from what 
 different quarters they spring, unless your own judgment can suggest any 
 more eligible expedient and such as may be capable to answer these 
 purposes. 
 
 I have the honor to be &c. &c. 
 
 Grafton. 
 
 Hayes, Friday night, 
 
 I past %,Jan rv . 22 d , 1768. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 The gout not fixing, my lord is so extremely ill and weak that he is 
 under an absolute impossibility to write ; begs your Grace will permit 
 him, under this most unfortunate circumstance to acknowledge by my 
 hand all your Grace's goodness and friendship, and in this situation, 
 being equal but to very few words, he desires to say only, with regard to 
 the Privy Seal, that, having nothing so much at heart as the king's most 
 gracious pleasure, and what is judged to be most for His Majesty's service, 
 he is all obedience with respect to the Commission, and feels in the 
 deepest manner the king's infinite goodness. He trusts the Duke of 
 Grafton is persuaded how much his Grace's wishes ever weigh with him ; 
 and hopes the conciseness of this answer to his Grace's most obliging 
 letter will be pardoned by him. 
 
 I have the honor to be 
 with the highest esteem and respect my lord, 
 
 Your Grace's most obed 1 . humble servant, 
 
 H. Chatham.
 
 l88 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1768 
 
 Thus was this business terminated, after having given many 
 of us much trouble and concern : the caveat was duly heard 
 by the commissioners and their assessors ; and the Privy Seal 
 returned to Lord Chatham through his friend Lord Camden. 
 
 This last session of the Parliament passed without much 
 struggle : but ministers were not allowed long to enjoy this 
 peaceful state. Other distressing circumstances were rising, 
 and quickly after the dissolution, made their appearance. 
 
 A beginning, however, was made, towards a better system 
 of government in Ireland ; but, it was a beginning only, and 
 ought to have been carried on further, gradually establishing, 
 by equitable laws, the comforts of society in that kingdom. 
 The Octennial Act, which now passed, paved the way ; and 
 had it been prudently followed up, might have rendered that 
 country satisfied, and happy, and seeking no longer any other 
 connexion, since the kind and considerate conduct of Britain 
 became so evident towards the sister kingdom. Thirty seven 
 years however have now elapsed ; and who will say that 
 Ireland can possibly be expected to lend its due strength to 
 the empire, till very different modes of governing that 
 country shall be allowed to take place ? 
 
 The scarcity of corn, and the high price of provisions of 
 every kind, had been continual for two years, and more : and 
 its pernicious consequences were now felt through the spirit of 
 discontent and riot which broke out in many parts of the 
 kingdom, but was most serious in and about the metropolis ; 
 notwithstanding all had been done that could be thought 
 capable of relieving the distress of the lower orders especially. 
 
 On the river, the outrages committed by the coal-heavers 
 and sailors, and against each other in formidable numbers, 
 were to a great degree alarming. Several of each body were 
 murdered by the other party. The seamen would neither 
 engage, nor suffer any ship to sail, till the merchants had 
 articled to give 35s. a month to each man, alledging, that 
 their families would be starving in their absence ; and on the 
 day of the meeting of the Parliament, they assembled in great 
 numbers in order to come down, with some appearance of
 
 CH. v] RIOTS IN LONDON 189 
 
 regularity, to petition the two Houses. At last, being advised 
 by several persons to disperse quietly, they did so, after 
 having been for some time in both palace yards. 
 
 It was extraordinary that this combination of the seamen 
 was not foreseen by the merchants, in a case wherein they 
 were so much interested : for, if the slightest information 
 had reached the Admiralty, a few frigates, and light vessels 
 brought up the river would easily have supported the civil 
 power in preventing every outrage. 
 
 The coal-heavers were clamorous for higher pay, and 
 incensed against the seamen, who would not allow a stroke 
 of work to be done by any of their people towards unlading 
 the colliers, or other ships. The trade suffered considerably 
 by these delays ; for, it was not till the month of July that 
 the sailors took fairly to their work l . 
 
 Artisans of almost every denomination also combined for 
 an advance of wages, and their discontents and disobedience 
 to the laws, led them to join often, in numbers, those mobs 
 which the consequence of the election for Middlesex frequently 
 produced. 
 
 Before I enter at all into the business of the Middlesex 
 Election, which I shall dive into no deeper than the object 
 of this memoir requires, I wish to lay all before you, that had 
 passed between M r . Wilkes and myself previously to that 
 epoch. 
 
 M r . Wilkes may have dined with me twice or thrice ; and 
 though I sometimes have met him at the Political Club, and 
 on visits to some of my friends, my acquaintance never went 
 so far as ever to be in a room alone with him, at any time. 
 
 1 For an account of these strikes, and of nine hours ; but a few days later, his 
 
 of the spirit of riot and disorder which sister, while giving a supper in honour 
 
 prevailed, see Lecky, History of Eng- of his escape, was dragged into the street 
 
 land iii. 125. and murdered. Walpole comments on 
 
 Walpole, Memoirs, iii. 219, gives a such things happening 'in a vast capital 
 
 graphic account of the siege of the house — free, ungoverned, unpoliced, and in- 
 
 of one Green, who was obnoxious to the different to everything but its pleasures, 
 
 coalheavers. Green killed eighteen of and factions.' 
 his assailants, and escaped after a siege
 
 190 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1763 
 
 In Spring 1763, returning from Newmarket, I heard that 
 M r . Wilkes was confined (a close prisoner) in the Tower, on 
 a bailable offence. The circumstance appeared to me so very 
 oppressive and unjustifiable, that I proposed to walk thither 
 the next morning in order to be fully satisfied as to the fact. 
 LordVilliers and LA Middleton 1 accompanied me: and being 
 let into the house of the Major of the Tower, we were shewn 
 the warrant of the commitment, but were refused the liberty 
 to see his prisoner ; though the major treated us with great 
 politeness. 
 
 Some of M r . Wilkes's friends applied to the Court of 
 Common Pleas for a writ of Habeas Corpus ; under which he 
 was to be brought before the Court. While this transaction 
 was proceeding, he wrote to me the letter which follows. 
 
 Tower, May 3 d , 1 763. 
 My Lord, 
 
 I want words to express the gratitude of my heart to your Grace for 
 
 the honor of your regards to me here. I suffer in the cause of liberty, of 
 
 which your Grace has already stood forth the great protector. If it is 
 
 thought adviseable for me to put in bail, in order to recover my liberty, 
 
 would it be trespassing too much on your Grace's goodness to beg the 
 
 sanction of your name, in conjunction with some other nobleman. Give 
 
 me leave, my lord, to add that it is only a sanction, for no consideration 
 
 could induce me to desert so glorious a cause, which I wish to see, I believe 
 
 much more than Government itself, decided by the justice of my country. 
 
 I am to be carried down in half an hour to Westminster, where if your 
 
 Grace will favour me with an answer, you will add to the obligations 
 
 I have already receiv'd, and if possible, to the infinite respect, with which 
 
 I have the honor to be, 
 
 My lord, 
 
 Your Grace's most obed'. 
 
 and most humble servant, 
 
 John Wilkes. 
 
 Tuesday, the fourth day of my imprisonment. 
 
 On the receipt of this letter, at my return home, I thought 
 it better to write to Lord Temple, desiring his lordship to 
 make my excuse, as soon as he saw M r . Wilkes. My letter is 
 here inserted. 
 
 1 Henry, fifth Lord Middleton (1726-1800).
 
 CH. v] WILKES AND GRAFTON 191 
 
 Bond St., May 3 d , 1763. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I sit down to open my situation to your lordship with much less 
 apprehension than I should do to most of my friends, since I have seen 
 so many instances of your goodness, I may say partiality to me. A letter 
 from M r . Wilkes, which I enclose, came to me while I was out a riding 
 this morning : your lordship will see the purport of it and as it is now too 
 late to send him any answer, I flatter myself you will add this to many 
 other obligations and that you will tell him how I stood circumstanced the 
 first time you either see, or write to him. In short, my lord, I went as 
 I think every acquaintance is almost bound to do, to see M r . Wilkes in 
 his confinement, to hear from himself his own story and his defence ; and 
 to shew that no influence ought to stop the means of every man's justifying 
 himself from an accusation, even though it should be of the most heinous 
 kind. Hearing the shyness of lawyers in general to undertake his cause, 
 as also the manner (perhaps unwarrantable) of his confinement, I was 
 more desirous than ever to shew, that as far as my small power could 
 extend, no subject of this country should want my countenance against 
 oppression. But, my lord, when I look upon myself as called in to bail, 
 tho' it had been for the person in the world who had the most right to 
 have asked that sort of favor from me, I must nevertheless have trod 
 very warily on ground that seemed to come any ways under the de- 
 nomination of an insult on the Crown. That, my lord, is, and always has 
 been a rule laid down by me which I will most religiously observe, that 
 nothing in which I engage against His Majesty's ministers, whom I dis- 
 approve, shall ever be carried on by me with the shadow of offence 
 against his person or family. 
 
 The consistency of my character, will I hope therefore be my excuse 
 to him, I am confident it will be to your lordship, which I most desire. 
 I might add to this, that on talking this point over with my relations, 
 I have given them my opinion and assured them that my meaning was 
 only to go as far as I have represented to your lordship, to whom, 
 
 I have the honor to be &c. &c. 
 
 Grafton. 
 
 P.S.— I am authoriz'd to say the same motive induced Lord Villiers to 
 accompany me to see M r . W. 
 
 Lord Temple's answer was the following : 
 
 Pall Mall, May 3 d , 1763. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 Having received from M r . Wilkes a request similar to that which he 
 had the honor of making to your Grace, I instantly complyed with it and 
 as I heard of his intention of applying to you, I was desirous of waiting 
 upon your Grace this morning in order to explain to you the motives
 
 192 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1766 
 
 which had determined me to lend myself with pleasure to his desire. No 
 man in the kingdom can bear a more dutiful regard than I do to the 
 Crown, or is more full of veneration for His Majesty than myself, at the 
 same time I hope there is not any man in the kingdom more ready to 
 stand forth, as far as in me lies, the zealous protector of the liberty of the 
 subject. Without entering into the question whether M r . Wilkes be, or 
 be not the author of the last North Briton and whether it be libellous or 
 not, I think he has been proceeded against in a manner that ought to 
 give a just alarm to every true friend of this Constitution ; in that light 
 I hold it an honour to be his bail, and so does the Duke of Bolton l , who 
 on the same principle has voluntarily offered himself. If your Grace 
 could have seen this matter in the same way, I think an opportunity was 
 offered to you of shewing to the world in an amiable light one of the 
 great and amiable qualities, which are already so universally recognized 
 in your Grace. Allow me to assure you, no man honors you more than 
 I do, and that I am, with sincere respect, 
 
 My dear lord, 
 
 Your Grace's most obed*. 
 
 and most humble servant, 
 
 Temple 2 . 
 I beg you will excuse this scrawl, from the extreme hurry in which 
 I write. 
 
 M r . Wilkes soon after went abroad, and his return was 
 
 announced to me by the following letter, which surprized me 
 
 much, as he was under a verdict of outlawry. 
 
 Nov r . i*, 1766. 
 My Lord, 
 
 It is a very peculiar satisfaction I feel on my return to my native 
 country, that a nobleman, of your Grace's superior talents and inflexible 
 integrity is at the head of the most important department of the State. 
 I have been witness of the general applause which has been given abroad 
 to the choice His Majesty has made, and I am happy to find my own 
 countrymen zealous and unanimous in every testimony of their appro- 
 bation. 
 
 I hope, my lord, that I may congratulate myself as well as my country 
 on your Grace's being placed in a station of so great power and im- 
 portance. Though I have been cut off from the body of His Majesty's 
 subjects by a cruel and unjust proscription, I have never entertained an 
 
 1 Charles, fifth Duke of Bolton (1718- Duke of Grafton's letter is printed, but 
 1765), he died unmarried, and with his not the reply. Lord Temple's answer 
 brother who succeeded him the title was written in haste, and he kept no 
 expired. copy of it. 
 
 2 In the Crenville racers, ii. 53, the
 
 CH. v] WILKES 193 
 
 idea inconsistent with the duty of a good subject. My heart still retains 
 all its former warmth for the dignity of England, and the glory of its 
 Sovereign. I have not associated with the traitors to our liberties, nor 
 made a single connection with any man who was dangerous, or even 
 suspected by the friends of the Protestant family on the throne. I now 
 hope that the rigour of an unmerited exile is past, and that I may be 
 allowed to continue in the land and among the friends of liberty. 
 
 I wish, my lord, to owe this to the mercy of my Prince. I entreat you 
 to lay me with all humility at the king's feet, with the truest assurances 
 that I have never in any moment of my life, swerv'd from the duty and 
 allegiance I owe to my Sovereign, and that I implore and in every thing 
 submit to His Majesty's clemency. 
 
 Your Grace's noble manner of thinking, and the obligations I have 
 formerly receiv'd, which are still fresh in my mind, will I hope give 
 a full propriety to this address, and I am sure a heart glowing with the 
 sacred zeal of liberty must have a favorable reception from the Duke of 
 Grafton. I flatter myself that my conduct will justify your Grace's 
 interceding with a Prince, who is distinguished by a compassionate 
 tenderness to all his subjects. 
 
 I am, with the truest respect, 
 My lord, Your Grace's 
 
 Most obed*. humble serv\ 
 
 John Wilkes. 
 
 Considering it to be my duty, I both mentioned the letter 
 I had received, and showed it to His Majesty who, as well as 
 I recollect, read it with attention ; but made no observation 
 upon it. Lord Chatham, on reading it remarked on the 
 awkwardness of the business, with which it was so difficult to 
 meddle ; and on my pressing to know what was to be done, 
 he answered : ' the better way, I believe at present, is to take 
 no notice of it.' And his advice I followed. The session 
 opened in a week after ; and from the hurry of weighty 
 business, the concerns of M r . Wilkes engaged but little the 
 attention of Ministry, or indeed of the Court. To some of 
 his friends, who once or twice pressed me to intercede for 
 a pardon, I constantly replied, that I thought my shoulders 
 were not yet equal to the business, and that I conceived the 
 weight of Lord Chatham's name could alone effect it : though 
 I added, that there would be no step taken from the side of 
 Administration to molest M 1 '. Wilkes, or in any way disturb 
 
 u
 
 194 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1768 
 
 him in his present situation ; and that I hoped all other 
 quarters might be as well disposed to favor him. So little 
 indeed was there a desire of molesting M r . Wilkes that 
 I firmly believe, had he not stepped forward as the chieftain 
 of riot and disturbance, he might have remained unnoticed, 
 as long as he had lived. 
 
 His appearance on the hustings as a candidate for the City, 
 at the general election, was as sudden as it was unexpected 
 by us all. On his failure there, he offered himself for the 
 County of Middlesex ; and by the assistance of many and 
 considerable mobs stopping up every avenue to Brentford, 
 even at the distance of some miles, he was returned first on 
 the poll, many of the freeholders of the other side being 
 prevented, or intimidated from giving their votes. 
 
 You will think, that I have dwelt longer than was necessary 
 on the particulars of my acquaintance with this gentleman : 
 but I had a mind that you should know the extent of my 
 knowledge of him ; especially, as I have been represented as 
 one of his intimates. I do not mean to be equally prolix on 
 the transactions concerning him 1 , either in Parliament, or in 
 
 1 The position of Wilkes, now, and 
 < luring the remainder of this Parliament 
 may be shortly stated for the convenience 
 of the reader. 
 
 In 1 764 Wilkes had been expelled the 
 House of Commons for having written 
 and published a scandalous and seditious 
 libel {The North Briton, No. 45): he 
 was subsequently tried and convicted 
 lor reprinting the same libel, and for 
 blasphemous and obscene libels con- 
 tained in the publication of the Essay 
 on Woman. He did not appear to 
 receive sentence, and was outlawed. 
 
 In 1768 he returned to England, de- 
 spite his outlawry, for the general elec- 
 tion. He might have asked for a pardon 
 with some chance of success, but this 
 he refused to do. He stood for the City 
 unsuccessfully : then for Middlesex, and 
 was returned on March 28. 
 
 On April 20 he surrendered to his 
 
 outlawry, and on the 27th Lord Mans- 
 field held the outlawry to have been 
 unlawful, and void. 
 
 The conviction, however, was still 
 outstanding: he appeared to receive 
 sentence on June 20, and was sentenced 
 to one year's imprisonment, and a fine 
 of £500, on each of the two charges — • 
 seditious, and obscene and blasphemous 
 libel. Every stage of the proceedings 
 was marked by riot and disorder. 
 
 In one of these riots Lord Weymouth, 
 the Secretary of State, wrote to the 
 Chairman of Quarter Sessions at Lam- 
 beth, telling him not to hesitate in call- 
 ing military force to his aid. Wilkes 
 obtained a copy of this letter, and in 
 December, 1768, sent it to the St. James 1 
 Chronicle, with a note describing it as 
 ' a hellish project, brooded over by some 
 infernal spirits.' 
 
 The Lords asked for a conference with
 
 ch. v] WILKES 195 
 
 the Court of King's Bench, because these are related minutely 
 in many publications, which save me that trouble ; and I shall 
 content myself with producing the remarks only, which the 
 papers I have before me can furnish. If I was asked, as 
 to my opinion on this perplexing subject, I should readily 
 answer, that on the first step of expulsion, all dignity was 
 gone from the house, if they could admit a person under 
 a verdict of outlawry, to sit one hour, as a member of it. 
 When he was returned member again and again, I cannot see 
 why the repetition of an insult to the House of Commons 
 should have altered the right, provided it be granted, that it 
 had existed. The two Houses must separately be sole judges 
 of the seats of their members. Destroy that right, and their 
 independance is gone : for where else can it be placed ? The 
 most just rights and powers may be abused, but it does not 
 follow, that they are to be abolished, unless it can be shewn 
 that they may be placed elsewhere, without injury to the 
 Constitution. However, the frequent and repeated struggles 
 to set aside the election of a person, though under such 
 a stigma, gave occasion to keep alive a spirit of riot, which, 
 becoming every day more violent, threatened to bring on 
 a disrespect to all government and lawful authority. Whether 
 the decision of the House of Commons, that Col. Luttrell was 
 duly elected, who had not by a great many, the number of 
 voices which M r . Wilkes had was in strict justice determined, 
 I will not take upon me to decide. But sure I am, that in the 
 temper of those times, when the public were more than alive 
 
 the Commons, and invited them to con- Woman, and for being under sentence 
 
 cur in voting this publication to be a of imprisonment. 
 
 scandalous and seditious libel. He was re-elected in February, in 
 
 It was argued in vain that the question March, and in April ; his election was 
 
 of libel was for the Courts, and that if in each case declared void, and himself 
 
 there was a question of privilege it con- incapable of sitting in that Parliament. 
 cemed the Lords. The House of Com- On April 15 the House resolved that 
 
 mons voted the paper to be a libel, and Colonel Luttrell, whom he had defeated 
 
 on February 3, 1769, Wilkes was ex- on the 13th by 1,143 votes to 296, ought 
 
 pelled, on the motion of Lord Harrington, to have been returned, and this rcsolu- 
 
 for being the author of the libel on Lord tion was upheld on petition on May 8. 
 Weymouth, of No. 45, of the Essay on 
 
 O 2
 
 196 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1768 
 
 to every constitutional question, anarchy and confusion 
 would soon have followed, in case the repetitions of Brentford 
 election, and votes of expulsion had not been stopped in 
 some manner : and how they would have been terminated 
 without greater objections, I am not able to say. Lord 
 Mansfield afterwards in 1770, maintained, 'that a question 
 touching the seat of a member, in the Lower House, could 
 only be determined by that House : there was no other Court, 
 where it could be tried, nor to which there could be an 
 appeal V 
 
 A mob, which had been so useful to M r . Wilkes at Brentford, 
 was soon succeeded by another, wishing to conduct him in 
 triumph to the House of Commons from the King's Bench 
 prison to which he had been committed : and the tumult was 
 so great on the occasion, that the magistrates were compelled 
 to read the Riot Act, and to call on the military to support 
 them in so doing. The unfortunate death of a young man, 
 whether he was an innocent spectator, or not, exasperated this 
 mob to a high pitch against the soldiery ; and added greatly 
 to that confusion which sailors, coal-heavers, and other bodies 
 of men had brought on, demanding generally an increase of 
 their wages. Many persons, I am sorry to say, lost their 
 lives in most of these risings ; and many were found guilty, 
 and several of the most desperate suffered for their crimes. 
 
 It was injuriously imagined, that there was a willing dis- 
 position in the Court, and among the members of Administration 
 to persecute M r . Wilkes on account of former offences. I owe 
 it to my colleagues to give my testimony against such 
 a calumny : and I am persuaded, that His Majesty himself 
 would readily have approved, in this case, whatever measure 
 his principal servants had recommended 2 . Within the Court, 
 
 1 Lord Mansfield had authority on the law of the land ' {Pari. Hist. xvi. 
 
 his side, for the House of Commons, 95S). Expulsion marks the disapproval 
 
 in 1 71 2, had treated Walpole as they of the House of Commons, it does not 
 
 treated Wilkes in 1769. But Chatham create a legal incapacity. 
 put the matter in its true light when he 2 Lord Barrington, in moving that 
 
 said, 'the county of Middlesex chose a Wilkes should be expelled, and speak- 
 
 gentleman in no way incapacitated by ing of the conduct of Wilkes on his
 
 CH. v] 
 
 WILKES 
 
 x 97 
 
 there may have been, and certainly were, some individuals, 
 who would gladly have seen the author of the North Briton 
 smart for all the lashes he had laid on others \ But let not 
 the innocent bear the reproach of faults, which cannot be 
 justly brought to their charge. 
 
 If there was blame in our measures, it may be equally 
 imputed to the majority of those, who composed the larger 
 meetings which the minister of the House of Commons 
 usually assembled to advise with, on all weighty matters. 
 And, so little was the measure premeditated or settled, that 
 Lord North, in sending to me, in the country, an account of 
 the opinions of his counsellors, told me that M r . Dyson, who 
 was present, would draw out the minute of proceeding, as 
 nearly as possible to embrace the way of thinking of the 
 largest number of the members who were consulted. This, 
 I shall hope, will satisfy you, that there was no specific mode 
 laid down for these gentlemen to approve ; or which the 
 Ministry wished to adopt. This excellent custom of sum- 
 moning, on frequent occasions, those, who composed the 
 Boards, Privy Counsellors, Attorney and Solicitor General, 
 and all friendly members to take part in debate, has, I under- 
 stand with much concern, been dropt of late : for, in my 
 opinion, the disuse of this salutary practice leads by degrees 
 to accustom a majority to place a more implicit confidence 
 in a minister, than the principles of a free government can 
 well admit 2 . 
 
 It was Lord North's first intention to have had such a 
 general meeting of those members of Parliament, to whom 
 
 return to England, said, 'from the lenient 
 character of those who serve the Crown 
 I believe a pardon would have been 
 granted if properly applied for : and I 
 for one would have been glad to have 
 it brought about ' {Cavendish Debates, 
 i. 151). 
 
 1 The Ministry might have escaped 
 much blame if the House of Commons 
 had been left to itself in a matter which 
 mainly concerned itself. But the vote 
 
 of expulsion was moved by the Secretary 
 at War, and the incapacitating vote by 
 Lord Strange, a placeman and ' king's 
 friend,' who had played an active part in 
 embarrassing the Rockingham Ministry 
 {Rockingham Memoirs, i. 300). 
 
 2 The practice referred to seems to 
 relieve the Leader of the House from 
 a responsibility which properly belongs 
 to him.
 
 198 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1768 
 
 communications are usually made, and they had notices sent to 
 them : but he afterwards thought it would be better, previously, 
 to take the sense of the members who were of the Cabinet, 
 together with the lawyers : and notes were sent, postponing 
 the attendance of the other persons, who had been summoned. 
 The meeting then consisted of M r . Conway, Lord Granby, 
 S r . Edward Hawke, Master of the Rolls, Attorney and 
 Solicitor General, Hussey, Thurlow, Moreton 1 , Dyson, with 
 the two Secretaries of the Treasury : M r . Rigby, M r . Towns- 
 hend, and M r . James Grenville, who did not receive the second 
 notes, attended in consequence of the first. 
 
 Lord North very ably opened the purpose of the meeting : 
 M r . Dyson stated the precedents of expulsion : and the 
 Attorney General informed the company what had passed 
 in the Courts, and in what particular situations M r . Wilkes 
 might stand, at the meeting of Parliament, as an outlaw, 
 or as suffering an infamous punishment, in consequence of 
 his conviction. M r . Hussey was strongly against a second 
 expulsion for the same offence, in being the author of a political 
 libel; for he said, his conviction for the poem could not be 
 thought of in the House of Commons, without coupling it 
 with the means used to obtain evidence against him. — In a 
 word, the greater part of the company seemed struck with 
 M r . Hussey's objections ; but my correspondent, who was 
 present, says, that he thinks it might be collected, that all, 
 except M r . Hussey himself, will be for expelling Wilkes, upon 
 the double ground of outlawry and conviction ; and M r . Conway 
 declared as much before he went away. 
 
 The meeting was not called upon to declare the part they 
 respectively meant to take, nor, were they informed that 
 Government had come to any resolution upon the subject 
 of Mr. Wilkes. 
 
 Lord North sent circular letters, requesting a full attendance, 
 at the opening of the session : for, besides whatever might be 
 determined as to the case of Wilkes, it was necessary ; as 
 
 1 John Moreton, Chief Justice of Chester.
 
 CH. v] WILKES 199 
 
 there was reason to believe that an attempt would be made 
 to place M r . Dowdeswell in the chair as Speaker. 
 
 On the first consultation in the Cabinet on the management 
 in Parliament M r . Wilkes being chosen Member for Middlesex, 
 there did not appear to the Lord Chancellor, or to any of us. 
 the difficulties, which after arose. Lord Camden, soon after 
 altered his opinion, as the letters I insert from his lordship 
 (which are all I find on this subject) describe. It was much 
 to be lamented, that Administration were at so early a period 
 of this business, deprived of the advice of this great lawyer 
 whom posterity will justly rank among the most able, learned 
 and distinguished of our Chancellors, both in Parliament and 
 in the Courts of Westminster Hall. 
 
 Mv dear Lord Duke, 
 
 Whatever vexation and inconvenience I may feel at this unexpected 
 summons, which calls me from hence above a week before the time, yet 
 I shall without fail give my attendance at the time appointed. The 
 event is disagreeable, and unforeseen, for I am persuaded that no person 
 living, after Wilkes had been defeated in London would have thought it 
 possible for him to have carry'd his election for the County of Middlesex. 
 Sure I am, that if the Government had arrested him while he was 
 a candidate, that step would have secured his election, and would have 
 been considered as the cause of his success, if it had been taken. 
 I cannot pretend at this distance without further information to advise 
 what proceedings are now necessary to be taken, but the only subject for 
 consideration seems to be what measures are to be taken by the House 
 of Commons at the meeting of the Parliament. If the precedents and the 
 Constitution will warrant an expulsion that perhaps may be right. 
 A criminal flying his country to escape justice— a convict and an 
 outlaw — That such a person should in open daylight thrust himself upon 
 the country as a candidate, his crime unexpiated, is audacious beyond 
 description. 
 
 This is the light in which I consider the affair, the riot only inflaming 
 the business, for that does no more shew the weakness of Government 
 than any other election riot in the kingdom, liut it would be well to 
 consider, what may be the consequence if W. should be reelected. That 
 is very serious. I take it for granted that he will surrender and sue in his 
 judgment in the K. Kcnch the first day of the term, when I suppose the 
 outlawry will be reversed, and he imprisoned. We expect him at this 
 place to-night, where I suppose he intends to remain till the term, and
 
 200 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1768 
 
 this town is not a little alarmed least the same spirit of violence should 
 follow him hither. But I trust we are not mad enough here to follow the 
 example of the metropolis. 
 
 Whatever may be the heat of the present moment, I am persuaded it 
 will soon subside, and this gentleman will lose his popularity in a very 
 short time after men have recover'd their senses. 
 
 I am my dear lord with the 
 
 most perfect attachment and respect 
 Y r . Grace's most obed 1 . faithful 
 
 Serv*. Camden. 
 April 3 rd , 1768, 
 Bath. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I dare say you have been informed of what passed to-day in the 
 Court of King's Bench, and that Mr. W. is still at large. His counsel 
 however promised, that he should be forthcoming in custody, and then 
 move to be bailed, sue out a writ of error, and reverse his outlawry : they 
 gave notice likewise, that they intended after they had got rid of the 
 outlawry, to move in arrest of judgement. Your Grace will be pleased to 
 understand, that Mr. W. stands at present convicted only by verdict: and 
 if there shall appear to be any material defect in the record, that the 
 judgement must be stayed : in which case, he must be discharged, and 
 he becomes a free man upon this prosecution, as much as if he had 
 never been convicted. 
 
 I dare say your Grace will see, upon this short representation, that till 
 judgement is finally pronounced against Mr. W. by the Court, no man 
 has a right to pronounce him guilty, more especially, as he appears, and 
 intends to object in arrest of judgement. 
 
 This appears to me a real difficulty attending the measure, which 
 yesterday we thought so clear. 
 
 For, how can the House expel a member, either as an outlaw, or 
 a convict, while the suit is pending, wherein he may turn out at last, to be 
 neither the one, nor the other. 
 
 Ward ' was expelled upon his conviction ; but, I observe in looking 
 into the Journal, that he absconded, and so it was reported to the House, 
 upon a summons delivered at his last place of abode ; so that not 
 attending upon this summons— he was expelled — tho' judgement was not 
 
 1 This must be John Ward, expelled within the meaning of the writ addressed 
 
 the House in 1727 after conviction for to the sheriff. Lord Camden takes no 
 
 forgery. A conviction for felony would account of the fact that Ward was 
 
 now be a statutory disqualification, but convicted of felony, Wilkes of misde- 
 
 until 1870, a person so convicted would meanour. 
 be regarded as not 'fit and proper'
 
 CH. v] WILKES 20I 
 
 pronounced at that time. I am afraid, considering the necessary delay in 
 courts of law, it will be impossible for the King's Bench to give judge- 
 ment before the Parliament meets ; and therefore, it deserves the most 
 serious consideration, whether the proposed measure should be pursued, 
 while this obstacle stands in the way. 
 
 Your Grace will be pleased to observe, that Mr. W. was expelled not 
 for the crime of the libel, but for having slandered the Parliament. 
 I have the honor to be, with the truest zeal and 
 
 attachment your Grace's most obed*. faithful ser f . 
 
 Camden. 
 April 20 th , 176S. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I have the honour of your Grace's letter, and will certainly attend the 
 meeting of the king's servants on Wednesday moms. next. I do wish 
 most heartily that the present time could be eased of the difficulties that 
 Mr. W.'s business has brought upon Government: a fatality has attended 
 it from the beginning, and it grows more serious every day. Your Grace 
 and I have unfortunately differ'd. I wish it had been otherwise. It is 
 a hydra multiplying by resistance and gathering strength by every 
 attempt to subdue it. As the times are, I had rather pardon W. than 
 punish him. This is a political opinion independant of the merits of the 
 cause. 
 
 I am very glad to hear the holydays have given your Grace so happy 
 a respite. They have been to me a perfect paradise, as I have employ'd 
 my whole time in studying the Douglas cause, and my mind has been 
 totally vacant from political vexation. 
 
 I have the honour to be 
 
 with the greatest sincerity 
 
 Y r . Grace's most obed\ 
 
 Faithful serv*. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 Jan rv . 9'", 1769, 
 
 Camden Place. 
 
 Late at night April 26 th M r . Wilkes gave notice to the 
 Attorney General, that he would surrender the next morning ; 
 and he accordingly delivered himself into the custody of one 
 of the Sheriff's officers, and was brought into Court, when the 
 writ of error was granted upon his outlawry: his Council 
 then moved that he might be bailed under the Statute of 
 King William, which was argued till past 6 o'clock, and the 
 Court determined that an outlawry after conviction was not
 
 202 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1768 
 
 bailable by that Statute, and that he had not made out a case 
 which entitled him to be admitted to bail, under the dis- 
 cretionary powers vested in the Court: he was therefore ordered 
 to be committed to the King's Bench prison, and as he was 
 going there in a coach, a mob took off the horses, turned the 
 marshall of the prison out of the coach, and drew M r . Wilkes 
 in triumph to Spital-fields, from whence it was supposed, the 
 mob had been collected. However, as soon as he could effect 
 it, M r . Wilkes came alone in a hackney coach to the prison. 
 
 The disposition to riot and disorder, encouraging a resis- 
 tance to all legal authority even among the seamen, not being 
 sufficiently subsided, it was not thought adviseable to prorogue 
 the Parliament, but, by adjourning only, to have the means of 
 assembling it shortly on any emergency. 
 
 On the 2 Dd of June, M r . Bradshaw l , one of the Secretaries 
 of the Treasury, on the occasion, writes thus to me, who was 
 in the country ; 
 
 ' Lord North went to the king this morning, and received his com- 
 mands for adjourning Parliament to the 21 st instant, which His Majesty 
 very much approved : Lord Chancellor had proposed yesterday, the 
 adjournment for one week only ; at the end of which, he hoped there 
 might have been a prorogation : I waited on him, late last night, at 
 Lord North's desire, and informed him of your Grace's opinion, in which 
 Lord North entirely agreed, and he approved of Lord North's seeing the 
 king, and obtaining his consent for an adjournment of three weeks — 
 Lord Chancellor's wishes for a speedy prorogation arise, not only from 
 the dislike of Wilkes's business being brought to Parliament, after the 
 decision of the Court of King's Bench : but, that suits may be carried on 
 against members, which the long continuance of privilege has prevented 
 for four terms. 
 
 The petition from the merchants was, by the interest of M r . Maitland, 
 and some other friends, laid aside for the present ; but S r . Joseph 
 Mawbey 2 had a petition for a free and general importation of provisions, 
 signed by the principal traders in the borough : however, Lord North 
 came early to the House, and signified His Majesty's pleasure, that they 
 should adjourn to the 2i 8t before S r . Joseph had brought his petition: 
 the House of Lords was also adjourned ; and nothing passed in either 
 
 1 Bradshaw had been a clerk in the curred the special animosity of Junius. 
 War Office, he was now private Secretary 2 M.P. for Southwark. 
 
 to the Duke, and appears to have in-
 
 CH. v] CORSICA 203 
 
 House. Lord Chancellor told me, he had mentioned the North Briton 
 to the king, and that His Majesty had desired him to give directions for 
 the printer's being prosecuted : in consequence of which, he had spoken 
 to Lord Shelburne to have a case prepared, for the opinion of the 
 Attorney and Solicitor General ; and I understand from Nuthall, that 
 they are to give their opinion on Saturday. 
 
 I have the satisfaction to inform your Grace, that the seamen remain 
 quiet, and by a note from Cockburne, I find, that the ships that were 
 stopt have got their men again, and are preparing to sail. 
 
 Mr. Nuthall (Solicitor of the Treasury) assures me, he will spare no 
 pains to discover the promoters of these riots ; and he has people 
 employed to find means, if possible, of bringing the authors of the late 
 murders to punishment. 
 
 I have the honor to be &c. &c. 
 
 Tho b . Bradshaw. 
 
 From this adjournment, the Parliament was prorogued to 
 November ; as every thing appeared to be returning to their 
 usual courses. 
 
 At the beginning of the present reign, and soon after the 
 resignation of M r . Pitt, a proclamation issued, from what 
 motive I know not, by which the insurgents in Corsica were 
 to be considered by us as rebels to their lawful sovereign, the 
 Republic of Genoa \ The Genoese profited but little from 
 their assistance from us : for unable to suppress Paoli and 
 his patriots, they were treating with the Due de Choiseul 
 for the surrender of the sovereignty of the island to France. 
 This accession to the territories of the rival kingdom could 
 not be palatable to our Government, nor to the nation ; tho' 
 I never could think that the possession of Corsica would add 
 to the crown of France, the degree of advantage, which many 
 were industriously giving out. And though, on his side, the 
 French minister may have been rash, or wicked enough, to 
 plunge his country into the horrors of war, through a restless 
 ambition, our consciences would never have allowed us to 
 advise, on this occasion, a re-commencement of hostilities. 
 
 1 Corsica had been for long in a For a full account of the action of 
 
 chronic state of rebellion against the our ministers see Fitzmaurice, Life of 
 
 Republic. Genoa now determined to Shelbio-nc, ii. eh. 1. 
 sell its unruly possession to France.
 
 204 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1768 
 
 However, short of a direct declaration, ' that war would be 
 the inevitable consequence of the rashness of the French 
 minister,' no measure was neglected to put him off from the 
 plan he had formed. Lord Rochford who was the British 
 Ambassador at Paris had received the fullest instructions ; 
 and his lordship conducted himself with dignified firmness 
 and discretion throughout the business. At one time, he was 
 confident that he should have succeeded, and wrote over, that 
 the Due de Choiseul's language had so much softened, that 
 his lordship had every hope, that the French minister would 
 not risk the attempt. In the audience of the next week, 
 Lord Rochford found to his great surprize the former tone 
 taken up : and in a private letter to me, he accounted for the 
 strange change in the duke, to the imprudent declaration of 
 a great law lord, then at Paris, at one of the minister's tables, 
 ' that the English Ministry were too weak, and the nation too 
 wise to support them in entering on a war for the sake of 
 Corsica 1 .' 
 
 This declaration might contribute more than any thing to 
 reconcile Louis the 15 th to his minister's project. The busi- 
 ness was growing each day more serious. In the mean time, 
 our surprize was great, that we had not one word of informa- 
 tion, or application for assistance of any kind from General 
 Paoli. On conversing in private with the Sardinian and 
 Dutch ministers, we discovered that Paoli's silence could 
 only be ascribed to the weight given to the above-mentioned 
 proclamation, which had damped all his hopes of succour 
 from Great Britain. 
 
 From these ministers I also learnt, that the cause of the 
 insurgents had received some pecuniary assistance from their 
 respective States ; but, that Paoli stood in the greatest need 
 of arms in particular, as well as money. 
 
 The gentleman dispatched from Lord Shelburne 2 to know 
 
 1 This statement, made by Lord the French in their confidence that Eng- 
 
 Mansfield, coupled with the language land would not fight for Corsica, 
 
 of Shelburne's opponents in the Cabinet, 2 Mr. John Stewart : his instructions 
 
 as reported to Choiseul by Chatelet the from Lord Shelburne were to ascertain 
 
 French minister in England, confirmed how far the French were prepared for
 
 CH. v] CORSICA 205 
 
 from the general himself the wants of the Corsicans, had been 
 directed to stop at more than one place in his way. The 
 Cabinet heard this account with much disappointment ; seeing 
 that it would probably frustrate their intentions of supplying 
 in time, every article that Faoli could wish for, excepting 
 a naval or military force : provided, that with such assistance. 
 he could make it appear that he could hold out any reason- 
 able time. 
 
 Much vexed with the conduct of the business, as were my 
 colleagues who were enquiring earnestly for the speediest 
 communications with Paoli, I ventured to propose to them 
 to allow me their authority, in sending off the day following 
 an old acquaintance of mine, in whose honor I could confide, 
 and who should go through France by the shortest route. 
 
 The person I had in view to entrust with this message, was 
 Capitaine Dunant a Genevois, who had served with distinction 
 in the Swiss troops in the pay of the King of Sardinia. I saw 
 him the morning after our meeting, and had particular satis- 
 faction in giving him his instructions, as he readily com- 
 prehended the commission entrusted to his management. A 
 testimony, that he was employed by me, in order to give him 
 credit with our naval officers in the Mediterranean, to whom 
 he might apply for assistance, was, from consideration for his 
 safety, nearly all that was delivered to him in writing. What 
 follows, is from a rough draft of the paper delivered to him. 
 
 Monsieur, 
 
 II convicnt aux affaires du roi mon maitre, d'etre informe au juste 
 
 de la disposition du General P a I'dgard de ce nouvel e\enement de 
 
 la cession que les Genois viennent de faire a la France des places & du 
 reste dc l'lsle de Corse. L'amitie que j'ai pour vous & la connoissance 
 que j'ai eu de votre caractere depuis douze ans passes me fait penser qu'il 
 n'y a personne, par laquclle je puisse avoir cette information necessaire 
 si bien qu*en vous chargeant de faire ce voyage. Je souhaite que vous 
 temoigniez a ce general que cette cour-ci ne peut regarder qu'avec 
 deplaisir cette demarche de la France, et en lui faisant voir cette lettre, 
 
 war, as well as the capacity of the Cor- till the first week in August. His report 
 sicans for resistance, lie left England is to lie found in Fitzmauriee, Lift of 
 in May, 1768, and did not reach Corsica Shcllmrnc, ii. 141.
 
 206 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1768 
 
 ce general ne pourra he'siter de vous parler sur les moyens qu'il a de 
 resister actuellement pour conserver la liberte de ces compatriotes puis 
 qu'elle montre la confiance que j'ai en vous. 
 
 J'ai l'honneur d'etre &c. &c. 
 
 Grafton. 
 
 After a long conversation, necessary for explaining fully to 
 him the views of His Majesty and his servants. Capt. Dunant 
 set off that night. He posted through France : and finding 
 difficulty from Marseilles, to get over to the part of Corsica 
 occupied by the insurgents, he turned for Nice and Genoa, 
 and was fortunate in finding my relation, Captain, now 
 Admiral Cosby, at the latter place, who, immediately, as he 
 saw that Dunant was sent on a commission of mine, sailed 
 with him that very evening for Corsica. 
 
 On the night following, two Corsican captains came aboard 
 the Montreal, lying off Isola Rossa, who, understanding that 
 Captain Dunant wished to be introduced to the commandant, 
 offered to present him. Lieutenant Stanhope, one of the 
 officers of the Montreal went on shore with them ; and with 
 the commandant of Isola Rossa himself, they proceeded for 
 Corte. Captain Dunant found no difficulty in making it 
 evident, that he was really deputed from the British Court : 
 and though the Corsican chiefs were very mistrustful of all 
 strangers ; yet General Paoli received our Commissioner with 
 great frankness, civility, and joyful attention. He next 
 morning gave Captain Dunant a long audience, and at the 
 end of it permitted them to take down in writing the result, 
 dictating to him the following words. 
 
 Corte ce 24 de Juillet 1768. entre 1 1 heures et midi dans les apparte- 
 ments du General Paoli. 
 
 Voici la reponse dicte"e par le meme General Paoli au Capitaine 
 Dunant ; 
 
 Le Gene'ral Paoli sera a la tete de sa nation : il combattra jusques au 
 dernier soupir, pour defendre et conserver la liberte de sa patrie. 
 
 Son peuple, amine" du meme sentiment, temoigne de l'empressement 
 d'en venir aux prises avec les Francois, qu'ils supposent allies avec les 
 Genois, et avoir pris de concert des mesures, pour envahir leur liberte. 
 Le General a de la peine d'arrcter l'ardeur de la nation.
 
 ch. v] CORSICA 207 
 
 Dans la Consulta Generate de la nation Corse, le peuple s'est taxe lui- 
 meme, en contributions extraordinaires, de 4 ( ) pour mille livres de 
 
 fonds: afin que le General Paoli puisse angmenter le nombre de ses 
 soldats payes ; pour pouvoir les maintenir toujours postes, vis-a-vis des 
 Francois, dont ils sont aujourd'hui a la portee du pistolet ; pour empecher 
 qu'ils ne passent les limites. 
 
 Le Gen : Paoli a dispose un corps de 400 hommes, qui observe les 
 troupes, qui occupent Ajaccio, et 100 autres la Pievo di Brando : II 
 a fait etablir un cordon de troupes, depuis Brando a Patrimonio, pour 
 couvrir le Capo Corso, dont on menace de couper la communication, et de 
 l'envahir. 
 
 Les troupes Franchises, au nombre de 16 bataillons, et la Legion 
 Royale, occupent la Bastia, Bonifacio, Ajaccio, Cabri, et San Fiorenzo ; 
 ou ils ont arbore leur pavilion. 
 
 En consequence, les Corses sont postes a Feriano, Patrimonio, Bar- 
 baggio, Tarinola, Olmeta, & Nonga. A la pointe du Cap, il y a des 
 troupes Corses en avant, & elles occupent encore les hauteurs en face de 
 S ; . Fiorenzo, ditte le Strette di Patrimonio. En g^neVal 1'isle est gardee 
 par la nation Corse, dans tout son contour, par des compagnies de 
 milice ; Et, dans chaque porte principale, le chef, ou commandant, par le 
 moyen du signal de 2 coups de canon, peut rassembler 3, 4, a 5 mille 
 hommes. Tout ce qui peut porter les armes dans toute la nation est pret 
 a se sacrifier, et n'a devant les yeux que la liberte, ou la mort. 
 
 Le General Paoli etoit assure, que la Cour d'Angleterre n'ignoroit 
 point ses intentions, informe par celle de Turin, par ses Ministres aux 
 Cours dtrangeres, & par le canal de plusieurs gentils-hommes Anglois, 
 qui sont venus dans l'lsle de Corse, et qui sont en relation avec ce 
 General. 
 
 Le Ge"ne"ral Paoli a besoin de tout ; d'argent, d'artillerie, et surtout de 
 batimens armes, qui puissent en imposer a ceux des Francais, qui 
 croisent dans les bords de l'isle. De plus, il lui seroit important d'avoir 
 d'une Espece de petites pieces de campagne portatives sur des mulets ; et 
 leur Dotte, d'etre pourvuaussi d'un nombre suffisant de fusils, armes d'une 
 bayonnette, tels que ceux de l'lnfanterie Angloise. 
 
 With the preceding report, Cap tn . Dunant delivered to me 
 a Letter from the General, which is here added. 
 
 Corte 24 Luglio 1768. 
 ECCELLENZA, 
 
 II Signor Capitano Dunant, che approdo l'altro jeri sopra fregata 
 Inglese al nostro scalo dell' Isola rossa, giunse qui jeri accompagnato dal 
 Sig r Stanhope, tenente di detta fregata. Sebbene egli non mi abbia 
 portata alcuna lettcra dell' Eccellcnza vostra a me diretta, mi ha pero
 
 208 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1768 
 
 manifestata la lettera di credenza che lo autorizza a portarsi in Corsica, 
 
 ed a trattar meco sulle circostanze presenti di quest' isola. Egli ha 
 
 compita onorevolmente e con lodevole zelo la sua commissione, ed ho 
 
 luogo a sperare che con altretanta fedelta adempira egualmente all 
 
 incarico di ragguagliare 1' Eccellenza vostra dello stato attuale degli affari 
 
 di questa nazione sopra i quali abbiamo a lungo conferito, del costante 
 
 mio impegno, non meno che di tutti questi popoli di sostenere e difendere 
 
 con ogni possibile sforzo i diritti della commune liberta, e di contestarle 
 
 nel tempo stesso i sentimenti della piu grata riconoscenza per il generoso 
 
 interesse che cotesta Corte si compiace di prendere a questo oggetto, 
 
 unitamente a quelli della piu perfetta rispettosa stima con cui ho l'onore 
 
 di essere 
 
 Di vostra Eccellenza, 
 
 Devo mo . obbiend . ser te . 
 
 Pasquali di Paoli. 
 
 There was nothing in Paoli's conference with Captain 
 Dunant, which marked the smallest indication of dejection. 
 He was confident of the attachment, and general support of 
 his nation : and he made no doubt, that, with the succour of 
 arms furnished to him, and the other articles he had men- 
 tioned, he should be able to defend himself for a considerable 
 time ; at least for 18 months. 
 
 In the mean time, many of us had begun to entertain 
 doubts, whether the Order of Council, before alluded to, must 
 not necessarily be repealed. It was desirable to avoid that 
 step, as it would be a publication of our intentions to send the 
 assistance which Paoli asked for, our object being to effect it 
 in such a manner, as should least risk a breach with France. 
 The opinion of Lord Chancellor was clear, that the necessity 
 no longer existed, and that, from the change of circumstances 
 which had befallen the Corsicans, and had altered their con- 
 dition without our privity or consent, the Order of Council 
 was no longer to be regarded as in force. A moment was not 
 lost in supplying most of the articles requested by the Corsi- 
 cans ; and indeed many thousand stand of arms, under the 
 good management of M r . Boddington were so furnished from 
 the stock in the Tower, as to give no indication that they 
 were sent from our Government. 
 
 At the moment, however, we were enjoying the expectation
 
 CH. V] LETTER 209 
 
 of seeing France baffled in her scheme, and her ambitious 
 attempt, we had the vexation to find General Paoli himself 
 obliged to give way, after several severe blows and losses, 
 through the backwardness of his followers, and perhaps also 
 the treachery of some, in whom he had too much confided. 
 Compelled by these circumstances, Paoli got off soon to 
 Leghorn ; and afterwards retired to England '. 
 
 LETTER, 1768 
 
 Great George Street, 
 
 31 st May, 1768. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 I was very sorry to hear this morning from M r . Cokburne, that the 
 seamen assembled again last night ; they began with a streightsman, 
 worth upwards of ,£90,000, out of which they took all the men by force, 
 cut her tackle, and declared that no ship should sail, unless her seamen 
 had 35 s . a month wages ; they afterwards served several other vessells 
 in the'same manner. It is much to be lamented that a sufficient force 
 was not kept in the river, to prevent what has happen'd. The Admiralty 
 are now sensible that such a force is necessary, and they have this day 
 ordered nine cutters, two sloops, and two frigates in addition to the 
 yachts, to be stationed between Gravesend, and Limehouse. 
 
 I waited upon Lord Weymouth, who desired me to acquaint your 
 Grace, that he did not think it necessary to call you to town, before the 
 time you intend to return ; he had heard of the rising of the seamen. 
 I mentioned to him, that you thought a reward should be offer'd for the 
 persons who committed the horrid murder of the sailor, but he seem'd to 
 
 1 The Corsican affair showed the would almost certainly have caused the 
 
 weakness of the Ministry, and the oppor- French to give way. 
 tunities which their divided counsels Shelburne was for a bold policy : the 
 
 offered to our enemies. Bedford party was for peace at any 
 
 We might have treated the matter as price. Grafton adopted a half-and-half 
 one with which we were not concerned, but wholly indefensible line of action, 
 and then we should not have suffered inquiring as to the fighting capabilities 
 in prestige. We might, and Chatham of Corsieans and French, supplying 
 certainly would, have told the French the rebels with arms, and thus showing 
 that we should treat the occupation of at once his wishes and his powerless- 
 Corsica as a casus belli, and the weak- ness. 
 ness of the French navy at this time
 
 2IO AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1768 
 
 think the seamen had sufficiently revenged themselves upon the coal- 
 heavers, many of whom they have put to death ; and indeed Cokburne 
 knows, from one of the men concerned, that four coalheavers were carried 
 by the seamen to the middle of the river, and drowned, in revenge 
 for the murder of their companion. Surely my lord, examples should 
 be made of both parties, if sufficient proof can be obtained against 
 them. 
 
 Lord North tells me, that the Speaker is very desirous Parliament 
 should be prorogued, and not adjourn'd, on Thursday ; his reason is, an 
 apprehension, that, if the House meets after Wilkes's outlawry is decided 
 in the Courts, it will be impossible to avoid taking up that matter, what- 
 ever the decision may be. I cannot but take the liberty of saying, that 
 while his Parliamentary situation remains in doubt, the attempts to 
 intimidate Administration, and to inflame the minds of the people, by the 
 most infamous publications, will continue ; and if the House is to meet 
 for any business whatever, it seems to me every hour more desirable, 
 that M r . Wilkes's business should come under their consideration. Lord 
 North intirely agrees with your Grace, that things are not yet sufficiently 
 quiet, for a prorogation ; a petition for the free importation of all species 
 of provisions, from all parts of the world, is intended to be presented by 
 a number of people on Thursday, which is certainly meant to distress 
 Government, by obliging them to pass such a bill, at a time when all the 
 country gentlemen are gone home ; or to put a negative upon a measure, 
 which holds out an appearance, tho a false one, of relief to the poor ; 
 Lord North will endeavour to stop the petition, but I have little hopes of 
 his succeeding ; if it is received and ordered to lie upon the table, that 
 will be understood as a negative. Lord North says many persons, and 
 some in Government, are for passing such a bill, not from a belief that 
 any real advantage will be derived from it, but to satisfy the people 
 that every possible step has been taken for their benefit ; if this should 
 be resolved on, Lord North is of opinion, that when the petition is re- 
 ceived, it should be refer'd to a committee for the day after the next 
 meeting, which in that case should be fixed at the distance of three 
 weeks, and notice should be sent to every member, that such a bill was 
 intended to be brought in ; he has desired me to represent all this to your 
 Grace, and to send my letter by a messenger, wishing to know your 
 Grace's opinion, as early to-morrow as possible, what may be most advis- 
 able to be done upon this occasion. 
 
 It is very disagreeable to me to disturb your Grace in your retirement, 
 with what I know must be very unpleasing to you, but I really think it 
 my duty to send you a paper which has been published, of so dangerous 
 a nature, that it seems to me necessary that it should be taken notice 
 of immediately : if your Grace should be of that opinion, I humbly 
 submit, whether, the Attorney General should not be ordered to prosecute
 
 CH. 
 
 V] 
 
 LETTER 
 
 211 
 
 the printer as soon as possible. I have order' d M r . Francis * to secure 
 evidence of the publication, in the usual manner. 
 
 I beg your Grace will accept my best thanks for the happy days 
 I passed at Wakefield Lodge, and allow me to assure you of the sincere 
 respect, with which I have the honour to be 
 
 My lord 
 
 Your Grace's 
 
 most humble and most 
 obliged servant 
 
 Tho 8 . Bradshaw. 
 
 I request your Grace will present my best compliments to M re . 
 Haughton 2 ; I hope she continues as well, as I had the pleasure of seeing 
 her. I have this moment received a note from M r . Cokburne that the 
 seamen are quiet at present, but the ships are still detained. 
 
 M r . Selwyn is in the country, and therefore I shall not venture to move 
 Lord Garlies's writt, unless M r . Selwyn should be with your Grace, and 
 that you inform me he has no objection : his servants do not know 
 where he is. 
 
 1 It is difficult to say why Francis 
 should have been chosen to find evi- 
 dence for a prosecution in respect of 
 this paper, unless it were one especially 
 connected with the War Office. If so, 
 the paper in question may be the letter 
 ascribed to Junius, signed ' Fiat Jus- 
 titia,' which appeared in the Public 
 Advertiser on the 19th of May — a ve- 
 hement attack on the Secretary at War 
 (Lord Barrington) for addressing a com- 
 mendatory letter to the troops who had 
 taken part against the rioters in St. 
 ' leorge's Fields. If Francis were Junius 
 there is some irony in these instructions. 
 
 1 Mrs. Haughton or Nancy Parsons, 
 married in 1776 to Viscount Maynard. 
 She died in France in the winter of 
 1 S 14-15. By the kindness of Mr. Oman 
 I have been supplied with an account of 
 
 her funeral from Mrs. Williams' Narra- 
 tive of Events in France,^*. 93. Speak- 
 ing of the tolerance of Louis XVIII, 
 the writer describes a Protestant funeral 
 which took place in a Roman Catholic 
 church some leagues distant from Paris, 
 where 'the funeral sermon was preached 
 by the Protestant President from the 
 pulpit of a Catholic church to a nu- 
 merous Catholic audience, and with 
 Catholic priests present. The deceased 
 was an English lady of some renown 
 about the middle of the last century. 
 Her misfortunes and errors (for which 
 the tears shed over her grave by the poor 
 are a sure proof that she had atoned) 
 have been recorded by the celebrated 
 Junius, under the name of Miss Ann or 
 Nancy Parsons.' 
 
 P 2
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 REMOVAL OF SHELBURNE AND RETIREMENT OF 
 
 CHATHAM 
 
 ABOUT this time an incidental occurrence gave rise to such 
 a torrent of invective against the Administration, that I think 
 fit to state the real fact. 
 
 The Assembly of Virginia had voted a salary for the 
 Governor of their province. The government had, for many 
 years back, been given (like the military governments in this 
 country) to a general officer, and the practice (though not 
 strictly proper as applied to Virginia) had till then never 
 been complained of. 
 
 It was the unanimous desire of the Cabinet to put an 
 immediate end to this unjustifiable abuse of the appointment : 
 and S r . Jeffery Amherst (the then Governor) was immediately 
 informed, that His Majesty, by the advice of his ministers, 
 intended to send over a resident Governor, and grant to 
 S r . Jeffery an adequate pension, until a suitable honor, or 
 appointment could be found for him. 
 
 S r . Jeffery \ whom I saw more than once on the occasion, 
 would never be persuaded, that the mode proposed would in 
 fact both satisfy the colony, and stop the obloquy to which 
 he was exposed, from holding a post paid by the colony for 
 a different purpose. But it was in vain to argue with S r . 
 Jeffery, — adding every assurance of the desire of His Majesty 
 and of his servants of seizing all opportunities of testifying 
 that regard which they were fully sensible was his due, — as 
 
 1 Amherst seems to have made great demanded exorbitant terms. See Wal- 
 difficulties over this transaction, and pole, Memoirs, iii. 240.
 
 ch. VI.] REMOVAL OF SHELBURNE 213 
 
 he persevered in refusing every compensation : on our side, 
 we lamented, that the measure was seen in so false a light : 
 but, being convinced of the rectitude of it, we could not give 
 way to S r . Jeffery Amherst's ill-humour, or the suggestions 
 of his friends. Another reason for introducing this occur- 
 rence here arises from Ld. Chatham afterwards making a 
 grievance of it ; though I am convinced, that he was not 
 apprized of the fund out of which it was paid, nor had heard 
 that the Virginians had made a special complaint, that their 
 salary to a Governor was perverted to a sinecure place. 
 
 In the interesting and most important conversation I had 
 with L d . Chatham on the king's birth day 1767, I stated to 
 him my doubts, how far Lord Shelburne, considering the 
 little cordiality shewn by his lordship towards myself, and 
 other members of the Cabinet of late, could be expected to 
 draw at all with us. And I scrupled not to say, that if he 
 persevered in his present temper and conduct he could not 
 be allowed to continue in his office. Lord Chatham ex- 
 pressed his concern on hearing the account ; and though he 
 acknowledged that it would be a great disappointment to 
 himself, he acquiesced, that the case might be such as to 
 make it necessary. Having premised this, I shall enter on 
 a transaction, which was attended with very unpleasant con- 
 sequences, and such as were most important to the public, 
 as well as to myself. It is needless to relate the particulars 
 of the many differences of opinion between L d . Shelburne and 
 myself 1 : suffice it to say, that the coolness, which had taken 
 place from the time of the fatal illness of L d . Chatham in 
 1 766 kept encreasing to a degree, to become at length almost 
 a state of hostility between us. This was our situation : and 
 
 1 The difficulties which Grafton ex- from his department by the creation 
 perienced in dealing with Shelburne of a third Secretaryship filled by Lord 
 were common to all who had to do Hillsborough, he still continued to urge 
 with a man who seems to have been a conciliatory policy on the Govern- 
 almost universally mistrusted. But just ment. 
 
 now the king and the Bedford party He resigned on October 20, 1768, 
 
 were anxious to get rid of him, for a few days after Chatham, 
 though the colonies had been taken
 
 214 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1768 
 
 though I had many conversations with Lord Camden on a 
 point so very distressful to him, on account of his friendship 
 to us both, I had not finally determined to take the step of 
 removing him from his office, until I wrote the letter, to 
 which the following is the answer : however I might foresee 
 that it would inevitably happen. I am concerned that I 
 have no copy of my own letter ; but I seldom, if ever, kept 
 one of any I wrote to Lord Camden. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I was in bed and asleep, when your Grace's letter arrived last night, 
 and by no means so well recovered, as to be able, on my first being 
 waked, to answer it : this morning I am much better, and hope that my 
 letter may arrive, before your Grace leaves London. 
 
 I understand your Grace's plan is fixt ; and I saw plainly, the last time 
 
 I was in town, that Lord S s removal was determined. What can 
 
 I say to it my dear lord ? It is unlucky. 
 
 The Administration, since L d . Chatham's illness, is almost entirely 
 altered, without being changed ; and I find myself surrounded with 
 persons, to whom I am scarce known, and with whom I have no con- 
 nection. L d . Chatham is at Hayes, brooding over his own suspicions 
 and discontents. His return to business almost desperate ; inaccessible 
 to every body, but under a persuasion (as I have some reason to con- 
 jecture) that he is given up and abandoned. This measure for aught 
 I know, may fix his opinion, and bring him to a resolution of resigning. 
 If that should happen I should be under the greatest difficulty. 
 
 I am truly my dear lord, distressed : I have seen so much of Courts, 
 that I am heartily tired of my employment ; and should be happy to 
 retire upon a scanty income, if an honorable opportunity offered to justify 
 my retreat to the king, and your Grace : but that step I will never take 
 without your consent ; till I find I have lost the king's favor, and your 
 confidence : unless I should be forced by something more compelling 
 
 than the Earl of S 's removal. 
 
 After all, though your Grace is so good as to relieve me from any 
 opinion on this subject, yet the case being stated, as it is, that either your 
 Grace or the earl must quit, my opinion is clear, in a moment, that your 
 Grace must remain. 
 
 I am my dear lord, 
 With the truest zeal and attachment 
 
 Your Grace's &c. &c. 
 
 Camden. 
 Sef. 29 th , 1768, 
 
 Camden Place.
 
 CH. vi] REMOVAL OF SHELBURNE 215 
 
 Lord Camden's distress on this occasion added much to 
 my own : and my perplexity also was not a little encreased 
 by the instigations to remove L d . Shelburne, which fell 
 daily from His Majesty, and my new allies. Lord Chatham 
 being inaccessible to every body, after another full considera- 
 tion of the business, I saw no better mode of approaching 
 his lordship, than by a letter to Lady Chatham ; and I ad- 
 dressed that to her ladyship, which I propose to insert, 
 directly below one which I received from Lord Camden 
 about that time. 
 
 Bath, Oct*. 4 th , 1768. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I should have answered your Grace's letter sooner, if I could have 
 procured a safe conveyance, not caring to trust it to the common post. 
 I am to return your Grace thanks for the obliging manner in which you 
 are pleased to receive my poor sentiments, which, however undeserving, 
 in other respects, shall always have the merit of sincerity and plain- 
 dealing. 
 
 Lord S s situation is unpleasant enough : but by no means so 
 
 alarming, as the clouds that are gathering in France and N. America. 
 With respect to the first, your Grace is perfectly apprized of my senti- 
 ments ; I shall only say on that subject, it does behove his lordship, either 
 to be cordially reconciled, or to resign : for it is neither just nor honorable 
 to confound, much less to betray an Administration, while he remains 
 a member of it. I should wish the first on many accounts ; and yet 
 I fear that can hardly be expected, considering what has passed, especially 
 the last affront, in setting aside his lordship's nomination to Turin '. 
 
 As to N. America, before a speech can be sketched upon the subject, it 
 is necessary to know what measures the king's ministers mean to pursue : 
 for the Speech and the Address must mark the outlines of these measures. 
 
