'«»W^ ^'O^,^ NTA LITARJY iMjnninr ;; '^■RIA'^OflSj MlLlTAIxLV M I S T O RY iiiii ifHniirjirt] ithiillllllT' .'IIHMItiMi! a/j^ ^;'*' BATTLE OF NEW .MAUKET From the Mural Faintimg at the Institute by B. Wkst Clinedinst THE MILITARY HISTORY OF THE Virginia Military Institute FROM 1839 TO 1865 WITH APPENDIX, MAPS, AND ILLUSTRATIONS BY JENNINGS C. WISE, Formerly Commandant of Cadets, Virginia Military Institute, Colonel Engineers, Virginia Volunteers. 'There are some defeats more triumphant than victories." — Bacon. "There are those that triumph in a losing cause." — Lowell. LYNCHBURG, VA. J. p. BELL COMPANY, INC. 1915 Copyright, 1915 J. P. BELL CO., Inc. ^30 DEDICATED TO THE MEMORY OF THE NINETEEN CADETS OF THE VIRGINIA MILITARY INSTITUTE WHO FELL IN ACTION, OR DIED IN THE MILITARY SERVICE OF THE CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA, DURING THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES "To God, whichever way the battle rolls, We, fighting to the end, commend our souls." CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. The Genesis of the Virginia Military Institute 24 II. Founding of the Second American School of Arms 36 III. "The West Point of the South" and Major Gil- ham 45 IV. The Coming of Jackson 63 V. In Time of Peace Prepare for War — Gilham and Jackson 76 VI. Chair of Strategy Created — The Execution of John Brown 99 VII. Military Preparation 114 VIII. "Draw the Sword and Throw Away the Scab- bard" 126 IX. Union Sentiment — Mobilization- — The Corps of Cadets Enters the Service of the Confeder- acy — Camp Lee — "First Blood of the War". . 134 X. Jackson at Harper's Ferry and Manassas 158 XI. Cadets at Manassas — In Memoriam 165 XII. The West Point of the Confederacy 171 XIII. Winter of 1862 — Battle of McDowell 184 XIV. Back to Work Again — Chancellorsville — "The Virginia Military Institute Will Be Heard From To-Day" — The Burial of Jackson 211 6 Contents CHAPTER PAGE XV. The Summer of 1863 — Averell's First Raid — A New Session and New Arms 233 XVI. Gettysburg and the V. M. I. in Pickett's Charge — Latimer, "The Boy Major" 244 XVII. The Fall and Winter of 1863 — Averell's Second Raid — A Near Battle 252 XVIII. Averell's Third Raid — Cadets Called Out Again — A Week of Severe Field Service 264 XIX. From the Sublime to the Ridiculous 276 XX. Breckinridge Orders Out the Corps — The March Down the Valley 284 XXI. The Battle of New Market, May 15, 1864 303 XXII. The Charge of the Cadets 315 XXIII. Victory and Laurels — Richmond Again and Back to Lexington 333 XXIV. Hunter's Raid — Destruction of the Institute — In the Trenches at Lynchburg — Furloughed 352 XXV. Institute Reopened in Richmond — On the Lines — The New Almshouse — In the Trenches Again 381 XXVI. 1865 — In the Trenches Again — "Sauve Qui Peut" 406 Appendix 421 ILLUSTRATIONS FACING PAGE Battle of New Market Frontispiece The Arsenal in 1839 32 Colonel Claude Crozet 64 Colonel John Thomas Lewis Preston 96 Major-General Francis Henney Smith 128 Brigadier-General Thomas Hoomes Williamson 160 Major-General William H. Richardson 192 Colonel William Gilham 224 War Map 210 Major Thomas Jonathan Jackson 256 Virginia Military Institute 1853-1865 288 Major-General Raleigh E. Colston 320 Brigadier-General Scott Shipp 352 Major-General Robert Edward Rodes 384 A War-Time Cadet Officer 400 Barracks After Hunter's Raid 416 PREFACE Lexington, Va., April 1, 1914. The preparation of this strictly military history of the Virginia Military Institute has indeed been a work of love, and the author hopes the story may possess for others the absorbing interest it held for him. This history may rightly be styled tradition sifted out and reduced to fact, for it has been written from the official registers, Superintendent's reports, proceedings of the Board of Visitors, "Rebellion Records," original field orders and correspondence, and other contempora- neous records, and little has been accepted save upon such authority, and nothing which has not passed the critical eye of Brigadier-General Scott Shipp, Superin- tendent-Emeritus, who has been closely connected with the Institute since September, 1856, and who has seen every class graduate except fifteen. The "History of the Virginia Military Institute" by General Francis H. Smith, recently published, is so brief and incomplete that, while it afforded a valuable outline, it did not even hint at many interesting and valuable facts. It was but a preliminary draft to a more complete work which, unfortunately. General Smith did not live long enough to prepare. With General Smith's history as an outline and Gen- eral Shipp's guiding hand upon the author's pen, re- sults were possible which might not otherwise have been accomplished. But then there were two others who con- tributed much of what is valuable in the work. Their names need only be mentioned in order to apprise the reader of the extent of their influence upon whatever of accuracy the narrative may possess. Captain B. A. Colonna, Cadet Captain of Company "D" in the Bat- tle of New Market, and who served as a cadet in the Corps, from July, 1860, until the destruction of the In- stitute, possesses a fund of information unexcelled by that of any living member of the War Corps. This he placed at the disposal of the author. Colonel Joseph R. 10 The Military History of Anderson, Official Historiographer of the Institute, personally checked every date and figure and made many corrections and suggestions without which the work would have been most defective. The author is imable to adequately express his feeling of in- debtedness to them both. In addition to his work of revising the manuscript. Colonel Anderson contributed much to the work in the form of statistical appendices and other matter. In the preparation of this work the author's thoughts continually dwelt upon Schamyl, Scandeberg, Ver- cingetorix, Kosciusczko, — and Lee, — the great heroes of defeat, rather than upon the lustful Hannibals of history. "Courage and conscience devoted to a great cause are the elements of heroism. Judged by conventional standards, it may be fallible, but it is always entitled to respect. The fame of the victor is secure, but at times the halo around the brow of the champion who bites the dust ere he reaches his goal shines with transcendent luster. To portray the heroic deeds and stature of such is, of course, the purpose of the author of this volume." These words are borrowed from an eminent scholar, and upon the cover of this book is stamped the picture of Mercie's statue Gloria Victis, — Victory gathering to her arms an heroic youth — which statue stands before the Hotel de Ville of Paris. A distinguished officer of the United States Army, one who was formerly Commandant of Cadets of the United States Military Academy, recently addressed the Corps of Cadets at the Institute. He stated that the reason military schools generally failed to attain to the high standards of West Point is because they pattern after the superficial things of the Academy, losing sight of the moral factors and the traditions as the elements upon which its greatness is based. He was right. We can not borrow the souls of others, along with their mode of living and style of dress. But if past service, past glory, and noble traditions be ele- The Virginia Military Institute 11 ments of lasting strength, then the future of the Vir- ginia Mihtary Institute seems assured and no borrow- ing is necessary. Yes. There is something deeper than external evi- dences. It is the soul that must be garbed and drilled, and disciplined, and taught to follow the colors ; to obey and to expunge from itself the false and the impure things of life. Riichel said the soul of the Prussian army was its officers. That the spirit of the corps of officers bespeaks the spirit of the whole army is claimed by Von der Goltz to be but a repetition of what is universally observed in political life: "So long," says he, "as the educated, the leading classes maintain their efficiency, the people also will be stout and capable." It was this idea upon which JNIajor Howze dwelt when he pointed out that the pri- mary reason of the greatness of West Point was that the soul and, therefore, the spirit of the cadet officer there was high and pure. West Point is older by nearly two score years than the Institute, but even the great American School of Arms is no richer in tradition than the V. M. I., whose soul is chastened like that of West Point by the know- ledge of all those who have ventured forth upon the field of duty from its sally-ports. Here, the most thoughtless cadet, as he paces back and forth upon his post in the still hours of the night, peoples our sacred precincts with spectres from the corps of yesterday, and silently, reverently, renders each a salute while passing. Youth is inherently careless and not prone to senti- mentalism. Yet, down deep in his heart every cadet knows, however much he may seek to cover it up, that silent voices appeal to him here, and that out on the parade ground, trodden in the long ago by heroes un- numbered, he is called upon to pass two inspections — one the inspection of his conscience. And so, let the cadets of to-day rejoice that they find here that which makes it unnecessary to borrow aught except the forms of the soldier, for as long as our exalted traditions pro- 12 The Military History of vide us with inspectors for the soul of the corps, the sub- stance as well as the form of the soldier is assured. May the day never come when the cadet is so callous, so dull, that he can not in his mind transport the Jackson stand- ing before our arch to the field of Manassas, and see him there among the very guns which now surround his bronze figure. May the day never come when the figure of Washington before our sally-port fails to speak to the sentinel on his lonely beat, or when the figure of Virginia mourning the loss of those whose remains she guards fails to inspire us with prideful joy at the sacri- fice of those lives. May the hour never come when for the whole corps, as well as for its officers, the perform- ance of duty has but the one selfish object of passing gain, without that higher appeal to conscience in its dis- charge. The action of the Corps of Cadets in the battle of New Market, while, undoubtedly, its most brilliant military exploit, was by no means the only active field service in which the cadets engaged during the War between the States ; but it has overshadowed their other deeds to such an extent that most of them had been al- most forgotten, even by the participants. It was to save these to history, and to record the great influence which Virginia's School of Arms bore upon the military career of the Confederate States of America, that this work was undertaken. So much has been written of New Market that it might at first seem superfluous to attempt to add more to the general knowledge of the event. For two rea- sons, however, it was necessary to do so; first, because such a work as this would be incomplete without a full account of the battle, especially of the part played therein by the cadets; and second, because a work pur- porting to be a final one on that chapter of the history of the Virginia Military Institute is so far from con- clusive, and so characterized by lack of military per- ception on the part of its author, that it can not be al- lowed to stand without a protest. That protest, how- The Virginia Military Institute 13 ever, shall be one of reason and logic; animus shall not enter into our criticisms. The battle of New Market should be the cause of little contention, for in the brilliant victory which Breck- inridge won May 15, 1864, there was glory enough for all participants. Yet, as is always the case when actors on different parts of a battlefield undertake to set forth the conduct of the whole action, and the parts played by the various commands, assertions are made incon- sistent with the facts, which invariably lead to denials, charges, and countercharges. The student of war expects such results, for he well knows — and especially if he be a soldier himself — that armies are no longer marshaled in solid phalanx by a single leader who maneuvers the mass as if it were on parade. The battlefield is seldom of such character that even the commanding general may see, or even know, at every instant where his various miits are posted, and those units while themselves pieces in the game are generally quite ignorant of their relative situations with respect to the enemy and the various parts of the army of which they form an integral part. Every such unit has its own particular sphere of action. A hill, a thicket, may be the curtain which obscures its location or its movements, and, so, when a participant undertakes to record more than his own actions, he generally does so mider a great disadvantage. Two brigades or regiments, screened from the view, and perhaps entirely ignorant of the relative positions of the other, assail a certain portion of the enemy's line. The enemy feels at once the pressure of both and re- tires. Each of the attacking units, unconscious of their joint effect, attributes the flight of the enemy to its own prowess. Here, at once, arises a contention made in perfect good faith. Neither contestant is willing to surrender beliefs honestly entertained, and based on what was actually seen, yet from different viewpoints. And so controversy arises and continues where all are right and all are wrong. The historian who expects to 14 The Milhary History of find a general concurrence of views among the partici- pants in a battle expressed in their official reports, will be invariably disappointed, and if he be a military critic of experience he will not expect it, for detacliments of a command, though cooperating as a whole, perform detached functions, and therefore, as we have seen, ac- quire a detached knowledge of what actually occurred on the field of battle. New Market has proved no exception to the rule, and the writer is unable to understand why the honest statements of honest men have not been accepted as true with respect to local acts, and why their assertions as to the general conduct of the battle have not been taken for what they were worth. It is easy to dis- tinguish statements based on first-hand knowledge from those founded on hearsay and report. In order to silence the controversy which arose over New Market by reconciling the various accounts of the battle, the task of writing an authentic history of the battle was by common consent, some years ago, assigned to Captain Henry A. Wise, senior tactical officer of the Corps of Cadets, who commanded the Battalion, after the Commandant was disabled. Captain Wise's in- dustry led to the collection of a great mass of material; but his modesty induced him to surrender the work of putting it into shape to Professor Edward Raymond Turner, of Johns Hopkins University, since become Professor of European History at the University of Michigan. While Professor Turner is a scholar of merit, he is, unfortmiately, not a soldier by training; and he ap- proached the undertaking turned over to him in a con- fused state of mind, believing that the very natural lack of accord between his witnesses argued against the value of their testimony. Furthermore, impressed at the out- set with the belief that the feat of arms claimed for the Corps of Cadets was impossible, he expended much of his energy in endeavoring to prove it so; and, while he rendered a great service in presenting the collected The Vieginia Military Institute 15 evidence of the participants, his conclusions are ob- viously a compromise, and so mixed and at variance with his facts and own assertions, that they are not to be seriously accepted. With a full recognition of the unprejudiced temper of Dr. Turner, his remarkable lack of bias, his ever- apparent desire to do justice to those concerned, and his pleasant, dignified style and scholarly attainments, it is difficult to sustain his findings in the premises with respect to the value of the service rendered by the Corps of Cadets. A quotation from the preface of the book will indi- cate the nature of the case: "The battle of New Market, though one of the smaller engage- ments of the Civil War, possessed certain striking features which made it such an attractive subject that it has been described by numerous writers. Moreover, the part taken by the cadets was so brilliant and unique that tales of their exploits, from the very day of the battle, were given wide circulation. To tliose in a position to know, however, it was evident that no satisfactory account had been written; for, notwithstanding that General Sigel, General Imboden and others had given versions, their work was obviously semi-popular and incomplete ; while everything relating to the cadets was more or less a matter of rumor and controversy, exaggerated assertions being made by their partisans and sweeping denials by those who opposed them." In order to show that more logical conclusions than those of Professor Turner — conclusions entirely con- sistent with the facts, as well as with the accounts of the battle previously written — may be drawn, before enter- ing upon the account of the battle, the writer will en- deavor to dispel the confusion which Professor Turner has only increased. Some of the more important re- sults of his study, he says, may be summed up as follows : "There was no such disparity of numbers of the opposing forces as has been often stated ; Sigel had about 6,000 men in the battle ; Breckinridge about 4,500. "The Federal Army was defeated because of the slow, faltering, and clumsy strategy of its commander, and through a lack of hearty cooperation on the part of the different commands. 16 The Military History of "The Confederate triumph was owing to superb and brilliant movements of Imboden and Breckinridge who showed themselves no unworthy successors of Stonewall Jackson, and to the resolute bravery of the veteran Confederate troops. "The decisive factors on May 16th were the storming of the Federal position on the right, the excellent handling of the Con- federate artillery, the defeat of the Federal cavalry, and the desperate charges made by the Confederate center." The author then goes on to say : "Any assertion that the cadets won the battle of New Market, or stemmed a Confederate rout, are popular exaggerations which have tended to discredit what they actually did. "There is no doubt that they held the gap in the Confederate line, fought wondrously well, and by their example stimulated the adjoining regiments to make the decisive charge." (The italics are the author's.) One who has not critically studied the evidence upon which these conclusions are based — and, fortunately for all, that evidence is frankly and fully given by the author — would be justified in awarding to the cadets the honor of having played a very minor role in the battle of New Market. First, Dr. Turner declares the "res- olute bravery of the veteran Confederate troops" (which necessarily excludes the cadets who were not veterans) to have been one of the decisive factors in the Confederate success. Later, he gives the "desperate charges made by the Confederate center," as a decisive factor. The cadets were in these charges, according to his own statements. Does he mean by the use of the word ''veteran'" to exclude the cadets? No; he should have omitted that word. His final conclusions are mixed and misleading; and the proof that this is so is to ])e found in the following excerpt from a review which appeared over the initials "H. W." in the Army and Navy Journal of Jime 29, 1912, the reviewer evi- dently having blindly followed the poorest portion of the author's work, or the summary of his conclusions: " 'Facts are stubborn things,' as the historian speedily found out, and while great credit must be conceded to the cadets of the The Vieginia Military Institute 17 Virginia Military Institute, the facts of history do not give them all the credit assumed for them by many writers on the subject. It would seem that the credit which is due the cadets on that occasion is the high example set by the boys composing the Battalion, who, for the first time, faced the dangers of battle, on that momentous day of May 15, 1864." Compare this with the author's preface, and we at once recoffnize the handiwork of the ordinary reviewer who reads the preface, glances over the chapter-head- ings, picks out an important date or two, writes a few commonplace lines, and adds one more good book to his library. Dr. Turner has established the fact that the cadets (originally in reserve) were first absorbed in the sup- port, gradually to become involved in the firing-line. This was due to the gradual contraction of the wings of the Confederate line of battle, towards the right and left, respectively, leaving a gap near the left center. Upon noticing the widening gap in his enemy's line, Sigel, with more judgment and precision than he dis- played at any other period of the combat, formed a heavy column for the countercharge to be directed into the gap, or against the weakest point of Breckinridge's line. (See pages 57, 75, 79.) Dr. Turner states in three places in his book that this was a "critical point" in the battle. From a strict military standpoint it was more — Sigel recognized the fact that the very crisis of the combat, that breathless moment when victorj'^ and defeat are suspended in tlie balance, had arrived, and his countercharge was set in motion. It was the opinion of ofiicers who witnessed the battle (and their views are adopted by Dr. Turner) that if this countercharge had succeeded in reaching the Confederate line, Breckinridge's Army would have been cut in twain, and a rout would have followed. This is certainly a reasonable conclusion, for the advance of both Confederate wings had ceased, and the regiment on the left of the cadets had actually fallen into confusion. (See page 59). This regiment could 18 The Military History or hardly have opposed the cokimii which Sigel was lead- ing toward the gap, nor could the troops on the right of the opening extend to their left. At this point, then, when the Federal countercharge was well organized, and actually underway, the Cadet Battalion, rectifying its alignment by marking time under a terrific fire from the Federal batteries, was led obliquely to the right from its position in support of the left wing, into the gap, and delivered a heavy musketry fire at close range upon the 34th Massachusetts Infantry, which up to this moment had advanced almost unresisted. Of the three regiments which had composed the Fed- eral cokmin, two had been checked by the Confederate troo^js to the left of the cadets; but it seems plain that the Massachusetts regiment would have pressed home, had the gap still been open. As it was, they all but succeeded under the cover of their supporting guns. On page 59, Dr Turner now tells us that after the repulse of the countercharge, the "hinder echelon" joined the firing line, and formed a solid line, together WTth the Sixty- Second Virginia of 800 veteran troops. This is conclusive of the fact that at least some of the "resolute veterans" were behind the cadets during the crisis of the combat. Having repulsed the countercharge, the firing-line was quickly reinforced, the troops pulled together, and a general advance ensued, which culminated in the giv- ing way, and retreat, of the enemy. In this general ad- vance, the cadets were incidentally in the lead. Indeed, this was a fine example and very naturally "stimulated the adjoining regi7nents to make the decisive charge'' Dr. Turner should have mentioned the fact that the cadets were on the "gridiron" themselves, and not merely cheering from the "bleachers." There is a de- cided difference between "stimulating" and "leading," or even "acting in conjunction with." There is no neces- sary inference from the author's language that the cadets were in this final charge. On the contrary, one would be justified in assuming that they were not. The Vikginia Mit.itaey Institute 19 Xow, if the cadets repulsed, or contributed to the repulse of, the countercharge (as is stated by Dr. Turner in three places), and if it be admitted that the countercharge, if successful, would have routed the Con- federate Army, the share the cadets bore was undoubt- edly more than that of "stimulating" others, or of setting a mere example. And, so, we see how our friend "H. W." of the Army and Navy Journal has been led astray by Dr. Turner. Dr. Turner is not an educated soldier, as is shown by the misuse of the word strategy (page 9), and his en- tire ignorance of the simplest militarj^ terms. Not be- ing a trained soldier, or a student of tactics and strategy, the intellectual and philosophical side of war, he fails utterly to grasp the real importance of the cadets' movements. He fails to recognize the psy- chological instant, or the crisis of the combat. He fails to note that the cadets, when absolutely no other troops were to be had for the purpose, without orders from Breckinridge, were led by their gallant commander to the right spot at just the right moment. He fails to appreciate Breckinridge's remarks to the cadets Im- mediately after the battle, when he raised his hat and said: "Young gentlemen, I have to thank you for the result of to-day's operations." ( See page 88) . A com- manding officer is not apt to ride about his army making such speeches to single commands when there is no foundation for his words. General Breckinridge but expressed the contemporaneous opinion of himself as commander, which was no doubt based largely upon the observations and reports of his staff officers, and they had undoubtedly been in a far better position to follow the movements of the various commands than any of the line officers, for it was their duty to observe and control the whole, while the responsibility and observa- tions of the field and line officers were limited to the sphere of their own activities. If Dr. Turner had ever studied the works of Clause- witz, Scharnhorst, Gneisenau, Von der Goltz, JMoltke, 20 The Miijtaky History of IJiilow, Wartcnbiirg, Prince Kraff, and other military philosophers, he would have accorded more considera- tion to tlie psychology of the battlefield. In Dr. Turner's discussion of the cadets' part in the capture of the guns he also shows an ever-present desire to deny tliem the credit of the capture, if by anj^ possible argument he can do so. It appears as if he were afraid to follow the evidence too closely, lest he might succeed in proving what he seems to think the impossible. Dr. Turner goes off on the question of the number of pieces captured, and the nmnber of casualties in- curred by the cadets, as evidence against the reputed character of their charge. Assimiing that but two pieces were captured bj^ the cadets — and he admits the capture of as many — this fact shows why more loss was not inflicted upon the Corps by the batterj^ some of the guns of which limbered up and pulled out before the Battalion reached its position. The guns that limbered up could not have fired continuously during the few minutes it took the Corps to traverse the ap- proach to the battery, and those that remained in action were able to fire but a few rounds at most. Guns fired slowly those days, two rounds a minute being rapid work, and ranges for canister were short. Then, too, it must be remembered the cadets were moving at a rapid rate. Dr. Turner declares the account of John S. Wise to be inaccurate and colored by imagination. He quotes largely from this account until it disagrees with his own views. Then he throws it aside as inaccurate. It is true John S. Wise was wounded early in the action, and claimed no first-hand knowledge of the movements of the Corps, from the first stage of the battle on, but what he wrote was based upon common contemporaneous re- port, and, strange to say, agrees in every respect with the accounts of Captain Town and Major Lang, both of Sigel's staff, and numerous other eye-witnesses. The writer ventures this assertion: that the majority of com- petent military critics to whom Dr. Turner's book The Virginia Military Institute 21 might be submitted would hold Mr. Wise's account of the battle more accurate than the conclusions of Dr. Turner, with respect to the importance of the part played by the Corps of Cadets. No; it is not claimed that the cadets fought Sigel single-handed, or by their prowess alone won the battle. They did, however, help to save Breckinridge from de- feat at the very crisis of the combat, and took a leading part in the final stages of the engagement. The writer, in common with all other eleves of the Virginia Military Institute, is deeply grateful to Dr. Turner for the last- ing record which he has prepared. "Facts are stubborn things," and can not be obscured by mere false con- clusions. In this work the author will midertake to record what probably happened at New Market, without the slight- est desire of claiming the impossible for the Cadet Corps, and to accord it due credit for its actual per- formances, and for the moral effect thereof, remember- ing that numbers and volume of fire are not the only elements of success on the battlefield. Napoleon did not take the bridge at Lodi with his sword, nor did the handful of men he led thereto defeat the enemy. But had he not taken the bridge at the critical moment the enemy would not have been defeated. In a similar sense it was that the Corps of Cadets helped to save the day at New Market. No reasonable person ever supposed for a moment that 250 cadets swept Sigel's Army from the field at the point of their bayonets, or drove his men from position with the volume of their fire. Nor has anyone, as far as the writer knows, claimed that the cadets could have accomplished what they did except in conjunction with the other valiant troops of Breckinridge's command.* And now a word as to the frontispiece of this book. It is taken from the painting of the Battle of New Market by the distinguished American artist, B. West *The substance of the foregoing criticism appeared over tlie author's name in the Richmond Ei;ening Journal, of July 4. 1912, and was included in a pamphlet, entitled "V. M. I. Papers," printed in December, 1013. 22 The Military History of Cliiiedinst, V. M. 1., 1870. The painting was unveiled with appropriate ceremony at the Institute, June 24th, ]914. It occupies the large groined arched space in rear of the chancel-like platform of the Jackson Me- morial Hall; its dimensions are 18 feet wide and 25 feet high, and the canvas is framed by the gold cornice. The near figures of the charging line of cadets are seven feet high. The scene is the heroic charge of the Cadet Battalion against Von Kleiser's Federal battery, which incident was the decisive action of the day and practi- cally closed the battle. The picture is a masterpiece of military portraiture. The colors are superb and true, and few pictures, not even those of Messonier, present more real military spirit and action. There are none of those exaggera- tions or offensive artistic liberties which artists so fre- quently find it necessary to call to their aid. It rings with truth, and the artist has succeeded without resort to artificialities. His appreciation of military points is testified to in innumerable ways, and as one, even the novice, or the most casual observer, gazes upon the noble work, he at once perceives the element of studious accuracy which characterizes it; the idea is compelling. But the overwhelming elan of the youthful figures and the beauty of their action, individual and collective, is the primal feature of the work. It fascinates and gives one the feeling which a great human drama inspires in real life. There is nothing of the tragedy of death and carnage to strike horror into the breast of the onlooker. The work of the artist has avoided that too common de- feat in battle pictures. The red bandages which en- twine the youthful brows are not merely bloody — they appear more as crimson badges of heroic courage. The fallen lad appears more as a devote, prostrate before the shrine of valor, than as a maimed boy — a more vicarious sacrifice to the ruthless god of war. The flash of the picture is truly that of the lightning bolt — not that of a horrid, consuming blaze the spark of which was struck by human hands. And, furthermore, the The Virginia Military Institute 23 radiant canvas has a sound, a thing which few pictures possess. But it is not the awe-inspiring crash and rum- ble of the guns which hght up the sullen background with their lurid tongues of fire — it is more the soulful cry and the thrilling reverberation of the Valkyr's di- vine voice. God in all His power never staged a scene more hu- manly sublime than New Market. That day he set apart to immortal man as an eternal inspiration for youth. What more can be said by way of tribute to the artist, the final painter of the glorious deeds on that field enacted, than to say he has fully embraced his op- portunity ? But yet, another word. Messonier or Detaille could not have painted this picture. No master could have done it, unless, like Clinedinst he had once worn the cadet coatee; had trod the sacred precincts of Virginia's School of Arms, precincts hallowed by the erstwhile presence of a thousand heroes ; unless he had imbibed the spirit which sparkles over her eternal fountains of tradition. Such an one only could mix into his colors the truth of New Market. The other illustrations, with the exception of the pictures of the Institute, are reproductions of portraits at the Institute, none of which, as far as the author knows, have ever been reproduced before. These por- traits present the likenesses of that little body of men who together so largely made the Virginia Military Institute what in their da}^ it was, and what at this time it is, Jennings C. Wise. 24 The Military History of CHAPTER I THE GENESIS OF THE VIRGINIA MILITARY INSTITUTE When the corner-stone of the present Cadet Bar- racks in Lexington was laid July 4, 1850, the seventy- six anniversary of the })irth of our nation, and nearly eleven years before Virginia seceded from the Union, a distinguished American, John W. Brockenbrough of Virginia, called attention in the address which he de- livered on that occasion to "the portentous cloud gath- ering in the North." "In peace prepare for war," was the tenor of his words. Six years later, the General Assembly of Virginia, by Act of March, 1856, made a special appropriation of $10,000 for the purchase of a bronze replica of Jean Antoine Houdon's statue of George Washington, to be placed before the sally-port of the Barracks in order, writes the historian, "that nothing might be wanting to make the Institute effective for usefulness to the State." Statues are but symbols, ofttimes idealizations, of the lives and thoughts of those they represent. It was well, therefore, that the heroic figure of Washington should be mounted like a great silent sentinel — eternal guardian of the destinies of Virginia's youth — at the very sally-port of the lives of many of her citizens. But, in placing it there, did our legislators not have in mind the warnings which Washington, like Brocken- brough, had uttered? Exactly eighty years before this statue was dedicated by Governor Henry A. Wise of Virginia, the great man whom it represents wrote these words into his last annual message to Congress: "The institution of a militaiy academy is also recom- mended by cogent reasons. However pacific the gen- eral policy of a nation may be, it ought never to be without an adequate stock of military knowledge for The Virginia Military Institute 25 emergencies. The first would impair the energy of its character, and both would endanger its safety, or ex- pose it to greater evils, when war could not be avoided. Besides, that war might not often depend upon its own choice. In proportion as the observance of pacific maxims might exempt a nation from the necessity of practising the rules of the military art, ought to be its care in preserving and transmitting, by proper estab- lishments, the knowledge of that art. Whatever argu- ment may be drawn from particular examples, super- ficially viewed, a thorough examination of the subject will evince that the art of war is both comprehensive and complicated; that it demands much previous study; and that the possession of it, in its most improved and per- fect state, is always of great moment to the security of a nation. This, therefore, ought to be a serious care of every government; and for this purpose, an academy where a regular course of instruction is given, is an ob- vious expedient which different nations have success- fully employed."* Washington's recommendations as to the creation of a National School of Arms was born of a bitter experi- ence. To-day we find the ultra-pacificists appealing to his military successes at the head of a citizen-soldiery, in support of their anti-militarism contentions. They ig- nore utterly Washington's own views as to the value of the troops he led. But those views were unequivocally expressed. Wrote the peace-loving Father of our country, "Regular troops alone are equal to the exigencies of modern war, as well for defence as offence, and when a substitute is attempted, it must prove illusory and ruinous. No militia will ever acquire the habits necessary to resist a regular force. The firmness requisite for the real business of fighting is only to be obtained by a constant course of discipline and service. I have never yet been witness to a single instance that can justify a different opinion, and it is most earnestly to be wished that the liberties of America may no longer *U. S. Doc. Foreign Rel., Vol. Ill, pp. 31-2. 26 The Military History of be trusted, in any material degree, to so precarious a dependence." How strange that the very man who dedicated the Washington statue at the Virginia Mihtary Institute, in 18,56, should have signed the death-warrant of John Brown within three years thereafter, and that he should have witnessed the execution of the arch-traitor of the Union, with the Corps of Cadets as his mihtary escort! It nuist not be thought, however, that Washington originated the idea of a government military academy. Undoubtedly, his wide knowledge led him to appreciate the need of such an institution from the first; but it was Henry Knox who first recommended its creation. After the defeat of the Americans on Long Island, in August, 1776, Congress resolved upon an entire re- organization of the Continental Army. The Con- gressional Committee appointed to investigate the matter of army reform called upon Colonel Knox, a young man twenty-six years of age, then in command of the artillery of the army, for suggestions concerning his arm of the service. In a report, characterized by great breadth of view and intimate familiarity with the needs of the service in general, Colonel Knox recommended, among many other things, that a school for artillery and engineer officers be established. The following are his exact words : "And, as officers can never act with confidence until they are masters of their profession, an academy es- tablished upon a liberal plan would be of the utmost service to the continent, where the whole theory and practice of fortification and gunnery should be taught, to be nearly on the same plan as Woolwich, making al- lowances for differences in circumstances — a place to which our enemies are indebted for the superiority of their artillerv to all who have opposed them." (Report of Sept. 27,' 1776). Knox's wise plan was not adopted at the time, and it was not until 1794 that the War Department under- The Virginia Military Institute 27 took to compensate for the lack of a militaiy school for the training of officers by attaching cadets to artillery regiments. This plan was a poor substitute, as we are informed by Secretary of War McHenry, in a letter dated June 28, 1798, in which he wrote: "It was sup- posed that these cadets would form a nursery from which qualified officers might be drawn to fill vacancies ; but it must occur that without proper masters to teach them the sciences necessary to the engineers and artiller- ists, this nursery can produce no valuable plants." In 1802, the Corps of Engineers was organized and stationed at West Point, New York, and so constituted as to form a military academy for the training of ar- tillery and engineer officers. But, notwithstanding the brilliant attainments and ability of Colonel Jonathan Williams, the first Superintendent, the school was not fruitful of the best returns until after the War of 1812 when cadets were appointed in all branches of the ser- vice and attached to the academy for preliminary mili- tary and scientific training. It was in the j^ear 1816 that President Monroe com- missioned Simon Bernard "an assistant in the Corps of Engineers of the United States with the rank of brigadier-general by brevet." In his capacity as the virtual chief of the Corps of Engineers, this great man exercised so marked an influence upon military in- struction in America, he may rightfully be called one of the fathers of West Point. A Frenchman by birth, Bernard had served as a gen- eral of Engineers in the Army of the Rhine under Napoleon, and in 1813 as aide-de-camp on the Em- peror's staff. Adhering to the Restoration, however, he later obtained permission to accept appointment in the American service and remained in the United States until the French Revolution of 1830, at which time he returned to France, planned the fortifications of Paris, and became Minister of War in 1834. While in America, Bernard not only planned the en- tire system of our coast defense fortifications, but many 28 The Military History of of the great civil engineering works of the country. But it is in his connection M-ith the development of West Point tliat his work particularly interests us. In December, 1818, he rendered a report on the Mili- tary Academy in which he expressed, among others, the following views: "1. That elementary schools are necessary to supply the wants of the army and for the instruction of the militia. "2. That the elementary schools for the army and those for the use of the militia should be distinct from each other. "3. That several elementary schools are necessary for the instruction of the militia." Of his constructive services to America, Major-Gen- eral William H. Carter, Assistant Chief of Staff U. S. Army (1914), writes, "His training and engineering skill were of great moment to the nation when West Point, the Alma Mater of Military Engineering in America, was yet in its swaddling clothes. His earlier European experiences in campaign and battle were tinged with brilliancy and romance, but his genius laid the foundation of constructive work in America which wall live and be builded upon for the benefit of mankind long after the stories of his battles have lost their power to quicken the pulse of a prosaic age." (Journal of the Military Service Institution, Sept.-Oct., 1912), With Simon Bernard came another great Frenchman to America, Captain Claude Crozet. Crozet was born at Villefranche, near Lyons, January 1st, 1790. At four- teen years of age, he was admitted to the Polytechnic School, Paris; was graduated in 1807 as a sub-lieu- tenant of Artillery; and then proceeded to Metz for the special course of instruction given there to artillery and engineer officers. After two years at this fortress, he joined the headquarters of the Emperor near Vienna, just in time to participate in the memorable battle of Wagram. During the next two years young Crozet received from the hands of the Emperor the Cross of the Legion of Honor, and was promoted to the grade of Captain in the Imperial Corps of Artillery attached The Virginia Military Institute 29 to tlie division of Marshal Ney, then preparing for the invasion of Russia. On the disastrous retreat of the Imperial Army from Moscow, Captain Crozet was captured and held pris- oner in the interior two years. After the Treaty of Paris in 1814, he returned to France, several months after Napoleon's departure for Elba. By order of the King, the "Decoration de Lys" was now conferred upon him, and he was restored to his old rank in the army; but he declined to re-enter the military service until the Emperor returned from his first exile. At the termina- tion of the "Hundred Days", he was again without em- ployment; and on June 6, 1816, provided with letters from the Marquis de Lafayette and others well ac- quainted in America, he set sail, with Bernard, to seek his fortune in the new republic of the United States. Through Bernard's influence, Crozet was almost im- mediately appointed Professor of Engineering at the Military Academ}^ entering upon his duties there February 1st, 1817. Under Captain Crozet, instruction was first given at West Point in Descriptive Geometry, Analytical Trigo- nometry, Differential and Integral Calculus, Civil Engineering and the Principles of Machines. At that time, there was no text-book in the United States on Descriptive Geometry; and until Captain Crozet's treatise was issued in 1821, instruction in the subject at West Point was entirely oral.* In 1824, Captain Crozet's health compelled Jiim to relinquish the confining employment of a professor, and he accepted at this time an appointment as State Engineer of Virginia. During the nine years he served as such he urged a lock and dam system of improvement of the James River from Richmond to Lynchburg, and in 1830 further urged the construction of a railroad connecting the canal with the Kanawha River, tluis *The influence of Crozet on the academic organization of the Institute will be readily perceived by all the Alumni. He introduced descriptive geometry at the V. M. I. and his text-bools was here taught for years. The suliject still remains in the curriculum course, and for sentimental reasons, if no other, may it ever remain. It is taught at but few institutions in America, except as a special topic. 30 The Miijtaky History of uniting the eastern and western waters. In 1832 he ac- cepted the office of State Engineer of Louisiana, but the following year gave up active engineering and be- came President of Jefferson College, Louisiana. In 1837. he again became State Engineer of Virginia. Such had been the career of the man who was, as first Presi- dent of its Board of Visitors, soon to aid in moulding the destinies of the Virginia Mihtary Institute.* In Februarv, 1816, the very vear that Bei-nard and Crozet sailed for America, the General Assembly of Virginia provided for the erection of three arsenals, in each of which were to be stored 20,000 stand of arms. One of these arsenals was to be situated west of the Alleghany Mountains, or in that section of the State since become West Virginia; one of the others was located in Riclunond, and one in Lexington. For each arsenal a company of State Guards consisting of one captain, one sergeant, 28 privates, and two musicians, was to be mustered into the service of the Common- wealth, and the period of enlistment was fixed at five years. The regulations, pay and allowances for these troops were the same as those provided by Congress for the regular army. The act authorizing the erection of the arsenals directed the arms held by the militia to be turned into the arsenals as soon as they were ready to receive them for storage and care. Certain militia organizations were designated to retain their arms. The context of the Act clearly shows that continuous neglect of State property caused the establishment of the *In 1840 Captain Crozet was selected to locate and construct the Blue Uidge Railroad from Albemarle County through Rock Fish Gap, to Augusta County, as a State improvement. This proved a very difficult undertaking, and involved construction of several tunnels with many complications. The work was completed and turned over to the predecessors of the present Chesapeake & Ohio Railway Company, in 18.56 ; and soon after Captain Crozet was invited to Washington by the Secretary of War to assume the position of principal assistant to Captain M. C. Meigs. Corps of Engineers, on the Con- struction of the Aqueduct. Captain Crozet is credited with the planning and construction of the existing aqueduct bridge connecting Georgetown with the Virginia shore, near the Arlington estate. He was separated from the Aqueduct engineering work in 1859, on account of exhaustion of funds, and returned to Richmond, A'irginia. where, as Principal of Richmond Academy, he resided until his death in 1864. For a full account of his life, see article by Gen. Wm. U. Carter. .Journal of the Military Service Institution. .Tulv- August, 1013. Captain Crozefs protrait hangs in the Jackson Memorial HaU at the Virginia Military Institute. The Virginia Military Institute 31 arsenals, and not any sudden desire to accumulate sur- plus armament against future exigencies.* From the passage of the foregoing Act until the out- break of the War between the States, Virginia had a standing army only excelled in point of diminutiveness bv the famous army of the Prince of Monaco. But while the enlisted men of the Lexington Company were not engaged in the protection of legalized gamllling, they were, nevertheless, an undesirable element in the social economy of aristocratic Lexington. The care of the 30,000 stand of arms which were accumulated in the arsenal, the necessary guard-duty and drill, a tri- monthly muste}- and inspection, b\^ no means fully oc- cupied their time ; and the members of the idle command were in tlie nature of things of such a low social order as to be objectionable to the thrifty people of Lexing- ton, a town then numbering possibly 1,500 inhabitants, or about half the present population. In Virginia, in the early part of the nineteenth century, there were few towns larger than Lexington; and among its residents, by reason of the presence of Washington College, were to be fomid an altogether disproportionate number of intellectual persons. Fur- thermore, the town was the County seat of Rockbridge, in a section rich in agriculture and cattle, and located on the James River and Kanawha Canal. In the nature of things, Lexington had frequently been visited by Captain Crozet while engaged in the construction of the canal. As State Engineer, he knew of the Arsenal; as a soldier and an eleve of a French Military Institute, a foi'mer Professor at West Point, and fresh from his labors in organizing and building u]) the Xational School of Arms in company with Bernard, he undoubtedly perceived the opportunity offered Vir- ginia; and, in all probabihty, discussed with some of its principal citizens the project of founding a military school in Lexington long ere it took tangible form. He pointed out to them, no doubt, that in the period of our *See Revised Code of Virginia. 1819. Vol. L pp. 125, 126. 32 The Military History of Revolutionary War, the country was entirely de- pendent upon foreigners to supply the scientific corps of the army with officers — such as military engineers, officers of ordnance and topography, as well as tacticians and strategists. He called attention to Washington's recommendations and views regarding military edu- cation and he repeated the words of Professor D. H. Mahan of West Point, who had declared that, "Military knowledge, that essential element of a nation's safety, which, like our own, depends upon her citizen soldiery, in a moment of danger, is at the lowest ebb. To so great a degree was this the case, it may safely be averred that, at the commencement of the War of 1812, twenty-five native-born citizens could not have been brought together throughout the entire length and breadth of our country, who were capable of discharg- ing the simplest duties of military engineering in the field." In December, 1834, the plan of substituting a mili- tary school for the Lexington Company of State Guards was finally discussed at a meeting of the Franklin Liter- ary Society in Lexington, and endorsed by most of its members, among whom were many prominent pro- fessional men and other citizens of the town. The dis- cussion led to the publication in August, 1835, in the Lexington Gazette of a series of three articles, over the nom de plume of "Civis'\, proposing the plan for public- consideration. Now, ''Civis" was John Thomas Lewis Preston, Esq., a prominent young lawj^^er of Lexington, who has ex- pressly declared that he was not the originator of the idea.* Crozet had been away from Virginia less than two years, and it seems reasonable to conclude that he was one of the originators of the plan, if not solely re- sponsible for its first suggestion. In the elaboration of the plan, however, Preston, who was not a soldier by education and training, took the ♦History of the Virginia Military Institute, Smith, p. 14. Oi CO 00 < zr. The Virginia Military Institute 33 leading part. This, undoubtedly, accounts for the fact that little mention was at first made of West Point. He stated the object of the proposed measure to be "to supply the place of the present guard by another, com- posed of young men from seventeen to twenty-four years of age, to perform the necessary duties of a guard, who would receive no pay, but, in lieu, have afforded to them the opportunities of a liberal education." In other words, he lost sight, through lack of a proper under- standing of the needs of the country and of the state, of the primary concept of the originator of the idea.* But though lacking in military training Mr. Preston was brilliant and capable. A typical Virginian in ap- pearance, he was six feet in height, well proportioned, graceful, courteous, dignified, cordial, quick-witted, fluent, masterful, and, therefore, had the qualities which make good officers. With natural gifts of exceptional order he had received at Washington College, the Uni- versity of Virginia, and Yale College, the best education the country afforded. His tastes for intellectual pur- suits had been fostered by his profession and by foreign travel, as well as by constant study and reading. He was a grandson of Edmund Randolph, Washington's Secretary of State, and in his veins coursed the cavalier blood of the Nicholases, Peytons, and other equally dis- tinguished families, as well as the sturdy strain of the Scotch-Irish Prestons. Lexington and Rockbridge County were not slow to recognize the wisdom of "Civis" and a memorial was soon presented the Virginia Legislature urging the adoption of the plan, by Mr. Preston in person; which resulted in an Act of Assembly, 183.5-6, providing for the disbanding of the Lexington Arsenal, the substitu- tion of a military school therefor, and the appointment of a Board of Visitors, consisting of four members, with the Adjutant-General, eoc-officio. At first, the Legis- *Ibid, pp. 15, 18, 21. 34- The Military History of lature contemplated the organization of the School as a mere department of or annex to Washington College ; but amended its original Act in 1837-38; repealed it outright in 1838-39; and in March, 1839, gave the School an entirely independent organization. The new School, the second governmental Military Academy in America (West Point being the first), was named by Mr. Preston. "Virginia Mihtary Insti- tute seemed appropriately significant, Virginia as a State Institution, neither sectional nor denominational. Military, indicating its characteristic feature. Institute, as something different from either college or university. The three elements thus indicated are the basis of a triangular pyramid of which the sides will preserve their mutual relation to whatever height the structure may rise." The Virginia Military Institute was created just as Captain Crozet resumed his office as State Engineer of Virginia. We are told that he was "persuaded" to ac- cept reappointment. Can it be that the consummation of a pet scheme in the founding of the Military Institute had something to do with his decision? At any rate, he was immediately appointed President of the first Board of Visitors, and set about the work of organiza- tion with the same spirit he and Bernard had displayed at West Point. To him is due much credit for the orig- inal scheme of oi'ganization and development, for at once the lay ideas of Preston were supplanted by the professional ideas of the French soldier, and the cadet stepped forth in the uniform of the young Guard of France, already adopted at the National Academy! From the outset, the School was impressed with the most thorough military character. Besides the Gover- nor, the Adjutant-General, and three civilians (one of whom, James McDowell, was subsequently Governor of Virginia), the first Board of Visitors contained Colonel Claude Crozet (President), Captain John F. Wiley, a veteran of 1812, General Thomas H. Botts, The Virginia Military Institute 35 General Charles P. Dorman, and General Peter C. Johnston.* With four generals, one colonel, and one captain on the Board, the military idea seems to have been quite carefully kept in view! Governor Campbell knew that soldiers were best qualified to do a soldier's work. The influence of Crozet and his military comrades of the first Board is clearly reflected in the original cur- riculum of study prescribed, which embraced Mathe- matics, Mechanics, Chemistry, Engineering, Tactics, French, German, English, and German Literature. ♦Peter C. Johnston was the brother of Joseph E. Johnston. General Thomas H. Botts married Mary Stone, of Fredericksburg, about 1829. Both died before the war. Their children were William, Benjamin, Henry, Albert, and Mary Berkeley. Bernard Peyton was born March 14, 1792. Died June 21, 1854. He married Julia Green, October 1, 1817. Peyton was appointed first lieutenant in the 20th infantry, U. S. A., on March 12, 1812, and became captain in the same on April 16, 1813. In 1825 he was appointed Adjutant- General of Virginia, in which ofl5ce he was succeeded by William H. Richardson. From 1838 to 1844 he was postmaster of Richmond. His children were Thomas Jefferson, Bernard, Moses Green, Thomas Green, Susan Scott, and Julia A. 36 The Miijtary History of CHAPTER II FOUNDING OF THE SECOND AMERICAN SCHOOL OF ARMS* In the foregoing chapter the influence of West Point upon the creation of a School of Arms in Virginia has been clearly demonstrated; and it is not difficult to understand that the views of Washington, Knox, and Bernard were entertained by Crozet, as well as by the other prominent military men connected with the Mili- tary Institute of Virginia, when it was first established. The voice of these men was certainly a controlling one in all the deliberations of the first governing body of the School; and, thoroughly in accord with Crozet, his fellow-soldiers, as well as the other illustrious members of the Board, were only too glad to give him a free hand in the organization of the Institute. The keynote of the new system of education they proposed was that first, last, and all the time the cadet- student should be a soldier, for it was not believed by the founders of the School that military training, with the habits of discipline in mind and body which it in- volved, was in any way subversive of, or inconsistent with, good citizenship. Their purpose was not to sup- ply officers for the regular military establishment, — nor has such been the aim of the authorities at any time, except during the period of the Civil War. The mission of the Institute was clearly differentiated from that of the National Academy, the sole aim of which has neces- sarily been to furnish the nation with officers trained in the fundamental principles of command. The Vir- ginia Military Institute, on the other hand, was created for the purpose of providing a liberal education, coupled with a military training, in the belief that its graduates would prove valuable citizens, all the more useful be- *Norwich University of Vermont dates from 1819, but it is a private institution and one in whicb tlie military feature is not of paramount im- portance. The Virginia Military Institute 37 cause capable of bearing arms efficiently in the hour of their country's need. The whole conception of the School was in accord with the recommendation of Wash- ington which has already been cited. "However pacific the general policy of a nation may be, it ought never to be without an adequate stock of military knowledge for emergencies." Congress recognized the national want by the creation of West Point. Virginia met the needs of her people in the establishment of her own Military Institute. Thus, the nation undertook to sup- ply the trained regular, and the Old Dominion the trained volunteer officer,— acts on the part of each thoroughly compatible with the spirit of the Federal Constitution. Having framed their general plan, the Board of Visitors recognized the fact that its successful develop- ment depended upon the character and abilities of the man who should superintend its execution. Accord- ingly, there was no hurry in the selection of that official. Established by legislative Act of March, 1837, it was not until April, 1839, after nearly two years of careful investigation, that the first Superintendent for the School was decided upon, and he was invited to pre- sent his acceptance of appointment to the Board the following month. Happily, the choice fell upon one whose subsequent career ably testifies to the wisdom of the selection. Fi-ancis Henney Smith was born in Norfolk, Vir- ginia, October 18, 1812, of aristocratic Enghsh and Vir- ginia parents. He was, then, a gentleman by blood, environment, and early training. July 1, 1829, he was appointed a cadet of the United States Military Academy, and was graduated with distinction with the Class of 1833. As to his associates during the period of his cadetship, and the character of his education, one need only consult the records of the Academy. Both were the highest the country afforded. November 30, 1833, he was assigned to the celebrated First Artillery with the rank of second lieutenant, and 38 The Military History of thus again he was thrown in contact with men of dis- tinguished character and abihty. But his military ser- vice was of short duration, for he, hke many other officers of the time, resigned from the army to enter the civil walks of life. The army at that period offered small prospect of advancement, and, in fact, the life of the soldier held little allurement for men of intellect, not specially devoted to a militarj^ career. And, so it was that Lieutenant Smith resigned his coimnission. May 1, 1836, to accept the professorship of Mathe- matics, — a subject in which he was particularly gifted, — at Hampden- Sidney College, Virginia. Although one finds no mention of the matter in the records of the Institute, the writer is inclined to believe a certain influence led to the selection of Francis H. Smith as the first executive and Principal Professor of the Institute. At any rate, the following circumstances are narrated: William Nelson Pendleton, of Caroline County, Vir- ginia, was graduated from West Point, July 4, 1830. He was a First Classman at the Academy when Smith entered as a "plebe," and being from Virginia naturally became interested in his fellow-countryman, as cadets are wont to do. A great religious revival was sweeping over the country at the time, and the spirit invaded the Academy. Pendleton and Smith were both intensely religious, and were, therefore, more than ordinarily con- genial. In September, 1831, Lieutenant Pendleton of the Artillery was ordered back to the Academy as Assistant Professor of Mathematics, in which capacity he served for one year. In October, 1833, after an irk- some year of garrison life, Pendleton resigned his com- mission and accepted the professorship of Mathematics at the newly organized Episcopal College, near Bristol, Pennsvlvania. In Mav, 1837, he was ordained Deacon in the Protestant Episcopal Church, Diocese of Vir- ginia, by Bishop Meade at the Convention in Peters- burg, Virginia, and accepted a professorship at Newark College, Delaware. In 1839 he was appointed Head- The Vikginia Military Institute 39 Master of the Episcopal High School, near Alexandria, which Bishop Meade founded that year.* General Smith tells us that the offer of appointment as professor at the Institute came to him through Rev. George A. Baxter, D. D., President of the Theological Seminary at Alexandria. Dr. Baxter and Pendleton were well acquainted and both had just attended a meet- ing of the Episcopal Sjmod in Lexington, where the ap- pointment of a Superintendent for the Institute was being widely discussed. It is possible, therefore, that Pendleton may have suggested the narne of his friend, whose presence in Virginia, whose skill as a teacher, training as a soldier, and character as a Christian, all recommended his fitness for the position. And yet, the name of Francis H. Smith may have been suggested in another way to the Board of Visitors. Joseph Reid Anderson of Richmond, later a Confeder- ate brigadier-general, and the noted proprietor of the Tredegar Iron Works, had been a cadet at West Point with Smith. After serving as a lieutenant in the Third Artillery, he transferred to the Engineer Corps in 1836 and resigned his commission in 1837 to become First Assistant Engineer of Virginia. This placed Anderson in intimate association with Crozet, the President of the Board of Visitors, who was Chief Engineer of Vir- ginia. There is good authority for the belief that Anderson himself was Crozet's first choice but declined to be a candidate. Smith always believed that Ander- son was a candidate for the office and the amusing story has become current that when the names of Anderson and Smith were being discussed before the Board, the advocates of the two candidates devoted most of their time to singing the praises of Mrs. Anderson and Mrs. Smith. The story further has it that this more or less irrelevant discussion continued without signs of abating until the humorous Crozet rose and called for a vote as to which one of the ladies should be Superintendent ! ♦Memoirs of William Nelson Pendleton, Lee. 40 The Military History of Colonel Joseph R. Anderson, the present Historiog- rapher of the Institute, declares that his father's name never came before the Board; that he was not a candi- date; and that he was merely approached by Crozet and declined to become a candidate. Having been a cadet with Smith, it is possible, therefore, that Anderson sug- gested Smith's name to Crozet. The foregoing facts have been presented at some length for the purpose of fully tracing out the West Point influence upon the Institute, a matter which has never been adequately presented. The appointment of Smith was also advocated by Major Charles H. Smith, of Norfolk, Paymaster U. S. Army, who was brother-in-law of General Thomas H. Botts, of the Board of Visitors; but we have no reason to believe that Major Smith first suggested the name of his friend to the Board. The original plan of the founders of the School con- templated a quota of 40 cadets, one to be appointed from each senatorial district of the State. Smith, who had acquired uncoixanon repute as a teacher, and who was a man of ambition, was unwilling to accept a posi- tion of such limited scope as that offered him, and de- clined to appear before the Board of Visitors, as requested; but, notwithstanding this attitude on his part, he was imanimously elected Principal Professor, with rank of major, and duties as Commandant of Cadets, June 8, 1839. July 1, he accepted the appoint- ment after long and thoughtful deliberation. The first official act of Major Smith was to confer with Colonel Thayer, the distinguished and successful Superintendent of West Point, for the purpose of secur- ing suggestions from him, as well as samples of the uniforms, arms and equipment in use at the Academy. Soon after his acceptance, he received a letter from Colonel Crozet which placed at rest all fears the soldier Smith entertained about the military character to be imparted to the new School. An extract from that letter follows : The Virginia Military Institute 41 "Lexington, September 12, 1829. "Major Francis H. Smith. "Dear Sir — You will receive by mail a printed copy of the Regulations adopted by the Board of Visitors for the government of the Virginia Military Institute. "We understand that it is your intention to take a trip to the North previous to your coming to this place: in this event, you might assist the Board in procuring several things which will be wanted at, or shortly after, the opening of the Institute. Among them are some parts of the uniform and accoutrements, which, you will observe, are similar to those used at West Point. "Would it be convenient to you, while there, to inquire what prospect there would be of obtaining 100 such muskets and com- plete accoutrements as are used there, and to take such steps as will secure this object speedily, as also from fifty to one hundred caps introduced by Major Delafield without the plate, of course? The muskets and equipment will be obtained from the U. S. Gov- ernment, free of charge. It will, consequently, be sufficient to apply for them in the proper quarter, and correspond with General Peyton, if necessary, on the subject, as regards the caps. If you can purchase them, you can draw, or direct the merchant to draw, on Mr. Hugh Barclay, the Treasurer of the Institution."* Observe how Crozet used the word, "Institute." That was the term he apphed by habit to his own Ahna Mater. Can it be doubted that he proposed the name to Preston? Also, observe that he is in Lexington busying himself with his pet hobby. Honoring General Smith for his superb executive ability, we must in justice to truth deny him both the titles of "father" and of "founder" of the Institute, fo?' such was Claude Crozet. The annual cost to the State of maintaining the Lex- ington Arsenal and the Guard therefor was $6,000. Upon the creation of the Institute, as a substitute for the Arsenal, the same amount was provided for the sup- port of the school. This annuity was quite inadequate, and the available quarters and facilities were equally so. But, in September, 1839, twenty State Cadets and thir- teen Pay Cadets were appointed by the Board, and ordered to report for duty November 11th. *Smith's History, p. 46. 42 The Military History of The Superintendent met the Board for the first time on the 11th of November, 1839, when he reported for duty, and was placed in command of the Virginia Mili- tary Institute. He was, personally, a stranger to every member of the Board, but was received by them with such courtesy and consideration as to inspire him with great encouragement and hopefulness as he entered upon the discharge of his responsible duties. Twenty cadets reported for duty, were examined by the Superintendent in Franklin Hall, in the presence of the Board of Visitors; and, their duties having been fully explained to them, under the regulations, they signed their matriculation obligation, and were then marched by their commanding officer to the Arsenal, relieving the Public Guard of their duty, and were placed in charge of the public property; while Ad- jutant-General Peyton raised the flag of Virginia over the walls of the Virginia Military Institute, to signalize the exclusive proprietorship of Virginia in the Institu- tion, and her purpose to maintain and defend it. Such was the inspiring ceremony attending the entrance of America's second School of Arms upon the field of national — nay more, world-wide usefulness. The incident was epochal; and what were the sentiments animating those who participated in the dedication of this School of Arms to the Majesty of Virginia, can only be suggested by the lines which a noble woman, the wife of the first Superintendent, contributed to the occasion. As we read them, we are reminded of the prayer which a little group of Englishmen offered to God May 13, 1607, as they stood with heads bared and bowed on the strange shore of Jamestown Island, and of those other pilgrims who later knelt upon the rock of Plymouth, — both with an unknown world and future stretching out before them : "Our work is nobly done, We have raised our flag on high, A pledge is made at Freedom's shrine That speaks in every eye; The Virginia Military Institute 43 And hearts with fervor and with faith In youthful courage strong, Are echoing back the patriot cry: My country, right or wrong. "It is waving high in air, And Liberty's proud form, Borne upward by the mountain breeze. In sunshine and in storm, Is planted on the tyrant's breast; Thus shall it ever be. For while Virginia owns her name. Her gallant sons are free. "It is waving high in air, We will guard it while we live, Our fathers shed their hearts This heritage to give. No traitor spirit soils our ranks. Our birthright we will keep, And freemen proudly tread the soil, Till under it we sleep." These lofty sentiments proved to be no vain boast, for within a quarter of a century from the day they were expressed, — a day when nature gently spread her carpet of snow over the blue hills which surrounded the scene, as if in token of the purity of the new-born child, — Vir- ginia's soil was reddened with the blood of many of those present, including a number of the twenty cadets who, on November 11, 1839, pledged their allegiance to the Old Dominion. Within that time, 249 eleves of the Virginia Military Institute proved their devotion to the flag they had been taught to follow by offering up their lives upon the altar of Liberty! Verily, did the school of Crozet make useful citizens of Virginia's youth ! Verily, did the form of Washington which stood before the sally-port of their barracks inspire them with that patriotism synonymous with his name; for when the Mother of States uttered in the anguish of her soul the battle-cry of freedom, over 1,700 of her children, bearing on their shields the V. M. I. motto, "In Pace Decus, In Bello Praesidium," seized their arms and responded to 44 The Militaky History of her siinimons! Glorious, glorious record, unequalled in the history of man ! Can it be forgotten by the South- land or any other country where men are bred? How noble the precept, how priceless the heritage, Virginia's Military Institute has transmitted to the posterity of our united nation. Let it be forgotten that these valiant sons of the V. M. I. arrayed themselves in battle against their fellow-men, and only let it be remembered, and recorded in paraphrase : They pledged themselves at Freedom's shrine. In youthful courage strong, And echoed back the patriot's cry: "My coimtry, right or wrong." No traitor spirit soiled their ranks, Their lives a birthright kept: With honor bled for native soil, Till under it they slept. The Virginia Military Institute 45 CHAPTER III "the west point of the south" and major gilham We can not in a work of this character expect to follow out in detail the physical development of the Virginia Military Institute. Suffice it to say that the Superintendent fully comprehended the opportunity before him and with great zeal turned every advantage to account. The following brief account of the physical condition of the post when turned over to the Virginia Military Institute is interesting:* "The buildings, as they were occupied by the old State Guard, consisted of a barracks of brick, two stories high, and an Arsenal four stories high, also of brick, contain- ing boxes packed with flint-lock muskets and rifles, cart- ridge boxes and 'pipe clay' leather belts. The buildings were enclosed by a brick wall, twenty feet high, and the windows of the Barracks were securely defended by stout iron bars, to restrain the wandering propensities of the guard. The only lights used for the cadets were tin lamps in which whale oil was burned. The water consumed by cadets, both for ablution and for drinking purposes, was hauled in barrels from springs near the grounds. "The basement of the Arsenal, with a brick floor, was utilized for a mess hall, and was heated by an ordinary iron stove. The steward and commissary, with his fam- ily, occupied two or three rooms in the central portion of the second story of the Barracks. "The present parade ground was partly under culti- vation as a corn field, intersected by worm fences, and mioccupied by any buildings except a few log cabins, which were utilized as section rooms. There was no professor's house as yet constructed; except a brick house, built for the Superintendent, Major Smith, •Written bv Col. Edmund Pendleton, Class of 1842, one of the oiiirina! matriculates, for the V. M. I. Bomb of 1896. 46 The Military History of which stood at the west end of the Barracks, with its gable fronting southward. "The only tree on the parade ground at that time was the hickory known as the 'Guard Tree,' which still stands on the grounds. There were a few cedar trees on the face of the hill, which have long since ceased to exist. The face of the hill was deeply cut by gullies, which have since been filled up. No path or avenue at that time connected the V. M. I. with Washington College, and the only way of reaching the town of Lexington was by a pathway leading down the hill to the extension of Main Street. "Those who are old enough to remember the winter of 1839 and '40, will recall it as a winter conspicuous for its severity. The ground, from the 11th of No- vember, was covered with snow for the greater portion of the winter. But miUtary discipline and the regular performance of guard duty was strictly enforced in spite of the weather. At that time no tailors had been appointed at the Institute, and the sole dependence of the cadets for proper clothing was upon the few tailors in the town of Lexington. The clothing department was not yet organized, and not until after the newly- appointed cadets had arrived, were any purchases made of cloth or buttons for the uniforms. The temporary supply of rough blanket overcoats was purchased for the use of the sentinels, to protect them against the severe wintry blasts. The consequence was that colds Avere very prevalent among the cadets, and great dis- satisfaction and a spirit of mutiny prevailed to a large extent. So much so that a meeting assembled and angrily discussed the question whether they would not disband and return to their homes. This action, on be- ing put to the vote, very narrowly escaped being de- cided in the affirmative; but the resolute spirit of a few of the cadets, upheld and encouraged by their young Superintendent, who was then but twenty-six years old, saved the imperilled life of the Institute." The Virginia Military Institute 47 It is proper to record here the names of the original matriculates in the Corps of Cadets, or those cadets who comprised the Corps of 1839-40. They were: 1. John S. L. Logan, of Rockbridge County. 2. Philip J. Winn, of Fluvanna County. *3. Thomas J. B. Cramer, of Frederick County. 4. James Kanney, of Rockingham County. 6. John W. Jones, of Shenandoah County. *6. John T. Smith, of Norfolk City. *7. James H. Jameson, of Culpeper County. *8. Charles P. Deyerle, of Roanoke County. *9. Valentine C. Saunders, of I.oudoun County. *10. W. M. Elliott, of Buckingham County. *11. John B. Strange, of Albemarle County. 12. Benjamin Sharp, of Lee County. 13. Charles A. Crump, of Powhatan County. *14. O. M. Knight, of Nottoway County. 15. B. B. Tibbs, of Monongalia County. *16. James H. Lawrence, of Caroline County. *17. William A. Forbes, of Richmond City. 18. Henry B. Sumpter, of Campbell County. *19. Edmund Pendleton, of Botetourt County. *20. William D. Fair, of Amherst County. *21. William S. Beale, of Shenandoah County. *22. Joseph W. Bell, of Augusta County. 23. C. E. Carter, of Albemarle County. *24. William H. Henderson, of Loudoun County. *25. Louis A. Garnett, of Essex County. *26. James Marshall, of Warren County. 27. Lemuel B. Prvor, of Brunswick County. 28. David Chilton, of Kanawha County. 29. Hamilton L. Shields, of Norfolk City. 30. John S. Swann, of Powhatan County. 31. R. B. Worthington, of . Of the foregoing named matriculates Shields and Swann entered the Institute December 5, 1839; Worth- ington March 1, 1840, and all the others at the opening of the Institute. Those before whose name appears a star were graduated in 1842 except Beale, who was graduated the following year. As the spring of 1840 opened, practical military in- struction was commenced and the 31 cadets in their trim coatees soon comprised a natty military company as 48 The Military History of excellent in drill as in discipline and personnel. From the hour Major Smith took command of the little Corps, every cadet had been held to a strict accomit for the performance of his dutJ^ The first order of the Com- mandant had dispelled any idea that may have been entertained that the militarj^ duty of the cadet was to be a farce. That order is here inserted: "Virginia Military Institute, "Lexington, Va., November 11, 1839. "Orders — No. 1. "I. Maj. Francis H. Smith assumes command of the Virginia Military Institute. All reports, permits, etc., will be made to him during the morning office hours. "II. The present guard will consist of one sergeant, one corporal, and three privates, and one sentinel will be habitually- posted at the main gate. "III. The following temporary appointments are made: "Cadet W. D. Fair, to be Adjutant of Corps of Cadets. "Cadet H. B. Sumpter, to be First Sergeant. "Cadet J. H. Jameson, to be Second Sergeant. "Cadet I.. A. Garnett, to be Third Sergeant. "Cadet J. H. Lawrence, to be Fourth Sergeant. "Cadet C. E. Carter, to be First Corporal. "Cadet W. S. Beale, to be Second Corporal. "Cadet T. J. B. Cramer, to be Third Corporal. "Cadet J. W. Jones, to be Fourth Corporal. "Cadet V. C. Saunders, to be Fifth Corporal. "IV. The exercises of the Institute will commence on Monday next, by which time cadets will apply to Mr. Hugh Barclay for one copy each of the following text-books : "Davies Bourdon's Algebra, "Levizac's French Grammar. "By Order, "Francis H. Smith, "Major Commanding." The first Guard-Book is still on file at the Institute. It might be easily taken for the one of yesterday. The organization of the Corps included, besides the Commandant and the cadets, the negro musicians, Reuben Howard and Mike, drummer and fifer formerly attached to the Arsenal Gviard. The Virginia Military Institute 49 During the cold winter of 1839-40, in which many hardships were encountered by the Commandant and the cadets, two new members were appointed to the Board of Visitors. These were Adjutant-General Wil- liam H. Richardson, vice Peyton, and General William Ligon, a veteran of the War of 1812, vice Wile5^ The Board met in Lexington in June to conduct the annual examinations and to inspect the Corps of Cadets. Colonel Crozet conducted the academic examination with the skill for which he was noted, and the diminutive Corps was reviewed by the Board. So satisfactory were the results of the first year's work found to be that from that day the Institute bore the title of "West Point of the South," and its fame rapidly spread abroad. The title did not originate, as is thought by some, at the time of the War between the States, when so many graduates and eleves of the Institute entered the military service. In June, 1840, the Corps was more than doubled in size, and the number of applicants for admission as Pay Cadets largely exceeded the nmiiber which the Institute could accommodate. It now became necessary to re- vise the original Regulations and it was at this time that the General Assembly authorized the granting of com- missions in the Volunteers of the Commonwealth to the professorial staff of the Institute, according to the grade fixed by the Board of Visitors. The Principal Professor now became Superintendent, with rank of colonel; the only other professor, John T. L. Preston, who had so earnestly advocated the establishment of the School, was dignified with the title of Major. The need of an additional professor now became a pressing one, and the name of Thomas Hoomes Wilhamson, Esq., of Norfolk, was suggested to the Board by the Superintendent. Mr. Williamson was a former classmate of Colonel Smith's at the Academy, but failed in Languages his third year. He was a good soldier, however, and well equipped by training to teach Tactics and Drawing. Accordingly, July 19, 1841, he was appointed Professor of Tactics and Drawing, and 50 The Military History of assigned to duty as Commandant of Cadets, with rank of captain, being the second Commandant of the Institute. In Wilham H. Richardson, the new Adjutant-Gen- eral, the Institute found a warm friend and ardent sup- porter. From 1841 to 186.5, and from 1866 to 1876, he was Adjutant-General of Virginia, and, as an eaj-officio member of the Board, his services were conspicuously valuable to the School. In every way possible he furthered its interests; and his dying request was that no monument but a simple stone be placed over his grave with the inscription: "Placed here by the Graduates of the Virginia Mili- tary Institute." Since this request was made it has been fulfilled, for in 1875 the Rev. Charles D. Walker, V. M. I., '69, inscribed in his memorial volume containing the bio- graphical sketches of the graduates and eleves of the Institute who fell in the War between the States the following words: "To General William H. Richard- son, Adjutant-General of the State of Virginia, and the life-long friend of the V. M. I., this record of those of his boys who died for the cause is affectionately dedicated." The record of those valiant youths is indeed a noble memorial. As evidence of his faith in the School, he entered his son as a cadet in the fall of 1840, and William H. Rich- ardson, Jr., became an Assistant Professor and the first Adjutant of the Virginia Military Institute, after graduating with the Class of 1844.* It was through the influence of General Richardson that the Corps of Cadets was ordered to Richmond in Januaiy, 1842, to be examined and inspected by the ♦William H. Richardson was born in Richmond City on Dec. 18, 1795, the son of Major George Richardson, a Revolutionary officer. He served in the War of 1812 as lieutenant in Captain Edmund Taylor's rifle regiment with commission dated on May 31, 1813. He became captain of the company m 1815. In 1821 he was appointed clerk of the Executive Council, which office he held until the Council was abolished in 1852 by the new constitution. Richardson then became Secretary of the Commonwealth for about a year. After the resignation of Adjutant-General Bernard Peyton he was appointed to the office and remained in it until his death on September 1, 1876. In addition to his clerical and military services he organized the Agricultural and Horticultural Society of Virginia in 1844. and was its president for several years. The Virginia Military Institute 51 General Assembly. As a friend and admirer of the Institute, he believed a more intimate knowledge of the work of the School, on the part of the members of the Assembly, would produce the most favorable results; and in this he was not mistaken. The appearance of the Corps in Richmond created a profound impression in the minds of the people of the State. The great body of legislators had followed the proceedings of the more enthusiastic adherents of the Military Institute in a listless way, voting for the various measures proposed in connection with its organization, not because of any especial interest in the undertaking, but because they had no sufficient reasons to oppose the importunities of the few enthusiasts. The people of the State at large knew little of the School, and few, even in Richmond, conceived the real character of the infant institution. And, so, when the superb bodj^ of 60 cadets paraded the streets of the capital city, the popular imagination was aroused and great crowds followed the splendidly-drilled Corps, from place to place. The cadets were examined before the House of Dele- gates in the various subjects of their curriculum by three Cadet Instructors who not only demonstrated the proficiency of the academic instruction of the entire Corps, but their own high efficiency as trained teachers. The Legislature was immensely pleased and a public collation was tendered the cadets by the people of Rich- mond. On this occasion, a stand of colors was pre- sented the little Battalion by the veteran soldier. Gen. William Ligon, — a beautiful flag bearing the inscrip- tion, "Virginia Military Institute." ^Vlien, during the ceremony of presentation, the "Flag of the V. M. I." was toasted, the Color-Sergeant, Cadet WiUiam S. Beale,* sprang upon a table, and, as he grasped the colors with his right hand, responded: "Let him bear it who is able to defend it." ♦This noble voung man, a nephew of General William Steenliergen, a short while after his graduation, was drowned in the Ohio River in a heroic effort to save the life of a negro boatman, after he had rescued from drowning his cousin to whom he was engaged to be married. 52 The Military History of Such was the spirit in which the V. M. I. cadet first received the colors he was to bear, and such has been that which for more than three quarters of a century has been inculcated in a host of American youths. With their flag they have been taught to associate the ideals of their race; and so, their flag is not only their colors, but the standard of their virtue. The fruits of General Richardson's scheme were now to be gathered, for the pride of the General Assembly, and of the people, had been touched by their young soldiers. Accordingly, by Act of March 8, 1842, the General Assembly increased the annuity of the Insti- tute by $1,500, requiring in return that all State Cadet graduates should discharge their obligation to the Com- monwealth b}^ teaching in some school in the State foj* a period of two years after graduation, on such pay as they might be able to contract for. Thus, the Institute became, not only the second governmental military school in America, but the first Normal School in Vir- ginia ;* and to the subsequent labors of its graduates was undoubtedly due the fact that between 1845 and 1860 the number of College students in Virginia increased from 500 to 2,500, "giving Virginia the proud pre- eminence of having a larger number of young men at- tending colleges, in proportion to white population, than any other State in the Union." The first class to enter the Institute was graduated July 4, 1842. The high character of their education is well attested by the careers of the sixteen cadets who re- ceived diplomas on that day. Let us enumerate them in order of their graduation. 1. William D. Fair, Virginia, Lawyer; member of first Senate of California; died December 27, 1861. 2. William H. Henderson^ Virginia, Lawyer; died 1860. 3. John B. Strange, Virginia, Principal Norfolk Academy; Colonel 19th Virginia Infantry, C. S. A.; killed in battle. 4. T. J. B. Cramer, Virginia, Teacher ; elected Treasurer of Kansas ; one of incorporators of City of Denver, which he helped to lay out. *The University of Virginia was impressed witli a similar cliaracter bv Act of March 12, 1856. The Virginia Military Institute 53 5. Edmund Pendleton, Virginia, Lawyer; Colonel Louisiana Infantry, wounded; member Virginia Senate; member Board of Visitors V. M. I. 6. J. H. Lawrence, Virginia, Dentist; Adjutant Ga. Infantry. 7. W. M. Elliott, Virginia, Lt.-Col. C. S. A.; Editor Rich- mond Whig; member Virginia House of Delegates and State Senate; member Board of Visitors V. M. L; Rector University of Virginia. 8. J. H. Jameson, Virginia, Lawyer; Captain Virginia Infantry, C. S. A. ; died of wounds. 9. C. P. Deyerle, Virginia, Assistant Surgeon U. S. Army; and served in the Mexican War; died 1853, in the line of duty. 10. John T. Smith, Virginia, Farmer; Officer C. S. A. 11. William A. Forbes, Virginia; President Clarksville Col- lege, Tenn. ; Colonel 14th Tenn. Infantry; killed Second Manassas. 12. V. C. Saunders, Virginia; Principal Baton Rouge Military Institute, and noted scholar. 13. J. W. Bell, Virginia, Farmer; Captain C. S. A. 14. O. M. Knight,* Virginia, Physician and Planter; Captain Virginia Cavalry, C. S. A. 15. James Marshall, Virginia, Farmer; Captain Virginia Cavalry, C. S. A. 16. Louis A. Garnett, Virginia, Lawj^er in California; President Assaying and Refining Co.; leading currency expert in U. S. In the life work of these men was reflected the genius of Crozet, of Smith, and of the School they had fomided. The influence of the Institute as a School of Arms and the character of its training as such in the first three years of its existence, could not be more strikingly demonstrated than by the foregoing enum- eration. In 1861, the majority of the members of the Class of 1842 were over forty years of age. Two had died — one in the old army, and three had removed to the far West — of the remaining eleven members ten entered the military service of the Confederacj^ and three were killed in battle ! When the Institute was established the Legislature provided for an arrangement between it and Washing- ton College whereby the students of the latter might receive military instruction, in order that the College might avail itself of an endowment of the Virginia ♦still living (1914). 54 The Military History of Society of the Cincinnati, in the sum of $15,000. This endowment was dependent on the estabhshment by the College of a chair of Military Science and Gunnery. As soon, therefore, as the Institute was put in opera- tion, Major Smith was appointed Cincinnati Professor of JMilitary Science in the College, and a squad of stu- dents was formed as the "Cincinnati Class," and regularly drilled with the cadets, wearing practically the same uniform as the latter. In return for the ser- vice thus rendered by the Institute, cadets were privi- leged to pursue the course of Chemistry at the College. The arrangement was not an advantageous one to the Institute for many reasons, among others that the College students were not subject to discipline. Their disorders frequently brought discredit upon the Institute, for they were not distinguishable from cadets by reason of the similarity of uniforms. Fortunately, the relationship was terminated by the College, Febru- ary 22, 1845; but Washington College, now Washing- ton and Lee University, continues to receive the bene- faction of the great patriotic society; and the remarkable anomaly exists of one institution in Lexing- ton obtaining an annuity for instruction it does not give, while the Military School of the State with its highly developed course of military science and practical in- struction, situated in the same town, receives nothing from the Cincinnati endowment.* Upon the severance of the relations of the two Insti- tutions of learning in Lexington, it became necessary to place instruction in the Physical Sciences at the Institute upon a higher plane , and an addition of $7,000.00 to the annuity by the Legislature enabled the Board to create a new and distinct department in 1846. To fill the chair thus created was a difficult matter, for it was comtemplated that the new professor should also perform the duties of Commandant of Cadets and *At its annual meeting in September, 1913, the Virginia Society of the Cincinnati voted an annual allowance to the Institute as a scholarship aggre- gating several hundred dollars and also a gold medal for the cadet of highest general merit. The Virginia Military Institute 55 Instructor of Tactics, relieving the overburdened Captain Williamson of his mihtary duties. The new professor must, therefore, be a soldier and the greater his experience as such, the better. In the selection of the new professor and com- mandant, the West Point influence again made itself felt. Proud of the Institute, Colonel Smith had frequently invited his distinguished friends at the United States Military Academy to visit him in Lexington, and wit- ness the results of his work. Among others who at- tended the graduating exercises and examinations were Professors Bartlett, Church, and Mahan of West Point. And, so, when the Superintendent made known his wants to these illustrious teachers, it was natural that Professor Bartlett should recommend the appoint- ment of his brilliant and talented young assistant in the department of Natural Philosophy at the Academy, William GiDiam. William Gilham was born in Indiana and was ap- pointed a cadet at West Point July 1, 1836, graduating with distinction with the Class of 1840. Assigned to the Third Artillery with the rank of second lieutenant, he received his promotion October 23, 1841, and as a first lieutenant participated under General Zachary Taylor in the Mexican War. In the battles of Palo Alto and Resaca he was distinguished for gallantr5^ Before the declaration of peace, the young officer was ordered back to the Academy, as assistant to Professor Bartlett, and had served as such with notable success, when he was tendered the appointment as Commandant of Cadets, Instructor of Tactics, and Professor of Natural and Experimental Philosophy and Chemistry, with rank of major. Lieutenant Gilliam at once accepted the appoint- ment tendered him, and resigned his commission in the army, October 17, 1846. "Quick, accurate, and self- possessed, he had a magnetic jDower of command which made the drill of the Corps the equal, if not the superior, of that at West Point. In command of the Battalion 56 The Military History of of Cadets, JNIajor Gilliam had no superior." Such was the estimate of the Superintendent. In addition to his military service at the Institute, Major Gilham organized and conducted the first course in Scientific Agriculture and Industrial Chemistry in the South. But to his greatest work we shall refer later. Another distinguished soldier was now associated with the Institute as a member of the Board of Visitors in the person of Philip St. George Cocke, who was graduated from West Point in 1832, but resigned his commission as Second Lieutenant, Second Artillery, April 1, 1834. He was a man of unusual wealth and of great social and political influence, and hence, was a distinct acquisition to the Institute when appointed to the Board of Visitors in 1846.* Other recent appointments of military note to the Board were those of Captain Charles Dimmock, U. S. M. A., 1821, who resigned his commission as a captain in the First Artillery, September 30, 1836,** and Gen- eral Carter Braxton. Thus we see that as time went by the necessity of maintaining a preponderant military influence in the Board was not lost sight of. With Crozet, Cocke, and Dimmock, on the Board, and Smith, Williamson, and Gilham in the faculty, all from West Point, the influence which the national Academy bore in the affairs of the Institute can hardly be ex- aggerated. When we consider, with these, the other soldiers on the Board, a highly military character in the governing bod}^ seems to have been jealously preserved as its essential feature. The continued enlargement of the Corps, and the splendid work of the Institute, led to the appropriation by the General Assembly, March 8, 1850, of $46,000, for the erection of a suitable barracks. For this ma- terial recognition of the Institute, its thanks were largety due General Richardson and Cocke, who were *Appoiiited Brigadier-General C. S. A., October 21, 1861. **Captain Dimmocli was born in Massachusetts, but was appointed Colonel C. S. A. and Chief of Ordnance of Virginia, in 1861, a position for which George H. Thomas, later Major-General, U. S. Army, applied in January, 1861, The Virginia Military Institute 57 equally enthusiastic with Colonel Crozet in their support of the School. Up to this time, said Cocke, "his negroes were better quartered than the cadets." To further the interest of the School by again attract- ing the attention of the Legislature, and by appealing to its pride in the School, thus insuring the passage of the Act appropriating the needed funds, General Richard- son had again caused the Corps in February to be ordered to Richmond to attend the ceremonies con- nected with the laying of the corner-stone of the Wash- ington monument. He well knew that nothing would so appeal to the people of the State, and especially to the legislators, as the visible results being produced at Lexington. The Corps now had a battalion organization of two companies, and, under Major Gilham's efficient com- mand, had attained a remarkable degree of military proficiency. Its drill was superb ; its equipment modern and complete in every respect; and the personnel of its officers and cadets was of the highest social order. Num- bered among its one hundred cadets were the scions of many of Virginia's most distinguished families, and the prominent positions in the affairs of the State which its graduates, — numbering over one hundred at this time, — had assimied, added lustre and influence to the Institute. Well might its unparalleled rise in popu- larity throughout the State arouse the jealous attention of its sister institutions. And this is exactly what hap- pened ; for already its progress was beset with the open hostility of the friends of Washington College, hostility which in its unreasonableness only attracted a higher regard to the object of its unjust attacks. General Zachary Taylor, then President of the United States, was invited to attend the ceremonies in Richmond on February 22, 1850, the one hundred and eighteenth anniversary of the birth of Washington. He accepted the invitation, and, at once. Governor John B. Floyd of Virginia, former Secretary of War of the United States, and only recently become a 58 The Military History of member of the Board of Visitors of the Institute, tendered the services of the Corps of Cadets as his body- guard, an offer which the President accepted with pleasure. The work of designing and casting the bronze figures of the Washington Monument had been assigned to the great American Sculptor, Thomas Crawford, and his models had been favorably received. The corner-stone of what has been styled the finest monument of its kind in America, the total cost of which was $260,000, was laid with imposing ceremonies, and most of the military organizations of the State, as well as troops from else- where, participated therein. But none of these com- pared with the Cadet Corps, which won the unstinted plaudits of the assembled populace, and the highest praise from the dignitaries and military men of the State and nation who were present on the interesting occasion. The Alumni were overjoyed at the way the Corps was received, and, to express their own pride, presented through James B. Dorman, Esq., a member of the House of Delegates, and a private of the Class of 1843, the second stand of Battalion colors. Cadet Charles Denby, who was graduated with the Class of 1850, and who became Minister to China in 1885, received the flag for the Corps, that function being his prerogative as senior cadet-officer.* For many years the Corps of Cadets bore these colors. In the battle of New Market they created much con- fusion in the minds of the Federals, who were un- familiar with the white flag. Indeed, it has been re- corded by one Federal officer that the perfectly drilled Battalion of Cadets, bearing a strange white flag, and maneuvering with unusual precision, led many of his comrades at first to believe the Corps was some foreign command. An especial effort has been made by the author to secure a detailed description of these colors which *Denby became a colonel in the Federal Army during the war, served with distinction, and sent his son to the Institute. The latter graduated in 1899. The Virginia Military Institute 59 would prove generally acceptable to those who followed them, but it is difficult to obtain universal agreement. Unfortunately the original flag was removed from its staff while the cadets were evacuating Lexington in June, 1864, and after being much torn hj cadets wish- ing to preserve a relic of their battle flag, was hidden in a hedge in the yard of the house formerly occupied by "Stonewall" Jackson on the campus of Washington College. Upon the return of the Corps of Cadets to the Institute after Hunter's raid, no trace of the tattered flag remained. The only piece of it known to exist was presented to the Institute in June, 1914, by a grandson of General Francis H. Smith, and is now jealously guarded in the library museum. The best description of the flag I have been able to obtain is that of Captain B. A. Colonna. "The staff was about 9 or 10 feet long, made of fine-grained ash and surmounted by a brass eagle. The flag was made of white corded silk, and had a gold fringe on the outer end and top and bottom. The right field was emblazoned with the State coat of arms of the usual size, and below it, appeared the motto — Sic Semper Tyrannis. The left field was emblazoned with the head of General Washington above a U. S. shield, behind which were crossed two U. S. flags at a fairly flat angle. Below the flags, were crossed cannon, muskets, etc., and under them appeared cannon balls. The shield was surmounted by an eagle clutching arrows in one claw, and an olive branch in the other." Captain Colonna omits all reference to the name — Virginia Military Institute— which many old cadets claim appeared below the head of Washington. In 1909, at the inauguration of President Taft in Washington, the New York Alumni Chapter presented to the Corps of Cadets, through Major-General J. Franklin Bell, Chief of Staff, U. S. Army, a stand of colors purporting to be a replica of the old cadet colors, but the designer of the new flag, John S. Wise, father of the author, repeatedly stated that he was un- 60 The Military History of able to recall in detail the original except that it was white and displayed the head of Washington. The new flag was not really intended by him to be a replica, but was designed for the principal purpose of preserving the characteristic features of the old one, which were the white field and the head of Washington — emblem- atic in themselves and appropriate as a souvenir of the occasion, on which the colors were first presented to the Corps of Cadets, or the anniversary of the birth of the great and pure "Father of His Country." The people of Richmond generally, as well as the Alumni and patrons of the Institute, extended every hospitality to the Cadets, while in Riclmiond, in Febru- ary, 1850. Not only was the Corps toasted and enter- tained as a military organization, but invitations of all kinds were showered upon the officers and cadets indi- vidually, and the authorities were importuned to order the Corps to Norfolk and Petersburg, as the guest of those cities. So pressing were these invitations that the Superintendent and the Board of Visitors consented without reluctance to their acceptance, upon being per- suaded by the Adjutant-General, and Mr. Cocke, now President of the Board, of the value of the proposed ex- cursion as an advertisement. In both Norfolk and Petersburg the Corps received the most gratifying ovations, and by reason of the soldierly conduct of the cadets, the popularity of the Institute was greatly enhanced. Such was the wise means adopted by the Board to insure the successful issue of the pending appropriations, which followed al- most instantly. Not alone were the people of Virginia well pleased with the Corps. President Taylor was so delighted with Major Gilliam's conmiand, which had served as his es- cort of honor, that in token of his gratitude to the Insti- tute, and the high esteem in which he held the Corps, he ordered the United States Ordnance Department to turn out a six-piece battery of field artillery complete, with four 6-pounder guns and two 12-pounder howitzers. The Virginia Military Institute 61 The pieces he directed to be cast 200 pounds hghter than those regularly employed, each bearing on the chase the coat of arms of Virginia. The battery was soon completed and delivered in Lexington, and the Board of Visitors at once began to seriouslj^ consider the matter of instruction in Gunnery and practical artillery drill, which President Taylor's superb gift was designed to bring about. This of course delighted the Superintendent and the Commandant, both of whom had served in the Field Artillery; and Philip St. George Cocke, a former artilleryman himself, was no mean supporter of the plan to enlarge the scope of military instruction. Gen- eral Richardson, as usual, stood by the guns; and, ar- rayed with those in favor of the plan, were General Corbin Braxton, General Peter H. Steenbergen, Gen- eral E. P. Scott, and General Douglas B. Layne, all recent appointees to the Board of Visitors. Even had they opposed the measure, the five civilian members — Chas. J. Faulkner, William W. Crump, Harvey George, John S. Carlisle, Esquires, and Dr. C. E. Robinson — would have been overruled bv the military sentiment of the Board.* As a School of Arms the Virginia Military Institute has been fortunate in that from the days of its infancy, it has been able to cherish with pride traditions at- taching to the names of its eleves. Noble traditions make gallant soldiers. Unfortunate indeed is the race, the state, or the military organization without the in- spiration of tradition. The founders of Virginia's School of Arms had but a brief time to wait ere they could point to the achievements of its sons, upon the red fields of war in the service of their country, for among those who rushed to arms in May, 1846, were twenty-five eleves of the Institute. Of this number nine served in the regular army and sixteen in the ♦Between 1845 and 1850 General Carter Braxton, Col. John Jordan, and John B. Floyd, were, besides those mentioned, notable appointees to the Board of Visitors. Colonel Crozet had relinquished his office in 1844. upon removing to Louisiana, and Generals Botts, Johnston. Ligon, Dorman, and Captain Dimmock, had been superseded. 62 The Military History of Volunteers. The following is the roll of those who fought in the Mexican War: 1. Brevet Major Arthur Campbell Cummings, 11th U. S. Infantry, wounded at Paso Orejas. 2. Brevet Captain Daniel Smith Lee, 11th U. S. Infantry. 3. Brevet Captain Hamilton LeRoy Shields, 3rd U. S. Artillery. 4. First Lieutenant Birkett Davenport Fry, U. S. Voltigeurs. 5. Second Lieutenant Richard Carlton Radford, 1st U. S. Dragoons. 6. Second Lieutenant Andrew Jackson, 3d U. S. Infantry. 7. Second Lieutenant Isaac Williams Smith, U. S. Voltigeurs. 8. Second Lieutenant James Edwin Slaughter, U. S. Voltigeurs. 9. Surgeon Charles Peter Deyerle. 10. Captain Edward Codrington Carrington, 1st Va. Reg. 11. First Lieutenant George Alexander Porterfield, 1st Va. Reg. 12. First Lieutenant William Arthur Scott, 1st Va. Reg. 13. First Lieutenant James Lawrenson Bryant, 1st Va. Reg. 14. First Lieutenant Thomas Stuart Garnett, 1st Va. Reg. 15. Second Lieutenant Carlton Radford Munford, 1st Va. Reg.; died in service. 16. Second Lieutenant Robert Henry Keeling, 1st Va. Reg. 17. Second Lieutenant Harry Watson Williamson, 1st Va. Reg. 18. Second Lieutenant Beverley T. Hunter, Louisiana Volti- geurs. 19. Second Lieutenant Alexander Cassius I>ayne, 1st Va. Reg. 20. Sergeant Major James Baldwin Dorman, Texas Rangers. 21. Corporal Benjamin Franklin Ficklin, U. S. Army. 22. Private Anthony Webster Southall, 1st Va. Reg.; died of results of service. 23. Private Charles Everett Carter, Palmetto Regiment, S. C; died in service. 24. Private Reuben G. Ross, 1st Va. Reg. 25. Private Alexander McNutt McCorkle, U. S. Army; died in service. Considering the fact that the School had been in ex- istence but little over six years, and had graduated but four classes when the war with Mexico broke out, the record it established in that war was indeed one to be proud of. It indicated clearly at the time what the country might expect in future years. The Virginia Military Institute 63 CHAPTER IV THE COINIING OF JACKSON The successful visits of the Corps to the three largest cities of the State added greatly to the prestige of the Institute, and its numbers might have been greatly in- creased had suitable quarters been available. But work on the new barracks had already begun, and the phy- sical development of the School was being pushed with energy, in order that the increasing number of appli- cants might be accepted. More than ever was the mih- tary character of the School appreciated, and the efforts of the governing authorities directed to the perfection of its military instruction. In 1850, sectional war was by no means seriously con- templated by the people of America at large. States- men and students of politics may have foreseen the inevitable struggle; but men in the ordinary walks of life, while bitterly hostile in their feelings to what they deemed aggressions on the part of the North, thought little of the impending conflict. It is a notable fact, therefore, that Judge John W. Brockenbrough, in liis speech on July 4, 1850, upon which day the corner- stone of the new barracks was laid, eleven years before Virginia seceded, pointed out the dark cloud which low- ered in the North; and it was a no less singular coin- cidence that the foundation of that great structure, destined to shelter so many gallant Confederate officers, should have been laid imder the presage of the con- flict in which they were so soon to be engaged. The Board of Visitors was composed of that class of men who busied themselves with the future of the State. They foresaw the inevitable; and, as the Insti- tute was the School of Arms of Virginia, so was it the seat of military preparedness. To reheve Major Gil- ham of much of his professional work, thus leaving him 64 The Military History of freer for his military duties, and also to provide an instructor of Artillery, the Board now determined to look about for one possessing the requisites for the position. It was unanimoush^ agreed that the appointee should be a West Pointer; and, in order to seek the advice of the Superintendent and the professors of the Academy, Colonel Smith repaired to West Point, and then visited the War Department in Washington. The result of Colonel Smith's investigations was that many names were suggested for his consideration; among the more prominent being those of George Brinton McClellan, of Pennsylvania, Second Lieu- tenant of Engineers; Jesse Lee Reno, of Virginia, Second Lieutenant of Ordnance; and William Starke Rosecrans, of Ohio, Second Lieutenant of Engineers. These names are significant, for it will be observed they were those of officers of the branches of the ser- vice characterized by the high intellectual qualities of their officers. The authorities at West Point and the War Department well knew the character of man of whom the Institute was in need; and the fact that they proposed the names of McClellan, Reno and Rosecrans, is indicative of their regard for the Institute. McClellan was at that time only twenty-five years of age, but he was a graduate of the Academy, Class of 1846, and, like Gilham, a veteran of the Mexican War in which he was brevetted first lieutenant of Engineers for gallant and meritorious conduct at Contreras and Churubusco, and captain for equally conspicuous con- duct at Chapultepec. At the close of the war he had been ordered back to West Point in command of the Engineer company stationed there, and assigned to duty as assistant instructor of Practical Engineering. While at the Academy, he had prepared a Manual of Bayonet Exercises, which he adapted from the French, and which was immediately introduced into the system of instruction. Thus McClellan, even in 1850, was a marked man. The next year he was designated to sup- COLONEL CLAUDE CUOZET Founder of the Virginia Military Institute The Virginia Military Institute 65 erintend the construction of Fort Delaware; and in 1852 he accompanied Captain R. B. Marcy on the Red River exploring expedition. In 1853 and 1854, he was en- gaged in exploring a route for the proposed Pacific Railroad through Washington Territory and Oregon; and in the spring of 1855 he was appointed to a military commission created to visit Europe for the purpose of studying the organization of the Continental Armies. This commission, the other members of which were Major Richard Delafield and Major Alfred Mordecai, both of the Engineers, proceeded at once to Europe, and soon repaired to the Crimea where they were most hospitably received by General Simpson, commander of the British forces, and accorded by him every op- portunity to witness the siege operations of Sebastapol. McClellan's report on the arms, equipments, and organization of "the three arms" was, wrote a dis- tinguished soldier, "a model of conciseness and accurate information, and added to his already brilliant reputation." As is well known, McClellan became, in 1861, a Ma- jor-General of United States Volunteers, and after McDowell's disastrous defeat at First Manassas in July, was placed in command of the army defending Washington ; relieved after the failure of the Peninsula campaign of 1862; recalled to his exalted command after Pope's overthrow at Second Manassas; and at Antietam shattered the Army of Northern Virginia, compelling General Lee to forego the invasion of the North and return with his army to Virginia. What- ever may have been his defects and weaknesses as a tactical commander, he was, undoubtedly, the ablest organizer the Federal Army produced. The fighting machine he created out of nothing in the summer and fall of 1861 (or the Army of the Potomac) was by far the finest army the Federal Government sent afield, and growing stronger and stronger under repeated dis- asters, well calculated to destroy any army, was destined on many occasions to save the Republic, and ultimately 66 The Military History of to vanquish the Southern arms. It was the briUiant genius of McClellan which made possible the victories of Grant; and it was McClellan, himself, who, on at least two occasions, denied the Confederate States of America success. These facts are mentioned in con- nection with our narrative because it is a matter of im- portant conjecture what might have been the course of history had the young soldier, always partial to the sentiments of the South, been appointed a professor in 1851 at the Virginia Military Institute, and thereby thrown into closer relations with the Southern people. As it was, his candidacy for the presidenc}^ of the United States held prospects of an adjustment between the North and the South favorable to the latter. Lieutenant Reno, U. S. M. A. 1846, was also bre- vetted, first as a first lieutenant for conspicuous con- duct at Cerro Gordo, and then as captain for gallant and meritorious conduct at Chapultepec. While his reputation was not as great as that of McClellan, he was recognized as one of the most superior young officers in the service. In 1861 he became Brigadier- General of United States Volunteers; in 1862 Major- General; and was killed at South Mountain, Md., soon after this promotion. William Starke Rosecrans was graduated from the Academy in 1842. He also was a young officer of the highest character, and a veteran of the Mexican War. Resigning from the army in 1854, he re-entered the service at the outbreak of the war, and rose to the grade of JMajor-General U. S. Volunteers in 1862. His mili- tary service during the war won for him the thanks of Congress. There were others besides McClellan, Reno, and Rosecrans, prominently mentioned to the Board of Visitors of the Institute; among whom may be men- tioned Gustavus W. Smith, of Kentucky, who became a major-general, C. S. A., in 1861, and won fame as a soldier in the service of the Confederacy. The selection of any one of these eminently qualified men would have The Virginia Militaey Institute 67 been justified by their distinguished records. The im- portant professorship at the Institute, however, was offered to none of them, but finally to a classmate of McClellan and Reno; and it came about in this way. In February, 1849, First Lieutenant and Brevet Major Daniel Harvey Hill, U. S. Artillery, of South Carolina, afterwards the celebrated Lieutenant-Gen- eral D. H. Hill of the Confederacy, resigned his com- mission in the army to accept a chair at Washington College, Lexington. Major Hill, twice brevetted for conspicuous gallantry in the battles of Contreras, Churubusco, and Chapultepec, was a graduate of the United States Military Academy, of the Class of 1842, and was well acquainted with McClellan, Reno, and Rosecrans. It so happened that soon after Colonel Smith's re- turn from his visit to West Point and the War De- partment, Major Hill called upon the Superintendent of the Institute and found him much perplexed and annoyed in consequence of a difference which had recently arisen between himself and the Board of Visitors over the appointment of the new professor. In Colonel Smith's absence politics had entered into the matter, and strong pressure was being exerted upon the Board for the appointment of Captain Robert Emmet Rodes, of Lynchburg, a graduate of the Institute of the Class of 1838, then serving as an Assistant Pro- fessor at the Institute. Rodes had many influential friends, and was a man of exceptional ability, as proven by his subsequent career as Major-General, C. S. A. Colonel Smith recognized his merit, but was firm in his determination to secure a West Pointer, and in this he was supported by Philip St. George Cocke, President of the Board, himself a graduate of the Academy. \Vest Pointers in those days, as now, were wont to consider the Academy as the source of all military knowledge; and this evident spirit was resented by the Board at large ; and as a result much ill-feeling arose between the two factions. Cocke and Smith, however, carried their 68 The Military History or point and the chair was tendered Professor Alexander Peter Stewart, of Cumberland University, Tennessee. Stewart was a Tennesseean, who had graduated from West Point in 1842, served three years in the Third Artillery, and resigned his commission as second lieu- tenant May 31, 1845. Well satisfied with his present position, he declined the offer. He subsequently rose to the grade of lieutenant-general, C. S. A., and was among the most celebrated officers of the Confederacy. Again, the appointment of Rodes was being urged, when Colonel Smith introduced the subject in con- versation with Major Hill, and handed him an Army Register, with the request that he suggest the name of a suitable officer. As Major Hill glanced over the list his eye, as if by providence, fell upon the name of Jackson. With this young officer Hill had had an ac- quaintance in Mexico, the circumstances of which are interesting. When General Scott withdrew from General Taylor the greater portion of the regular troops for the invasion of Mexico by the Vera Cruz line, they were ordered to Camargo, where they were embarked for Point Isobel at the mouth of the Rio Grande, and held there until the arrival of transports to convey them to Vera Cruz. A young second lieutenant of artillery who had served under General Taylor, and was waiting for his regi- ment on the beach at Point Isobel, strolled over to see Captain Taylor of the Artillery. While in con- versation with Hill, Captain Taylor saw his visitor ap- proaching, and said: "Here comes Lieutenant Jackson. I want you to know him. He was constantly rising in the class at West Point, and if the course had been a year longer he would have graduated at the head of his class. He will make his mark in this war." Hill and Jackson were thereupon introduced, and soon strolled off together along the beach. While ad- miring the grandeur of the ocean, young Jackson said to Hill, "I envy vou men who have been in battle. How I would like to be in one battle!" and then ex- The Virginia Military Institute 69 pressed the fear that the war might terminate hefore his longing would be gratified. "Little did he then know how many scores of battles he would direct, and how breathlessly the two divided sections of the nation M^ould watch his terrible movements!" The two young officers parted to meet under the walls of Vera Cruz. After a night of toil, they sought shelter under a sand bank to snatch a few hours' sleep, when an enormous shell from the Castle of San Juan de Ulloa came crashing through their shelter, and nearly ended their earthly careers. Side by side, they served in the pursuit of the Mexicans, after the fall of Chapultepec, and their mutual friendship, born of admiration and confidence, was heightened by a closer association after the fall of the City of Mexico. So it was that in 1851, many years after their service together in Mexico, Captain Taylor's remark, "if the course had been one year longer, Jackson would have graduated at the head of his class," was recalled by Hill, and also the prophetic remark, "He will dis- tinguish himself in this war." Jackson had fully justified the expectations of Captain Taylor, and in order that his career up. to 1851 may be compared with those of McClellan, Reno and Rosecrans, his record is here given. Born in Harrison County, Virginia, of a large and influential family, the early boyhood of Jackson, if not oppressed by poverty, was a hard struggle by reason of the financial reverses of his father, who, as a lawyer, had lost a large sum of security money. Schools of an ordinary grade were inaccessible to one of young Jackson's means; and such primary in- struction as he received had to be obtained in spite of the severest demands for his labor on his father's farm notwithstanding the additional drawback of bad health and a feeble physical constitution. "Thus, were the years of his boyhood and early youth passed. We may picture to ourselves that manly and conscientious and thoughful, though delicate, boy, now 70 The Military History of running the furrow, now planting the grain, now har- vesting the crop, or tending the cattle by day, and, in the intervals of labor, snatching up the grammar, or geography, or history, and thus laying the foundation for that education he was soon to receive. These trials and struggles of early boyhood, in thirsting after know- ledge, present a sublime spectacle, while there can be no doubt that the disciphne which Jackson thus under- went in his western home, while laying in the rudiments of a plain English education, constituted an important element in the development of those qualities which have added such lustre to his name. "In the winter of 1841-42, he became aware that a vacancy existed from his district in the United States Military Academy at West Point. He was at once fired with the desire to secure the appointment. He was conscious of the great number of applicants, and of the difficulties in the way of success. He knew he was poorly prepared for the severe and advanced studies of the Academy; but, nothing daunted, he resolved to make the effort ; and, trusting to that providence whose guid- ance he ever acknowledged and sought, he started for Washington. His journey was a difficult one; partly on horseback, j^artlj^ on foot, and partly by the public conveyances, he reached the national capital and laid his petition in person before his immediate representa- tive, the Hon. Samuel L. Hays. The manner of the youth, his earnestness, his resolution, his hopefulness, all spoke for him. These were his credentials; and the result was, he returned to his home with his warrant' in his pocket, — his first public reward for honest effort in the path of duty. "On the 1st of July, 1842, he was admitted a cadet in the United States Military Academy. His class was a large and distinguished one. Generals McClellan, Foster, Reno, Couch, and Gibbon, of the Federal Army; and Generals A. P. Hill, Pickett, Maury, D. R. Jones, W. D. Smith, and Wilcox, of the Confederate Army, were among his classmates. He was at once The Virginia Military Institute 71 brought into competition with young men of high culti- vation; and, although it is doubtful whether he had seen a French book in his life, or a Mathematical book, except his Arithmetic, he was assigned to the fourth class, and entered upon the study of Algebra, Ge- ometry, and French. At the end of his first year, in a class of seventy-two, he stood 45 in Mathematics, 70 in French, had 15 demerit and was 51 in general merit. Such a standing would have discouraged an ordinary youth. Not so with Jackson. He knew his early dis- advantages. He was rather encouraged that he could sustain himself at all; and, stimulated by this hope and confidence, he pressed forward to the work of the next advanced class. Here, the studies were more abstruse and more complicated; but, when the examination came around, he had risen to 18 in Mathematics, 52 in French, was 68 in drawing and 55 in English studies, had 26 demerit, and was 30 in general merit. "In the second class a new course of studies was pre- sented to him. Having completed the pure Mathe- matics, French and English, he had now to enter upon the stud}^ of Chemistry and Natural Philosophy; and we see the upward and onward march of this youth in the result of the year, which placed him 11 in Natural Philosophy, 25 in Chemistry, 59 in drawing, with no demerit for the year, and in general merit he was 20. In July, 1846, his class graduated. In the studies of the final year he was 12 in Engineering, 5 in Ethics, 11 in Artillery, 21 in Infantry Tactics, 11 in Mineralogy and Geology, had 7 demerit for the year, and his graduating standing, including the drawbacks of his previous years, was 17. • •«••••* "It was scarcely possible for a young man to have entered upon a course of studies for which he was less prepared, from want of early preparation, than he was. Accustomed to the labor of the field, the change in his habits of life would have unsettled any ordinary man; but the resolute purpose to accomplish what he had un- dertaken, and thus to vindicate the confidence of his 72 The Military History of friends, animated him through all his difficulties, and crowned him with the honors of a graduate, and with the commission as a brevet second lieutenant of artillery, on the 1st of July, 1846. "Lieutenant Jackson immediately reported for duty w^ith his regiment, the First Artillery, and was soon after assigned to Magruder's Light Battery, then serving in Mexico. On the 3d of March, 1847, he was promoted to second lieutenant, and on the 20th of August of the same year to the rank of first lieutenant. On that day the battles of Contreras and Churubusco were fought, and 'for gallant and meritorious conduct in these battles,' he was brevetted a captain. The battle of Chapultepec was fought on the 13th of September, and he was brevetted a major of artillery for 'gallant and meritorious conduct' in that battle. Thus, in the brief period of fourteen months, he had risen from a brevet second lieutenant of artillery, to the rank of a brevet major of artillery, — a success without parallel in the history of the Mexican War. His division commander thus noticed his conduct : 'The ad- vanced section of the battery, under the command of the brave Lieutenant Jackson, was dreadfulh^ cut up and almost disabled.' . . . Captain Magruder's field battery, one section of which was served with great gallantr}^ by himself, and the other by his brave lieu- tenant, Jackson, in the face of a galling fire from the enemy's intrenched positions, did invaluable service pre- paratory to the general assault. "Captain Magruder in his official report, made the following reference to him: 'I beg leave to call the attention of the Major- General commanding the division to the conduct of Lieutenant Jackson of the First Artillery. If devotion, industry, talent and gallantry are the highest qualities of a soldier, he is entitled to the distinction which their possession con- fers.' "* *From the memorial tribute to Jackson written by General Francis H. Smith, and read to the Board of Visitors of the V. M. I. July 1, 1863. It is given here verbatim because it comprises a comtemporary estimate upon the facts of which, as then known, the appointment of Jackson was made. D. H. Hill and Jackson were not brothers-in-law at this time, as is frequently erroneously asserted. The Virginia Military Institute 73 Such was the record of the officer whom Major D. H. Hill recommended in the strongest terms to tJhe Super- intendent, with the result that Colonel Smith at once wrote Major Jackson requesting permission to present his name to the Board. In reply, the following letter was received: "Fort Meade, Fla., February 25, 1851. "Dear Sir — I have just received your communication of the 4th inst., containing the kind proposition of bringing my name before the Board of Visitors of the Virginia Military Institute as a candi- date for the professorship of Natural and Experimental Philosophy. "Though strong ties bind me to the Army, yet I can not consent to decline so flattering an offer. Please present my name to the Board, and accept my thanks for your kindness. "I am, sir, "Very respectfully, "Your obedient servant, "T. J. Jackson." There was an adjourned meeting of the Board in Richmond, and upon receipt of Major Jackson's favor- able reply, Colonel Smith immediately repaired to that city, and sought out the Hon. John S. Carlisle, who was one of its members, and a connection of Jackson's. Carlisle heartily endorsed his candidacy, and set to work to enlist support therefor, arguing that inasmuch as little patronage had been derived by the Institute from the western section of the State, it would be politic to appoint an officer from that quarter. When the Board convened on March 28, 1851, to con- sider the disturbing question of appointing the new professor, Hon. John Brannon, State Senator from Lewis County, arose and nominated Major Thomas Jonathan Jackson, stating in a strong plea for his ap- pointment that this officer was from his section of the State, that he was well known in western Virginia, that the distinguished reputation he had gained in Mexico had made him the idol of the people, and that his election to the chair would greatly strengthen the Institute in that quarter. 74s The ^Military History of Mr. Brannon's nomination was promptly seconded and Major Jackson was mianimously elected, a result insin-ed by hard work and the most thorough canvass of the Board before the matter was finally considered. Thus, we see that not only Providence, but West Point and State politics, all combined to produce "Stonewall" Jackson. Colonel Smith, highly pleased with his victory, com- municated the result of the election to Major Jackson on the day it occurred, and nearly a month later received the following reply: "Fort Meade, Fla., April 22, 1851. "Colonel — Your letter of the 28th ult., informing me that I had been elected Professor of Natural and Experimental Philosophy and Artillery Tactics, in the Virginia Military Institute, has been received. "The high honor conferred by the Board of Visitors in selecting me unanimously to fill such a professorship gratified me exceedingly. "I hope to be able to meet the Board on the 28th of June, next, but fear that circumstances over which I have no control will prevent my doing so before that time. For your kindness in endeavoring to procure me a leave of absence for six months, as well as for the interest you have otherwise manifested in my behalf, I feel under strong and lasting obligations. "Should I desire a furlough of more than one month, commencing on the 1st of July next, it will be for the purpose of visiting Europe. "I regret that recent illness has prevented my giving you an earlier answer. Any communication which you may have to make, previous to the 1st of June, please direct to this place. "I am. Colonel, "Very respectfully, "Your obedient servant, "T. J. Jackson. "To Col. Francis Smith, "Sup't Virginia Military Institute, "Lexington, Rockbridge Countj-, Virginia." At this time. Major Jackson's health was very poor, and his eyes, especially, were so weak he had to exercise great prudence in using them, never doing so at night. Thus crippled for his new work, he was asked by a friend if he did not hesitate to accept a position when he The Virginia Military Institute 75 was i^hysically incapacitated to fill it. "Xot in the least," was his prompt answer. "The appointment came unsought, and was therefore providential; and I knew that if Providence set me a task, He would give me the power to perform it. So, I resolved to get well, and you see I have. As to the rest, I knew that what / willed to do, I could do/' Major Jackson tendered his resignation at once, to take effect February 29, 1852, and secured a leave of absence from June until that date. In the meantime, he was transferred to Fort Hamilton, and in order to recuperate his strength, he spent the month of July on Lake Ontario, and, reporting at Lexington early in August, was assigned to duty as Acting Commandant, with Captains R. E. Rodes and J. W. Massie as his assistants. In a few days Major Jackson marched the Corps to Warm Springs, Virginia, where it remained in camp for three weeks, returning to Lexington in time for the opening of the session, September 1st, at which time JNIajor Gilliam returned from leave. During the encampment Major Jackson did not prove a success as a Commandant, and gave no evidence of ability to command young men. His appointment led to the early resignation of Captain Rodes, who took up railroad engineering, which profession he followed with success until the outbreak of the war, just before which he was elected a professor at the Institute.* *Upon reporting for duty at the Insstitute, Major Jackson found an old friend who had been most insistent in his humble way, urging the former's appointment. General Smith, who was from Norfolls, and frequently visited Fortress Monroe, had some years before appointed Sergeant Dempsey, of the Artillery, Ordnance Sergeant at the Institute. This worthy man, who faithfully served the Institute many years, had been a member of Jackson's battery in Mexico. Upon learning that an artillery officer was being sought for by the Superintendent, he had persistently spoken of Major Jackson, his old battery commander, referring again and again to Major Jackson as the finest officer in the Artillery. , , ^ .^^, , When Jackson was buried in Lexington, Mrs. Jackson presented the faithful Sergeant Dempsey with the military boots in which her husband was killed, and they are now owned by a gentleman in Lexington to whose mother they were willed by their proud owner. 