 I was a long time in hopes, that Massachuset's Bay would have been 
 the only disobedient colony 2 : it would have been no difficult measure to 
 
 1 Shelburne proposed to send Lord and calling on the other colonies to 
 Tankerville to Turin, but Grafton, at resist them. In June, 176S, there was 
 the instance of the Bedford party, took a serious riot in Boston, consequent on 
 the matter out of Shelbume's hands the seizure by the Custom House 
 and recommended Mr. Lynch to the authorities of a sloop containing 
 king. smuggled goods. Troops were sent to 
 
 2 The colonies began to make agree- maintain order, and it was evident that 
 ments among themselves not to import the latent disloyalty of Massachusetts 
 English manufactures. The Assembly needed firm and delicate handling. The 
 of Massachusetts took a leading part in rash measures of Townshcnd had fanned 
 denouncing T ownshend's revenue laws, the spark into a flame.
 
 2l6 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1768 
 
 have dealt with them, if the others had sit still, and remained passive : 
 but I am deceived in that expectation : for it is now manifest, that the 
 whole continent will unite and make it a common cause. We are shifted, 
 by I know not what fatality, upon M r . Grenville's ground ; and being 
 pressed on the one hand by the Declaratory Law, and on the other by the 
 colony's resolute denial of Parliamentary authority, that the issue is now 
 joined upon the right, which in my apprehension, is the most untoward 
 ground of dispute that could have been started : fatal to Great Britain, 
 if she miscarries : unprofitable if she succeeds. For it is (as I believe 
 your Grace thinks with me, it is) inexpedient to tax the colonies, as we 
 maintained, when the Stamp Act was repealed. After both sides are half 
 ruined in the contest, we shall at last establish a right, which ought never 
 to be exerted. 
 
 If the Americans are able to practise so much self-denial, as to subsist 
 only for one twelve-month without British commodities, I do very much 
 fear that they will carry their point, without striking a blow. Patience 
 and perseverance in this one measure will ruin us. And I am more apt 
 to dread this event, because it seems to me, that the colonies are more 
 sober, and consequently, more determined in their present opposition, 
 than they were upon the Stamp-Act. For, except only the riots at Boston, 
 I see nothing like active rebellion in the other provinces. If it should 
 happen, the merchants and manufacturers here at home will be clamourous ; 
 and half our own people will be added to the American party. 
 
 Your Grace will ask upon this representation of things ; What is to be 
 done ? Indeed, my dear lord, I do not know what is best to advise. 
 
 The Parliament, I presume, while the Declaratory Law stands will not 
 endure an avowal of the American principle ; consequently cannot repeal 
 the Act in question : because that would admit the American principle to 
 be right, and their own doctrine erroneous. Therefore, I conclude the 
 Parliament will not repeal ; consequently must execute the law : and this 
 of course must be the language of the Speech. 
 
 The method, how to execute it, is the next consideration : and here 
 I am much at a loss. There is no pretence for violence any where but at 
 Boston : that is the ringleading province ; and if any country is to be 
 chastised, the punishment ought to be levelled there. 
 
 I have been sometimes thinking, that, if the Act was repealed in favor 
 of the other provinces, excepting Massachuset's Bay, and there executed 
 with proper rigour, that such a measure might not be unsuccessful : but 
 I am aware that no man perhaps but myself could be brought to relish 
 such a measure of concession; as almost every body else holds the 
 Declaratory Law to be a sacred fundamental, never to be departed from. 
 
 I submit to the Declaratory Law, and have thought it my duty upon 
 that ground, as a minister, to exert every constitutional power, to carry the 
 Duty Act into execution. But, as a member of the Legislature, I cannot
 
 CH. vi] POSITION OF CAMDEN 217 
 
 bring myself to advise violent measures to support a plan so inexpedient 
 and so impolitic. And I am very much afraid (I speak this confidentially 
 to your Grace) that if a motion should be made to repeal the Act, I should 
 be under a necessity to vote for it. But, there are so few in my way of 
 thinking, that such a motion is not to be expected. 
 
 I am very sensible, that a difference of opinion on a subject so serious 
 and important may be prejudicial to the Administration ; and I lament 
 the occasion, being persuaded that a most perfect union amongst us is 
 essential, and I will labor to effect it with my best endeavors : but I do 
 fear most exceedingly that upon the American question the Bedfords and 
 myself will be too far asunder to meet. I must maintain my own ground : 
 the public knows my opinion, and knows theirs. Neither of us can be 
 inconsistent with ourselves. 
 
 This letter is to your Grace only. You are my Pole Star, Lord Chatham 
 being eclipsed. I had rather see your Grace at the head of Government, 
 than any other man in this kingdom, and therefore, I have disclosed to 
 you my whole heart upon this ill-fated business ; though I am sensible 
 that my sentiments do not altogether coincide with your Grace's opinion. 
 
 There is nothing I dread so much as a war with America. I shall be 
 very happy to know your councils in town upon this subject. 
 
 Corsica is rather a delicate, than a difficult business. Might not the 
 king say, that foreign affairs do not wear quite so promising and favour- 
 able an aspect, as they did. That however desirous he is to maintain the 
 public tranquility, to attain which desirable end, he will use his utmost 
 endeavors, yet he is determined to preserve the dignity of his Crown, 
 and the rights of his subjects inviolable. I don't give your Grace the 
 words : I only mark the idea, and I do it in obedience to your Grace's 
 commands. 
 
 I return your Grace a thousand thanks for your kind enquiry after mine 
 and my son's health. I am tolerably well, and begin to drink the waters 
 with success : and I hope my son is recovered. 
 
 I have the honor to be most truly, with 
 
 the most perfect attachment to your Grace 
 
 Your &c. &c. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 I hope, that by stating the particulars of the letter, I have 
 not committed a breach of trust, towards Lord Camden ; as 
 37 years are now elapsed, which have carried to the grave 
 every one of the parties, and as the publication of the senti- 
 ments on the American occurrences show a disinterested 
 consistency, which do him so much credit. To have sup- 
 pressed it here, I should have considered to be very blame-
 
 2l8 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1768 
 
 able ; though but a small part of the letter relates to the 
 matter now before us, yet every part of it tends to shew the 
 circumstances of the time. 
 
 In consequence of what I have already mentioned to be my 
 design ; I wrote to Lady Chatham as follows ; 
 
 Newmarket, Oct r . 5 th , 1768. 
 Madam, 
 
 It would give me the most cordial satisfaction to be able to have the 
 honor of seeing your ladyship for one quarter of an hour, at any day, or 
 hour, after Saturday next, that you shall be pleased to command me to 
 wait on you at Hayes. It is so long since Lord Chatham's health has 
 allowed his lordship to see me, that struggling in a most arduous career, 
 where friendship to him could alone bring me from a life much more 
 pleasing to my own mind, I think, I am entitled from this circumstance 
 to claim the favor I beg of your ladyship, in order to disburthen my mind 
 on some particular subjects ; and that your ladyship may know, at least, 
 that my whole conduct has not, nor shall have, any other bias, than that 
 which brought me forward into my present situation. I shall be in 
 London on Saturday, and hope to find the favor of a line from your 
 ladyship, to whom 
 
 I have the honor to be, with the truest esteem 
 
 and the most profound respect, 
 
 Madam &c. &c. 
 
 Grafton. 
 
 Countess of Chatham. 
 
 On arriving in London I found the following letter — 
 
 Hayes, Friday night, 
 
 Oct r . 7 th , 1768. 
 My Lord, 
 
 I was honored this morning with your Grace's most obliging letter, 
 received by the post. Your Grace will, I hope, believe that I must, at all 
 times, feel myself much flattered in receiving a visit from you : but 
 I should think myself inexcusable, if I suffered your Grace to have the 
 trouble of coming to Hayes, without first apprizing you, that the very 
 weak state of my lord's health renders it impossible for me to convey to 
 him the communication of any business. I beg further to add, that being 
 conscious, how unequal I am to judge of political matters, I should feel 
 happy to be allowed to express by this letter, the whole of what I can 
 have to say to your Grace ; my real good wishes for the honour of His 
 Majesty, and for the success of his affairs, which are in your Grace's 
 hands. If your Grace should notwithstanding continue in the intention
 
 CH. vi] RETIREMENT OF CHATHAM 219 
 
 of doing me the honor of a visit, I shall hope for the favor of seeing you 
 about noon, on Sunday next. 
 
 I have the honor to be with the highest 
 
 esteem, and greatest respect &c. &c. 
 
 H. Chatham. 
 
 In the interview of some length, which I had with her 
 ladyship, I understood that Lord Chatham continued in that 
 weak state, which rendered him still incapable of all business, 
 and unfit to have his mind turned to any. Thus, precluded 
 from all hope of bringing back any distinct account of his 
 sentiments, on what was so much on my own head and heart. 
 I had no other means left, than to lay before Lady Chatham 
 the great difficulties in which the Ministry was involved, 
 desiring her ladyship to take the proper moment to let his 
 lordship be acquainted with them. Her ladyship was so good 
 as to assure me, that she would communicate the purport 
 of my visit : provided, it was left to her to judge the suitable 
 moment. I began my discourse by assuring Lady Chatham, 
 that, notwithstanding the king had now for so long a time, 
 by Lord Chatham's dreadful illnesses, been deprived of all 
 assistance from him in his Councils, His Majesty did not 
 despair of seeing soon his return to the head of affairs, which 
 I was expressly commanded to deliver, as the king's particular 
 hope and expectation. I ventured to add my own declara- 
 tion, namely of being ready and anxious to return to him 
 that lead in administration, to which his experience and ability 
 had just claim, and which had been imposed on me, at his 
 lordship's earnest request : and was considered by myself as 
 a painful and temporary possession. I added, that every 
 man, whom Lord Chatham had left in the Cabinet, desired 
 as earnestly, as I did, his return to power : and, that I had 
 taken care, in bringing those into Ministry, whom his lordship 
 had more especially pointed out as the most desirable acces- 
 sion to support it, to have it plainly understood by them 1 , 
 
 1 Whatever Grafton may have in- Ministry had no idea of waiting with 
 tended, it is clear that those members impatience for the return of Chatham. 
 of the Bedford party who joined the Grafton was misled by the efforts which
 
 220 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1768 
 
 that His Majesty and his ministers, were looking out with 
 impatience for the day, on which Lord Chatham could again 
 take the lead in the king's Councils. 
 
 I endeavored next to explain the nature of the supposed 
 grievance complained of by S r . Jeffrey Amherst ; and, that it 
 never was the intention of the king's servants to remove him, 
 without securing to him a more eligible situation. Possibly, 
 I did not succeed in explaining sufficiently the circumstances 
 attending this affair; as Lord Chatham afterwards laid so 
 much stress on it. 
 
 On the principal point, on which we were so earnest to 
 know Lord Chatham's sentiments, I could no longer expect 
 to receive satisfaction. I confined therefore, my discourse, to 
 what I had communicated to Lord Chatham in 1767, con- 
 cerning Lord Shelburne, whose want of cordiality to me, and 
 the continuation of his unfriendly conduct laid me under the 
 necessity of now proposing his removal from office : I added, 
 that Lord Chatham would recollect my acquainting him, at 
 that time, that it was likely, that I should be driven to that 
 most unpleasant measure. Lady Chatham listened with the 
 greatest attention to the whole of the information, which I 
 delivered with entire frankness ; and then, after some civil 
 enquiries, I took my leave. It will appear singular ; but I do 
 not recollect, that we ever discoursed on this event, when 
 a few years after I lived in long and friendly intimacy with 
 Lord Shelburne, and had regained the confidence of Lord 
 Chatham. 
 
 His Majesty was anxiously expecting my return from 
 Hayes ; and listened with great attention to my report, doing 
 me the honor of approving the manner in which I had con- 
 ducted the business. The king was also anxious that, as 
 
 Chatham had made in 1766 to effect and to retain office. Grafton was fond 
 
 a junction with the Bedford party, and of amusement, had no love for official 
 
 by the advice which he had given in life, and was ill-supported by Camden 
 
 May, 1767, that the Ministry should try and Conway. It is no wonder that he 
 
 to gain strength from this quarter. was overpowered by his new allies 
 
 These recruits were eager to accept before he had realized the situation.
 
 CH. Vl] RETIREMENT OF CHATHAM 221 
 
 Lord Shelburne was to be removed, it should be done in the 
 least hostile manner possible. 
 
 To this state of things, I cannot do better, than to add the 
 subsequent letters, which point out correctly, what was pass- 
 ing. As Lord Chatham was represented to me, to be brooding 
 over his discontent, I was not surprized at the tenor of his 
 letter, which is here transcribed ; tho', from the representation 
 of his state of health, I could not have expected so soon to 
 have heard from him. The two last lines were in Lord 
 Chatham's own hand, and well written. 
 
 Hayes, Wednesday, Oct 1 '. 1 2 th , 1 768. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 My extremely weak and broken state of health continuing to render 
 me entirely useless to the king's service, I beg your Grace would have 
 the goodness to lay me, with the utmost duty, at His Majesty's feet, 
 together with my humble request that His Majesty will be graciously 
 pleased to grant me his royal permission to resign the Privy Seal. May 
 I be allowed, at the same time to offer to His Majesty my deepest sense 
 of His Majesty's long, most humane, and most gracious indulgence to- 
 wards me, and to express my ardent prayers for His Majesty. 
 
 Tho' unable to enter into business, give me leave, my lord, not to 
 conclude without expressing to your Grace, that I cannot enough lament 
 the removal of S r . Jeffrey Amherst, and that of Lord Shelburne. 
 
 I will add no more to your Grace's present trouble, than to desire your 
 
 Grace will accept my sincerest acknowledgments of all your goodness to 
 
 me. I beg your Grace to believe me, with the highest esteem and most 
 
 perfect respect 
 
 Your Grace's most faithful and most obedient 
 
 humble servant, 
 
 Chatham. 
 
 Without much hope of being successful in my attempt, 
 I wrote the answer which follows, being desirous, that nothing 
 should be left untried, that could induce Lord Chatham not 
 to adhere to this resolution ; and His Majesty deigning to 
 honor the Earl with a letter from himself the next day, did 
 every thing that we could desire. The king did me the 
 honor of transcribing, with his own hand, the answer His 
 Majesty received from Lord Chatham which I was commanded 
 to communicate to the Lord Chancellor immediately. Lord
 
 222 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1768 
 
 Chatham rested in this letter his desire of resigning entirely 
 on the weak and broken state of his health without the men- 
 tion of any public measure 1 . 
 
 My letter to Lord Chatham was written in haste ; and 
 I transcribe it from a very rough draft, taken at the time. 
 
 Grosvenor Square, Ocf. 12 th , 
 
 1768. 
 My Lord, 
 
 I feel too much concern on the idea of any circumstance, that can 
 induce your lordship to retire from your situation in the king's service, 
 from the prejudice it must bring on His Majesty's affairs, that if I had no 
 other reason, I should, even on this consideration, beg leave to represent 
 my sentiments on an event so unhappy for this country. But, my lord, 
 having myself given way some time ago to your entreaties to me, to 
 remain in my present post, when your health was at least as bad as it 
 now is, I have some right to claim from you a return of the same conduct, 
 when I see, as your lordship was pleased then to say, that nothing could 
 be so truly serviceable to His Majesty's affairs. Give me leave to recall 
 this conversation and assurance from your lordship to your recollection, 
 and on the ground of it to entreat your lordship not to deprive His 
 Majesty of that support, which even the hope of your recovery gives to 
 his Government. 
 
 Your lordship's letter also laments a circumstance, which I mentioned 
 to Lady Chatham, as one, appearing to me to be necessary, and on which 
 I intended humbly to submit my opinion to His Majesty. 
 
 I lament it also, as Lord Shelburne was recommended by your lordship : 
 but, give me leave to say, that, in the same situation your lordship would 
 have given the same advice as that which my honor, as well as my duty 
 to the king, will call me to give. 
 
 I could heartily have wished to have had an opportunity of explaining 
 to your lordship many important subjects, and amongst them, how much 
 S r . Jeffrey Amherst misconstrued the intention of His Majesty and his 
 servants towards him. But your lordship's health depriving me of that 
 
 1 When Chatham recovered his health had put an end to all the successive 
 and returned to the House of Lords, he Administrations as soon as they opposed 
 used language which was not justified or declined to act under it.' Grafton 
 by the circumstances of his resignation. might be pardoned for replying that 
 lie said, 'I soon found that there was these words were 'the effects of a dis- 
 no original Administration to be suffered ordered mind brooding over its own 
 in this country. The same secret in- discontents ' {Chatham Corresp. iii. 
 visible influence still prevailed which 422).
 
 CH. vi] RETIREMENT OF CHATHAM 223 
 
 satisfaction *, I could only impart to Lady Chatham in general the earnest 
 wish I shall ever have for your recovery, and that I have ever been and 
 shall always remain with the truest attachment, esteem, and respect, 
 
 Your lordship's &c. &c. 
 
 Grafton. 
 
 P.S. Your lordship will observe, that I must postpone the obedience 
 I owe to your commands, in hopes of seeing that what I have said in 
 this letter has had some weight with your lordship. 
 
 The day following this second letter came to me from 
 Chatham, the few latter words of his own hand writing. 
 
 Hayes, Thursday, Oct r . 13 th , 1768. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 I am truly sensible how real an honor your Grace does me in the 
 wish you are so good as to express, with regard to the letter with which 
 I took the liberty to trouble your Grace yesterday. It must ever be 
 a great grief to me to be reduced to a necessity of doing any thing con- 
 trary to your Grace's wish ; but, unfortunately the necessity which com- 
 pelled me to trouble your Grace upon this painful subject, obliges me 
 again to ask the same favor of your Grace ; to lay at His Majesty's feet 
 my most humble request contained in my letter of yesterday. Give me 
 leave, my lord, to renew to your Grace the sincere assurances that I shall 
 ever retain, with pleasure, the fullest sense of all your Grace's goodness 
 towards me. I am with the highest respect, 
 
 and attachment, my lord 
 
 Your Grace's &c. &c. 
 
 Chatham 2 . 
 
 His Majesty, on seeing this second letter from Lord 
 Chatham, determined to write to his lordship, and my answer, 
 as under, was sent by the same messenger as the king's. 
 
 Grosvenor Square, Oct. 14 th , 
 
 1768. 
 My Lord, 
 
 It was with the most real regret that I found myself obliged by your 
 lordship's second letter, to lay your request before the king. The manner, 
 
 1 It is noticeable that Chatham never treacherous to himself. 
 
 saw Grafton between the interview in 2 These letters appear in the Chatham 
 
 May, 1767, and their meeting at the Correspondence, ii. 340 et sea. Their 
 
 leve'e in July, 1769, ancl that he nevei tone does not suggest the dissatisfaction 
 
 gave the Duke a chance of defending which Chatham expressed in the House 
 
 or explaining a policy which he attacked of Lords on March 2, 1770 {Chatham 
 
 as being not only misguided, but Correspondence, iii. 423).
 
 224 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1768 
 
 in which His Majesty received this unwelcome news better proved to me, 
 than I can describe to your lordship, the sense His Majesty has of the 
 prejudice that this step of your lordship's will bring to his affairs. Tho' 
 every representation of mine has not availed : yet, I must flatter myself, 
 that the king, whose sincere wish for your lordship's return to conduct 
 his affairs I have been a witness to, will be able to persuade, where, from 
 this ground alone, he has so good a right. 
 
 I have the honor to be with every sentiment of the most perfect esteem, 
 honor, and respect, 
 
 My lord &c. &c. 
 
 Grafton. 
 
 By the return of the messenger, an answer was brought to 
 
 His Majesty's letter ; and this note for me. 
 
 Ocf. 14 th , 1768. 
 Lord Chatham presents his best compliments to the Duke of Grafton, 
 and hopes his Grace will pardon his not answering the honor of his 
 Grace's letter, having made an effort, greatly beyond his strength by re- 
 newing, with his own hand, his humble supplication to His Majesty. 
 
 The day following I received the letter which I transcribe 
 from Lord Camden. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 My concern upon the intelligence contained in your Grace's letter is 
 inexpressible, and tho' I was apprehensive that Lord Shelburne's dis- 
 mission would make a deep impression upon Lord Chatham's mind, yet 
 I did not expect this sudden resignation. I will still live in hope that 
 His Majesty's letter may produce an alteration ; because there is a possi- 
 bility, tho' at the same time I do not flatter myself with any sanguine 
 expectations. Your Grace and I feel for each other. To me I fear the 
 blow is fatal, yet I shall come to no determination. If I can find out 
 what is fit for me to do in this most distressed situation, that I must do, 
 but the difficulty lies in forming a true judgment. Whatever my decision 
 may be, I will never resign my active endeavors to support the king's 
 service, or my unchangeable attachment to your Grace. This most un- 
 fortunate event will throw the king's affairs into a state of utter distrac- 
 tion. Perhaps order may spring up out of this confusion. I do assure 
 your Grace that my mind is at present in too great an agitation to be 
 soon settled, and therefore I do not give myself leave to form any opinion 
 concerning my own conduct. I shall wait with impatience to hear the 
 conclusion, and am with the truest zeal and attachment 
 
 Your Grace's most ob f . and faithful servant 
 
 Camden. 
 13ath, Oct r . 14 th , 1768.
 
 CH. vi] RETIREMENT OF CHATHAM 225 
 
 I insert two more letters from Lord Camden, as they relate 
 
 to our present subject. 
 
 Bath, Oct T . 16 th , 1768. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 Your Grace's intelligence does not surprize me, I expected it, and 
 
 had predetermined my own journey to London, before I had the honor of 
 
 your Grace's letter. Unfortunately, one of my children is so ill, that 
 
 I must wait a day or two, before I set out, in order to see what turn her 
 
 distemper will take. I propose however to be in town on Wednesday 
 
 next, or Thursday at the latest. 
 
 Nothing could give me so much satisfaction as to join with your Grace 
 
 in one line of conduct ; and yet I see plainly, that our situations are 
 
 different, and the same honour, duty to the king, and regard to the public, 
 
 operating upon two minds equally aiming at the same end, may possibly 
 
 draw us different ways : but I dare say your Grace will believe me in all 
 
 events and circumstances, what I really am, with all respect and unfeigned 
 
 attachment &c. &c. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 On the 4 th of November I received the short letter which 
 I likewise transcribe. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I sat late in Court, and have but just dined. I intended to have sent 
 
 a line to your Grace, tho' I had not received the honour of your letter. 
 
 M r . Dunning stays in his office at my request. 
 
 I am &c. &c. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 Friday Eveng. 
 
 I shall ever consider Lord Chatham's long illness, together 
 with his resignation, as the most unhappy event that could 
 have befallen our political state. Without entering into many 
 other consequences at that time, which called for his assis- 
 tance ; I must think that the separation from America might 
 have been avoided : for in the following spring Lord Chatham 
 was sufficiently recovered to have given his effectual support 
 in the Cabinet to Lords Camden and Granby and Gen 1 . 
 Conway, with myself, who were over-ruled in our best en- 
 deavors to include the article of teas with the other duties 
 intended to be repealed. There can be no doubt, that the 
 favor would have been gladly received by the colonies ; 
 especially, if it was held out to them, that their former con- 
 
 Q
 
 226 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1768 
 
 stitutions, with their different charters, were no longer suited 
 to their condition ; and that Great Britain was ready to confer 
 with them on establishing a free Government, dependent on 
 the mother country, and exclusively possessed of the full right 
 of taxing themselves. When I advance these sentiments with 
 so much confidence to be my belief, I assure you that it is 
 the result of mature deliberation. Is there a man in the 
 kingdom left, who does not now deplore the bad policy 
 which was adopted ; and feel the infatuation of so large a 
 part of the nation, urging on measures which were so evi- 
 dently pernicious, and which ended with our loss of America, 
 when a contrary conduct might possibly have cemented the 
 colonies to us by a firm union, calculated for the happiness 
 of both countries ? But what a reverse ! ! 
 
 ' Animus meminisse horret ; luctuque refugit.' 
 
 I do not know that I could have stated this important 
 transaction of Lord Chatham's resignation, followed by that 
 of Lord Shelburne, with the exactness and perspicuity which 
 may be deduced from the letters cited above. To your judg- 
 ment, and that of others they are committed, and in my 
 opinion, this correspondence is most capable of determining 
 it : and I have more satisfaction that the business should 
 stand on the testimony of these letters, than on any thing 
 
 I could add. 1 must not omit, that Lord Bristol became 
 
 Privy Seal, without a seat at the Cabinet 1 , and that Lord 
 Rochford succeeded to Lord Shelburne 2 . Hoping that Lord 
 
 1 George William, second Earl of the arrangement. ' Lord Rochford 
 Bristol (1721-1775), had been our am- was acquainted with the affairs and 
 bassador to Spain 1 758-1761, and was temper of the Southern courts — Lord 
 appointed by Chatham, Lord-Lieut. Weymouth was equally qualified for 
 of Ireland. Chatham was consulted by either department. By what unaccount- 
 him as to accepting the Privy Seal, but able caprice has it happened that the 
 declined to give an opinion. latter, who pietends to no experience 
 
 2 The Earl of Rochford (1717-1781) whatever, is removed to the most im- 
 had been ambassador in Paris 1766- portant of the two departments, and 
 1768. He did not now succeed Shel- the former by preference placed in an 
 burne, but took the Northern depart- office, where his experience can be of 
 ment, while Weymouth moved into no use to him ? ' 
 
 Shelbumc's place. Junius criticized
 
 CH. vi] RETIREMENT OF CHATHAM 227 
 
 Northington might have considered himself still equal in health 
 to the business of the Privy Seal, His Majesty in the first 
 instance made the offer to his lordship, but this he declined 
 on reasons which were very satisfactory to the king. Parlia- 
 ment met a short time after ; the interesting points for con- 
 sideration were too important not to render the early meeting 
 necessary. It has not come into the place of this memoir 
 to enter into the particulars of debates, and occurrences in 
 Parliament ; as they are so well known : and indeed in this 
 place, I should not have it in my power, as I find few letters, 
 or other documents, that could assist my memory. The 
 majorities were great on all the principal measures brought 
 forward in this Session. If Lord North did not rise in popu- 
 larity, without doors, he rose greatly in the estimation of 
 those who were the best judges of distinguished parliamentary 
 abilities. At the Treasury, his talents for business in finance 
 were eminently superior to any thing we had seen in M r . C. 
 Townshend. 
 
 Some time after the opening of the Session, when it was 
 debated, in what manner the House should proceed in the 
 business of M r . Wilkes ; the Solicitor General (M r . Dunning) 1 
 differed in opinion with most of the king's servants, as to the 
 mode of conducting the accusation. This offended Lord 
 North much more than it need have done : he complained 
 to me the next day most bitterly ; and entreated me to desire 
 Lord Camden to see M r . Dunning upon it : which I did, 
 tho' very reluctantly, seeing that Lord North was so much 
 affected. 
 
 I insert the letter, which I received in consequence of my 
 visit. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I had an opportunity, after I saw your Grace yesterday, of hearing 
 an account of what passed in the House of Commons, and I find the 
 debate turned upon this; whether they should vote the paper a libel, 
 
 1 John Donning (1731-1783), Solicitor- He was a follower of Shclbnrne, and 
 Geneial 1 7^7 1 770, created Lord Ash- sat for his borough of Calne. 
 burton 1 782 and Chancellor of the Duchy. 
 
 Q 2
 
 228 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1768 
 
 before Wilkes was heard in his defence ; and that this was no question 
 on the merits ; but only discourse upon the mode of proceeding : that the 
 Solicitor General thought if M r . Wilkes was to be heard, he ought 
 regularly to be at liberty to speak to the nature and quality of the paper, 
 as well as to the fact of writing and publishing. And, indeed, my dear 
 lord, I am of the same opinion : and I do verily believe, that no lawyer 
 can hold a different language. The Solicitor said, that, difficult as the 
 task would be for M r . W. to maintain in argument that the paper was no 
 libel, yet he ought not to be precluded from that argument, which he 
 would be, if the House determined it to be a libel. Moreton seemed to 
 be in the same way of thinking : and if the House should proceed on the 
 business by calling upon Wilkes to make his defence, I do not see how 
 they can, consistent with the terms of justice, pronounce the paper to be 
 a libel, till they have heard him. We had a right to call it a libel, because 
 the author could not be on his defence before us : but if the author had 
 been called to our Bar, we should most certainly have heard him, before 
 we had voted the paper to be a libel. 
 
 Now, my dear lord, give me leave to say, that Lord North should not 
 be quite so much offended with M r . Dunning, because the matter, before 
 the House, was rather a discourse upon the method of proceeding, than 
 a measure of administration. 
 
 Upon these grounds, after much consideration, I thought it most 
 prudent, I dare say, your Grace will agree with me, not to send to 
 M 1 '. D. : at least, till I have seen your Grace again : for it is too dis- 
 respectful a proceeding to expostulate with any gentleman for his conduct, 
 before you have some serious objection to his behaviour. I do not 
 believe M r . D. will be so base, as to remain in office, and not to be hearty 
 in the support of administration. I have the honor &c. &c. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 Dec r . i8<* 1768, 
 
 Lincoln's Inn Fields. 
 
 The prejudice of Lord North against M r . Dunning was not 
 removed by this explanation of ours, nor could he be brought 
 to treat him with that confidence which the situation of the 
 other had a right to expect from the minister of the House of 
 Commons ; and M T . Dunning was too high minded to submit 
 to any indignity. Not long after, he resigned his office, and 
 was succeeded by Thurlow, a bold and able lawyer 1 , and 
 
 1 Edward, first Lord Thurlow (1732- in his profession by a vigorous intellect, 
 
 1806), Solicitor-General 1770, Attorney- rather than by wide learning or subtlety 
 
 General 1771, Chancellor 1778-1783 and of reasoning. In politics his bold, im- 
 
 again 17S3-1792. lie was distinguished perious manner created an impression
 
 ch. vi] WILKES 229 
 
 a speaker of the first rate, as well in Parliament as at the 
 Bar. — His principles leaned to high Prerogative : and I fear 
 his councils brought no advantage to the king or to the 
 nation. M r . Dunning's colleague, Col. Barre, much attached 
 to Lord Shelburne, had resigned a lucrative office when his 
 lordship quitted. He was a man of an upright and honorable 
 character ; he came to me at the time, expressing his concern 
 that we were to part ; and I flatter myself that I possessed 
 his regard to the end of his life. 
 
 The steps in general, taken by the House in the business 
 of Mr. Wilkes's four elections for Middlesex were very 
 unpopular without doors. But the rage did not spread forth 
 into the breasts of so large a part of the nation until Colonel 
 Luttrell, who had only 296 votes to Mr. Wilkes's 1143, was 
 declared by the House, on his petition, to be duly elected. 
 How this decision could have been avoided, or a better 
 substituted I cannot well pronounce ; but, it was generally 
 thought that the occasion could not justify the violence 
 diffused into so many counties of the kingdom. Meetings 
 were held, and petitions were drawn up and signed in many 
 parts — those of Yorkshire and Westminster went directly to 
 pray for a dissolution of Parliament : most of the others 
 implied the like desire. A few counties, I think rejected the 
 petition which was proposed to them ; but these were not 
 numerous. The vote of the Commons was on the third of 
 March 1769 ; and Parliament was prorogued on the 9 th of May. 
 
 The internal state of the country was really alarming : and 
 from my situation I had more cause to feel it than any other 
 man. But a measure, at this time adopted by a majority 
 of the king's servants, gave me still more apprehension, con- 
 sidering it to be big with more mischief : for, contrary to my 
 proposal of including the articles of Teas, together with all 
 the other trifling objects of Taxation, to be repealed on the 
 opening of the next session, it was decided that the Teas 
 were still to remain taxed as before, tho' contrary to the 
 
 of straightforwardness of which his con- is an evil figure in the history of the time, 
 temporaries were soon disabused. He coarse and dishonest.
 
 230 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1769 
 
 declared opinions of Lord Camden, Lord Granby, General 
 Conway and myself. S r . Edward Hawke was absent through 
 illness : otherwise I think he would have agreed with those, 
 who voted for including the Teas in the repeal. But, this 
 was not all : and considering what important consequences this 
 very decision led to ; there is no minute part of it, on which 
 you should not be informed. When we had delivered seriatim 
 our opinions, the minute, as is usual, was taken down by 
 Lord Hillsborough * ; and in that part, where the intentions 
 of the king's servants were to be communicated by a circular 
 letter to all the governors in America, the majority allowed 
 the first penned minute of Lord Hillsborough to be amended 
 by words as kind and lenient as could be proposed by some 
 of us, and not without encouraging expressions, which were 
 too evidently displeasing to his lordship. — The quick departure 
 of the packet carried off Lord Hillsborough's circular letter, 
 before it had got into circulation, and we were persuaded on 
 reading the dispatch attentively, that it was not in the words, 
 nor form, of the last correction agreed to by the Cabinet. 
 Thus, it was evident to us, who were over-ruled in the Cabinet, 
 that the parts of the minute, which might be soothing to the 
 colonies were wholly omitted. Lord Camden in particular, 
 much offended at this proceeding, mentioned the circumstance 
 to me, and immediately charged Lord Hillsborough with the 
 omission, and insisted on seeing the minute ; from which the 
 circular letter ought to have been drawn. Lord Hillsborough 
 expressed his sorrow that the packet was sailed : but, that 
 he was certain, that the circular was drawn conformably to 
 the minute. The present Lord Camden gave me leave to 
 copy the following papers, which passed between his father 
 and Lord Hillsborough on this occasion, and which I had 
 
 1 Wills Hill, second Viscount and this office until 1772, and was re-ap- 
 
 first Earl of Hillsborough, was appointed pointed Secretary of State in 1779. He 
 
 Secretary of State for the Colonies in retired in 1782 and died in 1792. He 
 
 January, 1 768. This was one cause of is known in our history as a 'king's 
 
 disagreement between Grafton and Shel- friend ' who helped to lose the American 
 
 burne fromwhose department the colonies colonies, 
 were thus taken. Hillsborough held
 
 en. vi] lord Hillsborough's letter 231 
 
 particularly desired his lordship to search from among his 
 father's papers. 
 
 Copy. — from Lord Chancellor (Camden) to the Earl of Hillsborough, 
 Secretary for the American Department. 
 
 Lord Chancellor presents his compliments to Lord Hillsborough and 
 begs leave to know, whether the circular letter to the governors in 
 America, explaining the conduct of the king's servants in respect to the 
 dispute between Great Britain and the colonies is dispatched, or not : 
 because Lord Chancellor has material objections to the draught which 
 came first to his hands the day before yesterday. 
 
 June 9 th , 1769, 
 
 Lincoln's Inn Fields. 
 
 Copy. 
 
 Lord Hillsborough presents his compliments to Lord Chancellor, and 
 is sorry the circular letter has been long dispatched. He wrote and sent 
 it immediately after the Cabinet, nor can he conceive what can be his 
 lordship's objections to it, as it is exactly conformable to the Minute, and 
 as near as possible in the same words. 
 
 Hanover Square, 
 
 June 9 th , 1769. 
 
 Copy. 
 
 Lord Hillsborough conceiving that Lord Chancellor means to have 
 the rough draft of the minute of Cabinet, taken the I st of May, he spent 
 half the day in looking for it, and cannot find it, altho' he supposes he 
 still has it,— but having the fair draught which he communicated to his 
 lordship and the other lords, and laid before the king, and which is 
 conformable to the rough draught, he has not attended to the preservation 
 of the latter. Enclosed he has the honor to send a copy of the Minute 
 No. 1 — and also a copy of the Circular Letter No. i — which he hopes 
 L d . Ch. upon reconsideration will approve. 
 
 Hanover Square, 
 
 Saturday night. 
 
 Copy. — L d . Chancellor to Lord Hillsborough. — No date— but either 
 a day or two after the preceding necessarily. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 I had the honor of receiving your lordship's note with copies of the 
 Minute and the Circular Letter, and am very sorry to say that I cannot 
 bring myself to approve the letter, though I have considered and recon- 
 sidered it, with the utmost attention.
 
 232 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1769 
 
 I wish your lordship had not mislaid the original minute, because I do 
 not remember the first sentence of the fair draught to have been part 
 of that original, and so I told your lordship when you was pleased to 
 shew me the draught a day or two after the meeting. All that I mean 
 to observe to your lordship upon that subject is, that this sentence was 
 not a part of the original minute, nor in my poor judgment necessary to 
 have been made a part of it. 
 
 But the principal objection wherein I possibly may be mistaken, is to 
 the letter, which ought to have been founded on the minute, and it is this, 
 that the letter does not communicate that opinion, which is expressed in 
 the second paragraph of the minute, and which the Secretary of State is 
 authorized to impart both by his conversation and correspondence. 
 
 The communication of that opinion was the measure ; if that has not 
 been made, the measure has not been pursued, and therefore your lord- 
 ship will forgive me for saying that though I am responsible for the 
 minute as it was taken down, I am not for the letter. I confess that I do 
 not expect this letter will give much satisfaction to America, perhaps the 
 minute might : but as the opportunity of trying what effect that might 
 have produced, is lost, I can only say, that I am sorry it was not in my 
 power to submit my sentiments to your lordship before the letter was 
 sent. — 
 
 Copy. N°. 1. 
 
 At a meeting of the king's servants at Lord Weymouth's office — 
 l 8t May, 1769. 
 
 Present 
 
 L d . Chancellor. L d . President. 
 
 Duke of Grafton. L d . Granby. 
 
 L d . Rochford. L d . Weymouth. 
 
 L d . North. Gen 1 . Conway. 
 
 L d . Hillsborough. 
 
 It is the unanimous opinion of the lords present to submit to His 
 Majesty as their advice that no measure should be taken which can any 
 way derogate from the legislative authority of Great Britain over the 
 colonies. But that the Secretary of State in his correspondence and 
 conversation be permitted to state it as the opinion of the king's servants 
 that it is by no means the intention of Administration nor do they think 
 it expedient or for the interest of Great Britain or America to propose or 
 consent to the laying any further taxes upon America for the purpose of 
 raising a revenue, and that it is at present their intention to propose in 
 the next session of Parliament to take off the duties upon paper, glass, and 
 colours, imported into America, upon consideration of such duties having 
 been laid contrary to the true principles of commerce.
 
 » 
 
 CH. Vl] LORD HILLSBOROUGH S LETTER 233 
 
 Whitehall, May 13 th , 1769. 
 Copy. No. 2. 
 Circular. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 Inclosed I send you the gracious speech made by the king to his 
 Parliament at the close of the session on Tuesday last. 
 
 What His Majesty is pleased to say, in relation to the measures which 
 have been pursued in North America will not escape your notice, as the 
 satisfaction His Majesty expresses in the approbation his Parliament has 
 given to them, and the assurances of their firm support in the prosecution 
 of them, together with his royal opinion of the great advantages that will 
 probably accrue from the concurrence of every branch of the legislature, 
 in the resolution of maintaining a due execution of the laws, cannot fail to 
 produce the most salutary effects. From hence it will be understood that 
 the whole legislature concur in the opinion adopted by His Majesty's 
 servants, that no measure ought to be taken which can any way derogate 
 from the legislative authority of Great Britain over the colonies ; but 
 I can take upon me to assure you notwithstanding insinuations to the 
 contrary from men with factious and seditious views, that His Majesty's 
 present Administration have at no time entertained a design to propose to 
 Parliament to lay any further taxes upon America for the purpose of 
 raising a revenue, and that it is at present their intention to propose in 
 the next session of Parliament : to take off the duties upon glass, paper 
 and colours upon consideration of such duties having been laid contrary 
 to the true principles of commerce. 
 
 These, sir, have always been and still are the sentiments of His 
 Majesty's present servants, and the principles by which their conduct in 
 respect to America have been governed, and His Majesty relies upon 
 your prudence and fidelity for such an explanation of his measures, as 
 may tend to remove the prejudices which have been excited by the mis- 
 representations of those who are enemies to the peace and prosperity of 
 Great Britain and her colonies, and to reestablish that mutual confidence 
 and affection upon which the safety and glory of the British Empire 
 
 depend. 
 
 I am &c. 
 
 (Signed) Hillsborough. 
 
 This unfortunate and unwarrantable letter, (to give it no 
 harsher epithet) of Lord Hillsborough to the governors in the 
 different colonies, was many years after the subject of dis- 
 course between Lord Camden and myself. This circular was 
 calculated to do all mischief, when our real minute might have 
 paved the way to some good. Beside many other objectionable
 
 234 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1769 
 
 points, how could Lord Hillsborough venture to assert in the 
 first line of this letter the word unanimous'i For he could 
 not have so soon forgotten that there was but one single voice 
 for the measure, more than was the number of those who 
 were against it ? 
 
 You will readily imagine, that on this defeat in the Cabinet 
 I considered myself no longer possessed of that weight which 
 had been allowed to me before in these meetings, especially, 
 as the proposal was on a matter of finance, more particularly 
 belonging to my department. My resolution was soon taken 
 to withdraw myself from my office, which was become very 
 uncomfortable and irksome to me, on the first favorable 
 opportunity that offered. The resistance to any further steps 
 calculated to alienate the colonies would probably have 
 furnished good ground for my retreat : but, while I remained 
 in office, none was proposed. I had occasion, however, to 
 look about me, and to tread my way with more wary steps 
 than I had hitherto done. It led me plainly to perceive that 
 from the time of Lord Camden's altercation with Lord Hills- 
 borough, the former minister had sunk much in the royal 
 estimation. As to myself, there was no alteration in His 
 Majesty's condescending goodness ; but though this was not 
 diminished, I was sensible that His Majesty was more forward 
 to dictate his will to me than to enquire first my opinion on 
 any measure that was to be considered, as had been his 
 usual practice. My tame submission to be over-ruled in 
 Cabinet might give the king's friends an idea that I might 
 be more pliant, and rest my favor on their support. But 
 they knew me little who thus judged of my temper ; nor did 
 they imagine that an honorable liberation from the Treasury 
 was of all others the thought on which I indulged my hope 1 . 
 
 1 It is often forgotten, when Grafton's and determined their policy. But the 
 
 action is condemned, that a Prime Treasury, though it furnished the means 
 
 Minister, as we understand the term, of keeping a party together, did not 
 
 was not recognized in the eighteenth necessarily give to the First Lord a 
 
 century. We are apt to speak of the controlling voice in the choosing of 
 
 Hrst Lord of the Treasury of those colleagues and of a policy. Grafton in 
 
 days as though he chose his colleagues 1783 {infra, p. 361) told Shclburne that
 
 CH. vi] GRAFTON S MARRIAGE 235 
 
 To have offered to resign, while the spirit of petitioning 
 was so violent in many counties, would have been highly 
 blameable in me : for the petitions were directed against the 
 Administration, and the Parliament which had supported 
 us. Other causes brought forward my resignation, and at 
 a time when the sting of these petitions was no longer so 
 much to be feared. 
 
 On the 24 th of June 1769, I married Elizabeth 1 , third 
 daughter of S r . Richard and Lady Mary Wrottesley, whose 
 merit as a wife, tenderness and affection as mother of 
 a numerous family, and exemplary conduct thro' life, need 
 not be related to you. In a week, or ten days after, I went 
 from Woburn, accompanied by the Duke of Bedford, to the 
 Installation at Cambridge 2 , where in the preceding year, on 
 the death of the Duke of Newcastle, the University had 
 done me the honor of electing me as Chancellor, to succeed 
 to his Grace. 
 
 he would regard him not as a Prime Lord Ossory. He seems to have broken 
 
 Minister, but as holding the principal with Mrs. Horton in the winter or 
 
 office in the Ministry ; and such was spring. His political anxieties at this 
 
 evidently the view which he took of his time were certainly crossed by domestic 
 
 own position. distractions. 
 
 1 The Duke was divorced at the be- 2 For this Installation, Gray wrote 
 
 ginning of the year from the first Duchess his ' Ode for Music* 
 of Grafton, who thereupon married
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 REVIVAL OF CHATHAM AND FALL OF GRAFTON 
 
 That ceremony being over, I returned to London, where 
 I first heard that Lord Chatham was so well recovered as to be 
 expected to attend the king's next levee. Lord Camden had 
 seen him, and I think, the day before his appearing mentioned 
 to me Lord Chatham's intention. Lord Camden informed me. 
 that he was far from being well pleased, but did not enter 
 into particulars : except, that he considered my marriage to 
 be quite political ; and it was without effect that Lord 
 Chancellor labored to assure him, that it was otherwise, and 
 that he could answer, that I was as desirous as ever of seeing 
 his lordship again taking the lead in the king's Administration. 
 This neglect on the part of Lord Chatham piqued me much : 
 I had surely a claim to some notice, on his recovery, when at 
 his earnest solicitation I embarked in an arduous post, when 
 he was incapable of business of any sort : and if Lord Chatham 
 had wished to receive the state of political matters,. I hope 
 that it is not saying too much, that he ought to have requested 
 it of me. He chose the contrary ; and even in the king's 
 outer room, where we met, before the levee, when I went 
 up to him with civility and ease, he received me with cold 
 politeness ; and from S*. James's called and left his name at 
 my door. 
 
 On my returning home, I took down a minute of this 
 occurrence of the day, which I have preserved. It runs 
 thus ;
 
 CH. vn] REAPPEARANCE OF CHATHAM 237 
 
 7 th July 1769. Lord Chatham waited on the king for 
 the first time, since his long confinement, was graciously 
 received at the levee, and was desired to stay, after it was 
 over ; when the king sent for him into the Closet. — His 
 Majesty took the opportunity of assuring him, how much he 
 was concerned, that the ill state of his health had been the 
 occasion of his quitting the king's service. His lordship 
 answered, that His Majesty must feel, that in his infirm state 
 he must have stood under the most embarrassing difficulties, 
 holding an office of such consequence, and unable to give 
 his approbation to measures that he thought salutary, or 
 his dissent to those, which appeared to him to have another 
 tendency ; that he was unwilling to go into particulars ; yet 
 he could not think, that one, especially, had been managed 
 in the manner it might have been : for, if it had been despised 
 thoroughly at the outset, it never could have been attended 
 with the disagreeable consequences which have happened, but 
 that it was now too late to look back \ 
 
 The Indian transaction was also found fault with 2 . His 
 lordship besides observed, that their general courts were got 
 upon the worst of footings, exercising the conduct of little 
 Parliaments ; that he wondered, that the inspectors were not 
 sent to three different places. There were also other obser- 
 vations on the head of India. His lordship added, that he 
 doubted, whether his health would ever again allow him to 
 attend Parliament : but, if it did, and if he should give his 
 dissent to any measure, that His Majesty would be indulgent 
 enough to believe that it would not arise from any personal 
 consideration: for he protested to His Majesty, as Lord 
 Chatham, he had not a tittle to find fault with in the conduct 
 of any one individual, and that His Majesty might be assured 
 that it could not arise from ambition, as he felt so strongly 
 the weak state from which he was recovering, and which 
 might daily threaten him, that office, therefore, of any sort, 
 could no longer be desireable to him. 
 
 1 This must be the \\ ilkes affair. 2 Supra, p. 125.
 
 238 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1769 
 
 From this time until the meeting of Parliament I saw no 
 more of Lord Chatham. His suspicions of me were probably 
 too firmly rooted to be removed by Lord Camden's assur- 
 ances that they were groundless. His lordship desired no 
 further interview, and I had such a sense of the unkindness 
 and injustice of such a treatment, where I thought that I had 
 a claim for the most friendly, that I was not disposed to seek 
 any explanation. 
 
 Lord Camden and myself, unfortunately, saw less of each 
 other, than in other summers ; both of us profiting, by a 
 retreat into the country, of the leisure which a recess from 
 Chancery and Treasury business offered. The affair of peti- 
 tions was becoming every day more serious, encreasing in 
 number ; the consequences were ever uppermost in my 
 thoughts. M r . Stonhewer and a few friends were with us 
 at Wakefield Lodge ; with them I conversed much on all 
 that I foresaw of mischief from these intemperate petitions * ; 
 and I shall lay before you the copy, which I have in M r . 
 Stonhewer's hand writing of the letter which I wrote, wishing 
 to consult Lord Camden, the lawyer, as well, as the friend, 
 from whom I might expect the soundest advice : well con- 
 vinced, that his to me came on all occasions from the sincerity 
 of his heart. 
 
 Wakefield Lodge, Aug 1 . 29 th , 1769. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I have made use of the leisure which the Treasury holidays have 
 given me to revolve over here in quiet such points as our duty seem'd to 
 call upon as publick men most to give attention to. The petitions, I must 
 say, have greatly engrossed and puzzled my thoughts ; indeed the 
 conduct on this strange occasion, which has been stirred up by the envy 
 and malice of opposition without a single thought on its pernicious con- 
 sequences hereafter, appears to me to be most delicate indeed. I am 
 alarmed, I own to your lordship, at the mischief that may, from this 
 source, before it is long, arise to this Constitution which those who are 
 now in office, will heartily, I am convinced, join in endeavours to deliver 
 
 1 These were petitions from different Luttrell in the House, when Wilkes 
 
 parts of the country demanding the had received a majority of votes for 
 
 dissolution of Parliament, and arguing Middlesex, invalidated every act of the 
 
 in some cases, that the presence of existing Parliament.
 
 CH. Vll] THE PETITIONS 239 
 
 down to their successors as pure as they received it. No trouble will 
 stop us in this purpose, and most essential part of our duty, nor shall we 
 be afraid to wade thro' the rage of popular clamour for the moment, if on 
 consideration any effort of that sort shall appear to be necessary. I am 
 not easy in my mind nor can I be so until I know at bottom what are the 
 penalties these gentlemen who have been the promoters of these steps 
 have made themselves liable to, or how far they are criminal. When we 
 have this from authority, the king's servants will consider the State part 
 of it, how far the petitions themselves can be allowed to sleep without 
 some notice, having been delivered to, and of course known to the 
 Crown, especially as the matter of these petitions is defamatory of 
 Parliament itself, and may perhaps prove to be a violation of the Con- 
 stitution. I profess to your lordship openly, that I do not see how they 
 can lye wholly lock'd up in an office, and no farther produced or men- 
 tioned. My thoughts have been running on this business both day and 
 night. I wish but to do right ; and shall never be afraid to meet difficulty 
 on good ground: and some there must be if an active measure is resolved 
 upon ; but believe me that great part of that vanishes when a measure of 
 itself right, is known to be cordially approved of and determined by the 
 king's principal servants. If nothing is to be done, and that it shall be 
 thought most judicious to let the consideration wholly drop, for God's 
 sake, let it not be before every point relating to it shall have been 
 maturely weighed by us. Let it not be said that innovations of a 
 dangerous tendency, injurious to Parliament, and dangerous to the 
 Constitution, have been established in these times, because the ministers 
 have not attended to the nature of them, or have been too inactive to 
 resist such wicked measures. This subject is too much and too closely 
 connected with the laws and indeed with the very being, in my opinion 
 of this Constitution for me not to want the advice and assistance of those 
 who love it as much as myself, and who know it so infinitely more. It 
 was a disappointment to me not to meet your lordship during the four 
 days of last week which I passed in London. My mind was too full for 
 me not to trouble you with this letter. Be so good to give me your 
 thoughts on the present state of this weighty business ; they will greatly 
 relieve mine, altho' they can only be your thoughts on the present state of 
 it, as I felt that it is not prepared nor digested enough to be yet decided 
 upon. The Middlesex and the City Petitions your lordship had seen ; 
 Surrey has now gone to the grievances only of the right of election 
 violated as they complain. One will come from Worcester and in Wilt- 
 shire the Pardon of the Chairman is added ; the petition mostly en- 
 couraged by our old friends Popham and Beckford ; others will probably 
 come. 
 
 The opinion in form of the king's servants will of course be taken, if 
 any proceeding is to be entered upon. I have desired in my case, a
 
 240 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1769 
 
 person under me to be collecting the different facts and proofs : if not 
 wanted by them, they will be satisfactory to myself. 
 
 You know the difficulties we have had about the Board of Trade 
 Council ; I will submit this arrangement to you, and if your lordship 
 approves of it, I think that I can bring the whole about if I have your 
 leave to try. M r . Justice Clive's infirmities render it indispensable for 
 the king to make him the usual provision on retiring, he might even be 
 told that some gentlemen who have felt the inconvenience of it have 
 determined to move in Parliament what would be most disagreeable to 
 him and would in fact reflect on us. Indeed my dear lord, I hear from 
 all quarters the necessity of this. Moreton might succeed him. Thurlow 
 to him ; and our friend Jackson come to the post of all others I most 
 wish to see him in. Will you allow me to set about it ? It requires some 
 management, but I think if left to myself, I shall succeed. I have 
 already made this too long a letter to trouble your lordship with further 
 particulars on this second subject. 
 
 I have the honor to be &c. 
 
 Grafton. 
 
 P.S. — I shall be sincerely rejoiced to hear the little man is recovered. 
 
 Though I have inserted this letter of mine, I should cer- 
 tainly now wish to correct some sentiments therein expressed. 
 You will partake in my disappointment, I am confident, when 
 I acquaint you, that I have no opinion to lay before you, 
 from this eminent and constitutional lawyer, whose senti- 
 ments on so peculiar a state of things, as well as his advice 
 how to proceed upon them, would have been so satisfactory 
 to myself at the time ; and to the world in every age. But 
 to deliver on recollection only the sentiments of a man, of 
 his high character and authority on so serious a subject, would 
 be in me arrogant, and little suited to that respect I shall 
 ever attach to the memory of my friend. 
 
 Lord Camden's answer to my letter was in these words ; 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I have the honour of your Grace's letter, which I have read over, 
 and considered with my best attention : but the subject, being new and 
 unexpected, I am not able at present to form any opinion, till I have 
 given it a further consideration : and I should be unwilling to commit 
 my crude thoughts to paper, which indeed would not be worth your 
 Grace's perusal ; and which perhaps I might change myself upon second 
 thoughts. As I am not honored with any intercourse with any of the
 
 CH. Vll] UNFRIENDLINESS OF CAMDEN 241 
 
 king's servants, except now and then with your Grace, I should be very- 
 glad to have a personal interview with your Grace, when we should both 
 be able to explain ourselves with more freedom and confidence than can 
 be uttered or communicated by letter. I go to-day to Camden Place, 
 and, except a short excursion or two to Deal, and into Sussex, shall 
 remain there till the 10 th , the day for proroguing the Parliament. So that 
 if your Grace will honour me with an appointment, I will wait on you in 
 London, at your own time and place : when I shall be ready to com- 
 municate my poor opinion to your Grace as well on the main article of 
 your letter, as the law arrangement, which your Grace is pleased to 
 
 propose. 
 
 I have the honor to be &c. 
 
 Camden. 
 Sep r . i st , 1769. 
 
 I am much obliged to your Grace for inquiring after my little boy. He 
 is most fortunately recovered. 
 
 The only remark I shall make on this letter is, that it was 
 less cordial than any Lord Camden ever wrote to me either 
 before, or since. The coolness between Lord Chatham and 
 myself gave him much vexation 1 and the general posture of 
 affairs encreased his uneasiness. We met in London about 
 the middle of September : and after a long and general con- 
 sideration of all that appertained to the petitions, and how 
 far they gave necessary ground for more special notice, we 
 agreed that in the disposition of the nation, it would be wise 
 to avoids if possible, every step that could irritate ; and that 
 to leave the spirit to evaporate, as there were hopes that it 
 might, would be the most expedient measure to adopt. 
 
 His Majesty had been graciously pleased at this time to 
 summon a Chapter of the Garter, in order to invest me with 
 the Insignia of the Order; and the king did me the honor to 
 observe, that he was pleased to have the greater satisfaction 
 in conferring that favor, as I was one of the very few who 
 had received it unsolicited. The Order of the Garter is a 
 
 1 Canulen's relations with Chatham ' the harshest interpreter of his long 
 
 do him little credit. When Chatham sickness and of his late conduct in every 
 
 was well, Camden was childishly afraid particular' {Grenvilh Papers, iv. 64). 
 
 of him and forgetful of what he owed When Chatham died, Camden considered 
 
 to himself and his colleagues in his his death ' a fortunate event ' (Kocking- 
 
 anxiety to propitiate the great man. ham Memoirs, ii. 357). 
 When Chatham was ill, Camden was 
 
 R
 
 242 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1769 
 
 high distinction still ; tho' certainly it is somewhat dropped 
 from its ancient celebrity by the addition that was made to 
 the number of the knights some years after this. 
 
 In this month, we were involved in a very serious and 
 delicate business, which appeared at one time to be big with 
 alarming consequences. A French frigate had come into the 
 Downs, without paying the compliment to His Majesty's ships 
 which the general instructions from the Admiralty to all 
 commanders of ships direct them to require ; but with which 
 no nation except the Dutch ever complied ; and they, in 
 consequence of a treaty. An officer from a king's ship went 
 on board the French frigate remonstrating with the com- 
 mander on his conduct, and assuring him, that he must insist 
 on the compliment ; but, meeting with no satisfactory answer, 
 the lieutenant of our ship soon fired his first shot ahead of 
 the French ship, and on perceiving no notice to be taken of 
 his gun, he fired into the Frenchman with ball ; and, as it was 
 said, killed one of the men. 
 
 The proceeding was warmly resented by the Court of France, 
 who required the fullest satisfaction for the affront, together with 
 the dismissal, from the service, of the officer, who had presumed, 
 in time of perfect peace, to fire into a frigate belonging to 
 the French king. Office papers were ransacked for precedents 
 to justify the claim : few were found, and the paucity of these 
 did not assist our cause. From the reign of Charles 2 d when 
 a long and serious altercation took place on a similar occasion, 
 and which may be found in the memoirs of Mon r . d'Estrades 1 , 
 and of his embassy here, one single instance (except the 
 present) was found. This instance fell out while the Duke 
 of Newcastle was Secretary of State, who had on the complaint 
 of the French Court, recommended to his late Majesty to 
 break Lieut 1 , (afterwards Admiral) Smith : as soon as the 
 Ambassador had acquainted his Court, M r . Smith was restored 
 to rank, and quickly promoted. 
 
 1 Godefroi, Conte d'Estrades (1607- kirk. His memoirs were published in 
 1686), was engaged in much diplomatic 1743- 
 business, and arranged the sale of Dun-
 
 ch. Vll] DIFFICULTY WITH FRANCE 243 
 
 Finding that there was so little ground on precedent, it 
 became our duty, as ministers of the Crown, to get rid of this 
 unpleasant incident, in the best manner we were able ; provided 
 the national honor, and that of the flag should not suffer in the 
 explanation. Lord Weymouth reported to the Cabinet, that 
 in the audience which he gave Mon r . de Chatelet, his reply 
 upon every memorial, and his language every day became 
 more resolute, by insisting on a suitable satisfaction for the 
 affront which had been done to the king his master's dignity. 
 It was Lord Weymouth's opinion also, that if we could find 
 out some expedient at the same time to save our own credit, 
 the ambassador would close with it. Lord Weymouth 
 thought, from my knowledge of Mon r . de Chatelet, that 
 I might unofficially hold with him a language tending to 
 bring about an arrangement, which might save the honor of 
 both parties. At the desire of Cabinet, I undertook it, hoping 
 that S r . Ed d . Hawke would call on me the next morning, and 
 state fully to me what in his opinion would, and would not 
 save the honor of the Navy, and the lustre of the British flag. 
 In point of justice, not one word can be said : but it may be 
 a question whether the ideal sovereignty of the narrow seas 
 be not essential in elevating the enthusiastic courage of our 
 seamen : tho' they have now in the year I am writing, and 
 I hope, will ever have the best of pleas, from their own in- 
 credible superiority in skill and bravery over those of any 
 other country. The morning after the meeting of the king's 
 servants, S r . Edward called on me early, and in a long con- 
 versation, we discussed every means that could be devised to 
 answer the present purpose : and at length agreed upon one 
 expedient of which I made successful use in my visit to the 
 French ambassador ; on whom I called directly ; and began 
 by stating to him the object of my visit, namely, to endeavour 
 by a frank and open conversation with him, to hit off some 
 means of preventing a breach between our two countries: 
 and in the course of our interview, I desired him particularly 
 not to allow himself to be led away with false notions of the 
 disposition of our country, from the specimen he had observed 
 
 R 2
 
 244 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1769 
 
 of the disposition to riot and disorder ; and to give me credit 
 when I assured him that all these would vanish on the 
 breaking out of a war, especially on ground so popular as 
 that of the honor of the flag ; to carry which on with spirit, 
 every Englishman would part with his last shilling. He 
 replied, that peace was the object of his wish, as much as 
 I had professed it to be mine. Besides, recapitulating all that 
 had passed with Lord Weymouth, he would impart this to 
 me, as Duke of Grafton ; ' that nothing could urge Lewis 15 th 
 into another war, except where his honor was concerned ; 
 and, that he personally felt the present affront most sensibly : 
 he added that Mon r . de Choiseul's interest would suffer 
 greatly by a war, and that he would shew his disposition to 
 avoid it, if such did present itself.' The ambassador proposed 
 various schemes for reconciliation : but none of them came 
 within my own notions of what might have been admissible 
 by the nation. Those, which I first mentioned met with no 
 better reception from Mon T . de Chatelet : and after a long 
 parley of two hours, we were near parting, when I thought 
 I might lay before him, as the only means, the very proposal 
 I had settled with S r . E d . Hawke. It was this, that the 
 answer to the French king's complaint, should be to say, 
 that His Majesty could not do so great an injustice to 
 a lieutenant in his service, as to punish him without hearing 
 his account of this unfortunate transaction ; and that the 
 officer having now sailed to the East Indies, such an account 
 could not be obtained till the return of the lieutenant. I added 
 to Mon r . de Chatelet that his return would not be expected 
 for three years ; when the affair might be supposed to have 
 slipped into oblivion. The ambassador, after a little con- 
 sideration, told me that he liked the proposal ; and would 
 do his endeavors to make it palatable to the Due de Choiseul. 
 This arrangement succeeded so fully, that we have never 
 heard one word more of the business : since the expedient 
 was accepted. I do not know that I was ever so much elated 
 as in my walk home, turning in my thoughts the effects of 
 my visit, and reflecting on the misery which probably would
 
 CH. vn] DIFFICULTY WITH FRANCE 245 
 
 be warded off from the heads of so many individuals and 
 families. I cannot give too full testimony of the candour 
 and zeal with which the ambassador took up the business, 
 and recommended the expedient to his Court : his influence 
 prevailed, and the recollection of this conduct encreased my 
 concern on hearing of the horrid death of him and his amiable 
 lady upon a scaffold, during the frenzy of the Revolutions in 
 France. 
 
 You recollect, my dear Euston, the resolution I had formed 
 of retiring from my situation, whenever I could find the 
 moment favorable ; as also my remark on the visible and 
 rapid decline of my friend Lord Camden's favor at St. James's. 
 This latter circumstance served to confirm me strongly in the 
 former. For, I was not so blinded, as not to feel the ground 
 around me to be treacherous and unsafe ; though the Closet 
 was still favorable, and afforded all apparent support ; yet, 
 I probably owed it to those to whom my principles could 
 never be quite congenial, and who might, on some occasion, 
 where we differed, shew to me my presumption and my in- 
 significance : particularly as they expressed their attachment 
 strongly, because I was emancipated from the chains of Lord 
 Chatham, and the burthen of Lord Camden. 
 