76 The Military History of CHAPTER V IN TIME OF PEACE PREPARE FOR WAR GILHAM AND JACKSON The faculty of the Institute now consisted of Colonel Smith, Majors Preston, Williamson, GiDiam, and Jackson, and several young Assistant Professors with tactical duties. Captain Rodes resigned soon after Jackson's appointment. It is frequently assumed by those ignorant of the facts, that Jackson was the military genius of the Insti- tute during his association with the School. Nothing could be more erroneous than such a belief. His sole connection with the military affairs of the School was as Instructor of Ordnance and Artillery Tactics and Com- mander of the Cadet battery which President Taylor had presented the Corps the year before Jackson's appointment. As a member of the faculty Jackson did undoubtedly exert his own peculiar influence upon the Corps of Cadets and the community in which he dwelt; but his was not a commanding influence, nor did he in an}' way shape the course of events at the Institute, or its character as a School of Arms. I believe it is not too much to say that Jackson was influenced more by the Institute than it was by him. Even had he possessed the personality to be a leader of thought, he did not occupy a sufficiently prominent position as a mere pro- fessor, without executive duties of any kind, to exercise a positive control. In the writer's opinion, the impression of Jackson which a late popular novelist has sought to create is not a correct one. That impression harmonizes too well with the Boer-like figure portrayed in the frontispiece of the "Long Roll." Jackson was undoubtedly eccentric The Virginia Military Institute 77 as we shall see, but he was not a bore; he was peculiar but not rough. He was not handsome, but in his ap- pearance there was nothing partaking of the repulsive; he was rather unhandsome than ugly; unpolished than coarse in grain. The writer did not, of course, know Jackson, but he has been at particular pains to gain a correct impression of the man as he appeared while a professor at the Virginia Military Institute. Jackson may have ap- peared otherwise to those who knew him elsewhere ; but to his personal acquaintances, his brother-officers, his business associates, his official superiors, his military subordinates, his social equals, his servants, his superiors and his inferiors, in Lexington, he presented the fea- tures so carefully and vividly portrayed by his military biographer, John Esten Cooke. That likeness has been verified in detail by the author. It bears the flesh tints from the brush of an artist who painted from life, and, as it can not be improved upon in the writer's opinion, it is herein incorporated : "Well-meaning persons have drawn a wholly incor- rect likeness of Jackson at this period of his life. Misled by admiration, and yielding to the temptation to eulogy, they have bestowed upon Professor Jackson every moral and physical grace, and even his eccentric- ities have been toned down into winning ways, original and characteristic, which only made their possessor more charming than before. We are sorry to say this is all fancy. Jackson was the farthest possible removed from anything graceful; and as the first merit of any biography is accuracy, we shall endeavor to lay before the reader a truthful sketch of the real form seen mov- ing to and fro, on the streets of Lexington, between the years 1851 and 1861. "It was the figure of a tall, gaunt, awkward indi- vidual, wearing a gray uniform, and apparently moving by separate and distinct acts of volition. This stiff and unbending figure passed over the ground with a sort of stride, as though measuring the distance from one 78 The Military History of given point to another; and those who followed its curious movements saw it pause at times, apparently from having reached the point desired. The ej^es of the individual at such moments were fixed intently upon the ground; his lips moved in soliloquy; the absent and preoccupied gaze and general expression of the features plainly showed a profound unconsciousness of 'place and time.' It was perfectly obvious that the mind of the military-looking personage in the gray coat was busy upon some problem entirely disconnected from his actual surroundings. The fact of his presence at Lex- ington, in the commonwealth of Virginia, had evidently disappeared from his consciousness; the figures moving around him were mere plantasmagoria ; he had travelled in search of some principle of philosophy, or some truth in theology, quite out of the real, work-a-day world, and deep in the land of dreams. If you spoke to him at such times, he awoke as if it were from sleep, and looked into your face with an air of simplicity and inquiry, which sufficiently proved the sudden transition which he had made from the world of thoughts to that of reality. "In lecturing to his class, his manner was grave, earnest, full of military brevity, and destitute of all the graces of the speaker. Business-like, systematic, some- what stern, with an air of rigid rule, as though the matter at issue were of the utmost importance, and he was entrusted with the responsibility of seeing that due attention was paid to it — he did not make a very favorable impression upon the volatile youths, who sat at the feet of this military Gamaliel. They listened decorously to the grave Professor, but, once dismissed from his presence, took revenge by a thousand jests upon his peculiarities of mind and demeanor. His oddities were the subject of incessant jokes; his eccentric ways were dwelt upon with all the eloquence and sar- castic gusto which characterize the gay conversation of young men discussing an unpopular teacher. No idiosyncrasy of the Professor was lost sight of. His stiff, angular figure; the awkward movement of his The Virginia Military Institute 79 body; his absent and 'grum' demeanor; his exaggerated and apparently absurd devotion to mihtary regularity; his wearisome exactions of a similar observance on their part ; — that general oddity, eccentricity, and singularity in moving, talking, thinking, and acting peculiar to him- self — all these were described on a thousand occasions, and furnished unfailing food for laughter. They called him 'Old Tom Jackson'; and pointing significantly to their foreheads, said he was 'not quite right there.' Some inclined to the belief that he was only a great eccentric; but others declared him 'crazy.' Those who had experienced the full weight of his professorial baton — who had been reprimanded before the class, or 're- ported' to the Superintendent for punishment or dis- missal — called him 'Fool Tom Jackson.' "These details are not very heroic, and detract con- siderably from that dignified outline which eulogistic writers upon Jackson have drawn. But they are true. Nothing is better established than the fact that the man to whom General Lee wrote, 'Could I have directed events, I should have chosen for the good of the coimtry to have been disabled in your stead,' and of whom the London Times said, 'That mixture of daring and judg- ment, which is the mark of "Heaven born" Generals, distinguished him beyond any man of his time' — noth- ing is more certain, we say, than that this man was sneered at as a fool, and on many occasions stigmatized as insane. "It is doubtless true, however, that some of the youths, of more generous disposition or penetrating judgment, did not share in this general opinion.* They saw in the young professor originality rather than ec- centricity of mind. They could acknowledge the peculiarities of his views and opinions, and the singular- it}^ of some of his habits, without sharing the popular impression that some wheel or crank of his mental machinery was out of order. Upon one point, however, *Among whom may be mentioned Col. R. Preston Chew, '61, who, in hia address at the Institute on the occasion of the unveiling of Ezekiel's .Tackson Statue denied much that has been written about Jackson's appearance and eccentricities. 80 - The Military History of there seems to have been a general concurrence: the young teacher's possession of an indomitable fearless- ness and integrity in the discharge of every duty. His worst enemies never ventured to say that he did not walk the straight path of right, and administer his official duties without fear, favor, or affection. They were forced to recognize the fact that this stiff military machine measured out justice to all alike, irrespective of persons, and could not be turned aside from the direct course by any influences around him. The cadets laughed at him, but thej?^ were afraid of him. They agreed, by common consent, that it was time thrown away to write excuses for a 'report' made by Major Jackson. The faculty had come, from long experience, to understand that when Major Jackson reported a cadet he deserved punishment, and the consequence was that, although the young men derided his peculiarities, and laughed in private at his odd ways, thej^ felt that he was their master, and yielded full obedience to his orders. "Such was the ex-artillerist turned professor. From his functions of professor in the schoolroom, he would pass to those of instructor of artillery on the parade ground. Here he was more in his element. He was called upon to teach the mysteries of that arm of the service which he loved above all others; and the pro- ficiency of the cadets in drill and all the evolutions of the battery was soon a subject of remark. Jackson took great interest in those drills, especially when blank cartridges were used. 'An Ex-Cadet,' in his interesting accomit of this portion of Jackson's life, says: 'As soon as the sound of the guns would fall upon his ears, a change would seem to come over Major Jackson. He would grow more erect ; the grasp upon his sabre would tighten; the quiet eyes would flash; the large nostrils would dilate, and the calm, grave face would glow with the proud spirit of the warrior. I have been frequently struck with this, and have often called the attention of others to it.' The Virginia Military Institute 81 "We have thus presented the figure of Jackson under two or three aspects — as the absent-looking thinker moving, lost in meditation, through the streets of Lex- ington; the grave professor in the lecturer's desk, and the officer of artillery, with sabre at his side, directing the drill and drawling out his commands in the long, singsong fashion, peculiar to the graduates of West Point. His appearance on Sunday will conclude our outline. He attended church with unfailing regularity. Punctual to the moment, the form of the Professor was seen to enter church, decorously approach the familiar pew, and enter with grave respect in his whole de- meanor. Book in hand, he followed the words of the hymn sung by the congregation, and at the signal for prayer rose erect, his tall figure remaining motionless as a statue until the prayer was finished. After the service he retraced his steps with decorous gravity and retired to his quarters, to return again with the same punctuality, and conduct himself with the same solemn respect, at the evening services. The hours of Sun- day not spent in church were given up to religious reading, meditation, and prayer in his study or in the bosom of his family. "Thus passed, in routine of duty, barren and dull to the beholder, but doubtless interesting to him, a period of nearly ten years. Jackson's health was still delicate, and he suffered much from weakness of eyesight; but these drawbacks did not interfere with the rigid and complete discharge of his duties. The feebleness of his sight induced him to turn his attention especially to that subject, and when the revolution conmienced, he had made considerable progress in an elementary work on Optics, which he proposed to pubHsh for the benefit of his class. His character seems to have been under- stood and appreciated by the best classes of the little society of Lexington, and his virtues were greatly re- spected. Men of grave character and experience dis- cerned the merits of the solid man: and if the}^ did not suspect the presence of that military genius which he 82 The Military History of afterwards exhibited on another arena, they valued him for liis conscientious devotion to duty, and loved him for his simplicity and piety. One who was connected with him officially at this time. Colonel Smith, the Superin- tendent, writes : 'His great principle of government was tliat the general rule should not be violated for any particular good; and his animating rule of action was, that a man could always accomplish what he willed to perform.' This statement may be paraphrased in the Avords system, regularity, justice, impartiality, and un- conscionable perseverance and determination. These were valuable lessons to teach youths. They laughed at him, but they imbibed the principles of action which he taught. Thej^ derided the rigid discipline which the young monitor enacted ; denounced him for administer- ing things on a 'war footing,' and no doubt honestly regarded him as a most unreasonable advocate of useless military etiquette; but they were slowly and certainly trained, like growing twigs, in the direction which the teacher wished. Jackson proceeded upon the eminently just view that the Institute was a military school, whose chief value consisted in the habits of military system and obedience which is impressed on the ductile characters of the cadets, and regarded any relaxation of the rules of the establishment as directly tending to strike at the intention of its founders and destroy its usefulness. Many anecdotes touching this point are related of him. He once continued to wear a thick woolen uniform during the sultriest days of summer, when everybody else had adopted the lightest attire possible; and when asked by one of the professors why he did so, replied 'that he had seen an order prescribing the uniform which he wore, but none had been exhibited to him directing it to be changed.' • • • •-• • • • "As yet, however, the cadets laughed, and doubted the good sense of all this rigid discipline. They not only made fun of the grave Professor behind his back, but persecuted and 'sorely tried' him, says an 'Ex- The Virginia Military Institute 83 Cadet', by practical jokes. One of these was amusing, and will give the reader some idea of the youths with whom he had to deal. The battery used in drilling was managed by drag-ropes, which the plebe class manned. Sometimes a linchpin would be secretly abstracted, and the piece or caisson would break dowTi in the midst of the drill. A more mirth-provoking device even than this, however, was hit upon. A small bell was adroitly suspended inside of the limber-box, and the conspirators demurely took their places at the drag-ropes. The com- mander of the battery gave the order, 'Forward', and the pieces began to move. Suddenly a mysterious tinkling was heard, and the cadets, unable to withstand this tax upon their risible faculties, burst into shouts of laughter. The Professor looked astonished, halted the battery, and with great earnestness instituted an in- quiry into the phenomenon. It was in vain; nothing was discovered, and the order was again given for the pieces to move forward. They moved, and the hidden bell again tinkled, amid renewed shouts of laughter. How this adventure terminated we are not informed, but there is no doubt the trick was played and was not greatly enjoyed by Professor Jackson. Other devices of the frolicsome cadets to annoy him seem to have af- fected him with a touch of humor. We have referred to the long drawling manner in which, following the fashion of West Point, he gave his commands. A fav- orite movement with him was to bring the battery into echelon; and whenever the command to 'Form echelon' was given with its accompaniment, 'Right oblique— trot — march!' the whole ground would ring with the commands, repeated by the cadet officers, in the most ridiculous drawl imaginable. One evening when this had been carried to unwonted excess, the adjutant approached Jackson and asked him how he was pleased with the drill. " 'Very much, sir,' replied Jackson; then smiling slightly he added, 'the officers gave very fine commands this afternoon.' 84 The Military History of "No opportunity of having a laugh at the Professor's expense was lost sight of, and on another occasion the cadets had some grounds for their amusements. One day Jackson informed his class that the clock in front of the Institute was not correct, and declared his in- tention to ascertain, by scientific means, the exact time. He accordingly marched out to the parade ground, with the class at his heels, and proceeded, by means of his instruments, to take an observation. The result was amusing and delighted the cadet-heart. He finished his work about half-past twelve in the day, and to his pro- found astonishment discovered that it was nearly seven in the evening! The cadets set up a shout, and after looking around him with an incredulous surprise for some moments, Jackson joined in the general laughter. It was soon discovered that the instruments were out of order, but the cadets did not suffer this fact to lessen their appreciation of the joke. "One of the few exhibitions of the tendency to humor which we find in Jackson's whole career occurred at this period. The reader will not be troubled with many similar incidents, and we give the anecdote here. One morning in 1858 he called upon a member of the graduating class, and with profound gravity pro- pounded the following scientific question: " 'Why is it impossible to send a telegraphic dispatch from Lexington to Staunton?' "The cadet reflected for some moments, and then re- plied that the explanation of this phenomenon doubt- less lay in the fact that the amount of iron ore in the mountains drew the magnetic current from the wires. "A covert smile touched upon Jackson's features; fled away, and he said: " 'No, sir; you can take your seat.' "Another was called up, but he too failed to explain the mystery. A second, then a third were equally mi- successful — Jackson listening to their theories with pro- found attention, but with the same sly smile that had greeted the first solution. This smile probably at- The Virginia Military Institute 85 tracted the attention of the next cadet who was called, and threw a sudden light upon the subject. His countenance lit up ; his lips broke into a smile in return, and he said: " 'Well, Major Jackson, I reckon it must be, because there is no telegraph between the two places.' " 'You are right, sir,' replied Jackson, who had sud- denly renewed his composed expression. 'You can take your seat.' "An outburst of laughter from the class greeted this passage of arms in which the Professor was overthrown, but the unwonted display of humor had apparently ex- hausted Jackson's appreciation of the quality for the time. He called the class to order, and calmly con- tinued the subject of the recitation as if nothing had happened. "We give this incident upon good authority. It is the first and last attempt at a practical joke which we find in Jackson's life. "Another incident of his dealings with the cadets is an illustration of the quiet courage of the man, and disregard of personal consequences where duty was con- cerned. He had brought charges against a cadet, who was tried and dismissed from the Institute. Burning with resentment, the young man declared his intention to take Jackson's life, and arming himself took his position on the road from Lexington to the Institute, over which he knew the Professor would pass to meet his class. A friend had overheard the youth express his bloody intention, and hastening to warn Jackson, met him on the road, and informed him of his danger, strongly urging him to turn back. To turn back, how- ever, was to neglect his recitations on that day, and to hold his recitations was a part of his duty. He peremptorily refused to retrace his steps, and with the cold and stern reply, 'Let the assassin murder me if he will!' continued his way. As he approached the spot indicated, he saw the young man standing and awaiting him. He turned and gazed fixedly at him with that 86 The Military History of look which had fronted, unmoved, the most terrible scenes of carnage upon many battlefields. The youth could not sustain it; he lowered his eyes, and, turning away in silence, left the spot, while Jackson cahnly pur- sued his way. "We have here placed upon record, with such illus- trations as we could collect, the traits of character which distinguished Jackson at this period of his life. One other which is mentioned by a recent biographer should be noticed — the strength of his memory. 'In the section- room,' says 'an Ex-Cadet', 'he would sit perfectly erect and motionless, listening with grave attention, and ex- hibiting the great powers of his wonderful memory, which was, I think, the most remarkable that ever came under my observation. The course that he taught was the most difficult and complicated known to mathe- matics, running through at least half a dozen text- books. In listening to a recitation he rarely used a book. He was ready at any moment to refer to any page or line in any of the books, and then to repeat with per- fect accuracy the most difficult passages that could be referred to.' "Such was Jackson at Lexington; a stiff, earnest, military figure — artillery officer turned professor; stern in his bearing, eccentric in his habits, peculiar in many of his views, leading a life of alternate activity in the section-room, and abstraction in the study, independent, devoted to duty, deeply religious in sentiment, and notable in person, deportment, and character for an un- doubted originality. The eccentric figure was as well known in Lexington as the 'Iron Duke', raising the finger to his hat, and uttering his curt greeting in the streets of London. As j^ears wore on, his character was better understood — his merit more fully recognized. We may doubt Colonel Smith's assertion that at the breaking out of the war, 'the spontaneous sentiment of every cadet and graduate was to serve under him as their leader,' but there is good reason to believe that he had strongly impressed great numbers of persons with a The Vikginia Military Institute 87 conviction of his soldierly qualities — his good judgment, impartiality, perseverance, courage, and knowledge of the profession of arms."* To the foregoing description of Jackson's career as a professor at the Institute much might be added in the natiu'e of confirmatory evidence. But I shall only at- tempt to fill in the gaps, avoiding repetition as much as possible. As a professor, Major Jackson was not a success. It is not in that iconoclastic spirit which too commonly leads the flippant critic to break down popular beliefs concerning the perfections of great men, but in the interest of historical truth, that this assertion is here made. According to the testimon}^ of his superior officer at the Institute, who w^as responsible for his appoint- ment, and knew of his abilities as a professor in a way that no other did, Jackson displayed no qualifications for the chair he was selected to fill. By nature, he was no teacher; and he lacked the tact required for the suc- cessful handling of young men. Every officer and every cadet respected him for his many sterling qualities. They knew him to be brave, conscientious, and to be a good Christian man; and the glamor of his military exploits in Mexico appealed with especial force to the youth with whom he was associated; but his warmest personal admirers perceived at once he was not gifted in the work he had chosen to pursue. Even as a military commander at the Institute, Major Jackson failed to inspire that confidence in the cadets which one, who later developed such high genius for command, might now be supposed to have done. It is a well known fact that the peculiarities of genius are usually construed as eccentricities, by associates, rather than as indicative evidence of extraordinary ability on the part of the one possessing them. It is only in the retrospect that one attributes idiosyncrasies ♦stonewall Jackson, a Military Biography, John Esten Cooke, pp. 23-32. See also Memorial Va. Mil. Inst.. Walker ; Henderson's Stonewall .Tackson and the American Civil War ; Life of Stonewall Jackson, Daniels ; Wearing of the Gray, Cooke ; Life and Campaigns of Stonewall Jackson, Dabney ; and Religious Character of Stonewall Jackson, Smith. 88 The Militaey History of to the temperament of genius; and youth especially is wont to lose no time forecasting future greatness from present eccentricity. Young men, and the large ma- jority of maturer minds as well, are concerned with the material aspect of things in their relation to the present. Thus it is, that the smaller intellect capable of a complete mastery of a task of commensurate magni- tude, is ordinarily rated higher in the general estimate than a less circimiscribed intellect which gives imperfect evidences of its grasp of tangible things. Especially is this true of cadets, who in their uncritical judgment would at once underestimate a Hannibal, should he undertake to discharge the duties of a drill-master, with- out a thorough knowledge of the details involved. The immature mind, whether of youth or men, does not deal in generalities, but exacts preciseness in the most trivial matters. Nor can it accept the unconventional oddities of style and manner, beneath which a broader mind de- tects the more essential qualities ; they onty obscure those qualities from the view of the undiscerning ; and thus the superficial attributes are construed as the true na- ture of the subject under consideration. "Major Jackson's presence was not striking, his man- ners were not attractive, and his habits were so eccentric that he had not ranked high as a professor; even at the time of his most astonishing victories, and when any cadet there would have given all he possessed to be with him, the stories of 'Old Jack's' eccentricities made daily sport for the cadets." Such were the accurate recol- lections of one who upon mature reflection sought to re- cord his youthful estimate of the great man, under whom he had served as a cadet.* And this testimony is almost universally corroborated. One who knows human nature, and more particularly the nature of young men, — one who has not yet lost touch with the spirit of youth, may readily detect from the following account the feelings of the Corps of Cadets with respect to Major Jackson: *End of an Era, John S. Wise, p. 268. The Virginia Military Institute 89 "It was a famous joke how, when he had been drilhng the Third Class in hght artillery, with the 'plebes' as horses, the cadets had drawn the linchpins from the cannon wheels ; and as the guns made the turn near the parapet along the edge of the parade ground, the wheels had come off and sent the pieces tumbling over the slope. When this would happen, as it often did. Major Jackson would gallop up, look ruefulh^ down the slope, and remark, without the slightest suspicion: 'There must be something defective in the construction of these linchpins; they seem inclined to fly out whenever the pieces in rapid motion change direction.' " Now, here, let it be interpolated, no such incident as this could have occurred but once (at most), under Major Gilham who, the first time it did occur, would in his more practical laiowledge of young men, probably have required the old cadets to draw the pieces up the slope, instead of halting them in the shade while the innocent human gun-teams labored at the task! Such an expedient would have at once remedied all defects in the linchpins. But Major Jackson's mind was not con- stituted that way. Soon after his appointment, lack of harmony de- veloped between Major Jackson and the Superin- tendent. It was said Major Jackson would have little to do with his superior officer, except in an official way. "Professors were required under the regulations to make their weekly reports to the Superintendent at four o'clock Friday afternoon. It was told of 'Old Jack' that Friday afternoon, within a few minutes of four o'clock, he would appear in front of the Superin- tendent's office, and walk up and down, until the clock struck four. It made no difference whether it was rain- ing, haihng, snowing, or freezing, he would not enter until the clock struck; then, with military precision, he would advance to the office of the Superintendent, sa- lute, lay his report upon the table, face about, and walk out. It was also related that during the recitations he was frequently occupied in rubbing one side of himself, 90 The Military History of under the impression (confided to a select few) that one side of his body was not so well nourished as the other, and was gradually wasting away." The writer of this interesting account does not him- self vouch for the truth of the reports he recounts, and they may have all been greatly exaggerated, and very likely were; but the fact remains, that the general im- pression was according to the current rumor or gossip, and we readily understand why the cadets dubbed a man but twenty-seven years of age, "Old Jack", "Old Tom Jackson", and "Fool Tom Jackson". With Gilham as Commandant, and Jackson as In- structor of Ordnance and Artillery Tactics, the military instruction of the School progressed with the utmost success; but Gilham was the disciplinarian and the champion of the military ideals of the Institute. He was regarded by many as a veritable martinet, was dis- liked by those who shirked their duty and felt the iron of his hand, admired intensely by his associate officers and the great majority of the Corps, and respected by all. When the Superintendent, — a kindly, gentle man, thoroughly imbued with the principles of discipline, but, occasionally, through what he deemed to be policy, inclined to overlook in a spirit of paternalism, breaches of discipline, — it was Major Gilham, the Commandant, who opposed these tendencies to depart from the strict requirements of duty. At times, of course, the Com- mandant was too exacting ; for, thrown into contact with cadets only in his military capacity, he dealt with them as men with men's responsibilities, and treated them accordingly. He rightly perceived that it was not the academic excellence of the Institute upon which its suc- cess depended ; for he knew that many other institutions of learning afforded a higher and more elaborate course of instruction. He miderstood that it was the military, or characteristic, feature of the Institute that must be preserved, and maintained at the highest standard of efficiencj^; and that just in so far as the fundamental conception of the School was ignored and departed The Virginia Military Institute 91 from, to that extent was its power of usefulness sacri- ficed. In such a behef it was that he demanded of cadets the most conscientious and thorough attention to mih- tary duty; and when one of them proved remiss and failed to respond to reasonable measures of correction, he took the stand that the Institute was not a reforma- tory, and that however hard the penalty of dismissal might be upon the incorrigible cadet, and his parents, the general interest should not be sacrificed in a spirit of mistaken leniency to the individual. It is needless here to add that Gilliam's views were the only practicable ones for a Commandant of Cadets. Entertaining any other views, one, responsible for the discipline of a large body of young men, is destined to meet with inevitable failure. There is no mid course be- tween discipline and indiscipline; nor can discipline be compromised with in the interest of an individual where the control of many is involved. Soldiers, and especially cadets, are invariably happier and more content under a system of rigid exaction of duty, which is specific in its demands and prompt and impartial in the ad- ministration of justice. They do not weigh the penalty, or rebel, however severe the penalty may be, if only it be assigned with firmness and impartiality. No pun- ishment can be inflicted, however, without serious con- sequences, unless at least these two requisites are present. From the foregoing, it must not be inferred that the Superintendent overlooked the requirements of disci- pline. He merely found it difficult on occasions to ex- act the full recompense from the youthful offender. This was natural. Men either grow more lenient or more tyrannical with increasing years. General Smitli was never a tyrant. At times he did fail to perceive that in a military body where failure to do appointed tasks tends to lower the general standard of efficiency penalties lose much of their character as individual punishments, and become stimulants as well as restraints. 92 The Military History of At this point, it may be well to advert at some length to the view of discipline, which has in the main pre- vailed at the Institute and upon which so much of its success as a school of arms has been based. From the first, it was perceived that discipline con- sists of more than a code of regulations, devised and promulgated to order the conduct of those subject thereto, but that it consists of such a code coupled with a consistent, firm, prompt, and unvarying system of enforcement. At the Institute the system of enforce- ment was based not upon physical compulsion, but upon mental compulsion through fear of the exaction of a prescribed penalty for any violation of the code of regulations. Discipline becomes effective just to the extent that adherence to the regulations is compelled, and when the penalty system of compulsion is in effect, adherence to the rules of discipline will be found according to the degree of rigidity with which the penalty prescribed for a violation is exacted. Discipline, however, is not to be gauged by the penalties exacted, for penalties when ex- cessive are conclusive of undue disregard of regulations. In other words, good conduct can not be argued from the recompense demanded for bad conduct. But there are other means available for the disci- plinarian than the penalty system of enforcement which may be employed in conjunction with such a system. Careful instruction, appeal to pride, reward for the faithful and efficient discharge of duty — all these must serve to induce adherence to the established rules. Be- hind them, however, must stand the ever-present know- ledge that a violation of those rules will be attended with a penalty of such character as to make the violation unprofitable. Military discipline rigidly enforced may as a system be likened to the law of contract. A contract is volun- tarily entered into. While it can not be broken to the advantage of the one who disregards his obligations thereunder without incurring damages, yet the bonds The Virginia Military Institute 93 can not be oppressive. The unmilitary mind too often fails to perceive this analogy. It comprehends that the granting of damages to the party whose contract rights are violated is but a protection to society, and that it is not in the nature of a mere punislmient to the of- fender. But it can not grasp the fact that a military penalty is not a pimishment but a means of protecting the military society and enforcing that general co- operation upon which the safety of the military unit, large or small, depends. To weaken the guarantee of protection in either case by failing to exact the damages in the first, and the penalty in the last, for any indi- \ddual violation is itself an act which disregards the right of the many for the benefit of one. The foregoing idea of discipline was fundamental in the military system of the Institute, where the individ- ual interest was never allowed under the regime of Gilham, and later on under Shipp, to rise superior to that of the Corps of Cadets as a military unit. Neither of these eminently forceful and preeminently successful Commandants regarded a penalty as a punishment, or in the crude light of the exaction of recompense — "an eye for an eye." They did not relish the duty of in- flicting penalties, and by constant effect and patient in- struction sought to prevent the necessity from arising; yet when it did arise, they never allowed the kindness of their hearts to mislead them into encouraging the repetition of offenses by adopting an attitude of mis- taken leniency. They knew that kindness of heart like charity is dangerous in some cases, and in them does more harm than good. Their views prevailed and the result was that under them the correct ideas of discipline were inculcated in the Corps of Cadets. Under the wise administration of affairs by the Super- intendent, and the firm command of the Corps of Cadets by Gilliam, the Institute flourished, surpassing the most sanguine expectations. Before 1860, the new barracks, and many other buildings, had been erected, at a total expense to the State of $151,000; the more ^4 The Military History or essential improvements were effected between I80O and 1855. The Snperintendent had laid great stress before the Legislature on the fact that in building up the Institute the State was not only fostering its educational and industrial development, but at the same time was pro- viding for its defense in the event of war; and, as the imminence of sectional strife became more apparent, this argimient proved more and more availing. July 4, 1856, Governor Henry A. Wise, always an ardent supporter of the Institute, dedicated the Wash- ington Monument and the new barracks, and in a mem- orable address, emphasized in bold terms the service which Virginia's School of Arms was destined to render the State. Expressing his pride, as Chief Executive of Virginia, in the Institution, he pledged his support to it in every reasonable way. His subsequent record shows that he fully discharged that promise. The favorable opinion of the people at this time, but expressed by the Governor, insured the successful prog- ress of the Institute. They now attached to it a value which they had failed to perceive until the chariots of Mars began to rumble. Hitherto, they had in large measure regarded the Institute as a dedication to the violent, lustful son of Jove. Now, they miderstood its true character, and saw that the conception of Crozet and Smith, and those others who had been active in the furtherance of their designs, had not merely raised a monument to Mars, but one to the peace-loving, though war-like, Minerva. And with this broad grasp of the situation, however tardy, the Legislature was just preparing to make possible the wide extension of the field of usefulness of the Institute, when war intervened. The Washington Monument in Richmond was not completed for many years after the laying of the cor- ner-stone; but, at last, February 22, 1858, the one hundred and twenty-sixth anniversary of the birth of the Immortal Patriot, was appointed as the daj^ for the unveiling of the statue. The Virginia Military Institute 9o Governor Wise ordered the Corps of Cadets, now about 150 strong, to attend the ceremonies as his escort of honor; and in due time the BattaHon of four com- panies and a section of the battery, in command of Majors Gilham and Jackson, respectively, were em- barked aboard canal boats for Richmond, where the cadets were quartered in the Lyceum. The people had not yet forgotten the appearance of the Corps in the Capital eight years before, and wel- comed the cadets with open arms. "The appearance of the Corps on this occasion, the first on which I ever saw it," wrote a distinguished author, "was sufficient to excite the wildest enthusiasm of a small boy, such as I was at the time. Never be- fore had I seen such trim, alert figures; such clean, saucy-looking uniforms ; such machine-like precision and quickness of drill ; such silence and obedience. From the first day my eye rested on the Cadet Corps, my ambition was to be a cadet. • ••••••• "The only thing about this fine body that struck me as in any way lacking in soldierly appearance was the Commandant of the battery. He was not my ideal of a soldier, either in military bearing, or in the manner in which he gave his commands. His uniform was not new : his old blue forage cap sat on the back of his head ; and he stood like a horse 'sprung' in the knees. His commands were given in a piping, whining tone, and he appeared to be deeply intent on his business, without paying much regard to the onlookers. On the other hand, the officer commanding the battalion of infantry was the model of a martinet. He was petite, quick as a lizard, straight as a ramrod, and his commands were given like the crack of a whiplash. I thought him a perfect commanding officer. • ••••••• "When the parade was dismissed, on hiquiring about the officers, I learned that the odd-looking Commandant 96 The Militaey History of was familiarly called 'Old Jack' ; and that his real name was Major Jackson; and that the cadets while disposed to make light of him for his eccentricities, dare not trifle with him. As to the other officer, Major Gilham, all agreed that he was the best drill-officer and tactician they had, and that he was superior to Major Jackson."* "At the grand reception given that night by my Father, the Governor, I again saw both these officers, and their bearing confirmed me in my judgment that there was no question which was the superior soldier. Major Jackson was plainly dressed, wore coarse shoes, had a weary look in his blue eyes, took very little part in conversation, seemed bored by the entertainment, neither ate nor drank, and after paying his respects to the Governor, and to General Winfield Scott, Com- mander-in-Chief of the Armies of the United States, quietly disappeared. Major Gilham, on the other hand, was urbane, ubiquitous, and remained until the close of the entertainment. "In after years, I had occasion to revise my opinion of these two men, for Mujor Jackson was none other than the immortal Stonewall." The visit of the Corps to Richmond in 1858, as in 1850, was productive of much good. It not only ad- vertised the military worth of the Institute among the people of Virginia, but also among a host of visitors from all sections of the country ; and this aroused in the cadets themselves a consciousness of their superiority, which constitutes one of the strongest factors of esprit de corps in a mihtary body. The reception they received, and the honors again thrust upon them, made them realize that much was expected of the Virginia JNIilitary Institute as the Corps Elite of the South, and the opportunity it afforded them to see and meet the dignitaries of the country, including such eminent sol- diers as General Winfield Scott, and his distinguished *The writer's memory played him a triclj in connection with this interesting account. Major Jaclisoh was not Commandant, nor was he in Richmond in 1858. It was the following year that he accompanied the Corps to Richmond from Harper's Perry, and was seen by the writer ; but the picture is a good one. ( f M F^Pfii^r^p n p t p HI » y ^^ •!• ' : r^ ztrLiii » ; I ; ; I ; ; i ; [ 1 1 1 COI.UXEL JOHN THOMAS LEWIS PRESTON Professor 1839-1876, 1878-1882 The Virginia Military Institute 97 staff officers, aroused a sense of the dignity of their status. The influence of such incidents in the hfe of a vouns soldier can not be overestimated. Youthful impressions, always the strongest, are also the most lasting, and the contact of the cadets with Zachary Taylor, "Old Fuss and Feathers", and many other great men of the age, laid the foundation of traditions which grow greener with time. The next great military pageant of the State was held on the occasion of the removal of the remains of President Monroe from New York to Richmond, in July, 1858. On this occasion almost the entire military establishment of the State turned out, and the famous Seventh New York Regiment escorted the body by boat from New York to Richmond. But the Corps, being on furlough, did not attend, and took no part in the brilliant ceremonies. The gallant "Seventh", therefore, captured the military honors of the day, and, it has even been said, fixed in the minds of the Virginians the color of the uniform afterwards adopted by the Confederacy. But this it not true. Long ere the New York troops made their appearance in Richmond, the South was familiar with the Cadet gray of West Point and the Institute. It was at this time, that Major Gilham strongly urged the extension of the military instruction of the Institute to include practical cavalry and light artillery drill with horses. It had been for years the desire of the Board to provide for such instruction ; and, now that graduates of the Institute were being eagerly sought and relied upon for the re-organization of the militia, the need of more general instruction seemed all the more pressing. Major Gilham's plan embraced the procuring of 30 horses which he declared parents would provide, and, furthermore, he stated that certain citizens of Lexington would donate others. The cost of hauling for the Institute he estimated at $1,800.00 per annum. This work could be done by the cavaby and artillery horses. 98 The Military History of Should they be provided they could actually be kept for the amount saved. By increasing the annual charge against each cadet $15.00 until the State made adequate provision, mounted instruction could be given the Second Class, and every graduate would go forth thoroughly trained in the three branches, instead of in infantry tactics, and the theory of gunnery alone. But Gilliam's wise plan has never yet been adopted in spite of the constant efforts of successive Commandants. The Virginia Military Institute 99 CHAPTER VI chair of strategy created THE EXECUTION OF JOHN BROWN During the period immediately subsequent to 1855, the friction between the two sections over slavery ques- tions increased at an alarming rate. "The declamation against disunion, and the mutual j^ledges of fraternal love between North and South, which attended th^ ban- quet to the Seventh New York Regiment in Richmond, arose in great part from a knowledge of sectional feel- ing, threats of disunion, and of partisan recriminations between politicians, but too familiar to all who spoke." Mere pledges of fraternity between their soldiery could not blind the eyes of the people of either New York or Virginia to the crisis that was impending. Never for an instant had the necessity for prepared- ness been overlooked at the Institute, and with increas- ing numbers and demands for entrance, came enlarge- ments of the Faculty and the facilities for instruction. The unprecedented success of the Virginia Military Institute by no means turned the heads of those at the helm whose motto had been "Progress". Availing them- selves of the best this country had to offer, it was now proposed by them to send Colonel Smith to Europe to study the methods of the best military and scientific in- stitutions of the old world. Accordingly, fully ac- credited by the Board of Visitors and the Governor of Virginia, he sailed from New York June 9, 1858, with three graduates of the Institute, returning the last of December, following. During his investigations which extended over a period of nearly five months, he visited every one of the principal military schools of England, France, and Germany, and procured a mass of infor- mation, more valuable in the academic development of 100 The Military History of the School, than with respect to its mihtary organiza- tion. It was by reason of the knowledge the Superin- tendent gained abroad, however, that a notable innova- tion in military instruction in this country was inaugurated. In 1854, Captain Raleigh E. Colston, V. M. I., 1846, Assistant Professor, had been appointed Pro- fessor of a new chair of French, History, and Political Economy, with rank of major. A Chair of Military Strategy was now created, and Major Colston was as- signed to fill it. This was, as far as the writer can determine, the first chair of the kind created in any institution of learning in America, and no such ad- vanced instruction in the military science existed else- where, even at the United States Military Academy. In this new work. Major Colston displayed the most marked ability, giving many evidences of that know- ledge of the theory of war, which enabled him to attain high distinction as a brigadier-general of the Confeder- acy, and later to become the military adviser of the Khedive of Egypt whose army he reorganized after the War between the States. Among the military men who served on the Board of Visitors during this period, besides those already mentioned, were General Francis M. Boykin, Colonel Wilham B. Taliaferro, Colonel Samuel F. Hays, Major Samuel V. Fulkerson, Colonel Benjamin Rush Floyd, Colonel Augustine J. Smith, Colonel James L. Kemper, Colonel A. Hughes Dillard, Colonel James H. Paxton, Colonel Samuel Downing, and Captain S. B. Gibbons. Colonel Taliaferro became the senior military officer of Virginia before the outbreak of the war, with rank of Major-General, Virginia Volunteers. In 1858, Captain Stapleton Crutchfield, V. M. I., 1855, was appointed Adjunct Professor of Mathe- matics. Up to the time of their promotion, both Colston and Crutchfield had served at the Institute as tactical officers. The Virginia Military Institute 101 To the high character of the suh-faciilty and tactical officers of the Institute much of the efficiency of the Corps has always been due, a fact that is readily understood by one familiar with the importance of an able staff. Upon the tactical staff of Major Gilham, during the fifteen years previous to the war, were to be found many young officers afterwards prominent in the military ser- vice of the Confederacy. A list of the tactical officers during that period, with the positions attained by them in the service, or in civil life, is here given. J. Q. Marr, 1846; member Secession Convention, 1861; Lieutenant-Colonel Virginia Infantry, C. S. A. ; killed in battle. M. E. Colston, 1846; Brigadier-General, C. S. A. R. E. Rodes, 1848; Major-General, C. S. A.; killed in battle. J. S. Gamble, 1848; Principal Norfolk Academy; died in 1857. James W. Massie, 1849; Lieutenant-Colonel 51st Va. Reg., C. S. A. James W. Allen, 1849; Colonel 2nd Va. Reg., C. S. A.; killed in battle. Wm. D. Stuart, 1850; Colonel 56th Va. Reg., C. S. A.; killed in battle. W. W. Gordon, 1850; Colonel 27th Va. Reg., C. S. A. Daniel Trueheart, 1850; Major and Chief of Artillery, C. S. A., Jackson's Corps. Thomas A. Harris, 1851 ; Major and Surgeon, C. S. A. Henry A. Whiting, 1852; Major and Inspector General Rodes's Staff, C. S. A. G. H. Smith, 1853; Colonel 62d Va. Reg., C. S. A. E. V. Bargamin, 1855; Physician; died in France, 1860. W. T. Patton, 1855; Colonel 7th Va. Reg., C. S. A.; killed in battle. L. B. Williams, 1855; Colonel 1st Va. Reg., C. S. A.; killed in battle. F. W. Smith, 1856; Lieutenant-Colonel Artillery, C. S. A.; killed in battle. J. H. Lane, 1856; Brigadier-General, C. S. A. P. B. Stanard, 1856; Major of Ordnance, C. S. A. G. M. Edgar, 1856; Lieutenant-Colonel 26th Va. Reg., C. S. A. John McCausland, 1857; Brigadier-General, C. S. A. B. F. Stewart, 1857; Captain, C. S. A.; killed in battle. P. P. Slaughter, 1857; Colonel 56th Va. Reg., C. S. A. R. M. Mayo, 1857; Colonel 47th Va. Reg., C. S. A. W. H. Otey, 1859; Captain Cavalry, C. S. A. 102 The Military History of J. H. Chenoweth, 1859; Major 31st Va. Reg., C. S. A.; killed in battle. J. D. H. Ross, 1859; Lieutenant-Colonel 52d Va. Reg., C. S. A. Scott Shipp, 1859; Lieutenant-Colonel 21st Va. Reg., C. S. A. J. G. Miller, 1860; Lieutenant, C. S. A.; Professor Baltimore City College. A. S. Scott, 1860; Captain Cavalry, C. S. A. Edward Cunningham, Jr., 1860; Major Engineers, C. S. A. Thomas M. Semmes, 1860; Lieutenant and Adjutant Arkansas Infantry, C. S. A. Marshall McDonald, 1860; Captain Infantry, C. S. A.; first U. S. Fish Commissioner. William A. Smith, 1861; Captain and Assistant Adjutant-Gen- eral, C. S. A. One can not fail to be impressed by such a record. In this hst of 33 tactical officers of the Institute, in a period of fifteen years, there are numbered 1 Major- General, 3 Brigadier- Generals, 8 Colonels, 6 Lieu- tenant-Colonels, 6 Majors, 5 Captains, and 2 Lieu- tenants. There are but two civilians, who both died before the war — one a physician and one a college pro- fessor. Nine of the number were killed in battle, and one was a member of the Secession Convention, and one the first Fish Commissioner of the L^nited States, after the war. In the Bill of Rights of Virginia, George Mason wrote: "A well regulated militia composed of the body of the people, trained to arms, is the proper, natural, and safe defense of a free State." Recognizing that great truth the Legislature of 18.57-8 undertook, at the instance of the people, to reorganize the militia which had been practically disbanded. Immediately the graduates of the Institute were called into service to assist in the work and as Inspectors, especially, greatly aided the Adjutant-General; but it took time to create more than a skeleton organization in a State where little attention had been paid to the military establishment for four decades or more. Hardly had the movement to regenerate the citizen soldiery gotten under way, when an incident portentous of the future occurred, and one upon which the writer is able to throw very little light. It maj^ be that sub-^ The Virginia Military Institute 103 sequent research among the archives of the State will disclose more facts than can now be given. At any rate it is a well established fact that in the fall of 1858, secret orders were received by the Superintendent to double the guard at the Institute for the protection of the Arsenal and to issue ball cartridges to the cadets. The Governor, it seems, had information of a plot for the arming of a number of negroes at the Pewe Iron Works near Lexington, and the seizure of the arms in the Arsenal with which to start a servile insurrection among the slaves in Virginia.* The Governor's orders were strictly carried out, but no uprising occurred. The supposed plan was almost identical with the one which John Brown sought to execute the following year, and it may be the Governor's alarm was not without foundation. In the fall of 1859 an event transpired which may be assigned as a prelusive incident of the War between the States, for from the time of its occurrence even the most conservative people of the South began to prepare for the conflict. On the night of Sunday, October 16, 1859, John Brown, the arch-abolitionist, advanced with a party of twenty-two men upon Harper's Feriy, Virginia, and seized the United States Armory and Arsenal estab- lished there. Throughout the next day, he held posses- sion of the town, and committed the most atrocious acts of murder and destruction. It was his expectation that the negro slaves of the section, among whom his emis- saries had been active for many months, would rise en inasse and massacre the white population; but not one joined his force. It was the afternoon of the 17th, when intelligence of the event reached Richmond ; and, within ten minutes after its receipt. Governor Wise had ordered Colonel John Thomas Gibson, of Charles Town, commanding the militia regiment of the Harper's Ferry District, to mobilize his regiment. Similar instructions were tele- *Letter of M. C. Ellzey, V. M. I., I860, to Col. .Tos. R. Andorson, Historiog- rapher. 104 The Military History of graphed Colonel Robert W. Baylor, of the Third Regi- ment of Militia Cavalry. The military system of the State was still utterly in- efficient, having nothing but a skeleton organization. Regiments were organized on paper, by districts, and only the few companies in the larger towns had yet been actually recruited and armed. The volunteer company of Charles Town, however, had assembled at the first notice of the invasion, and, by prompt action, had cut off Brown's expected reinforcements, and prevented his escape. A number of companies of the First Virginia Regi- ment, stationed in Richmond, left that city Monday night on an hour's notice, for Washington, en route to the scene of the trouble, but, upon arriving there, learned that a body of United States Marines, imder the command of Colonel Robert E. Lee, had proceeded to Harper's Ferry, and on Tuesday morning had battered doMai the doors of the Engine House in which Brown and his followers had barricaded themselves against the militia force, and had captured the murderers, along with their chief. It was one o'clock p. m.^ when the Governor, with the troops from Richmond, arrived at Harper's Ferry. He immediately ordered the prisoners to be incarcerated in Charles Town, and established a force there as a guard. The general public in and around Harper's Ferry was in no condition to give quarter to Brown, or any of his men ; still, it is most creditable to Virginia that the infuriated people were willing to let the law take its course with the assassins who had assailed them while in their beds, and sought to instigate servile insurrection in their midst. They had absolute confidence in the ability of Captain John Avis to hold them in jail, es- pecially when aided by the militia, and knew that a speedy trial would result. The people were not idle, however, while they awaited the trial. Rumors of all kinds were rife. There was a The Virginia Military Institute 105 general belief that Brown would never have undertaken so perilous and impossible a task without assurance of reinforcements, either of organized slaves, or aboh- tionists from the North; and the belief that a rescue would be attempted was well-nigh universal. Brown himself expected to be rescued. These conditions caused the citizens to arm them- selves, and the Governor to keep the State troops con- stantly in readiness, and a part of them actually on guard in Charles Town; so that from the time of Brown's capture the town had the appearance of a mili- tary camp. The preliminary examination was held October 25, 1857. The early morning found the Court-house safe from any attempt to release the prisoners. Cannon were posted before it, and every approach was guarded by the troops. Brown's counsel had not then been selected by him; so Colonel Davenport, the presiding justice assigned Hon. Chas. J. Faulkner, a member of the Board of Visitors of the Institute from 1848 to 1851, and Lawson Botts, Esq., an eleve of the Institute, as temporary counsel for the defense.* The next day, the Grand Jury returned a true bill against the prisoners for treason, advising and conspiring with slaves and others to rebel, and for murder, — each offense punish- able with death. The trial proceeded without delay. Until the fourth day of the trial. Brown was represented by Messrs. Green, Botts, and Hoyt; but on the 29th of October, Messrs. Chilton and Griswold, eminent counsel from the North, selected by Brown's friends, appeared and con- ducted the defense. The Court adjourned that day un- til Monday, the 31st, when a verdict in the following words was returned: "We, the jury, find the defendant, John Brown, the prisoner at the bar, guilty of treason, advising and conspiring with slaves and others to rebel, and for murder in the first degree." "Signed by J. C. Wiltshire, Foreman." *Mr. Faulkner declined to act as such, and Thomas C. Green was sub- stituted for him. 106 The Military History of November 2d, Brown was again brought into Court, when Judge Parker cahnly sentenced him to be hanged on the 2d day of December, 1859, by the Sheriff of Jefferson County, "not in the jail yard, but at such other place in the county, convenient, as the said Sheriff might select." Meantime, the Governor not only held the militia already there on guard, but directed other troops to as- semble at Charles Town for the execution. One may well imagine the interest which all these proceedings excited in Lexington. The cadets magni- fied the dangers a thousand-fold, and the wildest rumors were current at the Institute. The papers from the North gave long accounts of the sympathetic feeling for Brown and his band of assassins on the part of the abolitionists in that quarter, and the cadets fully be- lieved that any day they might be ordered out to assist in repelling an invasion. Orders of a different nature, however, soon arrived. Major-General William B. Taliaferro, commanding the Virginia Volunteers, formerly President of the Board of Visitors, was directed by the Governor to mobilize the militia at Charles Town; and the Superin- tendent of the Institute was ordered to dispatch a de- tachment from the Corps of Cadets to that point as the personal escort of the Governor. Colonel Smith him- self was designated to superintend the execution. Thus, the Institute was to play a prominent part in an event of great national moment, the effect of which on the Corps can hardly be hinted at. The Cadet command ordered by Colonel Smith to Charles Town late in November consisted of a detach- ment from the infantry battalion of 64 cadets organized as two companies, under Major Gilham, with Lieu- tenants McCausland, Otey, and Shipp comprising the tactical staff, and the howitzer section manned by 21 cadets. Major Jackson in command, and Lieutenant Trueheart attached.* ♦Daniel Trueheart was afterwards Major and Chief of Artillery, Army of the Valley, Major-General T. J. Jackson commanding. The Corps numbered 161 cadets in 1859-60. The Virginia Military Institute 107 Majors Preston and Colston, Major E. L. Graham, Surgeon, and Captain J. T. Gibbs, Commissary of the Institute, comprised the staff of Colonel Smith. The cadets reached Charles Town November 26th, via Washington. The best account of the execution known to the writer was prepared, the evening of December 2d, by Major Preston, and it is here given practically in its entirety, as of especial interest to the Institute : "The execution is over; we have just returned from the fields, and I have sat down to give you an account of it. The weather was very favorable; the sky was a little overcast, with a gentle haze in the atmosphere that softened, without obscuring, the magnificent prospect afforded here. Between eight and nine o'clock, the troops began to put themselves in motion to occupy the positions assigned them on the field, as designated on the plan I send you. To Colonel Smith had been as- signed the superintendence of the execution, and he and his staff were the only mounted officers on the ground, until the JMajor-General and his staff appeared. By one o'clock all was arranged ; the general effect was im- posing, and, at the same time, picturesque. The cadets were immediately in rear of the gallows, a howitzer on the right and left, a little behind, so as to sweep the field. The cadets were uniformed in red flannel shirts which gave them a gay, dashing, zouave look, and were exceedingly becoming, especially the battery. They were flanked obliquely by two corps, the Richmond Grays and Company F, which, inferior in appearance to the cadets, were superior to any other companies I ever saw outside of the regular army. Other companies were distributed over the field, amounting in all to about 800 men. The military force was about 1,500. "The whole enclosure was lined by cavalry troops posted as sentinels, with their officers — one on a peerless black horse, and another on a remarkable-looking wliite horse, continually dashing round the enclosure. Out- side this enclosure, were other companies, acting as 108 The Military History of rangers and scouts. The jail was guarded by several companies of infantry, and pieces of artillery were put in position for its defense. "Shortly before eleven o'clock, the prisoner was taken from the jail, and the funeral cortege was put in motion. First, came three companies, then, the criminal's wagon, drawn by two large white horse. John Brown was seated on his coffin, accompanied by the sheriff and two other persons. The wagon drove to the foot of the gallows, and Brown descended with alacrity, and with- out assistance, and ascended the steep steps to the plat- form. His demeanor was intrepid, without being braggart. He made no speech; whether he desired to make one or not, I do not know. Had he desired it, it would not have been permitted. Any speech of his must, of necessity, have been unlawful, and as being directed against the peace and dignity of the Common- wealth, and as such could not be allowed by those who were then engaged in the most solemn and extreme vindication of law. His manner was without trepida- tion, but his countenance was not free from concern; and it seemed to me to have a little cast of wildness. He stood upon the scaffold but a short time, giving brief adieus to those about him, when he was properly pinioned, the white cap dra^^l over his face, the noose adjusted and attached to the hook above, and he was moved blindfold a few steps forward. It was curious to note how the instincts of nature operated to make him careful in putting out his feet as if afraid he would walk off the scaffold. The man who stood unblanched on the brink of eternity was afraid of falling a few feet to the ground! "He was now all ready. The sheriff asked him if he should give a private signal before the fatal moment. He replied in a voice that seemed to me to be un- naturally natural, so composed was its tone, and so distinct its articulation, 'that it did not matter to him, if only they would not keep him too long waiting.' He was kept waiting, however. The troops that had formed The Virginia Military Institute 109 his escort had to be put into their position, and while this was going on, he stood for some ten or fifteen minutes bhndfold, the rope around his neck, and his feet on the treacherous platform, expecting instantly the fatal act. But he stood for this comparatively long time upright as a soldier in position, and motionless. I was close to him and watched him narrowly to see if I could perceive any signs of shrinking, or trembling, in his person, but there was none. Once, I thought I saw his knees tremble, but it was only the wind blowing his loose trousers. His firmness was subjected to still further trial by hearing Colonel Smith announce to the sheriff, 'We are all ready, Mr. Campbell.' The sheriff did not hear, or did not comprehend; and in a louder tone the same announcement was made. But the culprit still stood steady until the sheriff, descending the flight of steps, with a well-directed blow, of a sharp hatchet, severed the rope that held up the trap door, which instantly sank sheer beneath him, and he fell about three feet; and the man of strong and bloody hand, of fierce passions, of iron will, of wonderful vicissitudes, the terrible partisan of Kansas, the capturer of the United States Arsenal at Harper's Ferry, the would-be Cati- line of the South, the demi-god of the abolitionists, the man execrated and lauded, damned and prayed for, the man who in his motives, his means, his plans, and his successes, must ever be a wonder, a puzzle, and a mystery, — John Brown — was hanging between heaven and earth. "There was profound stilhiess during the time his struggles continued, growing feebler and feebler at each abortive attempt to breathe. His knees were scarcely bent, his arms were drawn up to a right-angle at the elbow, with the hands clenched ; but there was no writli- ing of the body, no violent heaving of the chest. At each feebler effort at respiration, his arms sank lower, and his legs hung more relaxed, until, at last, straight and lank he dangled, swayed to and fro by the wind. 110 The Military History of "It was a moment of deep solemnity, and suggestive of thoughts that make the bosom swell. The field of execution was a rising ground, and commanded the out- stretching Valley from mountain to mountain, and their still grandeur gave sublimity to the outline, while it so chanced that white clouds resting upon them gave them the appearance that reminded more than one of us of the snow-peaks of the Alps. Before was the greatest array of disciplined forces ever seen in Virginia, in- fantry, cavalry and artillery combined, composed of the old Commonwealth's noblest sons, and commanded by her best officers; and the great canopy of the sky over- arching all, came to add its sublimity, ever-present, but only realized when other great things are occurring beneath each. "But the moral of the scene was its grand point. A sovereign State had been assailed, and she had uttered but a hint, and her sons had hastened to show that thev were ready to defend her. Law had been violated by actual murder and attempted treason, and that gibbet was erected by law, and to uphold law was this military force assembled. But, greater still — God's Holj^ Law and righteous Providence was vindicated, 'Thou shalt not kill' — 'whoso sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed.' And, here, the gray-haired man of violence meets his fate, after he has seen his two sons cut down before him, in the same career of violence into which he had introduced them. So perish all such enemies of Virginia! all such enemies of the Union! all such foes of the human race! So, I felt, and, so, I said, with solemnity, and without one shade of animosity, as I turned to break the silence, to those around me. Yet the mystery was awful, — to see the human form thus treated by men, — to see life suddenly stopped in its current, and to ask one's self the question, without answer. 'And what then?' "In all that array there was not, I suppose, one throb of sympathy for the offender. All felt in the depths of their heart that it was right. On the other hand, there The Virginia Military Institute 111 was not one single word or gesture of exultation, or of insult. From the beginning to the end, all was marked by the most absolute decorum and solemnity. There was no military music, no saluting by troops as they passed one another, or anything done for show. The criminal hung upon the gallows for nearly forty minutes; and, after being examined by a whole staff of surgeons, his body was deposited in a neat cofRn to be delivered to his friends, and transported to Harper's Ferry, where his wife awaited it. She came in company with two persons to see her husband last night, and returned to Harper's Ferry this morning. She is described by those who saw her as a very large, masculine woman, of absolute composure. The officers who witnessed their meeting in the jail said they met as if nothing unusual had taken place, and had a com- fortable supper together, "There was a very small crowd to witness the execu- tion. Governor Wise and General Taliaferro had both issued proclamations, exhorting the citizens to remain at home and guard their property, and warned them of possible danger. The train on the Winchester Rail- road had been stopped from carrying passengers and even passengers on the Baltimore Railroad were sub- jected to examination and detention. An arrangement was made to divide the expected crowd into recognized citizens and those not recognized ; to require the former to go to the right, and the latter to the left. Of the latter, there was not a single one. It was told last night there were not in Charles Town ten persons be- sides citizens and military. "There is but one opinion as to the completeness of the arrangements made on the occasion, and the abso- lute success with which they were carried out. I have said nothing about the striking effect of the pageant, as a pageant; but the excellence of it was that everything was arranged solelv with the view of efficiencv, and not for effect upon the eye. Had it been intended as a mere spectacle, it could not have been made more imposing; 112 The Military History of . or, had actual need occurred, it was the best possible arrangement." A number of amusing incidents in connection with the Corps occurred at Charles Town. "Grand Rounds" was a vicious and sensational performance which general officers occasionally indulged in. It consisted of the Gen- eral visiting all portions of his command at an unex- pected hour, in order to satisfy himself that everything was in order and the guards were on the qiii vive. Soon after the arrival of the Corps, General Taliaferro with an imposing staff undertook to make the "Grand Rounds," and for some reason the Cadet Guard was not as prompt in turning out as it should have been. The General made some adverse criticism of what he deemed to be laxity, which was very mortifying to the Corps. Lieutenants McCausland and Shipp deter- mined that this would not occur again, and it so happened that when the next "Grand Rounds" were made, Lieutenant Shipp, the tactical officer in charge, had the Cadet Guard thoroughly instructed and turned it out in the promptest manner. The Major-General commanding was greatly pleased, and, inquiring the name of the young officer responsible for the instruction of the guard, caused him to be detailed to duty at the jail where John Brown was imprisoned. The press was very sensational at this time, and the wildest rumors were circulated. People had visions of a hostile force sweeping down upon Charles Town at any moment. Where it was to come from, or how it was to get there, gave them little concern. The cadet section of artillery was posted so as to sweep a certain approach, and Major Jackson gave Lieutenant Trueheart the most detailed instructions as to what kind of ammunition to use under various con- tingencies, even directing how the fuzes should be cut, should the enemy advance in this or in that direction! Now it is doubtful if Jackson had any more idea that an enemy would assail Charles Town than the other officers of the Corps had, but the explicit nature of his The Vieginia Military Institute 113 preparations shows that he was unwilhng to be sur- prised, or found unprepared, in the most remote contingency.* It is also related of Jackson that, while the Corps was in Washington, en route to Harper's Ferry, he placed his money in his stockings, which in turn he concealed beneath his pillow upon retiring at the hotel. The next morning he was unable to find his stockings, so donned a fresh pair. It was not until on the way to the depot, at the head of his battery, that he missed his money. Halting his command in the middle of Pennsylvania Avenue, he returned to the hotel where he recovered both his money and his stockings. There is another incident connected with the service of the cadets at Charles Town, which is so full of moral force and ])eautv that the writer can not refrain from re- cording it here, to rescue it from oblivion. A widowed mother had four sons with the militar}^ at Charles Town — three of them cadets. November 29, 1860, she wrote them as follows: "My dear Boys — To think you are in camp, preparing for war, and civil war, too ! What a calamity ! Yet I would not recall you if I could. I believe this is the hour of trial to all who love the Old Dominion, and I would not have one of my sons prove recreant to his native state. I have given you up cheerfully to God, and prayed His protecting care, and my trust is in Him to preserve and bring you back safely. I write to tell you that we have an eye turned upon you, and that our prayers go up for you. "God bless you! God bless you! and keep you in the hollow of His hand, "Prays your "Mother." With such mothers, the tyrant will never conquer the spirit of, though he may subdue, Virginia. ♦The foiegoing incidents were related to tbe writer by General Sbipp. 114 The Military History of CHAPTER VII military preparation The daj^ after the execution of John Brown, the Corps accompanied Governor Wise to Richmond, via Washington, on his fifty-third birthday, December 3d. The Governor was immensely proud of the Corps, and wished to return to the capital, escorted by the gallant detail of cadets which had served as his body-guard during the most trying event of his public career. Their presence in Richmond, at such a time, was a fitting representation to the excited populace of the majesty of Virginia, which they had but recently assisted in vindi- cating. While in Richmond, the artillery section, under Major Jackson, executed an interesting drill for the people in the Capitol Square. December 10th the cadets reached Lexington, after their fourth visit to the capital of the State. The Governor, and the authorities of the Institute, well knew that the display of the Corps at such a time would advertise the Institute, and attract the attention of many to the means of providing military training foi' the youth of the State, and they were not disappointed in the results, for many applications for entrance were immediately received by the Superintendent. One of the first official acts of Governor Wise, after the execution of John Brown, was to order the Superin- tendent to detail a competent officer of the Institute to prepare a Manual of Tactics for the volunteers and militia of Virginia. This task was promptty assigned to Major Gilliam, Commandant of Cadets. Perhaps no more difficult or important task could have been assigned an officer at this time. Drill regu- lations for all branches of the service were in a generally chaotic state, and even in the United States Army seven The Virginia Military Institute 115 texts were in use and none were satisfactory. No gen- eral Manual for the three arms existed. Major Gilham was not slow to perceive the oppor- tunity presented him, and addressed himself to the work in hand with characteristic energy. The result was, that by December, 1860 (or within a year), he published a military work entitled, "Manual of Instruction for the Volunteers and Militia." This work was a distinct contribution to the military art as practised in America. It comprehended army organization, arms and ammunition, field service, staff duty, conduct of battles, military law and procedure, besides drill regulations for the Infantry, Artillery and Cavalry. The treatment of many of these subjects in such form was highly novel, and at once made available a Manual for the American soldier, dealing with every phase of instruction and not merely with formal drill. The excellence of the work is attested by the fact that it was promptly adopted by the United States War Department to succeed Hardee's Tactics, and to sup- ply the want of a more general treatise which had been so long experienced, but upon the outbreak of the war in 1861, Gilham's Manual was supplanted in the Federal Army by Casey's Tactics. It was at once adopted, however, by the Confederate States Army, and formed the basis of instruction for all arms throughout the war. Thus, did the Institute contribute not only a host of gallant officers to the Southern cause, but also the system of training and instruction of the Confederate Army. It should ever be a matter of pride to the School that the f rontispage of the Confederate Tactics read : MANUAL OF INSTRUCTION FOR THE VOLUNTEERS AND MILITIA Confederate States, BY WILLIAM GILHAM, colonel of volunteers, instructor of tactics, and commandant of cadets, VIRGINIA MILITARY INSTITUTE. 116 The Military History of But Gilham's great work was not the sole contribution of the Institute to the military science of the time, as we shall see. The treasonable acts of John Brown, and the wide- spread sympathy displayed in the North for that law- less character, forewarned the South that war was inevitable. The General Assembly of Virginia was, therefore, admonished to provide for the defense of the State. As early as November, 1859, the Board of Visi- tors of the Institute submitted to the Legislature a copy of its report to the Governor, the previous June. The preamble read : "Actuated by these considerations, the Board of Visitors feel it to be their duty to urge upon Your Ex- cellency, and beg that Your Excellency will enforce upon the General Assembly the importance and ex- pediency of granting the inconsiderable, yet essential, aid from the State, which may enable the Institute to satisfy the pressing public wants and reasonable expectations." The report contained many references to the im- minence of war, and the duty of the State to prepare for the inevitable. The result of such warning was an elaborate measure, contained in the Act of January 21, 1860, providing for the Public Defense, and appropriating the sum of $500,000.00 for the purchase of arms and equipment; and the Governor was authorized to appoint com- missioners to make the purchases. March 28th, another Act was passed, reciting that "it appearing further that the Corps of Cadets, in the course of their regular military education, may readily be employed to prepare munitions of war, as may be demanded by the wants of the State : "I. Be it enacted, etc., etc." The special enactment was the appropriation of the sum of $20,000.00 for the erection of new buildings. The Virginia Military Institute 117 It was at this time, also, that all the officers of the Virginia Mihtaiy Institute were constituted a part of the military establishment of the State, subject to the orders of the Governor who was authorized to issue com- missions to the Professors, Assistant Professors, and other officers, according to the rank prescribed by the regulations of the Institute. Such commissions con- ferred no rank in the active militia, however. The Board of Visitors, pursuant to this authority, fixed the military rank of full professors as that of colonel; associate professors, as lieutenant-colonel; adjunct professors, as major; and assistant professors as captain in the branch of the service in which they were required to give tactical instruction. From the first the Superintendent's rank had been fixed by law as colonel, and that of the Commandant as major of Engineers.* The Commission for the Public Defense consisted of Colonel Philip St. George Cocke, Captain George W. Randolph, and Colonel Francis H. Smith. Randolph was a graduate of the United States Naval Academy, and later became Secretary of War in the Confederate Cabinet. Cocke was now again President of the Board of Visitors of the Institute. So active was the commission appointed by the Gov- ernor, that additional appropriations aggregating $106,000.00 were made in March; and the Armory in Richmond having already been put in thorough condi- tion, steps were taken to secure the newest "machinery, implements and material" for its operation. The Com- mission was furthermore directed to purchase the patent rights of "newly invented arms," whenever the same could be secured ; and the armament procured was to be distributed for immediate use in the more exposed parts of the State. These were drastic measures, and clearly show what was in the minds of the people of Virginia. In all these proceedings, and those which followed in connection with the armament of Virginia, it is not difficult to trace the influence of the Institute. *The Act of 1859-60 was amended In 10] 2, giving officers of the Institute j-anl{ in the Virginia Volunteers. 118 The Military History of The able men constituting the Commission, whose military" training enabled them to grasp the seriousness of the situation, determined to visit the various arsenals of tlie country, and to open negotiations with the fore- most manufacturers of arms in America, and abroad. They were accompanied by the recently-elected Gov- ernor, John Letcher, of Lexington, afterwards famous as the energetic War Governor. Their tour embraced visits to Springfield, Harper's Ferry, and the West Point Foundry, at Cold Spring, on the Hudson. While, at the last-named place, they were invited by Cap- tain R. P. Parrott, one of the proprietors, a retired army officer and personal friend of Colonel Smith, to witness a series of experiments he was conducting with his new rifled field piece. The Ordnance Department of the Army had been slow to grasp the importance of Parrott's invention, just as it had declared the per- cussion cap interesting, but only as a toy, — not many years before; and Parrott had up to this time failed to secure the adoption of his gmi.* But the Virginians did not hesitate. The effect of the fire of Parrott's ordnance, which they witnessed from behind epaulments, convinced the commission of the superiority of the rifled gun over any ordnance they had seen; and Colonel Smith was instructed to invite the inventor to send one gmi and 100 shells to the Insti- tute to be thoroughlj^ tested by Major Jackson, In- structor of Ordnance and Artilleiy Tactics. Captain Parrott assented to the suggestion, and the gun was received at the Institute, July 5, 1860. Major Jackson caused a number of tent flies to be set up as targets, on the ridge across the river, north of the Insti- tute, and, manning the new piece with a detail from his artillery class, gave it a most thorough trial. The accuracy and the range of the gun were found to be astonishing, and the report of Major Jackson led to the immediate purchase by the commission of twelve *It was not until November 1st, 1860, that an experimental board recom- mended the conversion of fifty per cent, of the guns at the forts and arsenals ; but even then' little attention was paid to rifled field pieces. The Virginia Military Institute 119 more rifled field pieces, with a large supply of shells therefor. These guns were first used, and with great effect, at the battle of Big Bethel, June 10, 1861, and the reputation they there acquired led to the general introduction of the Parrott field piece into the artillery of both armies.* Distinguished witnesses of the range practice with the new piece in Lexington were Major D. H. Hill, and the Rev. William Nelson Pendleton, both of whom we have previously had occasion to refer to. Major Hill was still professor at Washington College, and Dr. Pendleton had been called to Lexington as the Rector of Grace Episcopal Church, in October, 1853. Both of these gentlemen had formerly served in the United States Artillery, and were, therefore, not dis- interested spectators of Major Jackson's tests. Jackson had at once grasped the situation. Being an artillery expert, he appreciated the great possibilities of rifled field pieces. The results he had obtained with the Parrott gun on the Institute range were startling to him, as well as to all those who had been accustomed to smooth bore guns the greatest range of which was from 1,800 to 2,000 paces. Even when firing at 1,000 paces, the result with the old guns had been so doubt- ful that gunners generally (as said by Hohenlohe) acted on the proverb: "The first shot is for the devil, the second for God, and only the third is for the King," that is to say, that at such a range only one-third of the sliot would hit a target six feet high and fifty yards wide. Jackson could have been little influenced by sucli rumors as may have sifted across the Atlantic be- fore his own trial of the Parrott gun. His nature was not one which allowed him to be influenced by less than the most tangible knowledge, or experience. That the Americans knew little of European progress with rifling is again borne out by the fact that General Johnston, though frantic in his efforts to secure ordnance for his *During the Civil War the West Point Foundry furnished the U. S. Government with 1,200 guns and 3.000,000 projectiles. 120 The Military History of field artillery, wrote his Chief of Artillery in Rich- mond,* after the battle of Bull Run, "Do not fail to urge the making of 12-pounder howitzers. I have faith in them. Let them send guns and equipment, and leave us to organize. I enclose a requisition for equipment of a battery of rifles, which can not be filled here ( Manas- sas). Will you see if the authorities in Richmond can do it? Do not, however, let them prefer it to the fitting out of field-batteries of smooth bore guns." In the light of the present day, it seems strange that so great a soldier, especially distinguished for his ability as an organizer, and for his military learning, should have failed to appreciate the lessons of Bethel, empha- sized by current report. Masked batteries and rifled guns were subjects of common talk among the soldiery, and especially in the press of the time. McDowell's men had heard so much of these terrible things that they marched into Virginia, imagining them to crown every crest. The explanation lies in the fact that Johnston's experience had not so far brought him into personal familiarity with the new invention, al- ready well known to Jackson and Pendleton, both of whom had first-hand knowledge of the new gun, through personal experience with it in Lexington, the previous year. Having staked his professional reputation, as it were, on his favorable report of the Parrott invention, Jackson was of course only confirmed in his views bv the events of Bethel, and the subsequent accounts of the affair. On the 10th of August, General Johnston wrote to President Davis urging an increase of the Artillery Arm, to be armed and equipped by borrowing material from the States, or hy casting guns, especially in Rich- mond, adding a particular request for 12-pounder howit- zers. Though thoroughly aware of the value of artil- lery, and attributing the success of the great Napoleon to its proper use, General Johnston had not yet realized the value of rifled ordnance, but when Pendleton be- *Col. Wm. X. Pendleton, later Chief of Artillery, A. N. V. The Virginia Military Institute 121 came Chief of Artillery of Johnston's Army, he was soon able to enforce his views as to the new ordnance and overcome the prejudices of his commanding general. The United States War Department was not ignorant of the tests made of Parrott's gun at the Insti- tute, and the subsequent report of its own Board of Ordnance and Artillery officers was in its hands. Al- ready, it had received exaggerated accomits of the effect of rifled pieces at Bethel. Now came to its ears the stoiy of Hainesville, confirming the sudden reversal of opinion, and reassuring the authorities that no mistake had been made in providing McDowell with a large number of rifled pieces for his impending invasion of Virginia. As to the sudden popularity of the new gun in the Confederate Army, it is only necessary to refer, by way of explanation, to the fact that the influence of Jackson extended throughout the South, hundreds of his pupils holding important offices in the Confederate armies, each one of them, we may be sure, hanging upon the words of their former tutor in arms, by this time become a "martial divinity" in their eyes. The Institute, then, through the President of the Board of Visitors, the Superintendent, and finally Major Jackson, was responsible in a large measure for the first practical use of rifled ordnance in war. Late in the year 1860, Robert Emmet Rodes, the un- successful candidate for the chair filled by Jackson in 1850, was appointed Professor of Civil Engineering and Applied Mechanics at the Institute, and granted a year's leave of absence to visit Europe, for the pur- pose of study. Before his leave expired, however, the war broke out; and, though carried to the day of his death, at Winchester in 1864, as a Major-General, on the rolls, he never actually served a single day at the Institute as a full professor. Important, in connection with the appointment of Colston and Rodes as professors, it is to be noted that the Institute no longer depended upon West Point for its officers, and that well before the war interrupted 122 The Militaky History of the intimate relationship existing between the two schools, the Institute had begun to draw vipon its own graduates for its skilled officers and teachers. In 1860, M. B. Hardin, of the Class of 1858, was appointed an adjunct-professor. Many distinguished men were invited to attend the final exercises in July, 1860, including Professor D. H. Mahan of the Military Academy, Captain George L. Blake of the Naval Academy, Commander T. T. Craven, and Commander J. A. Dahlgren of the Navy, all of whom except Captain Blake accepted the in- vitation. The Governor, accompanied by Colonel W. J. Hardee (subsequently Lieutenant- General, C. S. A.), Commandant of Cadets, U. S. M. A., also attended, and inspected the Corps. According to General T. T. Mun- ford. Colonel Hardee drilled the Battalion, and to Ma- jor Gilham pronounced it as well drilled as his own, saying, "I was unable to give them a single command that they did not execute with precision." For many years, that is, since about 1855, Major Gilham had been deeply absorbed in the work of de- veloping a department of Physical Sciences at the Insti- tute, and the demands upon his time were excessive. With the passing of time, he had become more and more studious in his tastes, and devoted to scientific re- search. In view of these facts, the Board determined, late in 1860, to secure, if possible, another Commandant. While Colonel Smith was willing to have graduates of the Institute appointed to the faculty, he felt it wise to keep a West Pointer in the Commandant's Office, and again opened negotiations for a suitable officer. Under date of January 18, 1861, he received a letter from Major George H. Thomas, of the United States Cavalry, in which, referring to the position he had heard was to be offered an officer of the army, he said: "If not already filled, I will be under obligations if you will inform me what salary and allowances pertain to the situation, as, from present appearances, I fear it will soon be necessary for me to be looking for some means of support." The Virginia Military Institute 123 At this time, Major Thomas was notoriously a States' Rights man, and professed the most sanguine loyalty to Virginia, and was undoubtedly casting about, as many officers of the army were, to provide for the future. Very naturally, he was desirous of securing a berth which would place him in a most favorable posi- tion in the event of war, which he had frequently fore- told. His application for the position was doubtless due to Major Gilham, for between them a great friend- ship existed. But the application of Major Thomas was not regarded with favor, and it soon became known that the Board would elect Captain Scott Shipp, an assistant professor, and graduate of the Institute of the Class of 1859, to succeed Gilham. Captain Shipp was on the point of resigning his office to study law at the University of Virginia, but was now urged to remain at the Institute; and even Gilham, who had before suggested Thomas, added his persuasions to those of others to keep Captain Shipp from carrying out his original intention. Knowing that Major Thomas was looking for a post of vantage, and wishing to do "Old Tom" a good turn, especially since he had failed to land the position at the Institute, Major Gilham later recommended his old friend to Governor Letcher whom he frequently visited in Lexington, and by whom he was constantly consulted, for appointment as Chief of Ordnance of Virginia. Governor Letcher, who was energetically organizing the State troops, was in need of just such a man, and hence the following letter : "New York Hotel, 12th March, 1861. "His Excellency, Governor John Letcher, "Richmond, Virginia. "Dear Sir — I received yesterday a letter from Major Gilham, of the Virginia Military Institute, dated the 9th inst.. in reference to the position of Chief of Ordnance of the State, in which he informs me that you requested him to ask me if I would resign from the service, and, if so, whether that post would be acceptable to me ? As he requested me to make my reply to you direct, I have the honor 124 The Military History of to state, after expressing my most sincere thanks for your very kind offer, that it is not my wish to leave the service of the United States, as long as it is honorable for me to remain in it; and, there- fore, as long as my native state, Virginia, remains in the Union, it is my purpose to remain in the army, unless requested to perform duties alike repulsive to honor and humanity. "I am, very respectfully, "Your obedient servant, "George H. Thomas, "Major U. S. Army." If Major Thomas did not mean to signify to Gov- ernor Letcher (by the words itahcised by the author) that it was his desire to remain in the army at that time (more than a month before Virginia seceded), — but his purpose to remain in it only so long as his native State, Virginia, remained in the Union,- — then, it is clear that hmnan language is worthless to express hu- man purpose. When we consider this letter in con- nection with his voluntary application for the office of Commandant at the Institute, there can be no doubt of Major Thomas's intentions, as late as March, 1861. He remained in the Federal Army, as we all know, and was promoted to Major-General. That promotion was the bait of his loyalty; but he erred in grabbing it, for he was never fully trusted by the strangers among whom he remained, and, therefore, never given the opportuni- ties he might have had in the Southern army. There was always a large question mark after Thomas's name. Why did he remain in the Federal Army, after years of professing loyalty to the South? And then, too, we may rest assured his receptive at- titude, in the early spring of 1861, was known to other persons than Colonel Smith, Major Gilham, and Gov- ernor Letcher. It was also in 1860 that the Superintendent was directed by the Board to receive candidates for cadetship from other States, and immediately applications from the Southern States began to be received. That same year, the General Assembly passed a resolution providing for the removal of General Henry The Virginia Military Institute 125 Lee's remains from Cmnberland Island, Georgia, and their reinterment at the Virginia Mihtary Institute. The advent of the war interfered with the execution of this plan. In 1913, they were removed to Lexington, pursuant to a resolution of the General Assembly of 1912, and placed in a vault, beside those of his illustrious son, Robert Edward Lee, in the Chapel of Washington and Lee Universitv. 126 The Military History of CHAPTER VIII ^"^DRAW THE SWORD AND THROW AWAY THE SCABBARD" Whatever ma}^ have been the true contemporary estimate of Major Jackson, one thing is certain, — his interest in affairs became more apparent, his eyes a httle brighter, his back, perhaps, straighter, and his step more agile, upon the near approach of war. The cadet gunners began to notice a firmer note in his voice, and all recalled his oft-repeated remark, now tran- scribed upon the cornice of the Chapel erected at the Institute in 1897 to his memory, "You Can Be Wliat- ever You Resolve To Be." The growing discontent in the country, in the fall of 1860 and the following winter, caused great excitement in the Corps. The newspapers were scanned with avidity in Barracks, and the accounts of military preparations fired the cadets with an enthusiasm for war which j^outh, careless of consequences but longing for opportunities to win glory, alone can feel. After Lincoln's election, the New York Herald was the principal source of information from the North, and was read by Major Jackson with keen interest. One night he and his assistant were perusing the Herald in their section-room, neither having spoken for some time. "Major," inquired Lieutenant Cunningham, "would vou like to see war?" Major Jackson stopped reading his paper, and for five minutes hung down his head before replying. He then looked up, and, in a low and deliberate tone, said: "Mr. Cunningham, as a Christian, I wouldn't like to see war," and then raising his voice until it rang out like a bugle-call, with eye flashing and every fibre of his body tingling with excitement, added, "but as a soldier, sir, I would like to see war!"* •This Incident is related by General Henry T. Douglas, of New York and Virginia, to whom it was recounted by Major Cunningham, after the war. The Virginia Military Institute 127 Nothing that could he said would indicate what must have been the sentiments of the fiery cadets at this time, as well as the narration of this incident. How it must have inspired the Corps when it became known to them ! Throughout the winter of 1860-61, a spirit of intense restlessness pervaded Barracks; at times the cadets be- came turbulent though never insubordinate. The ex- plosion of bombs and other disorders were of almost daily occurrence. The guard was increased and the penalty of dismissal promptly inflicted on all who were apprehended in the disorders, and finally the disturb- ances ceased for the time being, only to be followed by an incident of grave consequence. February 22, 1861, James W. Thomson, who met a gallant death at Sailor's Creek as a major of Horse Artillery, after four years of distinguished service in the Confederate Army, and D. Murray Lee, a son of Sidney Smith Lee, and a nephew of Robert E. Lee, both of whom were Fourth Classmen at the time, hoisted a secession flag at reveille on the tower of Barracks from which Old Glory usually fluttered in the breeze, beside the State flag on the other tower. Captain Lee has recently furnished me, through Captain Colonna, with a full description of the incident and a sketch of the seces- sion flag, which he and Thomson made with shoe black- ing, and a cadet issue sheet. In the center it displayed the Goddess of Liberty and the motto — Sic Semper Tyrannis. At the top appeared in bold letters — Hurrah for South Carolina.* As soon as the strange flag was discovered by the guard it was hauled down ; but, in the excitement it was recaptured by Thomson and Lee, and buried by them in the stove at the military store. The bold escapade, the parties to which were undiscovered, served to arouse intense enthusiasm in the Corps of Cadets for the cause of secession. There were not only many cadets present from the far South, but secession meant war, and the ardent youth of the Institute, who reckoned little of the •South Carolina had of course already seceded. Captain Lee served In the Confederate Navy under his father. Admiral Lee. 128 The Military History of meaning of armed conflict between North and South, thirsted for adventure and largely supported that course most certain to yield them the opportunities they longed for. Another incident which made a deep impress upon the minds of the cadets, and which was later forcibly re- called to them, occurred in March, 1861. The Secession Ordinance of Virginia had not then been enacted, but on the 18th of April, the Confederacy^ had been born at Montgomery, with South Carolina, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas as constituent states of the New Sovereignty. The sentiment in the Corps was by this time almost overwhelmingly in favor of secession. Rockbridge County and Lexington were vehemently opposed to the withdrawal of Virginia from the Union. Members of the Corps were almost daily hoisting secession flags about the Institute, in spite of the vigorous efforts of the authorities to suppress such actions. At this time, a fine volunteer company, composed of young men of Lexington and vicinity, with Captain Sam Letcher, brother of the Governor at its head, was being regularly drilled on Saturdays, in the town. It was announced that on a certain Saturday the cadets would raise a secession flag, and the volunteers the Stars and Stripes. This brought large numbers of people to town, most of whom came provided with arms. The Unionists were greatly in the majority, and after they had witnessed the cadets raise the Stars and Bars, they determined to have their own flag-raising. But by some means the partisans of secession bored holes in the pole provided by the Unionists and when it was raised the Union flag fell to the ground amid joyous expressions from the opposing party. Several onlookers were slightly injured by the falling pole, and the leg of one man was broken. The unhappy issue of the affair greatly aggravated the more violent Unionists who at first attributed their misfortunes to the cadets, who, nevertheless, vehemently denied any part in the affair. .MA.KiK (JKNEUAL FRANCIS IlENNEY SMIll SrPKi!IXTEXl>EXT 1 830-1890 The Virginia Military Institute 129 The following Saturday, when the cadets as usual were allowed to visit Lexington, several of them became involved in a dispute with a party of armed moun- taineers who were openly in sympathy with the Union party. The dispute which arose over the flag incident soon developed into a fracas in which Cadet J. K. Thomson, and perhaps one other, were roughly handled by the countrymen. Upon the cadets reaching Barracks with bloody faces and uniforms, the rumor spread abroad that a cadet had been killed in Lexington by the Unionists. The alarm was at once somided on the guard house drum, and in a few seconds Galloway, the First Captain of the Corps, rushed through the court-yard and sally-port, bran- dishing his sabre and calling in his commanding tones for the Corps to "Turn Out Under Arms." The response to Galloway's command was immediate. The cadets assembled at their usual posts, a detail was made to man two field guns, the companies called off, and the Battahon, fully armed and provided with ball cartridges hitherto issued to them, was led off in columns of fours by Galloway toward Lexington by the custo- mary route leading over the parapet. Upon reaching the main road to the town the Battalion was formed in column of companies at full distance. Upon the head of the column reaching Governor Letcher's residence, just beyond the Institute reservation, a number of officers who had been sitting on the porch endeavored to turn back the cadets, but they heeded only Gallo- way's commands to press on. At this juncture the Superintendent arrived, but failing to reach Galloway, and being imfamihar with the nature of the demonstra- tion, also failed in his efforts to disperse the cadets. The news had reached Lexington that the cadets were forming for an attack upon the town, filling the citizens with consternation, for they clearly foresaw what would be the consequence of an armed conflict be- tween the cadets and the rugged mountaineers and the other Unionists sympathizers, who were preparing to 130 The Military History of defend themselves if need be. Furthermore, in order to protect the citizens, the local volunteer companj'^ had been called out and stationed in a position to bar the progress of the cadets to the town. The situation was one of general misunderstanding on both sides, and was relieved in the very nick of time by a deputation of leading citizens who, investigating the causes of the disturbance, were able to assure the officers of the Insti- tute that no cadet had been killed. "Meanwhile, a tall, sinewy, well-formed man, with a slight stoop in his shoulders, large feet and hands, re- treating forehead, blue-grey eyes, straight nose, strong mouth and chin held well to the front, appeared on the scene. In measured gait, Major Thomas Jonathan Jackson walked up and down before the Battalion which he viewed closely, then looked at the surroundings and the position of the opposing forces. He uttered no words, but his movements grew more animated every moment; his statue straightened and grew taller and bigger, and his merit, which was known to all, made him the central figure. Still, the formation of the Bat- talion went on. A leader who would take command was only needed, while three himdred yards up the street the volunteer company of a himdred young men, well-of- ficered, armed, and equipped, had been drawn up across the street, supported by five times their number of the citizens of the town and comity, armed with shot guns, rifles and pistols."* On past the next house marched the column until the leading company was confronted by a superbly mounted officer, who caused it to mark time, each company as it closed doing the same until the Battalion was closed in mass, but still marking time. "Mr. Galloway," said the soldierly officer in a firm but low tone as he rose in his stirrups, "halt the column." "Battalion, Halt," commanded Galloway. "Face them about and take them back to Barracks," said the quiet mannered, unruffled officer, and his *The War. James H. Wood, V. M. I., 1861. The Virginia Military Institute 131 directions were hardly given before the Corps was coiintermarched, passing the perfectly manned section of artillery as it returned past the guard tree. By the time Galloway had halted his command, every member of which stood dumf oimded but unable through force of training and habit to disobey when once the ranks were closed, he had received instructions from the Superintendent. "Go to your rooms and disarm and assemble at once in Colonel Preston's section- room," directed the First Captain, and this was quickly done as ordered. The reader must agree with those who recall this incident accurately, that the conduct of that Battalion evidenced a most remarkable state of disciphne among its members. Only one familiar with the force which the mob spirit of 300 stalwart youths with arms in their hands can set on foot, is able to appreciate this incident in its full significance. Here we see the mob spirit, fanned to a frenzy by the belief that physical violence had been unjustly and wantonly offered one of the mob. In an instant the suppressed animosities, which had been generating for months, burst out in a great flame of pent-up rage. The cry of a leader is heard — "Turn Out under Arms!" The meaning of that summons is known of all — the very tone of authority which makes the simi- mons a command quickens, and seems to justify, even in the coolest minds, the sense of the righteousness of revenge. In an instant 300 madmen seize their arms; in another instant about the mob is thrown the coil of discipline, and frenzied individuals no longer rush hither and thither in the surge of the mob, but stand shoulder to shoulder in the silent ranks, breathlessly awaiting the voice of a leader ordained by order, or habit, or common consent, what you will. No longer do we hear the din of mingled cries and im- precations. The eyes of these 300 youths no longer flash forth that half-animal ferocity of the frenzied mob. The ranks are closed. A familiar voice directs. The directions are not incoherent, demagogical ravings, 132 The Military History of serving to fan the flame of senseless frenzy smothered awhile. They are old, familiar commands. Each jaw is firmly set; each eye now gleams with resolution mingled with ordered intelligence. The great human throng moves, not with the hysterical jerk of the mob, but with a smoothness born of common intent. Sud- denly through the force of discipline alone, the purpose of a single mind has substituted itself for the confusion of many others. The mob mind has been overcome ; the will of the leader has become that of the crowd— the mob has vanished as suddenly as it came into being. And so transpires the psychological transformation which caused Major Colston, on his superb charger "Pompy," to meet, not an unreasoning mob, but a body of soldiers trained to obey; a body whose unconscious but highest boast was its ability to subordinate individual desires to the will of a superior. We may search afar for a more striking example of the value of military discipline. Few incidents convey a better lesson for those who in their ignorance contend that uniforms and arms alone are capable of making soldiers of citizens in the hovu* of emergency. In this incident will the psychologist also find much of interest, and before dismissing it we should ponder well the ele- ment of influence which Major Colston, known to the cadets as "Old Polly," brought to bear on the collective will. As his subsequent career shows he was a natural leader. Intuitively he knew that unflinching calmness, not hysteria, was the note his command should convey. He knew the danger of a discordant word at such a time. It is such intuitive knowledge that enables some men to rise superior in time of crisis, and the lack of such that causes others to fail under the strain. When the cadets were finally assembled in the section- room to which Galloway had ordered them to repair, they were excoriated by the Superintendent for their conduct. They inwardly resented his charge of in- subordination and felt that they had been guilty of no such act in refusing to break their ranks until ordered The Virginia MilitxVry Institute 133 to do so by their immediate commander whom the Superintendent and the other officers they had en- comitered had not approached. Colonel Preston and Major Massie next spoke in turn and then the cadets began to call for a speech from Major Jackson, who had been a silent but interested observer of the pro- ceedings, both in the town and in the assembly hall. At first Jackson declined to respond and only arose at the reiterated request of Colonel Smith. "At once, he moimted the rostrum and faced his audi- ence. His erect figure, flashing eye, energetic ex- pression, — short, quick and to the point, — disclosed to the commonest mind a leader of merit. He said, 'Mili- tary men make short speeches, and as for myself, I am no hand at speaking, anyhow. The time for war has not yet come, but it will come, and that soon; and when it does come, my advice is to draw the sword and throw away the scabbard.' "The personality of the speaker, the force of those simple words thus uttered, elicited a response of ap- proval I never heard surpassed, except for the Con- federate yell often heard on the battlefield, a little later on. This simple speech and manner of Jackson estab- lished in the minds of his audience the belief that he was a leader upon whose loyalty and courage we could rely."* Thus it was, that Major Jackson, "Old Tom Fool," sprang into prominence among the cadets as the "man of the hour" in their military world. Who shall say that psychology does not play a leading role in war? ♦The War, James H. Wood, V. M. I., 1861. Captain Wood's description of the action of the cadets In marching to the town Is very Interesting but in some respects erroneous, according to several other participants. 134 The Military History of CHAPTER IX UNION SENTIMENT MOBILIZATION— THE CORPS OF CA- DETS ENTERS THE SERVICE OF THE CONFEDERACY CAMP LEE ^^FIRST BLOOD OF THE WAR"^ It must not be thought that the Institute was free from that difference of conviction which led brothers throughout the South to espouse the cause of secession and union. There is authority for the behef that over half a million Southern-born white men cast their lot as soldiers with the North. There were also many Northern men who followed the fortunes of the Con- federacy, and a nimiber of them attained high rank in the Southern armies, such as General Samuel Cooper, Lieutenant-General John C. Pemberton, Major-Gen- erals Samuel C. French, Martin L. Smith, Franklin Gardner; Brigadier-Generals Albert Pike, Albert C. Blanchard, Daniel Leadbetter, Isaac M. St. John, Josiah Gorgas, and others. When Virginia seceded the present State of West Virginia comprised a large part of her territory and there were a nmnber of cadets from the western district of the State, whose people were strongly union in senti- ment. And then there were others from the border States who entertained the convictions of the North. Their records are fully set forth in Appendix "H," and show that of the fifteen cadets who entered the military service of the United States, one became a brigadier- general, three became colonels, one attained the rank of lieutenant-colonel, three that of major and three that of captain, two became lieutenants, one a surgeon in the navy, and one a private in the army. Five of the number lost their lives during the war and two soon after its close, in the line of duty. There have been a number of reimions of the war cadets of the Institute since 1865; some of them at- The Virginia Military Institute 135 tended by those who went forth from Virginia's School of Arms to fight for the Union against their comrades of cadet days. But there was no spirit of recrimination, no sentiment of regret expressed at these joyous gath- erings; rather more a spirit of thanksgiving that all could return without a feeling that there was something here to wean the stripling soldier from allegiance to his convictions. At these reunions there were none but recalled that long ere they donned the frock coat of an officer, either Federal or Confederate, they had re- sponded to the reveille of life while wearing the cadet coatee ; and that the flag they had first learned to follow and to love, that they had served together — its white field, yet unsullied as the driven snow — was emblazoned only with the features of Washington and the name of V. M. I.! At the 1913 Reunion of the graduates of the United States Military Academy, General Morris Schaff, of Massachusetts, the president of the association, con- tributed from his beautiful pen, a pen dipped always in the well of human tenderness and brotherly affection, the following lines which we may repeat to express the sentiments of all V. M. I. men for those cadets who entered the Federal service during the War between the States : "What a just pride we have then in Grant and Lee; but not in them only, for in what numbers and what splendor our fellow- graduates performed their part in that national crisis and where- soever, before and since, they have followed the flag. And as my eyes sweep once more this chapel so dear and familiar to them, its speaking tablets, its mute cannon, dreaming colors and Weir's picture of War and Peace over this altar appealing to our hearts through the finer avenues of our being, lo ! the doors open and the battalion of my youth is marching in. Time has not dimmed the banner they carry, dewy and radiant still are the faces in the springtime of life. Kingsbury, who fell at Antietam; Gushing and Pelham of immortal fame, O'Rorke and little Dad Woodruff, Sanderson, Robbins, Murray, Cross, Jones, W. G., that prince among gentlemen; Collins, Dimock, Roderic Stone, Beckham, Patterson, Willet, Ramseur, Jim Bearing, "Ned" Willis, — Oh, cadet friends of my day ! garlands, garlands for you all, whether you 136 The Military History or wore the blue or the gray, and peace, peace to your ashes wherever they lie ! And when I recall the gentleness of their natures and the blessings the sacrifices of their lives brought to our country and humanity, I feel like saying to the National Peace Society, which in its laudable, humanitarian enthusiasm puts all wars in the category of barbarism, that those men condemned and abhorred commercial and ambitious war as much as you do; but, members of the Peace Society, lofty and humane as is your purpose, sweet as are the days and the songs of peace, so long as there is iron in the blood, life will be laid down as they laid theirs down for Home, for Justice, and the free exercise of Natural rights, and heartily self- respecting manhood will exclaim. Amen!" Yes. What a just pride we have in that httle band of blue-clad soldiers, one of whom later sent his first-born son to be trained in our halls as an evidence of his de- votion to Alma Mater. If, perchance, the reader should fail to understand, even after reading the foregoing words, the attitude of the V. M. I. toward her sons who espoused the Union cause, let him know that her sentiments are those of the loving parent whose ennobled story we shall tell; the story of William H. Terrill of Bath County, Virginia. In 1849 the father entered one of his four sons as a cadet at West Point; in 1854 another at the Institute. The first, William Rufus, attained the rank of Brig- adier-General of U. S. Volunteers and after dis- tinguished service in the Federal Army laid down his hfe in the battle of Perryville, October 8, 1862. The second, James Barbour, was graduated from the Insti- tute in 1858, soon to become a major in, and then the colonel of, the "gallant" 13th Virginia Regiment in command of which he won for himself the stars of a Confederate brigadier, and a glorious death on the field of Bethesda Church, May 31, 1864. After the war, when brothers no longer stood arrayed against each other, the bodies of William and James, whose swords were sheathed forever, were brought by the stricken father to the home of their boyhood and laid in a single grave, where they rest in the embrace of eternal peace. But above their heroic remains and that single grave. The Virginia Military Institute 137 there stands a stone upon which may be read the in- scription: "This monument erected by their father. God alone knows which was right." God alone knew which ones were right, but ere Vir- ginia actually seceded men had begun to anticipate the act and prepared to array themselves under the standards which already waved defiant in the heated breeze. Already those cadets loyal to the Union had withdrawn from the Institute, and himdreds of gradu- ates were seeking military office in the South. It was a striking justification of the faith which Vir- ginia had reposed, during the past twenty years, in her School of Arms, that the first military organization she sent afield, and before she seceded, was commanded by an old cadet. Captain Reuben Lindsay Walker, a graduate of the Class of 1845. He had been a civil engineer for some years after leaving the Institute, and had finally settled upon a farm in New Kent County. Upon visiting Richmond, he was accosted by Mr. John Purcell, a wealthy citizen who had with his own means uniformed and equipped the battery named after him- self. Knowing Walker's fitness for command, he insisted on his accepting a commission as captain, without giving him time to return home to bid his wife farewell; and it was nearly a year before he saw his family again, for the battery was ordered to the neighborhood of Aquia Creek immediately after the State seceded. It was armed with six of the Parrott field gims which the Com- missioners had purchased on Jackson's recommendation, and received its baptism of fire in the battle of First Manassas where Walker distinguished himself by ex- ploding a shell on the stone bridge over which the enemy was retreating, adding greatly to the confusion of the rout by turning over a number of gun carriages and vehicles which blocked the bridge. Reuben Lindsay Walker afterwards became Chief of Artillery, 3d Corps, and in 1864, after serving throughout the greater part of the war as a colonel, was finally promoted Brigadier- General of Artillery. There were but four officers of 138 The Military Histoby of that grade in the Artillery of the Army of Northern Virginia, the others, — Pendleton, Long and Alexander, — all being West Pointers. It was not until April 17th that Virginia seceded from the Union. That night, the Governor directed the Adjutant-General to order Colonel Smith to report in Richmond. On reaching the capital, Colonel Smith was informed that the Convention of Virginia had ap- pointed a "Council of Three," upon the nomination of the Governor, to aid, counsel and advise him in the ex- ercise of his executive authority, in the emergency upon the State. This Coimcil was composed of the following mem- bers: Hon. John J. Allen, President of the Court of Ap- peals of Virginia. Commodore Matthew Fontaine Maury, late Superin- tendent, U. S. Observatory. Colonel Francis H. Smith, Superintendent, Virginia Military Institute. Later, the Council was augmented by the addition of Hon. R. L. Montague, President of the Convention, and General Thomas S. Haymond. In order to show how imminent the probability of a call upon the Corps of Cadets appeared to the Acting Superintendent, after Colonel Smith was summoned to Richmond, the following order is here given : "Headquarters Virginia Mil. Inst., "April 18, 1861. "Order — No. 61. "The following is the order of exercises until further orders : "Drill at Battery daily, from 5:30 to 6:30 p. m. "2nd Class Mil. Engineering, from 8 to 10 a. m. "4th Class, Inf'ty Tactics, from 8 to 10 and 2 to 3. "3rd Class Art. Tactics, from 9 to 10 a. m. "4th Class Mortar and Rifle Cannon Drill, 6 to 7 a. m. "Battalion Drill, from 3 to 4 p. M. daily. "Artillery Tactics, 8 to 9 a. m. daily. "Strategy, from 10 to 11 daily. The Virginia Military Institute 139 "Light Infantry, from 10 to 11 a. m. "First and Second class in the Laboratory, from 11 to 1. "Bv order of Major Preston, "T. M. Semmes, "Adjutant V. M. I." From a perusal of this order it is not difficult to understand what were the expectations of all. The same day, the authorities of Washington College applied for a detail of officers and cadets to instruct the "Liberty Hall" Volunteers, a company recruited from among the College students. To this work Major Williamson, Captain Hardin, Lieutenants Henderson, and Semmes, and such cadets as might be required by them, were assigned and the Conmiandant was directed to issue from the Arsenal such flint-lock muskets as the College company might need. After consultation with the Council, it was deemed advisable by the Governor to establish a Camp of In- struction in the vicinity of Richmond for the local troops, and to utilize the cadets the services of whom had been tendered by the Superintendent, as drill-masters. This decision was reached during the late afternoon of April 20th, and, early the next morning, the following telegraphic dispatch was received in Lexington: "Richmond, April 20, 1861. "Send courier to Major Preston immediately to send Corps of Cadets to Richmond. Let inefficient cadets remain to aid as guard, and get volunteers from Lexington to aid as guard. Bring down all the ordnance stores with full supply of ammunition. Major Gilham and Mr. Catlett will report here, without delay. "Wm. H. Richardson, "Adjutant-General." And, now, let us read the order immediately published by Major Preston announcing the receipt of this dis- patch : "When the muster is held for men who have souls to defend their native soil from violation, insult and subjugation, the heart of every Virginian responds to the voice, and, with stern delight, he answers, 'Here !' 140 The Military History of "Words are not necessary now to stimulate. "The Corps of Cadets will prove their birth and breeding, and exhibit to Virginia the work of her favorite Institute. The cadet will not fail to manifest the advantage which the military training gives to him over those not less brave than himself. The Corps will go forth the pride of its friends, the hope of the State, and the terror of her foes. May the blessing of the God of Hosts rest upon every one who is battling in this holy cause ! "The march will be performed as directed by special order. "In the march, the Corps will be under the command of Major Jackson. Major Colston is assigned to duty as Acting Comman- dant of Cadets, and will report to Major Jackson. lieutenant Cunningham will act as Assistant Commandant of Cadets, and will report to Major Colston. Lieutenant McDonald is assigned to the Artillery, and will report to Major Jackson. Lieutenant Semmes will accompany the Corps as Adjutant. "Dr. R. L. Madison, Surgeon, and Dr. J. R. Page, Assistant Surgeon, will comprise the Medical Staff. Assistant Surgeon Page will be with the Corps on the march. "Commissary Gibbs will accompany the Corps as far as Staunton. "By order of the Adjutant-General, Lieutenants McCausland and Shipp will remain here to raise companies. "The details will be prepared, as heretofore ordered, and be ready to be inspected at 10 o'clock. "At 12:30 o'clock they will be formed to march. Dinner at 12 o'clock. "The following detail is made of cadets to form a guard of the Virginia Military Institute. "By order of Major Preston, "T. M. Semmes, "Adjutant." Then followed a detail of 48 of the younger, and less experienced, cadets to remain at the Institute. One may well imagine the elation of those selected to go with "Old Jack" to Richmond, and the bitter chagrin of the yomiger lads, drafted from among their fellows, to remain in Barracks. The joys and the bitter- ness of that hour can not be recorded in history. Long before the appointed hour the Corps assembled and chafed with youthful impatience at the delay, as Major Jackson paced back and forth in front of the Washington Statue. "Let us go, let us go," the ardent youth cried. "When the clock strikes the hour we will The Virginia Military Institute 141 march, and not until then," their stern commander re- pHed, and ere the hour ceased to strike, the sharp order, "For-ward — March" rang out upon the glorious spring air from Major Jackson's lips. Jackson was very much annoyed by the persistent and impatient im- portimities of the cadets to move off. To show them he had no intention of moving imtil the appointed time, he sent to the mess-hall for a mess stool, and on it he took his seat by the statue. That stool he took with him to Richmond, and all through his campaigns. It is now in the possession of the family of General Pendleton in Lexington. It was now that the Virginia Military Institute w^as to subserve the distinctive purpose of its creation, for Governor Letcher, thoroughh^ familiar with the School, its military traditions, its noble ideals, and the pecuhar efficiency of the Corps, by reason of his residence in Lexington, and his intimate association with the officers of the Institute, had ordered the Corps to proceed to Riclimond to provide drill-masters for the volunteers, and to impart to the raw soldiery of the South the principles contained in Gilham's Manual. Dangers were thickening rapidly around the State. Invasion by overwhelming numbers seemed imminent. Norfolk, Richmond, Alexandria, and Harper's Ferry were threatened. Such was the condition of affairs when the Corps entered upon the fulfillment of the high mission for which it had been so earnestly prepar- ing the past twenty-two years. To console the heartbroken youths who remained be- hind, — whose misery was as abject as their disappoint- ment was keen, — Major Preston pubhshed during the afternoon an order assigning Major Crutchfield to duty as Acting Commandant of Cadets, and Captain Hardin as his Assistant. "The whole Corps is now in active service, and the detail made for the post, is made by the same order from the Adjutant-General of Virginia, which put on the march those who have just left us. Those who remain are doing duty to Virginia as really, and it may be as efficiently, as those who are gone. It is not the service that 142 The Military History of anv one of us would prefer. But the soldier who is prepared to do only such duty as pleases him, is not to be trusted. The soldier that would desert a post, would fly in battle." But the order reciting the foregoing was poor con- solation for the httle band held in Lexington, and the utmost discontent among its members was manifested, without, however, any indication of insubordination, or neglect of duty. The following day, the "Rockbridge Greys," a local volunteer company. Captain Updike commanding, was consolidated with the remaining cadets, and military exercises for all, and academic duty for the cadets, resumed. As the Corps crossed the bridge over the North River, and ascended the hills beyond, on the day of its de- parture, a lingering look from every eye was cast be- hind at the fading outlines of Barracks, which like a great, gray castle crowned the distant plateau. How many cadets have seen those castellated walls thus vanish from their view! But have any lost the mental picture of those martial halls in which the heart-aches and joys of youth combine to make the memory of cadet-days, whether bitter or sweet, yet glorious? "There, our laudable boyish ambitions had been aroused, our hopes kindled, and our mental and physical manhood developed; there, each was independent of his fellows, yet all were a band of brothers." There, each had learned how to obey, and hence went forth into an unknown world, knowing the secret of command. Two hundred strong, the Corps pressed on towards Staunton, the battery armed with the four 6-pounder cadet guns, and the baggage wagons rumbling on be- hind, in a vain effort to keep apace with the unwearying feet of the boy infantry in the van. Ten miles out, and a farm wagon was impressed to carry the cadet knap- sacks; but^no thought of a bivouac short of Staunton was entertained, for this was the first of "Stonewall" Jackson's foot-cavalry! Staunton, thirty-eight miles away, was reached at 10 o'clock that night. The Virginia Military Institute 143 Major Jackson maj^ have made longer marches, and we know he commanded larger forces, in later days; but, of this we may be sure, he never commanded a more gallant band, or one which possessed a greater nerve, than that which he led over the blue hills of Rockbridge and Augusta, out from the confines of youth, and into the world of glory beyond, on the 21st of April, 1861; for it was that same body of Southern youth that later formed the backbone of his victorious armies, bearina' the eagles of his triumphs and the burden of his fame. Footsore and weary, the cadets slept well the night of their first real day of military service, quartered in the hotels of Staunton, but arose bright and ready for the work of the next morning. First, the guns and baggage had to be loaded on flat cars, and everything carefully packed for the movement by rail to Richmond. This done, several hours were allowed them to stroll about the town in their natty gray uniforms. Staunton in those days boasted of a number of fine schools for girls, as it does at the present time; and the fair pupils with their matronly guardians were permitted for once to mingle with the gallant soldier lads, ere they departed. At last, the "Assembly" sounded and the Corps en- trained amid the cheers and huzzas of the populace. As the troop train, always an inspiring sight to the citizen, pulled out with its brave passengers, many were the tears, the fond farewells, the longing glances, and "the girls they left behind them." All went well until the heavy train reached the Blue Ridge tunnel on the old Central Railroad (now the Chesapeake and Ohio). There, an exciting, and some- what perilous, catastrophe occurred. "The train con- sisted of passenger cars for the officers and Corps and flat cars for the battery and baggage. It was a 'special,' and hence had no schedule time. When well in the tunnel, which is nearly a mile long, our engine was derailed. The smoke from it filled the cars, and the narrow space around them. We could not go forward, for the engine and force engaged blocked the way; nor 144 The Military History of could we go back, as we would be in danger of being left, as the engine might be ready for duty any minute and would at once pull out. To add to our peril, another train from the direction whence we came was about due, as per schedule time, and was liable to collide with ours, in which event results could but be imagined. Thus we were held veritable prisoners for nearly two hours, imperiled by the dangers of an oncoming train and the suffocating smoke from our own engine, — our first lesson in the privation and hardships of war." Soon, however, the derailed engine was righted, and the train moved off, meeting with ovations all along the route. Before the Corps reached Riclnnond few coatees were capable of being buttoned, for the V. M. I. button was then, as now, most popular among the fair sex. "Late in the afternoon, Richmond loomed up to view. This was another new sight, for most of us were from rural districts, and had never seen a city. From the station we marched to the front of the Capitol Building in Capitol Square. Here the Corps was reviewed by His Excellency, the Governor, who made a little talk, and the compliments were pleasing to boys (as we were) . He said, among other things, that war was upon us and much depended upon our work in preparing an army for the field. Then, amid the waving of handker- chiefs by the dames and maidens, and the huzzas of the men and boys (a large number of whom had gathered to see and greet us), we marched to what was then known as the new Fair Grounds, about a mile west of the city." So forcibly did "Honest John," the Governor, pre- sent the needs of Virginia in his address, so flatteringly did he refer to the ability of the Corps to meet the de- mands of the State, and so seriously did he charge the cadets, individually and collectively, with the great responsibilities imposed upon them, that no lad marched away from his inspiring presence without silently pledging himself to the faithful service of his country. Thus did the fledglings, within a brief hour, become The Virginia Military Institute 145 men with the fullest responsibilities of manhood and of their calling. The Corps was quartered in the Exhibition buildings surrounded by the beautiful Fair Grounds, which were well suited for a camp of concentration and instruction. All arrangements for its accommodation had been per- fected in advance by Colonel Gilham, by whose sug- gestion the camp had been named after his old friend, Colonel Robert E. Lee, now the senior officer of Vir- ginia. Soon, General Magruder, Jackson's old batteiy com- mander, arrived, and assumed charge of the artillery, and immediately the undrilled, undisciplined, partly un- armed, and un-uniformed volunteers of Virginia began to arrive at Camp Lee. The raw volunteers afforded much amusement to the well- trained cadets. Many of them reported with squirrel rifles, shot guns, butcher's knives, and ancient horse pistols. Some wore red shirts and coon-skin caps, and all were imbued with the belief that the true soldier must present a dare-devil aspect with the unkempt hair and scraggly beard of the border ruffian. To these men the trim cadets appeared play-soldiers and dandies, almost beneath their contempt, and they at first re- garded the little "whipper-snappers" placed over them with the utmost disfavor. As the volunteers arrived, were mustered into the service, and organized into regiments, and batteries, drill-masters (one to a company) were assigned to them from the Corps of Cadets. General Magruder at once called upon Major Jackson to designate twelve cadets skilled in gunnery and artillery drill to be as- signed to the difficult task of drilling and assisting in organizing the light batteries, among which were the 1st, 2d, and 3d Companies of Richmond Howitzers, the Richmond Fayette Artillery, and the Hampden Artil- lery from Richmond, the Beauregard Rifles from Lynchburg, and other artillery organizations destined to become famous in the ensuing war. 10 146 The Military History of Soon, Captain Edward Porter Alexander, recently resigned from the U. S. Engineers, already dis- tinguished as a former Commandant of West Point, and as an expert in the novel signal-system developed by Myer, arrived from the West, to assume direct charge of the Artillery instruction. It was he who urged the organization of the three batteries of Rich- mond Howitzers, commanded by Captains J. C. Shields, J. Thompson Brown, and Robert Stanard, respec- tively, into a battalion with George W. Randolph as Major. Thus, the cadets were identified with the first battalion of Field Artillery ever created in America. So efficient was the work of the cadets, that within a few weeks the Confederacy^ was threatened with losing their services as drill-masters, by reason of their ab- sorption into the army as officers. Many of them were commissioned, ere a month had clasped; but enough remained at the disposal of the authorities with which to whip into shape the 20,000 volunteers as- sembled at Camp Lee, and as a just tribute to the value of tlieir services and of the Institute, the Convention unanimously adopted a most complimentary resolution in July, and an allowance of $20 a month, in addition to subsistence, was made each cadet drill-master. In June, 1861, there were 4S3 (467 less 34 dead) graduates of the Institute living, and the vast majority of those were commissioned officers in the various armies of the South before the first hostile move was made, and this was also true of the 654 (741 less 87 dead) non-graduates, among the eleves of the School, living then. July 15, 1861, the Superintendent re- ported to the Board that one- third of the field officers in the Volunteers, and two-thirds of those in the Pro- visional Army, were graduates or ex-cadets, while the number of captains and lieutenants were in proportion to the field officers. The result was, that the jealousy of the volunteers throughout the South, and especiallj^ in Virginia, was aroused, and a thoughtless prejudice The Virginia Military Institute 147 arose in the public mind against the Virginia MiKtary Institute, which was supposed to have exerted an undue influence upon Governor Letcher, in the matter of miU- tary appointments. Such is always the case in a country where no definite military policy prevails, and no adequate provision for defense is made, in time of peace. Civilians, who neces- sarily comprise the bulk of the army, when the call for volunteers is made, ever display the most unreasonable prejudice against men better equipped than themselves to lead. They ignore utterly the years of devoted ser- vice and preparation of trained soldiers, asserting, in their ignorance and self-confidence, their own natural abilities to command. By some illogical process of reasoning that sets at naught the history of war, they even disparage those who have devoted years to the study of military science. They point with conviction to such far-fetched examples as Cleon and Narses, not realizing that "pestilent demagogues and mutilated guardians of Eastern zenanas have not always been suc- cessful in war," and, in their conceit, earnestly believe that they, if but the opportunity be given them, will, like Cincinnattus, prove the saviours of their country. They can not, as a rule, comprehend that untrained soldiers who have attained success in war are the ex- ceptions, which prove the rule, and if they do perceive the inexorable truths which history should impress upon us, they confidently believe themselves to be the ex- ceptions. So, it was that Gilliam's and Jackson's services were forgotten, and when they were nominated for promo- tion as colonels in May by Governor Letcher, many of the members of the Legislature inquired, "Who is this Thomas J. Jackson?" "I can tell you who he is," Hon. Samuel McDowell Moore, of Rockbridge replied, "If you put him in com- mand at Norfolk, he will never leave it alive, unless you order him to do so." 148 The Military History or While the hue and cry against them continued, the cadets continued to "shoot disciphne" into the raw volunteers entrusted to their charge, and to secure com- missions whenever possible. Drilling the volunteers was a role which suited them exactly, for they were used to it. The drill of "rats" was a pastime from which every upper classman had graduated with honors, and the "plebes" were overjoyed that their opportunity to en- gage in the sport had at last come. Many were the ludi- crous sights witnessed at Camp Lee as the trim, sharp- voiced youngsters, perfectly drilled and disciplined them- selves, trotted the surprised recruits, panting and weary, about the spacious drill-grounds of Camp Lee. Many were the poor country yokels, who, compelled to bathe and shear their hirsute badges of military dignity, re- belled in spirit, but obeyed the tyrannical striplings who lorded it over them, saying all the while among them- selves, "Surely this is not war!" But as the days wore on, and a semblance of discipline began to be detected among the volunteers, — then the true indications of the soldier in their improved carriage and drill, — there was less grimibling; and rapidly con- tempt was superseded by the highest respect for the gray-clad martinets from Lexington. At first, the camp was intended for Virginia troops only ; but the value of the system of instruction there in operation was so apparent to all, that it was made the rendezvous of troops from other states, as well. This increased the numbers so greatly that not only the new, but the old. Fair Grounds had to be utilized, and the Corps was taxed to the utmost in its special and im- portant work. The general health record of the Corps while in the Camp of Instruction was excellent; only three serious cases of illness occurring between April 23d and June 30th. Early in May an epidemic of laryngitis and opthalmia, and soon after of catarrh broke out among the volunteers, due to unfavorable weather conditions. Soon followed measles, diarrhoea, and dysentery, all of The Virginia Military Institute 149 which played havoc with the vokmteer troops ; but in the entire Corps but 9 cases of measles, 26 of diarrhoea, .5 of dysentery, and 26 of laryngitis and opthalmia oc- curred, facts which strikingly testifj^ to the value of trained soldiers, always more or less exempt from the camp diseases which beset raw troops. How fortunate was the South to possess such an as- set as the Virginia Military Institute! Only a man of military experience can estimate the value of its services at this time. Yet, the historian has completely ignored its work, and has failed to grasp the real reasons for the initial success of the Confederate forces in Virginia. He has failed to perceive, in his scrutiny of the natural characteristics of the Southern volunteers, the real rea- son for their superiority over the men of the North in the early days of the war in Virginia. He has failed to detect, standing there all along the Confederate battle- line at Manassas, 500 trained young officers, and the 200 drill-masters of Camp Lee, who poured out from the embattled Barracks at Lexington, upon the first call to arms ! Nor was the Institute unduly favored by Governor Letcher in his appointments. It was not until the re- organization of the army, in the spring of 1862, that Institute men came to their own. Until that time, the higher grades had been very generally confined to re- tired officers of the Old Army, to those who resigned their commissions to join the Confederate arms, and to politicians. Thus, Institute men were at first over- slaughed, irrespective of their abilities, except with re- spect to the number of commissions assigned them. Governor Letcher, in his report of June 17, 1861, to the Convention of Virginia, stated that over one-half of the recruiting officers and the junior officers were appointed from among the graduates of the Institute.