 Parliament was to meet on the 9 th of January 1770. The 
 necessity of having a Chancellor to vindicate the law authority 
 of the Cabinet was dinned into my ears in most companies 
 I frequented ; and it was particularly remarked, that Mr. 
 Charles Yorke had taken no part in the whole business of 
 the Middlesex Election, that need preclude him from joining 
 in opinion with the decisions of the Commons. Such in- 
 sinuations were very irksome to me : and about the Court 
 I was still harassed with them. At last, when I was passing 
 a few Christmas holidays at Euston, Lords Gowcr and Wey- 
 mouth came down on a visit. They informed me, that the 
 king, oil hearing their intention of going to Euston, had 
 expressly directed them to say, that the continuance of the 
 Lord Chancellor in his office could not be justified ; and that 
 the Government would be too much lowered by the Great
 
 246 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1770 
 
 Seal appearing in opposition : and His Majesty hoped, that 
 I should assent to his removal, and approve of an offer being 
 made to Mr. Yorke. My answer, as well as I recollect was ; 
 that, tho' it did not become me to argue against His Majesty's 
 remarks on the present peculiar state of the Great Seal, 
 I must humbly request, that I might be in no way instrumental 
 in dismissing Lord Camden. 
 
 In a few days, after my arrival in London, the session 
 opened: when the Lord Chancellor spoke warmly 1 in support 
 of Lord Chatham's opposition to the address ; and while we 
 were in the House, Lord Camden told me that he was sensible 
 that the Seal must be taken from him, though he had no 
 intention to resign it. At St. James's, it was at once decided, 
 that the seal should be demanded ; but at my request, Lord 
 Camden held it on for some days merely for the convenience 
 of Government, during the negociation for a respectable 
 successor. No person will deny, that M r . Charles Yorke, 
 S r . Eardley Wilmot 2 , and M r . De Grey would any of them 
 have filled the high office of Lord Chancellor, with the full 
 approbation of Westminster Hall. They were all three 
 thought of for it : though S r . Eardley's impaired state of 
 health, accompanied by an humble diffidence of himself, 
 which had been a distinguishing mark in his character through 
 life, forbad all hopes of his acceptance. 
 
 While I continued in office it was my duty as well as 
 desire, to exert myself in endeavouring to render the king's 
 Administration as respectable as I was able. Though I 
 lamented, and felt grievously the loss of Lord Camden's 
 support, from which I derived so much comfort and assistance : 
 yet, I was satisfied that the lawyers I have mentioned were 
 
 1 This was the speech in which position could not prevent.' 
 Camden said ' he had for some time 3 Sir John Eardley Wilmot was Judge 
 
 beheld with a silent indignation the of the King's Bench 1 755-1 766, and 
 
 arbitrary measures which were pursuing Chief Justice of the Common Pleas 
 
 by the Ministry; that he had often 1766-1771. His learning, abilities, and 
 
 drooped and hung his head in Council, self-distrust are often mentioned in the 
 
 and disapproved by his looks those memoirs of the time, 
 steps which he knew his avowed op-
 
 CH. vn] YORKE AND THE GREAT SEAL 247 
 
 men equal to discharge the duties of a Chancellor. I therefore 
 received the king's commands to write to Mr. Yorke directly. 
 I saw him the next day. He received the offer of the Great 
 Seal with much gratitude to His Majesty, but hoped, that he 
 should be allowed to return his answer, when he should have 
 given it a day's consideration. M r . Charles Yorke remained 
 with me between two and three hours ; dwelling much on the 
 whole of his own political thoughts and conduct, together 
 with a comment on the principal public occurrences of the 
 present reign. When he came to make remarks on the 
 actual state of things, after speaking with much regard of 
 many in Administration, he said, that it was essential to him 
 to be informed from me, whether I was open to a negociation 
 for extending the Administration so as to comprehend those 
 with whom I had formerly, and he constantly, wished to agree. 
 My answer was, that he could not desire more earnestly than 
 myself, to see an Administration as comprehensive as possible ; 
 and that this object could only be brought about by the 
 re-union of the Whigs \ adding, that I should be happy to 
 have his assistance to effect it. M v . Yorke appeared to be 
 pleased with this answer ; and after many civilities on both 
 sides, we parted. On his return to me the next day, I found 
 him a quite altered man ; for his mind was then made up 
 to decline the offer from His Majesty, and that so decidedly, 
 that I did not attempt to say any thing further on the subject. 
 He expressed, however, a wish to be allowed an audience of 
 His Majesty. This was granted, and at the conclusion of it 
 the king, with the utmost concern, wrote to acquaint me 
 that M r . Yorke had declined the Seal. On his appearing 
 soon after at the Levee, His Majesty called him into his Closet 
 immediately after it was over. What passed there I know 
 not ; but nothing could exceed my astonishment when Lord 
 Hillsborough came into my dressing room, in order to tell 
 
 1 Grafton seems strangely blind to would follow Yorke into the Ministry, 
 
 the divergence of opinion which existed or that, if they did so, ihey would work 
 
 among the so-called Whigs. It was with Weymouth and Sandwich, 
 not likely that the Rockingham party
 
 248 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1770 
 
 me that M r . Yorke was in my parlour, and that he was Lord 
 Chancellor, through the persuasion of the king himself in his 
 Closet. M r . Yorke corroborated to me what I had heard 
 from Lord Hillsborough, and I received the same account 
 from His Majesty, as soon as I could get down to St. James's. 
 M r . Yorke staid but a little time with me : but his language 
 gave me new hopes, that an Administration might shortly be 
 produced which the nation would approve. How soon did 
 this plausible hope vanish into a visionary expectation only, 
 from the death of M r . Yorke, before he became Lord Morden, 
 or we could have any preliminary discourse on the measure 
 he earnestly desired to forward. I had long been acquainted 
 with Mr. Yorke, and held him in high esteem. He certainly 
 appeared less easy and communicative with me, from the time 
 of his acceptance to his death, than I might expect : but it 
 was natural to imagine that he would be more agitated than 
 usual when arduous and intricate business was rushing at once 
 upon him. I had not the least conception of any degree of 
 agitation, that could bring him to his sad and tragical end : 
 nor will I presume to conjecture what motives in his own 
 breast or anger in that of others had driven him to repent 
 of the step he had just taken 1 . By his own appointment, 
 I went to his house about 9 o'clock in the evening two days, 
 as I believe, after M r . Yorke had been sworn in at a council 
 board summoned for that purpose at the queen's house. 
 Being shewn into his library below, I waited a longer time, 
 than I supposed M r . Yorke would have kept me without 
 some extraordinary cause. After above half an hour waiting 
 D r . Watson his physician came into the room : he appeared 
 somewhat confused, sat himself down for a few minutes, letting 
 me know, that M r . Yorke was much indisposed with an attack 
 of colic. D r . Watson soon retired ; and I was ruminating on 
 
 1 Walpole, Memoirs, iv. 52, states having constrained Yorke to enter his 
 
 some facts which tend to show that service, and concluded not unreason- 
 
 the reproaches of Rockingham and ably from Burke's agitation 'that they 
 
 Hardwicke drove Yorke to suicide. wanted to disculpate Lord Hardwicke 
 
 He describes the desire shown by Burke and Lord Rockingham of having given 
 
 to throw the blame on the king for occasion to Mr. Yorke's despair.'
 
 CH. Vll] DEATH OF YORKE 249 
 
 the untowardness of the circumstance, never suspecting the 
 fatal event which had occurred nor the still more lamentable 
 cause ascribed for it by the world and as I fear upon too just 
 ground. I rang the bell, and acquainted one of the servants, 
 that M r . Yorke was probably too ill to see me, and that 
 I should postpone the business on which I came, to a more 
 favorable moment. M r . Yorke, I believe, was a religious 
 man : it is rare to hear of such a person being guilty of an 
 action so highly criminal. It must therefore in him have been 
 a degree of passionate frenzy bearing down every atom of his 
 reason : you will not wonder, that I cannot think on the 
 subject without much horror still. 
 
 Here I stood again under more perplexing difficulties than 
 ever : and without any expectation of additional strength, 
 but what would arise alone from the appointment of an able 
 Chancellor. Lord Chief Justice Wilmot, after M r . Yorke's 
 death, declined the acceptance of the Great Seal from the 
 causes I have already assigned. Under these unpromising 
 circumstances, I still persisted in endeavoring to fill up the 
 vacant Chancellor's post, by an efficient and respected 
 character. By the king's commands, I saw M r . de Grey, 
 a most able and upright lawyer, and as perfect a gentleman ; 
 and who afterwards became Lord Chief Justice of the Common 
 Pleas. In a long conference we had at his house, he appeared 
 inclined to undertake the situation, in spite of his frequent 
 attacks of gout. But on entering something further into 
 particulars, he put this question to me; 'Are you determined 
 yourself to remain a certain time in your present post?' — 
 My answer decided him at once to decline: for I told him, 
 that I thought of retiring, as soon as I could reconcile it to 
 my own heart : and that I foresaw this might be very near at 
 hand indeed : for I assured him, that I should not seek for 
 any other Chancellor, if he refused the offer of the Great 
 Seal. 
 
 You will feel for me in this distressing dilemma : you will 
 perceive that I had left nothing untried to bring the vessel to 
 tolerable trim : and when you consider, that quitted by Lord
 
 250 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1770 
 
 Camden, and at the same time by Lord Granby \ I had no 
 reliance in the Cabinet, but on General Conway alone 2 , I trust 
 you will think that, under such circumstances, I could not 
 proceed, and be of service to the king, or to the country ; and 
 recollect that the hopes of co-operation with M r . Yorke to 
 bring about an essential addition of right principle, credit, and 
 support, vanished of course with himself. I laid before His 
 Majesty directly my difficulties, and observed that they were 
 such, as compelled me to retire from my office, though it 
 would be my full desire to give all assistance to His Majesty's 
 Government. As it would be thoroughly ungrateful to pass 
 over entirely the concern His Majesty manifested on this 
 occasion, I am induced to observe, that the king's earnestness 
 with me, to alter my resolution, far surpassed every thing, 
 which my poor services could possibly have merited 3 . 
 
 1 The seals were taken from Camden almost certainly regarded their nominal 
 on January 17, though he received Premier as a disturbing element in the 
 notice on the 13th of the intention to Cabinet. 
 
 remove him. Granby resigned on the 3 The resignation took place on Jan. 
 
 same day, after great pressure had been 27. A letter from the king fixes the 
 
 brought to bear on him by Chatham date. 
 
 and his following (Chatham Corresp. ' Duke of Grafton, in consequence of 
 
 iii. 370-376^. what you said last night I have con- 
 
 2 Walpole, Memoirs, iv. 66, says vinced Lord North of the necessity of 
 that Grafton was betrayed by the Bed- my consenting to your acquainting your 
 ford party and even by his secretary friends to-morrow of your intention of 
 Bradshaw, and that he complained of retiring, among whom I hope you will 
 this to Conway. The charge against see the Duke of Newcastle. 
 Bradshaw is doubtful: at least he re- Queen's House, Jan. 28, 1770, 
 covered and retained the confidence of 3$ p'. 8 p.m.' 
 
 the Duke : but Rigby and Weymouth
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 GRAFTON SUPPORTING LORD NORTH'S MINISTRY 
 
 Towards the end of January 1770, I left the Treasury; 
 but continued to give the Administration under Lord North 
 what support I was able. The number of independent gentle- 
 men members chiefly of the House of Commons, who came 
 to meet me at this juncture, expressing their desire of taking 
 their part with me, both surprised and flattered me : for many 
 of the number were little known to me. I returned them 
 many thanks for the honor they did me by this proof of 
 their good opinion, which I should never forget ; though my 
 mind was made up, as I told them to keep myself as single 
 and independent as a political man could be. 
 
 At this time Lord Chatham's virulence seemed to be 
 directed against myself: he persisted for some days in the 
 intention of charging me, in Parliament, with having advised 
 the removal of Lord Camden, on account of his vote in the 
 House : nor was he dissuaded from this, till Lord Camden 
 had assured him that he knew so perfectly that the advice 
 did not came from me, that he should, if his lordship made 
 the motion, think it incumbent on him to rise in his place, 
 and declare that he well knew it was not from my advice. 
 This idea was wholly dropt in our House, on this declaration 
 from Lord Camden ; but I think that some member of the 
 House of Commons made a motion of the same tendency, but 
 met with no support. 
 
 In the last days of January, Lord Rockingham moved for 
 a day to be fixed, when he should enter upon the consideration
 
 252 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1770 
 
 of the state of the nation. Lord Chatham meant to be the 
 seconder ; but I started up myself to second Lord Rocking- 
 ham, and to profess my readiness and wish to go into any 
 enquiry that the House should approve 1 . On the day fixed, 
 the Marquis made his motion, which related wholly to the 
 rights of the Commons on judicial authority in matters of 
 election. In debate, arguments went further : and in particular 
 Lord Chatham condemned the conduct of the Commons, with 
 much asperity, in a speech which betrayed no want of mental 
 or bodily powers. A great majority supported the ministers, 
 and Lord Marchmont 2 made the following motion which was 
 not only approved, but said to be penned by Lord Mansfield 
 himself, who gave it his fullest support, in a very brilliant 
 speech ; ' That any resolution of this House, directly or in- 
 directly impeaching a judgment of the House of Commons, 
 in a matter, where their jurisdiction is competent, final and 
 conclusive, would be a violation of the constitutional right of 
 the Commons, tends to make a breach between the two Houses 
 of Parliament, and leads to a general confusion.' This motion 
 was, as I thought, highly necessary, and it received my fullest 
 support. Lord Chatham continued, for two months together, 
 in a more active opposition to the Ministry than I had ever 
 known in his lordship : and after many motions, which were 
 all negatived, he moved an address to His Majesty to dissolve 
 the Parliament, on the ground, that the people had no 
 confidence in the House of Commons, at a time when the 
 discontents in England, Ireland and America were threatening 
 to a high degree. This motion was rejected, as you may 
 imagine, without much debate : and by Administration, with 
 little attention 3 . 
 
 Lord North, become principal minister, brought in the 
 repeal of all the port duties, except that on teas : and as 
 
 1 For an account of this debate see Berwick, died in 1781, and he in 1794. 
 Pari. Hist. xvi. 745. 3 The debate is to be found in vol. 
 
 2 Hugh Hume, third and last Earl xvi. of the Parliamentary History. The 
 of Marchmont. His eldest son, called motion was rejected by 85 to 37. 
 
 to the Upper House as Lord Hume of
 
 CH. Vlll] THE FALKLAND ISLES 253 
 
 I had been greatly hurt when I could not carry the point in 
 Cabinet, to have the teas also exempt, it was some satisfaction 
 to think that I was no longer in Administration, nor, a sharer 
 in a measure so ill-fated and unwise. If there had been 
 temper in the nation to have considered the interests of the 
 two countries ; and wisdom enough in the Ministry to have 
 proposed a full and total repeal, much, I shall ever think, 
 might have been done. 
 
 I shall now turn to another new event ; it is well known, 
 that the great European Powers had for ages back, too much 
 acquiesced in the preposterous claim of the Spaniards to the 
 whole of South America, except the possessions of the 
 Portuguese at the Brazils, and of the Dutch at Surinam. 
 Frezier in his voyage 1 , relates, that the Falkland Islands were 
 first discovered and taken possession of by the English : 
 they lie directly east from the entrance of the Streights of 
 Magellan and at a certain distance from the continent. Under 
 M r . Grenville's Ministry, it was determined, that at Port 
 Egmont, a station should be established where ships steering 
 for the South Seas might be provided with refreshment, water, 
 and some repair. On our coming into office with Lord 
 Rockingham, Lord Egmont, First Lord of the Admiralty, 
 had our authority to proceed in the scheme, and a block 
 house fort was carried out from hence to be put together at 
 Port Egmont ; as we could not imagine that the Spaniards, 
 though jealous to an extreme of all that tended to lay open 
 the South Sea trade, should venture to bring these islands 
 within their presumptive limits. The French indeed, had 
 erected a fort on another of these islands, but relinquished it 
 on the representation of Spain, by whom it was called Port 
 Solidad. 
 
 The Tamer sloop, Captain Hunt, fell in with a small Spanish 
 vessel, belonging to Port Solidad, as he was cruizing near to Port 
 Egmont, and he ordered it to depart from those coasts. The 
 Spaniard obeyed ; but as it was probable, that his orders were 
 
 1 Frezier wrote A Voyage to the and Peru, 1712-1714. London, 1 717. 
 South Sea and along the Coa.'ts of Chili
 
 254 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1770 
 
 to report what the English had of force on the island, the 
 vessel sailed off for Buenos Ayres, from whence the Governor 
 (Bucarelli) returned the same charge to Captain Hunt to 
 abandon his design of a settlement on those islands, which as 
 he stated belonged to the Crown of Spain. Many warm 
 messages passed in consequence of these notices ; and neither 
 side being disposed to give way, Captain Hunt thought it right 
 to sail for England, before any act of hostility should be com- 
 mitted ; and report the state of all matters, respecting the 
 new settlement : and he arrived in the month of June 1770. 
 
 Bucarelli soon after this ordered a considerable sea force 
 against Port Egmont, where a miserable block house fort, and 
 two small vessels were called upon to capitulate ; it could not 
 be refused : but it was followed by one of the most outrageous 
 insults ever offered from one nation to another. The rudders 
 of the Favorite and her consort were taken off, and were not 
 restored till such time, as the Spanish commander should please 
 to allow our vessels to sail. The indignation of the nation was 
 such as became a great Power grossly insulted : England felt 
 at the same time the means she possessed to resent the 
 affront ; and was ready in every way to support the Ministry 
 in obtaining just satisfaction. A respectable fleet was soon 
 assembled at Spithead, and I never heard that the language 
 held to the Spanish Court was not suitable to what the 
 dignity of the Crown, and the national honor required. The 
 Court of Spain, after much altercation and doubts, gave 
 way at last, and stipulated to restore Port Egmont to our 
 possession. So far was publickly known ; tho' it was believed 
 not to have been an entire surrender of the island to us ; but 
 the concession was said to be clogged with a humiliating 
 promise on our part of abandoning it, after a short possession 1 . 
 Lord Weymouth, quitting his office at this moment, it was 
 
 1 This was not so We did not pro- Voyage round the World, p. 180. The 
 mise to give up the islands, nor did islands are now governed under the pro- 
 Spain abandon any claim of right. For visions of the British Settlements Act, 
 an account of the islands when reclaimed 1887. 
 by us in 1833, see Darwin's Naturalises
 
 ch. vill] THE FALKLAND ISLES 255 
 
 thought to have been occasioned by an unwillingness to put 
 the seals to a stipulation unworthy of the British name. The 
 reparation for the insult was not sufficient for an offence 
 unheard of; and I should have been also of opinion that the 
 concession was very inadequate. 
 
 I shall conclude the account of this serious transaction, 
 with a curious anecdote I learnt afterwards from the best 
 authority ; and which will serve to shew the complete as- 
 cendancy the French Cabinet had at that time over the 
 Court of Spain. 
 
 The restless disposition of the Due de Choiseul, prompted 
 him to consider the moment favorable for forwarding his 
 favorite purpose of reducing the power of Great Britain. 
 With this view, through the channel of Grimaldi, he did 
 every thing to foment the commencing quarrel with England; 
 and, as I believe, trusting that he should be able to shew 
 to his royal master that if called on by Spain for troops 
 or ships, under the Pacte de Famille, these might be duly 
 furnished, as an auxiliary, and not as a principal in the 
 contest. Choiseul's design, however, was so veiled over, as 
 to be kept away from the knowledge of the French king ; 
 and the rivals of Choiseul's power did not fail to improve 
 the advantages they had obtained. The French king with 
 much anger charged his minister to take care, that there 
 should be no rupture between Spain and England ; well 
 knowing that Spain would acquiesce, when France was firmly 
 decided. At this moment a courier arrives with such dis- 
 patches, to Prince Masserano, the Spanish Ambassador to 
 our Court, as would at once have plunged the two countries 
 into an inevitable war : the messenger brought also other 
 letters, communicating to their Ambassador at Paris the 
 directions sent to Masserano. Immediately on Choiseul's 
 reading the letters, he saw but one way left by which he 
 could obey his master, and hope to preserve his own power, 
 he dispatched a courier to Monsieur Frances, left Charge 
 des Affaires at London ; where the two couriers arrived the 
 same morning. Frances flew directly to the Spanish Am-
 
 256 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1770 
 
 bassador, whom he found on the point of setting out for 
 an audience of the Secretary of State, on the subject of the 
 dispatches he had just received. The Due de Choiseul's 
 letter was given to Masserano to read ; wherein he ventured 
 to intreat him not to enter on the orders he had received 
 from his own Court ; as he might be assured, that he would 
 receive instructions of a different nature, as soon as time 
 would allow them to come from Madrid. Masserano having 
 read his own dispatches over again, as also those addressed 
 to Frances, with some difficulty was brought to comply with 
 the advice of the latter : for he was undoubtedly not ignorant, 
 that the weight of French councils would preponderate at 
 his Court : therefore he submitted. I was well acquainted 
 with Mon r . Frances, while he was with Mon r . de Chatelet 
 in England. After the American war, he passed over into 
 this country to visit all those from whom he had received 
 civilities : I saw him a great deal, and we had many in- 
 teresting conversations ; and from him, in one of these, I had 
 the anecdote above related. 
 
 The prevention of a war, though with a change of conduct, 
 was now not able to maintain Choiseul in his master's favor : 
 and his rivals seeing his credit thus weakened, easily suc- 
 ceeded by various means to bring it to the ground. He 
 was banished to one of his country seats (Chanteloup) and 
 was succeeded in his ministerial employment by the Due 
 d'Aiguillon. 
 
 This dispute and negotiation with Spain, took place during 
 the prorogation of 1770, and Parliament meeting in November, 
 the king stated, in the speech from the throne, the gross 
 insult against the British flag ; and both Houses rebounded 
 [szc] with the unanimous resolution of obtaining just and 
 suitable satisfaction. 
 
 Being released from business, and from an office which 
 was peculiarly irksome to me, tho' the power annexed to 
 it is, and will ever remain, the object of so many men's 
 ambition, I took with more eagerness than ever to my 
 hunting, and other idle, but less creditable dissipations ; I
 
 CH. VIIl] NAVAL AFFAIRS 257 
 
 was not however inattentive to what was passing, and my 
 friends kept me well informed of the measures which were 
 in agitation. 
 
 I had not been for some time past satisfied with the 
 management of the navy : S r . Edward Hawke had for many 
 months been in a state of health that took off from his usual 
 exertions in the business of his office. Through the Comp- 
 troller of the Navy, Cap n . Cockburne, I was acquainted, 
 before I quitted my office, with every particular I wanted, 
 and the knowledge of this compelled me to draw Lord North's 
 attention to this essential service, before it should suffer in 
 any branch. By letters to M r . Bradshaw, who staid a short 
 time, as Secretary of the Treasury, with Lord North, at 
 my request ; I thought that I should best succeed in my 
 object : as M r . B. would not fail to renew to his lordship 
 a subject which I had so much at heart : in case he perceived 
 that it was in any shape overlooked. About six weeks 
 from my resignation, I received the following letter from 
 M r . Bradshaw, on this subject. It is docketted March the 
 
 4 th , 1770- 
 
 Lincoln's Inn Fields, Sunday, 
 4 o'clock. 
 •My Lord, 
 
 I have had an opportunity of talking to Lord North upon the subject 
 of the navy. He does not seem alarmed at the situation of France and 
 Spain, but he thinks it necessary, that not only the intelligence from 
 abroad but the situation of our fleet, should be taken into consideration, 
 and he intends to call a Cabinet for that purpose. I did not fail to urge, 
 that no time was to be lost, as the Trade would sail in the course of this 
 month, and that it would then be difficult, at any expence or by any 
 means, to get men. 
 
 He disapproves either an address, or a vote of credit, on account of the 
 alarm that would be occasioned thereby : but he thinks an augmentation 
 might be made in the same manner suggested to your Grace, and if there 
 was any danger of wanting money, a sum might be voted for discharging 
 the debt of the navy, and applied to the purpose of the augmentation. 
 Upon the whole, he desired me to acquaint your Grace that he will take 
 this important matter into immediate consideration. 
 
 I have the honor to be &c. 
 
 Tho\ ISradshaw. 
 S
 
 258 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1770 
 
 The account from Falkland's Islands arrived about three 
 months afterwards ; and in September Lord Gower under- 
 took to come down to Wakefield Lodge, to communicate 
 to me the state of things, which he did very openly, and 
 acquainted me also, that Parliament was to meet on the 
 13 th of November. 
 
 The vigor of our preparations to meet a war was the 
 best means, by which the negociation then pending could 
 end honorably for this country. Instead of which my letters 
 stated to me that the Admiralty mismanaged through tardi- 
 ness, and likewise by a want of secrecy, the measures on 
 which they were occupied. 
 
 In October, the Spaniards were arming: but there did 
 not appear to be any particular stir in the French ports ; 
 tho' Mon r . de la Borde, the confidential banker of the 
 Court, certainly ordered all his stock in our Funds to be 
 sold. 
 
 It was the general observation of all concerned that the 
 seamen entered voluntarily in much greater numbers than 
 was ever known ; which circumstance might have given 
 a wonderful advantage, in fitting out a great fleet with more 
 expedition : the consequence of which might have been 
 evident to the king's servants. 
 
 There was a strong belief about this time that I was 
 to be invited to become First Lord of the Admiralty ; and 
 in the opinion of many, it was thought that I was particularly 
 desirous of holding that office. A few days previously to 
 M r . Rigby's setting off to make me a visit at Euston, he 
 asked M r . Bradshaw, if there was any reason to believe, that 
 I would come to the Head of the Admiralty : M r . Brad- 
 shaw's answer was, that he had often heard me talk of that 
 situation, as one that was of the utmost importance to the 
 country, and where a great deal of good might be done ; 
 and that his private opinion was, that, if I could be prevailed 
 on to take any office, the Admiralty was more likely than 
 any other. Having gone so far I will not close the subject, 
 (very uninteresting to any but to my own friends) without
 
 CH. vm] NAVAL AFFAIRS 259 
 
 mentioning my real sentiments. I was always strongly of 
 opinion, that a naval officer should preside at the head of 
 the Admiralty. Any other could never know enough to 
 give an answer satisfactorily to the incessant questions which 
 must necessarily be put to him by a Cabinet composed of 
 land-men. In such cases what can the First Lord do, but 
 run out to get the information from others, who, in con- 
 sequence, must be let into the secret of what is passing, the 
 knowledge of which ought to be confined as much as possible 
 to the Cabinet alone. Admiral Keppel and Lord Howe l 
 were both as men and officers well qualified for the station, 
 though probably M r . Keppel would have declined it as he 
 was much connected with Lord Rockingham, and his friends 
 who were hostile to the Ministry. Had I been assured, 
 that Lord Howe would not be allowed to succeed S r . Edward 
 Hawke, and that Lord Sandwich was otherwise to be un- 
 doubtedly the First Lord, I do not know whether I might not 
 have been induced on that consideration, to take the charge 
 upon me. Admiral Pigot 2 , in that case, I should have wished 
 to have been my right hand man, and it would have been 
 my endeavor to collect in, and around, the Board those 
 men whose ability and characters stood highest in the navy : 
 and we should have taken care that every officer we wished 
 to employ should with confidence have relied on the liberal 
 and honorable conduct they were to expect from us : and 
 the country would have profited by the services of all our 
 best naval officers, an advantage which Lord Sandwich's 
 Admiralty could never gain. If such a measure had taken 
 place, we should have felt an essential loss in Cap n . Cock- 
 burne, who had been chosen just before Member for Hull : 
 
 1 Richard, fourth Viscount and first able degree {Rockingham Memoirs, 
 
 Earl Howe ( 1 7 -' 5 1799), he was First ii. 365). Captain Mahan would seem 
 
 Lord of the Admiralty in the Adminis- to rate Howe above Keppel as a com- 
 
 trations ofShelburne and Pitt, and was mander (Sea Power, 352, 364). 
 
 the victor in the battle of June 1, 1794. 2 Hugh Pigot (1721-1792), a Lord 
 
 He and Keppel, ' JJlnck Dick and of the Admiralty in the Rockingham 
 
 Little Keppel.' at this time commanded and iShclburne Ministries. 
 the confidence of the navy to a remaik- 
 
 s a
 
 260 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1771 
 
 and probably became a victim to the hurry and festivity 
 of the Election there. But after all the offer was never 
 made : Lord Sandwich was appointed ; and you may not 
 be displeased to see the following letters, which give not 
 only some particulars on the subject, but serve to shew on 
 what footing I stood with those who had been my colleagues 
 in the king's service. 
 
 Lincolns Inn Fields, 5 th Jati' v . 1771. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 Lord North wrote to me to call upon him early this morning. He 
 asked me, if I had ever heard you express an inclination to be at the 
 head of the Admiralty. I answered, that I had repeatedly heard you 
 say, when at the head of the Treasury, that you thought the Admiralty 
 a most important department, and ' one, in which a person properly 
 qualified, might do the most essential service to this country, and I added 
 that you formed that opinion, from being perfectly acquainted with the 
 department, and the manner in which it had been administered for some 
 years past. He then asked me, if I thought you would accept it, if it was 
 vacant ; I told him, that I knew you would not withhold your assistance 
 from the king, and the country, whenever you thought you could really 
 be of use to either. That you could most certainly be of the most 
 essential service to the country at this time by taking the Admiralty, 
 which in its present situation required both personal weight, and ability, 
 in the person who was to direct it ; and therefore, that I had no doubt, if 
 that department was properly offered to you, but that you would accept 
 it : provided you thought you could put the navy on the footing that it 
 ought to be ; and that it was the wish of His Majesty and his Administration. 
 Lord North only said ; that not knowing any thing of your sentiments, he 
 had, on his first coming into office, promised to mention Lord Sandwich 
 to the king, whenever the Admiralty shall be vacant. He asked more 
 than once, when you would be in town ; and then changed the subject, 
 which I did not appear earnest to renew. I enquired of his lordship, 
 how S r . Edward Hawke was: he told me, he did not know. But 
 I know, he is very ill, and that Lord North has now a letter from him 
 to Lord Rochford, in his possession, in which the poor old man tells him, 
 that he finds himself unable to attend Cabinets, or S*. James's ; and that, 
 if he does not very soon find an alteration in his health for the better, he 
 shall endeavour to creep once more to S*. James's, and there thanking 
 the king for all his kindnesses to him, lay his office at his feet. 
 
 The law and all other arrangements are at an end for the present. 
 Masserano declares, that he expects daily orders from his Court to give us 
 the satisfaction we demand ; but, that knowing, as he now does, that
 
 ch. Vlll] THE ADMIRALTY 26r 
 
 Mr. Harris is recalled, he cannot venture to execute any orders he 
 receives, without fresh instructions when his Court is informed of 
 Mr. Harris's departure. Lord North hopes to remove this difficulty, 
 if Masserano should receive the orders to make the satisfaction, by 
 naming an ambassador the very day the satisfaction is received. 
 
 His lordship is still sangwine for peace ; and yet it is certain, that 
 Buccarelli is appointed Lieut. Governor of Arragon. 
 
 I have the honor &c. 
 
 Tho s . Bradshaw. 
 
 Lincolns Inn Fields, 10 th Jan. 1 771 . 
 My Lord, 
 
 I find S r . Edward Hawke resigned the Admiralty yesterday to His 
 
 Majesty. I was with Lord North till he went to Court, and he did not 
 
 say a word to me on that subject, tho' part of our conversation naturally 
 
 led to it. Lord H. being in the country, I am without any information 
 
 of what is intended, but I have this moment received a note from Lord 
 
 Rochford, desiring to see me to-morrow morning. I have the honor 
 
 to be &c. 
 
 Tho s . Bradshaw. 
 
 With the insertion of this one other letter from M r . Brad- 
 shaw, I shall put an end to this topic, which will be interesting 
 to my friends only ; and which has already run into too 
 much length. 
 
 Lincolns Inn Fields, 11 th Jan rv . 1771. 
 My Lord, 
 
 Lord Rochford began by telling me, that he wished to talk con- 
 fidentially to me with regard to the arrangement that was made yesterday, 
 which he took for granted I had heard of. I told him I had not. He 
 then informed me that S r . Edward Hawke had resigned, and that Lord 
 Sandwich was first Lord of the Admiralty. He took a great deal of 
 pains to assure me, that what he was going to say to me, was entirely 
 from himself, arising from his personal attachment to your Grace, and 
 his duty to the king; but I am convinced he had the same reason for 
 sending for me, which induced him to write to you some time ago. After 
 this, he told me, that though he was far from thinking you would accept 
 of the Admiralty upon the eve of a war, yet that, as you had been much 
 talked of for that department, and as when he received the king's com- 
 mands for the appointment of Lord Sandwich, he could perceive there 
 was something upon His Majesty s mind, he wished to consult me as 
 a private friend whether any thing could be done, to mark His Majesty's 
 high estimation of your Grace, or to prevent your feeling, that there had 
 been any want of attention to you upon this occasion. He expressed his
 
 262 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1771 
 
 gratitude and his attachment to you ; declared his opinion that the 
 department should have been offered to you, by His Majesty, at all 
 events, and repeatedly wished me to remember, and at a proper oppor- 
 tunity to state to your Grace, that he neither had, nor could have, from 
 his situation any share in this transaction ; and here I am bound in 
 justice to Lord Rochford, to assure your Grace, that I am convinced his 
 declarations in that particular are strictly true ; and that he sincerely 
 wishes you at the head of the Admiralty. 
 
 I told Lord Rochford that I would begin by reminding him, of my 
 having some time ago given him my opinion, in conversation, that your 
 Grace would accept of the Admiralty if it was the wish of the king, and 
 of his ministers, that you should be there ; because the eve of a war was 
 a time when much was to be done, and consequently much good might 
 be done in that department, which I well knew was the only considera- 
 tion that would induce you to accept of an office ; that with regard to 
 your Grace's feelings, upon the present occasion, the not being in office, 
 I was sure would not give you any unpleasant feelings ; but as his lord- 
 ship had mentioned that His Majesty had something upon his mind, 
 I could easily conceive, that if any thing had passed between His Majesty 
 and your Grace (of which I was totally ignorant) at any time upon this 
 subject, the disposal of that department, without any notice being taken 
 of you, could not but be felt by your Grace, as such a conduct could only 
 be accounted for by a change in His Majesty's sentiments and wishes ; 
 or from the king being overborne by his minister — that with regard to 
 the latter, tho' your Grace had no ministerial information, you was not 
 ignorant that His Majesty, differing in opinion from Lord North in the 
 manner of bringing about a very important arrangement in the law, had 
 absolutely refused to make S r . F. Norton a peer— that as to Lord North 
 your Grace could have no feelings with respect to his lordship. You was 
 not a person wishing or soliciting for office, and if his lordship did not 
 think that such an acquisition as your Grace in an important department 
 was a most desirable object, and worth his utmost endeavors to obtain, 
 he was certainly master of his own conduct — that I was indeed not 
 a little surprized that his lordship (Lord North) should consult me on 
 Saturday morning last, whether I thought your Grace would accept of the 
 Admiralty, when he was resolved to give it to another ; as in my opinion 
 he had better have done, without my sentiments on that head ; and as 
 his lordship (Lord Rochford) had been very frank with me, I would fairly 
 tell him, that I had wrote you my conversations with Lord North, which 
 Lord North must be certain I would do ; I concluded with saying, that 
 as to an opinion what could be done to prevent your Grace's thinking 
 you had been neglected I could form none, not being master of the whole 
 subject : that the delicacy of the whole depended upon what had passed 
 with your Grace in the Closet, of which I was entirely uninformed, and
 
 ch. vm] THE ADMIRALTY 263 
 
 should not have suspected that any thing had passed there, but from 
 what had dropt from his lordship (for he told me he feared something 
 had passed there, tho' he did not know what). That I should sincerely 
 lament on His Majesty's account, if you had any cause to think yourself 
 neglected ; for tho' 1 knew your noble principles, and your resolution to 
 combat faction, and support Government as long as it could be supported, 
 yet it was, if his lordship's fears were just, but a bad return for your 
 conduct, and a bad encouragement to others to follow your example. 
 I have been obliged to write your Grace a very long letter, but 
 I thought it proper that you should know every circumstance of my 
 conversation with Lord Rochford who thinks as he ought with regard to 
 your Grace ; and laments very sincerely for the sake of the king, and the 
 public that you are not in office. I have not heard a word from Lord 
 North. I find Lord Suffolk is to be offered the seals, which indeed I had 
 no doubt of, when I heard they were vacant. 1 have the honor to be 
 with the greatest respect my lord 
 
 Your Grace's most obliged and faithful servant, 
 
 Tho 8 . Bradshaw. 
 
 P.S.— I beg your Grace will present my best respects to the Duchess. 
 It gives me unspeakable satisfaction, that you, to whom I have the 
 greatest obligation, and the most sincere attachment are not dependent 
 for your happiness upon kings or courts. Almost 12 o'clock. Lord North 
 has just been here for two hours, and what is astonishing, he has never 
 once mentioned Admiralty, S r . Edward Hawke, or Lord Sandwich. 
 
 Lest any doubt should arise in the breast of any person, 
 to His Majesty's disadvantage on some expressions in the 
 foregoing letter, I feel it incumbent on me to assure you, 
 that nothing had passed between the king and myself, on 
 this subject, which could occasion to His Majesty any uneasy 
 sentiment : but Lord Rochford and M r . Bradshaw were not 
 probably informed, as I was, of the king's strong dislike to 
 place Lord Sandwich, whose character he disapproved, in any 
 elevated post l . 
 
 About this time, Lord Rochford received the king's com- 
 mands to keep me informed of all business of any consequence, 
 that was in agitation : a distinction, which tho' honorable 
 to myself, was not without some inconveniences : and I 
 
 1 Sandwich succeeded Weymouth as place, Lord Suffolk being Privy Seal. 
 
 Secretary of State in December, 1770, Halifax died in the following June, and 
 
 and within two months was moved to Suffolk became Secretary of State. 
 the Admiralty. Lord Halifax took his
 
 264 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1771 
 
 believe that it was pretty well observed untill the time when 
 His Majesty thought proper to make me the offer, through 
 Lord North, of the Privy Seal. I heard that there were many 
 about Court who wished it to be filled by Lord Weymouth : 
 but, His Majesty was pleased to say that he would not hear 
 of a competition. The offer certainly came to me in the 
 most flattering manner possible, and I accepted the office 
 with every sense of duty, stipulating only, that I should be 
 considered as holding the office, without being summoned 
 to any Cabinet. This stipulation was the only prudent 
 part, in my accepting the Privy Seal at all : for, if I had 
 given it due consideration, I should have felt that the reasons 
 which made me avoid the Cabinet, namely, the little con- 
 fidence I had in the principles of many members of it, ought 
 equally to have shewn me, that I was not likely long to 
 support their measures. I give a letter, which I received 
 from Lord North, on my appointment, as it confirms the 
 avowal of the condition, under which I accepted the Privy 
 
 Seal. 
 
 Downing St. Tuesday, 
 7 o'clock. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I should have answered your obliging letter as soon as I received 
 it, had I not been engaged at a board which lasted till dinner. The 
 expressions contained in your letter, and the conversation I had with 
 Bradshaw concerning it, made me most sincerely happy. I wait to have 
 some discourse with your Grace in which I may more fully express to you 
 the satisfaction I receive from every instance of your friendship. I am 
 not acquainted with your Grace's former opinion respecting the Con- 
 fidential Cabinet, but you will consider, that it is not near so numerous 
 now, as it was when Lord Bristol 1 was appointed Keeper of the Privy 
 Seal. Your Grace may however be assured that the king means to 
 offer you the Privy Seal, in the manner the most agreeable to you, and 
 I know that I may equally depend upon your advice and assistance, 
 whether you are nominally of the Cabinet or no. I write in a hurry, and 
 I am informed that your Grace is in a greater hurry in expectation of 
 
 1 The king, writing to Lord North, when Lord Bristol was Privy Seal he 
 
 mentions thai Grafton ' had ever thought should not attend those meetings 
 
 the confidential Cabinet too numerous,' [Letters of George III to Lord North, 
 
 and had on that account desired that i. 26).
 
 ch. Vlll] THE PRIVY SEAL 265 
 
 a christening this evening, so I will trouble you no longer, especially as 
 I shall see you to-morrow at S'. James's. 
 
 1 am my dear lord with great truth and respect 
 
 Your most faithful humble serv 1 . 
 
 North. 
 
 The friendly letter from Lord Camden on my return to 
 
 office, was so gratifying, that I cannot resist the temptation 
 
 of introducing it here ; as it will help to shew our constant 
 
 attachment, in every scene of life. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 Tho' my private and retired situation makes me look upon all Court 
 changes with indifference, yet I am in hopes the public may reap con- 
 siderable advantage by your Grace's return to power : and therefore 
 I take the liberty of adding my private congratulations to those your 
 Grace will of course receive from a thousand humble servants, the friends 
 of your present fortune. Your Grace will remember in what manner we 
 parted, when I was dismissed from my office. That 1 wished, even in 
 that discontented minute, to separate our private from our public- 
 characters ; and to preserve a friendship between us independent of 
 politicks ; and that your Grace met me with reciprocal professions 
 of cordiality and personal esteem. My wishes and inclinations continue 
 so much the same, that I see no reason why your Grace's promotion 
 should make any alteration in my sentiments. From being free from all 
 political attachments, I am determined to live and converse as I like, 
 without regarding the dislike of any man, though perhaps I may alarm 
 his jealousy, or provoke his suspicions ; and therefore if I was not more 
 afraid of public calumny than I am of any private or particular dis- 
 pleasure, I should certainly as I intended pay my respects to your Grace 
 next week, which your Grace must now excuse me from doing, because 
 that would look more like courting your fortune, than seeking your 
 friendship. Notwithstanding which I shall still hold myself engaged, 
 if you please, to spend a day with your Grace at Wakefield Lodge some 
 time in the summer. And when every body sees, as they will in a month 
 or two, that I am neither partaking your good fortune, nor paying homage 
 to it in the moment of your preferment, I shall set at nought every other 
 suspicion that jealousy or malevolence may raise against my conduct. 
 Your Grace will accept of this apology in lieu of a visit and believe me 
 with the most perfect sincerity and esteem, 
 
 Your Grace's most obed'. 
 
 Faithful servant, 
 
 Camden. 
 June 14, 1 771, 
 
 Camden I'lace.
 
 266 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1771 
 
 Among the various and some important Acts passed in the 
 next and subsequent sessions, there was nothing done, or even 
 attempted, that could soothe the discontented minds of our 
 American brethren. If there was nothing done to conciliate 
 there was much done to aggravate their grievances : and an 
 opportunity of sending teas, free from taxation, to the 
 American market (which might have been done on the fair 
 pretext of relieving the East India Company's affairs by 
 a great extension of this trade) was unfortunately omitted. 
 Bad management of the Company's affairs, both at home 
 and abroad having brought them to a very necessitous 
 condition ; the directors came to Parliament with an 
 ample confession of their humbled state together with 
 entreaties for assistance and relief, and particularly praying, 
 in their petition, that leave might be given to export 
 teas free of all duties to America and to foreign ports. 
 Would not the sagacious minister have availed himself of 
 this fortuitous or rather providential occurrence, and have 
 built on it the future good understanding of every part of 
 the Empire ? 
 
 Had this leave been granted to America only, exclusive 
 of the other great salutary considerations, no one will hesitate 
 in allowing that it would have been an excellent commercial 
 regulation. Then, if the effect be considered, which it must 
 have had throughout the coast of America, who is there now 
 who would have wished that so beneficial expedient had not 
 been tried ? For it will be recollected, that the attempt to land 
 the teas charged with a duty, gave occasion to the first great 
 insurrection in America ; which, in the other case, would 
 never have existed. — It may be said, that the small duty 
 upon tea was but the pretence, while the dread of the De- 
 claratory Act was the real sore point : the truth of which 
 I admit to a great degree. Still let it be remembered, that 
 the repeal of the Stamp Act, 1766, was most gratefully 
 received by the colonies, notwithstanding it was accompanied 
 by this famous Act. 
 
 Among the king's more confidential servants, Lord Dart-
 
 CH. VIll] CLERICAL SUBSCRIPTION 267 
 
 mouth \ who was at the head of the American department, 
 was the only one, who had a true desire to see lenient 
 measures adopted towards the colonies : wherefore he was 
 the only minister with whom I could converse with comfort. 
 I often brought him to coincide in opinion: and I recollect, 
 that once calling on him in St. James's Square, where 
 a meditated joint address was to be settled that morning 
 by the Cabinet, he promised that he would offer my amend- 
 ments to them, with his own wishes that they might be 
 admitted. 
 
 His lordship had scarce finished his words, when Lord 
 Mansfield's chariot driving up to the door, Lord Dartmouth 
 said, most seriously to me ; ' There, Duke of Grafton, is the 
 man ; who will prevent your wished for alterations from 
 taking place.' The event accorded with Lord D.'s appre- 
 hensions. 
 
 At a time, when all bodies of men were disposed to be 
 weighing their rights, and stating their grievances, it was not 
 strange, that the clergy of the established church should 
 produce their ground, on which they considered themselves 
 in their consciences to be much aggrieved. Thus, from the 
 obligation of signing the thirty nine Articles, they prayed for 
 relief. A matter of such serious concern merited to be well 
 attended to : and the following part of that petition, which 
 was presented to the House of Commons, marks well the 
 distresses of their minds. 
 
 It is therein said, 
 
 ' Your petitioners apprehend themselves to have certain rights and 
 privileges, which they hold of God alone — of this kind, is the exercise of 
 their own reason and judgment. They conceive they are also warranted, 
 by those original principles of reformation from popery, on which the 
 Church of England is constituted, to judge in searching the Scriptures, 
 each man for himself, what may, or may not be proved thereby. They 
 
 1 William, second Earl ofDartmouth, sonal character.' He had been a mem- 
 Secretary of Stale lor the Colonies her of the Opposition, and his appoint- 
 1772-1775, Lord Privy Seal 1775- merit was regarded as a step towards 
 1 7 S j . George III welcomed him to conciliating the colonies. 
 his service as ' a man of excellent per-
 
 268 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1771 
 
 find themselves however in a great measure precluded the enjoyment of 
 this invaluable privilege, by the laws relative to subscription whereby 
 your petitioners are required to acknowledge certain articles and con- 
 fessions of faith and doctrine, drawn up by fallible men, to be all, and 
 every one of them agreeable to the said Scriptures. Your petitioners 
 therefore pray, that they may be relieved from such an imposition on 
 their judgments, and be restored to their undoubted rights as Protestants, 
 of interpreting Scripture for themselves, without being bound by any 
 human explanation thereof. Holy Scripture being acknowledged certain 
 and sufficient for salvation.' 
 
 In another place they scruple not to declare, that the 
 imposition of subscription, was an encroachment on their 
 rights, both as men, and as members of a Protestant es- 
 tablishment. 
 
 The conduct of these respectable petitioners was perfectly- 
 suitable to their station, and I shall ever lament, that they 
 were not successful in their application to Parliament. 
 
 They were united on the ground of their grievance ; and 
 differed only in the mode of introducing their conscientious 
 sufferings to Parliament : the meeting at the Feather's Tavern, 
 which consisted of some hundreds, preferring to petition the 
 House of Commons directly: and that part, which met at 
 Tennisorfs Library with M r . Wollaston of Chiselhurst, thinking 
 it to be more proper to address the Bishops, to bring the 
 business before Parliament. From the Archbishop (Corn- 
 wallis x ) Mr. Wollaston met with a gracious reception, though 
 no answer was given to him. But from his Grace, with the 
 Bishop of Peterborough - and some other of the Bishops, we, 
 who most interested ourselves for reasonable relief to the 
 clergy, received the fullest expectations, from their declaration 
 and assurance that the Bench itself would take the matter 
 under consideration, trusting that they might be able to bring 
 about the object desired in that manner which was thought to 
 be most judicious in a civil and religious view. 
 
 I acknowledge, that my judgement had led me to expect 
 
 1 Frederick, seventh son of the fourth Canterbury 176S-1783. 
 Lord Cornwallis (1713-1783^, Bishop 2 Hinchcliffe. 
 
 of Lichfield 1 749-1 768, Archbishop of
 
 CH. 
 
 Vlll] CLERICAL SUBSCRIPTION 269 
 
 a good issue to the business, provided the bishops had en- 
 gaged in it liberally, in the following session, as some of 
 them had professed to be willing to do. This last mode of 
 proceeding would have appeared the most decorous to many ; 
 and I still think, that the minds of men, enlightened by the 
 reading of the Confessional 1 , the tivo letters by a Christian 
 }}'/iig 2 . the queries, relating to the Book of Common Prayer, 
 &c, would have inclined them to receive the measure, so 
 proposed, with much satisfaction. May the day soon arrive, 
 when all that is not scriptural shall cease to be supported by 
 the sanction of fallible men 3 ! I am credibly informed that 
 Bishop Lowth famed both for the great learning he possessed, 
 as also for his moderation and liberality, had undertaken to 
 review these articles, and having reduced them by discharging 
 the offensive parts, had the mortification to see his amendment 
 and reductions set aside, and as it was said, by high authority. 
 On my return from Bath, where I had been sent for recovery 
 from a violent stomach attack ; and where I had been 
 passing some time, I heard the account of the affair of 
 Lexington, a commencement of avowed hostilities against the 
 Americans, with the deepest concern: and all the information 
 I could collect, tended only to prove to me, that Government, 
 in regard to America, projected no plans, except such, as 
 I from my heart disapproved. 
 
 1 Written by Francis Blackbumc, pp. 22, 27, and Leslie Stephen, English 
 
 rector of Richmond and Archdeacon of Thought in the Eighteenth Century, 
 
 Cleveland. The treatise was 'An in- vol. i. pp. 454-458. 
 
 quiry into the right of establishing sys- 3 For an account of the interest which 
 
 tematical confessions of faith and doc- Grafton took in religious questions, of 
 
 trine in Protestant churches.' his secession from the Church of England 
 
 Written by Richard Watson, then and of his acceptance of the Unitarian 
 
 Regius Professor of Divinity at Cam- faith, see Uncorrupted Christianity 
 
 bridge, afterwards Bishop of Llandaff, unpatronized by the Great, a sermon 
 
 See Abbey and Overton, English Church preached on the occasion of his decease, 
 
 in the Eighteenth Century, vol. ii. by Thomas Belsham, Lond. 181 1.
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 GRAFTON IN OPPOSITION 
 
 BEFORE I quitted the office I held, it was understood that 
 Mr. Penn had come over from Philadelphia, charged with a 
 petition from Congress to the king : and it was added that no 
 notice would be taken of it by His Majesty's principal servants 1 . 
 It was evident to all considerate men, that the connection of 
 the two countries hung on the decision ; for it was stated to 
 many, that on the vote for Independence, Mr. Dickenson 2 and 
 his party had the ascendancy in favour of dependence on this 
 country : and besides, it was equally well known, that a com- 
 promise had taken place in order to render the petition 
 unanimous, by the promise of a declaration for Independency 
 from the majority, in case of the rejection of this final 
 application. 
 
 I had met with nothing encouraging in the efforts I had 
 made, with the hopes of softening the temper of those 
 measures which appeared to me to be calculated to widen 
 the breach between Great Britain and her colonies: nor had 
 I any longer much expectation, that good could arise from 
 any advice of mine. Yet it will be found, that most men are 
 now of opinion that, long after this period, at various times, 
 a reconciliation might have been easily managed, which would 
 have restored a certain union between the two countries : and 
 a candid consideration of the important evidence delivered 
 by M r . Penn at the bar of the House, ought to have laid the 
 
 1 Infra, p. 282, note. 2 Author of the Farmers Letters.
 
 CH. ix] AMERICA 271 
 
 foundation of the preliminaries. With hopes much damped 
 by the accounts from America ; and by the observation of 
 the manner in which they were considered, I was still anxious 
 for the success of my endeavors ; and with that view, I wrote 
 what follows to Lord North, to which his answer is affixed. 
 
 Wakefield Lodge, Aug 1 . 31 st , 1775. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I am totally uninformed, in what manner His Majesty's servants 
 mean to proceed in the next session, respecting the unhappy state of 
 American affairs. But the object itself is so great, and the consequences 
 so alarming, that I should be undeserving of that goodness which your 
 lordship has so frequently shewn to me, if I concealed from you my 
 thoughts on the subject ; and I hope that you will receive them with that 
 friendly disposition, which this letter intends to convey. For, I can 
 protest to you, that my constant views in a political life are to shew my 
 dutiful and grateful attachment to His Majesty, together with my zealous 
 desire of seeing his Government nourish under your lordship's Administra- 
 tion. I earnestly wish to model my conduct on all occasions, conformably 
 to these two ends. My opinion on our present situation is the result of 
 much serious reflection, and so convincing to my own mind, that I cannot 
 see the subject in any light capable of drawing me from it. 1 am sensible, 
 how much more easy it is to determine what should not be done, than to 
 lay down the exact measures that ought to be followed : but, I am so 
 anxious to see a speedy end put to our unfortunate differences with the 
 American colonies, that I will acknowledge, I would go great lengths to 
 bring about such a reconciliation as might promise some degree of 
 stability. The inclination, in general, of men of property in this country, 
 and some of the declarations held forth even by the leaders of the 
 Congress in America differing little more than in words, I cannot 
 consider such a reconciliation to be impracticable : and in the present 
 desperate state of things, it appears to me to be very adviseable to 
 attempt it at any rate. A petition, indeed, from persons styling them- 
 selves the deputies of the United Colonies, met in Congress, may be 
 inadmissible by His Majesty, as no such body can be acknowledged by 
 the king ; yet, may there not be sufficient matter in the contents to 
 encourage individuals to come and state to the whole legislature the 
 wishes and expectations of the different colonies in order that harmony 
 may be restored again ? 
 
 Some intercourse between two parties, certainly nearer in purposes 
 than each conceives of the other, might thus be opened : the want of 
 which has been our principal misfortune from the first, and must be the 
 cause still of protracting all accomodation. Your lordship may not know
 
 272 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1775 
 
 that many persons hearty friends to Government have altered their 
 opinions by the events of this year. Their expectation of a strong party 
 in America ready to stand forth under the protection of a regular military 
 force is at an end: they foresee the inefficacy of doubling this force, 
 being now convinced that the Americans can, and will increase theirs 
 accordingly. The training of their men during the winter cannot fail to 
 form them into better troops, and their behavior already has far surpassed 
 the expectation of every one. In short, my lord, many consider the event 
 for us not only to be hopeless, but bringing on certain disgrace and ruin ; 
 many see that the expences that must attend such measures will lay 
 a burthen upon this country which in our situation, nothing can justify 
 but an insult from a foreign enemy. If what I have said at large should 
 be different from your lordship's purposes, I cannot flatter myself that it 
 can have any weight ; yet let me intreat you to enquire after the opinions 
 also of those independent friends from whom you have received and do 
 expect support in a measure of this magnitude, as I apprehend that you 
 will find many of them who see this business in a different light since the 
 trial, from what it appeared to them before. If Parliament meets early, 
 might not the two Houses address His Majesty that orders should be 
 given to his general to communicate to the rebel army that from various 
 motives of tenderness, affection and humanity, no hostile steps should be 
 taken until the issue should be known, in case the colonies would depute 
 persons to state to Parliament their wishes and expectations. Then a 
 long adjournment might give time for such an application from them, 
 which if declined would prove to the provincials the reluctance which 
 Great Britain has to a civil war, and would give a spirit here (which there 
 is not now) to proceed in it : or, if accepted, might be still in time to 
 restore quiet and a good understanding. 
 
 I am so well here since my return from Bath, that I am tempted to set 
 out in a few days to drink the waters again for a fortnight ; otherwise 
 I should have come to London, and desired to have the honor of con- 
 versing with your lordship rather than to have troubled you with so long 
 and tedious a letter, but this is now impossible as it is the only fortnight 
 I can lay hold of for Bath. 
 
 I have the honor to be &c. 
 
 Grafton. 
 
 To this letter I received no answer for seven weeks : after 
 which the following came. 
 
 Downing Street, Ocf. 20, 1775. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I deferred answering your Grace's very obliging and friendly letter 
 
 till I could with a tolerable degree of certainty convey to you the general 
 
 outline of our American plan. For that purpose I take the liberty of
 
 CH. ix] AMERICA 273 
 
 inclosing a draught of the king's speech which is now so nearly com- 
 pleted, that it will, I believe undergo very few alterations, before it is 
 delivered in Parliament. It is longer and fuller than speeches at the 
 opening of sessions have usually been ; because it was intended to give 
 a general plan of the measures to be pursued against the American 
 rebels. Your humble servant, and I believe I may add His Majesty's 
 other counsellors still remain ready to agree with any province in 
 America upon the footing of the resolution of the House of Commons of 
 the 27 th of February last ' : but the leaders of the rebellion in the colonies 
 plainly declare themselves not satisfied with those conditions and mani- 
 festly aim at a total Independence. Against this we propose to exert 
 ourselves using every species of force to reduce them ; but authorising at 
 the same time either the Commander in Chief or some other Commissioner, 
 to proclaim immediately peace and pardon, and to restore all the privileges 
 of trade to any colony upon its submission. Authority will likewise be 
 given to settle the question of taxation for the future upon the plan held 
 forth last year; and to put every other matter now in dispute between 
 them and this country in a course of accommodation. Till the provinces 
 have made some submission, it will be in vain to hope that they will come 
 into any reasonable terms, and I am afraid, that declaring a cessation of 
 arms at this time would establish that independence which the leaders 
 of the faction in America have always intended, and which they now 
 almost openly avow. I beg pardon of your Grace for touching on these 
 matters so slightly and superficially but I shall be glad of an opportunity 
 of going into the business more largely when your Grace comes to town. 
 In the mean while I must desire you not to communicate the inclosed 
 speech to any one, as it is not yet entirely perfect, and has not been 
 finally settled in the Cabinet. 
 
 I have the honor to be with the greatest respect 
 My dear lord, 
 
 Your most faithful humble ser'. 
 
 North. 
 
 The contents of the speech which Lord North inclosed in 
 his letter left me no room for doubt : and on my arrival in 
 London, I obtained an audience of the king who received me 
 in the same gracious manner which I had ever met with from 
 His Majesty 2 . I ventured however to state to him my apprc- 
 
 1 This resolution was to the effect proper to forbear levying any duty, tax, 
 
 that when any colony should engage to or assessment, except for the regulation 
 
 make provision for the common defence of commerce, such duty to be carried to 
 
 and tin support of the civil government the account of such colony. 
 
 and administration of justice it will be s Nevertheless the king never forgave 
 
 T
 
 274 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1775 
 
 hensions for the country from the injudicious measures into 
 which we were plunged, through the violence of his ministers, 
 who were not aware of the impracticability of their schemes 
 from a want of knowledge of the resources of the colonies. 
 I added that, deluded themselves, his ministers were deluding 
 His Majesty. The king vouchsafed to debate the business 
 much at large ; and appeared to be astonished, when I 
 answered earnestly, to his information that a large body of 
 German troops was to join our forces, that His Majesty 
 would find too late that twice that number would only 
 increase the disgrace J : and never effect his purpose. 
 
 On coming out of the Closet, I related to the Archbishop 
 Cornwallis, my friend, what I had done ; as I did to two 
 or three of my acquaintances I saw at Court. His Grace 
 expressed much sorrow ; and I believe, was much concerned 
 that we were to part in politics. It struck me, that Mr. Rigby 
 was the only one, who appeared apprehensive lest my 
 opinions should draw with them many to opposition. But 
 his judgment here was as erroneous, as it often proved. 
 
 In a day or two after, I supported warmly the amendment 
 moved on the address 2 , and entirely on public ground. In the 
 course of my speech, I gave much into the belief, that could 
 this nation bring itself to restore the colonies to the condition, 
 in which they stood in 1763, peace would be quickly es- 
 tablished. The rest was directed to prove the pernicious 
 and fatal consequence, that could not but be foreseen from 
 a continuation of a war so circumstanced. On the following 
 day I was ordered to bring the Privy Seal with me to 
 St. James's ; where His Majesty gave me a second patient 
 hearing, on what I foreboded regarding our contest with 
 America. The Seal, which I left with His Majesty, was 
 
 what he regarded as desertion on the subdue our English colonies was the 
 
 part of Grafton. In his letters to Lord final step towards their alienation. 
 
 North there occur frequent exhortations 2 Grafton spoke vigorously against 
 
 to North not to desert him as Grafton the address, though still in office. He 
 
 had done. urged the repeal of every Act passed 
 
 1 The hiring of German troops, from since 1763 relative to America, 
 the petty German powers, to help to
 
 en. IX] THE PROHIBITORY BILL 275 
 
 immediately given to Lord Dartmouth 1 . Lord Rockingham's 
 difference from me, with that also of his friends, having been 
 only on political points ; we readily renewed our intimacy, 
 when the cause of misunderstanding was removed. 
 
 On occasion of the Prohibitory Bill 2 , as it was called, 
 I received at Euston the following letters. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 I imagine that your Grace is fully apprized of the purport of the bill, 
 which has now passed the House of Commons, and which was brought 
 up yesterday to the House of Lords where it was read a first time 
 yesterday, is ordered to be printed and will be read a second time on 
 Friday next. It is to be lamented that the Ministry chuse to push such 
 a measure as this is, at a time when there are but few lords in town. 
 The ministers speak of this act as decisive. I fear it may be so, but not 
 according to their opinion for they conceive that it will intimidate the 
 colonies, while I indeed can only conceive, that it will drive them to 
 greater degrees of passion and exasperation. 
 
 I will not now take the liberty of troubling your Grace with the variety 
 of objections which may be made to this bill. At all events, it appears 
 a measure that ought to have a very serious consideration. 
 
 I had a letter from the Duke of Manchester yesterday and I have 
 received one this evening from the Duke of Richmond, they will be in 
 town for Friday. Lord Shelburne is in London, I took the liberty of 
 writing a note to his lordship this evening, but I have not an answer 
 as yet. 
 
 Having understood that your Grace had expressed a wish of knowing 
 
 when this bill would be debated, it has encouraged me, to venture to send 
 
 your Grace the information by express that Friday will be the day in the 
 
 House of Lords. If your Grace should be inclined, and should come, 
 
 your presence in the House of Lords would be of great service towards 
 
 setting the merits of the bill in a proper light, and it would undoubtedly 
 
 give great satisfaction and encouragement to the friends of peace and 
 
 conciliation. 
 
 I have the honor to be &c. 
 
 Rockingham. 
 Grosv. Sq. Dec r . 12, 1775. 
 
 1 Lord Dartmouth was unwilling to tary of State instead of Rochford, who 
 leave his post of Colonial Secretary, received as a consolation a pension of 
 and there was a good deal of expense .£2,500 a year. Letters of George III to 
 to the country. Lord George Sack- Lord North, i. 2S0-292. 
 ville, now Lord G. Germaine, took Dart- ' A bill to rohibit trade and inter- 
 mouth's place to help North in the course with the rebellious colonies, in- 
 Commons. Weymouth became Secre- troduced by North on Nov. 20, 1775. 
 