* The records also show that of the 56 regiments of Virginia Infantry and Heavy Artillery mustered into the service of the Confederate States of America, in •Rebellion Records, Series IV, Vol. 1, p. 390. 150 The Military History of 1861, 20 were commanded by graduates of the Institute, and that two of the eight cavahy regiments were also commanded by former cadets. Tlie number of Heu- tenant-colonels and majors were at this time out of all proportion to the number of regimental commanders, but as time wore on, they forged rapidly to the front. Thus, during the war, the Institute furnished the Con- federacy 92 colonels, 64 lieutenant-colonels, 107 majors, 304 captains, and 221 lieutenants. It is estimated that at one time nearly two-thirds of the Army of Northern Virginia was officered by field-officers from the Institute. During the months of May and June, and early July, many inspiring spectacles were witnessed by the cadets at Camp Lee, among which was the presentation of a new Confederate flag, made by the ladies of Richmond, to the 18th Virginia Regiment. There were many Old Cadets in this fine regiment, and the Corps, therefore, felt especial pride in its recognition by Mr. Davis. "This flag," said he, "is our symbol of liberty, and on behalf of the ladies of the capital of our nation, I gave it into the hands that will proudly bear it to victory, and never let it trail in the dust." The cadets had had occasion to see Mr. Davis before this, during the many visits which he made to the camp, attended by his brilliant stafl*; and, while they had felt the generally entertained respect for the President of the Confederacy, it was not until now that they were spell-bound by the power of the man. In the excite- ment of their work, they had found little time to dwell upon the virtues of the new nation; but Mr. Davis's speech aroused in them the greatest enthusiasm for the new flag, which for four long years they were to follow, and first made them realize they were soldiers of the new nation of which that flag was symbolic. Other prominent statesmen visited the camp, and ad- dressed the troops; among whom was the venerable John Tyler, veteran of 1812, former Governor of Vir- ginia, and Ex-President of the United States. All The Virginia Military Institute lol were optimistic of the outcome of the war and each added his coal of fire to the enthusiasm of the cadets. The work of Instruction, in so far as the Corps was concerned, was wholly in the hands of Gilham, who had been promoted Colonel of the 21st Virginia Regiment late in April. Jackson only remained with the Corps a few days after its arrival in Richmond; for on April 26th, he was promoted Colonel of Virginia Volun- teers, and immediately departed to take command of the force gathering at Harper's Ferry, while the Act- ing Commandant, Major Colston, was detailed in charge of the Camp of Instruction at Norfolk. By the time Joseph E. Johnston had assembled the 2d Corps, or Army of the Shenandoah, in the Valley; Beauregard, the 1st Corps, or Army of the Potomac, at Manassas; and Magruder, the Army of the Penin- sula, at Yorktown, there were few troops left at Camp Lee, and, therefore, few cadet drill-masters. The Corps had been practically dissolved by the appointment of cadets as officers, the attaching of those left to com- panies in the field, and the ordering of a few of the young men back to the Institute. At the Institute work had been promptly resmned, as we have seen. Many of the cadets from distant States which had been left behind resigned, in order to return to their homes, and there join the army. A few returned from Richmond, and about 100 new cadets were ad- mitted after the 1st of May. By the end of that month, there were over 100 cadets in Barracks, who were being thoroughly instructed in Field Fortifications, Artillery, and Infantry Tactics, and in the drill of all these branches. During the summer of 1861, although the great bulk of the arms had been issued from the Arsenal at the Institute, there were 3,600 stand of muskets, 8 6-pound iron guns, 15,900 pounds of cannon, and 125 pounds of rifle powder, and 600 rounds of fixed ammunition for the cadet battery, including round shot and canister, while the employees of the Institute, imder the direction 152 The Military History or of the Quartermaster, turned out 10,000 small arms cartridges per day for the use of the army. Early in June, it was rmnored that a raiding party of Federal Cavalry was approaching Lexington, with the intention of destroying the Institute and the Arsenal. The report was absurd, and, though not credited. Major Preston, Acting Superintendent, took the precaution of providing for the defense of the Institute. Ten rounds of ammunition were issued each cadet; an artillery de- tachment was designated and placed under Lieutenant Hunter, Class of 1861. Major Crutchfield was directed to move out and meet the enemy with an infantry de- tacliment composed of half of the cadets, and Captain Hardin, to defend Barracks with those remaining. Lieutenant Morgan was assigned to duty with the "Liberty Hall" Volunteers, Lieutenant Ross with Captain Gatman's local company, and Lieutenant Smith and Lynch, and Surgeon Meade, to the staff of the Acting Superintendent, the last being directed to prepare the Hospital to receive the wounded! Needless to add, nothing came of this wild rumor, for there was no enemy within reach of Lexington, at this time. The incident is narrated, however, as one of many, to illustrate the state of mind of the cadets, from first to last. The wonder is that any remained; and none would have done so had parental orders not com- pelled them to forego the field of glory. Another incident which created a marked impression upon the young soldiers, was the announcement in May of the death of Captain John Q. Marr. Entering the military service in April, he was killed while gallantly defending an outpost at Fairfax Courthouse, June 1, 1861, and shed "the first blood of the war," according to the report of the Adjutant- General of Virginia. Thus, was the seriousness of the war brought home to the cadets, further adding to their restlessness and long- ing to take the field. Thursday, June 13th, was appointed a day of national fasting and humiliation by the proclamation of Presi- The Virginia Military Institute 153 dent Davis, and, accordingly, all duties at the Institute were suspended by Major Preston who in orders paid the tribute of the Virginia Military Institute to the memory of Captain Marr, in these words: "The Acting Superintendent takes this occasion to announce officially the death of Captain J. Q. Marr, of Fauquier County. He was one of the oldest Alumni of the Institute, having graduated in 1846, the second dis- tinguished graduate of his class. He devoted his talents to the pursuits of civil life, and held important and influential offices in his county. At the first call of his county for his services as a soldier, he seized the arms whose use he had laid aside but not forgotten. He was offered a commission as Lieutenant-Colonel, but he chose to head the company he had raised. The enemy made a sudden attack upon the post where he was stationed, and he immediately exposed himself, regard- less of danger, to the fire of the foe, when he was pierced to the heart by an ill-fated ball. "The Institute with pride has beheld the graduates hastening to arms in order to redeem the j^ledge of fidelity to Virginia, that makes the motto upon the flag of the Corps. To the Institute, too, has been accorded the sad, yet honorable, distinction, that the first officer who has laid down his life on the altar of his country has had his name recorded on our Register with dis- tinction. Such examples serve their noble purpose when they stimulate to imitation. Such imitation is the noblest tribute we can pay to the brave dead." In the latter part of June, it was announced that Colonel Smith proposed to raise a regiment for the field during the summer, and that graduates, ex-cadets, and such cadets as were permitted by their parents to join the army, would be welcomed by him as officers — an invitation which many accepted. The work of the Institute was not suspended until July 18th. Notice had been given the Acting Superin- tendent by the professors and assistant professors, who had been all the spring and summer laboriously dis- 154 The Military History of charging the new duties which had devolved upon them, that after the 1st of July, the date on which the academic year terminated, they would tender their services to the governor for active and permanent service in the field. Great credit is due Major Preston, who had returned from Harper's Ferry where he might have remained on Jackson's staff, and to Major Crutchfield and Captain Hardin, for their unselfish labors up to this time. The two last, without the advantages of text-books, had pre- pared a course of lectures in the various branches, of the military art. Lieutenants Ross, Morgan, Lynch, Hunter, and Smith, had also rendered valuable aid as tactical officers. But they could no longer be restrained, and although there were 100 cadets present for duty, a number of candidates present and applying for ad- mission, and yet others on the way to enter, there was no other alternative than to decline to receive new cadets, to accept the resignation of all those recently admitted, and to place the others on furlough until September 1st. Now, let us see what became of the officers of the Institute. The Superintendent, after the dissolution of the Council of State, July 16th, was assigned to duty as Colonel of the 9th Virginia Regiment, Heavy Artillery, in command of the Craney Island defenses in Norfolk Harbor. The Commandant had been promoted Colonel, 21st Virginia Infantry, and was now preparing to join his command in the Valley. Major Jackson had been appointed Colonel of Volunteers April 26th, assigned to the command of the troops at Harper's Ferry, and promoted Brigadier-General June 17th. Major Williamson had been assigned to duty in April, as Major of the Corps of Engineers, under his academic commission, and had since been busily engaged fortify- ing the line of the Rappahannock, and, later on, the de- fenses near Manassas Junction, having been promoted Lieutenant-Colonel of Engineers in early July. Major Colston had been promoted Colonel of the 16th Virginia The Virginia Military Institute 155 Infantry, and assigned to the command of the Camp of Instruction at Norfolk. Dr. R. L. Madison, Surgeon, had been placed on duty as Medical Director of Camp Lee. Captain McCausland, upon the special request of the people of the Kanawha Section, had been appointed Lieutenant-Colonel 35th Virginia Infantry, and as- signed to duty in the West. Lieutenants Shipp, Cun- ningham, and McDonald, had been appointed Captains in the Provisional Army, and assigned to special duties — the first, under the orders of Colonel Gilham, as As- sistant Adjutant- General — the others under Jackson at Harper's Ferry, Captain Cunningham, on engineer duty, and Captain McDonald, as Assistant Inspector- General. Before the end of the summer, Shipp became Major of the 21st Virginia of which Gilham was the Colonel. Lieutenant Semmes was retained at the Camp of Instruction as Acting Commandant, upon the relief of Colonel Colston. After being relieved of duty at the Institute, Majors Preston and Crutchfield were appointed Lieutenant- Colonel and Major 9th Virginia Regiment, respectively, Colonel Smith commanding, and repaired to Craney Island. In October, however, Preston rejoined Jack- son's staff as Assistant Adjutant-General, Army of the Valley, and soon Crutchfield, longing for active sendee, transferred to the 58th Virginia Infantry, with the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, and was ordered to West Virginia, where he served under General Lee. During the fall he was tendered the colonelcy of the 16th Vir- ginia, but ill-health forced him to decline the pro- motion.* Captain M. B. Hardin, like Crutchfield, was also appointed Major in the 9th Virginia Regiment, upon leaving Lexington; Lieutenant J. D. H. Ross, Major, later Lieutenant-Colonel 52d Virginia Infantiy; Lieu- tenant W. H. Morgan, Adjutant 21st Virginia In- fantry, later Captain and killed; and Lieutenant O. C. *In the spring of 1862, he became Jackson's Chief of Artillery (Vice- Major Daniel Trueheart), with the rank of Colonel of Artillery: was wounded at Chanfcllorsville. and killed at Sailor's Creek in April, 1865. after most heroic- lUid efficient service throughout the war. 156 The Military History of Henderson, First-Lieutenant, later Captain 1st Battal- ion Virginia Infantry. Rodes, who had never served at the Institute as a full professor, had, meantime, become Colonel of the 5th Alabama, later Major- General, and was killed. Captain John T. Gibbs was placed in command of the "Rockbridge Greys," and alone remained in charge of the Institute. Thus, it is seen, that every officer of the Institute had entered the service, and that, by the middle of the summer, the faculty and the Corps had dissolved. Far off in the hills of Rockbridge, the great Cadet Barracks,* tenanted only by a few members of the mi- litia, stood silent and all but deserted during the fall and winter of 1861, a mournful reminder of the gallant band which had poured forth from its grim portals, apppealing, in its abandoned aspect, to the poetess who wrote : "They are gone ! they are gone ! Never more shall they come Witii no gap in their ranks to this dearly loved home ; They are gone! they are gone! from depression upspringing. Its bold onward flight the young spirit is wringing. In memory still lingers the touching refrain. Of exulting farewell, spoken once and again. "Still, I see the light form — the flushed cheek — the quick eye, Still, I hear the firm tread, as 'boy heroes' sweep by; But the mantle of evening from daylight is won, And the Mother's worn heart looks in vain for her son. Alas ! for the eyes that have scarce known a tear ! Alas ! for the hopes that were safe garnered here ! "They are gone ! they are gone ! From terrace and hill. Of the light springing footsteps, the echo is still. The rich music of youth's wild exuberance is gone; Through this midnight of sorrow, we watch all alone In a sickness of heart that sees nought in their path But the Great Reaper's Sickle, the harvest of Death ! This is feeble distrust. It is cowardly fear To linger thus idly, when danger is near. Arise — break its shackles — look out from this gloom, To thy work bravely done will the Comforter come. ♦Occupied bv the Rockbridge Greys, upon the departure of the Corps of Cadets as a guard for the Arsenal, in which much Ordnance material was stored. See Rebellion Rec, Series IV, Vol. 1. pp. 387-388. The Virginia Military Institute 157 "Did the sun's rosy light o'er the Blue Ridge this morning Kiss the high mountain peaks? I know not, for this warning Note eagerly longed for, prevented the dav. And the hours, unchronicled, glided away. All to one paying tribute. Well each cadet knew To the stroke of the clock, the command would be true; Major Jackson in charge, he would linger for none, And he still would move on. did he move on alone. "With Love, holiest cares, as her purpose fulfilling, Another's burdens to lighten, the heart is made willing; Thus to lighten its own, each moment passed on, Smiles brightening to tears — then, in tears, the smiles gone. Fair young fingers were busy — on many a fair face, This April of Sunshine and Showers you might trace ; While gay words of greeting were followed as soon. By some errand accepted, as quickly as known. "Hark! the roll of the drum. It has called them to prayer. And each uncovered head bows in reverence there. Through the Barracks is hushed all the vexed strife of earth, As the servant of God breathes falteringly forth In grief-stricken accents, but firm, trusting faith, A prayer for His presence in danger and death. Let them only be Thine, then must suffering be The path Thou hast chosen to lead them to Thee ! The silence is broken — a quick rush of feet — Each one takes his place, and the ranks are complete. A stroke of the clock — the Battalion moves on — A dull, measured tramp — a last look— they are gone !"* *By Mrs. Francis H. Smith. 158 The Military History of CHAPTER X ^} JACKSON AT HARPER S FERRY AND MANASSAS We have seen that Major Jackson's preferment was attributed by jealous civihans, seekmg their own selfish interests, to the undue influence of the Virginia Mihtary Institute. His connection with the army, and his serv- ice in Mexico seemed to have passed from the memory of everybody but his intimate friends.* The following account of Jackson's arrival at Harper's Ferry, where he arrived and took command May 3, 1861, is given by General John D. Imboden, at that time Captain of the Staunton Battery: "When I arrived in Richmond, General Robert E. Lee had been placed in command of all the Virginia forces by the Governor, and by an ordinance every militia officer in the State, above the rank of Captain, had been decapitated, and the Governor and his Military Council had been authorized to fill the vacancies thus created. This was a disastrous blow to the 'pomp and circumstance of glorious war' at Harper's Ferry. Militia generals, and the brilliant 'staff' were stricken down, and their functions devolved, according to Governor Letcher's order, upon Thomas J. Jackson, Colonel Commandant, and James W. Massie, Major and Assistant Adjutant-General, who arrived during the first week of May. "This was Stonewall Jackson's first appearance on the theatre of war. I spent one day and night in Richmond, and then returned to camp, arriving about 2 p. m. What a revolution three or four days had wrought ! I could scarcely realize the change. The militia generals were all gone, and the staff had vanished. The commanding colonel and his adjutant had arrived, and were occupy- ing a small room in the little wayside hotel near the railroad bridge. ♦Military Biography of Stonewall Jackson, Jones, p. 36. The following letter from Major Preston, who had been ordered to Richmond, Is interesting at this point : "I got here safely. As I anticipated, the Colonel wanted to consult me with regard to matters connected with the Institute, and the organization of the military forces of the region roundabout. Colonel Smith is occupying here a very Important and laborous position and is acquiring a very enviable reputation for the value of his services. The general idea of the movements is, I think, based upon the purpose of avoiding civil war, but to be prepared thoroughly for every emergency. Jackson, with the rank of colonel, goes to supersede General Harper at Harper's Ferry. It is most flattering to him. Say to his wife that It is the command of all others which he would most prefer. He is a noble fellow, and I rejoice in his success." The Virginia Military Institute 159 Knowing them both, I immediately sought an interview and deliv- ered a letter and some papers I had brought from General Lee. Jackson and his Adjutant were at a little pine table, figuring upon the rolls of the troops present. They were dressed in well-worn, dingy uniforms of professors in the Virginia Military Institute, where both had recently occupied chairs. Colonel Jackson had issued, and sent to the camp, a short, simple order assuming the command, but had had no intercourse with the troops. The deposed officers had nearly all left for home, or for Richmond, in a high state of indignation. After an interview of perhaps a half hour, I proceeded to my camp on the hill, and found the men of the 5th Virginia regiment in assembly, and greatly excited. They were deeply attached to their field-officers, and regarded the ordinance of the Convention as an outrage on freemen and volunteers ; and were discussing the propriety of passing denunciatory resolutions. On seeing me, they called for a speech. As I did not belong to the regiment, I declined to say anything, but ordered the men of the Staunton Artillery to fall into line. Then I briefly told them that we were required to muster into the service either for twelve months, or during the war, at our option, and urged them to go in for the full period of the war, as such action would be most creditable to them, and a good example to others. They unani- mously shouted, 'For the war ! For the war !' Before tliev were dismissed, the ceremony of mustering in was complete, and I proudly took the roll to Colonel Jackson with the remark, 'There, Colonel, is the roll of your first company mustered in for the war.' He looked it over, and, rising, shook my hand, saying, 'Thank you, Captain; thank you, and please thank your men for me.' He had heard that there was dissatisfaction in the camps, and asked me to act as mustering-officer for the two other artillery companies present. Before sunset the rolls were returned. This prompt action of the batteries was emulated, the next day, by the other troops, and all were mustered in."* An army correspondent of one of the Southern papers has left us a personal sketch of Colonel Jackson, at this time. It clearly indicates the general impression of the hour, and, furthermore, portrays Jackson as he was recalled by more than one cadet: "The queer appearance of the ex-Professor on the field excited great merriment in this writer. The Old Dominion must be woefully deficient in militarj^ men, he thought, if this was the best she could do. To him the new colonel was not at all like a com- manding officer. There was a painful want in him of all the 'pride, ♦Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, Vol. 1, pp. 120-121. 160 The Military History of pomp^ and circumstance of glorious war.' His dress was no better than a private soldier's, and there was not a particle of gold lace about his uniform. His air was abstracted; his bearing stiff and awkward ; he kept his own counsels ; never consulted with his officers, and had very little to say to anybody. On horseback his appearance was even less impressive. Other officers, at that early stage of the war, when the fondness for military insignia and dis- play was greater than afterwards, and before the blockade had cut off the supply of gewgaws and decorations, made their appearance before their troops on prancing horses, with splendid trappings, and seemed desirous of showing the admiring spectators how grace- fully they could sit in the saddle. The new colonel was a strong contrast to all this. He rode an old horse which seemed to have little of the romance of war about him, and nothing at all fine in his equipment. His seat in the saddle was far from graceful; he leaned forward awkwardly ; settled his chin from time to time in his loft}'^ military stock, and looked from side to side, from beneath the low rim of his cadet cap, in a manner which the risible faculties of the correspondent could not resist. A queerer figure, and one which answered less to the idea of military grace, had never before dawned on the attention of the literary gentleman who sketched it for the amusement of the Southern reader." Among the first steps taken by Colonel Jackson for the organization of his command, was the selection of Major James W. Massie, V. M. I., 1847, who had served under him as a tactical officer at the Institute, as his Inspector-General; his old associate in the faculty, John Thomas Lewis Preston, as his Acting Assistant Adjutant- General; and Captain Marshall McDonald and Edward Cunningham, Assistant Pro- fessors, as his Assistant Inspector-General and Engineer Officer, respectively, while Dr. Graham of Lexington, formerly Surgeon of the Institute, became his Chief Surgeon. Major Preston, who had been ordered to Richmond to confer with the Superintendent, repaired at once to Harper's Ferry, but was recalled to the Institute late in May.* •The following extracts from the correspondence of Major Preston with his wife illustrates the work of the Institute in the organization of Jackson's command : May 9th, 1S61. "While Massie is gone to Richmond with dispatches, I take as much of Jackson's responsibility as I choose. Colonels, captains. and officials of all ranks come to me for orders, for leave of absence, for directions, for privileges, for information. It is precisely, so far as I am concerned, like the Superintendency of the Institute, and it is my practice in that sort of work that gives me here more efficiency than men of more ability and more experience. It is astonishing to see how the Institute tells fe .. .. .■ I I — - • ; ; ::! ' : ; , I ...t : , ... I - it . . - 1-- -" ■111. BRIGADIER-GENERAL THOMAS HOOMES WILLIAMSON Commandant of Cadets 1841-1846 Professor 1841-1888 The Virginia Military Institute 161 April 22d, an order had been received at the Institute from General Harper at Harper's Ferry, to forward 10,000 muskets from the Arsenal for issue, to his com- mand, and Captain Updike was directed to detail 25 of his men as an escort, under the command of Lieutenant Shipp. Lieutenant Shipp, however, proceeded no further with the escort than Staunton, at whicli point he received orders to proceed to Richmond, where he was assigned to duty with rank of Captain under Colonel Gilham as Assistant Adjutant- General in the Camp of Instruction. The same day, Lieutenant J. D. H. Ross was detailed with ten cadets to escort an ammunition train to Harper's Ferry. These cadets, Wight, Holt, Norris, Hempstead, Burruss, Burk T., Lee W., Turner S., Savage and Taylor M., were retained by Colonel Jackson at Harper's Ferry as drill-masters. Jackson had been at Camp Lee long enough to witness the immediate results obtained there by the cadets in charge of the instruction of the volunteers. His next step was to place Major Daniel Trueheart, formerly his assistant at the Institute, in charge of the organiza- tion of his artillery ; and, assisted by officers in whom he reposed confidence born of previous association, he undertook the work of hammering his command into shape. Meantime, the Rev. William Nelson Pendleton, of Lexington, had been elected Captain of the Rockbridge Artillery, a battery which had been organized in Lexing- ton and drilled by Captain John McCausland, of the Institute Sub-Faculty, until he was promoted lieu- tenant-colonel of the 36th Virginia Regiment, and ordered to northwest Virginia. Knowing the calibei' of his old friend, Colonel Jackson requested that the Rock- just now. Every man from the oldest to the youngest, who has been connected with It, is looked to for extra service. When Massie is here I do some of the same sort of thing, but mainly I write letters for .Jackson and advise him as far as I am able." May 12th, 1861. "I did not know before how well I could get through work which is new to me, nor did I know how much technical acquaintance with military matters I had absorbed by my life-long connection with the Institute. At all events, I have been a week, since Massie's absence, acting as chief aid, settling all manner of questions for colonels, majors, captains, and sometimes when .Jackson was absent looking after his fortifications, acting as commander-in-chief." 11 102 The Military History of bridge Artillery be assigned to his command, which was done; and, with two of the cadet brass 6-pounders, and ammunition chests mounted on the bodies of hay wagons, the battery marched to Staunton on Maj^ 11th, arriving at Harper's Ferry four days later.* Jackson's command was fast rounding into shape. As early as May 8th, he wrote his wife, "Colonels Massie and Preston have been of great service to me. Humanly speaking, I don't see how I could have ac- complished the amount of work I have done without them." The press now began to change its view about the odd-looking colonel, and we read: "The commanding officer at Harper's Ferry is worthy of the name he bears, for 'Old Hickory' himself was not a more deter- mined, iron-nerved man than he. Born in Virginia, educated at West Point, trained in the Mexican War. occupied since at the pet military Institution of the Old Dominion, his whole life has been a preparation for this struggle." On the 23d of May, Colonel Joseph E. Johnston ar- rived at Harper's Ferry and superseded Jackson in command. The troops were almost immediately organized into brigades, according to States. Colonel Jackson was assigned to the command of the first, or, strictly, Virginia brigade, composed of the 2d Virginia, Colonel James W. Allen; 4th Virginia, Colonel J. F. Preston; 5th Virginia, Colonel Kenton Harper; 27th Virginia, Lieutenant-Colonel, John Echols; 33d Vir- ginia, Colonel A. C. Cummings. Colonels Allen, Echols, and Cummings were graduates of the Institute, of the Classes of '49, '48 and '44, respectively. When, on the 15th of June, Johnston withdrew fi-om Harper's Ferry to Winchester, he left Colonel Jackson with his brigade at the front along the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, to observe General Patterson's prepara- tions. On the 2d of July, 1861, Colonel Jackson detected a movement on the part of the Federals, and desiring ♦Memoirs of William Nelson Pendleton, Lee, pp. 140-144. The Virginia Military Institute 163 to develop the intentions of the enemy directed Captain Pendleton to move forward the Rockbridge Battery, and, supported by the 5th Virginia, to open fire. Be- sides the two brass cadet 6-pounders, the battery now liad two iron pieces. Three of the gvms were held in the rear, and one of the cadet pieces only placed in action, about three miles from the camp. Upon dis- covering Pendleton's gun, the enemy's artillery opened a brisk fire, but gunner David E. Moore, Jr., of Lexing- ton, carefully laid his piece under the directions of the battery commander, and fired at a squadron of cavalry about 800 yards distant. The first shot dispersed the troopers, the second disabled a gun. But eight shots in all were fired before the enemy retired, leaving 55 prisoners in the hands of Colonel J. E. B. Stuart's Cavalry. This affair, called Hainesville, or Falling Waters, which occurred near Martin sburg, Virginia, was the first in which the troops under Jackson were engaged, and is notable in connection with the Institute inasmuch as David Moore, of Lexington, fired the first hostile cannon shot in Jackson's army, with one of the guns of the cadet battery.* July 6th, Jackson received his commission as Brig- adier-General, dated June 17, 1861. His promotion was confirmed August 28th, following. Captain Pendleton had been three years at West Point with Generals Johnston and Lee, and two years with Mr. Davis. On July 13, 1861, the President in writing to General Johnston, after hearing of the affair of the 2d of July, said : "I recollect Captain Pendleton well. and. when we were all younger, esteemed him highly as a soldier and a gentleman. I, some days since, directed that he should have rank as a Colonel, and be put in command of the batteries of your army."** ♦Memoirs of William Nelson Pendleton, Lee, pp. 145-146. The Story of a Cannoneer under Stonewall .Tackson, Moore, p. 25. In this work the picture of the gun and the gunner may be seen. In 1914. David E. Moore is Commonwealth Attorney in Lexington. ♦♦Rebellion Records, Series I, Vol. II, p. 977. 164 The Military History or Thus, both the first and second commanders of the guns which President Zachary Taylor presented the Corps of Cadets were not only present when they fired their first hostile shots, but both received their pro- motions ahnost simultaneously after the affair in which they were engaged, that being the prelude to Manassas. Colonel Pendleton later became Brigadier- General and Chief of Artillery, Army of Northern Virginia.* July 21, 1861, the great battle of First Manassas, or Bull Run, was fought. We can not here give the de- tails of that battle, in which Brigadier-General Thomas Jonathan Jackson received from the lips of Bee the immortal sobriquet of "Stonewall" as he stood among the old cadet guns, which for ten long years he had commanded at the Institute. •The junior Lieutenant of the Rockbridge Artillery at Hainesville, William T. Poague, became Captain of the battery in 1862, Major of Artillery in 1863, Lieutenant-Colonel 1864, and has, for the past thirty years, been Treasurer of the Virginia Military Institute. He was designated by General Lee to lead the retreat to Appomattox in 1865. The Virginia Military Institute 165 CHAPTER XI CADETS AT MANASSAS IN MEMORIAM On pages 117 and 118, of the current catalogue of the Virginia Mihtary Institute, one finds the following: C. W. Moore, Virginia, 1861, C. S. A., Cadet, killed First Manassas. S. R. Norris, Virginia, 1861, C. S. A., killed First Manassas. J. S. Moffett, Virginia, 1861, C. S. A., Cadet, killed First Manassas. That is all the official record contains concerning these youthful soldiers, and for over half a century in the memorial of our New Market dead, we have forgotten that there were others who met their death while wear- ing the cadet coatee.* The names of Moore, Moffett and Norris, while hitherto obscure, should be stamped upon the very heart of every V. M. I. cadet, and emblazoned in enduring form upon the highest pinnacles of Fame. How came they to offer up their sacrifice to the Southern cause? Who were they, and whence did they hail — these all but forgotten heroes? It was in the late summer of 1860, when Charlie Moore, Johnnie Moffett, and Charlie Norris passed through the sally-port of Barracks and became cadets at the Virginia Mihtary Institute. Moore and Moffett were eighteen years old; Norris was two years their junior. They came from Abingdon, Virginia, Rock- bridge County, Virginia, and Leesburg, Virginia, respectively, sent to the Institute by loving parents to be trained for their part in the dreaded future. ♦There were 19 cadets killed in battle on various fields during the war. 166 The Military History or Already the omen of war had east its shadow over the Southland, and in the souls of strong men were gloomy presages of inevitable tragedy. Then, as now^ the lilting air of youth, the echo of exuberant spirits, rang through the martial halls ; but in the still hours of night when men are wont to ponder the serious things of life, not even these youths could fail to discern the ever- darkening cloud which gathered in the North. No ears could fail to hear the rumbling of the approaching storm. Here were soldiers then who knew war — the veterans of Cerro Gordo, of Palto Alto, of Monterey and Chapultepec, who, while they quailed, but steeled their hearts and labored with unceasing energy to meet the crisis. The genius of Gilham shone the brighter, and the determination of Jackson seemed the more inexor- able, in their stern resolve to serve Virginia— to serve her by inculcating in a thousand youthful breasts a mature sense of duty. It was within the year these three young men spent here that the Corps was electrified by those flashes from the soul of Jackson. They beheld him in their midst, standing erect, and radiant with high purpose, prepared to face the future. They heard him say in tones of heartrent anguish, when asked if he desired war, "Sir, as a Christian I will deprecate the advent of fratricidal strife, but as a soldier, sir, I will welcome war." Then, they heard him cry with clear and ringing accent, "It is time for Virginia to draw the sword and throw away the scabbard." Such, were the leaders in those days; and, so, it was natural that when the tide of invasion swept up against the bulwarks of Virginia, not only Smith, the Superin- tendent, Gilham, the Commandant, Jackson, Crutch- field, Rodes, Colston, Preston, Williamson, McCaus- land, and Shipp, the Professors, but that the entire Corps, should rush to the defense of Virginia. It was a glorious Sunday morning in April when Major Jackson marched the Battalion of Cadets from The Virginia Military Institute 167 Lexington to Staunton, en route to Richmond, where its members were to serve as drill-masters in the Camp of Instruction. He left in no haste. His orders were to move at 12 :30 p. m. The impatient cadets chafed as they stood in ranks awaiting the appointed time until which the command was not given. About fifty of the younger cadets were ordered to re- main as a guard for the Institute, and among those was Norris. In strange contrast was the elation of those who wound their way behind "Old Jack" over the blue hills, to the disappointment of the faithful few who watched the gallant Corps disappear in the haze of distance. It was at this very moment, alone perhaps in the very highest tower of Barracks, that little Norris felt the realization of the word "Duty" in its highest sense. Can we doubt that in this hour of sorest trial, as he strained his eyes to catch the last glint of the vanishing column, he wiped away the bitter tears that welled unbidden from his heart, and said "It is braver to remain than to go." As it always does, the conscious performance of duty brought to Charlie Norris his reward, for but a few days passed until he and nine other cadets were ordered to escort the powder train from the Institute to Harper's Ferry; and upon reporting, they found not Major Jackson of old, but Colonel Jackson in com- mand of the volunteer army there assembled, who as- signed them to different commands as drill-masters. Like Moore and MoflPett in Richmond, Norris now de- voted all his energies to the work in hand, conscious that the eye of "Old Jack" was upon him. Soon, Beauregard began to assemble his army. The First Corps, or Army of the Potomac, at Manassas, and Joseph E. Johnston took command of the Second Corps, or Army of the Shenandoah, in the Valley. The undisciplined recruits were quickly rounded into shape, and in this work nearly 200 cadets labored night and day. Fortunate, indeed, was the South that such hands were available to mould the weapon of its first de- 168 The Military History of fense. Now, was the value of the Institute appreciated by all, both friend and foe. Now, the service which Smith and Gilliam and Jackson had rendered, their people well understood. Was it not Lincohi, himself, who, it has been said, replied, when asked by an im- patient politician, why he did not crush the Confederate Army at once: "It might be done, were it not for a certain Military School they have, which supplies them with trained officers."* But whether he ever made such a remark or not, well might he have done so, for the full import of Lincoln's supposed remark is appreciated, if it be recalled that among the Sieves of the Virginia Military Institute, in the Confederate States Armies, M^ere 20 general officers, nearly 300 field officers, and more than 500 of lower rank, including many of the most responsible staff officers in the service. Verily, those were the days that tried men's souls and made strong men of boys. Indeed, our great national struggle was a war between boys. Statistics show us that the average age of the 2,400,000 or more enlisted men in the Northern Armies was but twenty years, upon their entrance into the service. But while there were thousands of youthful soldiers in this war, few rendered their flag the service which the cadets performed in the spring and summer of 1861. Historians in analyzing the cause of Confederate suc- cess at First Manassas, seem to have utterly neglected one of its prime factors. They do not see standing there in front of the Southern troops, several hundred drill-masters suddenly become leaders, and reflecting the very spirit, embodying the very soul, that won for "Stonewall Jackson," on that day, his immortal sobri- quet. Thus, in such ignorance, is history written. The subjects of our sketch were but three of several hundred cadets who found their way to the momentous field of Manassas; but most of these had already won commissions in the arm}% and had changed the natty *I can find no real authority for this remaric, though Lincoln frequently declared that the Federal troops were not fighting raw militia but troops disci- plined by highly trained officers. The Virginia Military Institute 169 coatee for the long frock coat of a Confederate officer. The Corps whicli left Lexington in April had dissolved, ere McDowell crossed the Potomac, but there were still some of its members serving in their original capacity as drill-masters at Richmond, Harper's Ferry, and with Beauregard, at Manassas. Such was the case with Moore, Moffett, and Norris. On the memorable morning of July 21, 1861, swept on by the ardour of youth, Moffett and Moore entered the fight, with the first sound of battle, as volunteer captains of the companies they had drilled so faithfully. And not far off was little Norris hastening from the Valley with Johnston's troops. He had watched his older comrades with envy when they left him in the Barracks; but no longer was he the immature lad of Lexington. A soldier's responsibilities now rested on his shoulders as he sped over the roads with Jackson and his men, to the aid of Beauregard. While spurring on the men of his coinpany, with which he had toiled, and over which he was now in command, in the absence of his captain, he was no doubt thinking of his cadet friends at Manassas, and chafing lest he should be too late to join them in battle. At last, the grey canopy of smoke marked for his eyes the fretted field. A few minutes more, and he had entered the conflict. Some strange power carried him on with a speed and endurance unknown to him before ; and, rushing forward at the head of his men, he was soon face to face with Ricketts' guns, in the blast of which Moore and Moffett had already fallen. "Come on, boys, quick, and we can whip them!" he shrilly cried, and these words just uttered, he sank to the earth to rise no more.* The horrors of that day all know. Nor was the sacri- fice vain, for Manassas gave to the world "Stonewall" Note — Captain Robert McCulloch, of St. Louis, V. M. I., '61. tlie friend and comrade of Moore. Moffett, and Norris. also served at First Manassas as a volunteer cadet captain. Though wounded, he continued to serve with such conspicuous gallantry that he was promoted immediately after the battle to regular rank, finally reaching the grade of Captain. Learning of Moore's death, he sought out "his body after the fighting ceased, buried it, marked the grave, and thus enabled Mrs. Moore to recover the remains of her son. 170 The Military History of Jackson, one whose memory will inspire humanity with noble impulses as long as the brave worship at the altar of Christianity. His idealized figure alone the whole world now sees standing there amid the belching guns, as Bee and Bartow saw it in reality, ere they fell. But the mist of time has obscured from our eyes the dreader scenes of that day. There, upon the field, when the smoke of battle had mingled with the dark clouds, when the roar of the conflict had died away, lay the rigid forms of three soldier lads. Each marked the far ad- vance of the battle line. In the gray coatee of each was found the rent through which a soul ascended to await the coming of the leader to whose glory they had con- tributed so much of blood and valour. Let belated fame with her light now search the stricken field and cast her discerning rays upon their pallid cheeks, and somewhere on the pages of her undying record inscribe the names of Moore, Moffett, and Norris. The Virginia Military Institute 171 CHAPTER XII THE WEST POINT OF THE CONFEDERACY April 29, 1861, Jefferson Davis, President of the newly-formed Confederacy, addressed an interesting re- port to the Confederate Congress, detaihng at length the executive measures up to that time, and offering many valuable recommendations. The former Secre- tary of War of the United States, thoroughly con- versant with all matters pertaining to army organiza- tion, wrote: "To secure a thorough military education, it is deemed essential that officers should enter upon the study of their profession at an early period of life, and have elementary instruction in a military school. Until such school shall be established, it is recommended that cadets be appointed and attached to companies until they shall have attained the age, and have acquired the knowledge, to fit them for the duties of lieutenants."* Pursuant to this wise recommendation, the Act of Congress providing for the increase of the military establishment of the Confederate States, amending the original Act creating the army, and approved May 16th, included the following section: "Section 8. That until a military school shall be established for the elementary instruction of officers for the Army, the Presi- dent shall be authorized to appoint cadets from the several States in number proportionate to their representation in the House of Representatives, and ten, in addition, to be selected by him at large from the Confederate States, who shall be attached to companies in service in any branch of the Army as supernumerary officers, with the rank of 'Cadet,' who shall receive the monthly pay of $40.00, and be competent for promotion at such time, and under such regulations, as may be prescribed by the President, or here- after established by law."** •Rebellion Records, Series IV, Vol. I. p. 267. ♦♦Ibid., p. 327. 172 The Military History of From this measure it is clearly seen that at the out- set the Confederate Congress contemplated the estab- lishment of a military academy for the education of its officers. But upon discovering that such an institution was already available, inasmuch as Virginia, which possessed a School of Arms, second only to West Point, had joined the Confederacy April 17th, the necessity of creating another School at great expense no longer existed. Upon the joint recommendation of Governor Letcher and President Davis, the Confederate Congress, early in the fall of 1861, ordered the Board of Visitors of the Virginia Military Institute to reopen the School, January 1, 1862, and put into full operation the regular exercises which had been suspended since July 18th, pre- ceding, when the Corps was furloughed. During the smnmer it had been announced that the Institute would not be reopened in the fall, as previously stated. Colonel Smith, strange to say, vigorously opposed the reopening of the School. He argued that the rest- lessness of the cadets, the impossibility of securing ade- quate supplies of provisions, clothing, fuel, books, etc., etc., was a difficulty which would increase as the war progressed. But the authorities insisted that the Insti- tute was a necessity, and, that the Confederacy was compelled to depend upon it to a great extent for its future supply of officers. Accordingly, the Board of Visitors met on the second Tuesday in September, and took steps to assemble the faculty, the members of which were widely scattered, and all serving as officers in the army. Among the responses to the call of the Board, the following letter was received from the Professor of Natural and Ex- perimental Philosophy : "Headquarters First Brigade, 2d Corps, A. P., "Centreville, October 22, 1861. "Gentlemen- — Your circular of the 9th inst. has been received, and I beg leave to say, in reply, that I only took the field from a sense of duty, and that the obligation that brought me into the The Virginia Military Institute 173 service still retains me in it, and will probably continue to do so as long as the war shall last. At the close of hostilities, I desire to resume the duties of my chair, and, accordingly, respectfully request that, if consistent with the interest of the Institute, the action of the Board of Visitors may be such as to admit of my return, upon the restoration of peace. "Respectfully, your obedient servant, "T. J. Jackson, "Prof. Nat. and Ex. Philosophy, V. M. I. "To "General Wm. H. Richardson, "General T. H. Raymond, "Committee." Having been overruled, Colonel Smith, the Superin- tendent, now set himself about the task of reorganizing the School, with his usual energy. Under date of No- vember 23d, 1861, from his post at Craney Island, in Norfolk Harbor, where he was in command of the Artillery defenses. Colonel Smith addressed a letter to the Adjutant- General of Virginia, from which the following is an extract: "I am anxious that the Board shall settle the question, as far as they can do it, with regard to the connection of the Institute witli the Southern Confederacy. I think that all that is valuable in the art of war may be secured b}^ having an understanding with the Confederate Government that at each annual examination the Secretary of War shall notify the Board of Visitors of the number of officers required for the military service, then send a board of examiners, to meet when the Board is in session, that they may examine the graduating classes, and report to the President the names of such as are recommended for commissions in the Army, the arm of service for which they are fitted, etc. This would give the Government all the advantage it might require of the School." General Richardson at once forwarded this letter to the Secretary of War, stating that the Institute would be reopened January 1st, that the Board desired to make the School subserve the interests of the service in every way possible, and requesting suggestions and cooperation from the President and the War Depart- ment.* •Rebellion Records, Series IV, Vol. I, p. 537. 174 The Military History of At its fall meeting, the Board had elected Major Scott Shipp, V. M. I., 1859, 21st Virginia Regiment, Commandant of Cadets. Major Shipp had served since graduation, it will be recalled, as an assistant professor. The change was a welcome one to Colonel Gilham, who, as we have seen, had expected in 1860 to be relieved in order that he might devote his imdivided attention to his academic department. His return to the Institute was not, therefore, opposed to his inclinations, inasmuch as he was still deeply interested in scientific research. Major Shipp was on sick leave at the time he received his orders to return, and did so, much against his will. He had served with credit in the West Virginia cam- paign, was ambitious, and preferred active service in the field with his regiment, to a less stirring, if more useful, career at the Institute. But those familiar with his eminent qualifications for the important office of Com- mandant of Cadets urged upon him the view that in no way could an officer better serve his country than in the position offered him, pointing out the great possi- bilities of the office at a time when the cry for trained officers in the lower grades was growing louder and louder every day. Yielding to the urgent representa- tions of his friends. Major Shipp finally accepted the office which he filled with distinguished ability for twenty-eight years. Wlien the reorganization of the army occurred in April, 1862, Lieutenant-Colonel John M. Patton, Jr., V. M. I., 1846, succeeded Colonel Gilham in command of the 21st Virginia Regiment, and Major Scott Shipp was elected Lieutenant-Colonel of the regiment {vice Patton promoted) ; but Shipp lost his commission in a most unusual way, for after he was elected Lieutenant- Colonel of the 21st Virginia, Captain Morgan, the ad- jutant, had his office declared vacant on the ground that he could not leave the Institute, an action entirely un- authorized by Shipp. At the outbreak of the war, there were numerous military schools in the South, for many of the States The Virginia Military Institute 175 had established schools after the model of the Institute. First, South Carolina, with its well-endowed schools, at Charleston and Columbia; then Georgia, at Marietta; Kentucky, at Frankfort; Tennessee, at Nashville; North Carolina, at Charlotte and Hillsboro; Louisiana, at Alexandria; Arkansas, at Little Rock; Florida, at Tallahassee; then. Texas; and finally Alabama, in the thorough reorganization of its State L^niversity, at Tuscaloosa. And, thus, had no fewer than ten Southern States followed the guidance of Virginia. The operation of all of these institutions during the war was greatly embarrassed by the Confederate Con- scription Acts, the first of which "entitled an act to pro- vide for the public defense," approved April 16, 1862, did not exempt cadets of the Southern military schools. This Act annulled all previous contracts made by volimteers, and virtually constituted all men over eighteen years of age and under thirty-five, soldiers, dur- ing the continuance of the war. The provisions with- drew from State control all male citizens within the age prescribed, and made them subject to the control of the President of the Confederacy, during the war. Alabama and South Carolina complained bitterly against the conscription of their cadets; and Governor Brown, of Georgia, became involved in a serious con- troversy with the President over the execution of the Conscript Act. Governor Letcher also sought to secure exemption for the cadets of the Institute, but all in vain. It was suggested to him by the President that a test case be made by causing a cadet to be called into service under the law, and Colonel Smith applying for a writ of habeas coi'pns for the conscript. But this was not necessary, for October 14, 1862, the Superintendent was peremptorily ordered by the Governor of Virginia not to surrender any cadet claimed as a conscript by the Confederate authority, until the constitutionality of the law should be tested, the legislative will of the State ascertained, or until further orders.* At all times. ♦Rebellion Records, Series IV, Vol. III. pp. 722-72.^. 176 The Military History or however, the Corps as a mihtary unit was held, by the Governor's orders, subject to the will of General Lee. and, as we shall see, was freely employed by him. Such was also the case with the Citadel Military Academy, of South Carolina. Numbering about 60 cadets in 1861, and something over 100 in 1863, that Corps was employed repeatedly during the war to man the defenses of Charleston, and other exposed points. During the operations of Major- General Samuel Jones, between December 5th and 31st, 1864, leading up to the evacuation of Savannah, Georgia, the Citadel Cadet Corps served as a unit.* Arriving at Pocotaligo on the 6th of December, it was designated to guard the Tulfinny trestle, together with a battalion of the 32d Georgia Regiment, and a section of artillery. As the enemy approached the Cadet Corps, commanded by Major White, was moved rapidly forwarded in splendid fashion, and was preparing to attack, when the troops on its left gave way and fell back across the Coosaw- hatchie River; whereupon the cadets were withdrawn, after having actually come mider fire at long range. Major White and his Corps were highly complimented by the commanding general for their gallant conduct.** In 1865, the Citadel Cadet Corps was attached to McGrath's South Carolina brigade and fell back with Hardee before Sherman, as the latter pressed north- ward. The Attorney- General, however, in spite of the serv- ice the Institute and other military schools were capable of rendering, and actually did render, was com- pelled to give an opinion declaring that the only possible exemption of those in the military service from active duty, was in the case of Ordnance Department em- ployees ; and Congress refused to extend this exemption to cadets of military schools, on the ground that such institutions would prove asylums for those capable of bearing arms and wishing to escape active military *Jones had previously employed the Corps of Cadets, V. M. I., as we shall see, against Averill in 1863, on two occasions while commanding the Depart- ment of Western Virginia. ♦♦Rebellion Records, Series I, Vol. XLIV, pp. 442-446. The Virginia Military Institute 177 service. In this narrow view Congress preferred to leave the matter to the executive discretion, depending on the President to enforce service from the cadets in the various schools, only when the exigencies of the country required. And, so, it remained to the end of the war, in spite of every effort to correct the letter of the law. As far as the Institute was concerned, the law actually worked no hardship ; for, although efforts were made, from time to time, to conscript cadets, it was soon a generally recognized fact that the President would not enforce the law, to the disadvantage of the Institute. As the age limit of men liable to military duty was but eighteen, the Board thought wise to stimulate ma- triculation at the Institute, and thereby enhance its use- fulness, by fixing the minimum age of cadets at sixteen, instead of seventeen. The expected results were realized; for, soon after the reopening of the Institute, the Corps numbered nearly 300 cadets, 50 of whom were appointed by the President, and the School was recog- nized by all as the "West Point of the Con- federacy." "Adjutant-General's Office, Virginia, "Richmond, June 13, 1863. "His Excellency, Jefferson Davis, "President of the Confederate States of America. "Sir — The Virginia Military Institute is filled to the utmost capacity, and, although the utmost order prevails, with an earnest, even zealous attention to study, and obedience to all the rules of discipline, there is coupled with the desire of each cadet to complete his course a restless feeling of uncertainty as to whether they ought not, every one of them, to be in tlie field, and an apprehension that the war may be over before they have struck one blow for Southern liberty. "It is understood that you regard this Institution with much interest as being to the Confederate States, to a considerable extent, what West Point was to the late United States, and as possessing the capacity beyond any other Southern institution of training the best officers for the Army. 12 178 The Military History of "In this view, if it shall be your opinion that the cadets are more in line of their duty to our country in the course of training at the Military Institute, and will in fact render more important service to the Southern Confederacy by completing their course than by entering the Army before they graduate, I am well assured that a full expression of your opinion and wishes will have a controlling influence over them, and effectually remove all doubt or apprehension in their minds as to the line both of duty and expediency. "The Board of Visitors and the Superintendent are most anxious to direct the operations of the Institute so as most effectually to meet the wants and wishes of the Confederate Government, and I beg leave to say for them that it will be most gratifying to receive from you any suggestions or recommendations as to the character and duration of the course of instruction, and on any and all other matters which in your judgment has, or may have, an important bearing upon its prospective value to our common cause. "I beg leave, therefore, with the highest respect, to ask a full and unreserved expression of your opinion upon the whole subject. "Very respectfully and truly, your obedient servant, "Wm. H. Richardson, "Adjutant-General of Virginia, "Ex-Officio Member of the Board."* "Richmond, Va., June 17, 1863. "General W. H. Richardson, "Adjutant-General of Virginia, Richmond, Va. "General — I have the honor, by direction of the President, to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 13th instant, in re- lation to the Virginia Military Institute. The President takes a warm interest in the efficiency and success of the military schools in the several States of the Confederacy, but having had no oppor- tunity to form any opinion by observation of the relative merits of the systems of education pursued at these institutions, he does not desire to be understood to express any especial preference for any. His Excellency is debarred from expressing any opinion as to whether the cadets at the Virginia Military Institute do better service to their country by pursuing their studies than by joining the Army, because his action in regard to the matter must neces- sarily conform to the law, which requires all citizens who are over eighteen years of age to enter the service, and which leaves him no discretionary power to which the case of cadets who have become liable to military duty can be properly referred. The President •Rebellion Records, Series IV. Vol. II. pp 502-503. The Virginia Military Institute 179 would be glad to comply with the request of the Board of Visitors, as expressed by you, that he should make suggestions as to the 'character and duration of the course of instruction,' etc., but the pressure of public business will only allow him to refer the Board to a report made by him in 1860 on the subject of military edu- cation at West Point, in which his views are given at length. "With assurances of the President's respect and esteem, I re- main, General, "Your obedient servant, "William M. Browne, "Colonel and Aide-de-Camp."* Upon the reorganization of the army, in April, 1862, hundreds of the Sieves of the Virginia Mihtary Insti- tute, whose training and service entitled them to higher command than they had hitherto exercised, were recog- nized by the government and the army. It was from then on that such men as Robert E. Rodes, Wilham Mahone, W. Y. C. Humes, Gabriel C. Wharton, John Echols, Reuben Lindsay Walker, Raleigh E. Colston, James E. Slaughter, James H. Lane, James A. Walker, Thomas T. Munford, John McCausland, Birkett D. Fry, Wilham R. Terry, William H. Payne, A. C. Jones, J. R. Jones, A. J. Vaughan, James B. Terrill, and James W. Allen, began to forge ahead in the higher grades of the service, and that others began to occupy some of the most prominent staff positions in the army, among which, a few, at least, should be mentioned. Colonel Walter H, Taylor, '57, was Adjutant-Gen- eral, Army of Northern Virginia; Colonel Edwin J. Harvie, '55, Inspector-General to General Joseph E. Johnston; Colonel Briscoe G. Baldwin, '43, Chief of Ordnance, and Major A. R. H. Ranson, '47, Assistant Chief of Ordnance, Army of Northern Virginia; Major Giles B. Cooke, '59, Assistant Adjutant-General, Army of Northern Virginia; Brigadier-General Reuben Lindsay Walker, '45, Chief of Artillery, 3d Corps; Colonel Stapleton Crutchfield, '55, Chief of Artillery, 2d Corps; Thomas H. Carter, '47, Chief of Artillery, *Ibid., p. 597. 180 The Military History of Early's Army; and Robert Preston Chew, '61, Chief of Horse Artillery, Army of Northern Virginia. We have already said that wide-spread prejudice existed in the Southern Army against the graduates of West Point, and the Institute, because of the great number of them commissioned at the beginning of the war. There were but 282 West Pointers who joined the Confederacy, and most of them attained high rank. There were nearly three times this number of V. M. I. men commissioned in the service (810). We are com- pelled to believe, therefore, that another prejudice be- sides that of the civilian soldiers militated against the Institute, and before the close of the war it was a con- trolling one ; for West Pointers were unwilling to share honors with the eleves of any other School of Arms, the V. M. I. not excepted. But there were some V. M. I. men who, as we have seen, simply could not be denied their due. The fact remains, however, that at the close of the war, William Mahone and Reuben Lindsay Walker, and a few other graduates of the Institute, were the only general officers except West Pointers remaining in responsible positions, for the West Point influence had triumphed. The fact also remains that Mahone's celebrated division was practically the only fighting organization left at the time General Lee surrendered the Army of Northern Virginia. Leaving the trenches at Petersburg with 30,000 men, April 2d, General Lee arrived at Appomattox, April 9th, with 7,892 organized infantry. The Parole rolls include a grand total of 28,231 officers and men for ten divisions, many of the number having rejoined their commands after the sur- render. But of the actual number present at the sur- render, nearly half were in Mahone's five brigades, which contained 3,537 officers and men. After the battle of Gettysburg, and the failure of the second invasion of the North, General Lee, with that magnanimity by which he was characterized, assuming The Virginia Military Institute 181 all blame, and willing to turn over the command of the army "to one better able to lead it" than himself, should there be such an one, tendered his resignation to the President, and recommended that a younger officer be appointed in his stead. Mr. Davis wisely declined to consider the matter and persuaded General Lee to con- tinue in command; and the fact that he had tendered his resignation was kept a profound secret for a long time. When it did come out, however, there was great curiosity on the part of all to know whom General Lee had recommended as his successor. "Of the fact that some younger general was recom- mended by Lee at the time of his resignation, I have undoubted authority, and, if any body questions it, I can make that authority known any time," wrote Major-General Benjamin F. Butler, of the Federal Army.* "It has come out, however, that General William Mahone was the man recommended by Lee, and the statement is from Lee's own mouth. Since Mahone's change of politics, in Virginia it has been most stoutly contradicted. It is but just to Mahone to say that, at that time, he was ignorant both of Lee's resignation, and of his recommendation."** To substantiate this assertion, General Butler pre- sented in his book a facsimile letter, the text of which is as follows: "Washington, D. C, March 10, 1889. "My dear General — It gives me great pleasure to hand you a written statement of a conversation at the table of General R. E. Lee, which, years ago, I stated to your wife, yourself, and some twenty gentlemen at your table. The occasion was the first com- mencement of Washington and Lee University. General Wade Hampton delivered the address before the Literary Societies, and I, before the Alumni. General Lee gave a sort of State dinner to thirty gentlemen. I think I was the only officer at the table below the rank of colonel. And the honor was accorded me because I was the orator of the day. After the cloth was drawn, and the wine began to circulate, some gentlemen, a brigadier from Georgia •Butler's Book, p. 880. ♦•Ibid. 182 The Military History or (I think it was General Jackson from the lower end of the table), asked General Lee if he did not think Gordon, of Georgia, had developed the highest qualities for command, General Lee, with his habitual quiet dignity, replied, 'Where all did so well, certainly it would be invidious and improper for me to particularize. General Gordon was a brave and efficient soldier.' Then, rising, he said, 'Gentlemen, fill up your glasses. Etiquette demanded that this official dinner should be made in accordance v,'ith rank ; gentlemen, I propose a toast which all will drink with pleasure to the privates of the Army of Northern Virginia, who, I still sometimes think, came near winning immortal fame for us.' The toast was drunk standing. After this the conversation became general, and some one down the table seemed to be telling a good story. General Hampton sat on the right, and I, as orator of the day, sat on the left, of Lee. Turning to Hampton, General Lee said something in a low tone. I leaned back, as I thought it was possible it might be something confidential. Laying his hand upon my knee, he said, 'Lean over. Major; I only wish Hampton and yourself to hear.* Then, 'General Hampton, in the dark days which preceded the fall of the Confederacy, for a good while, I was almost hopeless. And you know I did not spare this poor life, for I thought it became me to fall on one of those fields of glory. My artillery was handled well. The cavalry was in the very hands, after the death of Stuart, that I preferred to any other. But I often thought if a stray ball should carry me oflP who could best command the incomparable infantry of the Army of Northern Virginia. Of course, I could not nominate a successor — that whole matter was in the hands of the President. But, among the younger men, I thought William Mahone had developed the highest qualities for organization and command.' "The words were written down by me that evening, and are in my desk at Ellwood. I write them now hastily in a public room. But I know they are accurate. We drifted far apart, politically, and I so entirely condemned your policy and methods that I would not give them to the world. Now, I cheerfully write them, and, as far as I am concerned, this may be an open letter to the world.. "Very truly yours, "J. Horace Lacy. "To General William Mahone." Major Lacy was a gentleman of the highest standing in Virginia. The truth of his evidence has been bitterly assailed and denied, as often as it has been presented; but in the nature of things, it can not be disproven. It was not denied by General Wade Hampton, who died in 1902. Wade Hampton, the vei-y soul of honor, could The Virginia Military Institute 183 have dispelled all doubts with a word. But the writei' neither intends to defend the Lacy letter, nor to pose as the champion of William Mahone, V. M. I., 1847. It is sufficient to know that General Lee entertained the highest respect for his military abilities, and that his career as a leader grew more illustrious with every suc- ceeding day of his service in the Army of Northern Virginia. Had the war continued longer, he would, un- doubtedly, have received the highest recognition, and brought even greater credit upon the School of Arms in which he was trained. 184 The Military History of CHAPTER XIII winter of 1862 — battle of mc do well December 18, 1861, the Superintendent was re- lieved of his command at Craney Island by the War Department, and returned to the Institute, under the orders of the Board of Visitors. In order that he might bear rank of equal dignity with that of his subordinate professor, Jackson, who had been promoted Major- General, October 7th, the Superintendent was now ap- pointed Major-General, Virginia Reserves. On reaching the Institute, General Smith found him- self without the aid of a single professor or assistant professor, with upwards of a hundred cadets ready to report for duty, January 1st. The orders of the War Department detaching Colonel Gilham from the bri- gade which he was commanding, and Major Scott Shipp, from his regiment in the field, had been tempo- rarily suspended by General Jackson, under an emergency, and they did not report to the Superin- tendent until January 16th, and Lieutenant-Colonel Preston, of Jackson's staff, not until January 31st.* Meantime, Major Shipp had reported for duty with his regiment December 1st, in Staunton, from which point he accompanied it down the Valley, taking part in the Romney Campaign early in January. On the day Romney was captured Major Shipp commanded the skirmish line with conspicuous ability. Dr. R. L. Madison, however, reported on the 2d, Lieutenant-Colonel Williamson on the 9th; and Llewellyn Crittenden, E. L. Yancey, and Walter Bowie, all of the Class of 1861, were inmiediately ap- pointed assistant professors, and assigned to tactical duties. *The order relieving these officers from duty in the field was S. O. No. 276, A. & I. C. O. Richmond, Dec. 27, 1861. The Virginia Military Institute 185 On the 16th, Major John D. H. Ross, and Lieu- tenant Semmes, also reported. Exercises were commenced January 2d; and, with the Superintendent and the Surgeon alone present, the new cadets were enrolled, and the Corps reorganized. By the end of January, the Corps numbered 232 cadets present for duty, including 22 in the Second, and 65 in the Third Class, or a total of but 87 old cadets. Ad- ditional cadets soon reported, so that the total enroll- ment, February 4, 1861, was 269. Over fifty applicants were refused during January alone. Upon the reopening of the Institute, the Superin- tendent received a communication from his Excellency, Governor Letcher, stating that inquiry had been made of him by the Secretary of State, Hon. R. M. T. Hunter, on behalf of the President, if the 56 Con- federate Cadets appointed by him could be admitted to the Institute, and on what terms. General Smith im- mediately replied that the Institute would receive such cadets on the same basis as Pay Cadets from other States, provided the Confederate Government would be responsible for the accounts of the same; and preparations were at once made to enlarge the Barracks for their accommodation. There could be no doubt now that the Confederacy regarded the Virginia Military Institute as its National School of Arms; and, in order to place the course of practical military instruction on a par with that at West Point, the Superintendent urged the immediate pro- vision of 36 horses for the instruction of the cadets in cavalry and light artillery drill. These important arms of the service should be cared for at the Institute, he urged, and, in his opinion, no expense should be spared for that purpose. "We have seen," said he, "what has been accomplished by the cadets in the camp of in- struction, for infantry, and in part, in the artillery camp. More can yet be done, and it should not be neglected." 186 The Military History of The heaviest loss whicli had befallen the Institute up to this time was the death of General Philip St. George Cocke, on December 26, 1861. Appointed Brigadier- General, October 21, 1861, while President of the Board, after commanding a brigade with distinction at First Manassas, he was finally compelled, at the end of eight months' service, to retire to his home in Powhatan County, where he died at the age of fifty-three. He had served on the Board from 1846 to 1852, and from 1858 until the time of his death. From the day of its founding, he had been one of the foremost supporters of the Institute, not only contributing large sums of money, and unremitting labors to its welfare; but, also by enrolling as cadets his three grown sons. It was with the funds secretly provided by General Cocke that the Superintendent visited Europe in 1858 to study the continental systems of military instruction, and it was his large donation to the Institute that founded the first School of Scientific Agriculture in the State of Vir- ginia. Even to-day, two cadets are still educated by the Cocke scholarships. In Philip St. George Cocke, the West Pointer, and former artillery officer, the Insti- tute, as a technical School of Arms, found its most able advocate and executor of the original ideas of Crozet. All honor to his memory ; and may a fitting monument some day be erected at the Institute, along with those of Claude Crozet, Francis Henney Smith, John Thomas Lewis Preston, William Gilham, Matthew Fontaine Maury, John Mercer Brooke, Scott Shipp, and William H. Richardson, to memorialize the services of this i-e- markable galaxy of men to Virginia and her great School of Arms. Had General Cocke with his great fortune survived the war, it seems certain many of the difficulties in which the Institute was involved in the dark days of reconstruction w^ould have been averted.* The first wrecks of the session of 1862 comprised a period of reorganization fraught with great difficulties. •As these lines are written news of the death of his second sou. Philip St. George Cocke, comes to hand. Mr. Cocke was a cadet at New Market as was his younger brother, the late William R. C. Cocke (two of whose sons were Cadets at the Institute) ; an older brother. Lieutenant John B. Cocke, was graduated in the Class of 1856. The Virginia Military Institute 187 Many parents sent their sons to the Institute to avail themselves of the practical exemption they would there receive from conscription, knowing, however, the liability of the Corps to military service. There was no First Class from which to draw mature cadet officers; onty a small Second Class, and a Third Class also small in number, which had served but a part of the preceding year. The plebes were largely in the majority, and many of them matriculated under virtual duress. Such was the problem confronting the new Commandant, Major Shipp, made more difficult by reason of the resignation of cadets from day to day to join the army with the consent of their parents, the irregular report- ing of new cadets, and the desertion of others in order to enlist in the army. A strong hand was required to bring discipline out of such an organization; and, that it was applied, is evidenced bv the fact that all cadets deficient at the ex- aminations, or neglectful of their military duty, were promptly dismissed, those over eighteen years of age being turned over to the army. Over 70 cadets were thus dismissed at one examination; but others were always at hand to keep the Corps well recruited. The difficulty was that many were purposely neglectful, in order to enter the active military service. Great difficulties were also experienced in providing uniform cloth, shoes, clothing in general, and rations, for so large a body of cadets; but, with the aid of the Quartermaster-General, supplies were secured and transported to Lexington from the far South by the direction of the President. The blockade-runners con- tributed books and many other necessary articles. The arms issued to the Corps at this time were the old smooth-bore percussion cap muskets, formerly used by the cadets. They were very heavy, unserviceable, and, therefore, unsatisfactory; but more efficient small arms were not to be had, and were even much needed in the army. Major Shipp conducted regular artillery practice with the smooth-bore guns at the Institute, including 188 The Military History or the howitzers, the 6-pounders of the Cadet Battery, and several old mortars stored in the Arsenal. The iron rifles had been taken from the cadets in Richmond, the preceding April. As the Corps grew from week to week, additions to the faculty became necessary. Early in April, there- fore, Lieutenant-Colonel James W. Massie, '49, of Jackson's staff, physically disabled for active service in the field, reported for duty as Professor of Mathe- matics, and was assigned by the War Department to the command of the local Home Guards which he was directed to organize and discipline. In April, Captains Abel S. Scott, '60, and Henry A. Wise, '61, also reported for duty, the latter on parole, and were attached to the Tactical Department. Before spring, the Corps had been hammered into excellent shape, notwithstanding the constant losses and accessions; and, while great attention had been devoted to military instruction throughout the winter, the near approach of the enemy in the western part of the State required the suspension in April of all academic duty, in order that more time might be available for practical instruction in the field. On the 22d of April, the Superintendent announced in orders his purpose of tendering the services of the Corps to General Jackson, who was then operating against the enemy in the Valley District. This order filled the Corps with the utmost zeal. Resignations and disorders now ceased and all bent their energies to the work before them, praying that active service would soon be demanded of them. In order to understand the sentiments animating the Corps, at this time, it is necessary to know the feeling which the cadets entertained for the Army of the Valley. General Jackson they regarded as their special tutelary genius. He belonged to the Institute, heart and soul, and his name was still borne on its rolls. According to his own expressed wishes he was considered as on leave of absence in the field. Colonels Preston and Massie, The Virginia Military Institute 189 of his staff, temporarily relieved from field duty, were at the Institute, but Major Daniel Trueheart, '50, was still serving as Jackson's Chief of Artillery, and Dr. E. L. Graham as his Surgeon. His army was composed at this time as follows : First Brigade ("Stonewall") : Brigadier-General Garnett - Second Brigade: Colonel Burks Third Brigade: 2d Virginia 4th Virginia 5th Virginia 27th Virginia 33d Virginia 21st Virginia 42d Virginia 48th Virginia 1st Regular Battalion (Irish) {10th Virginia 23d Virginia 37th Virginia McLaughlin's Battery 8 guns Water's Battery 4 guns Carpenter's Battery 4 guns Marye's Battery 4 guns Shumaker's Battery 4 guns Chew's Horse Artillery Battery 3 guns 7th Virginia Cavalry The infantry numbered about 3,600, the cavalry 600 and the six batteries, with their 27 guns, about 500 men. In this command were at least 100 former cadets serving in various capacities under their old professor. In the 2d Virginia, there were Colonel James W. Allen, '43, Lieutenant-Colonel Raleigh T. Colston, '46, Major Lawson Botts, '49, and Major Francis B. Jones, '48.* In the 4th Virginia, there were Major William R. Terry, '50 (subsequently Colonel in the 27th Regiment) , Colonel John Echols,' '43, and Major Wilham W. Gordon, '50, who succeeded Echols in command. In the 33d Virginia, were Colonel Arthur C. Cummings, ♦Francis Lackland, '49, as Lieutenant-Colonel, commanded this regiment at First Manassas. 190 The Military History of '44, Lieutenant-Colonel John R. Jones, '48, and John F. Xeff, '58 (later Colonel of the regiment). The Artillery of the Stonewall Brigade, at this time, consisted of the Rockbridge Battery, of Lexington, and the Alleghany Battery from the neighborhood of Cov- ington. Nearly every member of the former was well known to the officers and cadets of the Institute, and in it they naturally felt a proprietary interest. Its com- mander, Wilham McLaughlin, was a member of the Board of Visitors. Joseph H. Carpenter, '56, com- manded the Alleghany battery, and in it were several old cadets, including the Orderly- Sergeant. So much for the Stonewall Brigade. In the Second Brigade, commanded by Colonel Jesse S. Burks, '44, there were Colonel John M. Patton, Jr., '46 (who had succeeded Colonel Gilham in com- mand of the 21st Regiment), and Lieutenant-Colonel Wilham P. Moseley, '61, Major John B. Moseley, '60; and Major Scott Shipp, the Commandant, still held his commission as Major in this regiment which he had assisted Colonel Gilham in recruiting and organizing. In the 42d Virginia, Jesse S. Burks, '44, was Colonel, P. B. Adams, '49, Major; while John A. Campbell, '44, was Colonel of the 48th Virginia. In the Third Brigade, Colonel Wilham B. Taliaferro, formerly President of the Board of Visitors, com- manded the 23d Virginia with Clayton G. Coleman, Jr., an ex-cadet, as his Lieutenant-Colonel. In the 37th Vir- ginia, Robert P. Carson, '54, was Lieutenant-Colonel, commanding, and Titus V. Williams, '59, was a Major, and later Colonel; while Simeon B. Gibbons, '52, commanded the 10th Virginia (later killed). In the Horse Artillery Battery, all four of the officers were fresh from the Institute, and no outfit in the army so appealed to the pride of the Corps as did Chew's Battery, by reason of its brilliant exploits, the youth of its commissioned personnel, and the fact that it was organized and exclusively officered by men with whom every old cadet in the Corps had recently served at the Institute. The Virginia Military Institute 191 On the 11th day of November, 1861, Robert Preston Chew, aged nineteen, Milton Rouss, seventeen, and James W. Thomson, eighteen, all of the Class of 1861, under special authority of the Secretary of War, organized the first Horse Battery in the Confederate Army. Soon, James W. McCarty, '60, joined the battery as junior second lieutenant. The original armament of this battery consisted of a 6-inch iron rifle, a 12-pounder howitzer, and an imported Blakeley rifle. "Chew's Battery was Ashby's pet, and under the gallant Chew it was as much Ashby's right arm, as Ashby was the right arm of Jackson. Indeed, the fame of this battery extended throughout the Army of Northern Virginia, and the attestations to its dis- tinguished service are too nimierous for mention."* "In the minds of the people of the Valley, the Ashby cavalry and Chew's Battery belonged to one another as by natural affinity, and thej^ located the position of the Federals by the familiar crack of 'Chew's Blakeley' which awakened the echoes of the moimtains, and spread commotion in the encampments of the enemy, ere the farmers had aroused to call and feed their hogs."** Officered by young, energetic, and highly-trained young men who have been tutored by Jackson himself, it was natural that this command should attain a dis- tinction second to none in the service. After the death of Ashby, it served in the famous battalion of Stuart Horse Artillery, and was, perhaps, engaged in more affairs than any batterj' in the army. In 1863, Chew became a major of Horse Artillery, and March 1, 1865, was promoted Lieutenant-Colonel, commanding the Stuart Horse Artillery, proving himself a worthy suc- cessor of the "gallant" Pelham. Jimmie Thomson be- came a Major of Horse Artillery, and was killed at the High Bridge in April, three days before the Surrender. When the youthful Captain Chew, with his even more youthful lieutenants, reported for duty to Jackson, the •General Thomas T. Miinford. **See History of the Laurel Brigade, McDonald, pp. 30-35. 192 The Military History of latter's face wore a quizzical expression, as he inquired: "Young men, now that you have your company, what are you going to do with it?" There was no reply to this question then, but the answer came soon, for but a few weeks later, Captain Chew, Milton Rouss, Jim- mie Thomson, and Jimmie McCarty, performed a feat of arms with their battery, believed to be impossible until they executed it, and that was a charge in the front rank of Ashby's cavalry upon the enemy at Middletown, on which occasion the guns were unlimbered and dis- charged at a distance of not over fifty yards from the Federals. Chew not only originated this hazardous practice, but performed similar feats of daring on many other fields thereafter.* How the old drill-master's heart must have swelled with pride over the exploits of young Chew, and his other former pupils! After reviewing the composition of the Army of the Valley, it is easy to understand the proprietary interest the Corps felt in it, and the longing the cadets enter- tained to join in active service those whom they had either known or of whom they had heard so much, at the Institute. The long-expected order soon followed the prepara- tions of the Superintendent, and, on May 1st, the fol- lowing communication was received by him : "Swift Run Gap, April 30, 1862. "Major-General F. H. Smith, "Superintendent, Virginia Military Institute. "General — Please march the cadets at once to Staunton, if you feel authorized to co-operate in an important movement which I will explain to you when we meet; as many of the cadets' parents may have sent their sons to the Institute for the purpose of keeping them out of the field, at present, I can provide for all such cases, and even for the entire Corps, if necessary, by assigning them to the care of the provisions, and the baggage train; and thus let volunteers go into battle who would be otherwise kept out. The duty I know would not be congenial to the feelings of our brave Corps which I am well satisfied would desire to advance ; but the *See History of Laurel Brigade, McDonald, p. 32. Also The Long Arm ot Lee, Wise. MAJOR-GENERAL WILLIAM H. RICHARDSON Adjutant-General of Virginia 1841-1865, 1866-1875 The Virginia Military Institute 193 patriot (and I regard each one of them as such) is willing to take any position where he can best serve his country. Should vou co-operate with me, you will be absent from the Institute for a few days, but I trust that an ever-kind Providence will afterguards permit the Institute, uninterruptedly, to press forward in its great mission. "Please let me hear from you at once. Send your dispatch to the care of Major A. W. Harman, Staunton. "I am. General, "Your obedient servant, "T. J. Jackson, "Maj or-General." The response to this call was the immediate publica- tion of the following order: "Headquarters, Virginia Military Institute, "May 1, 1862. "General Orders — No. 46. "The enemy are hovering upon our borders, and are threatening to drive us from our homes. The Army of General T. J. Jackson is preparing to meet and repel their invasion of our Valley, and in the critical emergency pressing upon him, I have tendered to General Jackson the co-operation of the Corps of Cadets. General Jackson has accepted their services, and calls upon me to march to Staunton this morning. "The Corps of Cadets, under command of Major S. Shipp. will be in marching condition as soon as practicable, and proceed forth- with to Staunton. I want no cadet to accompany the command, except those who feel that they go with the consent of their parents, either presumed or actual. I have no time to consult all, but have to presume upon the patriotic impulse of parents whose wishes would be to defend the home now so seriously threatened. Let us go into this service which will be but for a few days, with the ardor and devotion of the true sons of the South, resolved to main- tain the independence of our beloved country. "Major Shipp will detail a guard to take charge of the public property. Col. William Gilham and Lt. H. A. Wise will remain in charge of the Institute, the command devolving upon Col. Gilham. "By command of "General Smith." To understand the necessity of calling out the cadets, it is necessary to briefly review the military situation in Virginia, in the spring of 1862. 18 194 The Military History of McClellan had assembled an immense army of 200.000 men about Washington, and Shields was in command of 46,000 Federal troops — a long line from Fredericksbm-g to Romney. About 40,000 Federals had assembled under General Banks, along the Potomac. Early in March, Banks commenced his advance from Harper's Ferry into the Valley, and Jackson with his small army, instead of retiring, advanced and offered Banks battle on the 7th, and again on the 11th, of March. Falling back through Winchester to Stras- burg, Jackson again took up a position, in the hope that he would be attacked; but the enemy remained in Winchester until the 18th, when Banks sent Shields, who had reinforced him with 12,000 men, forward to Strasburg. Jackson retired slowly up the Valley as far as Mount Jackson. Ashby, witli his cavalry and Chew's Battery, disputed every foot of the way. Meantime, Banks was ordered to Manassas, and Shields was left at Winchester. Upon learning on the 22d that Shields alone was now before him, Jackson determined upon an attack. Gen- eral Shields had been woimded by a shell from Chew's "Blakeley" and was succeeded in command by Kim- ball, who formed his line in the vicinity of Kernstown, some miles south of Winchester. The Confederates were repulsed, with a loss of 718 killed and wounded, and, although unsuccessful in this fight, so alarmed Mr. Lincoln that McDowell, with 40,000 men, was posted at Fredericksburg, and Banks was ordered back to the Valley to oppose Jackson. About the 1st of April, Banks had succeeded in driving Jackson's Cavalry back as far as Edinburg, where Ashby clung on for over three weeks. By April 15th, Jackson had increased his force to a little over 6,000 men; but Banks, who had been heavily reinforced, made an advance on the 17th, and reached Harrisonburg on the 22d. It was this near approach which had caused General Smith to prepare the cadets for field service, and to tender the use of the Corps to General Jackson. The Virginia Military Institute 195 From Harrisonburg, Jackson crossed the Shenan- doah at Conrad's Store, and went into camp in Elk Run Valley. He was not equal to fighting Banks in the open country between Harrisonburg and Staunton, but, in this position, would be a constant threat to the safety of that general. With Banks advancing up the Valley towards Staunton, Milroy at McDowell, and Fremont moving up the South Branch Valley, it seemed Staunton and Lexington were doomed. General Ewell was encamped on the Upper Rappa- hannock with his division of 8,000 men. General Ed- ward, Johnson, with a brigade, had marched back to within a few miles of Staunton. McDowell's advance liad reached Fredericksburg. In order to divert McDowell from his contemplated junction with the right of the Army of the Potomac, which, under McClellan, had assailed Johnston at Yorktown, Gen- eral Lee now authorized Jackson to employ Ewell's division. On the 29th, Ewell arrived at the Elk Run Valley, and Jackson moved up the river to Port Republic, while Ashby demonstrated before Banks at Harrisonburg. Jackson's intentions were guarded with the utmost secrecy fi'om now on, and not even his brigade com- manders knew his plans. On May 3d, he turned to the left and crossed the Blue Ridge Mountains, directing his march to a station on Meechum's River. Everyone was bewildered by his movements. Ewell and all, save Ashby, were as much mystified as the enemy who were completely in the dark. Mr. Lincoln and General Halleck received information of Jackson's simultaneous appearance in at least three different places. None of them knew the contents of the following letter : "Brown's Gap, May 3, 1862. "Major-General F. H. Smith, "Superintendent, Virginia Military Institute. "General — Since leaving Swift Run Gap, the heavy roads have prevented my reaching Staunton, as I hoped to do by inarching 196 The Military History of across the country by Port Republic; but I hope in a few days to be with you in Staunton. "I trust that neither yourself, nor any member of your com- mand, will have occasion to regret this temporary suspension of the Institute. It is unnecessary for you to come this side of Staunton. Should you have any leisure time, it would be well spent in familiarizing yourself with the country, if you are not already acquainted with it, in the direction of the enemy, as far as our pickets. I send you herewith a pass. I desire all the information possible respecting the military features of the country between us and the enemy. "Yesterday, Colonel Williamson was reconnoitering this pass, but will soon be in the Valley. "I am much obliged to you for bringing the artillery. It is very desirable to arouse the people, and to induce as many as possible to come forward and meet this special emergency, and with such arms as they may have. "It is very important to keep our movements concealed from the enem3\ and. to this end, our people should say nothing about our Army. "Ashby has a large cavalry force, which is mainly designed at present to cover my present march to Staunton. ' 'With you, I am assured our God will prosper our cause. Please remember me very kindly to the officers who are with you. "I am, General, "Your obedient servant, "T. J. Jackson." This letter, written by Jackson when he was heading directly away from Staunton, clearly established his in- tention to return to that point at which the Corps had arrived on the day it was written. Leaving Lexington at noon of the 1st, the Corps had camped that night at Fairfield, after a march of 12 miles, and the next night at Mint Springs, 20 miles farther on, leaving but a six-mile march the third day. No guns were taken, as assumed by General Jackson.* General Smith preceded the Corps, and, upon arriv- ing in Staunton, immediately reported to General Jackson, receiving the letter before quoted, in reply. The Corps did not find the famous "Stonewall Brigade" and the other troops of Jackson's command ♦This statement is made upon the authority of General Shipp, who was in command. The Virginia Military Institute 197 awaiting it in Staunton. In Ewell's division, there were also many old friends the cadets and officers had hoped to see. That division was composed of Taylor's Louisiana Brigade; Elzey's Brigade, 13th, 31st, and 25th Virginia, and 12th Georgia; Scott's Brigade, 44th, 52d, and 58th Virginia; the 1st Maryland Regiment, and the 2d and 6th Virginia Cavalry, with 6 batteries of artillery. In the Virginia regiments were many former cadets. Thomas T. Munford, '52, was Lieutenant-Colonel, commanding the 2d Virginia Cavalry, and Cary Breckinridge, '60, was a major in that regiment. In the 13th Virginia Infantry, there were Colonel James B. Terrill, '58, Lieutenant-Colonel James A. Walker, '52, and Major John B. Sherrard, '45. George A. Porter- field, '44, commanded the 25th Virginia, with George H. Smith, '53, as one of his majors, later colonel. Francis M. Boykin, '56, and Joseph H. Chenoweth, '59, were lieutenant-colonel and major in the 31st Virginia, respectively. A. C. Jones, '50, was a major in the 44th Virginia, and John D. Lilley, '58, and John D. H. Ross, '59, were majors in the 52d Virginia, while Stapleton Crutchfield, '55, was lieutenant-colonel of the 58th Virginia. Besides these field-officers, there were many other former cadets in Ewell's division, most of the yoimger ones commanding companies in the various regiments, or batteries. But of all these, only those of Elzey's, or Edward Johnson's, Brigade, were to take part in the operations immediately ensuing. Sunday, May 4th, after reaching Meechum's River, Jackson entrained his infantry for Staunton, leaving his artillery and wagon train to follow by road. Banks, like McDowell, meantime had received what he believed to be the most reliable intelligence of Jackson's progress past Gordons ville to join Lee. WHien Jackson's troops returned to Staunton on the 4th and 5th, it was rimiored that Ashby was being rapidly forced back upon the town by Banks, and that Edward Johnson was also being driven in from the 198 The Military History of west by Milroy. Yet, he rested his troops on the 6th, and prepared for the sudden movements he was about to undertake. This delay was not at all pleasing to General Smith, who, having flattered himself upon the confidence Jackson had placed in him, now perceived that he knew no more of his ultimate aims than any one else. It was in a peevish state of mind, therefore, after three days of idle waiting in and about Staunton, ex- amining the terrain thereabout, perhaps, as suggested in Jackson's dispatch, little improved by the Board's disapproval of his action in turning out the Corps, that he 'addressed the following letter to the Commanding General : "Headquarters, Virginia Military Institute, "Staunton, May 6, 1862. "Major-General T. J. Jackson, "Commanding Valley District. "General — In tendering to you the co-operation of the Corps of Cadets, for the defense of this portion of the Valley, to the extent of my authority and means, I was prompted by a sense of duty devolving upon me as Commandant of the Public Guard at Lexington, and by a desire to make an effort to protect the Virginia Military Institute from destruction. "On reaching Staunton with the Corps of Cadets, I reported my arrival to the Adjutant-General of Virginia, and regret to find that the presumed authority which I had supposed that I had received from that officer had been misunderstood, and that the Board was unanimous in their disapprobation of the cadets being in any way subjected to the risk of battle, unless in the immediate defense of Lexington, and also objected to the co-operation on the part of the Corps with military movements in the field. The view taken by the Board is based upon the idea 'that it would be a breach of good faith on the part of the Institute towards parents and guardians.' Subsequently, the Governor has said 'that as the mis- chief had been done, we had as well go on.' "Finding myself thus unexpectedly and painfully embarrassed, by the action of the Board, and the opinion of the Governor, I would esteem it a favor if you would inform me in what wav, and to what extent, I may take the responsibility of acting in opposition to the express wishes and orders of my immediate superiors. "Your obedient servant, "Francis H. Smith." The Virginia Military Institute 199 General Jackson knew conditions at the Institute too well not to give the Superintendent the assurance he needed for the action which the Governor had characterized as "mischief", and which the Board had unanimously condemned. He, therefore, promptly ad- dressed the following letter: "Headquarters, Valley District, "Staunton, May 6, 1862. "Major-General F. H. Smith, "Superintendent, Virginia Military Institute. "General — Your letter of this date, stating the embarrassment in which you are placed in co-operating with me, in defense of this portion of the Valley, and requesting to be informed in what way, and to what extent, I propose to use the Corps of Cadets, has been received. In reply, I would state, that should you, notwithstanding the action of the Board of Visitors, and of the Governor, feel at liberty to continue your co-operation, the Corps of Cadets will form a part of the reserve, and that its duties will perhaps be of an unusually active character, and may continue for five or seven days. The safety of this section of the Valley, in my opinion, renders your continued co-operation of great importance ; but, should you deem it your duty, in consequence of the action of the Board of Visitors and of the Governor of the State, to return at once to the Institute, I hope you will accept for yourself, and tender to your command, the grateful appreciation of your patriotic devotion to our cause, which has been manifested by having so promptly responded to my call. "I am. General, "Your obedient servant, "T. J. Jackson, "Major-General." This politic reply in which the Superintendent was flatteringly reassured, and at the same time relieved not one whit of the responsibility of his future course, either in remaining or returning with the Corps, had the effect the shrewd writer intended for it, and elicited the following response: "Headquarters, Virginia Military Institute, "May 6. 1862. "Major-General T. J. Jackson, "Commanding Valley District. "General — I have received your communication of this date. The unqualified expression of your opinion that the continued co- 200 The Military History of operation of the Corps of Cadets is of great importance to the safety of this section of the Valley, removes all doubt from my mind as to my duty to give you that co-operation with the limitation of exclud- ing all cadets under eighteen years of age, who have not the consent of their parents to participate in this temporary service. "Knowing, as I well do, the wishes of the governing authorities of the Institute, and of parents, that no interruption shall take place in our regular course, if it can be avoided, I regard this call as presenting a means, under Providence, by which you may be enabled, with your gallant Army, to ensure to the cadets, at the end of the contemplated service, a safe return to their accustomed duties, with the satisfaction that they have endeavored to render a patriotic service. "Your obedient servant, "Francis H. Smith." On the morning of the 7th, although the inhabitants, credulous of every wild rumor, fully expected to see the Federals approaching, Jackson who was well in- formed by Ashby of Banks' idleness, moved his army westward to strike Milroy commanding Fremont's ad- vance guard. His strategy was to crush the weaker force first, and then fall upon Banks, thus preventing their combination. The army was set in motion in the following order: Edward Johnson's regiments led the way, several miles in advance; the 3d and 2d Brigades followed, the Stonewall Brigade under General Winder, and the Corps of Cadets under Major Shipp, bringing up the rear, as a reserve. "The Corps of Cadets of the Virginia Military Insti- tute," says Dabjiey, "was also attached to the expedi- tion; and the spruce equipments and the exact drill of the youths, as they stepped out, full of enthusiasm to take their first actual look upon the horrid visage of war, under their renowned professor, formed a strong con- trast with the war-worn and nonchalant veterans who composed the army."* Eighteen miles west of Staunton, a Federal picket was overrun, and in the pass leading to the Shenandoah *Life and Campaigns of Lieutenant-General Stonewall Jackson, Dabney, Vol. II, p. 65. The Virginia Military Institute 201 Mountain, Johnson captured a camp that had just been abandoned. The Federal rear-guard fired a few shells, and the Confederates went into bivouac. Johnson had marched fourteen, and Jackson twenty, miles. For full and accurate details of the battle of McDowell, the reader should consult some of the more reliable accounts of Jackson's Valley Campaign.* Briefly stated, events were as follows: On the morning of the 8th, Johnson encountered Milroy, reinforced by Schenck, on the top of Bull Pas- ture Mountain, about three miles east of the village of McDowell. A severe conflict now ensued, which lasted four hours, and which was fought mainly by the infantry, because the difficult terrain would not permit the use of artillery. The action gradually became so fierce that Jackson sent the 3d Brigade to support his advance guard, and was on the point of throwing into action the 2d Brigade, when the enemy fled as darkness set in. The Stonewall Brigade and the cadets, com- prising the reserve, after having gone into camp three miles in rear, about dusk, were ordered to move forward rapidly to McDowell, where they arrived just as the firing was dying out, well after dark, only to be ordered back to camp again, as pursuit was impracticable by night. The enemy had been repulsed at every point, but not without severe loss, which included 444 enlisted men and 54 officers. The Federal loss, due to advantages of position, did not exceed 256 killed, wounded and miss- ing. Among the wounded Confederate officers was the gallant Colonel George H. Smith, V. M. I., '53, com- manding the 25th Virginia, while Colonel S. B. Gibbons, V. M. I., '52, commanding the 10th Virginia, was killed. After a day of exceptional hardship and excitement, and an unusually long and toilsome march, it was a ♦stonewall Jackson and the American Civil War, Henderson. Life and Campaigns of Lieutenant-General Stonewall Jaclison, Dabney. Stonewall Jackson in the Shenandoah, Imboden, in Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. Vol. II, pp. 282-301. Military Biography of Stonewall Jackson, Cooke. 202 The Military History or disgruntled body of cadets that returned to camp that night. For weeks, they had builded upon their hopes. The long period of expectancy and drilling had been followed by the order calling out the Corps. Then the Corps had marched to Staunton, picturing an enemy on every hill, only to be held in restraint in Stamiton, with- out the slightest knowledge of the future course. Then, had come the day when, relegated to the reserve, yet happy, the Corps had set out for McDowell, only to be held in the rear in the very sound of the firing, and, later, rushed back and forth over the roads, without the slightest opportunity to participate in the action. It was all certainly very disappointing to the exuberant youths who chafed at the leash with boyish impatience. The next morning, Ashby's cavalry crossed the bridge at McDowell, and moved cautiously forward through the mountain passes which had blocked pursuit. The infantry halted for some hours in McDowell, in order that rations might be issued. Here, the delightful task of burying the Federal dead, some 26 in number, was assigned Major Shipp and the cadets, a duty no doubt designed to harden the nerves of the young soldiers. Meantime, the Federals had covered 23 miles or more in their flight, so that even forced marches on the 10th and 11th failed to overtake them. The difficulties of the pursuit were heightened by the novel scheme of setting the moimtain forests on fire, which enshrouded the vales with an impenetrable cloud of smoke. Late on the 11th, however, Jackson gained close contact with the retreat- ing Federals, and drove them back as far as the village of Franklin, where they assumed a defiant attitude, in a position of great natural strength. In the meantime, the cadets who had discharged their inglorious task, ar- rived and were deployed by Major Shipp, while the random firing from both sides continued. The Corps was not, however, actively engaged. Having driven Milroy and Schenck far enough to prevent Fremont's juncture with Banks, Jackson com- menced his march back to the Valley on the 12th, arriv- The Virginia Military Institute 203 ing at Lebanon Springs on the road to Harrisonburg on the loth, while the Corps returned to Staunton by the direct road. Banks, meanwhile, had fallen back to Strasburg, so there was no occasion for the Corps to remain away from Lexington longer. Remaining in Staunton during the 15th, the Corps marched to Lexington on the 16th, 17th and 18th, and orders were issued, the following day, for the resumption of academic duties on the 20th. Soon, the following order was received at the Insti- tute, which attested the valuable service rendered the cause by the Corps of Cadets: "Headquarters, Valley District, at McDowell, "May 15, 1862. "General Orders— No. 46. "The imminent danger to which Staunton was recently exposed having been removed by the defeat of the combined forces of Generals Schenck and Milroy on the west, and the falling back of General Banks on the north, Major-General F. H. Smith returns with his command to the post and duties which have been assigned him by the State of Virginia. In thus parting with this patriotic officer, and those who had for a time left their scientific and literary pursuits for the purpose of co-operating in repelling the danger which threatened the Virginia Military Institute (which has by its graduates contributed so efficiently to the success of this war), the Major-General commanding tenders his thanks to Major-General Smith, and the officers and cadets under him, for the promptitude and efficiency with which they have assisted in the recent expedition. "By command of Major-General T. J. Jackson, "T. L. Dabney, "A. A. G." The following account of the experiences of the Corps of Cadets in the McDowell Campaign, by Captain B. A. Colonna, Class of 1864, First Sergeant of Company "D" in 1862, is so graphic and so live with interest, that it is here inserted in full: "Our first day's march became disagreeable on account of a cold rain that set in at about 2 or 3 o'clock. The Corps, though not prepared for hardship, was not provided with transportation as we had been in April, 1861. There were no stage coaches and only 204 The Military History of two or three wagons and one ambulance. The cadets carried their own blankets, etc., each had a tin cup and plate, haversack and canteen, and were not equipped as fancy soldiers at all. Our arms were the little drill guns, quite unsuited for war, smooth-bores — just what he had before the war for drill guns. Each cadet carried in his haversack enough food to last him to Staunton, viz., two days' rations, consisting of hardtack, sandwiches and bacon — and coffee; for we had coffee then that was made for us by old Judge, in large tin camp kettles, and the 'short sweetening' was boiled in. The cadets were allowed to nibble at this food whenever we stopped, and some nibbled even on the march; but we had no coffee until we reached camp that night, a long distance beyond Fairfield, where we were fed in 1861. I think this place was called Mint Spring. "The night was miserable enough, for it rained at intervals, and though there were a few tents we slept on the ground, and only a few of the cadets knew how to care for themselves. 'Spex' was not along. Col. Shipp was mounted on a dapply iron-gray, a stallion, I believe, and a lazy brute that I often wished I could have on a side road to put some ginger in him. Dr. Madison rode a clumsy sorrel that I suspected to be from some livery stable, and this doctor was as kind as he could be in dismounting most of the time and allowing some tired cadet to ride his horse. There were a lot of assistant professors along who generally marched at the rear of the column. Dr. Madison was a particularly entertaining man, whose knowledge of Botany made a day's marching at his side as instructive as a week's study at school. "Sunday, May 4th, we were about as soon as it was light, and coffee was ready by the time our tents were struck. The morning air was damper than our clothes. The day was only partly cloudy, and the excellent spirits of the boys soon caused sore feet and blisters to be forgotten as we pulled along through the mud toward Staunton, arriving there while it was yet daylight. I can not recall the place v/here we stopped, but I think it was in some vacant store or warehouse. The good people of Staunton treated us royally, and we had an excellent night's rest. "Monday, May 5th. Rations were issued and coffee served as usual. We cleaned up our clothes and made ourselves as present- able as we could, and in the afternoon had Dress Parade on the lawn in front of the Deaf and Dumb asylum. The blind children sang for us in the evening; one very pathetic song made the tears come in my eyes. I remember some of the words: " 'No one to love, none to caress. Wandering alone through this world's wilderness,' etc. We spent the night pleasantly. The Virginia Military Institute 205 "Tuesday, May 6th. It was rumored that Gen. Jackson was in town, and we had hardly finished our hardtack and bacon when the word was passed that we were to pass in review before him. There was much effort to prepare for the event, and at dinner roll call it was officially announced that we would respond to drum call at 1 p. M. The review was over by 2 p. M., being held on the spacious grounds before the Deaf and Dumb asylum. It was the last time I ever appeared before my old professor. (I recited in declamation before him in 1860-61.) "It was rumored that we were to be attached to the Stonewall Brigade, and tliat evening at D. P. an order was read, to that effect, but that brigade was not just then in evidence. "Wednesday, May 7th. After a quiet, restful day the Stonewall Brigade came in. I did not see it at all, but during the afternoon rations were issued for a day, and no permits to leave quarters were issued. There was an early tattoo, and the word was passed around that we were to be ready for an early start in the morning. "Thursday, May 18th, was a balmy, pleasant May day and we responded to reveille at about 1 a. m., and at 2 a. m. we joined the Stonewall Brigade on the street or road in the west part of Staunton. There was no tiresome delay, but the brigade moved westward on the road leading to Buffalo Gap. twelve miles distant. This was the same route over which I had passed with the 21st Virginia Regiment in June, 1861, on its way to western Virginia, and our first day's march was to Buffalo Gap, and I expected to halt there to-day. The old 21st was along to-day. but its impedi- menta had disappeared. Each company did not have four large six-horse wagons furnished by the government and one extra hired by the company to carry trunks, etc., and each soldier did not start out with over 100 pounds on his back, to be gradually thrown away as the sun climbed higher until the road from Staunton to Buffalo Gap was lined by all kinds of articles, as in '61. The 21st only had one wagon and two ambulances with a shoulder kit of less than forty pounds in all wrapped in a blanket roll, through which the soldier's head stuck out, leaving it resting on his right shoulder and left hip. But each soldier did carry forty rounds of ammunition in his cartridge box, which he knew how to take care of and use properly. I doubt whether the whole of Jackson's army had as much impedimenta as the 21st had on leaving Staunton in 1861. "Dr. Madison used to discuss the Corps with me from the surgeon's point of view, and he always acknowledged the inferiority of this rat corps physically to the corps that went to Richmond in 1861 — the present personnel being so much younger and smaller — but he was forced to acknowledge its esprit to be wonderful. So the morning passed until a little after sunrise, when he halted at 206 The Military History of Buffalo Gap near the splendid spring that bursts out about fifty feet below the railroad track. We had covered just what the 21st had covered in the same time thirteen months before, and, of course, I expected to go into camp; but in an hour we were under way again, following the same road we had traveled in 1861. We were taking a short rest now every hour, say twenty minutes, and then resuming our march. In about five hours we came to the very place where we camped in 1861 at the end of our second day out. The log blacksmith's shop that stood on the south side of the road just off a point of woods that was on the north side was there as natural as life. 'Now,' I thought, 'we are about twenty-four miles from Staunton this 8th day of May, 1862, and we will surely go into camp.' It was growing monotonous, and, though I did not like to own it, I was getting a little tired of carrying that musket and other toggery. But, no; we were called to attention and soon found ourselves climbing Shenandoah Mountain. The boys were beginning to feel the strain, but none of them so far had fallen by the wayside, though we saw several veterans of the Stonewall Brigade resting by the roadside and looking unhappy. Though I thought it took ages, we finally reached the top of Shenandoah Mountain and to the westward could see the valley of Cow Pasture River. We were now over thirty miles from Staunton, but on we went. It was down grade, and that brought another set of muscles into play, so that we reached Cow Pasture River in better shape. We crossed the river and ascended a hill, where in a pretty little valley near a small rivulet we filed to the left and went onto camp along with the brigade. Judge and the other cook, who had been riding in the commissary wagon turn about, had coffee directly, and I had two tin cupfuls of it, with some hardtack stowed away quickly. Then we all rolled up in our blankets and went off dozing and dreaming of 'the girls we left behind us.' It was probably an hour later when the beating of drums all around us called me to my feet. In an instant my clothes were adjusted and I was accoutered to march, for it was the long roll that was sounding. At the last tap of the drum the companies were fallen in and faced to the front. So far as I can remember the cadets were all present, but it was a peaked-looking crowd that faced to the right and took up the march along with the Stonewall Brigade, still to westward. Some of the boys were limping, but, though sore, we were much refreshed by that short rest. The blankets, etc., we were ordered to leave on the ground with the camp guard. The sun was getting low in the west, and I suppose it was about 5 p. m., when we took up the march toward McDowell. We were soon on top of the flat- topped hill that formed the divide between Cow Pasture and Bull Pasture rivers, and could hear continually and distinctly the fire of the infantry and occasionally of a cannon. It seemed to put new life into the boys as we pressed forward, and on reaching the The Virginia Military Institute 207 west slope of the hill we heard a band playing; a little later we passed it on the north side of the road. It was seldom that we heard a band playing like this on the eve of battle, but some one, knowing how fatigued we were, had ordered this to cheer us on to the fight. It was certainly doing its work well. As we progressed the firing gradually ceased ; we were halted and a rest ordered, and finally marched back to our camp. I was certainly tired when at about midnight we filed to the right, marched to our bivouac, were given 'stack arms,' and dismissed. I was about five or six yards from my blankets when I fell to my knees and crawled to my blankets, wrapped them about me and fell asleep. So ended a forty-four-mile march of twenty-two hours. "Friday, May 9th. I did not stir until 10 a. m., when I awoke at the tap of the drum. A summer sun was shining in my face and every bone in my body seemed to be aching. I was stiff and sore, and it required some will power to put the engine in motion, but by the time we had limped to reveille and washed our faces we were ready for our fried bacon, hardtack, and coffee. We were not allowed to stand about long before we were marching for the fifth time on that hill slope for McDowell. I don't think it was over four miles off, and as I remember we were there by 2 p. m., and were halted in the road opposite a nice brick house (Dr. Zollerman's?) with a blacksmith's shop across the way. I was looking for a place to sit in a lean-to at the west end of the smithy when I heard a slight noise and was at the road again just as a Federal field officer, followed by a colored man leading two horses, came out of the shop door. He looked more astonished than we did, but he soon came to himself, for the cadets swarmed about him, and he was being picked at as if he were a 'rat,' when Col. Shipp came jogging up on that old pot-bellied horse of his and took charge. He made us restore everything, and he and the colonel (.'') rode away, the negro following, mounted on the other horse. "It was decided directly that we would stop here overnight, and we stacked arms and were turned loose. I can not remember any house at McDowell save the brick one and the smithy. About a year previous I had been with the 21st when it camped here, back of the smithy, and I can not remember any houses at that time. On going to the brick house we found that the parlor had been used as a hospital ; there was a dead man laid on top of the piano, and in the dining-room on the table there was a litter with a man on it. This man had a triangular hole knocked in the top of his head, and liis brains had run out on the floor, leaving the front half of his skull entirely empty ; yet he breathed, and when we gave him water from a sponge, that we found in his mouth, he sucked it vigorously, and opened his eyes. He was paralyzed for locomotion, and I think for sensation, too. 208 The Military History of Dr. Madison came along and looked him over, and directed us to give no more water, for it was a hopeless case, and we were only prolonging misery. He died in about half an hour. His name was Hayden D. Runyon, of Eaton, Ohio, as we learned from the contents of his kit, which was on the floor under the table. I was ordered to make a detail from D Company and bury the two of them, which I did. They found a resting place under a big sugar maple along the bank of Cow Pasture River, and were covered by one blanket. I believe it was Glazebrook who read the Episcopal service over them. That night cadets slept everywhere in the brick house. And so ended the 9th of May, 1862. "May 10, 1862. The whole army resumed march, pressing the enemy, who made a weak stand, causing a little delay. I can not recall where we bivouacked. "Svmday, May 11, 1862. In hot pursuit of the enemy, who had set the woods on fire. As the wind blew our way, we were enveloped in it to such an extent as to obscure everything, and, getting in our eyes, it was very annoying. I can not remember where we camped, except that it was in a pretty valley with one or two houses. "Monday, May 12, 1862. We rested to make up for Sunday. There was a large and very beautiful maple tree in a meadoM' at this camp, which was on the south fork of the Potomac, and under that tree I found Gen. Jackson, his staff, and a large number of soldiers holding public Avorship. Gen. Jackson remained standing and uncovered, and I had a fine opportunity of seeing him. It was my last chance until he was brought back to Lexington to be buried. I will own up to being more interested in that beloved "Round Head" than in all the parson's discourse. It was only a little after noon when the drums beat, and we soon gathered our effects and made the march back to McDowell. No one in that whole host knew what was in the mind of our general. I have no recollection of where we camped. "Tuesday, May 13, 1862. We were on the march back to Mc- Dowell. I could not conceive how men could so quickly pass from what they were on the 8th to that quiet, steady-going army bent as one man on the hardest kind of work. "Wednesday, May 14, 1862. We reached McDowell in the evening and camped. The other commands were to the eastward of us, and, I suppose, on Cow Pasture River. The cavalry had not yet come up. It was announced to us that our course was back to Staunton over the same route by which we had advanced. We camped on the bank of Bull Pasture River and had bread (corn pones), bacon, and no coffee. I could have wept for growle)^ The Virginia Military Institute 209 "Thursday^ May 15th. The cadets were now all up and the ranks were well filled. The boys were full of enthusiasm, but not so full of anything else. Our clothing was getting worn and our shoes were playing out. Some of the cadets were using strips of cloth or strings to bind them to their feet. The soreness of muscles due to hard marching had worn off, and the cadets were in better shape for work than when they had marched out of Barracks. Some spoke openly of their disappointment at not being allowed to follow Jackson, for the Stonewall Brigade had petted us and bragged on our endurance, but they all reminded us that we were too young to leave our mothers, and ought to go home before the latter knew we were out, etc., etc. ; and that was rather offensive to our digTiity and our vanity, though always spoken in great kindness. From the battlefield to the bivouac of the 8th in- stant we passed over the same ground for the sixth time. There was one place that I remember very well where on the 8th we had met Gen. Johnson, wounded, and whenever we looked at Shenandoah Mountain as we approached it we were reminded that work lay before us right there. Occasionally we could distinguish Jackson's army as it climbed the mountain, but by ten o'clock the last of them seemed to have passed, and we were at the foot of the mountain. There was occasionally a straggler on the roadside, for Jackson's provost guard did not get every one of them ; and occasionally I would see one who looked quite able to be in his place Avith bis com- pany. We camped that night about twenty miles, I think, from Staunton. Many of the cadets were in sorry plight for shoes, and for want of knowing how to tie a square knot they could not use such as they had to the best advantage. I tried to show some in D Company, but they took no interest. "Friday, May 16, 1862. We broke camp early and struck out for Staunton. We had not gone far before the shoe matter became a serious one. Cadet after cadet began to ask to be allowed to leave the ranks, and, after holding them for a while longer, they were excused, with directions to reach Staunton as soon as practicable. Nothing of interest happened beyond this. We arrived in Staunton about 3 p. M., with say half our number present. Col. Shipp had preceded us and provided quarters in the second story of a large brick store that was vacant, and in front of it we were halted, faced to the front and ordered arms. It was simply perfect; every gun came down at once on the brick pavement. I have never forgotten that 'Order arms,' and I have had several other cadets speak to me about it. We were not detained long before we were dismissed to go to our quarters. Judge and his staff were on hand and the kettles of coffee awaited us. I tanked up on coffee, hardtack, and cold, boiled bacon that tasted so good that I forgot soldier's life at once. There were no roll calls until the following morning, and a 14 210 The Military History of tired lot of cadets slept as sweetly on that hard floor as a king can sleep on a bed of down. During the night cadets continued to come in, but there were a few who did not come in until the next day. "Saturday, May 17th. Reveille was held this morning a little after sunrise. The Corps formed and rolls were called on the second floor where we had slept. But little military duty was asked of us, and the most important thing was the issuing to us of soldier's shoes, good, broad heavy ones. I think that every man received a pair, and socks were issued when needed. We slept that night on the same floor, but it had turned hard during the day, and was not at all luxurious. Our clothing was now dry and the mud rubbed off as well as we could do so, and we went to sleep early. "Sunday, May 18th. We began to have regular roll calls, and I do not remember that there were any absent. At B. R. C. it was announced that the Corps would attend church as usual: A Company went to the Episcopal Church. B Company went to the Presbyterian Church. C Company went to the Baptist Church. D Company went to the Methodist Church. We did not look very natty, but the people received us with every sign of approval and esteem. Many of the cadets had friends at Staunton and dined out. Those of us who had not friends had dried-apple duff instead of raisin ditto, and some butter materi- alized. At night we slept again on the floor. "Monday, May 19th. We left Staunton early in the morning, homeward bound. We went about halfway and camped for the night. "Tuesday, May 20th. We resumed the march to Barracks. It was evident as we progressed that there was a large number of" cadets who were loath to return, but I was not prepared for such a spirit as developed later. We reached Barracks before sundown, had supper in the mess hall, and slept in our own beds in Barracks. "Wednesday, May 21st. We went through the form of academic work, I suppose as a matter of course. But nothing could have been better to divert the cadets' attention from war; though, like the McDowell campaign intended, as I suppose, to surfeit them with war, it did not work. "Thus was the McDowell campaign brouglit to a close." The Virginia Military Institute 211 CHAPTER XIV (e_ BACK TO WORK AGAIN CHANCELLORSVILLE THE VIR- GINIA MILITARY INSTITUTE AVILL BE HEARD FROM TO-DAY^' THE BURIAL OF JACKSON The interruption incident to the participation of the Corps in the McDowell Campaign was a serious one, hut the added repute of the Institute, accruing from this patriotic service, more than counterbalanced the loss in other respects. Every officer and cadet now understood that not only was the Institute relied upon by the Confederate Government to furnish the army with trained officers, but that as a military unit the Corps was regarded as capable of rendering valuable service in the field; and this knowledge added at least an inch to the stature of every cadet. In the public mind the Corps was likened more and more to the A'-oung Guard of France, and, though dangers sur- rounded it, people gladly entrusted their sons to the Institute where in time of universal danger the maxi- mum protection was afforded, and every reasonable safeguard thrown about the youth of the South. They knew that the cadets would be subjected to no unneces- sary dangers, and that, since eventually all must bear arms, it were better that the scions of the leading families should be prepared to enter the service with the prestige of a diploma from the most favored insti- tution of the South. With proper military training, their service, though postponed, would be of far more value than it would be as immature conscripts. The Institute, then, was not merely regarded as a haven for the young, but as a certain means of insuring the future career of those subjected to the prescribed course of military training there. In order to make up lost time, and better prepare cadets for their future work, it was decided bv the 212 The Military History of Board of Visitors that the usual summer encampment would be dispensed with, and examinations for the advancement of the classes held during the last two weeks of Jime. But, in spite of every precaution and the most rigid discipline, resignations and dismissals oc- curred which, before the middle of July, reduced the Corps to a total of but 138 cadets. Over 40 cadets were dropped from the rolls for absenting themselves without leave to join the armies in the field. After the examinations proficient cadets were granted brief furloughs to visit their homes, while for all others, academic work was resumed, July 15th, and continued throughout the smnmer. Jime 25th, Lieutenant Thomas M. Semmes was pro- moted Captain and Instructor of French, being relieved as Post- Adjutant by T. Henderson Smith, '61. The new session was ordered to commence September 1st, and late in August, as usual, new cadets began to report for duty. Upon the reorganization of the Corps, over 200 cadets were present, the First Class numbering 12, the Second Class 16, and the Third 38, so that again the difficult task of maintaining a high state of military efficiency, with a comparatively green body of cadets, presented itself. And, again, there were constant losses and irregular accessions, to increase the difficulties of the work. But the Superintendent and Commandant, as well as every other member of the faculty, essayed their tasks with the utmost seriousness of purpose, fully ap- preciating the importance of the work assigned them, and were favored by a long period of uninterrupted effort, for the fall of 1862, and the following winter were uneventful ones, as far as the Institute, in the con- secutiveness of its work, was concerned. The minds of all were of course deeply impressed by the momentous events transpiring in the outer world, — events brought home to Lexington by the frequent days of Thanksgiving promulgated by the President. Then there were the sacred rites which the Corps often per- The Virginia Military Institute 213 formed in honoring the memory of its gallant eleves who fell in battle, burying with military honors the fallen heroes whose remains were brought back to Lex- ington to be interred, and the mournful celebration of the glorious victory of Second Manassas where many former cadets fell, but where Jackson, and scores of graduates, had distinguished themselves. All these and similar incidents did not fail to heighten the spirit of consecration to duty which pervaded the Institute, and even the most careless and unthoughtful cadet was not free from the influences which they exerted. Verily, the Institute was hallowed by the sacrifices and the libations of blood which those who but recently tenanted its halls were offering up to their country. The spirit animating every officer and cadet is discernible in the following order: "Headquarters, Virginia Military Institute, "November 10, 1862. "General Orders- — No. 92. "1. The twenty-third (23) anniversary of the Virginia Military Institute occurs to-morrow, November 11th, and, in honor of the day, there will be the usual suspension of Military and Academic duties. "2. Each successive year has borne testimony to the increasing