 T 2
 
 276 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1775 
 
 M r . Fox's two letters were also written on the same subject 
 as the foregoing. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 As your Grace seemed to wish to be informed of any thing of 
 moment, that might be going forward, during your absence, I think it 
 right to inclose you the bill which has been read a second time in our 
 House, and which we are to have in the committee to-morrow. Upon 
 reading this bill you will see in a moment, that it contains the whole of 
 the business of the session ; and therefore I own, I think it ought not to 
 go through the House of Lords without any remarks upon it. It puts us 
 in a state of complete war with America, and by the plunder it encourages, 
 it seems to sow the seeds of perpetual enmity with those, with whom all 
 parties propose friendship and intercourse. The two last provisions of it 
 avowedly contain all that Parliament is to do with respect to the com- 
 missioners : so that you see how little we are to know of the destinations 
 or instructions of those, to whom the whole power of this country is 
 entrusted. 
 
 It certainly cannot come into the House of Lords before the beginning 
 of next week, and what opposition is intended to it there, I really do not 
 know ; but clearly think there ought to be some. There are many 
 objections I have not touched upon, particularly that of giving the whole 
 trade into the power of the West India Governors. 
 
 We do not yet know, who are intended to be sent as commissioners. 
 The report is, that Lord Howe is to be one. I thought it necessary my 
 dear lord to write to you upon this subject early, because I should 
 imagine that with regard to the opposition in the House of Lords much 
 would depend upon your opinion, which I should be very glad to know. 
 
 Though I wrote this letter merely with a view of acquainting you with 
 the state of this bill, I cannot let this opportunity go by, of assuring you 
 how very happy I feel to be of opinion on public affairs, with a person, 
 with whom I have always wished to agree ; and with whom I should act 
 with more pleasure, in any possible situation, than with any one I have 
 been acquainted with. 
 
 There is a report of an engagement at Bunker's Hill, in which the 
 
 provincials are said to have had an advantage ; but I believe it to be 
 
 without foundation. 
 
 I am yours ever &c. 
 
 C. J. Fox. 
 London, Dec. 4 th , 1775. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 As you expressed a wish to know the day, on which the Prohibitory 
 Bill, as it is called, was to be debated, Lord Rockingham is just going to 
 send to you for that purpose: and he seems to wish me to write at the
 
 CH. IX] AMERICA 277 
 
 same time. I have really but little to add to what I wrote your Grace 
 upon that subject before. I will only observe, that if you read the bill 
 attentively, you will find there are some circumstances in it, that are 
 rather new, particularly the confounding of all West Indian and even 
 British property, with American, if happening to be on board an American 
 vessel. 
 
 The Duke of Richmond will certainly be in town, and I suppose the 
 Duke of Manchester 1 . With regard to the other lords of the description 
 you allude to, I really know nothing : but, I should suppose Lord Shelburne 
 will be there ; as he is in town. Upon all these circumstances, your 
 Grace must judge of the propriety of coming or staying : I will only say, 
 that whatever part you take. I for one shall never attribute it to any want 
 of zeal in a cause which, the moment it is seen in the light in which we 
 see it, must appear to be the greatest that ever engaged any men. 
 
 I shall certainly do myself the honor of paying my respects to your 
 Grace at Euston during the recess : but Harbinger has been so ill, that 
 I am afraid I cannot assist you in making a sweepstake. 
 
 I am, my dear lord your's ever very sincerely 
 
 C. J. Fox. 
 
 London, Dec r . 12, 1775. 
 
 The light in which the business appeared to us was partly 
 this, that if a cordial reconciliation was not speedily effected 
 with the colonies, to lose America entirely would be a lesser 
 evil than to hold her by a military force, as a conquered 
 country : and that the consequences of holding that dominion 
 by an army only, must inevitably terminate in the downfal of 
 the constitution, and liberties of Britain. Thus, success itself 
 would be dreadful. To prevent these threatening conse- 
 quences, the Opposition was most honorably engaged : and 
 it was with the most hearty concurrence with the principal 
 men who composed it, that I added my little aid : having 
 fully opened our minds to each other, and found little differ- 
 ence in our opinions. 
 
 The mercantile part of the country were more concerned, 
 and therefore felt serious alarm on the measures of govern- 
 ment. These men were chiefly with us : but the landed 
 
 1 George, fourth Duke of Manchester Whig with a strong leaning towards 
 0737-1788). He is described in the the prerogative.' 
 Rockingham Memoirs, ii. 431, as 'a
 
 278 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1775 
 
 gentlemen were not enlightened, at that time, sufficiently to 
 feel the impending danger : a great majority of them were 
 not only abettors of the pernicious measures of the Ministry ; 
 but were so uncandid as to brand us as the most wicked of 
 statesmen, and as the cause of the failure of the minister's 
 plans, which were in fact too unwisely drawn to hold out any 
 prospect of success. Our cause, however, though not honored 
 with the support of the largest portion of the landed interest, 
 had to boast of that share of it, which comprehended the 
 most respectable characters of the nation. 
 
 I did not aim at any particular knowledge of Lord Shel- 
 burne's opinions, as I had heard from Lord Camden that 
 they tallied, to a great degree, with our own. But, I was 
 however much pleased with the following paragraph of a letter 
 which dated Nov. 4 th , 1775, I received from Lord Camden; 
 ' The mention of the last lord's (Shelburne's) name gives me 
 an opportunity of acquainting your Grace, that I was desired 
 by him to deliver a handsome and a frank message to your 
 Grace, which I could not well do then, nor indeed can I now; 
 because I cannot venture to recollect the words, and I am 
 afraid of going too far. Thus much I can safely say, that he 
 will fairly open his mind, and tell your Grace very frankly 
 how far he will go, and where he will stop : and in my 
 opinion, he, and his friends Barre and Dunning have a manly 
 and explicit way of proceeding that pleases me.' 
 
 After some conversation with Lord Shelburne on public 
 affairs, in consequence of the above message, we became 
 good political friends, and remained so, with the exception of 
 a few immaterial squabbles, to the end of his life. 
 
 Lord Chatham's state of health was so very bad, as to 
 prevent him from appearing at all during this session. But, 
 it is but justice due to the eminent personages who composed 
 this opposition to say, that there never existed, at any time, 
 such another in purity of intention towards the public, to 
 whose benefit and welfare their measures were solely directed. 
 
 On the plan of this memoir you are not to expect the 
 history of the war, nor more than the documents in my
 
 ch. ix] AMERICA 279 
 
 possession can furnish ; tho' it will be my desire from these 
 and my own memory to relate what I may think will be 
 acceptable to you. Letters from principal men, on important 
 subjects, however, have the first title to our attention : and 
 I mean to lay them before you in preference to any thing" 
 I can bring forward in a different manner. 
 
 Proceeding thus, the letters following from Lord Camden 
 find their place : 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 As your letter came to London under a cover, I did not receive it till 
 yesterday morning. It made me very happy, in the good account it gave 
 of your Grace's health. When I was at Bath, I made some acquaintance 
 with D r . Delacour, who is persuaded your Grace may, if you please, be 
 restored to a state of perfect health. I am much the better for my 
 journey, and am so satisfied with the efficacy of Bath for my constitution, 
 that I am determined to make it another visit next spring ; nor shall any 
 consideration of politics restrain me ; for indeed my dear lord, the chance 
 of doing good is at an end. So many circumstances have combined, like 
 so many fatalities, to overturn this mighty empire, that all attempts to 
 support are weak and ineffectual. Who could have imagined, that the 
 Ministry could have become popular by forcing this country into a destruc- 
 tive war, and advancing the power of the Crown to a state of despotism? 
 And yet, that is the fact ; and we of the minority suffer under the odium, 
 due only to the ministers, without the consolation either of pay or 
 power. 
 
 America is lost, and the war a foot 1 . There is an end of advising 
 preventive measures ; and peace will be more difficult to make, than the 
 war was : for your Grace justly observes, that the claims of the Americans, 
 if they are successful, will grow too big for concession ; and no man here 
 will venture to be responsible for such a treaty. For, I am persuaded it 
 will be the fate of England to stoop, though I don't know the minister to 
 apply so humiliating a remedy. Shall we ever condescend to make that 
 country a satisfaction for damages ? and yet, she will never treat without 
 it. What then must be our conduct in Parliament ? I am at a loss to 
 advise. I thought, from the beginning of the year, secession was the 
 only measure left, I still think the same : but I will enter the lists of 
 a more active opposition, if that shall be thought best. I wish it were 
 
 1 The battles of Lexington and Hunker's measures for armed resistance, and had 
 
 Hill had taken place on April 19 and appointed Washington Commander-in- 
 
 June 16, 1775, and in May the Con- Chief. 
 gress of the thirteen colonies had taken
 
 280 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1776 
 
 possible for the whole body to unite ; but union is only understood and 
 practised on the other side of the Atlantick. That would be respectable, 
 and perhaps formidable : but, I do not expect to see it. Absence would 
 look more like union to the public, and might perhaps join us at last into 
 a confederacy. 
 
 If motions are to be made, they should be in concert, and we ought to 
 protect and defend each other from attacks, like real friends : else like 
 other broken forces we shall be put to the rout. We must, however, my 
 dear lord, wait till we meet, and the field before us will furnish measures. 
 I have been now two months absent from the scene of business, and 
 during the whole time, have not received a line from a creature living 
 upon the subject of politicks. So little are we together upon any joint 
 plan : I am however in good health and spirits, and please myself with 
 the expectation of enjoying your Grace's company during the remainder 
 of the session. 
 
 Euston is too far, and my own house full at present ; else, knowing by 
 
 Wakefield what I should meet with in Suffolk, 1 should fly to your Grace's 
 
 family immediately. I have the honor to be &c. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 Lord Chatham continues in the same melancholy way : and the house 
 
 is so shut up that his sons are not permitted to receive visitors. 
 
 Jan 1 '". 4 th , 1776. Camden Place. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I had the honor of your Grace's note this morning, and am not 
 surprized at your postponing your London journey till the 28 th . I shall 
 not be in town many days before, and I presume, that nothing of any 
 moment can start before your Grace's arrival ; without whom I do not 
 mean to join in any business respecting America. I shall persist to the 
 last, in giving my testimony against this pernicious war, tho' I neither 
 expect success, nor popular applause. But it will be no inconsiderable 
 consolation, to hear my name joined to your Grace's, let the event turn 
 out as it may. 
 
 I beg your Grace will present my respects, with the compt 8 . of the 
 season to the Duchess, and 
 
 Believe me to be &c. 
 
 Camden. 
 Jan. 7 th , 1776. 
 
 1 hope your Grace has received my last. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 Upon looking carefully into the Act, passed before Xtmas \ to give the 
 property of the prizes to the captors ; and more especially into the last 
 
 1 16 Geo. III. c. 5, the Prohibitory Act, the introduction of which is referred 
 lo on p. 275.
 
 CH. ix] AMERICA 281 
 
 clause, I find the bill has given the king a full power, not barely to 
 suspend, but finally to stop the operation of the Act, by a positive repeal, 
 whenever he shall think the provinces are disposed to return to their 
 duty. His power therefore is absolute not only to suspend, but to put an 
 end to the Capture Bill, even for the sake of opening a treaty. For, 
 a proposal of terms, such as His Majesty may think do manifest a dis- 
 position to return Sec, being a ground according to the Act of Parliament 
 to justify a total cessation of hostility by sea, will, a fortiori, give him 
 authority to suspend the same for a time. 
 
 Your Grace will observe, that the condition, upon which the king is 
 authorized to issue his proclamation, is not an actual return to their 
 duty, which (if the Act was so penned) could mean nothing short of an 
 unconditional submission, but a dispositio?i to return ; of which dis- 
 position, the Crown being the judge — any plan of peace, which His 
 Majesty may conceive reasonable, and likely to be adopted by Parlia- 
 ment, may fairly be construed into a disposition, &c. 
 
 This Act therefore does in effect put the very terms and conditions of 
 the peace into the hands of the Crown : for altho' he cannot by his own 
 authority repeal any of the bills, now enacted against America, yet upon 
 a sketch of a treaty, he may engage to propose any such plan to Parlia- 
 ment, and will be pretty sure to carry his point there, more especially if 
 he changes his Administration. 
 
 If my reasoning is just upon this bill, which I submit to your Grace's 
 better judgment, then the very ground of the motion fails, and it must not 
 be made. 
 
 I have lodged this at your Grace's house, to be delivered to you the 
 moment you come to town, and will be ready to wait on your Grace 
 the moment I hear you are arrived. 
 
 I have the honor to be &c. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 Tuesday, Feb. 20, 1776. Duke S'. 
 
 A disposition to return &c. is not properly a condition to warrant the 
 proclamation, as I have expressed it in the former part of my letter, but 
 the encouragement of the well affected, and the speedy protection of such 
 as are well disposed, are no other than the motives and reasons for the 
 Parliament giving the king a full and unlimited power to repeal the bill, 
 for he is the sole judge, when it will be proper to give to them encourage- 
 ment and protection ; and what kind of behaviour ought to be deemed 
 a disposition Sec. 
 
 This therefore is the language of the Act. Your Majesty shall be at 
 liberty to repeal the bill, whenever you shall think it expedient to 
 encourage or protect those, that you shall be satisfied are well affected 
 or disposed to return to their duty.
 
 282 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1776 
 
 These words disposed &"c, which we did not much attend to, are very 
 deeply considered, and give the key to the whole clause. 
 
 The evidence delivered by M r . Perm 1 was more particularly 
 attended to, than falls, in general, to the lot of witnesses 
 examined at our Bar. His character for veracity and honor 
 was universally acknowledged, and the very ample powers 
 and authority he had to express what he delivered on the 
 disposition of the colonies, as well as of the Congress in 
 particular, drew from his audience an uncommon interest. 
 But it availed little ; and Lord Mansfield scrupled not to 
 pronounce, ' that M r . Penn was speaking under influence, and 
 that consequently his whole evidence, must, in toto, be set 
 aside.' 
 
 Indeed his lordship had no other resource to get rid of an 
 invincible chain of evidence: and the House was sufficiently 
 pliant to support his lordship in a position so ill-founded and 
 unjust. 
 
 This disposition shewn by Parliament, to agree in every 
 proposal from Administration at a moment of danger so very 
 critical, damped every hope of future success in the cause, 
 however well chosen the ground might be. Disheartening as 
 the circumstances stood, we would not be dismayed ; and 
 among others, who had more weight, I framed, with the con- 
 currence and assistance of those with whom I acted, a motion, 
 to which the attention of the colonies, I attempted to prove, 
 might be drawn, though it never would, nor could be to the 
 powers given, under the Act, to the Commissioners. The 
 object of the motion, which I made in the House of Lords, 
 about the middle of March 2 , was to take off, if possible, the 
 impression which the Act lately past gave of unconditional 
 
 1 Richard Penn brought overa petition days later to inform Penn that no answer 
 
 from Congress voted in July, and pre- would be made. The petition, the 
 
 sented on September 1. The petition, examination of Penn, and the debates, 
 
 though somewhat vague in its terms, which arose thereon, are to be found in 
 
 seemed to show a desire for a friendly the Parliamentary History, vol. xviii. 
 
 adjustment of difficulties. It was re- pp. 896-935. 
 
 ceived in silence by the Secretary of 2 On March 14, Parliamentary History, 
 
 State (Dartmouth), who wrote a few xviii. 1247.
 
 CH. IX] AMERICA 283 
 
 submission, and which the language of His Majesty's ministers 
 too plainly conveyed. The substance of it was, 'that an 
 humble address be presented to His Majesty, that in order 
 to prevent the further effusion of blood, a proclamation might 
 be issued, declaring, that if the colonies shall present a petition 
 to the Commissioners, appointed under the late Act, setting 
 forth what they consider to be their just rights and real 
 grievances, that, in such a case, His Majesty will consent to 
 a suspension of arms ; and that, assurance shall be given 
 them, that their petition shall be received, considered, and 
 answered.' The measure appeared to me likewise to inculcate 
 the idea that there might be terms and conditions implying 
 mutual concessions, on which a satisfactory and permanent 
 accomodation might be founded, and a constitution suitable 
 to their situation fixt and established : and all this, I main- 
 tain'd, was still within reach without the necessity of a 
 separation from the mother country. 
 
 I stated repeatedly, that the mere mention of the words, 
 'unconditional submission,' was destructive of every hope, 
 and rendered all reconciliation impracticable : therefore the 
 necessity of this or a similar measure was indispensable. 
 I dwelt much also on the disadvantages under which this 
 country was contending with America ; and that the resources 
 and spirit of the colonies would be found far to exceed what 
 they were represented to be. In the course of this speech, 
 I informed the House, and warned the ministers, that I knew, 
 from unquestionable authority, that two French gentlemen 
 had been presented by General Washington to many leading 
 men in the Congress ; and who knew the object of their 
 mission. Thus, we were convinced, that a direct interference 
 from foreign powers had taken place, as to our civil con- 
 tentions : and from a formidable quarter, which attempt 
 required to be instantly counter-acted. 
 
 The motion was ably supported by many on our side : and 
 the speeches on the other were ingenious, but miserably 
 mistaken in all that the speakers presumed to prognosticate. 
 Besides, the doctrine of unconditional submission being vindi-
 
 284 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1776 
 
 cated throughout, they ridiculed the possibility of an effectual 
 resistance from America ; and they declared their firm dis- 
 belief of any interference on the part of France or any other 
 foreign power : for as they had colonies of their own, they 
 could never be stirring up revolt, among those of other 
 nations. The debate was long; but the motion was rejected 
 by a majority of 91 against 31. 
 
 A respectable historian of the present day observes on this 
 event; that 'What had been hitherto perfectly easy and 
 feasible, now became by a change of circumstances desperate 
 and hopeless.' It had that appearance I confess ; yet, when 
 it is considered, that the peace was not made till the end of 
 the year 1782, 1 must think that an earlier change of Ministry, 
 would have seized many opportunities of establishing a more 
 beneficial connexion and intercourse with America, before that 
 country had leagued itself too far with France. 
 
 Another historian of credit states that, ' this day will 
 perhaps hereafter be considered, as one of the most important 
 in the English history. It deeply fixed a new colour upon 
 our public affairs. It was decisive on this side of the Atlantic 
 with respect to America ; and may possibly hereafter be com- 
 pared with, and considered as preliminary to that, on which, 
 unhappily, in a few months after, the independence of that 
 continent, was declared on the other.' 
 
 Some months after, I received from a quarter, which I could 
 depend upon (with nearly the same confidence, as if I had 
 been present at the transactions), intelligence so essential to 
 the concerns of this country, that notwithstanding the un- 
 gracious reception which my former communication had met 
 with from Administration I could not resist the desire I had 
 of discharging my duty, by communicating the contents of it 
 to the Secretary of State. I accordingly waited on Lord 
 Weymouth : introducing my business, with saying to his 
 lordship, that though he was at liberty to give what credit 
 he thought fit to my information, I should consider myself 
 to be impardonable, if I did not in confidence relate the 
 following circumstances to his lordship, in order that the
 
 ch. ix] FRANCE AND AMERICA 285 
 
 king's servants might make the proper use of them : that 
 I had received my intelligence through a channel which had 
 never deceived me : that his lordship well knew the delicacy 
 of communications of this kind, and could not expect any 
 further particulars, relating to it. except that I did not attain 
 the intelligence at His Majesty's expence: that the Duke of 
 Bridgewater l well knew, that my information, regarding the 
 decision of the French Cabinet, on the business of Falkland's 
 Islands was more accurate than that of Administration : and 
 I might add, that the Cabinet of France had since verified in 
 every point the informations which I had before received : on 
 which grounds I gave perfect confidence to that, which the 
 same channel now brought to me. 
 
 Having thus introduced my business with Lord Weymouth, 
 I proceeded, saying, that I concluded his lordship must have 
 heard from our ambassador, that Silas Deane arrived at Paris 
 in July: tho' he might not be apprized, that this gentleman 
 had frequent conferences at Versailles with Mon r . de Vergennes ; 
 that Silas Deane 2 had been traced to a Monsieur Dubourg's 
 where he had met more than once Girard a ,who was considered 
 as one of the ablest Secretaires de Bureau, and much in the 
 confidence of the minister ; and that there was full ground 
 for belief, that Vergennes 4 had himself been present at these 
 meetings ; but was conveyed to them in a carriage, borrowed 
 for the occasion. I added, that his lordship ought to be 
 informed, that 10,000 stand of arms were sent, or ordered 
 down to Nantes, consigned to the address of a Mon r . Pinet 
 there : that cannon had been cast in the royal founderics, and 
 
 1 Francis, third and last Duke of July, 1776, as a secret agent, to ascertain 
 Bridgewater (1 736-1803), the celebrated the feeling of the French Court. Later 
 promoter of inland navigation. How in the year he was appointed with Frank- 
 he was concerned in the matter referred lin and Lee a commissioner to negotiate 
 to I do not know. At the time of the with the European powers. He deserted 
 affair of the Falkland Isles he was busy the American cause with Arnold, 
 completing the canal between Man- 3 Gerard de Rayneval, vide infra, 
 Chester and Liverpool : nor can I ascer- p. 346. 
 tain that he evei hi Id political office. ' Vergennes was at this time Foreign 
 
 1 Silas Deane came over to Paris in Minister to Louis XVI.
 
 286 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1776 
 
 which had not the arms of France impressed upon them in 
 the customary way; the workmen from thence knowing that 
 they were ordered, and in haste, for some foreign service. 
 I observed to Lord Weymouth, that some of these points 
 might without difficulty be soon ascertained by our am- 
 bassador ; particularly whether M r . Deane was generally 
 considered by those about Court as an agent from America ; 
 and whether, among the numberless officers who had petitioned 
 to go over to join Gen 1 . Washington, there were not some who 
 had obtained leave. 
 
 I observed to his lordship that it was impossible for me to 
 imagine that Lord Stormont 1 had not acquainted him, that 
 American ships were received and protected in the ports of 
 France, where their cargoes of every description were unloaded ; 
 when they openly took in arms and ammunition as their 
 returning lading. 
 
 The ambassador could not have omitted to inform his 
 lordship, that the preparations making in all the French 
 ports gave serious ground for alarm, and indicated plainly the 
 hostile disposition of the French Court. 
 
 In addition to all these matters, I ventured solemnly to 
 assure his lordship that I had it from authority, on which 
 I confidently relied, that the Cabinet of France had been 
 unanimous in their determinations, that the moment was too 
 inviting to be passed by, and that France must seize the 
 favorable opening of taking part with the Americans against 
 Great Britain. 
 
 If Lord Weymouth wished to bring the matter to issue; 
 he had only to apply to the French Court for the removal of 
 Silas Deane out of France, when he would receive for answer 
 a refusal : for the Court of France felt the advantage they 
 should derive from the bad policy which had already entangled 
 us in a ruinous war, and was determined to avail itself of it. 
 I cannot say, that I expected much rpen communication from 
 
 1 David, fifth Earl of Stormont, in State, 1 779-1 782. He succeeded his 
 the peerage of Scotland, was ambassador uncle, the first Earl of Mansfield, in 
 at Paris, 1 772-1778, and Secretary of 1793. and died in 1796.
 
 CH. ix] ADMINISTRATIVE INCOMPETENCE 287 
 
 my old friend, in return for mine : nor was I disappointed, 
 when from a man of his well known closeness of character, 
 though endowed with many excellent qualities, I was coldly 
 thanked for my attention, and dismissed without being ques- 
 tioned on any one particular. 
 
 It is a great relief to my mind, especially at the period now 
 before us that I have not undertaken to give the accounts of 
 the successes, or of the disgraces, which befell the British 
 troops : as they are already before the public, and appear to 
 be with accuracy reported. 
 
 To those persons, who were well acquainted with the 
 characters and dispositions of our rulers, it was not strange 
 that ill success should generally attend their plans and 
 measures. Lord North in private life was an upright honor- 
 able man ; and his talents were unquestioned : but he neither 
 had the peculiar talent himself of conducting extensive war 
 operations; nor was the ability and judgment of his co-adjutors 
 sufficient to make up the deficiency. 
 
 Lord Sandwich at the Admiralty was very unpopular with 
 the highest order of the naval officers, many of whom declined 
 serving under him, after the court martial on Admiral Keppel 1 ; 
 alledging that they did not consider their characters to be 
 safe in his hands : nor was the confidence in the Cabinet 
 much improved by the choice of Lord George Germaine, as 
 the War Minister. 
 
 The session, which terminated on May the 23 d , 1776, had 
 produced no measure, by which the minds of men of judgment 
 could be turned to any comfortable expectations. Whatever 
 attempt the Opposition made towards reconciliation with the 
 colonics, was each day treated more and more with asperity : 
 and, indeed, it was dispiriting to find so large a majority in 
 both Houses, still supporting the impolitic counsels of the 
 Ministry. Thus disheartened and with slender hope of 
 moderating the current of the tide, we in the Opposition 
 had nothing left, but to retire to our country seats; and there 
 
 1 This took place after the quarrel out of the conduct of the latter in the 
 between Keppel and I'alliscr, arising indecisive battle off Ushant in 1778.
 
 288 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1776 
 
 meditate, if we could, on every means that might be employed, 
 to bring Great Britain to see, how much she was acting 
 against her true interests. 
 
 It was a great misfortune, and loss to the country, that 
 Lord Chatham was still in that condition of health, as to be 
 incapable of giving his assistance in Parliament, which, I firmly 
 believe, would have had an effect which no other could. 
 
 Lord Camden passed over to Ireland, on a visit to his 
 daughter, married to Mr. Stewart, now become Earl of 
 Londonderry : and I have often since indulged in the idea 
 of the happiness my old friend would have enjoyed had he 
 lived to see the marriage of his amiable grandaughter to my 
 worthy son Charles 1 take place. 
 
 Before Lord Camden left Ireland, I received the letter, of 
 which the following is a copy: 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 It is now near a month, since I had a letter from Walpole, dated at 
 Wakefield, intimating that your Grace wished to hear my sentiments 
 upon the present state of affairs. This letter reached me at San try, 
 Lord Chancellor's house, within 2 miles of Dublin, where, after I had for 
 some days been occupied with sights and dinners, a fit of the gout laid 
 hold of me, and kept me confined, till by making an effort to return back 
 hither, I ventured into a post chaise, before the fit was well spent, and 
 got home safe (for in Ireland, I call this house my home) and now, my 
 dear lord, why have I so long delayed to comply with your wishes ? 
 Why, besides my own unworthiness to give an opinion to your Grace 
 which I am fitter to receive, the difficulty of forming one, at a time like 
 this, where a man's conduct may depend upon the issue of American 
 events, has withheld me hitherto, from committing my thoughts to paper, 
 more especially as the times grow dangerous, and words must be well 
 measured before they are spoken. The colonies have now declared their 
 independence 2 : tliey are e?iemies in war, and friends i?i peace; and the 
 two countries are fairly rent asunder. What then are we? mere friends 
 or enemies to America. Friends to their rights and privileges, as fellow 
 subjects, but not friends to their independence. 
 
 This event does not surprize me ; I foresaw it. The ministers drove it 
 on, with a view of converting a tyrannical and oppressive invasion into 
 
 1 Lord Charles Fitz-Roy,the youngest Parliaments for Bury St. Edmunds. He 
 son of the Duke by his first wife. He married Lady Frances Stewart in 1 799* 
 served in the army, and sat in several " July 4, 1776.
 
 CH. IX] LETTERS FROM CAMDEN 289 
 
 a national and necessary war ; and they have succeeded too well : and 
 now I expect the Opposition will be called upon to join with them in one 
 cause ; and we shall be summoned as Englishmen to unanimity. 
 
 But, if your Grace should see a French war to grow out of this civil 
 dispute, which I expect and believe to be unavoidable, our provinces will 
 then be leagued with our enemies, in an offensive war against Great 
 Britain. In such a situation, a private man may retire and lament the 
 calamities, which he endeavored fruitlessly to prevent. But, how can he 
 give an active opposition to measures that self preservation will then 
 stamp with necessity ? I have but one line to pursue, if I am to bear any 
 part, and that is, a reunion with America, almost at any rate. ' Si possis 
 recte : si non quocunque modo.' But I do not expect the Ministry, the 
 Parliament, or the nation will adopt any such system. So that, what 
 with the general fear in some of incurring the popular odium, and in 
 others of seizing this opportunity to make their fortunes, by shifting their 
 position according to Lord Suffolk's phrase, the minority next winter will 
 dwindle to nothing. And now, my dear lord, is such a letter as this 
 worth the postage ? and yet this is even all that I can say uninformed as 
 I am, and so distant from the scene of business. Your Grace however 
 will be the first person with whom I shall wish to confer upon my return, 
 which I am now meditating, as I propose in about a fortnight to set out 
 for England ; when I hope to find your Grace's health established. Mine 
 continues very tolerable, because I continue in the same abstemious 
 regimen. My journey to Ireland in some respects has answered, in 
 others, been disappointed, but that is the chequered condition of all our 
 pursuits : and I am philosopher enough to be content while my stomach 
 is at ease : and if we sleep a little sound with our ill success in politicks, 
 I can still find comfort enough in your Grace's friendship, as a private 
 man, if you will permit me, to compensate all my public disappoint- 
 ments. 
 
 I am &c. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 Au£. 2>j, 1776. Bangor. 
 
 Your Grace will be so good to give my respects to the Dutchess and 
 Lady Georgiana. 
 
 Since I wrote the above, the Gazette account of S r . P. Parker's repulse 
 from Charlestown ' arrived— a miserable tale of loss, disappointment, and 
 disgrace ; and wherein the demeanor of the land army is concealed under 
 a pretended ignorance of the depth of the ford, which is very strange. 
 
 1 General Clinton attacked Charles- attack was repulsed with the loss of an 
 town on June 2S. 177^, supported l.y English frigate, 
 the fleet under Sir Peter Parker. The 
 
 U
 
 290 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1776 
 
 For how could it be, that Clinton should remain ignorant of that 
 important fact, who had then been encamped upon Long Island from 
 the 8 h to the 28 th and might have tried the sounding of the ford, 
 whenever he pleased. This business grows every day worse and worse : 
 the attack of New York ' will be pretty decisive one way or other. Some 
 success on our side may give an opening for reconciliation. If we are 
 repulsed there too — ' actum est ' — the colonies are gone for ever : England 
 has made its last effort, and must retire. 
 
 Parliament met on the 31 st of October, 1776, soon after the 
 account of the successes of the king's troops at Long Island 
 and New York. These gave an opening to expressions of 
 triumph, which were but of short duration. The Opposition 
 abated nothing of their former zeal for reconciliation, but it 
 did not appear that any fresh strength in Parliament supported 
 their attempts. 
 
 I here insert some more letters received from Lord Camden 
 about this time : 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I am very sorry I cannot contrive so, as to accept your Grace's 
 obliging invitation to Euston. But, unluckily M r . Pratt is under a 
 necessity to pay a visit this week to a relation, before he goes to 
 Cambridge : and I shall be obliged to return immediately, in order to 
 prepare for my Bath journey. 
 
 These engagements will take me of course from Parliament till after 
 Xtmas, and I presume your Grace has no intention at present to trouble 
 that assembly sooner. 
 
 Lord Rockingham, I understand with his friends, will likewise retire 
 into the country- : but if your Grace should call upon me, before I go to 
 Bath, to join in any public business, I will be forth-coming, and postpone 
 my Bath journey. If however, in the mean time, I should have the honor 
 of seeing you at Camden Place on Tuesday, which may possibly happen 
 to suit with your Grace's inclination, we might settle our political plan 
 with more certainty. 
 
 I have the honor &c. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 Nov T . 3 d , 1776. Camden Place. 
 
 1 New York was captured by General close of 1776, but the secession was not 
 Howe on Sept. 15, 1776. united or complete and it proved a 
 
 2 The Rockingham party proposed failure {Rockingham Memoirs, ii. 307, 
 to secede from public business at the 317).
 
 CH. ix] LETTERS FROM CAMDEN 291 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I hope M r . Stonhewer made my apology to your Grace, for running 
 back to Camden Place when I was within 30 miles of Euston, which 
 mortified me much more than it could disappoint your Grace. 
 
 I am here perfectly idle, and at ease, nor do I expect any call to 
 Parliament, before Christmas ; and therefore propose in about ten days 
 to set out for Bath. I should not have troubled your Grace with this 
 letter, which conveys nothing in the way of intelligence worth sending ; 
 but for the sake of the inclosure, which I received this morning from 
 Hayes, and I dare say, your Grace will be pleased to see it from the best 
 authority, in the very words it was penned, tho' your Grace as well as 
 myself had heard of such a declaration but very imperfectly represented, 
 as most things are that are circulated by verbal reports. 
 
 Lord Chatham is certainly better, and I believe, if he could recover 
 strength enough to crawl down to the House of Lords, tho' but for one 
 day, he will go, and make a solemn declaration of his opinion. 
 
 Your Grace's occupation, I hope, is in the field, following your hounds, 
 
 an admirable exercize, if not over done — mine is likewise in the field, tho' 
 
 in a gentler way. I am covering my ground with shell marie, in good 
 
 health. I recommend to your Grace moderate exercize and temperate 
 
 diet : and with my respectful compt". to the Duchess and Lady Georgiana 
 
 beg leave &c. 
 
 Camden. 
 Nov r . 2 3 d , 1776. Camden Place. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 You made me happy by the honour of your letter this morning to 
 find your Grace has not entirely forgot your poor friend at Camden 
 Place : to say the truth I never expected your Grace, as the weather 
 has proved so very uncomfortable, for except one week, when I was in 
 Essex upon a visit, there has been hardly a day to tempt your Grace 
 abroad, though I will not even yet despair. I beg leave to congratulate 
 your Grace upon the increase of your family, and hope the Duchess is as 
 fortunate in her recovery as my own daughter, who is likewise at this very 
 time in the same condition : your Grace will be so good as to present my 
 best respects to her. I have read the account of our two sons in the 
 papers this morning at the Edinburgh Theatre and am excessively happy 
 to observe a growing friendship between the two young men, and hope 
 the world will always find them together when they come hereafter to act 
 a part in the great theatre of the world. I have seen my great neighbour 
 but once since I came into the country. He was then well and in high 
 spirits, and promised to return the visit. 
 
 As Lady Camden goes to town to-morrow, she will send this to your 
 Grace's house, and bring back to me at night any answer you think fit to 
 send, if you think it worth while to send any. Your Grace's intelligence 
 
 U 1
 
 292 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1777 
 
 has stolen into the papers, but it is much more satisfactory to hear it 
 confirmed by your letter, since the newspapers are so poisoned with 
 falsehood, that I find it utterly impossible to distinguish the truth. Your 
 Grace who is nearer the scene, and in the way of private intelligence, 
 seems to think some change must take place. I despair so far, as to 
 think even that without hope. But, if it should, where is that man, who 
 will undertake at this crisis to save England? No regular physician will 
 engage a cure: and no quack can accomplish it. America is gone for 
 ever : and nothing remains now, but a treaty with her as an independent 
 state, which we must not propose, and the ministers dare not attempt. 
 And yet, I think if an able Administration was formed, and ground given 
 for its stability and continuance, I could venture as one to join in such 
 a measure, and run the hazard of it : we must not go to war with France, 
 if it can possibly be avoided, tho' the ministers are now, as it should 
 seem, endeavoring to provoke the people, to a clamour for that measure, 
 in order to silence all censure upon their own misconduct, in the general 
 calamity of such a distressful situation : not, that any thing can prevent 
 it, but a peace with America. Your Grace's letters have recalled me into 
 the political world, from whence I have been perfectly retired, since I left 
 London, and have been better employed, in looking after my farm, and 
 studying my health. I have read Cornaro's * treatise upon health and long 
 life, and find it so rational, that I am determined to pursue it. Indeed 
 I had nearly adopted his regimen, before I saw his book, which is the 
 most rational plan I ever met with on this subject. I wish your Grace 
 would read it with some attention 2 . 
 
 If your Grace will not come to Camden Place, I will come and see you 
 in town, tho' I should like the first better than the second. I am dis- 
 engaged all the mornings this week, and the days except Wednesday, 
 
 Friday, and Saturday. 
 
 I have the honor &c. 
 
 Camden. 
 July 27, 1777. Camden Place. 
 
 Since I wrote this, I have received a melancholy account of a stroke 
 received to day by Lord Chatham as he was riding. He fell from his 
 
 1 Cornaro was an Italian who, having In Moore's Diary, v. 204, are some 
 broken down in health at the age of quaint anecdotes, told to Moore by the 
 forty, framed for himself a rule of diet second Lord Lansdowne, concerning 
 under which he lived to be a centenarian. the care of the Duke about the cooking 
 He died in the latter part of the six- of his daily dinner of mutton, and how 
 teenth century. he had to explain his movements, during 
 
 2 Grafton, though a man of active an interview with a colleague, as needed 
 habits and attached to outdoor sports, to make up his daily modicum of bodily 
 >-eems to have been somewhat of a exercise. 
 
 malade imaginaiie.
 
 CH. ix] LETTERS FROM CAMDEN 293 
 
 horse, and lay senseless for ten minutes. The message to-night is. that 
 he is very much recovered. Whether this was apoplectic, paralytic, or 
 gout in the stomach, I cannot learn. I wish it may not prove fatal ! 
 The public has lost him and I fear he and England will perish together. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 Though perhaps I ought according to the forms of good breeding, to 
 have thanked your Grace much sooner for your obliging present of game, 
 yet. I thought it better to wait till I could give you some satisfactory 
 account of my neighbour Lord Chatham's health, and his intentions at 
 the opening of Parliament ; and so send your Grace a letter better worth 
 reading, than a mere card of thanks. If your Grace thinks, as I do, that 
 the Earl's recovery, may, upon some possible event, give a new turn to 
 publick affairs, you will not be sorry to hear that he is now (tho' it seems 
 almost miraculous) in bodily health, and in mental vigour, as equal to 
 a strenuous exertion of his faculties, as I have known him these seven 
 years. His intention is to oppose the address, and declare his opinion 
 very directly against the war, and to advise the recalling the troops, and 
 then propose terms of accomodation, wherein he would be very liberal 
 and indulgent, with only one reserve and exception, viz., that of subjection 
 to the mother country : for, that he never could bring himself to subscribe 
 to the independence of America. This, in general, will be the line, and 
 this he will pursue, if he is alone. I should imagine your Grace would 
 have no objection to concur with this plan, tho' it is certain beforehand 
 that all the breath will be wasted, and the advice over-ruled by numbers. 
 Yet it would be right to stand firm upon the same ground, and not depart 
 an inch from our steady purpose of opposing this war for ever. L d . C. 
 does not mean to have any meeting, or conference with the heads of 
 parties, in which I agree with him, and your Grace will not disapprove : 
 thus much I thought it my duty to impart to your Grace : for my own 
 part I still continue in the same state of despondency, hoping nothing, 
 and fearing everything. So that all my serious thoughts are employed 
 about my own health, and my little domestick concerns, wherein I receive 
 the satisfaction of seeing my endeavors prosper. I hope to hear as good 
 an account of your Grace's health, as 1 am able to give you of mine : 
 which I sO improved by abstinence, that I sometimes forget my age— My 
 son is gone to Cambridge this day ; but he does not expect to meet Lord 
 Euston till the 2 d week in Nov r . Nothing gives me so much pleasure as 
 to observe a growing friendship between the two young men, which will 
 probably be lasting : because it is contracted by themselves, and is merely 
 voluntary on both sides. Your Grace will be so good, as to present my 
 most respectful comp ts . to the Duchess. 
 
 I am my dear lord, 
 
 with the utmost &c. 
 Oct. 29, 1777. Camden I'i.ace. Camden.
 
 294 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1777 
 
 The health of Lord Chatham had been so greatly mending 
 during the last summer, as to allow him, tho' wrapped in 
 flannel, to come down to the House of Lords, on the 30 th of 
 May, 1777, when he moved, 'That an humble address be pre- 
 sented to His Majesty most humbly to advise His Majesty to 
 take the most speedy and effectual measures for putting 
 a stop to the present unnatural war against the colonies, 
 upon the only just and solid foundation namely, the removal 
 of accumulated grievances V 
 
 He spake with his usual spirit, and appeared to want no 
 force of reasoning in recommending his measure. On this 
 occasion, it was particularly grateful to me to perceive, that 
 Lord Chatham was disposed to treat me with all the attention 
 and confidence I could wish, in consequence of some conversa- 
 tions I understood Lord Camden and his lordship had on the 
 whole of my conduct. 
 
 Without a word said on the past, I found him perfectly 
 open, and communicative to me directly: and so we remained 
 towards each other as long as Lord Chatham lived. 
 
 Previously to the meeting of Parliament, Oct. 1777, on my 
 coming to London, I received the note following from Lord 
 Chatham, which I give with more satisfaction, as it completely 
 demonstrates (contrary to the insinuations of many) that there 
 subsisted an established good understanding between us. 
 
 Lord Chatham presents his respects to the Duke of Grafton, and begs 
 leave to trouble his Grace with the inclosed motion intended for the first 
 day in the House of Lords. If fears for the public, and unfeigned respect 
 for the Duke of Grafton, may be an apology, this liberty will find pardon. 
 
 Hayes, Nov 1 '. 18 th , 1777. Tuesday night. 
 
 His Grace will perceive the motion is simple 2 , and avoids all entangle- 
 ment of detail. 
 
 1 For particulars of this debate see is given Boyd's report of Chatham's 
 Parliamentary History, xix. 316. speech, and his outburst of indignation 
 
 2 The motion consisted in an amend- at Lord Suffolk's defence of the employ- 
 ment to the Address, urging the cessation ment of the Indians in our war with 
 of hostilities in America, see Pari. the colonists. 
 
 Hist. xix. 395. In a note on p. 360
 
 ch. ix] CHATHAM IN DEBATE 295 
 
 It would be useless to attempt to describe to you the 
 brilliancy of Lord Chatham's powers, as an orator, on this 
 memorable occasion : for no relation can give more than 
 a faint idea of what he really displayed. In this debate he 
 exceeded all that I had ever admired in his speaking. 
 Nothing could be more eloquent and striking, than the 
 arguments and language of his lordship's first speech, on 
 moving the amendment proposed ; or which might be properly 
 called a new address. But, in Lord Chatham's reply to Lord 
 Suffolk's inhuman position, ' that besides the policy and 
 necessity of employing Indian savages in the war, the measure 
 also was allowable on principle, as it was perfectly justifiable 
 to use every means, that God and Nature had put into our 
 hands.' On which Lord Chatham started up with a degree 
 of indignation, that added to the force of the sudden and 
 unexampled burst of eloquence, which must have affected 
 any audience : and which appeared to me to surpass all that 
 we have heard of the celebrated orators of Greece or Rome. 
 
 The presence of Lord Chatham, and in so good a state of 
 body and mind, as to give expectation of material assistance 
 from him, instilled fresh spirit into the Opposition ; and to 
 that part of the nation who thought as they did. Still, the 
 majority, both in and out of Parliament, continued in a blind 
 support of the measures of Administration. Even the great 
 disgrace and total surrender of Gen 1 . Burgoyne's army at 
 Saratoga, was not sufficient to awaken them from their follies. 
 The day, however did come at last ; but so late, that it was 
 no longer possible to bring the two countries into such an 
 union as would best have secured the welfare and safety 
 of both. 
 
 Some few days after M r . Fox moved for an inquiry into 
 the state of the nation ; to which Lord North gave his full 
 assent. But, the minister with warmth refused to lay certain 
 papers before the House, tho' he was informed, that, on the 
 same motion being made by myself, they had been granted 
 that day to the Lords. Thus it was curious to see, under these 
 circumstances, the ductility of the majority, for ihey decided,
 
 296 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1777 
 
 on a strong division, not to have those papers, which the 
 House of Lords had obtained \ From hence, it will not 
 appear strange, that many motions from M r . Fox, Col. Barre, 
 M r . Burke and others, in this committee of inquiry met with 
 the like fate. 
 
 On the day following, certain accounts were received from 
 Gen 1 . Burgoyne, of his total discomfiture, at Saratoga, and 
 that he had been under the necessity of surrendering to the 
 enemy 2 together with his whole army. The last letters, tho' 
 not flattering, had not led to expect an issue so disastrous 
 as this. The amazement of the whole nation was equalled 
 only by the consternation they felt : while the judicious 
 observer saw the cause of the calamity to have originated 
 from the unskilful planning of such an expedition. 
 
 On the 5 th of December, Lord Chatham attended the 
 House of Lords, and moved, 'an address to His Majesty, to 
 cause the proper officer to lay before the House, copies of all 
 orders and instructions to Gen 1 . Burgoyne relative to the late 
 expedition from Canada.' 
 
 On the failure of this first motion of L d . Chatham, he 
 moved, ' that all orders and treaties relative to the employ- 
 ment of the Indian savages be laid before the House.' 
 
 The debates on these important subjects were, as you may 
 imagine, very interesting : Lord Chatham, in both, did ample 
 justice to his cause; and was ably supported by Lord Camden, 
 Lord Shelburne, and others. In the course of these debates, 
 an opportunity somehow offered, to give room for a strong 
 censure on the conduct of the Archbishop of York, as well 
 as on his principles, who had dared to stigmatize the fair 
 character of the Marquis of Rockingham (for his meaning in 
 a late charge could not be mistaken) and his adherents, as 
 traitors to their country 3 : and I availed myself of the opening 
 
 Pari. Hist. xix. 513. France and the States was formally exe- 
 
 2 The surrender of Burgoyne at Sara- cuted, and thenceforward we had a great 
 
 toga, which took place on October 17, naval power constantly threatening our 
 
 1777, was the turning-point in the war. communications with America. 
 In February, 1778, the alliance between 3 Pari. Hist. xix. 513 et sq.
 
 CH. ix] SARATOGA 297 
 
 to the extent of my wishes. But Lord Shelburne in his 
 speech spared his Grace still less : and Lord Chatham, 
 learning at the moment only the circumstance from me, 
 exceeded us both, in the strength of his attack on the arch- 
 bishop, who, by any person acquainted with the publication, 
 must be deemed to have deserved it from us. Lord Chatham 
 attended, and joined us also, in deprecating the idea of ex- 
 tending the adjournment, in the present critical situation of 
 the country, to so distant a day as the 20 th of January. 
 
 I shall here insert for your inspection two letters I received 
 from M r . Fox soon after I got down to Euston. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 You have long before this heard of Burgoyne's surrender, with all the 
 circumstances attending it : you will easily guess the effect produced here 
 by such an event, upon the public. But the manner and conduct of His 
 Majesty's principal servants would I believe astonish you. Lord Suffolk 
 chose but yesterday to talk in a high tone of the vagrant congress as he 
 called it : and though Lord North hinted at terms to be now offered to 
 America, yet he affected to talk language of great firmness, with respect 
 to himself, and gave very strong assurances to his friends, that he would 
 not quit his situation. To corroborate the language and to hold out to 
 the public, that no negociation would be attempted with any part of 
 opposition, Lord Jersey and Hopkins are turned out, and their places 
 filled as you will see by the papers. This is their idea of firmness, and 
 the preliminary step they take towards conciliation with the colonies, is to 
 shew a determined spirit of persecution against all, who ever entertained 
 an idea of that sort, before they were beat into it. To do the public 
 justice, I do really believe, that the ministers are held in the most 
 universal contempt both by friends and enemies : but I do not yet see so 
 much mixture of indignation with that contempt as I expected. 
 
 1 hope to do myself the honor of waiting upon you in the course of next 
 
 week, and of talking over more at large the very singular and critical 
 
 state of this country. 
 
 I am &c. 
 
 Yours ever sincerely 
 
 C. J. Fox. 
 London, Dec hr . 12 th , 1777. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 As the Gazette of to-night is not likely to come out time enough to go 
 by the post, I write this to let you know (what you probably will have 
 heard from others; that an officer arrived last night from Burgoyne by
 
 298 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1777 
 
 way of Quebec. He brings letters from Burgoyne dated Oct r . 20 th , 
 Albany, confirming all we had before heard. These letters are to be 
 printed out at length by the particular desire of the General and his 
 friends here, though I understand there are passages in them, which our 
 governors will not much like to make public : for if I am not mistaken, 
 the orders given for advancing at all hazards, will be stated to have been 
 so peremptory, that the General did not think himself at liberty even to 
 call a council of war, upon the subject of retreating. 
 
 Lord Petersham ] is expected daily with a duplicate of these despatches 
 by way of New York. He is spoken of in the highest terms in all 
 Burgoyne's. 
 
 Pray remember me to Vernon 2 , if he is with you. I was extremely 
 sorry to hear he has been ill : I am afraid it will not be in my power to 
 wait upon your Grace this week, as I intended ; but it shall not be long 
 before I have that honor. 
 
 I am &c. 
 
 C. J. FOX. 
 
 London, Dec 1 '. 16 th , 1777. 
 
 I inclose in another cover a letter I have received from a friend at 
 Bristol, which was printed in a hurry there, from a Boston newspaper, 
 and some manuscripts, which my friend has good reason to think 
 authentic. 
 
 The debates during this session were unusually frequent 
 and warm ; and began to occupy every day more the attention 
 of the nation. 
 
 During the course of the session, an unexpected circum- 
 stance came to light : it was first brought to me, through the 
 same channel of intelligence, in which I had so great reason 
 to confide. I was acquainted by it, that a treaty of alliance 
 &c. was signed between France and America, on the very 
 evening before that of the departure of my information. The 
 particulars were circumstantial as to the place, at which it 
 was signed, and as to the persons present. The same mail 
 had brought also that morning letters from Lord Stormont, 
 without the slightest suspicion of such a connexion. 
 
 I received my account, just as I was going down to the 
 
 1 Afterwards the third Earl of I larring- (Walpole, Memoirs, iii. 119) ; hemarricd 
 ton (1753-1829). the youngest daughter of the first Earl 
 
 2 A spoiting friend of the Duke Gower.
 
 ch. ix] FRANCE AND AMERICA 299 
 
 House of Lords, where no business was particularly appointed, 
 though a debate on American business was expected in that 
 of the Commons. M r . Fox to whom I communicated the 
 particulars of my intelligence \ gave me full credit, on the 
 assurance I gave him of my full belief; and in his speech, on 
 that day, he called on the minister either to acknowledge this 
 serious notification, or to confess that the Administration was 
 shamefully ignorant on these essential points, on which it 
 was incumbent on them to have the best information : in 
 proof of which an unsuspected treaty of alliance &c. between 
 France and America attested their unfitness for their situations. 
 In the House of Lords, I begged their lordships' attention, 
 while I communicated an event, of great importance, and 
 which I defied the king's ministers to gainsay, namely, that 
 treaties of amity, commerce and alliance, had been entered 
 into between France and America. The ministers, and Lord 
 Weymouth in particular, protested that nothing of the sort 
 had ever come to their knowledge ; nor could they imagine 
 that such a measure was in contemplation. They acknow- 
 ledged, that the letters, that very morning received from 
 Lord Stormont, were silent on the subject: but on my 
 repeating, that I rested my character on the fact, they begged 
 to consider it as a more serious business, and I was at last, in 
 private desired by these lords, to acquaint them with what 
 I knew, in which I readily acquiesced accordingly. At the 
 end of a week or little more, this event came officially to 
 the knowledge of ministers, and indeed to every one. After 
 the declaration they had made, of disbelief, ' that any alliance 
 of the sort was in existence, or even in contemplation,' it must 
 have been humiliating to be necessitated, Lord North in the 
 
 1 This intelligence was given to North said that ' it was possible, nay 
 
 Grafton by Mr. T. Walpole in order too probable ; but not authenticated by 
 
 that it might be communicated to Fox our ambassador.' 
 
 and to no other member of the Whig Grafton's speech was on March 5, and 
 
 party {Life and Tunes of C. J. /-ox, i. he is made to cite Fox as his authority 
 
 176;. Fox raised the question in the {Pari. Hist. xix. 834). He must have 
 
 Commons on February 17, but without been misrepresented, as Fox derived his 
 
 stating the source of his information. information from the Duke.
 
 300 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1778 
 
 House of Commons, and Lord Weymouth in ours, to bring 
 down from His Majesty a message to both houses, informing 
 them, ' that a rescript had been delivered by the ambassador 
 of His Most Christian Majesty, containing a direct avowal of 
 a treaty of amity, commerce, and alliance, recently concluded 
 with America' : in consequence of which offensive communica- 
 tion, on the part of the Court of France, His Majesty had 
 sent orders to his own ambassador to with-draw from that 
 Court. 
 
 Here, a new scene opens, and fresh difficulties arise, without 
 any cheering prospect of a better management of the military 
 force of this country. The great committee of inquiry into 
 the state of the nation was drawing to a conclusion, when the 
 Duke of Richmond moved the House of Lords to present in 
 consequence an address to His Majesty, and in his speech 
 maintained the necessity of an immediate recognition of the 
 independence of America. Lord Chatham was apprized of 
 his Grace's purpose, and was much grieved, when he heard, 
 that attending the assembly of the militia in Suffolk, I had 
 no intention to come up for that day's debate. Indeed by 
 this decision, it happened, that I avoided a scene, as shocking 
 as can well be conceived. Lord Chatham more fit to have 
 been in his bed, than in the House of Parliament, would not 
 be stopped by his infirmities, from attending on that day : 
 and as Lord Camden favored me with the relation of this 
 great man's and I will add illustrious patriot's last efforts to 
 save his sinking country, I will give it to you in his own 
 words, preferably to every other. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I cannot help considering the little illness which prevented your 
 Grace from attending the House of Lords last Tuesday to have been 
 a piece of good fortune as it kept you back from a scene that would have 
 overwhelmed you with grief and melancholy as it did me, and many 
 others that were present : I mean Lord Chatham's fit that seized him as 
 he was attempting to rise and reply to the Duke of Richmond; he fell 
 back upon his seat and was to all appearance in the agonies of death. 
 This threw the whole house into confusion : every person was upon his 
 legs in a moment hurrying from one place to another, some sending for
 
 CH. ix] DEATH OF CHATHAM 301 
 
 assistance, others producing salts, and others reviving spirits : many- 
 crowding about the earl to observe his countenance— all affected— most 
 part really concerned, and even those who might have felt a secret 
 pleasure at the accident yet put the appearance of distress, except only 
 the Earl of M. : who sat still almost as much unmoved as the senseless 
 body itself. D r . Brocklesby was the first physician that came but 
 D r . Addington in about an hour was brought to him. He was carried 
 into the prince's chamber, and laid upon the table supported by pillows. 
 The first motion of life that appeared was an endeavor to vomit, and after 
 he had discharged the load from his stomach that probably brought on 
 the seizure, he revived fast. M r . Strutt prepared an apartment for him at 
 his house where he was carried as soon as he could with safety be 
 removed. He slept remarkably well, and was quite recovered yesterday, 
 though he continued in bed. I have not heard how he is to day, but will 
 keep my letter open till the evening that your Grace may be informed 
 how he goes on ; I saw him in the prince's chamber before he went into 
 the house, and conversed a little with him, but such was the feeble state 
 of his body, and indeed the distempered agitation of his mind, that I did 
 forebode that his strength would certainly fail him before he had finished 
 his speech. In truth he was not in a condition to go abroad, and he was 
 earnestly requested not to make the attempt ; but your Grace knows how 
 obstinate he is when he is resolved. He had a similar fit to this in the 
 summer, like it in all respects : in the seizure, the reaching, and the 
 recovery ; and after that fit, as if it had been the crisis of the disorder, he 
 recovered fast, and grew to be in better health than I had known him 
 for many years : pray heaven, this may be attended with no worse 
 consequences. The earl spoke, but was not like himself; his speech 
 faltered, his sentences broken, and his mind not master of itself. He 
 made shift with difficulty to declare his opinion, but was not able to 
 enforce it by argument. His words were shreds of unconnected eloquence, 
 and flashes of the same fire which he Prometheus like had stole from 
 heaven, and were then returning to the place from whence they were 
 taken. Your Grace sees even I who am a mere prose man am tempted 
 to be poetical, while I am discoursing of this extraordinary man's genius. 
 The Duke of Richmond answered him, and I cannot help giving his 
 Grace the commendation he deserved for his candour, courtesy, and 
 liberal treatment of his illustrious adversary. The debate was adjourned 
 till yesterday, and then the former subject was taken up by Lord 
 Shelburne in a speech of one hour and 3 quarters'. The Duke of 
 Richmond answered, Shelburne replied, and the duke who enjoys the 
 privilege of the last word in that house, closed the business. No other 
 lord except our friend Lord Ravcnsworth speaking one word. The two 
 
 1 For this debate see Pari. Hist. xix. IO32.
 
 302 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1778 
 
 other noble lords consumed between three and four hours. And now my 
 dear lord, you must with me lament this fatal accident : I fear it \s fatal, 
 and this great man is now lost for ever to the public, for after such a 
 public and notorious an exposure of his decline, no man will look up to 
 him even if he should recover, France will no longer fear him, nor the 
 King of England court him — and the present set of ministers will finish 
 the ruin of the country, because he being in effect superannuated, the 
 public will call for no other men. This is my melancholy reflection. 
 The opposition however is not broken and the difference of opinion will 
 wear off: so far at least the prospect is favorable. I think I shall not 
 sign the protest, though in other respects I shall be very friendly. 
 I have troubled your Grace with a deal of stuff", but the importance of 
 the subject will excuse me. Jack will have the honor of spending his 
 Easter at Euston. Is Lord Euston to have a commission in the militia? 
 I have endeavored to dissuade my son. I thank your Grace for the 
 plover's eggs, it is plain you think me an epicure. I have hardly room to 
 present my respectful compliments to the duchess &c. and to subscribe 
 myself as 1 ought with perfect esteem and respect 
 
 Your Grace's &c. 
 
 Camden. 
 Ap : 1778. N. B. Street. 
 
 PS. I understand the earl has slept well last night and is to be removed 
 to M r . Sargent's to-day in Downing Street. He would have gone into the 
 country, but Addington thinks he is too weak. 
 
 Thus passed the last effort of this eminent and patriotic 
 statesman. Lord Chatham had recovered from a similar fit 
 in the preceding summer : but this proved fatal, and he died 
 a few days after he had been removed to Hayes. 
 
 From this time till the middle of November, I passed, with 
 the West Suffolk Reg*, of Militia, in camp at Coxheath, and 
 under the command of Lieut : Gen 1 . Keppel 1 , who had the 
 merit of forming many raw corps, into a well disciplined, and 
 formidable army. The small regular force left in Great 
 Britain, as well as in Ireland, rendered the militia service 
 most essential and we had the satisfaction to see it improving 
 to an effectual defence. 
 
 1 William, a son of the second Earl himself in the attack on the Havana in 
 of Albemarle. He greatly distinguished 1 762.
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 THE OPPOSITION AFTER THE DEATH OF CHATHAM 
 
 If any person would at this time sit down deliberately and 
 dispassionately to follow up the steps taken on both sides, 
 during the contest with America, I am persuaded that he 
 would rise with a conviction, that the opportunities were 
 numerous, when a more temperate and conciliatory conduct 
 might have terminated the struggle, and saved the dis- 
 memberment of so large and powerful a portion of the British 
 Empire. He will perceive, I think that while the affairs of 
 the Americans were directed by wonderful ability, wisdom,. 
 and fortitude, our Ministry were only acting on the spur of 
 the occasion, without plan and without system. Lord North's 
 abilities, though great, did not mark him as a character suited 
 to the management and direction of great military operations. 
 His lordship was formed for the enjoyment of domestic com- 
 forts, and to shine in the most elegant societies : his know- 
 ledge, however, was very extensive, as was his wit ; but he 
 became confused, when he was agitated by the great scenes 
 of active life 1 . Whatever was done by the Ministry, was 
 either ill planned, or ill timed, the terms which might have 
 produced peace the preceding year, were offered, when the 
 moment was past, and the Administration, blinded by the 
 
 1 The correspondence of George III mere instrument of the king, who now 
 and Lord North, at this time, shows interfered in all the details of depart- 
 how anxious North was to retire, and mental business. 
 how completely he had become the
 
 304 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1778 
 
 credit given to the loyalists, could never be brought to see 
 things in their true light, nor did they know the real resources 
 of the enemy. 
 
 The Toulon fleet, under the command of Count D'Estaing, 
 was ordered to the coast of America, with troops on board, 
 while a considerable squadron was getting ready in the 
 harbour of Brest. D'Estaing was for some weeks baffled in 
 his attempts to get through the Streights of Gibraltar, not- 
 withstanding which delay, (incredible as it may appear) Lord 
 Howe had not the least intimation from the Admiralty, that 
 a French fleet might be expected in the North American 
 seas ; though the forwardness of this fleet for sailing was 
 known throughout Europe ; and not a sloop or cutter dis- 
 patched with this necessary information to Lord Howe : nor 
 did he know any thing of his danger, until a frigate of his own 
 was driven into his fleet by two French ships. This anecdote 
 may be depended upon, as I heard it more than once from 
 Lord Howe himself. His superior skill saved him from being 
 obliged to fight d'Estaing, on terms so inferior as to allow no 
 possible hope of a victory 1 . Lord Howe's ships were all 
 small ; until he was joined by the shattered ships of Admiral 
 Byron, which dropt in piece-meal as a reinforcement. It 
 proved to be a material one, though our fleet was still inferior 
 to the French, for Lord Howe stretched every nerve, and 
 with wonderful professional skill and activity appeared again 
 at sea, in a time so short as to astonish every one. But the 
 confidence of his fleet in him gave new life to all his exertions. 
 The two fleets were in sight of each other soon after ; and 
 a bloody contest would probably have followed ; had not 
 a most uncommon storm separated the two fleets, on the 
 point of engaging. Both fleets suffered much, but the enemy's 
 the most by this tremendous storm ; and D'Estaing after 
 
 1 Lord Howe had moved from the Rhode Island. Sullivan had landed 
 
 Delaware to New York, where he was there in numbers superior to the British, 
 
 for a time blockaded by d'Estaing. but the storm referred to in the text 
 
 The American land forces under Sullivan caused the withdrawal of d'Estaing, 
 
 and the French fleet combined for the and consequently the retreat of Sullivan, 
 
 destruction of the British troops on which was not effected without difficulty.
 
 CH. x] KEPPEL AND PALLISER 305 
 
 some attempts in conjunction with General Sullivan, in which 
 he was thwarted, sailed first to the West Indies, and then for 
 France, disappointed in the object of his mission. 
 
 Lord Howe also, after a campaign in which he had added 
 to his consideration as a great naval officer, returned in the 
 beginning of winter to England, fully determined never to 
 serve again under that Board of Admiralty, who had risked 
 so unaccountably their country's safety, and his own honor, 
 by a most culpable neglect. 
 
 On the first alarm from the expectation of a war with 
 France, Admiral Keppel was the officer whom the nation 
 wished to see appointed to the command of the channel 
 fleet ; and the admiral was destined to it, by His Majesty, 
 who offered that command to him in the most gracious and 
 flattering manner. Admiral Keppel called on me soon after, 
 desirous that I should know what had passed in the Closet. 
 He spoke to me in the most grateful style on the reception 
 he had met with, and only expressed his disappointment in 
 not having Vice Admiral Pigot with him. The king per- 
 ceiving it said, you cannot object to Palliser ', to which 
 Keppel answered according to his generous nature ' No, 
 Sire, Palliser, tho' there has been some little coolness between 
 us of late, is a brave and good officer, and he will do his 
 duty.' 
 