usefulness of the Institute. But the united voices of all previous years is faint in comparison with the voice of the single year, now just passed. This year has seen on every battlefield the graduates of the Institute fighting for the independence of our land., as privates in the ranks, or leading to the charge companies, regi- ments, and brigades. And on almost every field the record of their devoted valor is written in crimson lines ; and it is not inappro- priate on this anniversary to remember with allowable complacency that one who is at this moment a Professor of the Institute is one of the most distinguished leaders of the forces of the Southern Confederacy. "In after years, the name of General Jackson will be associated with the Anniversary of Southern Independence. "3. The customary artillery salute must be omitted — we have not more powder than we may be called upon at any day to use from shotted guns against the invader of our soil. "By command of Colonel Preston, "A. GovAN Hill, "Actg. Adjt., V. M. I." 214 The Military History of Twenty-three years of service! It seems almost im- possible that the School had been in existence so brief a period of years at this time, when its services were heralded North and South, as a primary factor in the defense of the Southland. How hard it is to realize that this great institution, which by its achievements had gained a rating as a School of Arms, second only to that of West Point, was after all but an infant, — an Alma Mater the hair of whose oldest son was not yet tinged with gray ! It is almost beyond belief that those sons had not only bled upon the fields of Mexico, but were in 1862 claiming of right a lion's share in every victory of the Southern arms. Yet, when the facts are known, — facts utterly ignored by the historians of the past, — it is clearly seen that the fame of Jackson had been laid upon a foundation of youthful devotion which had its origin in Lexington, and not on the Hudson. Ewell and Garnett and Winder were West Pointers, it is true; but what of the innumerable colonels, and majors, and captains, and scores of subalterns, and dashing staff officers, who rode at the head of the regi- ments, companies and batteries, of the Army of the Valley? If ever an army owed its prowess to a single source, it was the army which followed Stonewall Jackson in 1862. If ever a leader rested his fame upon a single influence, it was Jackson whose striking sobriquet was won and maintained for him by the blood and valour of his former pupils in the art of war. But if the Institute had raised aloft the standard of "Stonewall" Jackson in 1861, and borne his victorious eagles through the Valley of Virginia in 1862, it was in the spring of 1863, that, at last, the immortal leader himself proclaimed to the world in undying words the tribute it had won. Never more, let the Institute be charged with rattling the bones of Jackson — the West Pointer. He belongs to the Institute, and is a part of it. The Virginia Military Institute 215 In the west sally-port of the Barracks of the Virginia Military Institute hangs a bronze tablet dedicated to a great soldier by the men of Maryland who served in his command. Formerly, it hung in the old section-room on the second stoop, in the southwest tower of Barracks, where for many years he taught his classes. On the cornice of the chancel in the Chapel dedicated to his memory, are these words which have been pre- served from his lips— "You can be whatever you re- solve to be." Before that same sally-port, stands his heroic repre- sentation in bronze, among the very guns which sur- rounded him in battle and, over a half-century ago, bellowed forth the name of "Stonewall" Jackson to the world. Beneath that stern monument, and before the muzzles of those ancient pieces, spreads out the martial field oft trodden by his feet ; behind them rise stately walls which inclose a space hallowed by his erstwhile presence; and all about are things which remind us that, interwoven with the history of the Virginia Military Institute, is that of this world-famous soldier. Influences, like static forces, when brought togethei' are retroactive; and, so, we may inquire what was the influence exerted upon Jackson by this School, and what was the influence exerted upon this School by Jackson. The latter alone has received the attention of the w^orld. The fame of Jackson has all but eclipsed the part played by others in the making of this story, and their contribution to his fame has been quite ob- scured by the glamour of his name. It is necessary to start at the beginning, if we ate to make a correct analysis of the influences w^hich we have likened unto retroactive forces. Let us not disparage Jackson's service to the School, but let us preserve the facts. From 1851 to 1860, Major Thomas Jonathan Jackson was Professor of Natural and Experimental Philosophy. His sole connection with the tactical organization of the School was as In- 216 The Military History of striietor of Artillery. He was neither Commandant nor disciplinarian of the Corps, and when the guns of Sumter rang out over the breathless South, the 1,100 gradviates and eleves of the Virginia Military Institute who were then living seized their arms and the Drill Manual of William Gilham. It was in the stirring spring of 1861 that Jackson first came to the front in connection with the Corps. When it was ordered to Richmond in April to provide the drill-masters for the volunteers of the South, it was Jackson, not Gilham, who led the gallant Battalion of Cadets over the Blue Ridge and far away to unknown fields. Proud of their new leader, and loyal to him as one of their clan, yet, they were not of his making. Rather, had he become a commander through them, than they soldiers through him. It was the prestige which he had won here by years of preparation in our halls that won for him, at the hands of Virginia, his command at Harper's Ferry. Before the first shots were exchanged on the soil of Virginia, we find that small army at Harper's Ferry hanmiered into shape, groaning under, but proud of, its discipline. But, it was not Jackson alone who wrought this result. He was but the head — the instrumentalities with which the work was done were the field-officers, the subalterns and the sprightly drill-masters recruited from among the eleves and the cadets of this institution. If there be a doubt in one's mind, let him read the regi- mental and the company rolls of the brigade which gave to its commander at First Manassas the name of "Stone- wall." Then, let us ask if in truth it may be said Jackson made those men the "Stonewall Brigade," or those men made Jackson known to fame, as "Stone- wall." During the entire war. West Point contributed 282 officers to the Confederate Armies. Of this nimiber, 150 were perhaps in the Army in Virginia. The records of the Institute, practically complete now, show that 3 major-generals, 18 brigadier-generals, 95 colonels, 65 The Virginia Military Institute 217 lieutenant-colonels, 110 majors, 306 captains, and 221 lieutenants went forth from its halls to the Ijattlefields of the war, and that an unduly large proportion followed the fortunes of Jackson, from first to last. Hence, how absurd is the fallacy of orators, when they declaim of the citizen-soldiery of the South — a soldiery the very backbone of which was trained in a School of Arms second, if at all, to but one other in existence, at the time. Jackson did not win his sobriquet with a mob of raw militia, suddenly, and, as if by the magic of his unknown name, transformed into an efficient fight- ing-machine. On the contrary, he commanded at First Manassas a body of troops which for weeks had been drilled and disciplined by a corps of officers, many of whom were the trained product of a master-hand. For twenty years, the very text of the drill-manual in their hands had been upon their lips. One frequently finds the historian alluding to the ability of Jackson to exact extraordinary sacrifices of his officers and men, and endeavoring to analyze his character as a leader, in order to arrive at the reason for this exceptional power on his part. That he pos- sessed a remarkable character, and unusual ability to command, is unquestioned. Indirectly, these traits ex- plain his success ; but there is a more direct explanation. Stonewall Jackson, besides being inherently great, had the good fortune to exercise command over, and to be associated with armies, the very backbone of which con- sisted of young men who had but recently borne to him the relation of the pupil to the beloved tutor. The full import of this fact becomes more apparent when it is recalled that nearly three hundred field-officers alone in the Army of Northern Virginia distributed among the three branches, besides nearly five hundred subalterns, had, for varying periods, been closely associated with him, and subjected to the influence of his personality, before they were called upon to follow and cooperate with him upon the field of war. They were his children, his wards, and knew each and every whim of their leader 218 The Military History or for whom only the highest respect was entertained. In him, they reposed that subhme confidence which knows not reservation, content to rely upon the judgment of one who in the closest relations of life had never failed them in the past. Unconsciously, perhaps, but, if so, all the more thoroughly, they had absorbed his teachings, and become able to follow the habit of his mind. And, so, when his first successes crowned him with a halo of military glory, they who had already accorded him the fullest measure of confidence, enthroned him as the special object of their pride. From the very first, Jack- son's success was redolent of glory for a host of followers holding him up to the admiring world as their own tutelary genius. So far as thej^ were concerned, it was not an unknown general whose orders bade them follow, and suffer, and die upon the field of battle. Their leader was Major Jackson, and they were cadets as of yester- day, each vying with the others to merit the reward of his approving eye. The stern, and occasionally harsh, drill-master of former davs was now become a leader of acknowledged ability, and they — the cadets — had be- come the company, the battery, the battalion, the regi- mental, yea, the brigade, leaders, in such numbers as to leaven the entire army, and to transmit to the whole, receptive as it was, their own spirit of pride and de- votion. Not only was this true, but to no one was it so well known as to Jackson himself. Conscious of the sincerity of his own purpose, confident of the power he held, and that no demand he might make would fail to elicit the fullest possible response from his men, in this spirit it was at Chancellorsville — the supreme hour of his life — - having given his commands, he viewed with pride the army which swept before him to execute his bidding; and, in the joy of the commander who felt the responsive throb of his army's pulse, exclaimed, ''The Virginia Mili- tary Institute will be heard from to-day." The remark is capable of but one reasonable interpretation. Other constructions may be placed upon it, but the true one is that Jackson, sin*rounded by Rodes, Colston, and The Virginia Military Institute 219 Crutchfield, all of whom had been his associates in the faculty, at the Institute, the last his pupil as well, and closely scrutinizing the countenances of his men as they filed past him, saw, in the faces of his youthful but seasoned field officers, something portentous of more than the usual elan of his troops. Yes, from the eyes of the regimental, battalion, and company leaders, a host of whom he had guided to manhood's estate, bearing as they were the burden of his fame, Hashed a mute as- surance that nothing save death would deter them, in obedience to his behest. And, so, when smitten by fate at the hour of his greatest glory, it was his children whose hearts were wrung with anguish as they gazed upon his fallen form. No mere loss of a heroic leader was this to an armv, but a wound which tore the very heart-strings of his men, many of them regarding the blow as prescient of the future. Without desiring, in any respect, to detract from the fame of the man, who, deprecating the advent of fratricidal strife, yet could throw away his scabbard, let us ask, where in all the history of war was there another so fortunately circumstanced as was Jackson? From a psychological viewpoint, he was certainly highly favored. It has been reiterated by such military philosophers as Billow, Jomini, Willisen, Clausewitz, Moltke, Von der Goltz, Henderson, and Balck, that the moral force is the preponderant one in war. The moral force which gives men the will-power to overcome all obstacles, to shrink from no danger, and to strive for victory at any cost, emanates from those sentiments which inspirit men to become courageous soldiers. "In a general way, these sentiments are, religious zeal, patriotism, enthusiasm for a commander, discipline, and, most of all, confidence re- sulting from experience."* If these be facts, let us apply them to the case under consideration. The prestige of Jackson gave him complete moral ascendancy over his men; and that prestige was de- •Psychology of War. Eltinge, p. 64. 220 The Military History of cidedly the outgrowth of an experience which many of his subordinates had gained with him, his officers com- prising the psychological or suggestive medium, by which the spirit of confidence in and enthusiasm for, the commander, was generated in his army. "The best obeyed commanders are neither the best instructed, the most inteUigent, the most paternal, nor the most severe, but are those who have innate or ac- quired prestige. . . . It is because of it that his suggestions take on an irresistible power, that he is able to throw his soldiers against the enemy in an enthusiastic assault, and that he can stop with a gesture the first fugitives, tranforming them into heroes."* Now, let us follow him to the field of Chancellorsville, and see if the Virginia Military Institute did not figure in that crowning success of his career. The great soldier had led his turning column across the face of Hooker's crouching army. He had recon- noitered the vulnerable flank of Howard's 11th Corps on the extreme right of the Federal position, and his well-formulated orders had been issued with the de- cision for which he was noted. It was then nearly five o'clock. While the eager, but silent. Confederates were being deployed, their quick intelligence having already realized the situation, Jackson sat astride "Little Sor- rel" abreast of his first line of battle. With his old slouch hat pulled well forward, and his lips tightly com- pressed, he calmly, but impatiently, awaited the com- pletion of the dispositions for advance. Who shall know what were his feelings during this, the supreme, hour of his life? Certainly, few soldiers, since the world began, have been so situated. Less than half a mile before him lay the exposed flank of his enemy, entirely unprepared to meet the rush of his fiery battalions. It almost seemed that Fame, even had she never favored him before, had already spread over his shoulders the ♦Ibid., p. 70. For Psychology of War see "Etudes sur le combat," Dupicq ; Psychology du Combat de I'lnfantere, Loque ; Les Realities du Combat, Dau- dlgnac ; Actual Experience in Warfare, Solaviev. The Virginia Military Institute 221 cloak of immortality. With that supreme confidence in himself, and a confidence in his men which few leaders have ever experienced in so high a degree, the hawk of the valley was deliberately spreading his pinions for the sudden swoop. On the familiar faces of his leaders he discerned only the expression which gladdened his heart, and forbade thought of failure. There were Rodes and Colston of the Institute faculty, in front, and in their divisions were not less than 200 brigade, regimental, battalion and company leaders, whom he had drilled upon the parade ground at Lexington, for this, the greatest maneuver of his life. On the right, at the head of the leading regiment of cavalry, was the dashing Munford, and in his rear, the brilliant Crutchfield in command of the artillery, both of whom had been his pupils, and the latter his associate in the faculty of Vir- ginia's great School of Arms. Small wonder was it that the inspiration which animated the soul of the chieftain penetrated to the very core of his army! In addition to the officers named, many other prominent actors in the battle of Chancellorsville had been cadets under Jackson. General James H. Lane, Captain J. T. Tosh, Colston's Assistant Adjutant-Gen- eral; Colonel Thomas H. Carter, Chief of Artillery of Rodes's Division; Major H. A. Whiting, A. A. G. Rodes's Division; Colonel John M. Brockenbrough, commanding Heth's Brigade; Colonel R. M. Mayo, 47th Virginia; Colonel T. S. Garnett, 48th Virginia, commanding brigade; Colonel Frank Mallory, 5.5th Virginia, commanding brigade; Lieutenant-Colonel E. P. Taylor, 22d Virginia Battalion; General R. Lindsay Walker, Chief of Artillery, A. P. Hill's Division; Colonel Briscoe G. Baldwin, Chief of Ordnance, A. N. V. ; Colonel R. W. Carter, 1st Virginia Cavalry; Colonel Thomas H. Owen, 3d Virginia Cavalry; and Colonel W. H. Payne, 4th Virginia Cavalry, were among the graduates of the Institute. Thus, it is seen that all four of Jackson's cavalry regi- ments, two of his divisions, and two battalions of his 222 The Miijtary History of artillery were commanded by former pupils, besides his leading Ijrigades, and many batteries and regiments.* With these facts before us, can we wonder that he ex- claimed, as he set his column in motion early in the morning, "The Virginia ^lihtary Institute will be heard from to-day"? At five o'clock, Jackson asked General Rodes, "Are you ready?" "Yes", rephed Rodes, who then nodded to the conmiander of the skirmish line. At 5:15 p. m. the signal for the general advance was given, and almost immediately Willis's skirmishers struck the Federal pickets along the pike, who fell back, giving the alarm. The Confederate bugles rang out all along the advanc- ing line like the cry of wild fowl in the teeth of a gale. On, past the foremost skirmishers, dashed Breathed, with the leading section of his battery, and, unlimber- ing on the pike, with each of the two guns, fired a round of shell which raked the road and burst like wind-tossed flecks of spray from the crest of the onrushing wave. Again, success crowned Jackson on this day; but while Chancellorsville marked his last feat of arms, it does not spell his final victory. Hooker had been driven across the Rappahannock ; the tide of invasion had again been turned back ; but the bullet which shattered the left arm of his lieutenant, had destroyed the right arm of Lee; for, on May 10th, the mighty Jackson succumbed, eight days after his wounding. But, Death, where was thy sting? The story of his last hours on earth is one full of pathos, as well as of the most inspiring lessons for the soldier. In the hour of his death, he was as great as when, upon the various battlefields of his career, with exalted mien and superb composure, he led his men to victory. Concerning his wounding and death. Long- street wrote: "The shock was a very severe one to men and officers, but the full extent of our loss was not felt until the remains of the beloved general had been sent home. The dark clouds of the future then began to •In the 2nci Virginia (^avalry. Col. Munford commanding, were 23 officers who had been cadets. The Virginia Military Institute 223 lower above the Confederates." General Lee, in a note to the wounded general on the 3d, in the midst of the battle, had declared that could he have directed events, he should have chosen, for the good of the country, to have been disabled in Jackson's stead. In closing his message, he congratulated Jackson upon the victory his "skill and energy" had won; but the latter, expressing appreciation of his superior's remarks, de- clared that General Lee should give the praise to God, and not to him. Soon after his wounding, he had been removed by order of General Lee to the Chandler house, near Guiney's Station, where Dr. McGuire did all in his power to save him; but on Thursday, the 7th, he de- veloped pneumonia of the right lung, doubtless attrib- utable to a fall from the litter the night he was wounded and carried from the field in the same ambulance with poor "Stape" Crutchfield. Fortunately, for his peace of mind, Mrs. Jackson arrived this day with her infant child, and took the place of his chaplain who had re- mained almost constantly with him. By Saturday, Doctors Hoge, Breckinridge, and Tucker, had joined McGuire in an effort to save him; and, noting their presence, he said to Dr. McGuire: "I see. from the number of physicians that you think my condition is dangerous, but I thank God, if it is His will, that I am ready to go." When informed by Mrs. Jackson at day- light, the next morning, that he should prepare for the worst, he was silent for a moment, and then said: "It will be infinite gain to be translated to Heaven." And, so we see that, although this wonderful man still clung to a hope of recovery, his confidence in the future was as supreme as his self-confidence had been on earth. Never once did he express a doubt of his ability to rise superior to present difficulties, or to meet the future. His sole request was to be buried in Lexington, in the Valley of Virginia, where, as a simple and unassuming professor of the science of war, he had kept the smothered fire of liis genius aglow, while preparing himself, and a host of 224 The Military History of his pupils, for the inevitable struggle which he had fore- seen. When told by his wife that before sundown he would be in Heaven, he called for Dr. McGuire, and asked him if he must die. To the affirmative answer he re- ceived, his reply was, "Very good, very good, it is all right." His efforts were then to comfort his heart- broken wife, and when Colonel "Sandie" Pendleton, of Lexington, entered his room about 1 :00 p. m., he in- quired who was preaching at headquarters on this, his last. Sabbath. Being informed that the whole army was prajang for him, he said: "Thank God, they are very kind. It is the Lord's day; my wish is fulfilled. I have always desired to die on Sunday." His mind now began to weaken, while his lips frequently muttered commands, as if he were on the field of battle — then words of comfort for his wife. When tendered a drink of brandy and water, he declined it, saying: "It will only delay my departure, and do no good. I want to preserve my mind, if possible, to the last." Again, he was told that but few hours remained for him, and, again, he replied feebly, but firmly: "Very good, it is all right." In the delirium which preceded his death, he cried out: "Order A. P. Hill to prepare for action; pass the infantry to the front rapidly; tell Major Hawks" — then, pausing, a smile of ineffable sweetness spread over his pallid face, and with an expression as if of re- lief, he said: "No, no; let us cross over the river and rest under the shade of the trees." Then, without sign of pain, or the least struggle, his spirit passed onward and upward to God. Such, were the final moments of the great soldier. With body all but cold in death, as long as his pulse con- tinued, the dictates of his heart were pure. Ahnost to the instant that heart ceased to beat, his mind had given evidence of the quality of the man in the flash of the will, though now sub-conscious, which possessed his spirit. Still, his mind dwelt upon rapid action and the rush of the infantry, which ever filled his soul with joy; but, COLONEL \Vn.LL\M GILHAM Co:M>rAXDAXT i>i- Cahets 184r.-lSr)j I'KOFKSSOI! 1 .S4t!-1 Sfi.j The Virginia Military Institute 225 then, even in that last flicker of his intellect, he realized that the flag of truce had been raised by his enemies, and interposing the stay of his final words, "No, no — ,"* he died in the happiness of the earthly victory he had won. Let us be thankful that his men were preparing to rest upon their arms and were not engaged in the heated turmoil of the charge, when he bade them farewell. Let us be thankful that this dispensation was granted him by the Maker who gently led him to the shade of the riverside, where rested all those gallant youths who had preceded him. No longer were they his pupils, and his subordinates in war, but his equals in the Eternity of Peace. At five o'clock p. m.^ May 12th, the following com- munication was received at the Institute : "Adjutant-General's Office, "Richmond, Va., May 11, 1863. "Major-General F. H. Smith, "Superintendent, Virginia Military Institute. "Sir — By command of the Governor, I have this day to perform the most painful duty of my official life, in announcing to you, and through you to the Faculty and Cadets of the Virginia Military Institute, the death of the great and good, the heroic and illustrious Lieutenant-General T. J. Jackson, at fifteen minutes past three o'clock, yesterday afternoon. "This heavy bereavement over which every true heart within the bounds of the Confederacy mourns with inexpressible sorrow, must fall, if possible, with heavier force upon that noble State Institution to which he came from the battlefields of Mexico, and where he gave to his native State the first years' service of his modest and unobtrusive, but public-spirited and useful, life. "It would be a senseless waste of words to attempt a eulogy upon this great among the greatest of the sons who have im- mortalized Virginia. To the Corps of Cadets of the Virginia Military Institute, what a legacy he has left you, what an example of all that is good and great and true in the character of a Christian soldier !' "The Governor directs that the highest funeral honors be paid to his memory, and that the customary outward badges of mourning be worn by all the officers and cadets of the Institute. "By command, "W. H. Richardson, A.-G." •According to Captain James Power Smith, .Taclison's last remarks included the two words, no, no, and were not, as usually quoted, without those words. 15 220 The Military History of And, so, but an earthly rite remained to those whom the great soldier had left behind. Far off from the scene of conflict, that youthful band, bound together then as it is now by the traditions of his fame, awaited, with lips compressed and watery eyes, the duty which of riglit they claimed, a privilege ungrudgingly accorded them by the world. The news of General Jackson's death came as a shock to the Institute, and to the people of Lexington, where no one had thought seriously of the possibility of losing him. The grief in the community was intense, and everybody was in tears. Men had made an idol of their fellow being, and now God rebuked them. The beauti- ful sky, and the rich perfumed spring air of Lexington, seemed darkened by the oppressive sorrow everywhere to be seen. Hear, now. the words which, with faltering voice, the Acting Adjutant read to the assembled Corps: "Headquarters, Virginia Military Institute, "May 13, 1863. "General Orders- — No. 30. "It is the painful duty of the Superintendent to announce to the officers and cadets of this Institution the death of their late associate and Professor, Lieutenant-General Thomas J. Jackson. He died at Guiney's Station. Caroline County, Virginia, on the 10th inst., of pneumonia, after a short but violent illness, which supervened upon the severe wound received in the battle of Chancellors ville. "A nation mourns the loss of General Jackson. First in the hearts of the brave men he has so often led to victory, there is not a home in the Confederacy that will not feel the loss, and lament it as a great national calamity. But our loss is distinctive. He was peculiarly our own. He came to us in 1851, a Lieutenant and Brevet-j\Iajor of Artillery from the Army of the late United States, upon the unanimous appointment of the Board of Visitors, as Professor of Natural and Experimental Philosophy and In- structor of Artillery. Here, he labored with scrupulous fidelity for ten years in the duties of these important offices. Here, he became a soldier of the Cross, and as an humble, conscientious and useful Christian man he established a character which has developed into the world-renowned Christian hero. The Virginia Military Institute 227 "On the 21st of April, upon the order of His Excellency, Governor Letcher, he left the Institute in command of the Corps of Cadets for Camp Lee, Richmond, for service in the defense of his State and country ; and he has never known a day of rest until called by Divine command to cease from his labors. "The military career of General Jackson fills the most brilliant and momentous page in the history of our country, and of the achievement of our arms, and he stands forth a colossal figure in this War of our Independence. "His country now returns him to us — not as he was when he left us. His spirit has gone to God who gave it. His mutilated body comes back to us — to his home, to be laid by us in the tomb. Reverently and affectionately, we will discharge this last solemn duty, and, " 'Though his earthly sun is set Its light shall linger round us yet — Bright, radiant, blest.' "Young gentlemen of the Corps of Cadets, the memory of Gen- eral Jackson is very precious to you. You know how faithfully, how conscientiously he discharged every dut3\ You know that he was emphatically a man of God, and that Christian principle im- pressed every act of his life. You know how he sustained the honor of our arms when he commanded at Harper's Ferry ; how gallantly he repulsed Patterson at Hainesville ; the invincible stand he made with the Stonewall Brigade at Manassas. You know the brilliant series of successes and victories which immortalized his Valley campaign, for many of you were under his standard at Mc- Dowell and pursued the discomfited Banks and Schenck to Franklin. You know his rapid march to the Chickahominy ; how he turned the flank of McClellan at Gaines's Mill; his subsequent victory over Pope at Cedar Mountain; the part he bore in the great victory at Second Manassas; his investment and capture of Harper's Ferry; his rapid march and great conflict at Sharpsburg; and, when his last conflict was past, the tribute of the magnanimous Lee who would gladly have suffered in his own person, could he by that sacrifice have saved General Jackson, and to whom, alone, under God, he gave the whole glory of the great victory at Chancellorsville. "Surely, the Virginia Military Institute has a precious in- heritance in the memory of General Jackson. God gave him to us and to his country. God fitted him for his work, and, when his work was done. He called him to Himself. Submissive to the will of his Heavenly Father — it may be said of him that while in every heart there may be some mourning — his will was to do and suffer the will of God. 228 The Militaey History of "Reverence the memon' of such a man as General Jackson. Imitate his virtues, and, here, over his lifeless remains, reverently dedicate your service and life, if need be, in defense of that cause so dear to his heart — the cause for which he fought and bled — the cause in which he died. "Let the Cadet Battery which he so long commanded honor his memory by half-hour guns to-morrow from sunrise to sunset, under the direction of the Commandant of Cadets.* Let his lecture-room be draped in mourning for the period of six months. "Let the officers and cadets of the Institute wear the usual badge of mourning for the period of thirty days ; and it is respectfully recommended to all the Alumni of the Institute to unite in this last tribute of respect to the memory of their late Professor. "By command of Major-General Smith, "A. G. Hill, "Actg. Adjt., V. M. I." Thursday evening, May 14th, the body of Jackson, accompanied by his wife and child, his former aide, Captain James Power Smith,** and a number of others, arrived at Lexington on a canal boat, which had trans- ported the remains from Richmond via Lynchburg, f It was met by the Corps of Cadets and all the officers of the Institute, as well as the entire populace of the town, and escorted by the Corps to Barracks where the body was laid in state in the old tower Section Room, Number 39, in which Jackson had said, "If war must come, as a soldier I will welcome war!" That evening, at Retreat, the following order was read: "Headquarters, Virginia Military Institute, "May 14, 1863. "General Orders — No. 37. "1. The funeral of Lieutenant-General Jackson will take place to-morrow. Major Scott Shipp, Commandant of Cadets, will com- mand the military escort, and direct the procession. "2. The body will move from the Institute at 11 o'clock a. m. "3. Half-hour guns will be fired from sunrise until the pro- cession moves. •There were now but five pieces In the battery. One howitzer had been lost in the Potomac by Milledge's Battery on the retreat from Sharpsburg. See report of General Pendleton on Sharpsburg Campaign. Rebellion Records. **Llving still, a distinguished minister of the Presbyterian Church. tCol. .Tames W. Massie was later designated to accompany Mrs. Jackson to her home in North Carolina. The Virginia Military Institute 229 "■it. The Flags of the State and Confederacy will be displayed at half-mast during the day. "By command of Major-General Smith, "A. G. Hill, "Actg. Adjt., V. M. I." It was now, as the cadets with reversed arms and muffled drums, bore the remains of their martial divinity back to Barracks, that they first reahzed that Jackson was dead. "Could it be possible? They had believed that he had a charmed life. The Institute had sent a host of magnificent officers to the front. There were Rodes, Mahone, Lindsay Walker, The Patton brothers. Lane, Crutchfield, McCausland, Colston, and many others of lower rank; but 'Old Jack' was, from his shoulders and upwards, tallest among the people, in the estimation of the cadets," The Corps furnished sentinels from the Guard to keep the mournful vigil, while the people of the town and county thronged to the Barracks to view the remains. Men, women, and children wept over Jackson's bier as if his death were a personal affliction, and in the great Barracks the voice of the cadet was choked with sorrow. Flowers were piled high about the casket until it was hidden from view; and, the sun set brilliantly beyond the House Mountain, spreading its mellow light over the great parade ground, and piercing the casemate window of the embattled tower with its searching rays; the fragrant lilacs about the bier glistened in the fading hours of day as if wet with nature's tears and those of the heartbroken mourners who had borne them thither. How jealously the young soldiers, detailed to guard the bier of Jackson through that night, prized the duty which befell them ! But hundreds are even j^et to come, who, in the still hours of the night, as they saunter back and forth upon the lonely sentry post, will, in spirit, guard the remains of Jackson — the sacred heritage of his erstwhile presence. 230 The Military Histoky of Friday, May 15th, the body was again escorted by the Corps, the Cadet Battery which he had commanded for ten years at the Institute, and in battle at First Manassas, comprising the Artillery escort, as ordered. The coffin, draped with the first Confederate flag ever made, presented by President Davis to Mrs. Jackson, was placed on one of the caissons upon which were heaped beautiful wreaths and wild flowers. The horses were led by the servants of the Institute acting as grooms. The escort was commanded by the Conmiandant, Major Shipp, a former pupil of Jackson's, and, in ad- dition to the battery, consisted of a regiment of infantry of which the cadets comprised eight companies; de- tached members of the Stonewall Brigade, one company; and a number of convalescent soldiers from the Institute hospital, one company. Two troops of cavalry of Sweeney's Squadron, Jenkins' command (many of its members being from Jackson's native section), by a strange coincidence, happened to be pass- ing through Lexington from the West, just at the hour appointed for the procession to move ! They halted, pro- cured mourning for their colors, and joined the escort. The military escort, followed by a great number of people, moved first to the Presbyterian Church where ceremonies, wonderfully pathetic in their simplicity and the strength of their appeal, were conducted, and then to the Cemetery where the remains were interred, with the military honors appropriate for a Lieutenant- General. But the crash of musketry and cannon was lost, for in the ears and hearts of those assembled rung the words of the funeral hymn— "How blest the righteous when he dies!" How fitting it was that the Chapel in which his life- less body lay in state should be the Section-Room in which for ten long years he set so noble an example! How fitting is was that the hearse which bore to the grave all that was earthly of the great soldier-professor The Virginia Military Institute 231 should be a caisson of the battery he had so long com- manded, with which he had trained the Confederate Artillery, and among the flashing guns of which he re- ceived his immortal sobriquet! In the shadow of the Blue Ridge, on the gentle emi- nence commanding the loveliest view of the peaceful, picturesque vales bej'^ond, and with the great House Mountain as his headstone, which, like a huge sentinel, stands guard beside the parade ground of his life, tenderly was his body laid to rest by the youthful soldiers he loved so well. But, still with the uncovered blade of immortality, — His spirit wraps yon dusky mountain, His memory sparkles o'er each fountain; The meanest rill, the mightiest river, Rolls, mingling his fame with theirs forever.* Cadets of yesterday, what privileges were yours! What influences were these that entered into your lives ! How we, to-day, envy you the exalting scenes amid which you wore the coatee, consoled only by the know- ledge that you, and the noblest traditions of your deeds, belong to us, for all time. That you were not un- worthy of your opportunities, your records show, and on the page of one we read : "Next day, we buried him with pomp of war, the cadets his escort of honor ; with minute guns and tolling bells, and most impressive circumstances, we bore him to his rest. But those ceremonies were to me far less impressive than walking post in that bare sentry room, in the still hours of night, reflecting that there lay all that was left of one whose name still thrilled the world." The burial of Stonewall Jackson made a deep im- pression upon the Corps of Cadets, a body of youth to whom death was no longer strange. For months at the Institute, each day had dawned fraught with messages of blood and loss. Each hour had swelled the list of the Alumni who had fallen in the battles of their country. ♦Paraphrase. 232 The Military History of Before the summer of 1862, the following record was engraven upon the minds of every member of the Corps : Brig.- Lieut. - Gens. Cols. Cols. Maj. Capt. Lieut. Pri. Killed or died 1 18 8 4 22 20 13— 86 Wounded 3 18 14 11 19 20 85 Total 4 36 22 15 41 40 13 — 171 But this list was only indicative of the sacrifice yet to be made, and only partially shows the way in which the Institute was to repay to the State its debt of gratitude.* It had been the custom of the cadets, when things went amiss in the army, to say, "Wait until 'Old Jack' gets there; he will straighten matters out." They felt, therefore, that his loss was irreparable. The cold face on which they had looked taught them lessons which the curriculum of no college taught — lessons which even the cadet of to-day pursues with the text-book of tradition in his hand. ♦The Class of 1858, with 19 members alone, lost 7 in battle, and 3 lost limbs — Reid, Cutshaw, and Wilson. The Virginia Military Institute 233 CHAPTER XV THE SUMMER OF 1863. AVERELL^S FIRST RAID A NEW SESSION AND NEW ARMS After the death of Jackson, many cadets resolved to delay no longer gaining the necessary authority from their parents to enter the army, and some even without taking that step, resigned, or took "French" leave of the Institute, without waiting for the end of the session. The annual examinations were ordered to begin June 22d, and, upon their termination on June 30th, the Corps was mustered and placed in camp, after a re- view before the Board of Visitors, and a board of army officers detailed by the War Department to inspect the Institute.* The Army Board consisted of Brigadier- Generals A. K. Lawton, A. G. Blanchard, R. E. Colston, and Roger A. Pryor. On July 4th, the final exercises were held ; ten cadets were graduated, and furloughs were granted the Second Class. The Corps now numbered 215 cadets, the largest number of old cadets ever mustered at the Institute up to that time. Those familiar with the history of this period will not forget that on the 4th of July, 1863, when the final exercises at the Institute were being held, the great battle of Gettysburg had just been fought, and the surrender of Vicksburg was taking place. After Lee's retreat from Pennsylvania, the cry for men to fill the depleted ranks was loud. Captain Wil- fred E. Cutshaw, V. M. I., '58, a gallant artilleryman, temporarily incapacitated for active duty by a wound received in the battle of Winchester in 1862, had, under the orders of the War Department, reported for duty at the Institute on June 6th. *S. O. No. 140, A. & I. C. O. Tune 12, 1863. 234 The Military History of With such an officer present to command the Corps there was no pressing need for the Commandant to re- main during the summer, and, without hesitating, he, together with Lieutenants H. A. Wise, and J. G. Miller, tactical officers, departed to join the army; John E. Roller, and Joseph B. Prince, just graduated, taking the places of the last two, as Assistant Pro- fessors. R. A. Crawford of this Class was later ap- pointed a tactical officer, and subsequently died in the field. During the dark days following Gettysburg, Scott Shipp, Commandant of Cadets, formerly Major, 21st Virginia Infantry, served as a private soldier in the 4th Virginia Cavalry.* Later, he was urged by all field officers of his old regiment except one to accept the colonelcy, but the Secretary of War would not allow him to do so as a single field officer would not waive his right to advancement. His sole desire was to serve where most needed. In those perilous times, men paid little heed to superficial marks of rank. Let it be remembered how he, whose frock coat bore the insignia of a field- officer of infantry, sprung into the saddle of the alert vidette to patrol the outposts, when the troops he might have commanded lay bleeding and resting in their camps. Such was the stuff of which this stern soldier was made ; and when the gravest danger had passed, he reluctantly resumed his post at the Institute which a wounded comrade had filled in his absence. The monotony of the summer camp, and drilling, was broken in August, when, on the 13th, Captain Cutshaw, the Acting Commandant, was directed at the request of General Colston, to furnish Captain R. D. Lilley (V. M. I.), District Enrolling Officer, with a detachment to round up a party of deserters. The detachment consisting of .50 cadets under the command of Lieutenant Wise, who had returned to •He was promoted Lieutenant-Colonel of the Institute, July 7th, 1863 br the Board of Visitors. •' ' ' ■' The Virginia Military Institute 235 duty,* was ordered to scour the mountain haunts in the vicinity of Lexington, where many deserters were known to be in hiding. This was dangerous, though ignominious, duty, attended with many hardships and httle prospect of a successful issue. The bold mountaineers were as little apt to surrender to the patrols without desperate resistance, if cornered, as they were to allow themselves to be apprehended in the rug- ged hill country every foot of which they had known since boyhood. The effort to apprehend the deserters and force them back into the ranks, where men were so greatly needed, was abandoned at the end of the second day, without mishap, or success, of any kind. Subse- quently, the Corps was called upon to furnish detach- ments for similar work on a number of occasions. Another incident, more stirring than deserter-himt- ing, occurred late in August. On the 5th of August, Brigadier-General William W. Averell, commanding the 4th Separate Cavalry Bri- gade, 8th Army Corps, U. S. Army, set out from Win- chester, Virginia, with about 3,500 men and 8 guns, on a raid the object of which was to destroy the various saltpetre works in the western part of Virginia. After skirmishes at Cold Spring Gap and Moorefield, West Virginia, on the 5th and 6th, he destroyed the saltpetre works near Franklin on the 19th, brushed the Con- federate cavalry aside in a skirmish at Huntersville on the 22d, and again near Warm Springs, Virginia, on the 24th. His destination was then Covington, a point less than forty miles from Lexington. Having driven the force under Colonel William L» Jackson, consisting of about 900 men, out of Pocahontas County, Averell determined to turn his column toward Lewisburg, in the hope that the movement up to Warm Springs had deceived the Confederates and led them to believe he was heading for Staunton. On the 25th, ♦Resignation tendered July 4th, 1863, accepted July 7th, reappointed July 27th. Colonel Shipp, or "Old Shipp", as the cadets called him. was frequently tendered commands in the field and constantly sought active service, but each time his resignation as Commandant was rejected and the greatest pressure brought to bear to keep him at the Institute. 236 The Military History of after detaching a regiment back to Huntersville, he made a rapid march of 25 miles to Callaghan's, in Alleghany Comity, destroying the saltpetre works on Jackson's River, as he passed. From Callaghan's reconnoitering parties were sent out toward Covington and Sweet Springs. The saltpetre works near Coving- ton were also destroyed, and a small wagon train captured. On the morning of the 25th, Jackson's infantry was near Old Millboro, and his cavalry pickets near Bath Alum. His plan was, if Averell pressed him, to make a stand at Panther Gap, near Goshen Depot, and en- deavor to hold that position mitil he could receive re- inforcements from Lexington. With this plan in mind, he at once called on Colonel Edmondson, com- manding the Home Guard in Lexington, and the Superintendent of the Institute, to support him. Ac- cordingly, the following order was at once issued : "Headquarters, Virginia Military Institute, "August 25, 1863. "Special Order — No. 165. "1. An urgent call having been made by Brigadier-General W. L. Jackson, for reinforcements, and particularly for artillery, to enable him to repel a threatened attack by the enemy, upon the borders of this county, which, if successful, would expose the Institute, and the county, to the outrages of an unscrupulous foe, and the Home Guard of Lexington having promptly responded to this call, the Superintendent deems it his duty to make use of every available man of this Institution in this important defense. He considers this the only effectual means now at command to give safety and security to the public property committed to the charge of the Corps of Cadets. "The Acting Commandant of Cadets, Captain W. E. Cutshaw, will immediately make a detail of four detachments of cadets to man four pieces of artillery, and to organize two companies of cadets as an infantry support, and he will march without delay and join the command of General Jackson, for such temporary duty as the emergency calls for. "2. The Commissary will supply cooked rations for two days for the command, and additional uncooked rations for five days. "3. The Quartermaster of the Confederate Stables has con- sented to supply horses for the Artillery. The Virginia Military Institute 237 "4. The Surgeon will make all necessary provisions for the care of the sick and disabled. "5. The solemn responsibility which again withdraws the Corps of Cadets from their regular duties is an appeal to that patriotism which burns in every Southern heart. The Superintendent con- fidently relies upon the courage and fidelity of this command in all the duties to which they may be called. He shares their dangers and their hardships with them, and he trusts they may soon be privileged to return to their post of duty. "By command of Major-General F. H. Smith. "A. G. Hill, "Actg. Adjt., V. M. I." Leaving Lexington about noon on the 25th, with two cadet companies, and the four 6-poimders, Captain Cutshaw bivouacked at Rockbridge Baths, 11 miles, that night, reaching Goshen, 10 miles, early on the 26th, preceded by Colonel Edmondson with two companies of Home Guards, numbering about forty men. On reaching Goshen, General Smith, who ac- companied the Corps, was informed by Colonel W. L. Jackson that the enemy had fallen back, the main column to Pocahontas, some cavalry taking the Hot Springs road toward Greenbrier. Later, a dispatch was received from Jackson, who was at Millboro, asking General Smith and Colonel Edmondson to cooperate with him in making a diversion to prevent the enemy from attacking Lewisburg, and begging, especially, that the cadet artillery be loaned him. While willing enough to risk battle in the defense of Lexington and the Institute, the Superintendent re- called too well the action of the Governor and the Board of Visitors, in connection with the McDowell affair, to authorize the participation of the cadets in ojffensive field operations. To Colonel Jackson's request he, therefore, replied that he did not feel authorized to take the cadets upon any military operations, except in protection of the State property they were supposed to guard; but be- lieving that this protection could best be rendered by the support of the Confederate troops at Panther Gap, 238 The Military History of he had promptly moved forward to that point. He also stated that he feared to leave Lexington unpro- tected longer, without the express orders of the Gover- nor, and that a dispatch from Colonel Nadenboush, commanding at Staunton, informed him that General Imboden had sent forward reinforcements. Notwithstanding the strong pressure brought to bear on him by the citizens of Bath County and the neighbor- hood of Goshen to let the cadets accompany Jackson, the Superintendent ordered the Corps back that night to Rockbridge Alum Springs, and the Home Guards followed. Bivouacking for the night at the Alum, the Corps reached Barracks at 5 p. m. on the 27th, after a march of twenty miles during that day, and about fifty miles since leaving Lexington on the 25th. The Cadet command on this occasion was largely composed of new cadets, the First Class having graduated, and the Second Class being on furlough, and it was miserably armed and shod. At Rocky Gap, near White Sulphur Springs, Averell was checked by Colonel Jackson's cormnand, and the First Brigade, Army of Western Virginia, imder the gallant Colonel George S. Patton, V. M. I., '52. After suffering severe loss, the Federal raiding colimin retreated to Beverly, West Virginia, having covered nearly 700 miles in less than thirty days; and the threatened danger to Lexington and the Institute was past.* On the 28th of August, Captain Cutshaw received orders to rejoin his command, having been promoted Major of Artillerj^ and Lieutenant-Colonel Shipp, who had returned, resimied his duties as Commandant of Cadets. The Corps had marched 50 miles without seeing hair or hide of an enemy. The weather in the mountains in late August is always cool during the nights, but in •See Reports of Brigadier-General Averell, Major-General Samuel Jones, Commanding Department of Western Virginia, Col. William L. Jackson, and Col. George S. Patton, Rebellion Records, Series I, Vol. XXIX, Part I, pp. 32.52. The Virginia Military Institute 239 1863 it was unusually so. Poorly shod, and with cloth- ing entirely inadequate for field service at such a season, the cadets suffered extremely from the chillness of the weather, and foimd little in the experience to com- pensate for the hardships they were called upon to en- dure. Nevertheless, the fact that the Corps was regarded by the military authorities as always ready and available for service, was a matter of pride to the cadets and proved a valuable handle to discipline. The experiences of the Corps at Charles Town in 1859, Camp Lee in 1861, McDowell in 1862, and on the oc- casion of Averell's raid in August, 1863, instilled in the body of cadets an esprit de corj^s productive of the best results. Not one of the yomig soldiers but felt the satis- faction of having borne arms in the service of his coimtry, and though they had never yet been in action, as a unit, they knew that they were but temporarily withheld from active duty in the field, in order that soon they might render a higher service as officers, and emulate the noble examples on the field of battle of those who daily went forth to the army from their midst. Notwithstanding the drain upon the South for men, and the fact that the cradle was being literally robbed, new cadets continued to report for duty throughout the simimer of 1863; so that when the Corps broke camp, September 1st, it numbered about 275 cadets, this being the largest enrollment in the history of the Institute, up to that time. Of the 500 applicants, only 127 could be received. Impressed with the inefficiency of the arms with which the Corps was provided, in the recent field service, the Superintendent, upon his return from Goshen, at once addressed the Adjutant-General on the subject. Upon the reorganization of the Corps, January 1, 1862, he had urged that 36 horses be provided the Institute for the use of the battery in order that better artillery instruction might be given; but the scarcity of animals had prevented compliance with this wise sug- gestion. 240 The Military History or The artillery material of the battery still consisted of the four 6-pomider smooth-bore brass guns, and one 12-pounder Howitzer, the other having been lost in the Potomac by Milledge's Battery, as said before, on the retreat from Sharpsburg. The small arms consisted of old smooth-bore muskets. Accordingly he forwarded a requisition for two rifled field guns, such as the Corps had turned over to the Ordnance Officer at Camp Lee, and 200 rifled muskets, with 400 rounds of fixed artillery ammunition, and about 20,000 rounds of musket cartridges. "If the Governor has no means within his power to order these munitions from the ordnance department of Virginia, I think it probable a plain statement of the facts of the case would cause the President to order the same from the ordnance department of the Confederate States. "Had the enemy continued to force Colonel Jackson towards Panther Gap, the cadets would have given him support at that point. But how unequally would they have been called upon to render the necessary duty? Exposed to the Parrott guns and Enfield rifles of the enemy, this battery would have been disabled before coming within effective range for this service, while the cannoneers would have been picked off by the sharp- shooters, without the means of reply. These mountain passes may be readily guarded; and if my application is favorably and promptly met, this county will be fully guarded."* In his report of the part borne by the cadets in the Averell raid, the Superintendent also said: "And now, while matters are taking the direction of greater pressure from the enemy, I should be pleased to receive specific directions from the Governor, and Board of Visitors, and Adjutant- General, as to my duty in these emergencies crowding as they do upon us, in a moment of panic. I want to do my whole duty, but before doing it, I must know what that duty i«."** ♦General Francis H. Smith, to Adjutant-General of Virginia, August 28, 1863. **Letter of August 27, 1863. The Virginia Military Institute 241 In reply, the following letter was received: "Adjutant-General's Office, Va., September 4, 1863. "General — Your reports of the 25th, 27th and 28th ultimo have been received, and laid before the Governor by whom I am in- structed to say that he highly approves your prompt and energetic action in moving the Corps of Cadets to the support of Col. William L. Jackson, when pressed by the enemy at a point where their success might have endangered the Institute and public property in your charge, the emergency admitting of no delay for orders. "To disembarrass you of all doubts and difficulties which may grow out of the movements of the enemy in that portion of the State, and appreciating in its fullest force the necessity of deter- mining, as you request, what your duty is, or may be, in any contingency, the Governor decides that, although general military service is not due from the Corps of Cadets to the State, yet, that the Corps, to the extent of guarding and defending the Military Institute, and other public property connected with it, being a part of the military establishment of the State, may, and must, be used for that purpose, when the necessity arises ; and whether that defense be necessary upon the spot, or at a distance even of fifty miles, that does not affect or impair the obligation to meet the duty as the guard of the Institution. "Emergencies may arise at any time, while a state of war exists, which may compel you to make the defense of the Institute at some other and distant point, or points. Of this, the Governor desires me to say that you must of necessity decide, when there is no time to communicate with the Commander-in-Chief. Your own military attainments and experience, in his estimation, will always enable you, better than he can do at a distance, to determine upon the time, the place, and the measure of such defense as may be needful. It is scarcely necessary to add that needless exposure of the Corps of Cadets shall be carefully avoided. "You will act in accordance with these instructions until further orders, unless some legislative action shall otherwise determine. "The armament of the Corps of Cadets will be improved to the extent of means at the Governor's control. "By command, 'Major-General F. H. Smith, "Supt. V. M. Institute. 'Wm. H. Richardson, "Adjt.-General. These instructions were broad, and allowed the Superintendent a discretion which, we shall see, was fully exercised. ic 242 The Military History of Perceiving the danger to which the Institute was ex- posed, and the excellent service it was capable of ren- dering, hi the defense of Lexington, and other exposed points which the forces under Major- General Samuel Jones, commanding the Department of the West, and those under Imboden in the Valley District, were not always capable of guarding, the Governor not only authorized the Superintendent to supplement the efforts of the Home Guard companies which at this time were being encouraged all through the State, but directed the issue of better arms to the Corps. Accordingly, two captured, U. S. Ordnance rifled field pieces, and 200 rifled muskets were soon shipped to the Institute from Lynchburg, and, throughout the re- mainder of the war, comprised the armament of the Corps of Cadets. During the summer of 1863, other ordnance had also been received at the Institute, but these guns were un- serviceable and procured by the Superintendent merely as ornamental relics. For years, there had been stored in the Arsenal at Richmond a nimiber of bronze French guns of the most superb pattern. Cast in the reign of Louis XIV, who was noted for his elaborate ordnance, they had been sent to Virginia by Lafayette with other arms, during the Revolutionary War. In 1862, so scarce was the supply of gim metal that the old French guns were being melted up at the Tredegar Works, and recast into howitzers. Upon learning of this desecration. General Smith, with the aid of General Richardson, secured for the Institute the remaining guns which included two 6-pounders, two 9-pounders, and two 24-pounders, all of which were at once mounted on stone pedestals in front of the Cadet Barracks. It so happened, and by an odd coincidence, that two other relic guns were also received, these 6-pounder pieces having been cast at the Tredegar Works in March, 1862, from the metal obtained from six of the large French guns referred to. By order of the Gover- The Virginia Military Institute 243 nor, they were issued to the famous Letcher Battery of Richmond (named in his honor), of which Greenlee Davidson, of Lexington, was the captain, and Charles Elhs Munford, John Tyler, Thomas A. Brander, and Wilham E. Tanner, the lieutenants. They were first used at Mechanicsville, June 26, 1862, next at Malvern Hill where Lieutenant Munford was killed, and one of them was used at Warrenton Springs, Second Manassas, Harper's Ferry, and Fredericksburg. The Letcher Battery was rearmed with rifles captured at Harper's Ferry, and, after the gallant death of Captain Davidson at Chancellorsville, the two brass veterans were presented to the Institute by the officers of the battery, as a memorial to their former commander, and mounted side by side with the sister pieces of those from which they were cast. They still remain in front of Barracks. 244 The Military History or CHAPTER XVI GETTYSBURG AND THE V. M. I. IN PICKETT S CHARGE LATIMERj THE ^^BOY MAJOR^^ Gettysburg! What days were those when the earth reeled and the heavens rocked beneath the blows of the struggling Titans! Not alone at First and Second Manassas, throughout the Valley campaign, at Sharpsburg, Fredericksburg, and Chancellorsville, had the Institute played a leading role, for, while there was no Jackson left to testify to their deeds, on no battlefield of the war, — Chancellors- ville not excepted, — did the graduates of the Institute play so prominent a part as on that of Gettysburg. It would be impracticable to enumerate the deeds of them all. It will suffice to mention a few, and claim for the Institute its just share in what has been said to be the most heroic feat of arms in the great war of 1861-65. Accordingly, the organization of Pickett's Division will be given, and the V. M. I. field-officers therein, enumerated. Garnett's Brigade. 8th Virginia, Lieut. -Col. Norborne Berkeley, '48, commanding (after Colonel Eppa Hunton was wounded). 18th Virginia, Lieut.-Col. H. A. Carrington, '61, commanding. Major Edwin G. Wall, '48. 19th Virginia, Col. Henry Gantt, '51, commanding. Lieut.-Col. John T. Ellis, '48. Major Waller M. Boyd, '61. 28th Virginia, Col. Robert C. Allen, '55, commanding. Major William L. Wingfield, '59. Major Nathaniel C. Wilson, '58. 56th Virginia, Col. William D. Stuart, '60, commanding. Lieut.-Col. Philip P. Slaughter, '61. The Virginia Military Institute 245 Armistead's Brigade. 9th Virginia, Lieut. -Col. Jasper J. Phillips, '53.* Major Mark B. Hardin, '58. 14th Virginia, . 38th Virginia, Col. Edward C. Edmonds, '58, commanding. 53d Virginia, Lieut. -Col. Edgar B. Montague, '55, commanding. 57th Virginia, Col. John B. Magruder, '61, commanding. Kemper's Brigade. Col. Joseph Mayo, '52, commanding (after General Kemper was wounded). 1st Virginia, Col. Lewis B. Williams, '55, commanding. Major George F. Norton, '60. 3d Virginia, Col. Joseph Mayo, '52, commanding. Lieut. -Col. Alexander D. Callcote, '51. Major William H. Pryor, '48. 7th Virginia, Col. Waller Tazewell Patton, '55, commanding. Lieut. -Col. C. C. Flowerree, '61. 11th Virginia, Major Kirkwood Otey, '49, commanding. 24th Virginia, Col. William R. Terry, '50, commanding. Major Joseph A. Hambrick, '57. Capt. J. R. Hammett, '61. It will be observed that every one of the fifteen regi- ments of Pickett's famous divisions, except two, the 9th and 14th Virginia, was commanded by a graduate of the Institute; besides Kemper's Brigade, after the wounding of Brigadier-General James L. Kemper. Colonel Eppa Hunton, 8th Virginia, who was not a graduate, was wounded early in the charge. Furthermore, it is to be noted that of the large number of field-officers who were struck down eighteen were graduates, namely, — Carrington, Gantt, Mayo, Otey, Terry, Phillips, Hambrick,** Norton, and Slaughter (never fully re- covered), wounded; and Ellis, Allen, Stuart, Edmonds, Magruder, Williams, Callcote, Patton, and Wilson, killed; and thirteen commanded regiments in the bloody battle. In the fifteen regiments of Pickett's Division, there were twenty-seven field-ofiicers among the graduates, ♦Promoted Colonel of 9th, vice Owens killed at Gettysburg. ♦♦Later killed at Drewry's Bluff. 