 Admiral Keppel finding His Majesty so bent to have 
 Palliser, as the Vice Admiral of the fleet, which was fitting 
 out. pressed the appointment of Pigot no further, but observed 
 that the officers, as well as their ships, would want relief from 
 time to time, when the next would be the turn of Pigot to 
 serve, though he had much wished to have had him now with 
 him. The want of information at the Admiralty was con- 
 spicuous on the present occasion ; and Admiral Keppel 
 sailed with the expectation of meeting a fleet of the enemy, 
 not very superior to his own either in number, or in rate : 
 
 1 Sir Iliifdi Palliser d 723-1 796) had a Lord of the Admiralty; his conduct 
 served with the distinction in our in the sea fiyht of July 27, 1778, is not 
 previous wars, and was at this time easily explicable. 
 
 X
 
 306 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1779 
 
 but at sea he picked up undoubted intelligence, that the 
 French had ready to come out of Brest, a fleet much stronger 
 than the Admiralty was apprized of. On this he returned to 
 port for a reinforcement, with which he sailed again imme- 
 diately. On the 27 th of July he brought the French fleet to 
 action, and had greatly the advantage in the fight, in spite of 
 the untoward circumstances which ended in a court martial 
 on both admirals ; to the honorable acquittal of Keppel, and 
 with a slight stigma on Admiral Palliser 1 . The conduct of 
 the Admiralty was highly and very universally blamed : and 
 it gave rise to the indisposition that appeared in the most 
 distinguished of our naval officers to serve : the consequences 
 of which were very severely felt by the nation on many 
 occasions. 
 
 M r . Fox moved a censure on the First Lord of the Admiralty, 
 for having ordered out Admiral Keppel with twenty ships of 
 the line, when it might have been known, that the French 
 had thirty-two ready at Brest, besides a great superiority of 
 frigates, thereby risking the safety of the country which had 
 been drained of its regular force. Addresses to the king for 
 the removal of his lordship were proposed in each House of 
 Parliament, which tho' over-ruled, were supported by respect- 
 able minorities. 
 
 Late in the session which sat till the 3 d of July 1779, the 
 rescript from the Spanish Ambassador was sent down as 
 a message from His Majesty, announcing to us, that another 
 great power was added to the number of our enemies. 
 
 During these various, unhappy and serious occurrences, 
 Lord North was well known by his friends, and indeed by 
 some of us, to be very uneasy in his situation, and at intervals 
 very anxious to quit it. Two applications 2 came to myself 
 
 1 Palliser applied for a court martial command that his ships had become 
 
 against Keppel, and when Keppel was disabled in the battle, 
 
 acquitted, demanded a court martial on 2 The second of these applications 
 
 himself. The serious charges against must be the negotiation referred to in 
 
 him were dismissed, but he was censured the letters of George III to Lord North 
 
 for not having informed the Admiral in of February 1 and 4, 1779, vol. ii.
 
 CH. x] MINISTERIAL OVERTURES 307 
 
 from His Majesty, and as I understood with Lord North's 
 knowledge and assent : but as one proposed only a desire to 
 admit Lord Camden and myself into such offices as should 
 please us best, this overture took but little time in considera- 
 tion ; tho' it shewed how ill informed they were of our manner 
 of thinking and of acting. The second proposition, being 
 conveyed through Lord Hertford, the Lord Chamberlain, and 
 with intimation at the same time to me, that Lord North was 
 very willing to make room, and give facility in forming a new 
 arrangement without him ; the application called for further 
 attention. I saw in the evening at Lord Gower's by appoint- 
 ment, Lord Chancellor and Lord Weymouth: the latter lord 
 took the principal part. It was confirmed by his lordship, 
 that Lord North both knew, and approved of, this meeting ; 
 that we might discuss the business as if he was already out 
 of office ; and that Lords Camden and Shelburne would find 
 greater facility in His Majesty towards forming an Administra- 
 tion, than they would expect. I only replied, that as His 
 Majesty allowed me to consult the Lords Shelburne and 
 Camden, I should be unwilling to risk an answer on a point 
 so important, without the sanction of their concurrence. 
 I found them waiting for my return from the meeting, and 
 we sent an answer that very evening, Feb ry . 3 d , 1779, in these 
 precise words to Lord Weymouth, as they had been drawn up 
 jointly by Lords Camden, Shelburne, and myself. 
 
 ' That it is impossible to give an answer to Lord Weymouth, 
 till such time as a proper application can be made to Lord 
 Rockingham, and the Duke of Richmond, to know their 
 sentiments.' 
 
 On hearing nothing further from ministers, we concluded 
 that the answer of us three had closed the business: by which 
 
 pp. 224, 225. Of the first I can find no one in February, described in the text, 
 
 trace in those letters. and one in December {Letters of George 
 
 Two gerious attempts to form a III to Lord North, ii. 296, 302). These 
 
 coalition were made in 1778, one before last were confined to the Whigs of tin 
 
 and one after the death of Chatham Chatham section, Shelburne, Grafton. 
 
 {Life and Limes of C.J. Lox,\. 179, and Camden; the overtures of 177S 
 
 193). Two more were made in 1779, were wider in scope. 
 
 X 2
 
 308 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1779 
 
 it was apparent, that the Court were not yet disposed to trust 
 the reins of government into the hands of the whole Opposition, 
 or to adopt a change of systems, and of measures. 
 
 We derived, however, one essential advantage from the 
 opportunity it gave of shewing to Lord Rockingham, the 
 Cavendishes, M r . Fox, and their principal friends, that we 
 would not stir, except in conjunction with them. This 
 circumstance cemented the Opposition into a more solid body 
 and furnished the means that Lord Camden and I improved 
 by persuading Lord Shelburne not to contest with Lord 
 Rockingham the Treasury, in case a new Administration 
 was to be formed. Lord Shelburne yielded the point with 
 a better grace than I had expected, and it must be considered 
 as of consequence, since nothing could be more generally 
 circulated by the ministerial party, or more universally, 
 credited than the impossibility of such a compliance ever 
 existing between the leaders of Opposition. 
 
 Two letters from Lord Camden will find here their proper 
 place. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I did not receive the honor of your Grace's letter till yesterday, upon 
 my return from a little excursion to Sussex ; and should in obedience to 
 your commands, have repaired to the camp to-morrow or next day ; but 
 a letter from Ireland this morning bids me expect M 1 '. Stewart in a day 
 or two ; so that I am obliged to put off my intended visit to Warley till 
 next week, and your Grace will be sure of seeing me long enough before 
 you go into Suffolk. A conversation with your Grace upon the state of 
 the kingdom at present will give me as much satisfaction as I am capable 
 of receiving upon so hopeless a subject. If your Grace can suggest any 
 plan of proceeding for the Opposition, likely to change the Court system, 
 or animate the public, I shall be happy to adopt, as well as to promote it : 
 for my own part, I confess fairly my own opinion, that the opposition to 
 the Court is contracted to a handfull of men, within the walls of Parlia- 
 ment ; and that the people without doors are either indifferent, or hostile 
 to any opposition at all. Whether this singular and unexampled state of 
 the country is owing to a consciousness among the people, that they are 
 as much to blame as the ministers, and are ashamed to confess their own 
 error ; or whether in truth they hold the Opposition so cheap as to think 
 the kingdom would suffer instead of mending by the exchange, or from
 
 CH. x] LETTERS FROM CAMDEN 309 
 
 a combination of all these motives chuse to suffer patiently rather than 
 encounter the troubles that are apt to follow upon a general disturbance : 
 whatever is the cause of that slavish resignation, that is predominant at 
 present ; the fact is they do not desire a change. What then is to be 
 done, in order to obtain some degree of popularity ? 
 
 I shall make a simple answer by saying nothing, and yet perhaps that 
 nothing if well conducted might have a stronger operation than the vain 
 repetition of those feeble efforts, that have hitherto been made in Parlia- 
 ment, by perpetual wrangles, personal animosity, abuse, and bad language ; 
 for this attack has been returned two fold upon us, and has set the parties 
 against each other, like a couple of prize fighters combating for the 
 entertainment of the gazing public, who are greatly diverted at a blow 
 soundly given, or dextrously parry'd, without a wish for the victory of 
 either of the combatants. This has been the conduct of opposition 
 hitherto. If on the other hand, a firm and temperate opposition, in 
 short speeches, a few debates without rancour, could be established, such 
 a course might probably restore us to the good opinion of the public, and 
 then the distress of the times might work them into an opinion that the 
 Opposition mean really the good of the whole. This or any idea may 
 serve to talk of, but to say the truth, I have no hopes left for the publick, 
 the whole people have betrayed themselves, and are not worth fighting 
 for. I have the honor to be with the most perfect regard and attachment 
 
 your Grace's most obedient 
 
 Faithful servant 
 
 Camden. 
 Sep r . 16 th , 1779. Camden Place. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 As it is very possible your Grace among a thousand serious matters 
 that occupy your mind may possibly forget your obliging promise of 
 a couple of peach trees, I beg leave to remind your Grace of it, least the 
 season should be lost, which will make the difference of a year ; a period 
 which, in my life is equivalent to about 20 in your Grace's. I understand 
 by my son that your Grace is not in camp, but expected there soon, so 
 I direct this to Euston. 
 
 I set out for Bath to-morrow, and intend to call upon Lord Shelburne in 
 my way, and will communicate your Grace's idea to him : we may talk of 
 publick matters when we meet, but I see no likelihood of any co-operation 
 upon a system. Chance will direct this session as it did the last, till at 
 last the Constitution will be undermined, or the country conquered. Men 
 are either rous'd or tam'd by oppression ; England is more dispos'd to 
 the last, than the first. And yet we are noisy enough upon an election. 
 Witness Middlesex: how must the Court laugh to see two patriots at 
 loggerheads for the representation of this county? The disappointed
 
 310 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1779 
 
 party revolts of course. I shall be back in a fortnight, by which time 
 I should hope the camp would be broke up, and I may have the pleasure 
 of seeing your Grace in town. I am my dear lord with the greatest 
 respect and attachment, 
 
 Your Grace's most obedient faithful ser*. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 Oct. 17 th , 1779. Camden Place. 
 
 Your Grace will be so good to present my respectful compliments to 
 the Duchess. 
 
 About this time, some of the ministers began to feel them- 
 selves most uncomfortable in their situations, and in particular 
 Lord Govver, to whose good sense the danger of the country 
 and the incompetency of the Ministry could not but be 
 apparent. On the meeting of Parliament, Nov r . 25, 1779, 
 Lord Govver, then President of the Council, declared his 
 apprehensions publicly, saying 'that no man of honor, or 
 conscience could remain, and see such things pass, as he had 
 done, and that sincerity and activity in our councils could 
 alone restore energy to the Government.' This profession 
 proceeded from his lordship in his speech on a spirited 
 amendment which Lord Rockingham moved to the address, 
 and which was supported by the largest minority we had 
 lately seen in that House ; for the lords in opposition to the 
 address were forty-one. These encreasing numbers may be 
 attributed to a sense of danger which appears more menacing, 
 in proportion as it is in sight ; and here we had the mortifica- 
 tion to see S r . Charles Hardy's 1 fleet retreating up the Channel, 
 with the combined fleet pursuing them. I know it from the 
 best authority, that it was by accident alone, that a real and 
 great invasion did not take place ; for Mon r . Rochambeau 
 with 6o,ooo, chosen troops had every thing ready for embark- 
 ing, fully determined to attempt Plymouth, as their first 
 object, when the Spanish Admiral communicated to the 
 French commandants at sea, and land, that his crews were 
 dying so fast of a malignant disorder, as to make it necessary 
 that he should return without a moment's loss of time to 
 Spain, being unfit for the present service. The Due de Lian- 
 
 1 Appointed on the resignation of Keppel.
 
 CH. x] POPULAR DISCONTENT 311 
 
 court was a Marechal de Camp (Major General) on this staff, 
 much in the knowledge of the measures of his Government, 
 and with him I have often discoursed on this project of the 
 French. They were accurately acquainted with the place, and 
 its environs, and there was no competent judge, who did not 
 see that the little preparation for the defence of Plymouth 
 (now rendered more defensible), was then a pleasing temptation 
 to the enemy. 
 
 I shall add nothing on the appointment of Lord George 
 Germaine to the office of Secretary of State, nor of the 
 peerage conferred on him afterwards, when he was compelled 
 to withdraw from the public odium, which was falling fast 
 upon him. It is difficult to deem it an honor conferred, when 
 he left one House, under virulent and just reproach, and came 
 into the other, little disposed to receive him among them, and 
 insulting him in the words of their protest l . 
 
 It may be collected, that the country gentleman, whether 
 convinced or ashamed of his error, but certainly feeling the 
 pressure on his purse, which the great contributions for 
 carrying on this destructive war had considerably encreased ; 
 began to remonstrate against the burdens which he was called 
 upon to support. Economy became the general cry through 
 the kingdom, and representations for the necessity of effectual 
 measures to prevent and correct abuses in the expenditure of 
 public money, which had been so liberally granted, flowed in 
 by petitions from every quarter. The county of York had 
 the honor of taking the lead in this patriotic and constitutional 
 business : and their petition was put into the hands of the 
 upright and respectable S r . George Savillc, their representative 
 in Parliament. 
 
 The influence of the Crown, encreased beyond all measures 
 of constitutional reckoning, was now generally felt as the 
 great means by which the Ministry still drew forth such 
 majorities. Debates on this head became very frequent in 
 
 1 The protest was made on Feb. iS, Sackville (Rogers, Protests of the House 
 178a, when I. oid George Germaine be- of Lords, ii. 212). 
 came a peer under the title of Lord
 
 312 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1780 
 
 Parliament, and the members in both Houses who were in 
 opposition to these ministers were daily encreasing ; and this 
 operated so much, that on the 6 th of April, 1780, when 
 M r . Dunning made his famous motion, namely, 'That the 
 influence of the Crown had encreased, was encreasing, and 
 ought to be diminished,' he carried his point by eighteen 
 voices. On the 10 th other motions were carried on the same 
 ground by the Opposition ; the Administration not daring to 
 divide. Every thing seemed to bespeak an overthrow of 
 Ministry ; when unluckily S r . Fletcher Norton the Speaker 
 was taken so ill, as to make it adviseable to adjourn to the 
 24 th of April *. During this interval, ministerial engines were 
 at work to bring over converts, and I much fear, that many 
 who had declared that the influence of the Crown ought to 
 be diminished, now drank of its temptations: and it may be 
 said, that to this circumstance materially the Ministry owed 
 their continuance in power. 
 
 To these events succeeded a formidable proof of the lengths 
 to which popular licentiousness can reach if not checked by 
 firmness and moderation in its beginning. The riots which 
 became so alarming, commenced at the chapel near Lincoln's 
 Inn Fields, which belonged to the Sardinian minister. The 
 cry of No Popery was the catch word, and brought forth with 
 all the old persecuting spirit which was still to be found at the 
 end of the eighteenth century : and there were some persons, 
 to whom the rioters more particularly looked up : for it was 
 not the Act for moderation towards the Catholics which 
 affected these leaders, who cared little for religion ; it was 
 only made by them a pretext for their violent and frantic 
 projects, which the timidity and indecision of the ministers 
 allowed the rabble to a great extent to perpetrate. The 
 event was disgraceful to the utmost degree to the country, 
 although it was evident to most persons, that the sedition 
 might have been suppressed, on the second day at furthest. 
 
 1 The king thought that the Speaker wished to attend the Newmarket races 
 feigned illness in the interest of the {George III to Lord North, ii. 316). If 
 Whigs, because some of that party so the device failed to serve its purpose.
 
 CH. x] THE GORDON RIOTS 313 
 
 But how could that be expected, when the Secretary of State's 
 servants wore in their hats, as a passport, the cockades of the 
 rioters ? But here no resolution appeared ; all spirit and 
 shew of firmness possessed by our rulers, were reserved to be 
 displayed on the other side of the Atlantic : while, by a strange 
 pusillanimity, this riot was left to increase to a length of many 
 days ; and to be quelled at last by the effusion of much blood. 
 These riots, however, disgraceful as they were to the nation, 
 served to prop up for a time a feeble Administration, and the 
 dread of any thing like to anarchy, would have driven the 
 men of property to support any Government, and to look up 
 to a military force alone for their protection. The pains 
 taken, and the stories propagated, in order to insinuate that 
 the riots were a deep scheme laid by the Opposition, would 
 hardly now be credited ; though such vile reports did then 
 meet with belief, from men, who ought to have been ashamed 
 of such credulity '. 
 
 In the beginning of the year 1781, the Dutch were added 
 to the list of our enemies 2 , and letters of marque and general 
 reprisal issued against them. The debates in both Houses 
 were considerable, though the addresses to His Majesty on 
 the occasion were carried by large majorities. 
 
 M r . Burke's Reform Bill was revived, but rejected, though 
 1 90 voted for it 3 . 
 
 This unhappy year did not close, without intelligence being 
 brought hither, that Lord Cornwallis with a second royal 
 army had been compelled to lay down their arms, and 
 capitulate at York town : surrendering to the allied army of 
 
 1 For an account of the Gordon riots (Lecky, iv. 158-162). 
 
 which lasted from the 2nd to the 9th a .Burke's scheme for regulating the 
 
 of June, 1780, see Lecky, Hist, of ling- civil list was something more than an 
 
 land, iii. 500 -523. The French as well economical reform. It would have pre- 
 
 as the Opposition got the credit of the vented the king from spending large 
 
 riots. sums on Parliamentary corruption. How 
 
 1 War with Holland had been declared large were the sums thus spent we learn 
 
 in December, 1780, on the discovery of from the letters of George III and Lord 
 
 proposals for a treaty between Holland North, ii. 425, 426. Thus Burke's 
 
 and the revolted colonies which the scheme was ' a Reform Bill ' in more 
 
 Dutch Government refused to disavow senses than one.
 
 314 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1781 
 
 Americans and French, commanded by Washington, made 
 Marshal of France 1 . A sense of past error, and a conviction 
 that the American War might terminate in further destruction 
 to our armies, began from this time rapidly to insinuate itself 
 into the minds of men. Their discourse was quite changed, 
 though the majorities in Parliament were still ready to 
 support the American War, while all the world was repre- 
 senting it to be the heighth of madness and folly. The 
 defections from the minister, especially in the Commons, with 
 encreasing minorities, must have made the minister sensible 
 of his falling state. He persevered on, however, under the 
 bitterest attacks and threatenings, sometimes defeated, at 
 others well supported, till towards the end of March 1782, 
 when as the Earl of Surrey 2 rose to make a motion, Lord 
 North, guessing its tendency, said, that he would save the 
 House the trouble of a debate, by acquainting them, that His 
 Majesty had come to a resolution to make an entire change 
 in his Administration. 
 
 There was no member of the House more looked up to, 
 both for talents, probity, military knowledge, and experience 
 than General Conway. Some little time before, he had made 
 two motions much to his honor ; the last of which was carried 
 by 234 to 215 in a full House 3 . An address in consequence 
 was drawn up, and voted to be carried up to the king by the 
 whole House. The words of the motion were as follows : 
 
 ' That it is the opinion of this House that a further prosecu- 
 
 1 The surrender of Cormvallis, ren- forward on Feb. 22, was lost by one 
 dered inevitable by the superiority of vote; the numbers were 194 to 193. 
 the French naval force to our own, took The second was carried, as described 
 place on Oct. 19, 1781. on Feb. 27. The king returned an 
 
 2 Charles, Earl of Surrey, who sue- ambiguous answer. Thereupon direct 
 cecded his father as eleventh Duke of votes of censure were moved by Lord 
 Norfolk in 17S6, was at this time M.P. John Cavendish on March S, by Sir 
 for Carlisle. The dexterous way in which John Rous on the 1 5th, and lost on each 
 North managed to announce his resigna- occasion by ten votes. Lord Surrey's 
 tion is told in the Life and Times of motion, which was about to be intro- 
 C.J. J''ox, i. 275. duced on March 20, was anticipated by 
 
 3 Conway's two motions were both of North's announcement of his resignation, 
 the same tenour. The first, brought
 
 CH. x] RESIGNATION OF NORTH 315 
 
 tion of offensive war against America, would under present 
 circumstances be the means of weakening the efforts of this 
 country against her European enemies and tend to increase 
 the mutual enmity so fatal to the interests both of Great 
 Britain and America.' 
 
 After this the struggle was at an end.
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 THE ROCKINGHAM MINISTRY 
 
 His Majesty's first step was to send for Lord Shelburne, 
 who much to his honor and credit, expressly desired of the 
 king, that not he, but Lord Rockingham should be placed at 
 the Treasury, and primarily consulted on the forming of an 
 Administration. His Majesty graciously acquiesced ; and it 
 would probably have been a happiness to the country, if it 
 had pleased the Almighty to have extended Lord Rocking- 
 ham's valuable life to a more distant day. The arrangement 
 took no long time in forming : and I believe in none was 
 there less struggle for offices. The Cabinet at first consisted 
 of Lord Thurlow as Chancellor, Lord Camden as President, 
 myself as Privy Seal, Lord Rockingham as First Lord of the 
 Treasury, Lord Shelburne and M r . Fox as Secretaries of 
 State, Lord Keppel as First Lord of the Admiralty, and of 
 Gen 1 . Conway as Commander in Chief. Mr. Dunning and 
 S r . Fletcher Norton were soon added as members of our 
 Cabinet by Lords Rockingham and Shelburne, when they 
 were both made peers, by the titles of Ashburton and 
 Grantley. The Duke of Portland went over to Ireland, as 
 Lord Lieutenant, Col. Barre became Treasurer of the Navy ; 
 and M r . Burke was made Paymaster. These changes were 
 well received by the nation, who had lately become heartily 
 sick of the American War, and dreaded the thoughts of 
 a continuance of that pernicious system. Peace was the 
 ardent wish of all ; yet the means of soon obtaining a fair 
 and honorable termination of the war appeared still to be at 
 a distance. Those who were the most rigid to keep up some
 
 CH. xi] A REFORMING MINISTRY 317 
 
 sort of dependency of the colonies on this country had given 
 up every hope of this kind ; for they saw the indissoluble 
 union which subsisted between our formidable foes. The 
 nation however also discerned a spirit and activity in every 
 department, which had not been observed of late ; and the 
 low state of the fleet at home, lower by much than the retiring 
 Ministry had told us that we should find it, was raised 
 through zeal and alertness to a pitch, which ordinary exertions 
 could never have effected. 
 
 During the short time M r . Fox remained in office, the famous 
 Irish Declaratory Act, known commonly under the title of 
 ' Poynings' Law,' was repealed on his motion x . M r . Burke's 
 Reform Bill was again introduced, and passed 2 . The Irish 
 were so highly pleased, with this favor granted, or this justice 
 done to their nation, that they instantly decided to raise 
 20,000 seamen for His Majesty's service. Other salutary 
 laws, besides these had been proposed to His Majesty, and 
 approved of, as necessary to be enacted. 
 
 It may not be amiss to observe here, that all the resolutions 
 on Wilkes's election for Middlesex were ordered to be 
 expunged from the journals, after some length of debate. 
 
 Soon after this, M r . Pitt stepped forward with his desire of 
 entering into the state of the representation of the people, and 
 moved for the appointment of a committee to enquire into it: 
 a measure of the sort was at that time thought to be most 
 necessary : and many well attended meetings throughout the 
 kingdom shewed their zeal and desire to forward the business, 
 though the mode of fixing it was various, beyond what could 
 
 1 This is a somewhat vague descrip- Act was repealed in 1782; and the 
 
 tion of the process of granting legislative king, in compliance with an address of 
 
 independence to Ireland. The Declara- the Biilish Parliament, assented to bills 
 
 tory Act, 6 Geo. I, c. 5 (1720), estab- of the Irish Parliament which removed 
 
 lished the legislative sovereignty of the all restrictions save the royal veto. 
 
 British Parliament over Ireland ; Poy- 2 The progress of Burke's bill served 
 
 nings' Law (1495) limited the powers to show the dissensions in the Cabinet, 
 
 of the Irish Parliament to the acceptance and that Shelburne and Thurlow were 
 
 or rejection of bills approved by the alone in the confidence of the king 
 
 Crown in Council. The Declaratory {Memorials of C. J. Fox, i. 314).
 
 318 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1782 
 
 have been imagined. However the necessity did not so 
 forcibly speak to the members of the House : for M r . Pitt's 
 motion, though supported warmly by M r . Fox, was rejected 
 by twenty voices l . 
 
 Matters were bearing a better aspect, till the unexpected 
 and fatal death of Lord Rockingham, brought back a gloom, 
 and almost a despondency for the public welfare, into every 
 patriotic breast. 
 
 He dyed July l Bt , 1782. 
 
 Soon after this lamentable event, M r . Fox retired from 
 office ; in an affecting speech he did ample justice to the 
 character and sound principles of his late friend: but 
 M r . Fox insinuated that dissentions were arising where 
 Lord Rockingham's influence and example would have been 
 probably able to prevent disunion. 
 
 I find from a kind of short diary, taken down at the time, 
 that M r . Fox's advice, previously to Lord Rockingham's 
 death, prevailed less often than would be expected from 
 talents so superior. 
 
 M r . Oswald 2 had been the person first pitched on to see 
 and communicate with D r . Franklyn on the subject of pacifica- 
 tion. On this gentleman's return it was M r . Fox's wish to 
 have placed the whole negociation with any of the Powers at 
 war into the hands of M r . Grenville 3 : but, the Cabinet 
 decided, that, as the doctor desired M r . Oswald's return, to 
 whom he had spoken with openness, and freedom, it would 
 be impolitic not to comply with a request of this nature. 
 Besides it was not yet fully known in what light our offers 
 
 1 The adverse majority was made up George Grenville. He was twenty-six 
 of Rockingham Whigs and the followers years of age, had been in the army, and, 
 of North. since 1779, had sat in the House of 
 
 2 Richard Oswald, a Scotch merchant, Commons for Buckinghamshire. 
 
 who owned property in America. He A more extraordinary pair to conduct 
 had no diplomatic experience and was a difficult negotiation it is hard to con- 
 most unduly ready to accept any terms ceive than the inexperienced ex-guards- 
 which the Americans might be pleased man who represented the views of Fox, 
 to offer (Lecky, iv. 230 ; Fitzmaurice, and the effusive merchant who was the 
 Life of Shelburne, iii. 175 et seqq.). spokesman of Shelburne. 
 
 3 Thomas Grenville, third son of
 
 CH. xi] QUARRELS OF SHELBURNE AND FOX 319 
 
 to treat might be received by the French Ministry. The line 
 of our proposals was independence for America, and the 
 restitution of matters to the state in which they stood on 
 the Treaty of Paris ; and these were to be considered as the 
 basis of the negociation. M r . Tho 8 . Grenville was soon after 
 sent over to Paris to treat, according to M r . Fox's plan, with 
 all, or any of the belligerent Powers. 
 
 In the mean time, I had the satisfaction to see very 
 efficacious measures, for offence, as well as defence, set forward, 
 and with success, Gen 1 . Conway's department and the Duke 
 of Richmond's, as well as the Admiralty exhibited an activity 
 which had not been witnessed in any of these of late. On 
 the other hand, it was grievous to me to remark the daily 
 jealousies, which even reached often to altercation, between 
 M r . Fox and Lord Shelburne : the latter I think, differed 
 more from system and dislike : the other with an honest 
 warmth could not brook such constant aggressions. My 
 endeavor was to conciliate all sides ; and with Lord Camden, 
 we entreated Lord Shelburne, for the sake of the public, to 
 bear as well as he could, the resistance of which he com- 
 plained. But it was evident to me at the time, as it must 
 have been to any one of the least observation, that constituted 
 as it was, the system could be but of short duration. Every 
 day confirmed my conjectures : and in proportion as divisions 
 encrcased, Lord Shelburne was more earnest to put every 
 means at work to attach to him Lord Camden and myself: 
 whose characters he much mistook ; thinking perhaps, as he 
 had seen us once look up to Lord Chatham, we might submit 
 in a good degree to be guided by him. But he soon found, 
 that our views were for the public, while his own were too 
 much directed to personal ambition. 
 
 May 2 d , 1782. After a tedious debate on the Cricklade 
 bill l , Lord Camden and myself went to dinner together at 
 Lord Shclburne's ; where we had much political discussion 
 on the state of the Cabinet : but from Lord Shelburne 
 
 1 A bill for disfranchising Cricklade Thurlow on this occasion, as on others, 
 on account of its notorious corruption. vehemently opposed his colleagues.
 
 320 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1782 
 
 nothing like cordiality towards Lord Rockingham's Ministry. 
 On the 5 th at my house the same conversation was renewed ; 
 when no better disposition appeared : on the contrary Lord 
 Shelburne expressed with much warmth his dissatisfaction, 
 that Lord Camden should doubt the purity and soundness 
 of the ground on which Lord Shelburne stood at S*. James's, 
 as also whether he had reason to place so great confidence in 
 the Chancellor. On the 8 th at my house, after dinner the 
 same topick of political discussion naturally arose. We 
 agreed in our opinions on the state of the Cabinet : but we 
 both of us entreated Lord Shelburne that for the benefit of 
 the public, as well as in honor towards individuals embarked 
 with us, we were compelled, he and all of us, to exert our- 
 selves to keep the present system fast. We did not allow 
 that the hasty mode of proceeding which he complained of 
 in M r . Fox together with the little practicability of the Duke 
 of Richmond in business made this so difficult. We added 
 our earnest entreaties to Lord Shelburne, to undergo any 
 thing rather than to have a separation from Lord Rocking- 
 ham's friends : saying, that if a breach did happen, it should 
 be clear to all mankind where the fault lay. 
 
 I noticed, however, that every engine was set to work, to 
 bring from Lord Camden a declaration, that he would go on 
 with Lord Shelburne, in case of such a separation. No artifice 
 could prevail on Lord Camden to acquiesce, though Lord 
 Shelburne pressed him in a manner which appeared to me 
 to be by much too warm. On my part, I gave his lordship 
 no expectation, that he could depend on my assistance on 
 such a juncture. Indeed my language might have been such, 
 as to prevent his putting directly such a question to me. 
 
 About this time I was very ill and confined from a most 
 violent attack of S*. Anthony's fire. It was a full fortnight 
 before I was equal to serious business ; and when I was, my 
 colleagues were so obliging as to meet at my house. This 
 illness did not prevent me from fully enjoying the account of 
 the great victory obtained by S r . George Rodney over the 
 French fleet, off Dominica, which I received from Lord
 
 CH. xi] VICTORY OF RODNEY 321 
 
 Keppcl at breakfast on the 18 th of May. This glorious 
 victory was of infinite consequence in various ways, when we 
 consider the whole situation of our affairs : but that it might 
 have been rendered more complete by Lord Rodney's per- 
 mitting the division under Lord Hood to have pursued the 
 crippled ships of the enemy cannot be called in question by 
 any one who reflects upon the situation of the two fleets at 
 the end of the action l . Lord Hood's relation to me of the 
 fight strongly confirms this opinion to have been well 
 founded : Still Lord Rodney's exertions were very great, and 
 we must ever remember his merits with gratitude. 
 
 On the 26 th of June a Cabinet was assembled in the morn- 
 ing at my house : when on intelligence received of the 
 combined fleet having sailed from Cadiz, with a large convoy, 
 Lord Howe was ordered to proceed with his own fleet, 
 strengthened by some ships from those commanded by 
 S r . Lockhart Ross, in hopes that his lordship would find 
 a favorable opportunity of attacking the enemy. Contrary 
 winds and bad weather obliged Lord Howe to return to 
 port, without effecting this purpose. At another Council in 
 the evening of the same day, it was agreed that, with every 
 testimony of our earnest desire of acting with the Empress of 
 Russia, in the closest connexion, yet, that the armed 
 neutrality cannot be formally admitted. It was also here 
 again explained, that independence to America was offered, 
 in order to obtain peace, or to separate the Americans from 
 their allies. The little prospect we then saw of succeeding 
 in the French negociation, occasioned us to desire as earnestly 
 to bring it to a short issue, as the Court of Versailles was 
 endeavoring to protract it. 
 
 Lord Rockingham was considered on this day to be in 
 very great danger. 
 
 1 De Grasse was defeated by Rodney twenty ships might have been taken. 
 
 on April 12, 17S.2. Five French ships Captain Mahan says 'this cautious 
 
 (if the line were taken, including the failure is a serious blot on Rodney's 
 
 Admiral's flagship, and two others with military reputation' {Influence of Sea 
 
 two smaller ships on the iStli. If pursuit Power on History, pp. 484-498). 
 had been prompt Hood believed that
 
 322 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1782 
 
 On Friday the 28 th M r . Fox called on me in the evening ; 
 when naturally and with much frankness, he entered upon 
 his awkward situation at Council ; complaining of the decided 
 opinions against every thing proposed by him ; and added 
 that it would be impossible to go on in such a way : and 
 that he could not proceed to write to M r . Grenville, till he 
 had laid the matter before another Cabinet. In answer to 
 this I endeavored to assure him that he ought to be more 
 candid and just towards his colleagues, whose opinion, I was 
 convinced, arose from their sincere thought, and not from any 
 unworthy motive. I begged him to consider where the public 
 had to look, in case there should unfortunately be a breach 
 among us. My humble advice and earnest wish was, that 
 he together with Lord Shelburne, and Lord Rockingham 
 would have one meeting, bringing thither a full disposition 
 to endeavor to put an end to all doubts and jealousies : and 
 I added that without some step of this nature, I plainly saw 
 that we should break and undo what we had been labouring 
 for years to establish : — a Whig Administration. For if this 
 system was broken, the purposes of the Court would be com- 
 pletely answered, and from thence would proceed a Ministry 
 actuated by the same principles as the last. Mr. Fox re- 
 plied, that he saw too plainly that the present could not 
 last, and grounded his argument, on his considering Lord 
 Shelburne to be as fully devoted to the views of the Court, 
 as Lord North ever had been. In the sequel, I was con- 
 vinced of my error in thinking otherwise, but at that time, 
 I maintained Lord Shelburne's intentions to be pure, and 
 regardful to the public. I represented that there were 
 really no grounds for such suspicions, and on the contrary, 
 added assurances, that had I the smallest idea of Lord 
 Shelburne's deviating from the line we were pursuing, the 
 confidence I now had in him would cease. Having my con- 
 currence, that there should be another Cabinet before his 
 letter to M r . Tho s . Grenville was dispatched, M r . Fox left me, 
 to ruminate on this most untoward and unfortunate turn, 
 which our political affairs had inevitably to undergo. Lord
 
 CH. xi] DEATH OF ROCKINGHAM 323 
 
 Keppel I saw afterwards, and with him had much private 
 conversation on all the consequences that were to be dreaded. 
 He told me how sore he had just found M r . Fox. on the con- 
 tradictions he was daily meeting with at Council. I en- 
 deavored to argue with him also, that no one ought to 
 impute to persons so respectable, as they were who composed 
 the Cabinet, the desire of obstructing M r . Fox's plans, while 
 in fact, they might only be sincerely delivering their opinions. 
 Lord Keppel was not so partial to Lord Shelburne ; but he 
 still thought with me that should Lord Rockingham live, 
 matters had not gone so far, as to preclude a better under- 
 standing ; altho' Lord Shelburne's jealousy of M r . Fox was 
 daily more observeable. At a Cabinet held on the 30 th , the 
 day previous to that on which Lord Rockingham died, 
 M r . Fox pressed us earnestly to give separately our opinion 
 on the same point he had urged on Wednesday, relatively to 
 the independence of America being freely granted, even 
 without a treaty for a peace 1 . The majority was for a treaty 
 accompanying the surrender of the claim : but that it was 
 also adviseable that independence should in the first instance 
 be allowed, as the basis to treat on. This decision not coming 
 up to M r . Fox's ideas : he declared with much regret, that 
 his part was taken to quit his office, which the illness alone 
 of Lord Rockingham occasioned him for the present to hold. 
 Such was the state of the Cabinet when the country had to 
 deplore the loss of this most amiable man and upright 
 minister. 
 
 As no information can arise from a more exact and 
 authentic source I shall continue to make use of the diary 
 as far as it will carry me. Staggered as most of us were, on 
 the consideration of the consequences of the death of Lord 
 Rockingham, for which we were not prepared, there was 
 
 1 Such a recognition of the indepen- of the Home Office, the Irish Office, and 
 
 dence of the colonies would have greatly the Colonial Office. If the colonies were 
 
 simplified the relations of Fox and an independent power the dealings with 
 
 Shelburne. them would fall to Fox as Foreign 
 
 Shelburne's department of the Secre- Secretary, 
 tariat embraced what aie now the duties 
 
 Y 2
 
 324 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1782 
 
 a moment, when I was in hopes, that even M r . Fox and 
 Lord John Cavendish might have been induced to form a 
 part, though the latter would not have held the Chancellor- 
 ship of the Exchequer, under any first lord, the Duke of 
 Portland and M r . Fox excepted : so great was the desire of 
 avoiding another disunion among the Whigs. But it was 
 otherwise ordained, and the Earl of Shelburne, authorized by 
 His Majesty, communicated to us, that he was to be placed 
 at the head of the Treasury, which arrangement, if harmony 
 had been the general object, ought to have proceeded from 
 the recommendation of the king's principal servants to His 
 Majesty, called to a Council ] . This communication was made 
 in the morning subsequent to the Marquis's death ; and was 
 received with the respect due to the quarter it came from, 
 though neither the manner, nor the contents could be palate- 
 able. Lord Shelburne was to meet Lord Rockingham's friends 
 at night. Lord Shelburne with Lords Camden and Ashburton 
 dined that day, en famille with me ; the former informed us, 
 that he had received two letters from the king, to say, that 
 His Majesty should place the Treasury in his hands; adding, 
 as Lord Shelburne said, that he would have no other there. 
 He told us also, that he had seen M r . Fox and others of the 
 Cabinet ; and that, though M r . Fox was the most difficult, 
 yet he was not without hopes, that they might still concur. 
 By the Duke of Richmond's language to Lord Shelburne, 
 and M r . Fox's to me that morning, I flattered myself with 
 the hopes that matters were not without the reach of reason- 
 able adjustment. We all then pressed Lord Shelburne, who 
 was going to meet these gentlemen again that evening, to 
 give them every fair latitude, short of the possession of the 
 Treasury, in order to make it satisfactory to them ; being 
 convinced that it was from our joint efforts alone, that good 
 
 1 This was the assumption of the the needs of constitutional government. 
 
 Whig party as reconstituted by Rocking- The king's choice of ministers is limited 
 
 ham and Burke. The leaders were to by the wishes of the people as represented 
 
 choose the Prime Minister. The king in Parliament, not by the inclinations of 
 
 was to have no initiative. The theory a few magnates, 
 was not reasonable, nor warranted by
 
 CH. xi] RESIGNATION OF FOX 325 
 
 at this time could be expected, Lord Shelburne gave us the 
 strongest assurances, that he should attend to our advice. 
 In his turn, he was earnest that we should promise not to 
 leave him in the lurch, in case M r . Fox and his friends should 
 quit their situation : but Lord Shelburne was unable to get 
 Lord Camden to say more, and even that with much diffi- 
 culty, than that he would remain in office for three months. 
 As to my stay in office, I considered it as due in some 
 measure to Lord Shelburne; at least for a short time, on 
 account of his lordship's having given way to Lord Camden 
 and myself in our remonstrances against Lord Shelburne's 
 disputing the Treasury with Lord Rockingham. This was 
 a cogent reason with Lord Camden and myself; for we 
 neither of us were approving the state of affairs, nor the 
 arrangements which were proposed. However we received 
 every assurance, that on public ground only his lordship 
 would stand ; and that the principles, on which we had en- 
 gaged, should be the guide of his conduct. This declaration 
 was immediately rendered of little effect, when to our 
 astonishment Lord Shelburne told us that Bishop Hinch- 
 cliffe was not to be translated to Salisbury : though we had 
 considered the bishop's promotion fixed : but a promise to 
 Bishop Barrington from the king was to over-rule the 
 appointment of the other, altho' Bishop Barrington had been 
 an earnest supporter of the American War. It was in vain 
 that we argued against his lordship's giving way, stating the 
 just reflexion he would bring on himself. Nothing would 
 avail — Lord Shelburne persisted, and hoped to lessen our 
 anger, by acquainting us that D r . Watson was to be bishop of 
 Landaff, in which insignificant see, so little adequate to his 
 eminent virtues and character, he has been suffered to this 
 day to be lost, much to the discredit of the Government of 
 the country. 
 
 At Luston, to which place I went to recover my strength, 
 I was acquainted by letter from Lord Shelburne, that M r . Fox 
 had actually resigned. On Saturday the 6"' I received early 
 a letter from Gen 1 . Conway, pressing me strongly to come up
 
 326 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1782 
 
 directly to London. But the country air, which I much 
 wished to enjoy a few days longer, was my excuse for 
 delaying my stay till the Wednesday following. On my 
 arrival in London, I heard of the filling up of most of the 
 offices, many of those who filled them were unknown to me, 
 as was the intention in regard to others. On this day, by an 
 injudicious speech in the House Lord Shelburne gave great 
 umbrage to many of the friends to the new system, as it seemed 
 calculated to create much distrust among the Americans 1 . 
 M r . Fox on the other hand, was said to have exceeded him- 
 self in oratorical powers. 
 
 After a long absence of my own from S*. James's, on the 
 11 th of July, I was able to pay my court to their majesties. 
 In the evening Lord Camden called on me, when we had 
 much conversation on the unexpected arrangement for the 
 see of Salisbury, where Bishop Hinchcliffe's just pretensions 
 were set aside, in a manner which was highly discreditable 
 at the outset of a new system. This disappointment did not 
 tend to make us relish the more our public situation, or to 
 hope much better things from what was to come. I may 
 also say from the testimony of Lord J. Cavendish, that Lord 
 Rockingham had declared to him, that he would sooner 
 have seen the conclusion of his Administration, than that he 
 could consent to have it disgraced, through such an injustice 
 done to the worthy bishop, my intimate and respected friend 2 . 
 
 I had soon after a very friendly communication of all that 
 had passed among Lord Rockingham's principal friends from 
 Lord Keppel, who kept nothing back from me, as far as he 
 was informed of their intention of continuing with the Ministry, 
 or of quitting us. By the whole of which it appeared to me, 
 that M r . Fox was decided to give no facility to the new 
 arrangement ; though he was once brought by the Duke of 
 
 1 This must be the speech of July 9, 2 Hinchcliffe was already Bishop of 
 
 in which he dwelt much on his regret at Peterborough and Master of Trinity, so 
 
 the necessity of recognizing the indepen- one might think that he had no great 
 
 dence of the colonics, and declined to cause of complaint : but Grafton was 
 
 state the purport of the despatches on very faithful to his friends, 
 the subject {Pari. Hist, xxiii. 1S8-196).
 
 CH. xi] THE 'BROKEN CABINET' 327 
 
 Richmond and Lord Keppel to say to them, that if Lord 
 John Cavendish would take the Seals, he would remain his 
 colleague. Lord John was for a moment in doubt: but on 
 the first of his hesitating, Fox waited not an instant ; but 
 decided his own resignation. Lord Keppel acknowledged 
 that the share of power offered by Lord Shelburne was all 
 that M r . Fox could desire, to assist his management of the 
 House of Commons, and was equal to any thing that could 
 in justice be required, or with propriety granted. The distress 
 of Lord Keppel's mind was great : but the sense of what was 
 due to the country, to the fleet in general, and to the officers 
 he had himself sent on different commands prevailed over all 
 other considerations. In return for this frankness, I could 
 not but lay open to him my own situation and intentions, 
 which were to look up to the public solely : and that with 
 the strictest honor, and unprejudiced goodwill to those who 
 still composed the broken Cabinet. His lordship was pleased 
 with my declaration ; this he much approved ; and I added, 
 that if unfortunately any calamity befell the country, and in 
 which he might be blamed, while he was acting on such 
 generous ground for his country's service, that there was no 
 man, whose support he might more confidently rely on, than 
 mine. This declaration, together with an avowal of my 
 principles, and that I was an independent man in the Cabinet 
 were listened to by Lord Keppel with great attention and 
 satisfaction. The conversation was so far pleasing to me, as 
 I thought it gave some what of a better prospect of good 
 being derived from it. 
 
 On the next day I had an unpleasant conversation with 
 Lord Shelburne, on the subject of Bishop Hinchcliffe, who 
 from the part he had taken with us in Parliament, had a right 
 to expect to be translated to Salisbury, in preference to Bishop 
 Barrington, who had regularly supported the American War. 
 
 At a Cabinet held this same day, it was resolved on the 
 suggestion of Lord Keppel to order Lord Howe out again, 
 on his arrival back at S l . Helens, where he would receive his 
 reinforcement, with directions to offer battle to the combined
 
 328 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1782 
 
 fleet, or to cruize off Brest long enough to give the India 
 men a free and safe passage out of the reach of the enemy. 
 We had no expectation of Lord Howe's having already 
 engaged the combined fleet ; as credible information was 
 brought by a Swede, that he had spoken with the combined 
 fleet on the 8 th and with Lord Howe's on the 9 th to the 
 Avestward of the Start. By this intelligence, it was much to 
 be wished, that the ships ready in Brest Harbour, might not 
 be able from contrary winds, or other causes to make a 
 junction with the enemy's fleet then at sea ; and on our side, 
 nothing was omitted by Lord Keppel, that could give every 
 possible information to Lord Howe in this most critical and 
 very anxious moment.
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 
 THE SHELBURNE MINISTRY 
 
 I HAD a long conversation the next day with M r . Fox, 
 whose natural character was to be open, and who was always 
 particularly so to me. He laid great stress on what he felt, 
 on finding that he had been so principal an instrument to 
 make that very man minister, whom he most disliked. He 
 also plainly told me, that he never should have sided with 
 the Duke of Richmond, to prevail on Lord Rockingham to 
 come in, if he had not thought, that the Cabinet formation, 
 as delivered in, would not have been accepted by the king ; 
 and a new scheme offered, that might encourage the public 
 to expect more unanimity. Then we soon turned naturally 
 to the topic of the Church preferment, on the subject of which 
 he had often talked with Lord Rockingham, who was quite 
 decided that Bishops Shipley x and Hinchcliffe should have the 
 offer of any opening that presented itself : and we both 
 lamented that our friend had not lived long enough to have 
 tried in the Closet his strength on the point. Among other 
 matter, M r . Fox here repeated, that in his opinion, Lord 
 Shclburne was more the minister suited to the purposes of 
 the Court, than ever Lord North had been. 
 
 M r . Fox might be hurt, that so few of his friends marked 
 their approbation of his conduct by following his example-': 
 but I am now satisfied, that Lord Shelburne and M r . Fox 
 
 1 Jonathan Shipley (1714-17SS) had the care of his diocese he followed the 
 
 been made Bishop of Llandaff by Grafton ways of the time, and seldom resided at 
 
 in 1769, and in the same year translated St. Asaph. 
 
 to St. Asaph. His political opinions a The important resignations besides 
 
 were those of an advanced W'hiy, but in Fox were the Duke of Portland, Lord-
 
 33° AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1782 
 
 were too different in character and principles to have acted 
 at all together: and the latter had the sagacity plainly to 
 perceive it, though I had better expectation 1 . 
 
 On the 14 th , an officer came up from Plymouth with an 
 account that the Vigilant and another ship had been chaced 
 in by the combined fleet, which in number they could not lay 
 at more than twenty-nine of the line. The Vigilant was 
 steering to join Lord Howe. On receiving the next day no 
 account of his lordship, our anxiety was as great as possible : 
 for the cloud was become more black, from intelligence being 
 brought, that the Dutch fleet also was at sea. Orders in 
 consequence were issued to every port to get every thing 
 possible out, that could assist or be a reinforcement or assis- 
 tance to the channel fleet, in case of an action with that of the 
 enemy. 
 
 Each day seemed to add to our ground for anxiety, and 
 indeed alarm for Lord Howe and his fleet. Add to all, that 
 just at this moment of time the trade from the east and 
 west was expected daily to arrive, and was possibly at the 
 mouth of the channel : so that dangers of every kind sur- 
 rounded us ; though we had the satisfaction to feel that we 
 could not well have amended the orders, which had been 
 given. Notwithstanding the inferiority of numbers, we looked 
 up with a degree of confidence on the spirit and skill of our 
 navy, when commanded by our greatest seamen ; and from 
 a naval victory alone, could we expect to be delivered from a 
 situation so distressing and threatening. 
 
 It was at this time, that we felt with indignation the sad 
 effects of that wretched policy, by which we became enemies 
 to the States General. At dinner at my house this subject 
 
 Lieutenant of Ireland, Lord John Caven- was the long-standing difference between 
 
 dish, Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the followers of Chatham and those of 
 
 the rest of the Treasury Board, Burke, Rockingham as well as the recent dis- 
 
 Sheridan, and Lee, the Solicitor-General. pute over the spheres of their respective 
 
 1 There were many reasons why Fox departments. But in truth Shelburne 
 
 and Shelburne should quarrel. Fox had could work with few men, and his nature 
 
 probably not forgotten his father's and that of Fox were peculiarly anti- 
 
 grievances, and the ' pious fraud ' ; there pathetic.
 
 ch. xn] KEPPEL AND HOWE 331 
 
 became the general topic of discourse, and nothing could 
 exceed the anxiety and uneasiness of Lord Keppel and 
 M r . Conway, on the state of things ; as well as my own : tho' 
 they declared, that their consolation was great, when they 
 saw the spirit every where, which brought forward so great 
 a naval force, infinitely sooner than it could have been 
 expected. Lord Keppel's own spirits were raised, when he 
 talked of this, as well as of the ability and professional skill 
 of most of the commanders ; and he owned that he was led 
 from thence, as well as from Lord Howe's knowledge and 
 resources, to expect more would be done than so inferior 
 a force could otherwise promise. 
 
 The promptitude, with which ships were every day made 
 ready to get out to reinforce Lord Howe was unparalleled : 
 and these were sent out as single ships, but under peculiar 
 orders of vigilance and every precaution to avoid danger : 
 which measure was persisted in even after the arrival of Lord 
 Howe's letters, on the 17 th from the contents of which we 
 derived little satisfaction, beside that of knowing that the 
 fleet was well, in good order and spirits, and prepared for 
 action, whenever a favorable opportunity could be seized. 
 His lordship stated that falling in with the combined fleet, 
 double almost in number to his own, in the wide part of the 
 channel, he endeavored under an easy sail to draw the enemy 
 to follow him between Scilly and the Land's End. In which 
 object, had he succeeded, Lord Howe would have tacked, and 
 began a most serious fight. But the enemy were too wise to 
 fall into such a mistake, where their superior numbers would 
 no longer have availed. Lord Howe informed us, that his 
 position was to the westward of the enemy, which he chose 
 in hope of covering the Jamaica fleet, or of having an 
 opportunity of attacking the combined fleet at some favorable 
 moment. The consequence was so great to have his lordship's 
 fleet reinforced, that Lord Keppel easily convinced us, that 
 under skilful commanders, and a good look out, the risk to 
 single ships was much less than any of us imagined. Letters 
 were also dispatched to inform Lord Howe, stating officially
 
 332 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1782 
 
 that the king's principal servants desired to express the fullest 
 approbation of his conduct in not risking an attack on the 
 combined fleet which was so very superior to that which he 
 commanded. 
 
 The reasons M r . Fox had given for his retreat from office 
 awakened a jealousy of Lord Shelburne's disposition, in the 
 breast of D r . Franklyn, but this was soon cleared up by 
 a particular friend of the doctor's voluntarily going over to 
 Paris on that purpose. 
 
 At a Cabinet, Lord Grantham 1 was directed to communicate 
 to the Russian Envoy the fair state of the negotiation, and 
 confidentially to consult him on the ostensible answer to the 
 insinuation verbale of the two joint imperial mediators : 
 telling him at the same time, that the putting it now in 
 motion was undesireable, till the Paris business took its turn: 
 and that this Court would much wish to join the King of 
 Prussia in the mediation, unless such a step was displeasing 
 to the empress, who had much the appearance of being dis- 
 posed in our favour. The variations, in Mon r . de Vergennes' 
 answer, on the Treaty of Paris, were so little particularized, 
 that it was evident that delay was intended by that Court, 
 and that these were purposely undefined. 
 
 I left London for the summer soon after this, with no great 
 confidence in any thing like stability in the Cabinet, formed 
 as it then was. In one of my latest interviews with Lord 
 Camden, I found that we agreed, that Lord Shelburne did 
 not seem duely to feel the consequences of the retreat of the 
 Duke of Portland, nor of the probability of Lord Keppel's 
 retiring some time hence. Our opinion also was, that the 
 advice of Lord Ashburton had no longer the weight which we 
 hoped he still possessed. We noticed that Lord Shelburne 
 received with coldness my advice that the honors of the late 
 Marquis of Rockingham should be offered to Lord Fitz- 
 vvilliam, altho' he twice entreated to know my thoughts upon 
 the subject. 
 
 1 Thomas Robinson, the second Lord bassador in Spain 1771-1779. He suc- 
 Grantham (1738-1786), had been Am- ceeded Fox as Secretary of State.
 
 ch. xn] grafton's discontents 333 
 
 I was always ready to go up to any council to which 
 I might be summoned : though with my own situation I was 
 much displeased, and could not refrain from writing the letter 
 which follows to my good friend Lord Camden. 
 
 Wakefield Lodge, July 28 th , 1782. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I begin to feel now, what I have thought often before, and that is, 
 that a Lord Privy Seal, who is not known and understood to be 
 confidentially trusted and consulted by the principal minister, cuts but 
 a silly figure at a Cabinet. If he is wholly silent, and tacitly comes in to 
 all that is brought there, he becomes insignificant, as he does officious 
 and troublesome, if his opinions urge to take a more active part than his 
 office appears to call from him. I have too much warmth and zeal in my 
 disposition not to be drawn into the latter and, my spirit revolting at the 
 former, I find that I must make my retreat, if I find my suspicions should 
 be realised, and that the Earl of Shelburne circumscribed his confidence 
 towards me within the bounds of great civility and afifieara?ice of com- 
 munication. No one knows better than your lordship the sincere dis- 
 position that I brought into the king's service to promote that system 
 under which we embarked, and with a hearty and disinterested friendship, 
 particularly towards him, which made me not scruple to take the most 
 decided part, when the unfortunate moment came when the Whigs were 
 once more to be broken asunder, and to declare my full intention to give 
 him my assistance and support. But your lordship can never know with 
 what pains I laboured, and with success to prevent that disunion being 
 wider; and which would have taken off much from the credit, as well as 
 from the solidity of the Administration. The sentiments which I brought 
 into Administration still remain and ever will ; and my personal good 
 wishes to the Earl of Shelburne for the honor and success of his 
 Administration are not altered by his withdrawing that openness of 
 conduct, that he at first held towards me. But my dear lord, if I per- 
 ceive that my conjectures are founded, and that his lordship continues to 
 with-hold those communications and schemes for the king's Government, 
 which I am vain enough to think I am entitled to receive from any 
 minister, and particularly from him, I assure your lordship that no 
 consideration shall stop me from withdrawing from a situation, which 
 I consider to be unbecoming me to hold on such a footing. I will repeat 
 again the word vain, for I was vain enough to think that my experience 
 in the place he holds would have enabled me to have given often useful 
 opinions, and which the friendship and honesty that would have attended 
 them mi rh1 have rendered desirable to the wisest. This must however 
 take its chance. I had once resolved from a dislike to suspense to have
 
 334 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1782 
 
 told him all I thought and felt on the subject : but it is knowing too 
 
 little of mankind to think that opinions or real confidence can be forced : 
 
 you may as well force love, and I was, and I think that I shall remain 
 
 silent. However it has eased my mind to some degree, to have opened 
 
 my design to your lordship. We have moved so much on the same 
 
 principle, that I cannot help wishing to hear what you say about me- 
 
 My case is particular : recollect the situation I have been in, and that, 
 
 thank God ! I have nothing I want, nor nothing I fear from any minister, 
 
 and above all that my domestic peace and happiness ought to be, and is 
 
 most the object of my wishes and pursuits, and then say, my dear lord, if 
 
 I am not right. 
 
 As much as we wish to see Miss Pratt and your lordship, you must not 
 
 set out till I hear whether a village at a little distance is perfectly free 
 
 from the small-pox. Be assured, &c. 
 
 Grafton. 
 
 What follows is the answer I received from his lordship. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I have hardly thought on any other subject since I was honored with 
 your Grace's letter : for as your Grace has been pleased in some sort to 
 consult me, or to wish at least to be acquainted with my sentiments, 
 I determined not to send a hasty answer or in forming my own opinion, 
 to suffer my wishes to interfere, but to consider your Grace's situation 
 merely, as it stands connected with the public : which last, I am per- 
 suaded is your Grace's main object ; as I flatter myself, it is mine. 
 
 I have seen, and observed with infinite concern, that Lord S. has by no 
 means treated your Grace with that confidence I expected, after you had 
 so earnestly laboured to support his new Administration, not only by 
 taking so important a post in it yourself, but by keeping others steady 
 who were wavering at that critical moment. I am myself an instance 
 and a proof of your Grace's endeavors, for your persuasion had more 
 force with me, than any other motive to remain in my present office. 
 I was therefore disappointed at seeing the Earl of S. so negligent in his 
 attention to your Grace ; as if, when his Administration was settled, he 
 had no further occasion for those, to whom he was indebted for the credit 
 of his situation. Your Grace's real importance demanded the openest 
 communication ; and your friendship the most confidential return : and 
 therefore I cannot be wholly without suspicion that his lordship means to 
 take a line, and pursue a system, not likely to meet with your Grace's 
 approbation ; and if he does, I am not surprized at his reserve : for where 
 there is a fundamental difference of opinion in the system, there can be 
 no confidence. However I will not suffer my suspicions to operate with
 
 CH. xi i] CAMDEN 335 
 
 me as facts, till I have such demonstration by facts of such intention. 
 Lord S. continues to make professions of adhering to those principles we 
 all avowed upon the first change ; and he has pledged himself publicly to 
 support them : in which respect, it is but reasonable to wait some time 
 for the performance of his promises. At the same time I do readily 
 admit your Grace's dignity, rank, and former situation require something 
 more, and you ought not as Duke of Grafton to be so under a part with 
 the Earl of Shelburne, as to be Privy Seal without confidence. 
 
 But considering the perilous condition of the public at this conjuncture, 
 I should be much concerned, if your Grace was to take a hasty resolution 
 of retiring just now, because your retreat could certainly be followed by 
 other resignations and would totally un-Whig the Administration, if I may 
 use this expression ; and this second breach following so quick upon the 
 first, would throw the nation into a ferment. It will not be possible when 
 the Parliament meets, for Lord S. to conceal or disguise his real senti- 
 ments, and if it should then appear, that the Government in his hands is 
 to be rebuilt upon the old bottom of influence, your Grace will soon have 
 an opportunity of making your retreat on better grounds than private 
 disgust. I am not more fortunate than your Grace in sharing his 
 lordship's confidence, yet though I am bound only for 3 months, and 
 have the fair excuse of age to plead, I would not willingly risk the 
 chance of any disturbance at this time by an abrupt resignation, but 
 would rather wish, if such a measure should hereafter become necessary, 
 to take it in conjunction with others upon public ground. I am besides 
 but too apprehensive, that more than one of us will be ripe for it, perhaps 
 before the session. Lord K. I know from certainty will quit after the 
 campaign : the D. of R's discontent is marked in his countenance ; and 
 if the Whigs should desert, neither G. C. nor M r . Pitt, nor even M r . T. 
 would have the courage to remain behind l . I do not my dear lord 
 conceive it possible, that a Cabinet composed as ours is, can be of long 
 duration, especially if Lord S. confines his confidence to one or two of 
 those possibly obnoxious to the others. I have had a long friendship for 
 the earl, and cannot easily be brought over to act a hostile part against 
 him, and for that as well as other reasons, cannot help expressing my 
 own wishes, that your Grace may wait a while ; at least till you have 
 received most evident conviction of his indifference to your opinion and 
 assistance. I shall be very happy to have an opportunity of conferring 
 with your Grace upon this subject, which in reality is too serious and 
 extensive for a letter : and am much obliged to your Grace for forbidding 
 my visit till the small pox had left your neighbourhood. I am at present 
 
 1 Lord K. and the D. of K. arc of Mr. Thomas Townshend, Secretary of 
 course Keppel and Richmond, (i. C. Slate for Home and Colonial affairs. 
 must be General Conway, and Mr. T.
 
 336 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1782 
 
 banished for the same cause from Chiselhurst, and am now paying the 
 
 necessary visits to my relations. 
 
 I am, my dear lord &c. 
 
 Aug 1 . i ?t , 1782. Camden. 
 
 NB. S r . 
 
 Your Grace will be so good to present mine and Miss Pratt's compli- 
 ments to the Duchess. 
 
 Lord Camden's advice prevailed, and I readily acquiesced 
 to his opinion on this occasion, as I was always inclined to, 
 on most others. However I wrote the following letter to 
 Lord Shelburne, sending by the same post the copy to Lord 
 Camden, who approved what I had written. 
 
 Wakefield Lodge, Aug 1 . 6, 1782. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I return you many thanks for the communication of your lordship's 
 having settled afresh M r . Pennington's 1 business with the L d . Lieutenant. 
 
 Your letter relieved my mind very much, not on the business itself, for 
 I was convinced, that, having been empowered from such authority to 
 convey His Majesty's assurances, and which were made known to so 
 many members of the Cabinet, it was impossible to suppose, that it was 
 to meet with further obstructions. But, I must acknowledge to your 
 lordship that I was much hurt, that you, who so well knew how much 
 my ease, and even honor were concerned, had not stated the circum- 
 stance to Lord Temple so early, as to have made it unnecessary for me 
 to solicit it. Perhaps I am more sensible of even an appearance of 
 indifference in my friends towards my interests and concerns, knowing 
 the zeal and warmth with which I take up theirs : but your letter has 
 satisfied me on this head. 
 
 Recollect, my dear lord, that I was induced, to take a part in Adminis- 
 tration, again, solely on the hopes of co-operating with you and Lord 
 Camden towards the public, good ; and that the professions of friendship 
 and confidence you made to me, alone determined me : and as I can 
 truly say, on my part, that I both have, and do return them ever in the 
 fullest manner, so, on the other hand, allow me to say, tho' my opinions 
 may not be guided by the ability which many possess, whom your 
 lordship has the opportunity of consulting, yet they will always be 
 directed disinterestedly, and with the most honest intentions towards 
 public good, as well as to your honor and welfare. 
 
 1 John Pennington, eldest son of Sir 1783. He sat in the House of Commons 
 Joseph Pennington (1 737-1813), created formany years, and supported Wilberforce 
 Lord Muncaster in the Irish peerage in in his efforts to abolish the slave-trade.
 
 ch. xii] CAMDEN 337 
 
 I am anxious beyond measure to hear from Lord Howe, and that he 
 has been joined with so large a reinforcement. Your lordship makes me 
 happy in what you say concerning the north. I do think that great good 
 may be expected from that quarter : but still it requires much nicety and 
 circumspection in conducting what is to be brought about. 
 
 Be assured &c. 
 
 Grafton. 
 
 The letter I have been transcribing was written in con- 
 sequence of a more cordial one, which I had received in the 
 mean time from Lord Shelburne. I shall add a letter in 
 reply, which I received a few days after from Lord Camden, 
 as also Lord Shelburne's answer to mine, as they tend to 
 shew, that from some cause or other, Lord Shelburne was 
 disposed to shew me more attention and civility. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I luckily came to town to-day time enough to receive your Grace's 
 letter and answer it by this night's post. I am not sorry your former 
 letter was kept back, as the earl has given you a satisfactory answer 
 about Pennington. 
 
 Your Grace's answer is just what it should be, and if Lord S. does not 
 take the hint, it will be evident your systems do not correspond. I saw 
 him twice last week. The first time his reception was cool enough ; but 
 the next morning, when he sent for me to consult about some private 
 business of his own, he was more open. I took an opportunity to observe 
 to him, that your Grace was gone into the country for the summer, and 
 asked if he had heard from you, and when he said he had received a letter 
 about M r . Pennington, I said, I hoped you corresponded on matters of 
 more consequence — that your Grace in every light was a person in 
 whom he ought to place the most implicit confidence : to which he 
 assented, adding that your conduct towards him had been so obliging, 
 and in all respects so friendly and so handsome, that it deserved the 
 highest return of respect on his part. There were other parts of this 
 conversation worth your knowing, but which I shall defer till I have the 
 honor of seeing your Grace at Wakefield. That visit, which I should be 
 happy to make this minute, must in spite of my inclination be postponed. 
 For, in the first place, my brother lies dangerously ill of a fever, which 
 will keep me within a reasonable distance of London, till the distemper 
 arrives at its crisis. Then I expect one of my daughters and her husband 
 from Ireland, in about a week's time: so that till they are a little settled, 
 it will not be possible for me to make any excursion : and I hardly think 
 I shall be able to see your Grace before the beginning of Sep 1 ", but you 
 
 Z
 
 338 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1782 
 
 may depend on me before the end of the summer. The Cabinet has 
 caught me : for I found a summons upon my table for this evening, as 
 soon as I got to London ; so I am obliged to conclude with respects to 
 the Duchess. 
 
 I am &c. 
 
 Camden. 
 Aug*. 7* h , 1782. 
 NB. S' . 
 
 Shelburne House, 10 th Aug*., 1782. 
 My dear Duke, 
 
 It was my intention to write to your Grace a long letter ; but I have 
 
 been prevented. I will however do it, and shall have great pleasurt in 
 
 delivering my mind to your Grace in whose friendship and principles 
 
 I have a most perfect confidence. But it is impossible to describe to you 
 
 how provokingly my time is taken up with the nonsense of M 1 '. Burke's 
 
 bill. It was both framed and carried through, without the least regard to 
 
 facts' 1 : and penned so that every line required the opinion of the 
 
 Attorney General. The only extravagance I have, or shall be guilty of, 
 
 is in favour of Lord Jersey. In the mean time, I want to know your 
 
 Grace's opinion about Suffolk. It is of the utmost consequence to our 
 
 negociation, to shew that there is some spirit remaining with the publick. 
 
 And, if our negociation fails, our existence must depend upon its coming 
 
 forth. I am not without hopes, that the example might catch — and if it 
 
 goes on, could wish it upon the broadest ground possible. 
 
 I am going to Wycombe for a day, and will not therefore, as I am very 
 
 late, trouble your Grace with more, than to assure you that I am with the 
 
 most decided attachment, your Grace's obliged 
 
 and faithful servant 
 
 Shelburne. 
 
 NB. The Suffolk measure, alluded to in this letter, related to the land- 
 owners of that county subscribing to the building of a line of battle ship ; 
 a measure proposed by other counties also, and would have taken place, 
 had the war unfortunately continued. 
 
 On my return to Wakefield Lodge from an attendance on 
 the Cabinet, where all business had been agitated with much 
 harmony and pleasing communication, I wrote the following 
 letter to Lord Shelburne : indeed, these letters are the whole, 
 that I have to produce on the occurrences of this summer 
 beside what is well known to all. 
 
 1 This is referred to by Shelburne in Act was drawn by ' men totally un- 
 a memorandum set out in Fitzmaurice's acquainted with office.' 
 Life, iii. 330. He complains that the
 
 CH. xil] INDEPENDENCE OF THE COLONIES 339 
 
 Wakefield Lodge, Aug 1 . 31, 1782. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I trust that our decisions on Thursday night if they fail in bringing 
 
 peace, will both set us clear with the American Commissioners, and 
 
 prevent the splitting of our system at home '. To this wholesome end 
 
 I see how much your lordship has sacrificed your own opinions : necessity 
 
 has required the sacrifice : and in the manly manner you have done so, 
 
 surely you will have rivetted, as they ought to be, those, to whose ideas 
 
 you have given way. 
 
 However, my dear lord, it is right also, in every political view : for 
 after what you told me, I see plainly, that it would have been done in 
 Parliament, in spite of every thing, and so done when it was too late to be 
 attended with the good consequences, which may now follow : and. if this 
 system under you should be dissolved, from whence is any redemption for 
 the country to be expected ? The dread of greater evils made you give 
 way : you have a right to expect a cordial return, and I trust you will 
 meet with it. If the East India Company are to have their loan, I am 
 persuaded, your lordship, on every account will prefer the mode by draft. 
 Excuse me for saying, that some stipulation for lowering the dividend, till 
 the money is repaid, should be required ; for it is a large sum as demanded, 
 particularly when we know that bad management has produced their 
 distress ; and that great sums drawn by the oppressive rapacity of their 
 governors, have been the cause, if that country is exhausted. 
 
 A very particular, and very old friend of mine, has a very small place 
 under the Master of the Horse, which would give me much concern if he 
 should lose it. His name is Charles Fyshe Palmer. I understand that 
 M r . Gilbert has that office under consideration. I am afraid, if he was to 
 fall, I should be obliged to become solicitor to your lordship for something 
 else for him, and I assure you, that no one wishes to put off being trouble- 
 some to you so much as myself, 
 
 who have the honor &c. 
 
 Grafton. 
 
 A few days previous to this last letter, I received the 
 communication, that confidence was perfectly re-established 
 between those employed by us at Paris and the American 
 Commissioners : which had been interrupted by the apparent 
 difference of opinion between Lord Shelburne and M r . Fox on 
 the point of directly acknowledging the independence of 
 America : the former became sensible of the necessity of this 
 
 1 The chief of these decisions was to negotiation : see Fitzmaurice, Life of 
 recognize, if need be, the independence Shelburne, iii. 255. 
 of the United Colonies, as a basis of 
 
 Z 2
 
 340 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1782 
 
 concession, without which peace could not have been made at 
 that time. We had also to lament that America, whatever 
 should be our proposals, would not treat without France, and 
 their whole plan was not readily to be penetrated. 
 
 News, came however, that Mon r . de Vergennes had under- 
 taken to specify the alterations he should require to be made 
 in a new treaty, from those Articles of the Treaty of Paris. 
 
 The Austrian Court was eager to mediate between the 
 belligerent Powers ; and we hoped, that Russia would also 
 step forward 1 ; but her disposition was not so decidedly for 
 us, though it was supposed, that Simolin had orders to second 
 Belgioso's proposals. But the Court of Petersburgh, would 
 not hear of the great Frederick being included in the media- 
 tion : which plainly demonstrated, how much Catherine at 
 this period preferred the Court of Vienna to any connexion 
 with his Prussian Majesty. 
 
 It may be right to mention here that the disturbances among 
 the Tartars encreased daily, and were of a very serious nature 2 . 
 
 On the side of Ireland, Lord Shelburne assured me, that 
 with good management that kingdom would be quiet, what- 
 ever I might have heard of to the contrary. 
 
 And I had satisfaction also in hearing from him, that 
 according to my humble advice, he had taken care to have 
 some of the leading men, among the dissenters, written to, in 
 order that they might not misconstrue any declaration he had 
 made, as meaning a continuation of the American War ; for 
 so his opinion had been received by many. 
 
 The brilliant and illustrious victory obtained by Lord 
 Rodney over the Comte de Grasse was followed, before the 
 
 1 The relations of this country and our relations with Russia and Prussia 
 
 Russia, and of that Court with Austria improved, while those with Austria 
 
 and Prussia, may be collected from the changed for the worse (p. 473). Never- 
 
 Mahnesbiuy Correspondence, i. pp.433- theless the substitution of Frederick for 
 
 484. the Emperor as joint mediator with 
 
 Lord North's Ministry, as unfortunate Catherine was not acceptable to the 
 
 in diplomacy as in other things, had Russian Court. 
 
 alienated the Empress of Russia. Austria 2 These disturbances were merely an 
 
 was less unfriendly, but from the com- excuse for the invasion of the Crimea, 
 
 mencement of the Rockingham Ministry and for a quarrel with Turkey.
 
 ch. xu] GIBRALTAR 341 
 
 end of this year, by the more compleat military atchievements 
 displayed in the skilful and resolute defence of Gibraltar, and 
 in the gallant relief of that place in the face of the combined 
 fleet of France and Spain ; greatly superior in numbers to 
 that commanded by Lord Howe. All these memorable 
 services will never cease to redound to the honor of those 
 great officers who conducted our arms by sea and land, as 
 long as the search after military prowess is valued by 
 posterity : and I will venture to assert, that the expectation 
 of no man was carried to the extent of what was performed. 
 
 Great, indeed, was the anxiety of the public on the perilous 
 state of Gibraltar, against which a force so very formidable 
 had been collected, both by sea and land. The enemy 
 thought that they were marching clown to certain conquest, 
 and the French princes of the blood came, in order to be eye- 
 witnesses of the downfal of this mighty fortress, of which we 
 have proudly kept possession, ever since it was taken during 
 the war for the succession to the throne of Spain. At Paris 
 nothing could be admitted as fashionable, which was not 
 ' a la Gibraltar ' ; the ladies dresses were entirely so ; and 
 their very fans represented on one side ' Gibraltar comme il 
 etoit,' on the other they were so constructed as to fall to 
 pieces in order to represent ' Gibraltar, comme il est.' At 
 home the danger was seen with all its consequences, and 
 every thing thought of and prepared, which could support 
 and reiicve the place. Many circumstances rendered the 
 attempt difficult : but still it was deemed to be necessary ; 
 and we trusted that the military skill and enterprize of our 
 forces by sea and land, would even surmount these dis- 
 advantages. Before the arrival of Gen 1 . Eliot's l account of 
 the glorious defence of Gibraltar, of the well conducted and 
 successful sortie, and of the entire destruction of Monsieur 
 D'Aixon's ingenious floating batteries, a Cabinet was sum- 
 
 1 George Augustus Eliott (171 7- previous war, and was created Baron 
 
 1790), fourth son of Sir Gilbert Eliott, Heathfield for his gallant defence of 
 
 of Stobbs in Roxburghshire, served in Gibraltar. He neither ate meat nor 
 
 Germany, and at the llavannah in the drank wine.
 
 342 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1782 
 
 moned to take particularly into consideration the most 
 effectual means for the relief of that important fortress, 
 together with other matters equally pressing. I was alone 
 with Lord Keppel sometime, when he opened to me the plan 
 of operations he had prepared, and which appeared to me to 
 be entitled to great applause : for none could be more rational 
 or simple or better calculated to answer the different services ; 
 and I may say that whenever I have related the detail of this 
 business, it always conveyed to those present a high idea of 
 Lord Keppel's naval character, with a strong conviction of 
 the great utility of placing a seaman at the head of the 
 Admiralty. 
 
 On Lord Thurlow's coming into the room where we were 
 all assembled, in his blunt manner he asked where was the 
 man who could point out the means to save Gibraltar ? Lord 
 Keppel answered to the Chancellor and to us, that he certainly 
 had a plan prepared for our consideration and approval, which 
 he would proceed to open to the Cabinet. But he expressed 
 his concern, that he was obliged to state to them another 
 service as pressing, and equally necessary as the relief required 
 for Gibraltar, namely, to get the Baltic fleet safe into our 
 ports. The convoy of this fleet having been informed of the 
 force of the Dutch, in the Texel, had put into a port of 
 Norway, I think Bergen, for safety. 
 
 Lord Keppel plainly told us, that the king's yards were so 
 destitute of naval stores, that our dependence for the means 
 of continuing another campaign rested on the safe arrival of 
 these ships, which were laden with all that was wanted for 
 our Navy. His Lordship added that neither service could be 
 neglected or deferred ; and that he hoped to be able to point 
 out the means by which both objects might be effected. The 
 Duke of Richmond, said Lord Keppel, acquaints me, that two 
 transports to be laden with ordnance stores cannot be ready 
 to sail with the fleet in less time than a fortnight. The wind, 
 says he, is now at west, which will keep Lord Howe's fleet at 
 Spithead from going down Channel, as well as the Dutch from 
 coming out of harbour.
 
 CH. xn] KEPPEL AND THE DUTCH FLEET 343 
 
 My plan is this, says his lordship, and it waits your con- 
 currence: for everything else is prepared. Under the 
 sanction of your authority, I would, before I went to bed, 
 send Lord Howe orders to detach Vice- Admiral Milbanke 
 with fourteen ships of the line : the Dutch from the best and 
 surest information cannot muster more than eleven of the line 
 fit for sea. I have too good an opinion of the wisdom of my 
 old friends as to suppose they would be so rash as to risk 
 their fleet out against one superior to theirs, both in number 
 and size of the ships. To Admiral Milbanke, Lord Keppel 
 said, that further orders should go to direct him on the instant 
 of the w r ind turning to the east to sail back again to rejoin 
 Lord Howe, who on descrying the return of this part of his 
 fleet would get under way and join at sea, in order to proceed 
 on their voyage. Your lordships in the meantime, said Lord 
 Keppel, need be under no apprehensions of the Dutch coming 
 out of port hastily on the disappearance of our ships : for 
 they will naturally conclude that they are blown by the 
 easterly winds into the Downs : and they are too cautious to 
 put to sea, until they have by some scouts ascertained this 
 point. To effectuate this will necessarily cause a delay of 
 forty-eight hours at least : during which time every ship 
 of the Baltic fleet may get with security into some of our 
 ports. For I propose, says he, to send the most positive 
 orders to the officer commanding the convoy at Bergen, 
 without a moment's delay, as soon as the wind is at east, to 
 run with his convoy over to any British port he can easiest 
 reach. With these orders he will be instructed that by an 
 exact adherence to them, his fleet is secure, and that he would 
 run much risk by a deviation from them. 
 
 We were all so well pleased with the relief which Lord 
 Keppel had given to our minds, that after a few questions to 
 indulge the curiosity of us landmen, we assured him that we 
 concurred most cordially with every part of his scheme. He 
 then acquainted us that M r . Stephens with two Lords of the 
 Admiralty were waiting to sign the instructions which should 
 go into no other hands, in order for greater secrecy. We
 
 344 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1782 
 
 undertook to answer to His Majesty the absolute necessity- 
 there was for his service, that the whole plan should be put 
 into motion instantly. 
 
 The wisest of human schemes are under superior controul ; 
 and the present well digested plan must have been deferred 
 at least, had the wind come about too soon : but all was 
 propitious ; and gave just time to the officer commanding at 
 Bergen, to receive his orders and to execute them instantly 
 with success. Admiral Milbanke with equal promptitude 
 followed his instructions, and fell in with Lord Howe on the 
 back of the Isle of Wight. The passage of the fleet with so 
 large a convoy was much impeded by contrary winds. On 
 their entrance into the Streights, they saw the whole com- 
 bined fleet drawn up, near upon the Spanish coast. The 
 Latona, commanded by Cap 1 . Hugh Conway (since known by 
 the name of Lord Hugh Seymour 1 ), led in, and some way 
 ahead, with letters to the governor, who on seeing the 
 Latona making for the harbour, sent to him to get back to 
 apprize Lord Howe of his danger : but Cap 1 . Conway answered, 
 that his admiral was well apprized of the strength and 
 position of the enemy, and notwithstanding, he should be 
 able to effect the object of his mission, by succouring and 
 supplying the citadel. Accordingly, Lord Howe passed the 
 French and Spanish fleets, covered the store ships and 
 victuallers while they were unlading, received little or no 
 interruption in performing this service. This effected, Lord 
 Howe sailed through the Streights, and in the Mediterranean 
 drew up in line, prepared if the enemy had chosen to attack 
 him. But this was not their design as appeared soon after ; 
 for the two fleets had a kind of running fight when the 
 English fleet had repassed the Streights. 
 
 The enemy was so numerous 2 , that nothing could justify 
 
 1 Lord Hugh Conway (1 759-1803) afterwards Lord Conway, had changed 
 
 was the fifth son of the first Marquis of when he succeeded to the property of 
 
 Hertford, after whose death in 1794 the his cousin Ldward, Earl of Conway, 
 
 family resumed the name of Seymour, who died in 16S3. 
 
 which their ancestor, Francis Seymour, 2 The allied ships were 49 in number,
 
 CH. XIl] NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE 345 
 
 Lord Howe, who had answered his great object, to bring on 
 unnecessarily an unequal contest : and his orders to detach 
 twelve or fourteen ships of the line, to reinforce Admiral 
 Pigot in the West Indies would have been frustrated, had the 
 fleet much suffered in such a contest : wherefore the gallant 
 admiral having once more drawn up to offer them battle, 
 aimed at nothing further at that time ; but dispatched Vice- 
 Admiral King with the freshest of his ships to the West 
 Indies. 
 
 Not long after the decision of the Cabinet, we received the 
 pleasing accounts of the signal successes of the garrison itself, 
 in a well conducted and effectual sortie, as also of the dis- 
 tinguished manner, in which the formidable attack of the 
 enemy's floating batteries were repulsed with an entire 
 destruction of those famous vessels. 
 
 The succour of the place being completely effected by the 
 fleet under Lord Howe, cut off all hopes which the enemy 
 could form ; and the siege was raised, to the great mortifica- 
 tion of the Due de Crillon \ and the army he commanded. 
 
 Lord Shelburne felt every day more and more the necessity 
 of peace, and had great merit in forwarding this desirable 
 object with firmness and activity. Mon r . de Grasse was 
 allowed on his parole to return to France. By him Lord 
 Shelburne made overtures to Mon r . de Vergennes proposing 
 to open a negociation for a general pacification. The 
 Americans, Dutch, and Spaniards had so linked themselves 
 with France, that we could hope for no success should a 
 separate negociation be attempted. However his lordship 
 was obliged to some of us in the Cabinet, who equally 
 anxious for peace, yet were unwilling to come into many 
 points of concession which were demanded, and which Lord 
 Shelburne would not have stood out upon, if he had not seen 
 
 the English 34. The great attack on ' De Crillon had assumed the corn- 
 Gibraltar was made on the 13th of mand early in 1782, after a successful 
 September: this relief by Lord llowe siege of Port Mahon, which surrendered 
 was effected between the 13th and 1 yth on February 5. 
 of October.
 
 346 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1782 
 
 particularly Lord Camden, Gen 1 . Conway, and myself in 
 opinion against him, on several points. 
 
 The negociation took place, and on my arrival in London, 
 Nov 1 . 24 th , I found that the Parliament was prorogued on that 
 account. 
 
 I resume again my journal, in which there had been a 
 chasm from September to that time : but I have so strong 
 a recollection of the events, that I equally depend on my 
 memory. On the day after my arrival in town, I received by 
 my good old servant, Schaller, a verbal message from Lord 
 Shelburne, that he came to London almost on purpose to see 
 me, and that he should be with me at four o'clock next day. 
 I had not yet seen any of the ministers, when his lordship 
 called upon me according to his message. The measure of 
 proroguing the meeting of Parliament, he told me, stood on 
 the ground of a firm persuasion, that the Court of France was 
 in earnest, and intended to bring forward through Mon r . de 
 Regneval 1 , who had returned to Paris, such answers, before 
 the 5 th of Dec r ., as might be considered as an ultimatum, on 
 which peace, or a continuation of the war was to be decided. 
 
 Lord Shelburne then expatiated on the little hope that 
 could be entertained from a continuance of the war, in which 
 opinion I perfectly agreed with him ; though I differed widely 
 on the little consequence he gave to the cession of Gibraltar. 
 On finding this difference in our sentiments, I said that I was 
 sorry to hear this from him : on which Lord Shelburne 
 observed, that I never had wished that the cession of that 
 place should stand in the way of a peace, provided an equiva- 
 lent was found, such as Porto Rico. I replied, understand 
 me right, I shall always part with Gibraltar with the greatest 
 reluctance, though I am still free to acknowledge, that I think 
 
 1 This was Gerard de Rayneval, the mauriee, Life of Shelburne, iii. 254- 
 
 Secretaryof Vergennes. His mission was 268). Rayneval's name seems to have 
 
 kept secret from the American envoys been found difficult. Grafton calls him 
 
 in Paris. There was at this time a Regneval. Fitzpatrick speaks of him 
 
 wide divergence of interests between the as ' Rennervalle or whatever his name 
 
 French and American negotiators (Fitz- is' {Memorials of Fox, ii. 9).
 
 ch. xn] THE QUESTION OE GIBRALTAR 347 
 
 that a proper peace ought not to hang on this one point, in 
 case a fair equivalent offered : but I said that I did not know 
 sufficiently the value and circumstance of the island to say, 
 that I considered Porto Rico to be such an equivalent as 
 would satisfy me. To this his lordship replied, that I might 
 be assured, that on the fullest enquiry, I should find, as he 
 had, that the value would exceed my expectations x . 
 
 Before he left me Lord Shelburne desired me to turn in 
 my thoughts what would be the properest method of reward- 
 ing Gen 1 . Elliot. 
 
 On the following day I wrote to Lord Shelburne expressing 
 my hopes that an Irish peerage would not be fixed on as 
 a reward for Gen 1 . Elliot as in my opinion that honor was 
 inadequate to his services. Afterwards I employed myself 
 in reading over with particular attention the French corre- 
 spondence, also that with Russia, Berlin, and Vienna. 
 
 About this time the Bishop of Landaff had prepared for 
 publication his well-known letter to the Archbishop of 
 Canterbury, on the subject of a suitable provision, &c, for the 
 inferior clergy. His lordship approved, on reading them over, 
 of the alterations I had presumed to make at his desire. 
 Sure I am that every fair thinking man will admire the letter 
 and the drift of his design. 
 
 On the same day I dined en famille with Lord Shelburne, 
 when after many confidential communications regarding the 
 present disposition of the Closet, he naturally took up the 
 essential point of the negociation. He told me that he was 
 persuaded from the eagerness of the French Court, that peace 
 will be the result of Mon r . de Regneval's journey, that Guade- 
 loupe or (I think he said) Martinique might be the substitute 
 to Porto Rico. His lordship also said that an Irish peerage 
 would not be the reward for Gen 1 . Elliot's services. 
 
 Lord Shelburne, who had read the letter to the archbishop, 
 
 1 Grafton is described by Lord Rose- cede Gibraltar. This does not seem to 
 
 bery {Life of Pitt, p. 37) as represent- have been the case: yet as too often 
 
 ing, with Shelburne and the king, the happened he might have allowed his 
 
 party in the Ministry who desired to opinion to be over-ruled.
 
 348 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1782 
 
 was much alarmed on the idea of the reform proposed by the 
 Bishop of Landaff's letter. On his pressing me much to 
 dissuade the bishop from bringing the business forward, 
 I endeavored in vain to convince him of the benefit the 
 country in my opinion would reap from a measure so well 
 considered and digested : and I left him to settle the point 
 with the bishop himself. 
 
 On the next day advices were received of the two drawn 
 battles in the East Indies between the French fleet com- 
 manded by Suffrein and ours \ 
 
 With Gen 1 . Conway to whom I went purposely to talk over 
 all the delicate points, on which the impending treaty might 
 turn, there was but little difference of opinion ; and I received 
 from him some pleasing accounts of military preparations 
 which I could not but much approve. 
 
 I must here mention that the Bishop of Landaff dropt for 
 the present the thoughts of publishing his letter 2 , at Lord 
 Shelburne's particular request, and on his positive assurance 
 that something should be done on that line and soon. I under- 
 stood from the bishop that he should print only two copies 
 somewhat amended, one of them for himself, the other was 
 entrusted to me. 
 
 On the I st of December Lord Keppel called on me, we 
 discoursed over the probable difficulties towards a peace, and 
 I had the satisfaction to find that hitherto we differed little in 
 opinion. He confirmed to me the pleasing communications 
 on the naval and military preparations which I had received 
 from Gen 1 . Conway. 
 
 On the following morning Mon r . de Regneval returned and 
 with him Mon r . de Vergennes' son. I heard nothing that day 
 from any of the ministers : but with Lord Camden I con- 
 versed much alone on the subjects naturally to be discussed 
 
 1 These must be the first two of the Power on History, ch. xii. 
 
 five battles fought between Suffren and 2 The letter appeared soon after : it 
 
 Admiral Hughes on Feb. 17 and April contained a scheme for equalizing the 
 
 12. The other three were fought on incomes of bishops and clergy. It was 
 
 July 6, and Sept. 3, 1782, and June 20, published (3rd ed.) in the Pamphleteer, 
 
 1783: see Mahan, Influence of Sea -viii. 574 (1816).
 
 CH. xn] THE QUESTION OF GIBRALTAR 349 
 
 next day. I told him that I saw Lord Shelburne was decided 
 for peace at any rate, and I conceived that he would stand or 
 fall by the acquisition of it. I stated to Lord Camden how 
 preferable in every consideration the possession of Gibraltar 
 was over Mahon ; and in the point particularly when Lord 
 Camden supposed they both would become useless without 
 a superior fleet, in the Mediterranean, Gibraltar had an 
 advantage over the other which could not be called in 
 question : for that fortress had proved that she can stand 
 with an occasional relief against the greatest force : whereas 
 Mahon must fall if vigorously attacked. I think I drew over 
 Lord Camden to see this in its proper light. 
 
 On the next day Lord Shelburne sent to me to call upon 
 him before the meeting of the Cabinet: he acquainted me in 
 much hurry with the heads of the Spanish answer and 
 exchanges offered : he showed me also the draft for the 
 king's speech ; then excusing himself from leaving me so 
 abruptly to go to the Duke of Richmond, I went down to 
 the Cabinet which sat discussing the several points from 
 eleven till half past seven : a minute was drawn at last of 
 advice upon the Spanish article l : but with an intention that 
 it should again come before us. 
 
 Lord Shelburne. as I observed, was particularly vexed at 
 what I had held out on the Spanish business, and on the 
 various equivalents proposed for the cession of Gibraltar. 
 A message from him the next morning did not surprize me, 
 and as he desired to see me, as soon as possible, I went to 
 him as soon as I had breakfasted, with a firm resolution to 
 maintain my ground. He, in the first place, enquired of me 
 where I had taken up the notion that a barren, uninhabited 
 island was equal or more valuable than West Florida ; and 
 afterwards whether I still continued in the same opinion. 
 My answer was, that I was clear from the best information 
 
 1 For this minute, see Fitzmaurice, on the coast of Honduras. Gibraltar 
 
 Life of Shelburne, iii. 305. was to be exchanged for Guadaloupe, 
 
 Spain was to restore Minorca and the and West Florida to be retained by 
 
 Bahamas, and to allow an establishment Spain if Trinidad were ceded to us.
 
 350 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1782 
 
 on the subject, that the greatest advantages both for trade 
 and power might be derived from the possession of Trinidad ; 
 and that I professed an indignation that Spain should succeed 
 in having her great object, Gibraltar, conceded to her, without 
 giving up Trinidad to be in addition to any cession she had 
 proposed to us. I added further, and very deliberately, that 
 friend to peace as I anxiously was, sooner than I would sign 
 the treaty on such terms as seemed now to be intended, 
 I could answer it to my conscience, and to my country, to 
 advise the continuance of the war, until better terms could be 
 obtained. After much difference of opinion on what related 
 to the negociation, and many warm observations on the 
 factions by which the country was distracted, he said to me : 
 ' Duke of Grafton, I will fairly tell you that as to Lord Keppel 
 I should be happy to see him away from his board : the 
 Duke of Richmond also must take the part he judges proper; 
 I shall see it with indifference. But though it would be very 
 unpleasant to me, and give me great concern to differ from 
 you, yet I must bear it : for I am resolved to stand by the 
 king.' My answer was delivered mildly and coolly : ' I trust 
 that we are all equally resolved to do so in a constitutional 
 manner. I will fairly tell your lordship, said I, that I came 
 into office, meaning, as I still mean, to give you sincere 
 support : but it must be with honor and comfort to myself, 
 and on points of magnitude like the present you must not 
 wonder if I do not, nor cannot give up my opinions, but 
 defend them as strenuously as I am able.' I added, 'as to 
 office, that day would always be the happiest of my life when 
 I could retire from it with credit to myself.' To which he 
 replied, that he believed me, as I was always of an anxious 
 turn of mind. Lord Shelburne appeared disappointed, that 
 I had not yielded to the arguments he used, and quitted me 
 to go to Mon r . de Regneval ; but not till after we had much 
 conversed on the contested articles. In doing which, I had 
 pressed again my advice for the retaining Gibraltar, unless 
 such an exchange was given, as would satisfy the country : 
 a point by no means attainable with ease.
 
 ch. xn] NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE 351 
 
 I should here observe that the advances towards a general 
 pacification had already made some way by the signing of 
 a provisional article for a treaty with America on the 30 th of 
 last Nov 1 ., wherein the Independence of the States was 
 formally declared. On my return home, I expressed in 
 a short letter to Lord Grantham that I both hoped and 
 understood that the essential points in dispute among us 
 were to have another revision, before M r . Fitzherbert 1 was 
 authorized to sign. His lordship's answer to me was 'that 
 the terms of peace with Spain would never be determined, 
 much less signed, without the fullest reconsideration by the 
 Cabinet.' 
 
 Lord Shelburne at the meeting at night renewed ineffectually 
 his endeavours to get me to give way in the opinions I had 
 given. They were too deliberately adopted to be so easily 
 relinquished. Afterwards he acknowledged that since our 
 morning discourse he had obtained some intelligence from 
 well informed persons which greatly lowered the value of the 
 possession of West Florida in his mind. 
 
 Thursday, Dec r . 5 th . The Parliament met : His Majesty's 
 speech was well approved, and the addresses passed with 
 little or no opposition ; but the language of many in both 
 Houses showed that Ministry was to expect a great deal on 
 the articles of the future treaties. In the House of Lords it 
 was admitted that the campaign had been glorious and 
 successful ; and that in consequence it was reasonable to 
 expect that the treaty of peace should be fair, honorable, 
 and concluded on equal terms. 
 
 Much dissatisfied as I remained on the disposition of the 
 Cabinet at their last meeting on the terms to be settled with 
 Spain, I wrote early in the morning to Lord Shelburne to 
 entreat him that a matter of such magnitude should come 
 once again for revision before the king's servants ; especially 
 as further objections were in my mind to the state of that 
 
 1 Fitzherbert had been our minister Grenville as our envoy for the negotia- 
 at Brussels, and succeeded Thomas tions in Paris.
 
 352 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1782 
 
 negotiation. By his answer I was told that his lordship was 
 persuaded that he could satisfy me, if I would call on him. 
 I went directly to Shelburne House. After some little intro- 
 duction, he acquainted me that he had seen Mon r . de Regneval 
 on Wednesday, and had told him fairly and explicitly, that 
 such an equivalent as would be expected to answer the public 
 opinion must be found, if Gibraltar was to be exchanged ; 
 and that nothing short of Trinidad or S fc . Lucia would do, in 
 addition to what had been proposed : and Lord Shelburne 
 added that a messenger was dispatched that night with 
 instructions in consequence. He begged also that this in- 
 formation should be communicated no further as yet. Lord 
 Grantham at Court this day informed me that he had written 
 to M r . Fitzherbert last night by a messenger, telling him of 
 the general concurrence and declarations of all parties of men 
 to give every means of exertion to the Government, towards 
 continuing the war, in case our enemies refused to listen to 
 fair, Jwnorable, and equal terms of peace. The secretary 
 added that these declarations must tend to strengthen his 
 demands, and give him less inclination to recede from any. 
 As his lordship said nothing of the instructions on the last 
 minute of Council, I trusted that they were postponed, and 
 that they would wait for the answer to the communications 
 between Mon r . de Regneval and Lord Shelburne upon the 
 subject ; concluding this to be the case I did not put the direct 
 question. 
 
 With Lord Camden I had much conversation, he appeared 
 to me to lean now considerably to the opinion that Gibraltar 
 is of more consequence to this kingdom, and that the views 
 of its ministers ought in future to look to the possession of it 
 as an object of more value than he at first imagined, as 
 likewise that the cession of it, even on good terms, would be 
 grating to the feelings of the nation. 
 
 The rising of the stocks this day and yesterday indicated 
 to me that it is known either on the French side, or some- 
 where on ours, that there is to be a facility in framing the 
 articles of peace. I trust however that from our side no
 
 CH. xn] THE PEACE 353 
 
 facility is to be shewn except on terms which can be justified 
 by the most wise and honest part of the community. 
 
 From this time the negociation proceeded forward at great 
 strides. The Administration had great reason to approve the 
 conduct of M r . Fitzherbert, whose discernment and ability 
 contributed very much to conclude it with all the satisfaction 
 which our situation at war with so many Powers, and having 
 the goodwill of none, could possibly expect. I was made 
 happy at last by finding that Gibraltar was to be retained by 
 England. 
 
 This point being now carried, the preliminaries adjusted 
 for peace between Great Britain, France and Spain, to which 
 His Majesty was advised to send his notification directly, 
 I took the opportunity to pass a few days in the country, 
 where I heard of Lord Keppel's and the Duke of Richmond's 
 actual resignation l with sincere concern : but they were not 
 satisfied with all the articles on which peace was to be 
 concluded. 
 
 While these negociations for peace with our enemies were 
 daily appearing more likely to terminate in success : the 
 struggles at home for power disgraced our statesmen on all 
 sides. Lord Shelburne, instigated I believe by the Court, 
 would gladly have received Lord North and his friends to 
 strengthen his Administration. Others I doubt not were 
 equally disgusted with such an idea ; but I owe it to my 
 friend Lord Camden as well as to myself, to say that we both 
 frankly told Lord Shelburne, that we would never listen to 
 a measure, so disgraceful in itself and revolting to our minds. 
 With those who had been driven and those who had retired 
 from office, there was not the same delicacy ; and we saw 
 with astonishment approaches made, and friendships at last 
 declared between the great oppugner of the American War, 
 and the minister to whom he had imputed every evil, under 
 
 1 Keppel resigned on Jan. 24. Rich- partment, the Ordnance, with a view to 
 
 mond told the king that he would carrying out some changes which he had 
 
 attend no more at Cabinet meetings, hut in hand, 
 would continue to preside over his de- 
 
 A a
 
 354 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1783 
 
 which the country groaned. The debate in the House of 
 Commons afterwards on the preliminaries was the most 
 extraordinary that can be conceived : and the public was 
 there informed of a connexion which both sides appeared to 
 glory in while the nation could not with-hold the expressions 
 of its abhorrence. With most considerate men, the terms of 
 the peace were so much better than were expected that they 
 scrupled not to give that attestation of their opinion: even 
 the mercantile part of the nation felt that the kingdom 
 wanted rest. 
 
 After an absence of ten days in the country, I returned on 
 the 5 th of Feb ry 1783 to London. Lord Keppel called on me 
 on that day : but nothing particular passed between us. 
 I was truly concerned, as I told him, that he quitted his 
 office : for besides losing him there, I saw the unhappy 
 breach, which was daily becoming more wide among those 
 whom I wished to see conducting the public affairs. 
 
 Though my good and excellent friend Lord Howe had 
 every requisite for the discharge of that difficult post ; yet 
 I shall bear ever my testimony, that no man could ever shew 
 more zeal, assiduity and knowledge in that situation, than 
 Lord Keppel. He had a noble mind, incapable of injustice, 
 or of one ungenerous thought. 
 
 On the Saturday following Lord Shelburne called on me ; 
 his conversation was open as I thought mine was to him : his 
 discourse ran on subjects of delicate political engagements, 
 and he appeared to trust me confidentially with the schemes 
 then working in his mind. I concealed from him none of my 
 thoughts relative to what he had opened to me : stating 
 clearly and distinctly that no arrangement but a fair union 
 with those friends, who had come in with us, and since 
 divided from us, could possibly satisfy me : at the same time 
 begging him in case he inclined to a different arrangement 
 to consider my office as no impediment to his views. 
 
 I liked Lord Shelburne's language this day better than for 
 a long time past : I lamented, therefore more that he had 
 treated of late the Duke of Richmond and Lord Keppel in
 
 CH. Xll] NEGOTIATIONS WITH FOX 355 
 
 a manner calculated to render a junction with them more 
 difficult. 
 
 M r . Fox called on me the following day, when we had a 
 long and candid discourse upon the state of men and upon 
 the country. My wishes he had long known, and I had no 
 occasion to repeat them, for they were known likewise to all 
 my friends. The Duke of Richmond's, he told me, were 
 precisely the same as mine, and Lord Keppel's also. Much 
 of my reasoning on public matters he allowed to be just : but 
 still he dwelt on the necessity of the Cabinet proposing the 
 head of the Treasury l ; and that nothing could move him 
 and his friends from this point ; he professed, that he was 
 totally at a loss to guess how affairs would turn out ; he 
 owned that he felt the greatest objections to join Lord North 
 and his friends ; and yet perhaps it was best, though he 
 agreed it could not be lasting. 
 
 From the whole of this conversation with M r . Fox I con- 
 ceived but little hope of being gratified with my principal 
 wish, namely, of seeing the Whigs once more united and 
 co-operating to retrieve a country cruelly governed for years 
 past, and that stood in need of every aid, as did likewise 
 a constitution shaken on every side to its very foundation. 
 
 Two days after my last discourse with Lord Shelburne, his 
 lordship obtained the king's leave to form a solid junction 
 with M r . Fox and those of his friends who had separated 
 from us in July or since. The Duke of Richmond was 
 previously assured by his lordship, that there should be no 
 insincerity in the negociation. M r . Pitt met M r . Fox in 
 consequence for this purpose in the evening 2 : and I under- 
 stood that M r . Fox was extremely unwilling to converse, and 
 
 1 This contention of the Whigs might to hold the offices of State. To limit 
 
 have been reasonable enough if the the powers of the Crown was the main 
 
 Cabinet had been the choice of the object of the Rockingham Whigs, 
 
 people. But to the followers of Rock- ' I'itt asked Fox ' if there were any 
 
 ingham it meant that the king was to put terms on which he would come in.' 
 
 the conduct of affairs into the hands of a Fox replied, 'None while Shelburne 
 
 group of Whig peers and landowners, remains ' : and so it ended (Bucking- 
 
 and that these should settle who were ham Papers, i. 149). 
 
 A a 2
 
 356 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1783 
 
 declared that neither he nor any of his friends would think of 
 such a junction, unless the nomination to the Treasury was to 
 be opened to them. 
 
 In a conversation between M r . Secretary Townshend l and 
 M r . Frederick Montague the next morning, there was, as 
 I heard no better hope of such a reunion, after which Lord 
 Shelburne immediately desired to see me ; he began by 
 relating the substance of what passed at the above two 
 interviews ; and having stated that a reunion was hopeless 
 his lordship said, that he was now brought to opt between 
 a voluntary resignation, or holding out to be beaten in Par- 
 liament, or to strengthen himself by a junction with Lord 
 North's friends: he therefore wished to know my thoughts, 
 as he should be unwilling to decide the part he should take 
 without having my opinion with those of Lord Camden, 
 M r . Townshend, Lord Howe and M r . Pitt. My answer was 
 nearly this, that no one could lament more sincerely the 
 present dilemma than myself, but that under it I had no 
 scruple of avowing that what I dreaded most for the country 
 was an Administration composed of M r . Fox's and Lord 
 North's adherents ; that a junction of Lord Shelburne with 
 Lord North was the circumstance that would next displease 
 me most : for either of these would tend to divide more and 
 more those who had acted together, and I confessed that 
 badly as the Government in the old hands would probably 
 be administered, I had rather see them undertake it, because 
 the Whigs now disunited would probably then get together, 
 and while in opposition, might be instrumental to the country's 
 benefit. This declaration seemed much to displease his lord- 
 ship and I plainly saw that it ran clearly against his wishes ; 
 and thwarted to some degree his plan ; the remainder of our 
 conversation became cold, and he appeared to wish me to 
 be gone. 
 
 1 Thomas Townshend, afterwards Colonial departments under Shelburne. 
 
 Viscount Sydney, who had been Secre- He held the same post in Pitt's Ministry 
 
 tary at War under Rockingham, became till 1789. 
 Secretary of State for the Home and
 
 ch. XIl] THE ADDRESS ON THE PEACE 357 
 
 However, as I was taking my leave, he told me, that he 
 had reason to think, that the friends of Lord North would 
 not be unreasonable ] ; and Lord Shelburne added, and I will 
 ask this question ; on a supposition that none of them were 
 to form a part of the Cabinet, what should you think of such 
 an addition of strength ? To which I replied ' that I must 
 reserve myself to form an opinion until I could see the whole 
 laid before me ; when I should judge what it became me to 
 do : it is possible also, that I might cordially support such 
 a formation, though I might not chuse to bear a part in it : 
 therefore I could not well resolve his lordship's enquiry.' 
 
 I understand that Lord Shelburne spoke that night of this 
 discourse with me, and complained of my closeness. I con- 
 clude that he could only mean in the last declaration : for 
 nothing could be more frank than all the rest. 
 
 A narrative taken from a journal so closely as this I fear 
 will appear tedious ; but it cannot be so deemed with pro- 
 priety, if it lets us often into the ways of thinking, dispositions 
 and manners of men, whose characters we wish to know. 
 I shall therefore with this hope, continue the method with 
 less scruple ; even lamenting that it reaches no farther down 
 than my own resignation : from which date, I have mislaid, or 
 lost some notes beyond that period. 
 
 But to proceed ; the Duke of Rutland ~ accepted the offer 
 that had been made to his Grace of the Lord Steward's staff: 
 the Duke of Marlborough after some consideration having 
 declined it. 
 
 In the evening of the following day, Feb ry . 13 th we met at 
 Lord Shelburne's in order to settle the address on the peace: 
 
 1 Before the application made to came too late. 
 Fox, and again, after the conversation a Charles, fourth Duke of Rutland 
 
 here recorded, some approaches appear (1754-1787', son of the popular Marquis 
 
 to have been made to North through of Granby. He succeeded his grand- 
 
 Dundas (Kitzmaurice, I .if e of Shelburne , father in 1779. He went out of office 
 
 iii. 341, 7,44 ; A/emorials of Fox, ii. 21", with Shelburne, but when Pitt came in 
 
 and again through Kigby Memorials of he became Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, 
 
 Fox, ii. 39). Dundas seems to have and died while holding that office, 
 mismanaged the overtures, and Kigby
 
 358 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1783 
 
 all agreed that no triumphant words could be carried, or 
 ought to be proposed : those which pleased most, were the 
 most moderate, and such were adopted. Lord Howe and 
 Gen 1 . Conway, on asking some previous questions relative to 
 disarming, were desired to lay soon before us their plans for 
 that purpose. Having had in a corner of the room this night 
 some disagreeable discourse with Lord Shelburne regarding 
 Lord Jersey 1 and M r . Woodley, I was uneasy till I could 
 open my mind more fully on these matters to his lordship, as 
 well as on my own situation, I therefore called upon him the 
 next morning before breakfast, told him the concern I felt on 
 his language regarding both my friends ; and I expressed my 
 wish fairly to know from him what I was to say to Lord 
 Jersey, whom of all men, I wished to speak to without 
 reserve ; and who ought not to be led by me into the most 
 distant expectations, unless I saw that they were well 
 grounded. After much discourse not necessary to be noticed 
 on the subject, he said that though he would be tyed down 
 by nothing specific I might say, that on proper openings, his 
 pretensions would be weighed with the additional circum- 
 stance on its being known that I had his interest much at 
 heart. On Lord Shelburne's observing that I must be sensible 
 of the readiness with which he had fulfilled my wishes on 
 every occasion, I could not help starting, and desiring to 
 know what offices or favors I had either asked or received 
 for any of my friends ; and on my declaring that there had 
 been positively none, he took me up quickly saying, do you 
 reckon that which has been done for M r . Stonhewer nothing? 
 I replied, that obliged as I was for settling his business, yet 
 that it was only justice obtained for M r . Stonhewer and no 
 favor granted to him. His lordship contending still that 
 nothing had ever caused him more trouble in bringing about, 
 nor equalled the odium he had undergone on that account. 
 
 In the course of this conversation I repeatedly observed to 
 him, that I conceived when we came into office, and his 
 
 1 See p. 96 note. Lord Jersey was at this time Master of the Buckhounds.
 
 CH. xn] THE COMPOSITION OF THE CABINET 359 
 
 declaration had confirmed me in the belief that it was to be 
 upon the footing of the most perfect confidence and com- 
 munication ; at the Cabinet, and particularly so at all times 
 between him and me ; that we had given assurances to each 
 other, that we would fairly speak out when we imagined it to 
 be otherwise: therefore I did beg to declare to him, that 
 with his lordship or any other minister I would not hold the 
 Privy Seal except on a confidential footing. I shall observe 
 to you that a compensation for two patent places given to 
 M r . Stonhewer by my grandfather as Lord Chamberlain, was 
 the favor said to be granted to M r . Stonhewer. 
 
 On the 15 th many of the peers who take part in the debates 
 together with Lords Pembroke and Rodney the mover and 
 seconder dined with Lord Shelburne in order to consult on 
 the most judicious ground on which the address should be 
 supported : we were then informed, that at a meeting of Lord 
 North's friends a resolution was taken to join with M r . Fox 
 and his party in opposing the terms of the peace. 
 
 The following day it was said, though unknown to, and 
 disbelieved by Lord Camden and myself, that the Duke of 
 Rutland having the Lord Steward's wand, was to have a seat 
 at the Cabinet. 
 
 Under this conception, I went early the next morning, to 
 ascertain the fact, from M r . Secretary Townshend himself; 
 when to my greatest astonishment, I found that the Duke of 
 Rutland was actually of the Cabinet. I started so much on 
 this information, that he said ' Surely it was within etiquette, 
 that a Cabinet might be changed or added to, without the 
 concurrence of the other members of it.' I replied that I 
 could not admit this position ; for I was confident, that it 
 ought to be otherwise : and I was sorry to add moreover, 
 that this measure was decisive of my situation. However as 
 a friend to the Duke of Rutland, I wished to express to him 
 that the bare appearance of any objection to his Grace was 
 the only point that could give me any embarrassment in the 
 business : for that the duke was a man whom I not only 
 valued highly but was one to whom I had some obligations.
 
 360 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1783 
 
 From M r . Townshend's I walked up to Lord Camden's, in 
 order to relate to his lordship, what had passed. We agreed 
 in thinking, that I should immediately go to inform Lord 
 Shelburne of my determination. On finding the last men- 
 tioned lord at home, I began with expressing my surprize at 
 the information which M r . Townshend had just given me : 
 and I complained that such a proceeding little agreed with 
 that confidence which I had been assured, I should find from 
 his lordship when we both embarked in the Ministry ; and 
 which had been repeated on the death of Lord Rockingham. 
 I then plainly declared to Lord Shelburne that no considera- 
 tion should induce me to act so insignificant a part, or submit 
 to be so little considered, under any Administration what- 
 soever. His lordship first wished to excuse himself, by 
 saying, that he had no opportunity to impart to me his 
 intention : but on my reminding him of the particular con- 
 versation I had with him on Friday morning last, his lordship 
 replied, that the king's pleasure had not at that time been 
 taken. Lord Shelburne then said, that as much as he should 
 be sorry to be deprived of any one's assistance, he would 
 deprecate no man (be his consequence what it would) from 
 taking the part, which he thought to be becoming his station : 
 however he added in a milder tone that he did not know 
 whether it was actually done ; that he must write to M r . Pitt, 
 to enquire how the matter stood : and how it was understood 
 by the Duke of Rutland himself; and that he would let me 
 know. 
 
 He observed, that M r . Townshend was new in office ; and 
 happened to say, ' was one of the Cabinet ' ; when he rather 
 ought to have said ' that it was intended that his Grace 
 should be called to it.' 
 
 Lord Shelburne's language so thoroughly convinced me, 
 that he expected to be the sole adviser to the king, of 
 measures of this sort, that I became, if possible more deter- 
 mined to quit my office. With a declaration to this effect 
 I left his house saying also, that as the part I should take 
 was known fully to him, I was ready to resign at such
 
 ch. xn] DEFEAT OF THE MINISTRY 361 
 
 moment as His Majesty should approve. However, on re- 
 viewing in my mind what had passed in this conversation, 
 I was not quite satisfied with the footing on which my 
 decision was left ; I therefore turned back to Lord Shel- 
 burne's fully determined, that whatever was the answer of 
 M r . Pitt, concerning what had been said to the Duke 
 of Rutland, it would not keep me in my situation ; for 
 it was a demonstration that it would be, as abetting 
 Lord Shelburne's views of becoming Prime Minister, which 
 were so apparent : whereas I would never consider his lord- 
 ship but as holding the principal office in the Cabinet *. 
 I told him that on considering again, that the king's pleasure 
 was taken, that it was known to the duke himself, by which 
 the matter was in fact determined, and no longer open to 
 consideration, these circumstances together with the whole 
 tenor of his lordship's discourse determined me to take the 
 earliest opportunity of desiring the king to allow me to 
 retire from my office : but that I should leave His Majesty 
 to decide when it suited best with his affairs. I acquainted 
 Lord Shelburne likewise that I should no longer attend any 
 Cabinet. 
 
 The debate on the preliminaries in the House of Lords 
 lasted till 4 o'clock the next morning, the numbers for our 
 address were 69 ; for the amendment, or rather against our 
 address, $5. That of the Commons was four hours longer : 
 the amendment, a gentle one, was carried by sixteen votes 
 against the Administration. Our debate was a very good 
 one : Lord Chancellor and Lord Shelburne spoke very ably 2 : 
 Lord Loughborough with much eloquence, but with a vehe- 
 
 1 It is difficult to understand the con- the first instance does net appear, 
 stitutional aspect of the Cabinet as con- A Prime Minister in our modern sense 
 
 ceived by the Whigs of 1783. Fox of the term seems hardly to have been 
 
 maintained that the Cabinet was to a recognized necessity until the time of 
 
 choose the Prime Minister. Grafton William Pitt. See Stanhope, Life of 
 
 seems to think that a Prime Minister Pitt, iv. 24. 
 
 might be dispensed with, but that the ,J Walpole, Journals, ii. 584, says, 
 
 Cabinet should be consulted before any 'The Duke of Grafton, though highly 
 
 addition was made to its numbers. dissatisfied with Shelburne, handsomely 
 
 How the Cabinet was to be chosen in defended him.'
 
 362 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1783 
 
 mence of gesture, and a forced manner and affected exertion 
 of voice, such as I have never met with from a British orator. 
 For some days afterwards it was held forth that the parties 
 were only joined to pull down Lord Shelburne on account of 
 personal dislike and distrust. However others saw plainly 
 that his Administration was drawing to an end ; and various 
 were the speculative opinions of the public, on the probable 
 issue of this State anarchy, into which the king and nation 
 had been brought. From this time therefore you may con- 
 sider the Opposition as one compact body ', though they did 
 not yet avow their readiness to coalesce. 
 
 1 The parties of Fox and North were censure on the peace was carried in the 
 
 not yet agreed on anything except that Commons by a majority of seventeen. 
 
 Shelburne should be turned out (Buck- There was some difficulty in inducing 
 
 ingham Papers, i. 158 ; Memorials of the followers of North and the Whigs 
 
 C.J. Fox, ii. 12). Fox and North met to act together, but Eden worked upon 
 
 for the first time on February 14. The the Tories while Burke influenced the 
 
 debate took place on the 17th, when Rockingham Whigs and Fitzpatrick the 
 
 Shelburne had a majority of fourteen in immediate followers of Fox (Memorials 
 
 the Lords, but was beaten by sixteen of Fox, ii. 23). 
 in the Commons. On the 21st a direct
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 
 THE COALITION 
 
 On the 19 th of February I went to the king's dressing, was 
 present at the receiving the address, and though I asked an 
 audience early, it was 4 o'clock before I was admitted into 
 the Closet. I had frankly told Lord Shelburne, on what 
 ground I proposed to lay before the king the cause of my 
 retiring : but on his explaining a part of it away, I agreed to 
 narrow it ; and indeed in stating my complaints to the king, 
 I did not even come up to the line on which his lordship and 
 I had met. 
 
 I informed His Majesty, that on a disagreeable explana- 
 tion with Lord Shelburne. I had found, that the degree of 
 confidence which I had experienced of late from his lordship 
 was all that in future I was to expect : and that the whole 
 tenor of his conduct towards me was much on too high a tone 
 for me to subscribe to. I further said to the king that I 
 came in to serve His Majesty, with every reason to expect 
 fair communication and confidence both from Lord Rocking- 
 ham and Lord Shelburne, and that I need not remark to 
 His Majesty, that a Lord Privy Seal, having no department, 
 and at the head of no profession, could be at the Cabinet 
 with becoming dignity, only with the fair confidence of the 
 principal minister. I then stated that it being evident to 
 me, that the contrary was now the case, and therefore with- 
 out presuming to look how far Lord Shelburne was aiming 
 to break through that system of general Cabinet advice, which 
 had been understood by us all, I humbly begged His 
 Majesty's leave to resign the Seal, which I could no longer 
 retain with honor and comfort. If I had not brought the
 
 364 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1783 
 
 Seal, it was solely owing to my desire of having my retreat 
 appear the most respectful to His Majesty, whose commands 
 I should obey when he should be pleased to deliver it to 
 a successor. 
 
 The king treated me undoubtedly with his usual civility : 
 but I could perceive no sign either of surprize, or of concern. 
 However I thought it right to say that I retired from his 
 service as a man perfectly unconnected : and that on any 
 favors, for which in future, I might have occasion to apply, 
 I should presume to address myself to His Majesty himself, 
 as well as to his minister. However the king made me very 
 easy on the subject of M r . Pennington, of whom he said, using 
 an expression which I do not recollect having ever heard to 
 drop from him before : ' Duke of Grafton, I am ready to say, 
 upon my word and honor, that there can be no Irish peers 
 made, without M r . Pennington's being included among the 
 first.' Accordingly, this gentleman was soon after created 
 Lord Muncaster. 
 
 Previously to my going to S*. James's, Lord Camden called 
 on me, and imparted all that he found himself at liberty to 
 say of a very serious conversation he had that morning with 
 the Earl of Shelburne; who had sent for Lord Camden, as 
 he now and then did, when he found himself in difficulties, 
 and on this occasion, to consult Lord Camden on the part it 
 became the earl to take. The substance of Lord Camden's 
 advice was decisive, and nearly this — that he advised Lord 
 Shelburne to retire, as unfortunately it plainly appeared that 
 the personal dislike was too strong for him to attempt to 
 stem, with any hope of credit to himself, advantage to the 
 king, or benefit to the country; that he had it in his power 
 to retire now with credit, and the approbation of the world ; 
 for, whatever the arts and powers of united parties had ex- 
 pressed by votes in Parliament, &c, still the nation felt them- 
 selves obliged to him, for having put an end to such a war, 
 by a peace which exceeded the expectation of all moderate 
 fair judging men. Lord Camden further said to his lordship, 
 that he might add lustre to his retreat, by prevailing on the
 
 ch. xm] FALL OF SHELBURNE 365 
 
 king to call on the body of the Whigs to form an Adminis- 
 tration as comprehensive as could be. Lord Camden went 
 further by saying, that if Lord Shelburne could not be pre- 
 vailed on to take either of the steps which would give him 
 most credit with the world, and that he was still from 
 engagement or inclination instigated to stand as minister, he 
 had nothing better to advise, than that his lordship should, 
 with manly courage, avow a close junction with Lord North's 
 party, if he could so manage it. This indeed, might enable 
 his lordship to carry on Administration, which a middle 
 way and a partial junction never would effect. Lord Camden 
 added, that he thought the last scheme to be that which 
 ought if possible to be avoided. I observed to Lord Camden 
 that I was clear notwithstanding the advice, that Lord 
 Shelburne preferred it to all the others and that such would 
 be his decision. The object of sending for Lord Camden, 
 I believe, was with the hopes to draw him into his opinion, 
 if he was able, and by no means to take his advice : unless 
 it could be made to coincide with the part he was decided 
 to take ; though he did not perceive that it was now too 
 late for his plan to succeed. Lord Camden fairly acquainted 
 Lord Shelburne, that he could not remain at any rate, that 
 the whole was new modelled, and that he must claim his 
 right of retiring at three months end, which had been stipu- 
 lated at Lord Rockingham's death. Lord Camden urged to 
 him strongly the propriety of his coming to his decision 
 before two days were expired : the other inclined to see the 
 event of as many months. 
 
 At night I had much conversation with General Conway, 
 whose situation, at the head of a great profession, differed so 
 essentially from mine, that I did not hesitate to urge him 
 not to quit it, on account of inattentions which, in my judg- 
 ment, he was not called upon to put on the same footing as 
 those to which I was daily subject. 
 
 I had the satisfaction to find the next day, that my friends, 
 from different quarters, congratulated me on the step I had 
 resolved on, by retiring from a post I held on such a footing ;
 
 366 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1783 
 
 and they assured me, that the world did justice to my 
 motives. 
 
 I was this day informed from the best authority that 
 M r . Pitt was advised to go, from many of the most inde- 
 pendent and respectable members of the House of Commons, 
 to advise, and even press Lord Shelburne to withdraw. His 
 lordship however, was not persuaded to take the advice ; 
 but determined to wait and see the event of the next day's 
 debate. My reflection at the time was, that this ill timed 
 resolution could tend to no other end, than disgrace to 
 himself, though the parties formed against him would find 
 from it a further facility to join : and thus it became the 
 cause of greater difficulty to those, who wished to see a 
 Ministry so formed as would have satisfied the nation. 
 
 On the 2i Bt Lord Camden called on me in the morning, 
 and after much lamentation on the alarming state of public 
 matters, he told me that he was fully determined to quit his 
 office, but that he should take every precaution to make it 
 particularly clear that his resignation should not be inter- 
 woven with Lord Shelburne's retreat : he was anxious that 
 his lordship's conduct on the present occasion should neither 
 guide his in reality, nor in appearance. Lord Camden's 
 decision pleased me much, as I told him : for his character 
 entitled him to take his own part, whenever he thought the 
 ground good, and honorable, without being actuated by the 
 decision of any person whatever. 
 
 On the motion of censure, even on the preliminaries, the 
 Opposition carried the question by seventeen. It was univer- 
 sally agreed that M r . Pitt's speech on this occasion was a 
 most wonderful performance, and justified the high opinion 
 which the world had conceived of his abilities. The few who 
 blamed it, as much too long, acknowledged its excellence in 
 every other light. 
 
 From the best information I could pick up that morning, 
 I was assured that Lord North and M r . Fox had so far 
 agreed, as to desire that the Duke of Portland should be the 
 person to confer with His Majesty, if cither of them was
 
 ch. xm] UNPOPULARITY OF THE COALITION 367 
 
 called on for his advice. It was added that they expected 
 carte blanche. 
 
 It would be difficult to describe the resentment shewn by 
 the independent part of the nation on the expectation of 
 a junction, which brought discredit on the leaders ; nor were 
 those without just reproach, who had been considered as 
 supporters, on principle, of the measures of these differing 
 parties. 
 
 On the 23 rd of February the Duke of Richmond called on 
 me ; in the whole of our discourse on public matters, I do 
 not know that we differed on any : for we had none on his 
 Grace's idea of equal representation \ indeed our wishes 
 for the public benefit coincided more than the prospect of 
 obtaining the object was flattering. 
 
 At night Lord Shelburne summoned those who were in 
 office, and who were brought in since the overthrow of Lord 
 North's Ministry; where he very handsomely thanked them 
 for their support, stating that he desired to bias no longer 
 their future conduct ; that he had taken his own determina- 
 tion ; for he should acquaint His Majesty the following day 
 that he should give up his employment. 
 
 He was accordingly at Court : but what passed between 
 His Majesty and his lordship is merely conjectural. The 
 House of Commons were ready and able to carry any per- 
 sonal vote against him : and appeared only to give him 
 decent time to make his retreat. In a conversation which 
 I had at S*. James's with Lord Gower, I could see no inclina- 
 tion in his lordship to take in this juncture an active part : 
 though his rage against the factions of the day and the dis- 
 graceful leagues which were forming was truly well founded. 
 
 However, a report was strongly current the next day at 
 the House of Commons particularly and indeed generally in 
 
 1 The Duke of Richmond had ex- vanced a Liberal to suit the Rockingham 
 
 pected to succeed Rockingham as leader Whigs. They only sought to curtail 
 
 of the Whig party, and certainly had the power of the Crown, and in this 
 
 stronger claims than the Duke of Port- respect the Chathamite Whigs, Grafton, 
 
 land. But he was a Parliamentary re- Shelburne, and Camden, had more 
 
 former before his time, and was too ad- genuinely popular views.
 
 368 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1783 
 
 the world that His Majesty with the Chancellor, Lord Govver 
 and Lord Stormont were patching up an Administration 1 . 
 I could not believe from what I knew of Lord Gower's good 
 sense that he would in such days risk himself at the Treasury, 
 and I am more certain that nothing should have induced me 
 to take a part in it, and though my name was included in 
 the supposed arrangement I did not hear of it till I was 
 acquainted with it at night by M r . P'ox : my assurance to 
 him that I was ignorant of such a plan made him directly 
 distrust the probability of the whole. I am sorry that I did 
 not inform him that it was my determination to have no 
 share in any Ministry which did not proceed on the desire 
 of once more reuniting the Whigs. I thought that the pre- 
 sent opportunity afforded the means of effecting such a 
 work : and that if it was not made use of for such a purpose, 
 would be a reproach for ever to those who had the means in 
 their power and neglected them. 
 
 General Conway having been for some days confined to his 
 room had heard no more than myself of what was passing, 
 except by report. He told me, that the Duke of Richmond 
 who had just left him was no better informed. We discoursed 
 much on our particular situations ; I entreated him who was 
 at the head of so great a profession to precipitate nothing : 
 that awkward as circumstances were, still his line was very 
 different from mine, that being at the Cabinet as Commander 
 in Chief, he had a distinct situation and that when a forma- 
 tion took place it would then be time enough to consider 
 whether he liked the Cabinet well enough for him to become 
 a part : as he might still with the greatest credit continue 
 his command and attend on the business of the army only. 
 I admitted that this plan could only be adopted on a suppo- 
 sition of the Ministry being so constituted as to have his 
 general approbation, without any material objection to its 
 measures. I said this in consequence of the General's pressing 
 me for an opinion : and he assured me, that he would follow 
 
 1 Such a Ministry was, for a moment, in contemplation {Memorials of C. J. 
 Fox, ii. 42).
 
 CH. Xlll] OVERTURES TO PITT 369 
 
 my advice so far as not to take any step without having first 
 my opinion upon it. 
 
 It was now reported and credited that Mr. Pitt was to 
 become the minister, persuaded to it by the Earl of Shelburne, 
 and as such recommended by his lordship to the king. My 
 reflection at the time was, that so young a man, though 
 endowed with every talent that ever was the share of mortal 
 to possess, could not, with his inexperience, suit that situation. 
 I am sorry for it if it proves true, for his own sake, as well as 
 for that of the country. I could hear nothing on the subject 
 the next morning from any authority ; which strongly induced 
 me to believe, that there was nothing settled : for I thought, 
 that there would have been a desire expressed to know my 
 opinion, at least on the arrangement, had it been at all 
 advanced. However, at night, it appeared, that there had 
 been a strong desire to place M r . Pitt at the Treasury ; for 
 his friends declared that they were empowerd to say, that 
 he had declined the situation, after having been much pressed 
 to accept it. The good judgment of so young a man, who 
 not void of ambition, on this trying occasion, could refuse 
 this splendid offer, adds much to the lustre of the character 
 he had acquired : for it was a temptation sufficient to have 
 over-set the resolution of most men. 
 
 After the failure of this attempt, I was at a loss to guess 
 what scheme would be devised by the Court. The king's 
 unwillingness to have a solid and firm Administration is 
 wonderful : and the narrow policy of St. James's continued 
 still : and perhaps it is the source from whence have flowed 
 those misfortunes and sufferings, which Europe is enduring. 
 Past errors have not to this day awakened them to see the 
 cause of all ; though from the pertinacity of the American 
 War. the whole may be traced. 
 
 The present transaction was however cleared up to me 
 the next morning February 28 th by Lord Camden. I found 
 from his lordship that M r . Pitt did actually alter his decision, 
 from the morning of yesterday. Lord Camden also acquainted 
 me with the language he had held to M r . Pitt and with the 
 
 lib
 
 370 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1783 
 
 most friendly and salutary advice which he had given 
 him. M r . Pitt acknowledged to him that no one else had 
 spoken to him in that open manner, or flung such light on 
 his situation. 
 
 His young friends M r . Pitt said had indeed said every- 
 thing to dissuade him from taking a step so hazardous ; but 
 their inexperience could not open the whole to his eyes in 
 the manner Lord Camden had done : he further owned that 
 the ground on which he was to tread was rotten, and he felt 
 plainly that the Court on which he was to depend for support 
 could withdraw it at a nod. By all this it appeared to me 
 that Lord Camden's fair and judicious advice went as far or 
 farther than any thing besides to cause him to change his 
 resolution. 
 
 M r . Pitt probably was not apprized that Lord Camden 
 and myself might still withdraw, as the Ministry would no 
 longer be reckoned to be the body of the Whigs called up to 
 administer the king's Government. Lord Camden however 
 in this conversation fully cleared up this point to him, namely, 
 giving M r . Pitt no hope even of a temporary delay, in giving 
 up the Presidency of the Council. 
 
 Lord Camden then told me, that having been desired by 
 Lord Shelburne to attend at S*. James's, where His Majesty 
 would ask the opinions of his principal servants on the most 
 proper steps to be taken, he went thither, and was called 
 early into the Closet. His lordship frankly told His Majesty 
 that having been named to take his part in an Administration 
 formed from the body of the Whigs, he acknowledged that he 
 could not resist a prospect, at that moment, so flattering to 
 the country ; but he had now to lament that from various 
 circumstances this pleasing scene was blown away : Lord 
 Camden said, that for his part he thought of retiring and 
 rarely meddling on political points in the House of Lords : 
 he added that he had been born, and educated a Whig, that 
 he never could act with men of different principles, and there- 
 fore, that he could only give such advice to His Majesty as 
 was conformable to his own opinions, and way of thinking :
 
 ch. Xlll] NORTH AND THE KING 371 
 
 namely for His Majesty to place his confidence in those 
 men, who he firmly believed would conduct public affairs 
 most to the king's honor, dignity and happiness; and to the 
 satisfaction of his people. As to himself Lord Camden 
 said, that from his retirement he should always gladly 
 step forth, if His Majesty's just prerogative should at 
 any time be attacked, in like manner as he should if any 
 bad minister was attempting to infringe on the rights of 
 the subject. 
 
 On the I st of March at night it was reported that a sort of 
 message had been sent to Lord North but this was contradicted 
 the day following ; though it was my opinion that it would 
 still end in the Administration falling back into his hands ; 
 that M r . Secretary Townshend and Lord Rawdon 1 were to 
 be raised to the peerage was more confidently asserted. 
 
 On the 3 d of March Lord North was with His Majesty for 
 two hours, in the evening ; and it was understood by the 
 friends of the Cavendishes, Lord Fitzwilliam 2 &c. that Lord 
 North had so firmly laid before the king the necessity of 
 a new Administration having the recommendation to the 
 head of the Treasury, that his lordship came away re infectd 
 though his honorable conduct was much cried up by his old 
 enemies, now become his new allies. 
 
 On the morning of the following day the Lord Chancellor 
 was for a considerable time with the king : probably in con- 
 sequence of this interview Lord North was again sent for in 
 the evening. The morrow therefore, it was imagined, might 
 produce some approaches to a Ministry : though I thought 
 that all hopes of a satisfactory Government for the country 
 were at an end. 
 
 1 Francis, second Earl of Moira, and 2 William, second Earl Fitzwilliam 
 Baron Rawdon in the Irish peerage (1 748-1826), inherited the fortune of 
 (1754-1826), was raised to the Knglish the Marquis of Rockingham in 1782. 
 peerage in 1783, became Lord Hastings He was one of the group of Whigs who 
 on the death of his mother in 1808, joined the Pitt Ministry in 1794. His 
 and Marquis of Hastings in 1813. lie brief and unfortunate tenure of the Lord- 
 was Go Genera] of Bengal and Lieutenancy of Ireland is shortly char- 
 Commander- in-Chief in India from 18 13 acterized in Lord Rosebery's Life of 
 to i8ai. J 'ill, 174-184. 
 
 B b 2
 
 372 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1783 
 
 Late at night was brought to me as Lord Privy Seal, Lord 
 Thurlow's patent for a conditional pension, with a clause 
 expressing His Majesty's promise of the first vacant tellership, 
 given at the time when he became Chancellor. 
 
 The next morning I was credibly informed, that Lord 
 North had waited on His Majesty the day preceding, in 
 consequence of the king's having desired him to take that 
 time to consider the answer he would finally give to the 
 offer which was made to him. Lord North immediately 
 expressed, that it was impossible for him, or any of those, 
 with whom he was now connected, to carry on the king's 
 Government, unless they were allowed to recommend to the 
 Treasury. His lordship then mentioned that the Duke of 
 Portland would be the person to be submitted for His 
 Majesty's approbation. There was no objection in His 
 Majesty's breast to the Duke of Portland in any other 
 situation. The king added, that he declared himself to be 
 ready to appoint any neutral man, who was of no party ; and 
 to prove that even the alliance now formed should not stop 
 that disposition, he was willing to see Lord North himself 
 there again. But on that lord declining every thought of it, 
 the king wished him a good night. 
 
 During this doubtful state of political arrangements, I met 
 with a private injustice done to my friend Mr. Stonhewer, 
 who received a notification of the Treasury decision, that no 
 compensation would be given to him, in lieu of the place of 
 historiographer, which he had held ever since the time of my 
 grandfather, who gave it to him. 
 
 As this decision differed from what I had been allowed to 
 say to M r . Stonhewer, I wrote to Lord Shelburne on the 
 suspicion of some mistake. In answer to mine which was 
 ineffectual, I received a letter, claiming merit, that he had left 
 M r . Stonhewer in possession of two other places, to which 
 I replied that the places being under patent, his lordship had 
 no power over them. 
 
 March 8 th as well as the preceding days, negociations of 
 various kinds were on foot, on the king's part, as well as on
 
 ch. xm] THE KING'S RESISTANCE 373 
 
 that of the new coalition. Lord Gower saw the king very 
 frequently, and I believe, that he was ready to take an active 
 part, if M r . Pitt could have been prevailed on to step forward. 
 In the mean while, the coalition was in daily expectation 
 that the Duke of Portland would be sent for by the king. 
 Without being able to guess even what would be the issue of 
 all these ministerial intrigues, I proposed to Lord Jersey and 
 the Duchess to go down and pass a week together at Wakefield 
 Lodge. While we were there, we received intelligence that 
 the king had consented that the Duke of Portland should be 
 at the head of the Treasury: but in that case, His Majesty 
 expected that Lord Stormont to whom he understood there 
 was no objection, should be one of the Secretaries of State. 
 On the Saturday Lord North returned to the king with the 
 answer of the united parties, who desired to decline the 
 acceptance under this injunction. I know for certain that 
 the Duke of Portland had not then seen the king. 
 
 On the 18 th I returned to London and found matters almost 
 in the same state as when we left it. On this day M r . Coke 1 
 declared that he would make a motion on the Friday following 
 on the state in which public affairs were left. At night, at 
 Brookes's, M r . Fox took me aside with a desire of recapitu- 
 lating what had happened since I left London. He did this 
 rather cursorily, and the only circumstance new, or worth 
 remarking, which appeared to me, was that which gave cause 
 for their objection to Lord Stormont as Secretary of State, 
 exclusive of the consideration of his prior negociation 2 : it was, 
 that he never could have been cordially under the same 
 injunctions, as they all were, relative to the influence of the 
 Crown. M r . Fox acknowledged however, that without the 
 Cabinet, his friends would have had no objection to Lord 
 Stormont's holding either the President's office or that of 
 Privy Seal. M r . Fox's mind otherwise occupied did not allow 
 
 1 Thomas William Coke (1753-1842), way he did much to advance. 
 
 Earl of Leicester, 1806. He was a ' The attempt in conjunction with 
 
 Whig, but a keen upholder oftheagri- Tburlow and Gower t<> ' patch up an 
 
 cultural interest, which in a practical Administration.' supra, p. 368.
 
 374 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1783 
 
 him to see the impropriety of this expression towards Lord 
 Camden and myself, to whom he certainly wished to be 
 attentive and friendly. 
 
 As I was dressing the next morning M r . Fox called on me, 
 acquainting me that the Duke of Portland was sent for that 
 morning for the first time, and was then actually with the 
 king. 
 
 M r . Fox added that after a variety of arrangements and 
 changes of situations Lord North was now inclined to be 
 Secretary himself rather than to have Lord Carlisle * in that 
 post : and himself without an office at Cabinet : and that he 
 M r . Fox concluded that the plan would be offered in this way 
 to His Majesty. 
 
 I could wish, said M r . Fox, if you would allow me the 
 freedom of an old and intimate acquaintance, not under the 
 appearance of minister, to hear your opinion, on what we are 
 doing ; especially as I know that many of our friends think 
 us wrong. I answered him frankly ; ' with you, Charles, 
 I shall not hold myself up, as I might perhaps be justified 
 so to do towards another : but I will tell you plainly and 
 without hesitation, that I am of that number ; and that I 
 do dislike your junction with Lord North and his friends 
 extremely. Yet in the present state of the country, I do not 
 see what better can be now substituted ; as you have un- 
 fortunately put an end to the union of the Whigs, with 
 whom, and for whom alone, I could ever wish to be in office.' 
 He then proceeded to ask me what my friends who were in 
 office might think on the subject. But as he gave me no 
 authority to say any thing to them, I could only answer that 
 
 1 Frederick Howard, fifth Earl of dissatisfaction with the peace. In the 
 Carlisle (1748-1825). He held various coalition Government he was Lord 
 offices in Lord North's Ministry, and Privy Seal. His poems and plays were 
 was Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland 1780- hardly dealt with by his ward, Lord 
 1782. He resigned on being removed Byron, in English Bards and Scotch 
 by Lord Rockingham from the Lord- Reviewers, and not altogether on their 
 Lieutenancy of the Last Riding. He merits. He appears to greater ad van- 
 was Lord Steward in the Ministry of tage as a letter writer. See his letters 
 Lord Shelburne, but resigned from in Selwyn and his Contemporaries.
 
 CH. xin] DIFFICULTIES OF THE COALITION 375 
 
 they were at perfect liberty to speak their own minds ; and 
 by no means to be considered as biassed by mine : indeed if 
 I was to sound them myself, it would be more than probable 
 that they would give no decision, until they saw more of the 
 present formation. In the course of our conversation, it 
 appeared that M r . Fox would gladly have seen Lord Camden 
 retain his office ; and as to mine he had a full right to dispose 
 of it, since he knew well from myself, that I would not form 
 a part of his new system. 
 
 On the 21 st , the day following the Duke of Portland's inter- 
 view, a misunderstanding took place between the leaders of 
 the coalition, which had disunited them for a while, as hastily 
 as it had been brought together. To me M r . Fox wholly 
 acquitted Lord North of any sinister design : and it required 
 all his good temper and weight with them to reconcile the 
 circumstance to his party. For it seems Lord North, un- 
 authorized by them, had offered the Presidency of the Council 
 to Lord Stormont, who accepted it at once. 
 
 On this occurrence, the Duke of Portland desired leave to 
 acquaint the king, that they were no longer able to form such 
 an Administration as they had proposed. 
 
 M r . Fox gave me this account, with the addition of a cir- 
 cumstance, which I never heard, except from him, that his 
 Grace had offered to undertake the formation of a respectable 
 Ministry, without including Lord North. His Majesty 
 answered that an Administration so composed, could not 
 succeed : and the king, M r . Fox observed, could not conceal 
 his joy on the Duke of Portland's declining. 
 
 I told M r . Fox fairly, that I was not sorry that this negocia- 
 tion was at an end, since it appeared to me, that the moment 
 presented itself, by which something better might be formed : 
 and I asked him, whether the Whigs might not now be again 
 re-united : he replied, that he questioned the practicability of 
 the measure ; and said, that he should still endeavor to bring 
 back the others. 
 
 At noon, the next day, however, the parties rejoined ; and 
 Lord Stormont was to be accepted in the situation offered to
 
 376 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1783 
 
 him by Lord North. A list of the Cabinet was immediately 
 laid before the king, who wished now to know further of their 
 measures and plans ; a difficult point for them to enter far 
 upon ; and which, in that stage, could only be stated on 
 general ground. 
 
 On the 22 nd the formation of a new Administration was by 
 many considered to be so much advanced that M r . Coke had 
 dropped his intended motion yesterday: I heard however, 
 from good authority, some circumstances which made me still 
 doubt whether it would be easily settled. 
 
 My brother the next day from S*. James's brought me 
 word, that it was there believed, that the formation of Ministry 
 was entirely at an end. The Duke of Portland, as my brother 
 said, stated to His Majesty, that if he was not fortunate 
 enough to possess so much of his good opinion and confidence 
 as to be allowed to speak of measures, as his minister, it 
 would be of no effect to state them as a private man, he 
 could not think of entering into that situation. 
 
 I have good reason for believing that the king saw M r . Pitt 
 directly afterwards : but nothing transpired relative to what 
 passed. 
 
 At Lord Fitzwilliam's at night, the matter became public 
 by the Duke of Portland relating what had passed at the 
 audience that morning. The company was numerous, and 
 expressed their approbation, that the duke had desired to 
 decline giving a list of the removals, which had been intended. 
 A determination was also taken to support M r . Coke the next 
 day in his motion ; and the acceptance of Lord Stormont 
 into the Cabinet was justified by this assemblage on the plea 
 of necessity. 
 
 During these transactions I kept as much as I could with 
 decency from attendance at Court : for I was so thoroughly 
 disgusted with all that I saw, or heard, that I wished not to 
 come near the scene. I went however to the levee the day 
 following, merely that it should not be said, that I kept 
 purposely out of the way of being consulted on the present 
 alarming dilemma. I stopped there more than an hour
 
 en. xill] CONTINUED NEGOTIATIONS 377 
 
 afterwards, to see whether there was any wish to know my 
 sentiments : but not being called in, I came away fully as 
 well satisfied, as if I had been commanded to deliver them. 
 I talked there much with M r . Pitt. Lord Howe and others ; 
 but I could see no indication to incline me in the least to 
 think, that the former of these gentlemen aimed at this 
 particular moment to take the lead in public affairs. I men- 
 tioned to M r . Pitt that I knew he was acquainted from my 
 son, that the ground, in my opinion, would be infinitely more 
 advantageous for him than it had ever been before, provided 
 he judged it to be firm and clear enough in other respects for 
 him to engage : and I had desired my son to add, that I could 
 acquaint him, that he would now meet with both support and 
 assistance, which could not at a former occasion have been 
 given to him. He was called in, which prevented me from 
 having the opportunity of adding what I did say to others : 
 that an Administration, to be successful and honorable, must 
 stand both clear of M r . Jenkinson's ^ etc. influence and of that 
 of the Earl of Shelburne. 
 
 M r . Coke's motion passed in the House without a division. 
 M r . Pitt declared that there was no Administration formed : 
 but those who said that he knew of none forming went beyond 
 his words. 
 
 At night, among other fabrications of the day, it was 
 reported that I had been with the king in the morning, and 
 was to come to the head of the Treasury. There never could 
 be less ground for a report. 
 
 Tuesday, March 2'/ h . The king having departed into the 
 country the preceding evening, to return on Wednesday, the 
 day offered nothing but conjectures on what might next be 
 produced. Lord Gower and Lord Camden met by accident at 
 my house, but nothing passed beyond ordinary conversation. 
 When I was alone with Lord Camden he seemed to think that 
 
 1 Charles Jenkinson, the first Marl of the councils of the king, and the kind's 
 
 Liverpool 1 7 _• 7 j*oSj. He held various friends, and he figures frequently in the 
 
 subordinate off id s between 1761 and Kolliad. The 'etc.' may be assumed 
 
 the date of his death : he was much in to mean the Court.
 
 378 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1783 
 
 M r . Pitt might actually have it under consideration whether 
 in the present difficult situation of affairs he ought not to 
 stand forward. Lord Camden could see the ground in no 
 better shape than before. I confessed, that I did ; as the 
 embarrassing and unsettled affairs of the country called for 
 the best Government that could be procured, and that it was 
 only at length in the failure of all other attempts, that M r . Pitt 
 might now acquiesce, on being called upon, to do his best for 
 the public service. Lord Camden saw the situation of M r . Pitt, 
 with the eye of an honest but cautious statesman, while I 
 viewed it with that of one too sanguine, I doubt. But the 
 dread of the bad consequences, which I thought would turn 
 out from this confused state of public affairs, overbiassed 
 probably my better judgment. 
 
 Indeed if Lord Camden had seen matters in the light I did, 
 and could have been induced to take an active part in a 
 Ministry to be so formed, I should not have hesitated to have 
 offered my assistance likewise : in case the Cabinet should be 
 composed of men of our principles. I must observe that the 
 dread of the mischief arising from the success of the coalition 
 would have been a principal motive with me. 
 
 On Friday, March 28 th , the king put off his levee but saw 
 M r . Thomas Pitt 1 for some hours ; but nothing transpired to 
 the public. On the afternoon of the next day, Lord North 
 was again sent for. The king pressed him much to undertake 
 the Ministry. He assured His Majesty that it was not in his 
 power ; and begged leave to decline it. I made up my mind, 
 on hearing this, to expect the Duke of Portland with the 
 wretched coalition to be, the next day, the men fixed on who 
 were to govern us. And if this last plan for an Administra- 
 tion should be dropped, the king would be driven to fall on 
 some desperate step. 
 
 The kingr mi^ht have been served on the most honorable 
 ground, if His Majesty would have given them his full con- 
 fidence -. Now it is too late ; and the coalition too strong to 
 
 ' The nephew of Chatham ; created a This sentence is enigmatical. It 
 
 Lord Camelford in 1783, died 1793. cannot refer to the coalition. Probably
 
 CH. xm] THE COALITION ESTABLISHED 379 
 
 allow of any besides themselves. The country is against 
 them, as is the Court : who can then imagine, that it will be 
 of any duration ? 
 
 March 31 st . M r . Pitt, after the levee, resigned the Seal of 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer. On this being known, Lord 
 Surrey deferred his intended motion, as the object of it was 
 now answered by the expectation given, that another arrange- 
 ment would come forward ; which was considered as looking 
 solely towards the coalition. Some few persons, however, 
 thought that if Lord Temple 1 was on his road to town, 
 a negociation might be tried with his lordship, before it went 
 finally to the coalesced party. 
 
 On the day following, Lord North was sent for again by 
 His Majesty so late, that it was not known, when I left 
 Brookes's at 12 o'clock. 
 
 On the 2 nd of April while at breakfast, I received the king's 
 commands to be at S*. James's with the Privy Seal at noon. 
 I was the first who was called into the Closet: after some 
 complimentary expressions, His Majesty said, that it had 
 been his hope, that the Privy Seal would have remained fixed 
 in my hand. On which I assured His Majesty, that in 
 holding, or in quitting this, or any office, I had never been, 
 nor ever should be actuated by any other consideration, than 
 the desire of being of service to His Majesty, and to my 
 country: with a due attention to my own honor and char- 
 acter ; I even added, that when I was last dismissed from 
 this employment, I was driven to oppose an Administration, 
 which, as I had then ventured to mention to His Majesty, 
 were bringing on ruin to their country by pursuing the 
 American War, instead of making peace with colonies which 
 were still ours, and establishing it as they then could for ages 
 
 there is an omission : ' them ' must mean quis (if Buckingham in 17S4. He was 
 
 'the Whig party,' and the Duke has at this time Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, 
 
 failed to express his meaning. Cunningham writes to him : ' If yen had 
 
 1 George, eldest son of George Gren- happened to be here now you would 
 
 ville, the minister who passed the Stamp have the Treasury laid at your feet.' 
 
 Act. He succeeded his uncle, Earl Buckingham, Memoirs of George III, i. 
 
 Temple, in 1799, and was created Mar- 174.
 
 380 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1783 
 
 on the surest ground. I had at that time presumed to state 
 to His Majesty that the attempt of subjugating the colonies, 
 though backed by a great foreign force, was as vain as it after- 
 wards proved : and I would wish to be allowed to prognosti- 
 cate that the present coalition would neither give steadiness 
 to the measures of his Government, nor satisfaction to the 
 nation. 
 
 I said that I honored many of the individuals who composed 
 it, and who were to be his servants ; but their union appeared 
 to me to be so disgraceful to themselves, and so little calculated 
 by the use we see them make of their experience to 
 
 Here abruptly ends the Diary, which I quit with some 
 concern ; as I well know how much more exact it was, and 
 deserving of confidence, than the best of memories can 
 pretend to. 
 
 We here have just seen the various political struggles for 
 power ; which have at length terminated in the Coalition 
 Administration 1 . Though it was formed of men differing 
 much in political principles, yet the preponderance was so 
 great on the side of M r . Fox, that had they been trusted with 
 the king's confidence, I am satisfied that they would soon 
 have shewn themselves to the public, as more deserving their 
 favor. And no person questioned the talents of most of those, 
 who filled the principal offices of Government. 
 
 The Duke of Portland became First Lord of the Treasury, 
 with Lord John Cavendish, the Chancellor of the Exchequer ; 
 Lord North and M r . Fox were appointed Secretaries of State. 
 Lord Keppel returned to the head of the Admiralty, Lord 
 Stormont was declared President of the Council ; and the 
 Earl of Carlisle had the Privy Seal given to him. But the 
 Great Seal was put into commission ; and so remained for 
 some time. 
 
 The principal attention of the House of Commons was 
 called to the corrupt and restless system of government 
 which had prevailed in India for years back, but was now too 
 
 1 The struggle lasted from February when the king resolved to give way. 
 24, when Shelburne resigned, to April 1,
 
 CH. XIll] THE INDIA BILL 381 
 
 alarming to be deferred. Though every one felt the necessity 
 of great and effectual corrections ; yet the means of remedy 
 were differently viewed, and occasioned much contention, 
 even where good intention was to be found. It was asserted 
 by ministers, that the situation of the Company was almost 
 desperate ; and that unless the Bill passed, which had been 
 brought in by the chairman, S r Henry Fletcher, the Company 
 would become bankrupt. This business, with that of the 
 loan, which was not thought to have been made on very 
 advantageous terms by the new Treasury, took up the greatest 
 part of the session ; though it must not be passed over, that 
 the Quakers, in a petition to the House of Commons, laid 
 a foundation for an abolition of the slave trade, which after 
 many fruitless attempts to put an end to the abominable 
 traffic, stands at this moment still among the crying sins of 
 the nation. Besides these, it must not be forgotten that 
 M r . Pitt brought in a Bill for the reform of Parliament, on the 
 specific plan of adding 100 members to the counties, and by 
 abolishing about as many from the Burgage Tenure rights, 
 and the places become insignificant: though warmly supported 
 by M r . Fox the motion was overruled, by 293 to 149. 
 A specific proposition will always struggle to disadvantage. 
 
 The Parliament which had been prorogued about the end 
 of July 1783, was convened for the n 1h of November following. 
 In a week from that time M r . Fox introduced the Bill he had 
 prepared, with a view of correcting the abuses under which 
 the Government of India laboured : and with the intention 
 of furnishing the most effective means to restore to some 
 order the deranged state of the finances of that country, 
 which was now become so considerable a portion of the 
 British Empire. If parts of M r . Fox's plan were harsh and 
 alarming to many from its very boldness, they were likewise 
 so to many, on the apprehension that the Bill granted powers, 
 which hereafter might contend with the influence of the 
 Crown itself. These were the great objections, for few would 
 venture to deny that M r . fox's plan bore the stamp of the 
 great and able statesman who had introduced it: when it was
 
 382 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1783 
 
 allowed by all, that the Government in India required no 
 common measure of correction. But the Bill on another 
 ground will always be remembered, as having in its progress 
 brought on the overthrow of one Administration, of which 
 I have already said so much ; and of the firm establishment 
 of another, whose ill-judged measures had not long after 
 nearly driven us into a war with Russia our natural ally ; and 
 did afterwards actually plunge the nation into a war with 
 France which I shall always execrate as unnecessary 1 , and of 
 which I cannot speak with patience, because I shall ever be 
 convinced that the distresses of Europe "how derive their 
 source from the mistaken counsels of the Ministry which 
 governed England at the time. 
 
 1 Grafton seems always to have felt was no doubt an article of faith with 
 
 a great horror of war : but here he the Whigs and with the Whig historians, 
 
 expresses the policy of the Whig party, who worked their historical materials (to 
 
 which throughout our long struggle with use the words of Sir George Trevelyan) 
 
 revolutionary and imperial France was ' according to the good old Whig pro- 
 
 generally mistaken and not unfrequently cesses.' Mr. Lecky, History of England, 
 
 unpatriotic. That ' it is plain that war vi. 131, and Lord Rosebery, Life of Pitt, 
 
 with France was the deliberate choice 128, have sufficiently exploded these 
 
 of the English Ministry' is stated by fallacies. 
 Lord Russell, Life of Fox, ii. 308, and
 
 CHAPTER XIV 
 
 PITT, PRIME MINISTER 
 
 FARMING, hunting and other country amusements, together 
 with attention to the concerns of a large family, had employed 
 the greatest part of my time since the prorogation, and I 
 received at Euston the letters which I subjoin, as being on 
 public matters. The two first are from my very old and 
 excellent friend M r . Hopkins. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 It is impossible for me to refuse the application made to me, to 
 trouble your Grace with the following. 
 
 M r . Pitt sent to me, desiring he might see me this evening, and 
 accordingly called here. His conversation was upon the business which 
 engrosses all conversation, and upon which I sent you two successive 
 notes '. 
 
 He (M r . Pitt) wished most anxiously and earnestly to know your 
 sentiments ; he did not know how to write himself, but begged me to do 
 so: he said things were drawing to a crisis,— matters would run very near 
 in the House ; and the consequence perhaps would be such, as to make it 
 much desired to have your Grace's assistance and advice in what here- 
 after might follow, as well as upon this Bill. 
 
 His visit was so long, and he pressed me so much to write, that I did 
 not know how to deny ; and yet I am almost afraid you will think me too 
 forward in so doing ; assuring you at the same time, that I have not 
 presumed to give any opinion, and have been merely passive in the 
 business. 
 
 1 This letter is dated the 14th of out on the 17th. The urgent message 
 
 December. The India Bill had been sent in this letter by Pitt to Grafton 
 
 taken Dp to the Lords by Fox on the suggests, what Lord Stanhope denies, 
 
 9th. The interview between the king that Pitt was aware of the scheme of 
 
 and Temple, at which the royal influ- Thurlow and Temple to obtain the use 
 
 ence was engaged against the Bill, took of the king's name for the rejection of 
 
 place on the nth. The JJill was thrown the Bill. Stanhope, Life of Pitt, i. 155.
 
 384 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1783 
 
 It is supposed that there will be a division to-morrow upon a motion for 
 some papers : but that the question upon the 2 rl reading of the Bill will 
 not come on till Wednesday. 
 
 As I shall be uneasy till I hear from you, in giving me a line (though 
 you shall not reply to the particular subject) you will infinitely oblige 
 
 My dear lord, &c. 
 
 R. Hopkins 1 . 
 Bruton Street, 
 
 Sunday — 10 o'clock. Dec r . 14, 1783. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I return your Grace a thousand thanks for the honor of your letter, 
 which reached me about seven o'clock this evening. I communicated 
 the substance of it, as you desired, to the gentleman in question, whom 
 I met with at the House of Lords.- — He seemed and expressed himself 
 much concerned at your wish of retirement. — At the moment, I stumbled 
 upon the son of the peer you speak of in your letter, who knowing (not 
 from me) that you had been wrote to, asked me whether I had heard any 
 thing from you, or to know your sentiments, or something to that effect. 
 1 did not mention any thing to him, but judged (and I hope I have not 
 done amiss) that there could be no harm in repeating to the noble lord 
 the purport of your letter. I need not write what he said ; because I am 
 confident you will hear from him. I prefaced to him, that I had no 
 authority for telling what your Grace had expressed ; but that I took 
 upon me on public considerations to do so. 
 
 The papers will tell you all that passed yesterday : the Prince of Wales 
 divided with Administration in the minority 2 . The three remaining counsel 
 were heard to-day, and by mutual consent, the debate has adjourned till 
 to-morrow : and the House broke up before nine o'clock. The proposition 
 came from Ministry ; so that it is looked upon as letting the thing down 
 easily, and the Bill is regarded as given up. 
 
 A very large assembly is met this evening at M r . Fox's : we shall know 
 the result to-morrow ; when some warm motion is expected in the Commons. 
 Lord Euston, who came to town yesterday, and who meant to set out for 
 your house to-morrow, will stay over the day here, and will carry you an 
 account of what further may be produced. These are strange and serious 
 times. — Though I rejoice that the Bill is thrown out, I am not yet ready to 
 say, that the overthrow of the Ministry at this moment is a desireable event. 
 
 I am told, that his Grace of Bridgewater (who voted against the 
 Administration) complains much of a friend, for having misrepresented 
 to him the Bill while it was pending in our House, and in which his 
 
 1 Hopkins was M.P. for the Duke's ment, on the 15th, when ministers were 
 borough of-Thetford. in a minority of S. 
 
 - This was on a motion for adjourn-
 
 CH. xiv] MINISTRY OF PITT 385 
 
 members voted in support of it. I will trouble you no further, than to 
 
 beg my best respects to the Duchess and to subscribe myself, &c. 
 
 R. Hopkins. 
 Bruton Street, 
 
 Dec T . 16, 1783. 
 
 Two days after I received the following from M r . Fox : — 
 
 S*. James's Place, 
 18 th ZW. 1783. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I lose no time in acquainting you, that we have just received our dis- 
 mission, and that a dissolution will undoubtedly take place immediately. 
 I take it for granted, that you will like to have the earliest information of 
 this event ; and will you permit me, on the score of old friendship, just to 
 suggest to you, that it is worth while to enquire into the means by which 
 our successors have come in ; and the ground on which they stand, before 
 any honest man gives them his countenance. 
 
 I am very sincerely, my dear lord, &c. 
 
 Yours ever, 
 
 C. J. Fox. 
 
 The day following brought me a letter from M r . Pitt in 
 these words : — 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 I lose no time in troubling your Grace with the information, that 
 His Majesty has proceeded to change the Administration, and has been 
 pleased to impose on me the burden of the Treasury. I know not 
 whether I may presume to hope that your Grace can be induced to 
 give the new arrangement the credit and advantage of your assistance, 
 as a Cabinet Minister. If your Grace's mind is not decided against it. 
 and should upon consideration of all the circumstances, be disposed to 
 afford so essential a mark of your countenance and support, I have the 
 king's commands to propose to your Grace the situation of Lord Privy 
 Seal, as imagining that it would be that which would be most agreeable 
 to your Grace. 
 
 I trust, I need not express how truly I feel the value of your Grace's 
 approbation and concurrence on such an occasion. I flatter myself, that 
 your Grace will allow me to request your presence, on those grounds, if 
 you can make it convenient to you ; and if you will have the goodness of 
 indulging me with an opportunity of stating to you more fully the present 
 situation. At all events, I shall be proud to be honored with your ('.race's 
 commands, and happy in any opportunity you will allow me of obeying 
 them to the utmost in my power, in any arrangement that is formed. 
 I have been the more encouraged to trouble your Grace on this occasion 
 from the very flattering expressions of your Grace's sentiments, with 
 
 c c
 
 386 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1783 
 
 which I was honored through M r . Hopkins ; of which I beg to express 
 
 the full sense which I entertain. 
 
 I have the honor to be, &c. 
 
 W. Pitt. 
 Berkly Sq., Friday night, Dec r . 19 th , 1783. 
 
 The letter from Gen 1 . Conway, of which I give you the 
 subsequent copy, came to me on the same day : — 
 
 London, 19 th Dec 7 "., 1783. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 His Majesty having changed his Administration, though I can at 
 present only tell your Grace that he last night at 12 sent for the seals 
 from Lord North and M r . Fox, I think it my duty to give your Grace this 
 early information, as the dissolution of Parliament is looked upon by all 
 as a thing certain. I should have written a little sooner this morning, but 
 that I wished to have been able to speak with absolute certainty on this head. 
 
 In regard to myself, I have only to say, that I have the most sincere 
 sense of your Grace's goodness, in having honored me with so flattering 
 a mark of your friendship, and good opinion, as the choice you have 
 made in recommending me to the borough of Bury, and that I hope you 
 will consider your own convenience and inclination in your future disposal 
 of it : holding myself ready to obey your summons, if you have any 
 commands for me on the present occasion. 
 
 I should not omit to inform your Grace that I am going to beg His 
 Majesty's permission to resign my present post of Commander in Chief, 
 for reasons which I flatter myself you will not disapprove ; and on which 
 I should have been happy to have consulted you, if the time had 
 permitted. I am, my dear lord, &c. 
 
 H. S. Conway. 
 
 To M r . Pitt's letter I returned directly the answer which 
 
 I transcribe : — 
 
 Euston, Dec r . 20 th , 1783. 
 4 o'clock p.m. 
 Sir, 
 
 In duty to His Majesty, and in obedience to your wishes of seeing 
 me in London, I can do no less than set out to-morrow for London, where 
 I hope to arrive early on Monday morning. 
 
 My acceptance of His Majesty's most gracious offer must depend on 
 that stating of the present situation which you are desirous I should have 
 from you. I have the honor, &c. 
 
 Grafton. 
 
 FA IlonW 9 . W™. Pitt. 
 
 1 Grafton brought Conway into Par- and for Bury in 1774 and 1780. Con- 
 liament for Thetford in 1761 and 1768, way retired in 1784.
 
 CH. xiv] INVITATION TO GRAFTON 387 
 
 I arrived in town on the 22 d , where I saw and conversed 
 with many of my friends, on that and the following day, as 
 well as with M r . Pitt, who was extremely zealous that I should 
 take a part in his new formation. But contrary to his 
 wishes, I could see nothing to encourage me to come forward, 
 where even Lord Camden declined to lend his name to the 
 system. On the 24 th I set out to return to Euston, and after 
 seeing M r . Pitt again, at his particular desire, early on that 
 morning, I parted from him in perfect good humour, but 
 without the least profession of support from me. His object 
 in desiring this last visit, was that he might have the hopes of 
 the assistance of my friends in Parliament : to this application 
 I only replied, that they were at perfect liberty to follow such 
 conduct, as their own inclinations pointed to them to be the 
 best. 
 
 As I passed by M r . Hopkins's door from Berkley Square 
 I stopt to acquaint him with what I had just said to M r . Pitt. 
 During the course of the day, M r . Pitt called himself on 
 M r . Hopkins, strongly pressing his point, that he would 
 return to office, which M r . Hopkins declined upon the ground 
 that, being the only one of my friends who came into office, he 
 should not so much shew my disposition to support, as his 
 own eagerness for a lucrative employment ; and that the 
 world would say, that he was disregarding what those did, to 
 whom he was bound by so many repeated obligations. 
 
 M r . Hopkins wrote me word, that if I had desired him to 
 accept, he should have done it ; but, being left to his own 
 choice, he had acted according to his best judgment. 
 
 At Court this day, M r . Fox told the new minister, that he 
 might consent to adjourn till the 8 th of Jan ry . 
 
 In a letter from Gen 1 . Conway, dated on the 4 th of Jan ry . 
 from Park Place, after expressing his desire of subscribing for 
 the relief of the poor at Christmas, he has the words which 
 follow : — 
 
 I concur most sincerely with your Grace in lamenting the miserable 
 condition of our public affairs, and the distracted state of our councils. 
 They have been long tending, I think, to that dangerous state of violence 
 
 C C 2
 
 388 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1784 
 
 and cabal, rendered much more imminently so by the enormous load of 
 our debt, our loss of territory, and many other symptoms of decay. I, at 
 the same time, see the means of redress as very hopeless indeed : par- 
 ticularly from the ambition and impracticability of individuals, who are 
 somehow grown to be necessary parts of systems ; not so much personally 
 so without doubt, as because they are made so by those who suppose 
 them so. Perhaps your Grace, and I might think the country would do 
 as well if all of them, at least, if some were withdrawn ; for in truth when 
 politicians grow to a certain size, there is not room for them all. — Weighed 
 intrinsically, I should be clear of opinion there was : and that the abilities 
 of all are not a bit too much for the exigencies of the hour : but being of 
 such incongruous and incompatible natures, they can unite in no plan ; 
 and that, I doubt, is an evil without a remedy. We do not so much 
 want them, as we want that they should not disturb one another, and 
 suffer some Administration to be permanent. But as none of them, 
 I believe, will, if they can help it, some solid power and support seems 
 necessary, — as we cannot prevent the will, — to prevent the power of 
 disturbing it. And this, I fairly confess to your Grace, has made me, 
 through many strong objections, incline of late to the concurrence with 
 the late Administration, whose formation I could not approve, and not 
 till other combinations had seemed impracticable ; which I doubt have 
 daily grown more so. 
 
 A system of Administration (and one having flaws too in it) forced 
 upon His Majesty, I much dislike; but a system against the bent of the 
 House of Commons, and supported only by the Crown, I take it to be 
 impracticable. I should be happy indeed, if with the aid of your Grace, 
 and such as are more able than myself, I could contribute my mite to 
 soften the asperities of the times, or to promote in the midst of them 
 measures essentially salutary to our poor, almost sinking country : but 
 I thoroughly feel my want of weight and ability for such great things, 
 though I should never be discouraged from the attempt should others 
 more able see the least opening for them. 
 
 You will not be displeased, if I insert another entire letter 
 
 from the same worthy friend. 
 
 London, ig th /a>i rv ., 1784. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I feel desirous to write a few words to your Grace, though it is by no 
 means in my power to do it so clearly, or satisfactorily as I could wish in 
 so interesting a moment as the present : particularly on a point your 
 Grace will naturally be so curious about, as the dissolution of the Parlia- 
 ment. Your Grace will have seen in the publick papers and votes the 
 different steps taken in Parliament to ward off that desperate and 
 dangerous measure : they are thought by many to be such as must be
 
 CH. xiv] LETTERS FROM CONWAY 389 
 
 effectual, from the difficulty of evading, or counteracting them ; as well 
 as from the promise apparently given in His Majesty's answer to our 
 address. But the determined silence, since observed by the ministers 
 on that head, and the refusal of any explanation on the wording it, which 
 left a loop-hole to evade the promise, have introduced a doubt on that 
 question, which some little manoeuvres about boroughs have tended to 
 encrease, and as the language and present appearances at Court seem to 
 speak a resolution in the Ministry to go on, the minds of men remain 
 suspended between the belief of two things unknown before, at least since 
 the Revolution : either of an Administration going on with business, in 
 a time of difficulty, with a decided majority in the House of Commons 
 against them, or the dissolution of a Parliament in the midst of a session, 
 and with much important business depending. In this situation of things, 
 I dare draw no conclusion, and leave it to your Grace's better judgment. 
 The votes past have been strong — the resolution of the Court is so too — 
 and there are, as usual, many recriminations, on the inconvenience and 
 mischiefs likely to ensue. I confess, that I think the line stretched to 
 the utmost on both sides. It was hoped, the strength on the side of 
 Parliament would have been decisive, at least, for some new settlement ; 
 but that seems to lessen ; and the late admission of my friend the Duke 
 of Richmond into the Cabinet, who had before declared against it, 
 certainly appears much otherwise. Lord Shelburne is come to town 
 rather unexpectedly : but I have not heard yet, for what purpose. This 
 is the present state of things, by no means a pleasant one for the public, 
 or for individuals ; especially those who have no ends to serve. The City 
 have addressed, as you will have seen, against the late Ministry ; and 
 to-morrow there is a meeting advertized at a strange out of the way place 
 in London for the same purpose in the county, which will probably be 
 a mobbing business, being, I understand, in the purlieus of S'. Giles. 
 
 Friday is appointed for M r . Pitt's East India Bill, which will probably 
 be the term of decision for future measures. 
 
 I hope your Grace has been so good as to have my little commission 
 executed relative to the charity, and am, my dear lord, with the greatest 
 truth and respect, your Grace's most faithful and 
 
 Obedient servant, 
 
 H. S. Conway. 
 
 I believe that there never was a more upright character 
 than that acknowledged by all to be in Gen 1 . Conway ; nor 
 could even his military ambition, though tempted by the 
 possession of the first post in our army, cause him to swerve 
 from what he might conceive to be the strict line of recti- 
 tude. Neither he, nor Lord Camden, though a much
 
 390 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1784 
 
 respected friend of M r . Pitt, were to become a part of the 
 new formation ; so that I had little temptation to join in it 
 
 myself. 
 
 From the time of M r . Pitt's Ministry commencing, that 
 gentleman was perpetually pressing Lord Camden to accept 
 of the Presidency of the Council, from which Lord Gower 
 would readily remove to the Privy Seal. At length his lord- 
 ship so far yielded, as to say to M r . Pitt, that if I could be 
 prevailed upon to come into the Cabinet, at the same time, 
 it would put an end to the difficulties he had felt on the 
 subject. On this declaration, M r . Pitt set heartily to work : 
 but on his finding perhaps more impediments in his project, 
 in immediately producing the arrangement for two openings, 
 Lord Camden said, that he would assent to coming into 
 office, provided that I would declare to M r . Pitt my readiness 
 to come into the Cabinet, whenever such an office could be 
 opened, which I thought I could execute with credit to 
 myself, and advantage to the public. To this I readily 
 assented, and had in June 1784 my interview in Downing 
 Street with M r . Pitt ; when every thing passed to the expec- 
 tations of us all ; it being particularly stipulated, that Lord 
 Camden might be assured, that no time should be lost, in 
 finding a suitable entry for me into the Cabinet ; and that, on 
 my part, such a one was to be accepted by myself. 
 
 Soon after this business was rightly understood Lord 
 Camden passed over to Ireland, on a visit to his amiable and 
 excellent daughter, at Mount Stewart. From thence I re- 
 ceived a letter from him, dated on the 13 th of August 1784. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 The letter you honored me with, though it bears date the 31 st of July, 
 did not reach me till yesterday, the 12 th of this month, having been, it 
 
 seems, missent to E such is the carelessness of our Post office. Here 
 
 it found me removed from all the scurrilous and frantic sedition of Dublin, 
 which, as far as I can learn, does not extend beyond the limits of that 
 metropolis. For the two subjects that have inflamed that city do not 
 much affect the country at large ; viz., the loss of the protecting duties, 
 and that restraint of the Press, which in truth does not more than check 
 the license of the newspapers, and the circulation of hand bills, by obliging
 
 CH. xiv] CAMDEN IN IRELAND 391 
 
 the printers of both to put their names to the publication l . The first bears 
 hard upon the woollen manufacture, which is principally carried on in 
 Dublin : the other affects only the publishers of newspapers who are the 
 reproach and nuisance of both the kingdoms. This might easily be 
 corrected by the law; the other requires some consideration, and might 
 possibly be so modelled as to satisfy both countries. But there is one 
 question that seems to have taken possession of the whole kingdom, and 
 that is the reform of Parliament, about which they seem very much in 
 earnest. For who does wish so much for that reformation at home, cannot 
 with much consistence refuse it to Ireland : and yet their corrupt Parlia- 
 ment is the only means we have left to preserve the union between the 
 two countries '-. But that argument will not bear the light ; and no means 
 ought, in my opinion, to be adopted, that is too scandalous to be avowed. 
 
 I foresaw when we were compelled to grant independence to Ireland, 
 the mischief of the concession ; and that sooner or later a civil war would 
 be the consequence; a consequence ruinous to England; but fatal to 
 Ireland : for she at all events must be enslaved either to England or 
 France. This people are intoxicated with their good fortune, and wish to 
 quarrel with England to prove their independence. Big with their own 
 importance and proud of their volunteers they are a match, as they 
 imagine, for the whole world. But as Galba describes the Romans 'nee 
 totam servitutem pati possunt, nee totam libertatem.' This misfortune 
 would never have happened, if our Government had not been tyrannical 
 and oppressive. As to the D. of Rutland, who has been so cruelly and 
 publicly insulted in Dublin, the resentment, though expressed against 
 him, is in truth against England ; for he has not been long enough in 
 Ireland, either to be loved or hated, and has done nothing that can 
 personally be imputed to him : and therefore any other person would 
 have been as curtly treated as he has been. So much for Irish politics. 
 The country, Dublin excepted, is very quiet, the reviews have been 
 repeated, and the spirit of volunteering is not so brisk as it was. The 
 gentlemen grow tired of the expense, and if both countries are in good 
 humor with each other, this army would soon moulder away and expire. 
 
 I am, my dear lord, very happy among my children, notwithstanding 
 the cold and wetness of the season. How the weather has been in 
 England, I don't know, but here I have never yet ventured to change my 
 winter cloaths or go abroad without a great coat. We are settled at 
 present in a temporary house, built up in a hurry to hold the family till 
 
 ' For an account of the agitation in 2 ' Corrupt Parliament ' must mean 
 
 Ireland on the subject of protective ' the corruption of Parliament,' and 
 
 duties, see Lccky, Hist, of England, iv. Camden clearly thinks that the corrup- 
 
 353. Foster, the Chancellor of the tion of the Irish Parliament alone made 
 
 Exchequer, carried the Press Law, 23 its independence compatible with the 
 
 & 24 Geo. III. c. 28. union.
 
 392 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1784 
 
 the great house is erected ; it is not half finished, and we live in rubbish 
 and among workmen : so the place is all alive : nor do I dislike this 
 scrambling and shifting ; though we are obliged to breakfast, dine, and 
 sup in the same room. My apartment is a snug cabin upon the shore of 
 a vast arm of the sea, and commanding a very fine and extensive prospect. 
 The seat when finished will be a very noble one, but the plantations tho' 
 large are yet but young. The great defect of this country is want of wood : 
 in other respects it would not yield to England except in climate, being so 
 much farther to the north, as it is both pleasant and fruitful. Here 
 I forget all politics, and would to God I might be permitted to dwell in 
 the same obscurity when I return to England ; but that it seems must 
 not be, and therefore I shall shorten my stay here though unwillingly, 
 and come back by the middle of next month. I shall be very happy to 
 spend a day with your Grace before I get home, but that will depend 
 upon the place where I embark. If I go to Holyhead, Wakefield will be 
 directly in my way. If I come through Scotland it lies too wide of the 
 road. I expect my son here in a few days, who gives me hopes of 
 prevailing upon Lord Euston to be his companion. Farewell ! my dear 
 lord, I am tolerably well, and so is the rest of the family here, who all 
 command me to present their compliments to your Grace. I am, my dear 
 lord, with the highest respect and perfect attachment, 
 
 Your Grace's, &c. 
 August 13 th , 1784, Camden. 
 
 Mount Stewart. 
 
 If your Grace should honor me with a line you will be pleased to direct 
 to me at N. T. Ardes by Port Patrick. 
 
 Lord Camden not long after his return became once more 
 Lord President of the Council, and I was consequently ready- 
 to fulfil my engagements to him and to M r . Pitt : but my 
 accession to a seat at the Cabinet was frustrated as well by 
 objections of my own, to hold the seal of the Home Depart- 
 ment, as from scruples of delicacy, which made me stipulate 
 that nothing should be attempted to place me, where Lord 
 Camden desired I should be, except with the perfect good 
 will of L d . Carmarthen, an honorable nobleman, to whom 
 I had personal obligations, on account of the earnest part he 
 had taken, in my cause, in that curious transaction in the 
 beginning of the winter 1780 in the House of Lords 1 . 
 
 1 In November, 17S0, the Duke of moned to appear in their places, on 
 Grafton and Lord Pomfret were sum- account of a challenge sent by Lord
 
 CH. xiv] GRAFTON AND PITT'S CABINET 393 
 
 At Newmarket I received a letter from Lord Camden 
 acquainting me what was passing concerning the means of 
 gratifying him in the desire he had of having me as his 
 colleague in office. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I will make no apology for not writing sooner, because I am sure 
 your Grace will suppose, as is true, that I had met with nothing worth 
 communicating. M r . Pitt went to Brighthelmstone the day after I passed 
 through London ; and I had no opportunity of seeing him till last night. 
 After the first compliments, I was put in mind of my promise ; and M r . P. 
 told me, he had mentioned to Lord G. his wish that he would consent to 
 exchange his office for the Privy Seal, and believed he should find no 
 difficulty in obtaining that compliance ; that he had not yet found an 
 opportunity of sounding L d . C. as it was not easy for him to make such 
 a proposal as might tempt him to retire from his present situation, but 
 that it was upon his mind and your Grace as well as myself might be 
 assured, the very moment any vacancy in the Cabinet could be procured 
 that your Grace would condescend to accept, it should be done. I told 
 him, that I was not quite satisfied with a general promise, the performance 
 of which might be delayed to an indefinite time : as it was of the last 
 importance to myself, to have a certainty of your Grace's assistance, and 
 that though your Grace had signified to him, that you would be willing to 
 wait, and did by no means press to have an opening made immediately 
 for yourself, I could not be quite at ease, unless I saw a certainty of your 
 Grace's being joined with me in a reasonable space of time. I must do 
 M r . Pitt the justice to say, he expressed as earnest a desire as myself to 
 a close and intimate political conjunction with your Grace, and saw 
 chiefly the great utility of giving the Cabinet so clear a Whig complexion, 
 as our accession would make it. I then proposed to him, to feel L d . C.'s 
 pulse upon the subject, adding, that if his lordship testified a willingness 
 to accommodate himself to this arrangement, that I did believe it would 
 satisfy your Grace, and I should then have no difficulty in taking my 
 part immediately: and I did suppose, that if he represented to his 
 lordship, that upon his compliance, he might have both of us, but other- 
 wise could obtain neither, his lordship might see how very proper it was 
 not to stand in the way of such a proposal. M r . Pitt promised me to 
 take that step the first opportunity. 1 must not forget to inform your 
 Grace, that he said he could with more facility dispose of the other 
 
 Pomfret to the Duke. The House released with censures after a few clays, 
 passed a resolution commending the on his making due expressions of sub- 
 conduct of Grafton, and sent Lord mission and regret {Lords Journals, 
 Pomfret to the Tower, whence he was vol. xxxvi. p. 188).
 
 394 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1784 
 
 Secretary ; to which I answered that your Grace had expressed so strong 
 an aversion to that department, that I did not believe that you could be 
 prevailed upon to accept it K I have now given your Grace the substance 
 of what passed in the fewest words : and so the matter stands at present, 
 waiting till some further progress is made, with which your Grace shall 
 be acquainted, as soon as it happens. ... I am, my dear lord, with the 
 firmest attachment, your Grace's, &c. 
 
 Camden. 
 Sep T . 29*1, 1784, 
 
 Admiralty. 
 
 The latter part of the letter being on private concerns 
 I have omitted it. 
 
 I cannot give you so clear an account of this transaction, 
 as by the letters of Lord Camden, which are indeed the only 
 means I could resort to, myself; where I had any doubt on 
 what had passed. The next letter came to me about a fort- 
 night afterwards, and is here copied : — 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 You may be assured that nothing has happened, since I had the 
 honor of writing to your Grace, worth the trouble of a letter, nor should 
 I now have written, but that I am to set out to-morrow for Wales, where 
 I shall probably be detained a fortnight ; and it is not fit your Grace 
 should remain all that time in ignorance of what is going forward. 
 I have not seen M 1 '. Pitt since my last, owing to my absence from 
 London, and his frequent journies to Brighthelmstone, where he went 
 again yesterday : and there he proposes opening his purposes to Lord C. 
 by letter, as conceiving that a better way than first to break it by 
 a personal conference. He has no doubt that he shall be able to 
 prevail, with tlte entire satisfaction of Lord C, for he understands that 
 neither your Grace nor myself will in any other way consent to his 
 removal : and that M 1 '. Pitt might be perfectly apprized of your Grace's 
 sentiments in that particular, I read that part of your letter to my son, in 
 order to let M r . Pitt know that Lord C.'s free consent and willingness 
 were indispensable to this arrangement. And indeed he is under such 
 obligations to his lordship, that he i9 bound by every tie of honor and 
 gratitude to leave the measure to his option and good pleasure : so that 
 your Grace may be assured there can be no impediment to your Grace's 
 acceptance from that quarter. If that difficulty is removed, I should 
 hardly allow your Grace's plea of disability, or fear to undertake so 
 arduous an employment, to have the weight of an unsurmountable 
 
 1 Lord Carmarthen was Foreign Secretary, and Lord Sydney (T. Townshend) 
 was Home Secretary.
 
 ch. xiv] GRAFTON AND THE CABINET 395 
 
 objection. If that was sufficient in your Grace, who are now in the very 
 vigour of your age and the ripeness of your understanding to warrant 
 a refusal, what can it be said to me, who am in the last stage of life, 
 where both mind and body are in a state of decline, and are every day 
 tending downwards towards total incapacity. In reality, such is my 
 backwardness to embarking" in business, that nothing but the comfort of 
 your Grace's support and co-operation could have prevailed upon me to 
 alter my determined purpose (for so it was till I was over-ruled) for final 
 retirement. And, I am afraid, if I know my own feelings, I should perhaps 
 be pleased at my heart, and almost thank your Grace, if you should, by 
 withdrawing yourself, give me an honest excuse for breaking off. But 
 indeed, my dear lord, there is a great difference between us ; and the 
 disadvantage in the comparison is all on my side. 
 
 It were very much to be wished that the Privy Seal might return to 
 your Grace, and Lord Gower shifted to some great Court office : but his 
 lordship it seems is too fond of the Cabinet to quit that situation : and 
 yet I heard lately, from L d . Sydney, that he was afflicted with a frightful 
 and alarming disorder in his eyes, so as to become incapable of either 
 reading or writing. He described it as a very serious malady. If it 
 should continue, or grow worse, he must, whether he will or no, bid adieu 
 to all business. I am again asked whether your Grace is so absolutely 
 determined against the post of the Home Secretary. I answered, as 
 I did before, it was my opinion you was, though it was said that office 
 was now relieved from the single responsibility of India matters by the 
 establishment of the Board of Controul l . As I have not seen M r . P., all 
 that has passed between us has been conveyed by my son. I hear no 
 news : such is the barrenness of the present times ; and the newspapers 
 themselves are dry, and can hardly find scandal enough to fill the pages* 
 I have read the Dean of St. Asaph's trial, and confess I can see nothing 
 libellous in the paper; and am besides more displeased with Judge 
 Buller's behavior 2 , than I was formerly with Lord Mansfield's conduct. 
 Something ought to be done to settle this dispute : otherwise the controul 
 of the Press will be taken out of the hands of the juries in England, and 
 surrendered up to the judges. I am, my dear lord, &c. 
 
 , ,.• u, o Camden. 
 
 OcC . 13 th , 1784. 
 
 In a subsequent letter of Nov r . i 8t , Lord Camden, speaking 
 of the right he had, after what had passed between us — to 
 call upon me for my assistance, if a fair opening could be 
 made in the Cabinet to receive us both — tells me that he 
 had seen M r . Pitt, who shewed him that this could not at 
 
 1 The Board of Control was established by Pitt's India Bill of 1784, 
 
 2 infra, p. 898.
 
 396 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1784 
 
 present be accomplished : for though Lord Carmarthen has 
 consented in the handsomest terms to accommodate to this 
 arrangement, yet he refuses to accept of any other employ- 
 ment, by which it is evident, that this consent, when stripped, 
 he says, of its courtly cloathing, is no better than a discon- 
 tented refusal ; and cannot be accepted by me, M r . Pitt, or 
 by L d . Camden. To which I perfectly agreed with his lord- 
 ship, as well as in that door being now shut. 
 The letter continues in these words : — 
 
 And now, my dear lord, what part does it become me to take ? I don't 
 ask your advice, because I have taken my part already, and have agreed 
 to come in, but I will state my own difficulties, and the true reason that 
 prevailed upon me at last to accept. I am more averse than ever to 
 plunge again into business in the last stage of my life. I do not like the 
 Cabinet as composed : the times are full of difficulty, and the Court not 
 much inclined to persons of our description. Add to this my own 
 aversion to business, now almost constitutional, from a habit of indolence, 
 and above all, the want of your Grace's support — the only circumstance 
 that made me enter into this engagement — after I had over and over again 
 given a positive denial. These you must allow were weighty considera- 
 tions ; and yet, though I was fairly released by M r . Pitt's failing to make 
 that opening he had engaged to make, and your Grace's postponing your 
 acceptance till the end of the session, yet, when I considered that 
 M r . Pitt would be cruelly disappointed, and perhaps in some sort dis- 
 graced upon my refusal, after he had engaged Lord Gower to exchange 
 his office, and that I was pressed in the strongest manner by all my 
 friends, and more particularly by your Grace, who was pleased to think 
 my coming forward would be useful to the public, and help to establish 
 the Administration, I took a resolution to vanquish my own reluctance, 
 and to sacrifice my own ease to the wishes of other men. But I do by 
 no means relinquish my claim on your Grace : for your co-operation is 
 absolutely necessary to me ; and I shall never be happy in my situation 
 till your Grace makes a part of it. 
 
 I now transcribe what relates to public affairs in another 
 letter from the same noble and Learned lord. 
 
 Nov r . 29, 1784. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 As I have remained in the country ever since I had the honor of 
 
 receiving your Grace's last letter, during all which time I have not seen 
 
 M r . Pitt, nor had any communication with the ministers, I did not think
 
 CH. xiv] CAMDEN JOINS THE CABINET 397 
 
 it necessary to trouble you with an answer till I was certain of my own 
 appointment, which is now to take place on Wednesday. Lord G. for 
 certain reasons, which I don't know, nor think it worth while to enquire, 
 thought it convenient to wait till last week, before he made the exchange 
 for the Privy Seal : and I am now called upon to fill up the vacancy. 
 I go to it with a heavy heart, being separated from your Grace, with 
 whom I had intended to have closed my political life— iterum mersus 
 servilibus undis — at a time of life when I ought to have retired to 
 a monastery ; but as the die is cast I will go to the drudgery, without 
 any more complaining, and do my best. As I have lost all ambition, and 
 am happily not infected with avarice, and as my children are all reasonably 
 provided for, according to their rank and station, I can have no tempta- 
 tion to do wrong, and therefore though in my present situation, where 
 I don't ask the employment, but am solicited to accept it, I might, after 
 the fashion of the world put some price upon myself, I am determined 
 neither to ask nor to accept any favor or emolument whatever for this 
 sacrifice of my own ease. I have employed myself of late in examining 
 with some attention the proceedings of the Court of King's Bench in the 
 libel cause of the Dean of S l . Asaph, thinking it probable it might have 
 been brought by writ of error into our House : but they have taken care 
 to prevent that review, by arresting the judgment, and so the great 
 question between the judge and jury in this important business is to go 
 no further ; tho' it is now strengthened by a solemn decision of the Court 
 which never happened before 1 . 
 
 This determination in my poor opinion strikes directly at the liberty of 
 the Press, and yet is likely to pass sub silentio. The newspapers are 
 modest upon the subject, because M r . Erskine is not to be commended 
 by one party, or Lord M. run down by the other. Thus your Grace sees 
 that public spirit is smothered by party politics. 
 
 The accession of Lord Camden to M r . Pitt's Cabinet made 
 me very friendly to it : and indeed it could not well be other- 
 wise, after the assurance I had given, that I should be ready 
 to take my part whenever a fair opening could be made for 
 me. I continued with the same disposition, until the deter- 
 mination the Ministry had taken up of going to war with 
 
 1 In the 1 'can of St. Asaph's case the the jury on this point. The King's 
 
 jury found a verdict of ' publishing only,' Bench decided against him ; but he was 
 
 in spite of the direction of Buller ]., successful in moving in arrest of judge- 
 
 who tried the case, that the question of ment, for the prosecution could show 
 
 libel, or no libel, was not for them. nothing criminal in the alleged libel 
 
 Erskine moved for a new trial on the (Campbell's Lives of the Chancellors, 
 
 ground that the judge had misdirected vol. vi.414-418. 21 State Trials, S47).
 
 398 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1785 
 
 Russia, had compelled me to differ with the minister on so 
 important a measure, and to give up all thoughts of entering 
 now into his Ministry. 
 
 Soon after Lord Camden was fully re-established in his 
 office, M r . Pitt took up with much earnestness the object of 
 a reform in Parliament. The time suited the attempt ; and 
 the minds of men were more prepared to receive a temperate 
 reform than I am afraid they have ever been since. Every 
 man can see the corruptions, though they endeavour to blind 
 themselves on the consequences of the sooner or later ruin, 
 which they unavoidably will produce. I have ever been 
 a favorer and friend to the measure, and I cannot but 
 be surprized to find so few persons, who are in a consti- 
 tutional light aware of their danger. 
 
 In 1782 it was voted by the House of Commons, that the 
 influence of the Crown was too great, and ought to be 
 diminished. If that position was allowed by all thinking 
 persons to be well founded at the time it was so declared ; 
 the increase of that same influence in the last twenty-five 
 years has become incalculable. It is pleasing on such occa- 
 sions to know the sentiments of eminent men. I shall trans- 
 scribe, therefore, a letter I received from Lord Camden on 
 this subject. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I find myself under a necessity of troubling your Grace at M r . Pitt's 
 request upon a question which I have always thought of the highest 
 importance to the constitution : I mean the reform of Parliament. And 
 if your Grace thinks upon the subject as I do, you will lend your aid and 
 the support of it, by imparting your wishes to such of your friends as are 
 likely to pay attention to your opinion. M r . Pitt is not assured how 
 M r . Hopkins stands inclined to this measure; but is very anxious to 
 obtain his concurrence, unless he is really and conscientiously averse 
 to it. At least he wishes, and would think that he may not unreasonably 
 hope, that he would give his vote for bringing in the Bill. 
 
 When I have said this, I have said all that becomes me to say on this 
 occasion, adding only, that M r . Pitt's character as well as his Administra- 
 tion is in some danger of being shaken, if his motion is defeated by 
 a considerable majority. I do confess myself to be warmly interested in 
 the event upon every consideration : and that perhaps is the best apology
 
 CH. xiv] THE DISPUTE WITH RUSSIA 399 
 
 I can make your Grace, for giving you this trouble, leaving it entirely to 
 your own wisdom to judge how far it would be fitting or agreeable to 
 your Grace to communicate your wishes to M r . Hopkins. I am, &c. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 March 19, 1785, 
 
 Camden Place. 
 
 The general idea of the plan is to purchase out the small boroughs by 
 the consent of the electors, and to add to the present number of the county 
 representations. But this addition only to take place gradually, as the 
 said boroughs are extinguished by a voluntary disfranchisement l . 
 
 Soon after this I got into a bad state of health, and was at 
 one time quite unfit for public business. However I was 
 tolerably well at the time of the armament against Russia, 
 which appeared to me impolitic and big with many pernicious 
 consequences 2 . M r . Pitt hearing from Lord Camden that 
 such were my sentiments, he must perceive that with my 
 opinion I could never wish or even submit to execute the 
 duties attending the office of Secretary. He desired to dis- 
 cuss the situation in which we stood with Russia over fully 
 with me : and for that purpose M r . Pitt would honor me 
 with a visit. He appeared to be very desirous to bring me 
 over to his opinion on this threatened project. We went 
 into the whole matter, with much earnestness ; but we differed 
 entirely, though friendlily, on every point of the measure. 
 I cannot pretend, at this distance of time, to bring to my 
 recollection the different arguments made use of by each of 
 us. I can only say that neither gained any ground in con- 
 vincing his friend, and that I was obliged at parting to say 
 that M r . Pitt must be sensible, that being unfortunately of 
 an opinion so different, I could no longer be expected to take 
 a part in the Administration. 
 
 I must here observe that a few weeks after this, M r . Pitt, 
 unwilling to meet the disapprobation of the nation, who were 
 throughout clamorous against a rupture with Russia, was 
 
 1 Pitt's Reform Bill was introduced affair, see Lecky, iv. 290 et seq. The 
 on April 18, 1785, but was rejected by Ministry was more seriously shaken than 
 248 to 174. Mr. Lecky seems to indicate. Sec Lord 
 
 2 For an account of the Russian Rosebery's Pitt, 106, 108.
 
 400 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1785 
 
 persuaded to abandon the measure entirely. However this 
 change of dispositions towards Russia, though agreeable to 
 my sentiments, did not renew in me the least desire of taking 
 a seat in the Cabinet : and probably was a little wished for 
 by M r . Pitt and most of his friends who now saw Lord 
 Camden easy in his situation, without having me there as 
 a colleague. After this I saw my excellent friend less fre- 
 quently, tho' always with the same affectionate frankness 
 as ever. His health was much declining also, and when he 
 was confined at last quite to his house, he sent through his 
 amiable eldest daughter his desire of seeing me. It was 
 the last time I enjoyed that satisfaction, for I must so call 
 it, as I found him quite placid and resigned : his conversa- 
 tion turned soon to religious subjects, which from the little 
 time I was allowed to remain with him, could be treated but 
 superficially. He enjoyed beyond belief the satisfaction of 
 having seen the rights of juries, on matters of libel, clearly 
 ascertained in his lifetime, and it is to his exertions, seconded 
 by those of M r . Cha 8 . Fox, that we owe that essential de- 
 cision which restored the law of libels to what Lord Camden 
 had always held to be the true law of the land K In one 
 word, his heart was as good as his head ; and there never 
 lived a more worthy man ; and the share of friendship with 
 which he favored me I shall ever consider as one of the 
 proudest circumstances of my life. 
 
 This memoir, which from want of further documents I can 
 now no longer continue with the same precision and satis- 
 faction to myself, will probably be more valued by my 
 relations and friends than by other readers, therefore I feel 
 less scruple when I have introduced genuine letters which 
 though not directly called for, yet serve to ascertain the 
 amiable character of those to whom I have been particularly 
 attached : and when written in the natural and easy stile of 
 Lord Camden's, they will have this effect beyond every 
 other means. I shall only add this apology for making such 
 use of them, that every line appears to me to open the good- 
 
 1 32 Geo. III. c. 60. For Camden's speech see Pari. Hist. xxiv. 1405.
 
 CH. xiv] LETTERS FROM CAMDEN 401 
 
 ness of heart of the writer : and thus close my narrative with 
 the following, to me, most interesting letters. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 After thanking you again for your kindness in shutting your door 
 against me — the cause being more friendly than any hospitable admission 
 at any other time — I must at the same time testify my concern to under- 
 stand that this town is so prejudicial to your health as to disable your 
 Grace from living in it constantly. I have myself the strongest aversion 
 to it, and wish myself released every day from that business that confines 
 me to it ; nor can I long continue a public man. The infirmities of age 
 make it impossible : and yet, so long as I continue to think of politicks 
 (for I shall still think, when I have left off acting) I shall be happy to 
 think I have the honor of holding the same opinion with your Grace 
 upon all public subjects. We differ on the present measure. It is un- 
 fortunate that we are tongue-tied at present, and the Opposition at liberty 
 to suppose any case for us they please. The measure I see is unpopular. 
 We are too poor to risk the possibility of a war : though the intention is 
 to procure a long and advantageous peace. I can say no more upon the 
 subject. 
 
 I hope, however, I may be indulged in seeing your Grace when you 
 
 return to London. In the mean time your Grace will believe me when 
 
 I subscribe myself with perfect attachment, your most obliged and faithful 
 
 servant, 
 
 Camden. 
 
 Ap. 14, 1 791, 
 Hill Street. 
 
 Nov. 15, 1793. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 Your kind attention to an old friend in sending him a parcel of 
 game, gives him an opportunity of thanking your Grace at the same 
 time for your constant and repeated orders to M r . Heath for venison. 
 I do assure your Grace that nothing can be so grateful to me as these 
 remembrances from your Grace, as they remind me of the business we 
 were jointly employed in, and the time we spent together in my better 
 days. I am now with age and sickness so reduced and enfeebled, that, 
 in my own opinion, I shall never recover sufficient strength for active 
 business, or to sit again at the head of the Council Board. That is the 
 worst side of my condition. On the other hand, I am certainly advancing 
 in strength, though by very slow degrees. My head is as clear, and my 
 understanding as good as it ever was; and D r . Warren says that I have 
 not an unsound part about me, so that it is possible that I may spend the 
 few years I have to live comfortably enough. To give your Grace so 
 circumstantial an account of my health would require some apology, if 
 I had not been encouraged to believe your Grace had some interest in it, 
 
 Dd
 
 402 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1793 
 
 by the kind notice you have taken of me. I can't conclude without 
 congratulating your Grace upon the excellent character, I think I may 
 call it Fame, that Lord Euston acquired at Brighton : that by his 
 discipline and personal endeavors he has raised his regiment to a reputa- 
 tion equal to the best of the regulars; that this has not been effected by 
 the rigour of odious severity, but on the contrary he has contrived to win 
 the love of his soldiers, without any faulty indulgence, and commands 
 their obedience, as effectually as if they were over-awed by fear. I say 
 nothing of his private popularity ; your Grace knows his temper and 
 disposition too well to require any information on that head. 
 
 I beg leave to assure your Grace that no part of this description is 
 flattery. What I have said and even more was universally acknowledged 
 by every person upon the spot ; and no one gave a stronger testimony of 
 concurring with the public opinion than His Royal Highness. 
 
 I have the honor, my dear lord duke, to be with real attachment and 
 
 regard, your Grace's most 
 
 Obliged friend and servant, 
 Camden Place. Camden. 
 
 My dear Lord Duke, 
 
 I trouble you for no other purpose but to thank you for your kind 
 letter, and the rather as Bayham told me your Grace wished to know if 
 I had received it. I rejoice to find that your health is so perfectly 
 restored, and I take for granted D r . Halifax is not so frequent a visitor as 
 he used to be. A circumstance in your Grace's letter respecting spectacles, 
 gives me an opportunity of observing that you are not in truth a day older 
 by the use of them, and I would recommend my own success from the 
 early use of them for your Grace's imitation. I took to them the moment 
 I found that I was obliged to move my writing to a greater distance for 
 reading and when I was many years younger than your Grace. The 
 consequence has been that to this very moment I have been able to read 
 by candle light as many hours as I can by daylight, without the least 
 pain or inconvenience ; and my sight though shorter is as strong as when 
 I was 20 years of age. With respect to my own health, I am more 
 restored than I ever expected to be, and if I can combat this winter, 
 perhaps may recover so much strength as to pass the remainder of my 
 days with chearfulness : but I do not believe it possible ever for me to 
 return to business, and I think your Grace will never see me again at the 
 head of the Council Board. It is high time for me to become a private 
 man and retire. But whatever may be my future condition, whether in or 
 out of office I shall remain with the same respect and attachment 
 Your Grace's most faithful friend and servant, 
 
 Dec 1 '. 7 th , 1793, Camden 1 . 
 
 Camden Place. 
 1 Camden died on April 13, 1794, being then in his eighty-second year.
 
 A NOBLE DUKE 
 
 I 1KEN OX THE STEYNE AT BRIGHTON 
 
 To face p. 403
 
 CH. xiv] LETTERS FROM FOX 403 
 
 LETTERS 
 
 C. J. Fox to the Duke of Grafton 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I received yesterday your letter and wish very much for an oppor- 
 tunity of talking over with you the strange state of things. I must go to 
 London the tenth of next month and shall not return to this country till 
 the end of the month, by which time I may possibly be able to tell you 
 something more than I now know of the sentiments of some of my 
 friends. 
 
 I am very glad to hear that you are in health and not sorry that you 
 are out of patience, for I am sure that is the state in which every man 
 who loves the country ought to be. It does not appear by the Gazette 
 whether or not the proposition in the French Declaration of a mixed 
 garrison was adopted by Lord Hood, but the whole of the business, 
 especially Lord Hood's two proclamations, is the most audaciously 
 insulting to this country (after what was repeatedly said in Parliament 
 last Session) that I believe any minister ever ventured 1 . 
 
 Some persons think that the misfortunes in Flanders will induce the 
 minister to think seriously of peace, but I am not of that opinion. The 
 declarations and exertions of men like your Grace will I think have 
 considerable influence upon public opinion, but whether even public 
 opinion itself will be strong enough to control the Closet and Cabinet 
 united, in the present very peculiar state of things is a matter upon which 
 I have some doubt. But I am sure you, no more than myself, are one of 
 those who think doubtfulness with respect to success any excuse for not 
 doing one's duty, and surely it is a most important one to put an end to 
 this most horrible war, and to stem the torrent of Toryism which threatens 
 to overwhelm the constitution. 
 
 I conclude by your letter that you do not come to the first Newmarket 
 Meeting which I am sorry for because I propose to be there for a day or 
 two, and should have possibly an opportunity of some conversation with 
 
 y° u - I am etc. 
 
 Tuetforo, 19 Sepf. [1793?]. C. J. Fox. 
 
 1 On August 27, 1793, the people of cepted the charge of the city on behalf 
 Toulon admitted Lord Hood's fleet, of the French monarchy, were considered 
 and, shortly afterwards, a Spanish by Fox to be a departure from the de- 
 squadron, to protect the town against clared intention of our Government not 
 the Republican forces. The proclama- to meddle with the internal politics of 
 tions of Lord Hood, in which he ac- France. 
 
 D d 2
 
 404 AUGUSTUS HENRY, DUKE OF GRAFTON [1800 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I shall be obliged to you if you would order the venison to be sent 
 for me to Mackay, Oilman, Piccadilly. 
 
 I do not think of going to Norfolk this year till the second week in 
 October when if your Grace is at Euston I will certainly pay my respects 
 to you, or if not in my way back. 
 
 I will certainly get Porson's Orestes as well as his Hecuba, and indeed 
 this is the sort of reading I now take most delight in, politicks are too 
 bad to be thought of with patience, and I confess I see no remedy ; and 
 so, why should one not consider one's own ease, and do nothing ? How- 
 ever if any plan can be struck out that holds out any rational prospect of 
 restoring substance and energy to the constitution of the country, or of 
 saving us from the certain ruin which the continuance of the present 
 expense must bring with it, I shall always be ready to give my assistance. 
 But while what we used to call the exploded principles of tyranny seem 
 acquiring even a sort of popularity, and no countenance is given in 
 any one part of the world to sentiments of moderation, liberty, and 
 justice ; I own I completely despair, and feel myself quite excuseable in 
 giving more attention to Euripides than to either House of Parliament. 
 
 I am very truly, my dear lord, 
 
 Yours ever, 
 
 C. J. Fox. 
 St. Anne's Hill, 
 Friday, 
 {.Aug. 1798]. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I am much obliged to you for your letter and I will write a line to 
 your keeper about the venison. 
 
 I did not think it likely that you should have family papers that could 
 be useful to me, or I should have taken the liberty of applying to you ; 
 indeed if you have any of Lord Arlington's they would probably relate to 
 a period earlier than that I have in hand, though as I touch a good deal 
 upon Charles the Second's reign in my introduction, I should be glad to 
 see them 1 . 
 
 As to the work, very very little progress is made in it, and I make this 
 hot weather an excuse to myself for being lazier every day. I am very far 
 from being so conversant in Mr. Locke's works as you suppose me, but 
 with that particular one which you mention I am very well acquainted, 
 and think of it as you do. However, I will get the new publication of it 
 as well as the Catholick Apology which you mention. When I say that 
 I am not much versed in Locke, you will not I hope, suppose that it is 
 from want of respect to him; but the truth is that of all studies, 
 
 1 Fox was collecting materials for The first Duke of Grafton married the 
 his history of the reign of James II. daughter and heiress of Lord Arlington.
 
 CH. xiv] LETTERS FROM FOX 405 
 
 Metaphysicks have always been the least agreeable to me, and I think 
 they are still less so to me now than when I was young. 
 
 As to politicks the indifference about the expedition appears a deadly 
 symptom, but I think it is a piece with many others. Perhaps it is owing 
 to my strong presupposition that the public in this country is dead to 
 every right feeling, that I interpret everything I see and hear the same 
 way — that is — as a proof of my hypothesis and consequently as a justifi- 
 cation of my conduct in retiring. 
 
 If I go to Norfolk at all this year it will certainly not be till after you 
 are settled at Euston, and I will in that case certainly not fail in paying 
 my respects to you. 
 
 There is a very good wheat harvest here, and a very bad crop of 
 barley. 
 
 Yours ever, 
 
 C. J. Fox. 
 
 St. Anne's Hill, 
 18 Aug., 1800.
 
 INDEX 
 
 Addington, Dr., 170, 301. 
 
 Albemarle, Lord, 4, 16, 44, 45, 49 n, 
 70, 302 n; letters from, 81, 83, 85, 86. 
 
 Alleon, M., 3. 
 
 America, disturbances in, 62, 63; im- 
 position of taxes on, 127, 169, 266; 
 circular letter to, 230 ; grievances in, 
 266 ; commencement of hostilities, 
 269; war, 279; treaty of alliance 
 signed with France, 298 ; provisional 
 treaty signed, 351. 
 
 Amherst, Sir Jeffry, 95, 157, 212, 220. 
 
 Anson, Lord, 7 ; First Lord of the 
 Admiralty, 9. 
 
 Anville, Duchesse d', 19. 
 
 Apsley, Lord, 160 n. 
 
 Argyll, Duke of, 128 n, 162 n. 
 
 Asaph, Dean of St., case of, 397 ». 
 
 Ashburton, Lord, 227 n, 324, 332. 
 
 Aston, Richard, 160, 165. 
 
 Augsburgh, Treaty of, 34. 
 
 Austria, relations with England, 340. 
 
 Baker, Sir \\\, 1S0. 
 
 Banbury, Mr., 35. 
 
 Barre, Colonel, 36, 229, 278, 296; 
 Treasurer of the Navy, 316. 
 
 Barrington, Bishop, 325, 327. 
 
 Barrington, Lord, 167, 180. 
 
 Bath, Marquis of, 48. 
 
 BathtUTBt, Mr. Henry, 160, 165. 
 
 Beaumont, Chevalier d'Eon de, 20 n. 
 
 Beckfoid, Mr. Alderman, 109, no, 119. 
 
 Bedford, Duke of, 5, 18 n, 20, 29, 34, 
 35. 4 8 > 95. '5 1 . 235; assault on, 
 48 m; negotiations with, 102, 106 n, 
 
 in; party, overtures from, 172; 
 
 terms, 173; junction with, 183. 
 Bedford Correspondence, extracts from, 
 
 48 n, 99 n, 102 11, 106 n, 145 n. 
 Belle Isle, 16. 
 Belsham, Thomas, 269 n. 
 Bergen, 343, 344. 
 Berkeley, Norborne, 184 n. 
 Berkshire, Earl of, 24 n. 
 Besborough, Lord, 21, 103, 106 n. 
 Biron, Duke of, 16. 
 Blackburn, Francis, 269;/. 
 Boddington, Mr., 208. 
 Bolingbroke, Lord, 182. 
 Bolton, Duke of, 192. 
 Bonavista, Cape, 34. 
 Borde, M. de la, 258. 
 Boston, riot in, 215 n. 
 Botetourt, Lord, 184; letter from, 185. 
 Bowes, Chancellor of Ireland, 159. 
 Braddock, General, 7. 
 Bradshaw, Mr. Thomas, 167; letters 
 
 from, 176-178, 179-181, 202, 209- 
 
 211, 257, 260, 261-263. 
 Brand, Mr., 182. 
 Breigle, Marquis de, 18. 
 Brentford election, 194. 
 Brest harbour, 304, 306, 328. 
 Bridgwater, Duke of, 5, 285. 
 Bristol, Lord, 102 n, 129, 264; Privy 
 
 Seal, 226. 
 Brocklesby, Dr., 301. 
 Brunswick, Duke Ferdinand of, 38 n. 
 Brunswick, Hereditary Prince of, 59. 
 Bucarelli, Governor of Buenos Ayres, 
 
 254-
 
 408 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Buckingham, Lord, 33. 
 
 Buckingham Papers, extract from, 
 
 355 », 3 62 », 379 «• 
 
 Buenos Ayres, 254. 
 
 Bunker's Hill, battle of, 279 n. 
 Burgoyne, General, his surrender at 
 
 Saratoga, 295, 296. 
 Burke, Mr., 108, 122 n, 296 ; his Reform 
 
 Bill, 313, 317 ; Paymaster, 316. 
 Bury St. Edmunds, 8 n. 
 Bussy, M. de, 12 n, 16. 
 Bussy, George, 76 n. 
 Bute, Lord,6w, n, 23*, 24, 27, 29, 31, 
 
 34, 42, 48, 69 ; Secretary of State, 14 ; 
 
 resignation, 28. 
 Byng, Admiral, 7. 
 Byron, Admiral, 304. 
 
 Cadiz, 321. 
 
 Calcraft, Mr. John, 181. 
 
 Cambridge, studies at, 3. 
 
 Camden, Lord, 9, 27, 68, 97, 102, 106, 
 109, no, 132, 135, 137, 236, 251, 
 278, 288, 296, 307, 319, 320, 324, 
 326, 332, 352, 360, 400 ; letters from, 
 
 93. 94. I 3°, H . JS 8 " 161 - 162-165, 
 199-201, 214, 215-217, 224, 225, 
 227, 240, 265, 279, 280, 288, 290, 
 291, 293,300-302, 308, 309, 334-336, 
 
 337, 39 -39 2 , 393, 394- 39^, 398, 
 401, 402; Chancellor, 93, 156, 183; 
 on Lord Hillsborough's circular letter, 
 231 ; his relations with Lord Chatham, 
 241 n ; Seal demanded, 246; Presi- 
 dent of Council, 316; his advice to 
 Lord Shelbume, 364; to Mr. Pitt, 
 370; decision to resign, 366, 370 ; on 
 Mr. Pitt's taking office, 378 ; accepts 
 the Presidency of the Council, 390 ; 
 death, 402 n. See Pratt. 
 
 Camelford, Lord, 378 n. 
 
 Campbell, Lady Caroline, 128 n. 
 
 Campbell, Lord Frederick, 162. 
 
 Campbell, Lord, extract from his Lives 
 of the Chancellors, 397 n. 
 
 Canada Bills, 60, 170. 
 
 Canso, in Nova Scotia, 34. 
 
 Canterbury, Archbishop of, 268 n. 
 
 Cardigan, Lord, 108 n. 
 
 Carlingford, Lord, 40 n, 49 n. 
 
 Carlisle, Lord, 374 ; Privy Seal, 380. 
 
 Carmarthen, Lord, 392, 394 n, 396. 
 
 Carteret, Lord, 9 n. 
 
 Carthagena, Siege of, 3. 
 
 Cassel, French retreat on, 38. 
 
 Cavendish, Lord George, 21. 
 
 Cavendish, Lord John, 21, 76, 314 n, 
 324, 326 ; letter from, 35 ; resigna- 
 tion, 330 n; Chancellor of the Ex- 
 chequer, 380. 
 
 Cavendish Debates, extract from, 197 n. 
 
 Cenis, Mount, 17. 
 
 Charlestown, 289. 
 
 Chatelet, M. de, 256 ; his interview with 
 the Duke of Grafton, 243. 
 
 Chatham, Lady, 113 n, 133, 136; letters 
 from, 154, 169, 187, 218; interview 
 with the Duke of Grafton, 219. 
 
 Chatham, Lord, letters from, 99, 101, 
 107, 108, no, in, 113, 116, 119, 120, 
 124, 133, T 35, l 3 6 > 221, 223, 224, 
 294; his want of conciliation, 103 ; 
 dismisses Lord Edgecumbe,i03 ; cold- 
 ness to Mr. Conway, 104 ; his fatal 
 journey to Bath, 109; illness, in, 
 124, 133, 136; anger against Mr. 
 Townshend, 122,124; interview with 
 the Duke of Grafton, 137-139 ; Privy 
 Seal, 156, 183 ; reassumes the Seal, 
 185; resignation, 221; recovery, 236 ; 
 treatment of the Duke of Grafton, 
 236, 251 ; opposition to the Ministry, 
 252 ; his stale of health, 278, 288, 
 294 ; stroke, 292 ; his speech on the 
 cessation of war in America, 294 ; 
 powers as an orator, 295 ; motions, 
 296 ; seizure in the House of Lords, 
 300; death, 302. See Pitt. 
 
 Chatham Correspondence, extracts from, 
 6«, I2«, 19 n, 35 «, 57 n, 58 n, 61 n, 
 62 n, 71 n, 74 «, 91 «, 92 n, 98 n, 
 101 «, 103 n, 106 «, 108 n, in n, 
 113 n, 114 n, 122 n, 123 «, 126 n, 
 
 133 n, 134 «> I3 6 *» 15° », I 5 1 », 
 i54«, 169 n, 170 n, 222 n, 223 «, 
 250 n. 
 
 Chatham Ministry, troubles of the, 106. 
 
 Chesterfield Letters, extract from, 74 n.
 
 INDEX 
 
 409 
 
 Choiseul, Due de, 1 2, 16, 168, 203, 204, 
 244 ; letter to Guerchy, 97 n ; design 
 against England, 255 ; banished, 256. 
 
 Chouilly, residence at, 17. 
 
 Clare, Lord, 109 n, 159. 
 
 Clergy, grievances of, 267 ; petition, 
 267. 
 
 Clinton, General, 289 n. 
 
 Coalition, difficulties of, 373, 375. 
 
 Cockburne, Captain, 257, 259. 
 
 Coke, Mr. Thomas William, 373, 376. 
 
 Colebrooke, Sir G., 178. 
 
 Conway, Francis Seymour, 102 n. 
 
 Conway, Captain Hugh, 344. 
 
 Conway, General H. S., 75, 127, 130, 
 
 153, J 7 2 > !9 8 > 2 3°> 2 5°> 3i9> 325, 
 331, 348, 358, 365, 368 ; letters from, 
 38, 70, 72, 86, 87, 386, 387, 388 ; 
 Secretary of State, 55, 93, 156, 183 ; 
 his treatment by Lord Chatham, 104 ; 
 dissatisfaction, 109 ; on the East 
 India Company, 121 ; opposition, 
 137 ; his difficulties, 141 ; two motions, 
 314; Commander-in-Chief, 316. 
 
 Cooke, Mr., 62 n. 
 
 Cooper, Mr., 180. 
 
 Corn, embargo on, 98 ; scarcity of, 
 188. 
 
 Cornaro, on health, 292. 
 
 Corneille, Mdlle., 19. 
 
 Cornwallis, Archbishop, 268, 274. 
 
 Cornwallis, Lord, surrender, 313. 
 
 Corsica, rebellion against Genoa, 203. 
 
 Cosby, Admiral, 206. 
 
 Cosby, Colonel, 3 n. 
 
 Cosby, Elizabeth, 3 n. 
 
 Coterie Club, formation of the, 25. 
 
 Coxheath, camp at, 302. 
 
 Crauford, Mr., 18. 
 
 Crewe, John, 18. 
 
 Cricklade, Bill for disfranchising. 319. 
 
 Crillon, Due de, 345. 
 
 Crown Point, 7. 
 
 Cumberland, Duke of, 5, 38 n, 40, 52 ; 
 oaforming a new Administration, 42 ; 
 interview with the Duke of Grafton, 
 43 ; position in the Rockingham 
 Ministry, 55, 61 n ; death, 61 ; letter 
 from, 78. 
 
 Cumberland and Strathern, Duke of, 
 
 131 n. 
 Cust, Mr. Peregrine, 178. 
 Cyder Bill, 28. 
 
 Dalkeith, Earl of, 12S n. 
 
 Dalkeith, Lady, 105, 128. 
 
 D'Arcon, M., 341. 
 
 Darcy, Robert, 14 n. 
 
 Dartmouth, Lord, 266, 275. 
 
 Darwin, Charles, Naturalist's Voyage 
 
 round the World, 254. 
 Dashwood, Sir Francis, 27. 
 Deane, Silas, 286. 
 Declaratory Act, 60, 68, 216, 266; 
 
 repeal of, 317. 
 De Grey, Mr., 246 ; declines the Great 
 
 Seal, 249. 
 Delacour, Dr., 279. 
 Dennis, Mdme., 19. 
 Despencer, Lord, 27 n. 
 D'Estaing, Count, in command of the 
 
 Toulon fleet, 304. 
 Devonshire, Duke of, 34, 94 n ; his 
 
 Ministry, 7 ; Lord Chamberlain, 9 ; 
 
 resignation, 21 ; letters from, 22, 
 
 37- 
 Dickenson, Mr., 270. 
 
 Dijon, 16. 
 
 Dingley, Mr., 90 n. 
 
 Dominica, island of, establishment of a 
 
 free port, 60. 
 Dowdeswell, Mr. W., 91 n, 122 n, 199 ; 
 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer, 55 n. 
 Drummond, Hon. R. H., 34 n. 
 Dublin, Earl of, 131 n. 
 Dubourg, M., 285. 
 Dudley, Mr., 115. 
 Dunant, Capitaine, his commission to 
 
 Corsica, 205 ; interview with Paoli, 
 
 206. 
 Dundas, Mr., 357 n. 
 Dunk, George, 25 n. 
 Dunkirk fortifications, 60. 
 Dunning, Mr. John, 225, 227, 278, 316; 
 
 resignation, 228; on the influence of 
 
 the Crown, 312. 
 Dymmel, the, battle near, 38. 
 Dyson, Mr. Jeremiah, no, 197, 198.
 
 4io 
 
 INDEX 
 
 East India Company, III, 113; Bill, 
 
 125. 
 Edgecumbe, Lord, his dismissal, 101 n, 
 
 103, 107. 
 Eglinton, Lord, 182. 
 Egmont, Lord, 7 n, 1 30 ; First Lord of 
 
 the Admiralty, 55 ; resignation, 93, 
 
 99, 128. 
 Egmont, Port, 253. 
 Egiemont, Lord, 21, 26; death, 29 n. 
 Elliot, General, 341, 347. 
 Elliott, Sir Gilbert, 179, 341 n ; extract 
 
 from his diary, 48 n. 
 Eon, Madame d', 20. 
 Erlington, 20. 
 Essex, Lord, 182. 
 Estrades, M. d', Memoirs of, 242. 
 Euston, Lord, 8 n, 15 ;;. See Grafton. 
 Euston, 89, 167, 245, 325, 387. 
 
 Falkland Isles, 253. 
 
 Ferney, Chateau de, 19. 
 
 Firmian, Comte de, Governor of Aus- 
 trian Lombardy, 17, 18. 
 
 Fitzherbert, Mr., 351, 352. 
 
 Fitzmaurice, John, 24 n. 
 
 Fitzmaurice, extracts from his Life of 
 Shelbume, 24 n, 31 «, 66 n, 68 n, 
 97 n, 154 7t, 157 n, 177 n, 203 n, 
 205 n, 318 n, 338 n, 339;*, 346 n, 
 
 349 n > 357 «• 
 Fitzroy, Colonel, 43, 49 n. 
 Fitzroy, Lady Arabella, 38 n. 
 Fitz-Roy, Lady Caroline, 2 n. 
 Fitz-Roy, Lady Georgiana, 16. 
 Fitz-Roy, Lady Harriott, 2 n. 
 Fitz-Roy, Lord Augustus, 3. 
 FitzRoy, Lord Charles, 1 7 n, 37 ; letters 
 
 from, 51, 79, 80 ; marriage, 288. 
 Fitzwilliam, Lord, 332, 371. 
 Fletcher, Sir Henry, 381. 
 Flood, Mr. Henry, 158. 
 Florence, stay at, 19. 
 Florida, West, 349, 351. 
 Fontainebleau, 4. 
 Fosse, Mr., extract from his Lives of the 
 
 Judges, 160 n. 
 Fox, Mr. C. J., 27, 295, 296, 308, 324, 
 
 366, 400; letters from, 276, 297, 385, 
 
 403, 404 ; on the treaty of alliance 
 between France and America, 299 ; 
 his censure on the First Lord of the 
 Admiralty, 306 ; Secretary of State, 
 316, 380; retires from office, 318, 
 323; his quarrels with Lord Shel- 
 bume, 319, 330 71 ; on his position at 
 Council, 322; on the recognition of 
 the independence of America, 323 ; 
 resignation, 325 ; negotiations with, 
 355 ; on the Coalition, 373, 374 ; his 
 India Bill, 381. 
 
 Fox, Mr. Henry, 5, 6, 22, 31 n, 181 n ; 
 Secretary of State, 6w; resigna- 
 tion, 7. 
 
 Fox, The Life a7td Times of C. J., ex- 
 tracts from, 9«, 299 n, 307 «, 314 n, 
 317 », 346 n, 357 n, 362 «, 368 n, 
 
 382 71. 
 
 France, negotiations with England, 16; 
 acquisition of Corsica, 203 ; difficulty 
 with England, 242 ; influence over 
 Spain, 255 ; alliance with America, 
 286 ; hostile disposition to England, 
 285, 296 71 ; treaty signed, 298. 
 
 Frances, M., 255. 
 
 Francis, Mr., 211. 
 
 Franklyn, Dr., 318, 332. 
 
 Frezier, on the Falkland Isles, 253. 
 
 Fuentes, Count de, 12 71. 
 
 Fuller, Rose, 77, 179. 
 
 Galatin, M., 19. 
 
 Geneva, 4, 17, 19. 
 
 Genoa, troubles with Corsica, 203. 
 
 George II, 7, 8«, 10 ; his death, 13. 
 
 George III, 23 71 ; accession, 13 ; illness, 
 
 30; dislike of the Grenville Ministry, 
 
 41 ; letters from, 130, 136. 
 George IIL, Letters of, to Lord North, 
 
 extracts from, 264;*, 275 n, 303 «, 
 
 306 71, 307 », 312 n, 313 «• 
 Germaine, Lord G., 275;; ; War Minister, 
 
 287 ; Secretary of State, 311 ; peerage 
 
 conferred, 311. See Sackville. 
 Gibraltar, Streights of, 304; relief of, 
 
 34 x > 344 5 question of ceding, 346, 
 
 349- 
 Gilbert, John, 34 ;z.
 
 INDEX 
 
 4 II 
 
 Gisors, 19 n. 
 
 Gordon, Lord Adam, 1S0. 
 
 Gordon riots, 312. 
 
 Gower, Lord, 5,94,100, 102, 106 n, 128, 
 142, 151, 152, 182, 245, 258,307, 367, 
 373; Lord President, 1S3; on the 
 incompetency of the Ministry, 310. 
 
 Grafton, Duchess of, 15 n, 25 n, 35, 37, 
 
 38, 39> 2 35 »• 
 
 Grafton, Augustus Henry, Duke of, 1 ; 
 death of his father, 3 ; at school and 
 college, 3 ; travels on the continent, 
 4, 16 ; returns to London, 4, 20 ; in 
 Parliament, 8 ; Lord of the Bed- 
 chamber to the Prince of Wales, 1 1 ; 
 resigns the post, 11 ; first marriage, 
 15 «, second, 16 n ; in Italy, 17 ; at 
 Geneva, 19; his speech on the Pre- 
 liminaries, 24 ; on Mr. Grenville's 
 measures, 28 ; on taking office under 
 the Duke of Cumberland, 43 ; declines 
 to be head of the Board of Trade, 44 ; 
 visits Mr. Pitt, 52 ; appointed Secretary 
 of State, 55 ; letter to Mr. Pitt, 57 ; 
 interviews with him, 64, 67, 90 ; repeal 
 of the Stamp Act, 68 ; interview with 
 Lord Rockingham, 69 ; letter to Mr. 
 Conway, 71 ; audiences of the king, 
 74) 2 73» 274, 363, 379 i resignation, 
 74 ; letter to Lord Albemarle, 84 ; at 
 Wimbledon, 89; accepts the Treasury, 
 91,93,183; letters to Lord Chatham, 
 114, 118, 120, 134, 186, 222, 223; 
 interview with him, 137-139; meeting 
 with Lord Gower, 142; letters to 
 Lord Rockingham, 144; to Lord 
 Northington, 146-148 ; notes on the 
 situation, 150-152 ; draft of a paper, 
 150, 175 n ; letters to Lady Chatham, 
 154, 218 ; to Lord Botetourt, 185 ; to 
 Lord Temple on the case of Mr. 
 Wilkes, 191 ; on the rebellion in 
 Corsica, 203 ; instructions to Captain 
 Dunant, 205 ; difficulties with Lord 
 Shelburne, 213 ; interview with Lady 
 Chatham, 219; on the removal of 
 Lord Shelburne, 220; on Lord Hills- 
 borough's circular letter, 230; resolves 
 to resign, 234 ; marriage, 235 ; elected 
 
 Chancellor of Cambridge, 235 ; neglect 
 of Lord Chatham, 236, 238 ; letters 
 to Lord Camden, 238, 333 ; invested 
 with the Order of the Garter, 241 ; on 
 the difficulty with France, 242 ; inter- 
 view with the French Ambassador, 
 243-245 ; on the death of Mr. Yorke, 
 248 ; resignation, 250 ; on the Falkland 
 Isles, 253 ; the office of the First Lord 
 of the Admiralty, 259 ; accepts the 
 Privy Seal, 264, 316; letter to Lord 
 North, 271 ; on the repeal of Acts in 
 America, 274 ; motion on the Pro- 
 hibitory Act, 282 ; rejected, 284 ; 
 interview with Lord Weymouth, 284- 
 287 ; on the treaty of alliance between 
 France and America, 299 ; ministerial 
 overtures, 307; on the riots, 312; 
 quarrels between Lord Shelburne and 
 Fox, 319 ; illness, 320 ; advice to 
 Mr. Fox, 322 ; to Lord Shelburne, 
 324 ; declaration of his principles, 
 327 ; letters to Lord Shelburne, 336, 
 339; on the defence and relief of 
 Gibraltar, 341, 346 ; on the various 
 equivalents proposed, 349, 350 ; inter- 
 views with Lord Shelburne, 354, 356, 
 358; intention to resign, 360, 363; 
 on the coalition, 366 ; his horror of 
 war, 382 ; letter to Mr. Pitt, 386; on 
 joining the Cabinet, 390 ; on a reform 
 in Parliament, 398 ; war with Russia, 
 
 399- 
 Grafton, Charles, Duke of, his death, 10. 
 Granby, Lord, 38, 48, 118, 135, 198, 
 
 2 3°> 357 n > Commander-in-Chief, 93, 
 
 157> 183; resignation, 250. 
 Grantham, Lord, 351, 352; Secretary 
 
 of State, 332. 
 Granville, Lord, 7 n, 34; President of 
 
 the Council, 9. 
 Grasse, Comte de, 321, 340, 345. 
 Gravelines, visit to, 19. 
 Gray, his ' Ode for Music,' 235 n. 
 Green, outrage on, 189;;. 
 Grenville, Elizabeth, 26 n. 
 Grenville, Mr. George, 7, 26 n, 29, 31, 
 
 47", 50, 57, 58, 59, 77, 126, 139 n, 
 
 M3» X § 1 > 379 n \ Chancellor of the
 
 412 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Exchequer, 28; his measures, 29, 30 ; 
 terms to the king, 48. 
 
 Grenville, James, 7, 46, 50, 51, 79, 198. 
 
 Grenville, Richard, 7 n, 28 n, 47 «. 
 
 Grenville, Thomas, 318, 322, 351;/. 
 
 Grenville Correspondence, extracts from, 
 22 n, 25 n, 28«, 30 «, 47 », 48 n, 52 «, 
 53 n, 94 «, 95 «, 99 Wj 100 n, 106 n, 
 I26n, 136/;, 143 n, 192 «, 241 «. 
 
 Grey, William de, 160. 
 
 Grimaldi, Marquis, 12 n, 255. 
 
 Guadeloupe, 347. 
 
 Guerchy, Count de, 20 n. 
 
 Guildford, Lord, 123 n, 167. 
 
 Hackney School, 3. 
 
 Halifax, Lord, 25, 29, 34, 41, 263 «. 
 
 Halle, 38. 
 
 Hardvvicke, Lord, 5«, 6 n, 7 «, 21, 34, 
 
 89 » ; called to the Cabinet, 9. 
 Hardwicke, Life of, extracts from the, 
 
 5», 6», 9 w, 29 «, 90 «. 
 Hardy, Sir Charles, retreat of his fleet, 
 
 310. 
 Harrington, Earl of, 298 n. 
 Hartington, Marquis of, 5. 
 Hastings, Lord, 371 n. 
 Haughton, Mrs., 211. 
 Hawke, Sir Edward, no, 198, 230, 
 
 243, 257 ; First Lord of the Admiralty, 
 
 103, 106 n, 156, 183; resignation, 
 
 261. 
 Hayter, Bishop, 34 n. 
 Heathfield, Baron, 341 n. 
 Henley, Robert, i2». 
 Henry, Prince, choice of a title for, 131. 
 Herouville, Comte and Comtesse d', 19. 
 Hertford, Lord, 38 n, 102, 129, 307, 
 
 344 »■ 
 
 Hewitt, James, 160, 165 ; appointed 
 
 Chancellor of Ireland, 165. 
 Hillsborough, Lord, 247 ; his circular 
 
 letter, 230, 231; Copy No. I, 232; 
 
 No. 2, 233. 
 Hinchcliffe, Bishop, 18, 325, 326, 327, 
 
 329- 
 Hodgson, Lieut. -General, 16. 
 Holdernesse, Lord, resignation, 14. 
 Holland, war declared against, 313. 
 
 Holland, Lord, 31, 48. 
 
 Hood, Captain, 90 n. 
 
 Hood, Lord, 321. 
 
 Hopkins, Lord, 297. 
 
 Hopkins, Mr. Richard, letters from, 56, 
 383, 384- 
 
 Horton, Mrs., 235 n. 
 
 Howe, Lord, 259, 276, 290 «, 304, 305, 
 3 2 7> 330, 354. 358; position of the 
 fleet, 331; relief of Gibraltar, 341, 
 
 345- 
 Hughes, Admiral, 348 n. 
 Hume, Hugh, 252 n. 
 Hunt, Captain, 253. 
 Huntingdon, Lord, 11, 33. 
 Hussey, Mr. Richard, 108 ; on the case 
 
 of Mr. Wilkes, 198. 
 
 Indemnity, Act of, 99, 106. 
 India Bill, 381 ; thrown out, 383 n. 
 Ireland, affairs of, 157. 
 Isola Rossa, 206. 
 
 James, Mr., iS. 
 
 Jenkinson, Mr. Charles, 377. 
 
 Jersey, Lord, 76 n, 89, 297, 358, 373. 
 
 Jocelyn, Chancellor of Ireland, 159. 
 
 Keppel, Admiral, 55, 57, 259; resigna- 
 tion, 106 ; in command of the Channel 
 fleet, 305 ; court martial on, 287, 306. 
 
 Keppel, Lord, 101, 302, 321, 323, 326, 
 33 1 ) 354 5 Eirst Lord of the Ad- 
 miralty, 316, 380; on the navy, 331 ; 
 his plan for the relief of Gibraltar, 
 342 ; of the Baltic fleet, 343 ; resigna- 
 tion, 353. 
 
 Kerry, Earl of, 24 n. 
 
 King, Vice-Admiral, 345. 
 
 Kynaston, Mr., 77. 
 
 Land tax, reduction of, 122. 
 Lansdowne, Marquis of, 24 n. 
 Le Marchant, Sir Denis, 27 n, 184 n. 
 Lecky, History of England, extracts 
 
 from, 161 «, 189 «, 313 n, 382 n, 
 
 391 n, 399 «. 
 Legge, Henry Bilson, 6 n ; Chancellor 
 
 of the Exchequer, 7, 9.
 
 INDEX 
 
 413 
 
 Leghorn, 209. 
 
 Legonier, Lord, 34. 
 
 Lennox, Lady Anne, 4 «. 
 
 Lennox, Lady Sarah, 33. 
 
 Lennox, Lord Charles, 89 n. 
 
 Lennox. Lord George, 89 n. 
 
 Lexington, battle of, 269, 279 n. 
 
 Liancourt, Due de, 310. 
 
 Lichfield, Bishop of, 268 n. 
 
 Liddell, Anne, 15 n. 
 
 Lifford, Lord, 160 n. 
 
 Lisburne, Lord, 108. 
 
 Llandaff, Bishop of, 269 n, 325 ; on a 
 
 provision for the clergy, 347. 
 London, 4, 20, 354; riots in, 188, 
 
 196. 
 London, Bishop of, death, 34. 
 Londonderry, Earl of, 288. 
 
 Long Island, engagement at, 290. 
 
 Lords Journals, extract from, 393 n. 
 
 Loughborough, Lord, 178 n, 361. 
 
 Louis XV, 168, 204. 
 
 Louis XVIII, 2ii n. 
 
 Lowth, Bishop, 269. 
 
 Lucia, St., 352. 
 
 Luttrell, Colonel, 195 ; decision on his 
 election, 229. 
 
 Lynch, Mr., 215 n. 
 
 Lyttleton, Lord, 47, 77. 
 
 Lyttleton, Sir George, 6. 
 
 Lyttleton, Sir Thomas, 47 n. 
 
 Macartney, Sir George, 98 11. 
 Mackenzie, Mr. James Stuart, 48. 
 Magellan, Streights of, 253. 
 Mahan, Captain, extract from his Sea 
 
 Power, 259 n, 321 n, 348 n. 
 Mahon, 349. 
 Maitland, Mr., 202. 
 Malmcsbury Correspondence, extract 
 
 from, 340 n. 
 Malone, Sir Antony, 161, 162. 
 Manchester, Duke of, 277. 
 Manilla ransom, 60. 
 Mansfield, Lord, 34, 99 «, 106, 194 n, 
 
 u/>, 204 n, 252, 267, 282. 
 Marchmont, Lord, 252. 
 Marlborough, Duke of, 5, 95, 106 n, 
 
 173, '82, 357. 
 
 Martin, Mr., 77. 
 
 Martinique, 347. 
 
 Massachusetts, disloyalty of, 215. 
 
 Masserano, Prince, 255. 
 
 Mavvbey, Sir Joseph, 202. 
 
 Maynard, Viscount, 211 n. 
 
 Meredith, 106 n. 
 
 Meynell, Mr. W., 50, 172 ; letter from, 
 
 82. 
 Middlesex election, 189. 
 Middleton, Captain, 39. 
 Middleton, Lord, 190. 
 Milan, visit to, 17. 
 Milbanke, Vice-Admiral, 343, 344. 
 Minorca, loss of, 8. 
 Minto, Earl of, 1 79 n. 
 Mitchell, Sir Andrew, 98 n. 
 Moira, Earl of, 371 n. 
 Monson, Lord, 106 n. 
 Montagu, Duke of, 108 n. 
 Montague, Mr. Frederick, 356. 
 Moore's Diary, extract from, 292 n. 
 Morden, Lord, 248. 
 Moreton, Mr. John, 77, 198. 
 Mounteney, Baron, 158. 
 Muncaster, Lord, 336 n, 364. 
 
 Nantes, 285. 
 
 Naples, visit to, 4. 
 
 Navy, state of the, 257. 
 
 New York, Act on the quartering of 
 
 troops, 126, 168; captured, 290. 
 Newcastle, Duke of, 4, 6, 8 n, 34, 54, 
 
 103, 235, 242; his Ministry, 9; 
 resignation, 15, 21 ; Privy Seal, 55. 
 Newcome, Mr., 3. 
 Newfoundland Fishery, 34. 
 Newton, Dr., 34. 
 Nivernois, Due de, 20. 
 Norfolk, Duke of, 314 n. 
 North Briton, number 45 of the, 25, 
 
 i94«. 
 North-End, 90, 92. 
 North, Lord, 197, 227, 257, 295, 299, 
 
 3°7> 366, 374, 375 ; declines the offer 
 
 of Chancellor of the Exchequer, 122 ; 
 
 letters from, 123, 166, 167, 264, 272 ; 
 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer, 161, 
 
 166, 183 ; meeting on the case of
 
 4H 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Mr. Wilkes, 198 ; prejudice against 
 Mr. Dunning, 228 ; repeal of the port 
 duties, 252 ; his character, 287 ; 
 abilities, 303 ; wish to resign, 306 ; 
 announces his resignation, 314; inter- 
 views with the king, 371, 372, 379; 
 Secretary of State, 380. 
 
 Northington, Lord, 12, 97, 102, 109, 
 no, 116, 132, 135, 137, 139, 145 ; 
 Lord Chancellor, 55 ; President of 
 Council, 93, 156; letters from, 128, 
 149, 170, 175 ; his wish to resign, 172 ; 
 declines the Privy Seal, 227. 
 
 Northumberland, Lord, 42, 46, 49, 
 
 Norton, Sir Fletcher, 316; his illness, 
 
 312. 
 Nova Scotia, 34. 
 Nugent, Mr. Robert, 109, 159 n. 
 Nuthall, Mr., 71 n, 74 », 93, 203. 
 
 Octennial Act, 188. 
 
 Oman, Mr., 211 n. 
 
 Orford, Earl of, 140. 
 
 Ossory, Lord, 102, 172, 235 n. 
 
 Oswald, Mr. Richard, 318. 
 
 Palliser, Admiral Sir Hugh, 287 n, 305; 
 court martial on, 306. 
 
 Palmer, Charles Fyshe, 339. 
 
 Paoli, General, 203, 204 ; interview 
 with Captain Dunant, 206 ; letter 
 from, 207 ; retires to England, 209. 
 
 Paris, 4, 16, 19. 
 
 Parker, Sir Peter, 289. 
 
 Parliament opened, 63, 246 ; adjourned, 
 63, 202 ; prorogued, 89, 140, 203, 
 229, 346, 381 ; meeting of, 256, 290, 
 310, 351 ; convened, 381 ; petitions 
 demanding dissolution of, 229, 238. 
 
 Pari. Hist., extracts from, 26 n, 68 n, 
 126 n, 136 n, 138 n, 179 ;;, 196 «, 
 252 n, 282;;, 294 n, 296 n, 299 n, 
 326 n, 400 n. 
 
 Parsons, Nancy, 2 1 1 n. 
 
 Pelham, Mr. Henry, his death, 4, 5 n. 
 
 Pembroke, Lord, 359. 
 
 Penn, Mr., his petition from Congress, 
 270, 282. 
 
 Pennington, Mr. John, 336 ; created 
 Lord Muncaster, 364. 
 
 Pennington, Sir Joseph, 336 n. 
 
 Peterborough, Bishop of, 268. 
 
 Petersham, Lord, 298. 
 
 Petty, Henry, 24 n. 
 
 Piccuolomeni, Cardinal, 18. 
 
 Pierre, St., 34. 
 
 Pigot, Admiral, 259, 305, 345. 
 
 Pinet, M., 285. 
 
 Pitt, Miss, 33. 
 
 Pitt, Mr. William, 5, 6, 34, 35, 41, 44, 
 5°> 55? 77 > Secretary of State, 7 ; 
 resignation, S, 15, 16 n, 21; returns 
 to office, 9; political wisdom, 12; 
 his speech on the Preliminaries, 24 ; 
 on the ' privilege ' of Parliament, 26 : 
 overtures as to taking office, 29 ; as to 
 forming an Administration, 45 ; his 
 policy, 46 ; refusals, 47, 53 ; con- 
 ferences with the king, 49 ; receives 
 the Duke of Grafton, 52, 67 ; letters 
 from, 53, 58, 59, 61, 64, 66, 95 ; ne- 
 gotiations with, 62, 64; message from 
 the king, 66 ; opposes the Declaratory 
 Pill, 68 ; his legacy, 75 ; plans for 
 forming a Ministry, 90 ; peremptory 
 method, 91 n ; his character, 91 ; 
 Privy Seal, 93 ; his scheme of a treaty 
 of alliance, 97 ; created Earl of 
 Chatham, 97. See Lord Chatham. 
 
 Pitt, Mr. William, the Younger, 317, 
 355, 3 66 > 373, 37 6 , 37® ; resigns the 
 Seal of Chancellor of the Exchequer, 
 379 ; letter from, 385 ; his Bill for 
 the reform of Parliament, 381, 398; 
 rejected, 399 n; on war with Russia, 
 
 399- 
 Pomfret, Lord, 392 n. 
 
 Ponsonby, William, 21 n. 
 
 Pontarlier, 16. 
 
 Portland, Duke of, 80, 324, 366, 372, 
 373- 374. 375, 376; resignation, 106 n, 
 107, 329/2, 332 ; Lord-Lieutenant of 
 Ireland, 316 ; First Lord of the 
 Treasury, 380. 
 
 Porto Rico, 346. 
 
 Povvnal, Governor, 179 «. 
 
 'Poynings' Law,' 317.
 
 INDEX 
 
 415 
 
 Poyntz, Stephen. 89 n. 
 
 Pratt, Lord Chief Justice, 9,46; on the 
 case of Mr. Wilkes, 26 ; peerage con- 
 ferred, $$. See Camden. 
 
 Preliminaries of Peace of Paris, 20, 23 ; 
 debate on, 24. 
 
 Price, Mr. Charles, 112. 
 
 Prohibitory Bill, 275, 280;/. 
 
 Prussia, Frederic of, 15, 23, 98 n. 
 
 Pynsent, Sir William, 75 n. 
 
 Quesne, Marquis Du, 16. 
 
 Rainsford, Major, 25. 
 
 Ravensworth, Lady, 20. 
 
 Ravensworth, Lord, 15 n, 20, 301. 
 
 Rawdon, Lord, 371. 
 
 Rayneval, Cerard de, 285, 346, 348, 
 
 352- 
 Reform Bill, 313, 317. 
 Regency Bill, 31, 32, 76. 
 Rhode Island, 304 n. 
 Richmond, Duke of, 4 n, 5, 89, 104, 
 
 227, 307, 3i9> 3 2 4- 34 2 > 3 6 7, 368; 
 on the recognition of the independence 
 of America, 300 ; resignation, 353. 
 
 Rigby, Mr. Richard, 35, 75, 102, 106 n, 
 107, 182, 198, 258, 274. 
 
 Robinson, Sir Thomas, 6, 332 n ; Secre- 
 tary of State, 5 11. 
 
 Rochambeau, M., 310. 
 
 Rocheguin, Due de la, 19. 
 
 Rochford, Lord, 263 ; British Ambas- 
 sador at Paris, 204 ; Secretary of State, 
 226. 
 
 Rockingham, Lord, 36, 41, 63, 64, 73, 
 95. io 4. J 39> 251, 252, 296, 307, 
 308, 310, 321 ; letters from, 32, 76, 
 144, 145, 275; First Lord of the 
 Treasury, 54, 316 ; interview with 
 Mr. Pitt, 67; with the Duke of 
 Grafton, 69 ; negotiations with, 143; 
 audience of the king, 150; death, 
 
 3' x , 323- 
 Rockingham Memoirs, extracts from, 
 
 15 n, 20 n, 21 n, 40 n, 42 «, 44 w, 
 54 n, 61 n, 63 n, 68 n, 69 w, 73;/, 
 78 «, 89 w, 95 n, 1 45 w, 197 n, 241 n, 
 259 «, 277 n, 290 n. 
 
 Rodney, Lord, 359. 
 
 Rodney, Sir George, his victory off 
 
 Dominica, 320. 
 Rome, 18. 
 Rosebery, Lord, extract from his Life 
 
 of Pitt, 347 n, 371 n, 382 n, 399 «. 
 Ross, Sir Lockhart, 321. 
 Rosslyn, Earl of, 178 n. 
 Rous, Mr., 115. 
 Rous, Sir John, 3i4«. 
 Russia, commercial treaty with, 60 ; 
 
 relations with, 340 ; war with, 399. 
 Russia, Empress of, 321. 
 Rutland, Duke of, 93 n, 102, 357, 
 
 359- 
 
 Sackville, Lord G., 35, 66, 67, 73, 
 275 n. See Germaine. 
 
 Salisbury, 325. 
 
 Sandwich, Lord, 5, 29, 182, 259 ; ap- 
 pointed First Lord of the Admiralty, 
 260 ; unpopularity, 287. 
 
 Saratoga, 295, 296. 
 
 Sardinia, Charles Emmanuel III, King 
 of, 17. 
 
 Sargent, Mr., 302. 
 
 Saunders, Sir Charles, 55, 57 ; First 
 Lord of the Admiralty, 93, 101, 103 ; 
 resignation, 106. 
 
 Saville, Sir George, 311. 
 
 Savoy, Duke of, 17- 
 
 Scarborough, Lord, 106 n. 
 
 Schaller, 346. 
 
 Scudamore, 43. 
 
 Selwyn, George, 33. 
 
 Sevvell, Sir Thomas, 160. 
 
 Seymour, Lord Hugh, 344 n. 
 
 Shelburne, Lord, 24, 36,68, 110, 123 n, 
 
 135, L38, 153, '54». I7°> 277, 278, 
 296, 297, 301, 307, 308, 332, 340, 
 349> 354» 367 ; Secretary of State, 93, 
 156, 183, 316 ; differences of opinion 
 with the Duke of Grafton, 213; 
 resignation, 213 n; his quarrels with 
 Fox, 319, 320, 330 n ; jealousy, 323 ; 
 at the head of the Treasury, 324; 
 letter from, 338 ; his overtures for 
 peace, 345 ; on the cession of Gib-
 
 416 
 
 INDEX 
 
 raltar, 346, 347, 349 ; interview with 
 
 the Duke of Grafton, 356 ; his speech 
 
 on the preliminaries, 361 ; advice 
 
 from Lord Camden, 364. 
 Shelley, Sir John, 103. 
 Sherlock, Thomas, 34 n. 
 Shipley, Bishop, 329. 
 Smith, Lieut., 242. 
 Smithson, Sir Hugh, 42 «. 
 Smyth, Mr. John, 16 n. 
 Solidad, Port, 253. 
 Somerset, Duke of, 26 n, 42 n. 
 Southampton, Lord, 17 »• 
 Spain, 12 ; claim to the Falkland Isles, 
 
 253 ; insult to England, 254. 
 Speaker, illness of the, 312. 
 Spencer, Lady, 89. 
 Spencer, Lord, 89, 109. 
 Spencer, Lord Charles, 182. 
 Stamp Act, repeal of the, 60, 68, 
 
 266. 
 Stanhope, Lieutenant, 206. 
 Stanhope, Life of Pitt, 361 n, 383 n. 
 Stanley, Mr., 98. 
 Stanley, Mr. Hans, 16. 
 State Trials, extract from, 27 n. 
 Stephens, Mr., 343. 
 
 Stewart, Lady Frances, marriage, 288 n. 
 Stewart, Mr., 288. 
 Stewart, Mr. John, 204 «. 
 Stev art, Mount, 390. 
 Stonhewer, Mr., 3, 145, 238, 358 ; his 
 
 note on the negotiations with Mr. 
 
 Pitt, 64; injustice to, 372. 
 Stormont, Lord, 28^ 298, 299, 368, 
 
 373 ; President of 2 Council, 375, 
 
 380. 
 Strafford, Earl of, 32 n. 
 Strange, Lord, 197;*. 
 Strutt, Mr., 301. 
 Sudbrook, death of Mr. Charles Towns- 
 
 hend at, 170. 
 Suffolk, Lord, 24, 263 n, 294 n, 295, 
 
 297. 
 Suffrein, 348. 
 
 Sullivan, General, 304 n, 305. 
 Surrey, Earl of, 314, 379. 
 Switzerland, 4. 
 Sydney, Lord, 62, 356 n, 394 n. 
 
 Talbot, Lord, 34. 
 
 Tankerville, Lord, 215 n. 
 
 Tavistock, Lord, 18, 99 n, 102. 
 
 Taxation, Bill for the Declaration of 
 the Right of, 68. 
 
 Temple, Christian, 47 n. 
 
 Temple, Esther, 47 n. 
 
 Temple, Lord, 30, 32, 34, 41, 45, 46, 
 47> 49, 5 1 , 64, 65, 66, 91 n, 93 n, 95, 
 143, 151, 379; First Lord of the 
 Admiralty, 7; resignation, 8, 15, 21 ; 
 Privy Seal, 9; letter from, 191. 
 
 Temple, Sir Richard, 47 n. 
 
 Thomas, Bishop, 34. 
 
 Thurlow, Lord, 198, 228 n, 342 ; Chan- 
 cellor, 316. 
 
 Thynne, Mr. Thomas, 48 n, 182. 
 
 Tisdale, Mr., 162. 
 
 Townshend, Charles, 30 n, 31, 36, 47, 
 65, 91 n, 95, 121, 138; Paymaster, 
 47 n ; Chancellor of the Exchequer, 
 92, 156; letters from, 96, 103; his 
 view of Lord Chatham, 105; insta- 
 bility, 109, 110, 122; on taxing 
 America, 126; his ambitious views, 
 128; conduct, 137 ; death, 153, 161 n, 
 166, 170. 
 
 Townshend, Colonel Harry, 39. 
 
 Townshend, Lord, 153 n ; appointed 
 Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, 157. 
 
 Townshend, Mr., 176, 198. 
 
 Townshend, Mr. T., 62, 64, 356, 359, 
 
 3 6 °, 37 1 - 
 Trinidad, 350, 352. 
 Turin, 17, 19, 215. 
 
 Upper Ossory. Earl of, 16 n. 
 Ushant, battle off, 287 n. 
 Utrecht, Treaty of, 34. 
 
 Vergennes, M. de, 285, 332, 340, 345. 
 
 Vernon, Mr., 182. 
 
 Villiers, Lord, 89, 190; letters from, 75, 
 
 76, 78, 81. 
 Voltaire, 19 ; extract from his Histoire 
 
 universelle, 11. 
 
 Waldegrave, extracts from his Memoirs, 
 4 n, 5 n, 6n, ion, 11 n.
 
 INDEX 
 
 417 
 
 Wales, Prince of, n. 
 
 Wales, Princess of, 31 n, 77. 
 
 Walpole, Mr. Horace, 3 w, 105, 140; 
 letter from, 141. 
 
 Walpole, Hon. Thomas, 61, 299 n. 
 
 Walpole's George III, reference to, 73 n. 
 Walpole Letters, extracts from, 4«, 
 
 8 n, 12 «, 15 n, 25 n, 48 n. 
 Walpole Memoirs, extracts from, 5;/, 
 6 n, 24 ;/, 27 n, 47 n, 50 », 54 «, 57 «, 
 75 «, 91 «, 93 «, 96?/, 105 n, won, 
 121 71, 126M, 136 u, 137 «, 139 M, 
 143 «, 144 «, 145 n, l-fbii, 184 «, 
 189 «, 212 n, 248/;, 250a?, 298 n, 
 361 «. 
 
 Walsingham, Lord, 160 n. 
 
 Ward, John, 200. 
 
 Warkworth, Lord, 42 n. 
 
 Washington, General, 2S3 ; Marshal of 
 France, 314. 
 
 Watson, Bishop, 325. 
 
 Watson, Dr., 24S. 
 
 Watson, Riehard, 269 n. 
 
 Wedderburn, Mr. Alexander, 178. 
 
 Wentworth, Charles Watson, 32 n. 
 
 Westmoreland, Lord, 33. 
 
 Weymouth, Lord, 5, 48, 106, 172, 182, 
 194 n, 243, 245, 254, 264, 299, 307; 
 letter from, 173; Secretary of State, 
 183, 275 n ; interview with the Duke 
 of Grafton, 284-287. 
 
 Wilberforce, 336 n. 
 
 Wildman's Club, 25 n. 
 Wilkes, Mr. John, 189, 317; imprisoned 
 in the Tower, 25, 190 ; letters from, 
 190, 192; his position, 194; offers 
 himself for election, 194 ; expulsion, 
 195 ; surrenders, 201 ; decision on his 
 election, 229. 
 
 Willes, Edward, 160 «. 
 
 Willes, Sir John, 160 n. 
 
 Williams, Mrs., extracts from her Nar- 
 rative of Events in France, 2 1 1 «. 
 
 Wilmot, Sir John Eardley, 246 ; de- 
 clines the Great Seal, 249. 
 
 Wimbledon, 89. 
 
 Winchelsea, Lord, President of the 
 Council, 55. 
 
 Wollaston, Mr., 268. 
 
 Woodford, 167. 
 
 Woodley, Mr., 358. 
 
 Worsley, Mr., 178. 
 
 Wrottesley, Elizabeth, marriage, 235. 
 
 Wrottesley, Lady Mary, 235. 
 
 Wrottesley, Sir Richard, 16 », 235. 
 
 Wycombe, Lord, 24 n. 
 
 Wyndham, Sir William, 26 n. 
 
 York, Archbishop of, 34, 296. 
 
 Yorke, Mr. Charles, 9, 36, 46, 89 «, 96, 
 245, 246 ; declines the offer of the 
 Great Seal, 247 ; accepts the office, 
 248 ; death, 248. 
 
 Young, Rev. John, letter from, 33. 
 
 ■ < 
 
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