246 The Military History of and many captains and lieutenants commanding battal- ions and companies whose names are not given; besides the following named staff officers, to wit: Major Walter H. Harrison, Assistant Adjutant-General, Pickett's Division; Captain William T. Fry, Assistant Adjutant- General, Kemper's Brigade; and Captain William L. Randolph, Ordnance Officer, Armistead's Brigade. In Wilcox's, Mahone's, Wright's, Posey's, and Perry's Brigades of Anderson's Division, and Petti- grew's, Brockenbrough's, Archer's, and Davis's Bri- gades of Heth's Division (all of which were partially engaged in the great assault ) , were also many gradu- ates, among whom may be mentioned Brigadier-Gen- eral William Mahone; Lieutenant-Colonel George E. Tayloe, 10th Alabama; Lieutenant-Colonel James A. Broome, 14th Alabama; Major Robert B. Taylor, and Lieutenant-Colonel Henry W. Williamson, 6th Vir- ginia; Colonel Joseph H. Ham, Lieutenant-Colonel Henry T. Parrish, and Major Richard O. Whitehead, 16th Virginia; Lieutenant-Colonel Joseph P. Minetree, and Major Francis W. Smith, 41st, Virginia; Colonel James K. Marshall, commanding 1st Brigade, Heth's Division, Colonel Henry K. Burgwyn, Jr., 26th N. C. ; Colonel J. M. Brockenbrough commanding 2d Brigade Heth's Division, Colonel Robert M. Mayo, Lieutenant- Colonel William J. Green, Major Edward P. Tayloe, and Major Charles J. Green, 47th Virginia; Colonel George S. Patton, and Major Isaac W. Smith, 22d Virginia; and Major J. Q. A. Richardson, 52d North Carolina. In the battle of Gettysburg, the following graduates, or ex-cadets, are known to have sealed their devotion with their lives: Colonels Robert C. Allen, Henry K. Burgwyn, Jr., William D. Stuart, E. C. Edmonds, John B. Magruder, Lewis B. Williams, Waller Tazewell Patton, James K. Marshall; Lieutenant-Colonels John T. Ellis and Alex- ander D. Callcote; Majors N. Claiborne Wilson and The Virginia Military Institute 247 J. Q. A. Richardson; Captain Richard C. Logan; Lieu- tenants W. H. Bray, John C. Niemeyer, and Ed- ward A. Rhodes, and Sergeant Thomas B. Tredway. Colonel Patton was not killed outright, although his wound proved to be a mortal one. Shot in the mouth he was carried to the College Hospital, at Gettysburg, where he expired on the 21st of July. During his last days, he could not speak, but wrote with a firm hand upon a slate, "My trust is in the merits of Jesus Christ; my all is intrusted to Him." The prominent thoughts in his mind were his mother, his Saviour, and his Comitry. To his mother this gallant officer, but twenty- nine years of age and a member of the Virginia Senate, wrote, a few days before his death, "My sufferings and hardships during the two weeks that I was kept out in the field hospital were very great. I assure you that it was the greatest consolation, while lying in pain on the cold, damp ground, to look up to that God to whom you so constantly directed my thoughts in infancy and boy- hood, and feel that I was His son by adoption. When friends are far away, and you are in sickness and sor- row, how delightful to be able to contemplate the wonderful salvation unfolded in the Bible! Whilst I have been very far from being a consistent Christian, I have never let go my hope in Jesus, and find it inex- pressibly dear now. I write these things to show you my spiritual condition, and to ask your prayers con- tinually for me." Again he said, "Tell my mother that I am about to die in a foreign land; but cherish the same intense affection for her as ever." He told the young lady who nursed him, that though he was "a young man, and cherished life," he would "cheerfully lay down fifty lives in such a cause if necessary." One other act of heroism should be mentioned — the act of an humble lieutenant, John C. Niemeyer of the Class of '61. While moving forward, his regiment, the 9th Virginia, was halted three times and dressed under a galling fire. After the last halt, it moved forward in a superb line. The young lieutenant, at the head 248 The Military History of of his company, turned and called down the line to a brother officer, and former classmate at the Institute, "John, what a beautiful line!" As he spoke, a bullet pierced his brain, and he fell with a smile upon his hps, no doubt happy in the perfect drill of his men. The body of the gallant lad was never recovered and lies buried at Gettysburg in some unknown grave. Such incidents as this illustrate the character of the subalterns who led the troops in Pickett's charge — those humble leaders who reach the flaming breastworks first, but see the laurel crowns on other heads. While Colonel Joseph White Latimer took no part in the most dramatic incident of Gettysburg, to write of that battle in such a work as this without referring to his name would be improper, for no more brilliant name illumines the military annals of the Institute. Born in August, 1843, he entered the Institute in 1859, and was a Third Classman when the Corps was ordered to Camp Lee in 1861. He was at this time as- signed as drill-master to the "Hampden Battery," com- manded by Captain Laurence S. Marye. In September he was assigned as a lieutenant to the Richmond "Courtney Battery," and his first active service was in pursuit of the Federals after Second Manassas, when he with his o\vn boyish hands, but with the intrepidity of the most seasoned veteran, plied a gun throughout the day. That night, as he snuggled to his captain under a single blanket, he said: "Well, Captain, I feel so thankful that I have passed through this fight as well as I have." Thinking he meant that he was glad he had not been hurt, the older officer said that he too was thankful. "Oh, no; I don't mean that; I rather wish I had received a small wound, so I might see how I would bear it. What I meant is this: I was so glad I was able to stay at my post, and do my duty during the fight, and not run away. I have always wondered how I would feel in a fight, and, sometimes, have felt a little afraid that I would not be able to control my- self, perhaps, and might do something that would dis- The Virginia Military Institute 249 grace me. But I have tried it now, and find that I can stand, and have no uneasiness for the future." Such, was the youthful soldier's reply, — words which evi- denced that sublime moral courage which was to make him famous on many battlefields. In the spring of 1862, the men of the battery elected young Latimer first lieutenant. Brevetted for gallantry in action at Cross Keys, he was regularly commissioned captain after the Seven Days' fighting, and major in April, 1863, at the age of nineteen. General Jackson, his old artillery instructor, had mentioned him in orders for his gallantry in the Valley Campaign; and General Ewell, who greatly loved him, spoke of the "Boy-Major" as his "little Napoleon." In the Gettysburg Campaign, he commanded Andrews's Battahon, Ewell's Corps. On the 2d of July, that battalion occupied an exposed position on the extreme Confederate left, opposite Culp's Hill and the heavy Federal batteries posted on Cemetery Hill. His command was literally torn to pieces in the unequal duel in which it unflinchingly engaged; but ordering the injured guns to the rear, Major Latimer remained with the others. His officers implored him to dismount and seek cover; but this he refused to do, as he wished to be prepared to dash forward with his remaining guns, at the first opportunity. While gallantly cheering on his cannoneers at their desperate work, he fell from his horse with his right arm shattered by a fragment of shell. As he was drawn from beneath his mount, and carried from the field, he held up the stump of his mangled arm, and in a clear and steady voice exhorted his men to fight harder than ever, to avenge his loss. After the amputation, which was immediately per- formed, he was taken to Winchester, and from there, on the 22d of July, to Harrisonburg. He lingered until August 1st, "when, just as the morning sun was shedding its light o'er earth and sky, his spirit passed away." 250 The Military History of Just before his death, he declared that he was not afraid to die, "for," said he, "my trust is in God." The day before this, he was asked by the chaplain upon what be based his hopes for the future. "Not on good works," he replied, "but on the merits of Jesus Christ alone." So passed away as noble a spirit as ever dwelt in human frame, a spirit worthy of that of Jackson. It is consoling to believe that in Heaven the "Boy-Major" has received his reward, resting side by side with his im- mortal tutor-in-arms. His life on earth was life but just begun; for, surel}^ there is no death for one so pure, so gallant and so young. The artillery appealed with special force to the graduates of the Institute. In that branch of the serv- ice, the Institute produced Brigadier-General R. Lindsay Walker, Colonel Stapleton Crutchfield, Colonel Thomas H. Carter, Colonel John R. Waddy, Lieutenant-Colonel Francis W. Smith, Lieutenant- Colonel Wilfred E. Cutshaw, Colonel Briscoe G. Baldwin, Lieutenant-Colonel J. Jaquelin Smith, Lieu tenant-Colonel Robert Preston Chew, Major A. R. H. Ranson, Major Daniel Trueheart, Major James W. Thomson, Major P. B. Stanard, Major Marcellus N. Moorman, Major D. W. Flowerree, Major J. McD. Carrington, and other field officers of note, most of whom were senior in rank to JMajor Latimer, but none of whom could boast a more gallant career than that of the "Boy-Major," who was, perhaps, the youngest artillery field-officer in either army. On the brow of Cemetery Hill there stands to-day a monmnent designed to mark for posterity the high-tide level of the Confederacy. Swelling upward until it flooded over the hostile boimdary, the great Southern tide surged forward until it reached that height, and then, subsiding, bore back with the wash of the waters the flotsam of an army wrecked on the reef of fate. And, as they look upon that fateful reef, stained with the blood of Pickett's men, where now a hundred tombs remain like the jetsam of the wreck, let V. M. I. men The Virginia Military Institute 251 draw inspiration from the scene, and recall that it was not Pickett, not Armistead, not Garnett, not Kemper, of West Point, alone, who, with its full set sails, drove the Confederate ship upon that shore; but Allen, Stuart, Burgwyn, Edmonds, Magruder, Williams, Patton, Ellis, Marshall, Callcote, Wilson, Richardson, and the others who perished in the storm, and a host of their Institute comrades among the other field-officers of that gallant army. Armistead and Garnett were of heroic mold; but history can not forget they were but two of many. Nor can it be successfully denied that Pickett's charge was actually led by graduates of the V. M. I.; for the soldier knows that it is the colonels and the majors and the captains, who carry their men through the confusion of the cannon-swept field, however, in- spiring the presence of the general may be before the charge is launched. With such facts before us as those given, may we ask, is it conceit for the Institute to read between the lines which the historians of Gettysburg have written, the real story of Pickett's charge? And may we not point out to future historians that the volunteer troops which reached the sunmiit of Cemetery Hill, July 3, 1863, were commanded by officers trained in a School of Arms ; second in the quality of its graduates to no other in existence? Another great fact is to be noted from the part of the V. M. I. graduates in the battle of Gettysburg, and that is, they were not dependent on Jackson for military opportunity. After Jackson's death, the army was re- organized into three Corps, commanded by Longstreet, Ewell, and A. P. Hill, respectively; yet, in Pickett's Division — the very flower of the army, — the first divi- sion of the first corps, practically every regiment v/as commanded by a graduate of the Institute ! 252 The Military History of CHAPTER XVII THE FALL AND WINTER OF 1863 — AVERELL^S SECOND RAID A NEAR BATTLE After the terrible tragedy of Gettysburg, the Con- federate Government rehed more than ever before upon the Institute to supply trained officers for the lower grades in which the greatest need of efficient officers was felt. As the war wore on, the brigades and divisions were, perhaps, better commanded than in the early stages. Political appointees were gradually eliminated, and the trained soldiers succeeded them in high com- mand. But hundreds of superb officers^ like those who fell at Gettysburg, and who had comprised the field and staff of the line regiments, were unreplaceable. When the war broke out, the Institute had actually graduated, up to July, 1860, but 412 cadets. In the South, in 1861, there were, perhaps, 1,000 men who had attended the Institute one or more years, including the 142 cadets graduated in July and December of that year, less those who had died. The field-officers in Virginia were, in large measure, originally drawn from those who had graduated prior to 1856, all of whom were men from twenty-five to forty years of age. Com- paratively few of these men became general officers, at the beginning, because there were not over 100 graduates, capable of bearing arms, past thirty years old. Up to July, 1849, there had been but 137 graduates. Some of this number were beyond military age, and others had died. The growth of the School in 1850-1860 led to the graduation, in the second decade of its existence, of 275 cadets, or just double the number in the preceding ten years. Therefore, it is fair to con- clude, taking the average age at graduation as twenty- one years, that at least two-thirds of the 412 graduates The Virginia Military Institute 253 to July, 1860, were not over thirty years of age; and such was correspondingly true in the case of the non- graduates. With 282 graduates of West Point, and innumerable militia officers already in the service of the various States, and himdreds of politicians clamoring for pre- ferment, it is readily understood why there were com- paratively so few general officers among the graduates of the Institute up to 1861. Throughout the war, there were but twenty actually commissioned, in the C. S. A., and the reason is very clear. Before the original ap- pointees were killed off, or otherwise eliminated, 200 or more graduates, including over 50 of the original field- officers, who would in the natural course of events have received high promotion, had been killed in battle, leav- ing out about 200 graduates past the age of twenty-five, and about fifty past the age of thirty years. Had the war continued several years longer than it did, large numbers of the youthful field-officers in 1864 would have become general officers, because the supply of West Pointers had been entirely cut off since 1861, and those who had fallen were being rapidly replaced by Institute men when the war closed. After Gettysburg, the main pressure was exerted by the Federals in eastern Virginia, for Lincoln, failing to perceive that the main hostile army was his true ob- jective, persisted in his effort to seize the capital of his enemy. It was necessary, therefore, since the Federals would not follow up Lee, for Lee to constantly inter- pose his army between them and Riclmiond. But, meanwhile. Federal troops were kept in West Virginia, threatening at all times to press in upon the Confederate rear. It is fortunate for the South (or unfortunate, if we choose now to consider a speedier termination of the war to have been desirable), that Grant, the Charles Martel of the North, was not placed in command of the Army of the Potomac immediately after Gettysburg, instead of in Februarv, 1864; for, had he then com- 254 The Military History of menced to grapple with Lee, while the active Sheridan operated in the valley, it seems almost certain the long- drawn-out war would have ended, one way or the other, before April, 1865. Had Lee defeated Grant in 1863, or early in 1864, the peace party of the North would probably have triumphed. Had Grant commenced his operations a year earlier, even attaining the same re- sults he did in 1864, the surrender would have occurred at an earlier date. Averell, however, was not Sheridan ; nor was the force placed at his disposal adequate to accomphsh decisive results. He was more of an annoyance than a real enemy. But Lincoln and Halleck kept him galloping back and forth, frittering away good men and horses in fruitless expeditions, instead of pursuing, with all the strength they could muster, a comprehensive plan to crush the Confederate forces in Virginia. By the middle of October, General Averell had as- sembled 5,000 men at Huttonsville, West Virginia, from which point he again threatened the upper Valley. So obvious were his intentions to set out on another raid, that on October 17th, Colonel Nadenbousch, still in command at Staunton, notified General Imboden, com- manding the Valley District, of the danger. Imboden was at the time moving on Charles Town, which he sur- prised and recaptured the next day, but with the in- tention of moving up the valley himself as soon as possible to cooperate with General Samuel Jones, of the Western District, in driving back Averell. Averell' s threatened raid into Virginia was post- poned, for one reason or another, imtil, under date of October 26th, he received specific orders to proceed to Lewisburg, in Greenbrier County, West Virginia, and to attack and capture, or drive away, the Confederate force there assembled under Colonel William L. Jack- son.* After accomplishing this task, he was directed to leave his infantry at Lewisburg and push on to Union, in Monroe County, and thence to New River, *"MudwaU" Jackson, a cousin of Stonewall Jackson. The sobriquet here given him simply to avoid confusion. He was a gallant and enterprising officer. The Virginia Military Institute 255 where he was to destroy the bridge of the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad. Pursuant to these orders, Averell left Beverly No- vember 1st, with two regiments of infantry, three regi- ments of moimted infantrjs one regiment of cavalry, and four batteries of artillery. Moving along the Staunton pike to Greenbrier Bridge, Averell' s command reached Hunters ville, in Pocahontas County (a point about 25 miles west of Warm Springs, Virginia) at noon, on the 4th, where, learning that a force of about 600 Confederates, under Colonel Thompson, were at Marling's Bottom, he im- mediately took steps to cut it off from Lewisburg. Colonel Thompson, however, retired toward Mill Point, and effected a junction with the other troops of Jack- son's command, which retired rapidly to the summit of Droop Mountain where, about 4,000 strong, it took up a strong defensive position across the main road to Lewisburg, 20 miles distant. On the evening of the 4th, General Imboden was in- formed of Averell's movement through Huntersville, and, at daybreak on the 5th, left his camp near Bridge- water, and moved to Buffalo Gap. During the late afternoon of the 5th of November, rumors sifted into Lexington by the invisible wire that Avei-ell with 7,000 men was between Jackson's force and Warm Springs, and about 7 p. m. a courier arrived from Colonel Jackson requesting that the Corps of Cadets and Home Guards be sent at once to his support. Immediately, Colonel Massie summoned the Home Guard companies of the county, in the organization of which he had exhibited the utmost zeal and efficiency, to assemble; and the following order was issued by the Superintendent of the Institute : "Headquarters, Virginia Military Institute, "November 5, 1868. "Special Orders — No. 212. "I. Intelligence having been received that the enemy in strong force are again threatening this County, the Superintendent deems 256 The Military History of it his duty^ under the orders of the Governor, to make use of every available man of this Institution as an auxiliary force to repel this invasion, and to place them in position without delay, at or near California Furnace. "II. The Commandant of Cadets, Lt.-Col. Shipp, will imme- diately make details of detachments of cadets to man two or four pieces of artillery, as he may deem expedient, and organize com- panies of cadets as an infantry support, and he will take command in person, and march without delay to California Furnace, and place himself in communication with the officer commanding the Confederate forces in that vicinity, and give such support to him as may be required by existing exigencies, and to the extent em- braced in the general instructions from the Governor of Virginia, as communicated to the command. He will make a detail of officers and cadets as a Guard to the Institute. "III. The Commissary will supply cooked rations for two days for the command, and additional uncooked rations for five days. He will report to Lt.-Col. Shipp for orders. "IV. The Quartermaster of the Confederate States will supply transportation and horses by order of the Commandant of the Post of Lexington. "V. The Surgeon will make all necessary provision for the care of the sick and disabled. "VI. The solemn responsibility which withdraws the Corps of Cadets from their regular duties is an appeal to that patriotism which burns in every Southern heart. The Superintendent con- fidently relies upon the courage and fidelity of this command, in all the duty to which they may be called. He shares their dangers and their hardships with them, and he trusts they may soon be privileged to return to their post of duty. "By command of Major-General F. H. Smith, "J. H. Morrison, "A. A., V. M. I." The entire night following the publication of this order was spent preparing for the march, and at day- break the Corps of Cadets, four companies, with the rifled section of artillery, 225 strong, the whole com- manded by the Commandant, and the artillery by Lieu- tenant T. H. Smith, set out for California Furnace, followed by Colonel Massie with about 575 men of the Home Guard. The command reached the furnace (which is about three miles south of Rockbridge Alum Springs), dur- MAJOR THOMAS JONATHAN JACKSON 'UOIKSSdR. IXSTErCTOl! OF AltTI I.I.EUY TACTICS 1850-1863 The Virginia Military Institute 257 ing the late afternoon, after a march of seventeen miles, and went into bivouac for the night. Meanwhile, efforts were being made to get into communication with the Confederate forces; but for the time being California Furnace was safe. That morning, with about 600 men and a section of artillery, General Imboden moved through Goshen and halted for the night at Bratton's in Bath County, some ten miles north of CaHfornia Furnace. During the morning, Averell had attacked Jackson's force, and at 3 P. M. succeeded in driving it from its position on Droop Mountain, in Greenbrier County, West Virginia, about thirty miles west of Bratton's and California Furnace. Imboden resumed his march at dawn on the 7th, and, moving westward along the Huntersville road, passed through Warm Springs at 1 p. m., where he was in- formed of the battle between Jackson and Averell, the preceding day. Learning also that the Confederates (badly defeated) had fallen back through Lewisburg towards Monroe, and that Averell, who had been re- enforced by General DufRe at Lewisburg with four regiments and some artillery, was pursuing, he re- solved to fall upon the Federal rear. With that object in view, he now changed his course down Jackson's River toward Covington, after sending orders to Colonels Shipp and Massie (whom he believed to be at Millboro), to march at once to Clifton Forge, and there unite with him. Leaving their camp about noon on the 7th, the Corps and Home Guard marched along the direct road from California Furnace to Clifton Forge, which follows the valley running due southwest along the border of Alle- ghany and Rockbridge counties. That night those commands, after paralleling Imboden's route some miles to the west, bivouacked half a mile north of the Lucy Salina (now called the Longdale) Furnace, hav- ing marched about ten miles. The next day, Sunday, the 8th, they marched nine miles to Clifton Forge, go- 17 258 The Military History of ing into Camp oh the banks of Jackson's River, thirteen miles distant from Imboden who had reached the neigh- borhood of Covington. After midnight, Imboden dispatched orders to Colonel Massie and General Smith (the latter, with Colonel Preston, having joined the cadets at Clifton Forge) , to move forward to Covington at daybreak. That morning, Averell, had set out for Dublin, but was compelled to order Duffie's command back to Meadow Bluff, because of its complete exhaustion, and to dispatch two regiments of infantry and a battery back to Beverty with his wounded, prisoners, and captured property. With his mounted men and a battery, he then pressed on through White Sulphur Springs to the neighborhood of Callaghan's where, on the morning of the 9th, he was informed that Imboden with a force of from 900 to 1,500 men was at Covington, on his way to reinforce Echol's at Union, and that large reinforcements from Lee's Army were near at hand. He, therefore, dispatched two squadrons of the 8th West Virginia Mounted Infantry, under Major Slack, to drive Imboden from his line of march. Imboden, with his own command, had taken up a position on the crest of a mountain one and a half miles west of Covington; and when the two Federal squadrons (about 400 strong) had driven in his pickets and approached to within 1,200 yards of his position, he opened on them with his two guns, and then sent for- ward two troops of cavalry to strike the enemy while scattered. The Federals retreated rapidly to Callag- han's where they rejoined the main column, over 3,000 strong, and moved ofP with it. As soon as Imboden learned that Averell had with him a battery of seven pieces of artillery, and believing that he would attack in earnest, he withdrew to a very strong position on a hill one mile east of Covington, aftei- sending orders to Colonels Shipp and Massie to hurry up to the new position where he intended to give battle. The Virginia Military Institute 259 Leaving their bivouacs at daybreak on the 9th, the Corps of Cadets and the Home Guard joined Imboden in his nevr position soon after he had occupied it. and were deployed in hne of battle. Colonel Shipp care- fully placed the guns in position; but, in spite of much random firing in their front, neither the cadets, nor any part of Imboden's force, were engaged. How anxiously the young soldiers peered over the fence rails piled up into a rude protection; how they longed for just one chance to fire upon the enemy, — only those present will ever know; but again they were doomed to be disappointed, for soon the Cavalry pickets reported that Averell had left the Warm Springs road, and moved off toward Huntersville. Believing that this might be a ruse on the enemy's part, and that he might swing around Warm Springs to Millboro, and thence to Lexington, Imboden, with his own command, set out from Clifton Forge to Goshen, sending out scouts to watch Averell's move- ments, and dismissing the Lexington forces about noon on the 9th. At Goshen, which point he reached after a march of 40 miles in little over 24 hours, Imboden learned from his scouts that Averell had moved rapidly northward by Gatewood's, along the Back Creek Road, with a part of his force, the main body proceeding via Hightown, and a single regiment via Monterey. All danger was, therefore, apparently over; but on the 11th he moved to Buffalo Gap. Upon arriving there he ascertained that a fresh force of 800 men from Petersburg would form a junction that evening with Averell at Monterey, or Hightown ; but, instead of moving toward Staunton, Averell ordered Colonel Thorburn's reinforcements back to Petersburg, and proceeded himself to New Creek, where he arrived on the 17th.* Although Imboden inflicted no appreciable damage on the enemy, his prompt movements, after learning of Jackson's and Echols's defeat, undoubtedly saved the •Rebellion Records, Series I. Vol. XXIX, pp. 498-549. 260 The Military History of six or eight blast furnaces in the western parts of Rock- bridge and Botetourt counties from destruction, plants which at the time were of incalculable value to the Confederate Bureau of Ordnance. Without the support of the Corps of Cadets and the Home Guard, he would never have attempted the movements he actually undertook, for it was his knowledge of their presence that enabled him to make the threat on Averell's rear, the morning of the 9th, causing him to withdraw, for fear of the large force on his line of re- treat. Averell had been informed that heavy reinforcements were being dispatched by General Lee to Imboden, and seems to have been misled into believing that the cadets and Home Guard were the advance of such reinforce- ments. Thus, they not only emboldened Imboden to show fight across Averell's path, but served a better purpose in causing the latter to retreat precipitately. The Corps of Cadets and Home Guard reached Lex- ington, via direct road, late on the 11th, and, says Mrs. Preston in her diary, "Everybody expected a fight, and I think there was general disappointment that there was only a skirmish. For the present, the forces (cadets and Home Guard) have returned, and gone to their homes; with the expectation, however, that an^^ time they may be recalled."* The 11th of November, the day upon which the Corps of Cadets returned, was the 24th anniversary of the founding of the Institute. How well had been fulfilled the expectations of those devoted men who assembled in Lexington to cast Virginia's flag to the breeze over the infant School of Arms, November 11, 1839! Within a quarter of a century, the very anniversary of Founder's Day was to see the Corps of Cadets actually in the field defending the Arsenal, which it had been created to guard. ♦Life and Letters of Margaret Junkin Preston, by Elizabeth Preston Allan, p. 171. This book contains many interesting and contemporaneous letters irom which many facts concerning the cadets have been ascertained. The Virginia Military Institute 261 General Smith had preceded the Corps to Lexington, and, before it arrived, pubhshed the following order: "Headquarters, Virginia Military Institute, "November 11, 1863. "General Orders — No. 88. "I. This day is the anniversary of the Virginia Military Institute. Twenty-four years have rolled away since the proud Flag of Virginia was first waved over the Corps of Cadets. What an eventful period do these years embrace ! This anniversary, unlike those which have preceded it, finds the cadets in the field, enduring the hardships of an arduous march, in aid of efforts to repel an unscrupulous and relentless foe. This duty has been patiently and cheerfully discharged in the midst of privations and discomforts which a veteran might even shrink from, and a spirit has been exhibited by the Corps of Cadets which reflects the highest honor upon themselves, and upon the accomplished oflScer who has the high responsibility of their command (Lieut.-Colonel Scott Shipp). The Superintendent returns his thanks to the officers and cadets for the prompt and faithful discharge of duty in the expedition, and it will be his pleasure, as well as duty, to communicate a report of their conduct to his Excellency, the Governor. "II. The Anniversary Celebration designed for the day will be observed to-morrow, and a salute of ten guns will be fired at 6:30 A. M., under the direction of the Commandant of Cadets. "By command of Major-General F. H. Smith, "J. H. Morrison, "A. A., V. M. I." November 12th was a day of rest, but the experiences of the past few days had shown the Commandant the necessity of familiarizing the Corps with the new arms. Accordingly, academic duty was suspended on the 13th, and the day was devoted to the needed instruction. On the 21st, the following order was received and published at the Institute: "Headquarters, Valley District, "SiMwiLLis Creek, Rockingham Co., Va., "November 18, 1863. "General Orders — No. 12. "The General commanding the Military District takes great pleasure in announcing that in his recent expedition with a detach- 262 The Military History of ment of his command to Covington, in Alleghany County, to resist the large raiding forces of the enemy, should they attempt to penetrate the Valley, or reach important public works in that section of the State, he was most opportunely and efficiently sup- ported by the Corps of Cadets from the Virginia Military Institute, under the command of the accomplished Superintendent, Major- General Francis H. Smith, and the 'Rockbridge Home Guard,' under the command of that gallant and tried soldier, Colonel James W. Massie. Information of the movements of the enemy through Pocahontas was not received in Lexington until 7 p. m. on the 5th inst., when with a promptitude that reflects the highest honor on the Institute and the noble people of Rockbridge, the whole night was spent in preparing for the field, and by the follow- ing evening 800 patriotic men and youths, under the leadership of brave and skillful officers, were many miles on their dreary march into the mountains to meet the advancing columns of the enemy. Owing to the rapidity of our own movements, the uncertainty of the enemy's object, and the difficulty of frequent communication between us, General Smith and Colonel Massie had to rely mainly upon their own judgment in selecting their line of march, so as to gain the point of probable attack, which they accomplished with the most perfect success, and with a celerity not surpassed during the war, even by the veterans of the Confederacy. They were in ample time to have taken part in the general engagement which seemed imminent at Covington on Monday the 9th inst. "It is a most pleasing duty to acknowledge gratefully the spontaneous volunteer movement from the glorious old County of Rockbridge, and from that Institution in her midst which has contributed so largely to the national defense, in the number of accomplished officers in our Army educated within its walls. "All honor to the brave men and chivalrous youths who so gallantly came to our assistance! If every County in this Military District will emulate the example here set them, the Commanding General will never have occasion to call on General Lee for aid to repel any probable invasion of the interior of this beautiful valley, that may hereafter be attempted by the marauding bands that hang upon its borders. Here, at home, we shall have, ever ready, a bulwark of defense in those, who, like the 800 of Rockbridge and the Institute, will fly to the rendezvous at the first sound of the tocsin, or blaze of the signal on the summit of their own blue mountains. "By command of J. D. Imboden, Brigadier-General commanding, "F. B. Berkeley, "Captain and A. A. -General." The Vibginia Military Institute 263 In his official report of these operations, General Imboden savs: "I beg leave to add my testimony to the admirable spirit dis- played by the people of Rockbridge in coming to my assistance. At 7 p. M. on Thursday, the 6th (5th), the news reached Lexington of this raid. By 7 p. m., the next day, 800 men were twelve miles on their march to support me. My thanks are especially due Colonel J. W. Massie, Commanding Home Guards, and General F. H. Smith, Commanding Cadets, for the energy and zeal they manifested and the skill with which they moved their commands so rapidly through the mountains." 264 The Military History of CHAPTER XVIII AVERELL^S THIRD RAID CADETS CALLED OUT AGAIN A WEEK OF SEVERE FIELD SERVICE The results accomplished by Averell in November, 1863, evidently did not fulfill the expectations of Wash- ington; for he had hardly reached his base at New Creek, West Virginia, when he was informed that his command would be required to take the field again, at an early date. December 6th, Averell received instructions from the Department Commander to proceed on the 8th via Petersburg, Franklin, and Monterey to the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad at Bonsack's Station, in Bote- tourt County, or to Salem, in Roanoke County; or, by dividing his command, to both points, and to destroy all the bridges, water stations, depots, and as much of the roadbed and track in those localities as possible. After accomplishing his task, he was directed to return to the line of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, between New Creek and Harper's Ferry.* Pursuant to these most definite instructions, Averell's plan for their execution contemplated the presence of Brigadier-General Scammon with the Kanawha Valley forces at Lewisburg, on December 12th, for the purpose of intercepting any Confederate force moving upon the rear of the raiding column from the north. A small force was also to reach Marling's Bottom on the 11th, to feint against the Confederates in the neighborhood of Lewisburg. Brigadier-General Sullivan, command- ing the forces in the Shenandoah Valley, was to assume active operations on the 11th, while Colonel Thorburn's command was to move forward from Monterey toward Staunton, with a view to keeping the enemy's attention fixed on the Parkersburg pike. •Rebellion Record, Series I, Vol. XXIX, Part 1, p. 933. The Virginia Military Institute 265 It was thought by Averell that the demonstrations of the Kanawha and Shenandoah commands would en- able him to pass southward without difficulty, and that the operations ordered in the direction of Lewisburg and Union, if conducted with vigor, would divert op- position to the return of his own wearied column. Leaving New Creek at dawn, December 8th, with three regiments of mounted infantry, a regiment and a half of cavalry, and one battery of artillery, Averell reached Petersburg on the 10th where he was joined by Colonel Thorburn's command of 700 mounted men. Arriving at Monterey on the 11th, Colonel Thorburn proceeded towards McDowell, and Averell's column resumed its march on the 12th down Back Creek. The storm continued unabated throughout the next four days, so that Averell found Jackson's River im- fordable, when he arrived at Callaghan's in Alleghany County, on the 14th. At that point he learned that Scammon had successfully occupied Lewisburg, and that the small Confederate brigade under Echols had fallen back upon Union, under orders from Major- General Samuel Jones. On the 12th, Jones, the Department Commander, had received information from Echols and Jackson that the enemy was moving from the Kanawha and Beverly on Lewisburg ; and, having directed Echols to fall back be- hind the Greenbrier River, he ordered McCausland who was at the Narrows with his brigade to unite with Echols, and telegraphed Colonel Jackson to proceed to Callaghan's. At the same time, he called upon General Lee for support. On the night of the 14th, Echols and McCausland formed a junction near Union. Major-General Fitz Lee's Cavalry Division had by good fortune left the army on the Rapidan on the 11th, and arrived in Charlottesville on the 12th, with the in- tention of going into winter quarters there. On the 12th, two brigades of this command, under Fitz Lee himself, were dispatched to the Valley to interpose be- 266 The Military History of tweeii the enemy and Staunton, arriving at Mount Crawford, via Brown's Gap, the morning of the 15th. Finding Sulhvan inactive at Strasburg, he turned up the Valley to assist Imboden, who was confronting the enemy at Shenandoah Mountain, six miles from Staunton. That night, Major-General Early arrived at Stamiton, and assumed command. Late on the 14th, news had reached Lexington of Averell's movements, and again the Superintendent and Colonel Massie took prompt steps to aid in the defense of the County. "Headquarters, Virginia Military Institute, "December 11, 1863. "Special Orders — No. 242. "I. Intelligence having been received that the enemy in strong force are again threatening this County, the Superintendent deems, it his duty, under the orders of the Governor, to make use of every available man of this Institution, as an auxiliary force to repel this invasion, and to place them in position without delay, at or near Goshen, Virginia. "By command of Major-General F. H. Smith, "J. H. Morrison, "A. A., V. M. I." Leaving Lexington at dawn on the 15th, the Corps of Cadets, four companies, and the section of rifled field guns, 180 strong, Lieutenant-Colonel Scott Shipp, commanding, followed, as before, by Colonel Massie and the Home Guard, bivouacked that night about a mile and a half short of Rockbridge Baths. At 2 A. M. that morning Averell had resumed his march, arriving at Sweet Springs during the forenoon. There he learned that Scammon had retired from Lewis- burg and that Echols's Brigade was near Union. Re- suming his march at 1 p. m., he passed through New Castle during the night, after sending out a squadron towards Fincastle for the purpose of deceiving the enemy, and arrived within four miles of Salem at day- break of the 16th. There, he first learned of Fitz Lee's The Virginia Military Institute 267 movement from Charlottesville to intercept his return march. December 16th the Corps of Cadets proceeded to Bratton's Rmi, which they found practically impassable, and camped on its banks with the Home Guard that night. Late that night, Early ordered Fitz Lee to pur- sue Averell with all haste, while Jones, who had learned of Averell's presence at Salem, ordered Colonel Jackson to take up a good position near Clifton Forge, while Echols was directed to occupy one on the mountain near Sweet Springs, with a view to cutting Averell off. On the 17th, Colonel Massie, who was near Goshen with the Home Guard, received by courier the following communication :* "Buffalo Gap, "December 17, 1863. "Col. J. W. Massie, "Commanding Forces. "Col. — Major-General Early directs that you proceed to Lex- ington at once to protect that place. Send your mounted men rapidly. Gen. Imboden is moving on Lexington from this place, and you will communicate with him on the Brownsburg road. Major-General Fitz Lee is also moving from Staunton on Lexington. "Averell has reached Salem on the Virginia and Tennessee Rail- road, and may move down the Valley. "Send some men posthaste to the bridge over Buffalo Creek beyond Lexington, with directions to scout towards Buchanan, and burn that bridge in case Averell approaches. "I am, Colonel, "Your obedient servant, "A. S. Pendleton, "Lt.-Col. and A. A.-G."** Marching day and night Fitz Lee's command reached Lexington before noon on the 18th, uniting at that point with Imboden and the Home Guard. Colonel Massie immediately dispatched a large patrol, under Lieutenant T. Henderson Smith of the Institute, in the direction of Buchanan, for the purpose of observing the ♦Rebellion Records, Series I. Vol. XXII, Part 1, p. 962. **Frora the original dispatch in Gen. Shipp's possession. 268 The Military History of enemy's movements in that direction, and to destroy the Pattonsburg bridge over the James, and the one over Buffalo Creek, if necessary, to prevent Averell from reaching Lexington. "December 16th. Again the cadets and Home Guard are summoned out ; they started yesterday ; and Mr. P. [Major Preston] went early this morning. It is a cold, raw day and they will find marching and bivouacking in the open air very disagreeable. The reports are the enemy is advancing upon the Valley from four points. When will these alarms cease? I am in despair about the war." Such is the contemporaneous entry in the diary of Mrs. Preston, the wife of Major Preston of the Institute, a record which throws much light on these stirring times. And again: "December 18th: Went on the street to hear some news ; found that a dispatch had been received ordering a body of men to go on to Pattonsburg to burn down the fine bridge over the James River, to prevent Averell's escape; Averell is at Salem with 4,000 men. "At 11 o'clock Imboden's cavalry and artillery passed through. It is the first time I have seen an army. Poor fellows! with their broken-down horses, muddy up to the eyes, and their muddy wallets and blankets, they looked like an army of tatterdemalions: the horses looked starved. Then came the Home Guard, drenched and muddy as if they had seen hard service, though they had only been out four days; but such weather! it rained terribly, the rain part of the time freezing as it fell; and they were out in it all; stood round their fires all night, or lay down in the puddles of water. At 3 p. m.. General Fitzhugh Lee's cavalry (2,700) passed through. Their horses were in better condition ; all the men in both divisions looked in fine spirits, and cheered vociferously as the ladies waved scarfs and handker- chiefs on their passing. People brought out waiters of eatables to the poor tired men All went on to Collierstown last night. Brother W.* ♦Rev. William F. Junkin, father of Mrs. Nichols, wife of the present Superintendent of the Institute. The Virginia Military Institute 269 is Lieutenant-Colonel of the Home Guard. They were all sent in for the protection of Lexington last night, it being supposed Averell would advance upon us from Salem. An exciting day indeed. "At night, my husband came; the cadets were water- bound; some of them waded to their waists in water, building bridges for artillery. Mr. P. says he saw one marching along in his naked feet. This is a glorious war! On the 17th before Colonel Massie had been recalled, and intelligence of the enemy's whereabouts had been received, the Commandant determined to cross Bratton's Run which had foiled his passage the night before. By the most heroic efforts on the part of the cadets, the guns and baggage wagons were finally transferred, and the Corps of Cadets pressed on to Cold Sulphur Springs, where it bivouacked that night. Late on the 18th, the Commandant received the following commimication from the Superintendent: "Headquarters, Virginia Military Institute, "December 18. 1863. "12 M. "Lt.-Col. S. Shipp, "Commandant of Cadets. "Col. — As you might have anticipated, the heavy rain and high water delayed my joining you to-day. "Gen. Fitz Lee is now here, and under his instructions you are directed, as soon as you can cross Bratton's Run, to march with the cadets to this point, with the view of moving immediately to Buchanan. Gen. Lee marches to-day to Clifton Forge, and Coving- ton, and hopes to intercept the line of retreat of Averell. The object is to place the cadets at Buchanan with the line of scouts put out to watch the movement of the enemy, and in the event of his turning back from the road by which he entered towards Salem, under the apprehension of being intercepted, to anticipate his effort to come down the Valley, by crossing the James at Buchanan. "Further instructions will be given you on your reaching here. Inform me what supplies you will require, for it may be necessary to move to Buchanan without delay. "I am, Colonel, "Very respectfully, "F. H. Smith. 270 The Military History of "Three brigades passed here to-day, General Wiekham, General Iraboden, and one other. J. W. Massie is just in. The bakery is being used to make bread for General I.ee's command which it was important to move on with dispatch. I shall not be able to send bread. "F. H. S."* Pursuant to this dispatch, the Commandant marched back to Wilson's Spring at the east end of Goshen Pass, and bivouacked there the night of the 18th. Averell had marched the last eighty miles in thirty hours; and, while his men busied themselves on the 16th destroying depots, railway cars, the water station, turn- table, and a large supply of bridge timber and repairing material at Salem, his horses were allowed to rest. After destroying a number of small storehouses, and cutting and destroying the telegraph wires, he quitted his work about 4 P. m., and having circulated the report that he would return, via Buchanan, he turned north along Craig's Creek, arriving at New Castle at dusk on the 18th, after tremendous exertions and many diffi- culties in fording the stream at the many points it crossed his route, especially with his battery. That night Fitz Lee camped at Collierstown, ten miles west of Lexington, en rontc with Imboden to Clifton Forge, and there received a dispatch from Lynchburg that the enemy was returning to Salem, and begging that he proceed to Buchanan. After midnight, the Superintendent wrote the Com- mandant, then in camp at Wilson's Springs on the re- turn march, as follows: "Headquarters, Virginia Military Institute, "1 o'clock at night, "December 18-19. "Lt.-Col. S. Shipp, "Commandant of Cadets. "Col. — Intelligence has just reached us by ray returned courier from Buchanan, that the enemy had been delayed in re-crossing the Craig River, by the freshets. This is confirmed by another courier from General Early. A courier from General Lee is also just in, *Prom the original in General Shipp's possession. The Virginia Military Institute 271 with dispatches to me that it is all important that the cadets be pressed on to Buchanan as rapidly as possible. You will determine whether this can best be done by a night march, or an early move- ment in the morning. I have had fifteen extra horses impressed to replace such as may be broken down, and have had meat and bread prepared — also all the shoes that can be had. General Lee was at CoUierstown on his way to Covington. I have sent two couriers out to-night to convey the intelligence, just in from Buchanan, that our forces were disputing the crossing of the Craig with the enemy. I feel greatly gratified at the noble conduct of the cadets, and I desire that you will make this known to them, and that I have communicated your dispatch to the Adj.-Gen., that the Governor might know to what hardships they liad been exposed, and how cheerfullj^ they have borne them, and asked him to purchase at my cost 250 overcoats and pairs of shoes to be sent up by special messengers. Gen. Richardson has received my telegram and answered they will be sent up immediately. I will try to have every comfort ready for you when you arrive. "I am, Colonel, "Very respectfully, "F. H. Smith, "Superintendent."* Upon reaching New Castle, Averell was informed that Fitz Lee was at Fincastle, and that Jones was be- tween him and Sweet Springs. At 9 p. m., he moved out in the direction of Fincastle to deceive the enemy, and soon changed his course towards Sweet Springs. Before midnight, he was confronted with the possibility of having to fight his way to Sweet Springs. Two ways were now open to him to avoid a contest. He might move to the southwest, around Jones's right, through Monroe and Greenbrier counties ; the other, or the most direct, way, being via Covington over the Fincastle pike, which route he took. Marching thirty miles through the forest, he reached the Fincastle pike, fifteen miles from Covington, about noon on the 19th. Upon reaching a point eight miles from Covington, he was met by a force of 300 Confederates which he dispersed and followed up so closely they were unable to destroy the bridges over the Jackson River, although every arrangement had been made to burn them. The Federals, therefore, *From the original in General Shipp's possession. 272 The Military History of were able to cross the unf ordable stream by these bridges about 9 p. M., and the most carefully laid plans of Early, Jones, Imboden, Echols, McCausland, Fitz Lee, and Jackson to cut him off, were frustrated. Averell had hardly crossed the river when Jackson assailed his colunm which was over four miles long ; but during the night his force was concentrated at Cal- laghan's, and the bridges were destroyed by the Federals to check pursuit. This left a single regiment on the enemy's side of the river, which, upon being attacked, was compelled to swim the stream. At this point, Averell managed to save his column, with the loss of but 124 officers and men captured and a few killed and wounded. Meanwhile, Fitz Lee had reached a point between Buchanan and Fincastle, believing Averell to be near Salem. It was not until he arrived at Fincastle, on the 20th, that he learned of Averell's crossing at Covington, the night before, whereupon, he iinmediately took up his pursuit. Marching early on the 19th, the Corps of Cadets reached Lexington during the afternoon, after an ab- sence of five days, and at once preparations were mider- taken for an early start on the 20th for Buchanan. Starting out in that direction, news was soon received during the day of Averell's crossing at Covington, the night before, and the Commandant was directed by Fitz Lee to join Colonel Jackson's force, the exact whereabouts of which were unknown to Colonel Shipp. Accordingly, he dispatched Lieutenant Prince to Clifton Forge, who vainly sought to locate Jackson, throughout the day. The Corps bivouacked that night at the furnace eight miles from Clifton Forge, and from the latter point, Prince succeeded in opening com- munications with Colonel Jackson.* "December 19th The cadets are to go to Buchanan to-morrow morning. The weather is bitterly cold, the roads very bad and hard frozen. ♦Rebellion Records, Series I, Vol. XXIX, Part 1, p. 966. The Virginia Military Institute 273 "Sunday, December 20th. An order from Imboden for the cadets to march to Buchanan. They started this morning. Mr. P. [Major Preston] went at noon. A very cold day."* Averell marched on the night of the 19th, and the following day, by a road over the Alleghanies to Anthony's Creek between the White Sulphur Springs and Huntersville, and from that point to the Green- brier which he reached and crossed on the 21st, opposite Hillsborough, camping for the night at the northern base of Droop Mountain, and reached Beverly several days later, without opposition. Fitz Lee reached Covington on the 21st, and, after passing Callaghan's, learned that there was no other force in Averell's front, so turned off to Warm Springs, striking the Virginia Central Railroad at Goshen. "For thirty hours," wrote Averell in his report, "after my column left Callaghan's, the enemy made great efforts to intercept my force, but generally took wrong roads."** "December 21st: Averell has escaped! To-day Mr. P. [Major Preston] returned; also Eben; all are terribly chagrined at the escape of Averell. "December 24th: The Moncuresf came back at night, worn out with their bootless marching. They blame E. with the miscarriage of the expedition against Averell."! But the Moncures were not the only ones who blamed General Early for the miscarriage of the plan to capture Averell. The disposition of the Confederates had been prompt and skillful. Rosser's brigade had crossed the Rappahannock at Fredericksburg on the 14th, and, passing through Ashby's Gap, had succeeded in cutting off the column from Harper's Ferry, which Averell had expected to create a diversion in his favor. Early's division had left Hanover Junction on the 15th, arrived at Staunton that same night, marched to Buffalo ♦Life and Letters of Margaret Junkin Preston. Allan, pp. 174-175. ♦♦Rebellion Records. Series L Vol. XXIX, Part 1, p. 931. 1 James Dunlap and Marshall Ambler, bi'others, former cadfets. and then mem- bers of Fitz Lee's Cavalry. ±Mrs. Preston's Diarv'. 18 274 Tpie Military History of Gap the ensuing day, thence to Warm Sprmgs and Millboro. Fitz Lee's two brigades leaving Charlottes- ville on the 14th, reached Collierstown on the 18th, and Fincastle on the 20th, while Imboden had moved with great dispatch from near Staunton to the neighborhood of Lexington, and McCausland, Jackson, and Echols had been quickly thrown by Jones across Averell's homeward path. The whole plan seems to have miscarried, as a result of the false reports of Averell's presence on the 19th at Buclianan, which point his main column never ap- proached. The inexperienced Confederate scouts mis- took the detachment ordered to feint in that direction for the main body, and upon such imperfect imforma- tion Early was misled into ordering Fitz Lee from Collierstown to Buchanan on the night of the 18th, when Averell was actually on his way back from Salem, via New Castle and Covington, thus paralleling Fitz Lee's route in an opposite direction. In his official report, Fitz Lee wrote, "Had my march across North Mountain not been changed by dispatches received, and the conviction that if I interposed between the enemy and myself a stream represented as likely to be impassable for some days, I would leave the route by Buchanan open and expose Lexington, or enable him to retire on south of Virginia and Tennessee Railroad, or through Giles and Monroe counties, without moles- tation, I should have arrived at Covington three hours ahead of him; or had Colonel Jackson destroyed the bridge over Jackson's River, or interposed any ob- structions to his march, Averell's command must have been captured. • ••••••• "My especial thanks are due to General F. H. Smith, of the Virginia Military Institute, for the promptness with which he moved his command, and the eagerness he evinced for the capture of the enemy."* Late on the 21st the Corps of Cadets returned to Lexington, again much disappointed by the failure of ♦Rebellion Records, Series I, Vol. XXIX, Part 1, p. 972. The Virginia Military Institute 275 the expedition. The week the cadets had spent in the field was by long odds the most severe field service they had yet experienced. It had rained and sleeted almost continuously, and in the intermissions of the storm the weather had been intensely cold. The soft dirt roads were either ankle-deep in mud, or frozen hard, making marching most difficult; and on one occasion it had been necessary to cut the tent ropes and walls upon breaking camp, where they had frozen to the ground. The cadets were inadequately provided with heavy clothing and shoes for such conditions, and the Superin- tendent had been compelled to purchase shoes wherever possible, in order to supply their needs. Yet, there was practically no sickness, and hardly a cadet fell out of ranks, throughout the entire week. "Headquarters, Virginia Military Institute, "December 21, 1863. "General Orders — No. 92. "I. The severe tour of duty in the field to which the Corps of Cadets has been recently called makes it proper that academic duties should be suspended to-morrow, that time may be afforded for cleaning arms, etc.. so as to be in a state of preparedness for any other calls. The regular academic exercises will be resumed on Wednesday morning. "II. The cheerful alacrity with which the cadets have responded to this call of their country, and the patient endurance with which they have borne the severe exposure to which they have been sub- jected, constitute the highest tests of character of the true soldier. "By command of Major-General F. H. Smith, "J. H. Morrison, "A. A., V. M. I." The following day it was announced that the accounts of cadets would, upon the authority of the Adjutant- General, be credited with the cost of the shoes and other clothing procured for them during the expedition, and that the Chief of Ordnance had honored a requisition for 250 pairs of army shoes for the cadets and the musicians who had accompanied the Corps in the field, and that he had also detailed three regular shoemakers to the Institute to keep the cadets properly shod in the futui'e. 276 The Military History of CHAPTER XIX FROM THE SUBLIME TO THE RIDICULOUS The winter of 1864 was an uneventful one for the Corps, for no further field service was exacted of the cadets until late in the spring. The monotony of the routine was broken only by the coming and going of dashing young officers who clanked their spurs about Barracks, and recounted marvelous tales of the service, to an interested audience. Wounded or paroled officers from distant homes frequently spent their periods of inactivity visiting their friends in the faculty and sub-faculty. There was "Sheep" Flower- ree of Vicksburg, '61, Colonel of the gallant 7th Vir- ginia, who had been desperately wounded at Fredericks- burg, but with bandages almost wet had ridden up Cemetery Hill at the head of his regiment, after Colonel W. T. Patton, \55 (whom he succeeded in command), had been wounded, and who now came to visit his old classmate, Captain Wise. Then, there were "Bute" Henderson, '59, "Tige" Harding, '58 (wounded at Fort Harrison), "Marsh" McDonald, '60, paroled at Vicksburg, all of whom, at one time or an- other during the war, turned up at the Institute. To the outside world, they were Colonels, Majors, etc.; at the Virginia Military Institute, they were "Sheep" and "Bute" and "Tige", just as the permanent officers of the Institute were "Old Spex" Smith, "Old Bald" Preston, "Old Jack" Jackson, "Old Polly" Colston, "Old Tom" Wilhamson, "Old Gill" Gilham, "Chinook" Wise, and "Old Shipp". Everybody connected with the Institute from the smallest "rat" to the most vener- able professor, has always had his appropriate nick- name, and generally an extraordinarily appropriate one. Who gives them, how they originate, — no one The Virginia Military Institute 277 knows; but they invariably attach themselves with a persistence which never relaxes with time. Many a day out of study hours, from the lips of the visiting officers the cadets drank in the stories of how Meagher's Irish Brigade was repulsed at Marye's Heights; or, how Hayes made his stand at Hamilton's Crossing; or, Pender at the Railroad; or, how Pelham raked Franklin's Corps on the Rappahannock Flats. Then, there were the stories of little Joe Latimer, the "Boy-Major," at Gettysburg; and of Bob Chew and Jimmie Thomson, and their marvelous charges with their horse battery in the Valley, and how "Tige" Hard- ing seized General Lee's bridle rein at the Wilderness and led him from the head of the column ; and of Patton, and Allen, and the others — all graduates — at Cemetery Hill. Indeed, very few youngsters ever had such practical lessons in the art of war. The dullness of Lexington was also enlivened by the presence of Rosser's celebrated "Laurel Brigade" which wintered in 1864 at Buffalo Forge, only a few miles from town. The Institute was constantly visited by Rosser and his staff officers who brought the cadets in touch with the army, as nothing else had done. The bold cavaliers jangled their spurs through the sally- port, laughed loudly in the "subs" quarters, and rode about as if they carried the world in a sling, singing merrily the song of Stuart's men — "If you want to have a good time, jine the Cav-al-ry!" These welcome neighbors afforded the cadets unend- ing enjoyment. During February, the Corps learned that Grant had been transferred to command in the east; and soon that the Valley was to be cleaned up in such a way that a crow traversing the fair region of the Shenandoah would have to carry his rations with him. This all spelled an early resumption of active service ; and many of the 280 cadets present during the winter resigned, to join the army. 278 The Military History of "Good boys became bad boys for the express purpose of getting 'shipped', parents and guardians having re- fused to permit them to resign. The stage coaches for the raih'oad stations at Goshen and Staunton stopped at the sally-port, on nearly every trip, to take on cadets departing for the front. Many a night, samitering back and forth on the sentry-beat in front of Barracks, catch- ing sounds of loud talk and laughter from the officers' quarters, or pondering upon the last joyous squad of cadets who had scrambled to the top of the departing stage, my heart longed for the camp; and I wondered if my time would ever come."* In January, Captain Marshall McDonald was de- tailed by the War Department as Assistant Professor ; and Lieutenants Prince and Roller departed for the Army. Others soon took their places ; and so the winter passed away. Late in March, orders were received by Rosser to break camp and move, as soon as the roads permitted, to the lower Valley. As a farewell compliment to the distinguished officer and his command, the Superin- tendent tendered him the compliment of a review of the Corps, on April 2d. April 11th, Rosser broke his winter camp at Buffalo Forge, and before departing, requested the privilege of presenting the Corps with a handsome Federal Flag, which the 11th Virginia Cavalry (Colonel Funston commanding) of his brigade had captured from the enemy at Sangster's Station. Accordingly, the Com- mandant was ordered to form the Corps at 2 p. m. for the ceremony. Promptly, Rosser's horsemen came ambling, trotting, galloping, prancing, upon the parade ground, their mounted band playing, and their little guidons fluttering. A squadron of 11th Virginia Cavalry was quickly formed into line facing the Cadet Battalion, while Lieutenant-Colonel Matt Dulaney Ball, commanding, presented the trophy. Rosser, whose escort on this *End of an Era, John S. Wise, "64. p. 286. The Virginia Military Institute 279 occasion was decked with leaves of mountain laurel — the evergreen badge which the brigade had adopted — with the rest of his command, witnessed the ceremony from the edge of the parade ground. To the speech of presentation, Lieutenant-Coloiiel Scott Shipp, the Commandant, who was notoriously diffident in public speaking, handsomely replied, as follows : "Allow me, sir, in behalf of the Corps of Cadets, to ac- cept, and to return their acknowledgments for, this beau- tiful trophy. To be thus distinguished by those deeds of high daring which have won the plaudits of a grate- ful people, is indeed a proud distinction. We will re- ceive and transmit it as a token of remembrance of the brave deeds of brave men ; admiration of the valor which won it will arouse the enthusiasm, and strengthen the resolves of the young preparing to enter upon the path of glory; and when grim-visaged war shall have smoothed its wrinkled front, and peace and prosperity succeed the tmnult and destruction of battle, it will be pleasant to contemplate this as an evidence of the suc- cess of our defenders against our country's foe. For that peace you have fought and bled, and by your valor, with God's assistance, it will be accomplished. But, in the meantime, the dread Moloch demands more heca- tombs of human victims. The war cloud will again burst in its fury upon you; those brave bosoms must again be bared to the pelting of the stones of battle; the banner of your gallant chieftain will soon be spread, and his war-crj'^ be heard cheering you on to victory and to glory. The proud crest of your enemy must again be lowered, and his standard trailed in the dust. But your past achievements give an earnest of future suc- cess; our comitrv's honor can be entrusted to vou, with assurance that by you it will be maintained, and the justice of the common cause vindicated. "Young gentlemen of the Corps of Cadets, you re- ceive this trophy at the hands of the gallant squadron that wrested it from the grasp of the enemy in a mid- 280 The Military History of night assault upon a stockaded fort. Treasure it as an evidence of their prowess; and thank God that He has given you such defenders. But, remember that you are preparing to go forth to battle in your own behalf. It behooves you, then, to cultivate and cherish those military virtues, and the love of glory, which inspire that generous ambition that leads to honor and renown. Courage is not an imborn quality; it is not natural, but artificial. True courage does not consist in insensibility to danger, but in boldly confronting and bravely meet- ing it. This can be attained, not by the medium of a cold, calculating reason which regards life as the great- est blessing, the more precious in its eyes since without it we can have no other; but it must be sought under the guidance of those high and noble passions — the love of right, the love of country, the love of glory — senti- ments which none but the noble and generous ex- perience. Let the love of glory, then, direct you, and let the example of the brave stimulate that love; and in your time you may hope to take your stand amongst the proudest of your country's defenders."* After this formal acceptance of the flag, Lieutenant- Colonel Ball led his squadron below the parapet, and, forming it in line perpendicular thereto, abreast the western end of the parade ground, presented the Corps with the thrilling spectacle of a headlong charge, with drawn sabers and the shrill battle cry of the Confeder- ates. At the Mess Hall, the troopers abruptly drew rein and dismounted; whereupon, they were tendered a sumptuous repast by the Superintendent. Poor hungry fellows! One can well imagine the speed with which they traversed the approaches to those groaning boards. Now, the sequel of these heroics leads us from the sublime to the ridiculous. It forms no part of the war- time history of the Institute; but it must, nevertheless, be narrated, in order to preserve the facts. In doing so, it should be understood, at the outset, that the writer *From the original transcript in the possession of General Shipp. The Virginia Military Institute 281 regards as preposterous any suggestion that Rosser, or any of his officers, acted in any way in bad faith, or with any motive but the highest. But, the truth is, soon after the presentation of the flag to the Corps of Cadets by the 11th Virginia Cavalry the rumor got abroad that the flag was not "wrested from the grasp of a vahant foeman," but was found by the victors at Sangster's Station in a captured baggage wagon. This led to a certain amount of ridicule, not- withstanding the fact that the trophy was taken as a result of the prowess of the Confederate cavalrymen in a most gallant action. Very naturally, such criticism dampened the en- thusiasm of the Commandant and the cadets over the trophy concerning which, if the truth be known, the latter had never been over-appreciative. "We felt ashamed," wrote a cadet, "of having flags captured for us by others." But there is no suggestion that all did not appreciate the motives of the gallant soldiers who had presented the Corps of Cadets with the captured colors. In 1883, when it was proposed by the Board of Visi- tors, of which Colonel Joseph P. Minetree, '59, was President, and Colonels Robert M. Mayo, '57, E. E. Portlock, J. H. Sherrard, J. B. Raulston; Majors J. A. Frazier, and R. H. Hooper, Judge George W. Ward, '64, Judge M. B. Wood, '64, and W. H. Rivercomb, Esq., were members, which is known as the "Read- juster Board," to return the captured flag to the city of New York, with befitting ceremony, the Comman- dant informed them of the report about the manner of its seizure, and warned them that there was danger of its not being received by the people of New York in the spirit expected by the Board. Little notice, however, was taken of this suggestion. The final exercises were held at the Institute as usual, with the exception that the Diplomas were not granted there. On the 30th of June, the Corps, which then numbered little over one hundred cadets, accompanied 282 The Military History of by the Board of Visitors and the Superintendent, left for New York by special train, all expenses being de- frayed by Governor Cameron out of his contingent fund. Arriving in New York City on the 2d of July, the Corps was quartered in the old 69th Regiment Armory, near Cooper's Union. On the 4th, it was marched with colors flying to the Fifth Avenue Hotel where arms were stacked in the lobby and the cadets assembled in the large reception room above. Here, President Arthur, after a brief speech, delivered the Diplomas to the Graduating Class. His remarks were not inspired with that enthusiasm which it had been expected the occasion would elicit, for, imfortunately, that morning, the New York Herald, apprised of the mission of the Corps, had fully presented the facts concerning the capture of the flag from the New York Regiment. Ap- preciating the motives of the Board and of the cadets, it refrained from irony, but, nevertheless, in a delicate way, stated the facts of the case. Now, anyone knows that a battle flag captured in a baggage wagon does not possess the same interest for the world that a stand of colors taken in action does; and, while everyone accorded the 11th Virginia Cavalry full credit for their daring on the field of Sangster's Station, feeling was universal that the trophy, being re- turned to the City of New York, from whose troops it had been taken, lacked something essential to the in- spiration of real enthusiasm over the event. The officers and cadets of the Institute over-sensitive, perhaps, felt that their position was an absurd one; but the generous conduct of the Mayor and other officials engaged in the reception of the flag (all of whom entered into the affair with the proper spirit) did much to reassure them. From the Fifth Avenue Hotel the Battalion was marched down Broadway to the City Hall where the Superintendent, attended by his staff and the members of the Board, conveyed the trophy to the Mayor's Office, and presented the flag with a few appropriate The Virginia Military Institute 283 remarks ( after accidentally smashing the costly chande- lier fixtures with the pike-head of the staff) to the Chief Executive of the great metropolis. Mayor Fernando Wood, a most distinguished gentle- man, gracefully received the flag ; and, in an appropriate speech of acceptance, expressed the sincere gratitude of the people of the City of New York, showing not the least suggestion of a lack of appreciation on their part. After the presentation, the Corps was tendered by the Mayor a sumptuous repast, spread in the spacious lower apartments of the City Hall, the Commandant just arriving on the scene in time to check the danger- ously generous libations of New York's best champagne, which were being poured out, to the delectation of the youthful soldiers. So, ended an affair, if not farcical, certainly the most unwelcome one in which the Corps of Cadets, in its military capacity, has, perhaps, ever engaged; for, in spite of the appreciative manner in which the flag was received by official New York, the Herald had unin- tentionally given the whole affair the semblance of an opera houffe. But the incident was valuable, in that it pointed two morals which will long be remembered at the Institute; first, no military organization should receive the captured flags of another command; and second, let the command which takes them, return its own trophies! 284 The Military History of CHAPTER XX BRECKINRIDGE ORDERS OUT THE CORPS THE MARCH DOWN THE VALLEY When Grant undertook the execution of his plan to take Richmond, in the spring of 1864, he assigned Major-General Franz Sigel, commanding the Depart- ment of West Virginia, the task of overrunning the Valley with the 25,000 men at his disposal. This rich section had been regarded as the granary of Lee's Army throughout the war, and many futile efforts had been made to gain complete possession of it. Imboden learned early in the spring of Sigel's orders, which were to press up the Valley with about 8,000 men, with a view to seizing Staunton and Lynchburg, while Crook with a somewhat larger force was to make a raid through southwest Virginia and destroy the Vir- ginia and Tennessee Railroad as he moved eastward towards Lynchburg, where it was expected the two columns would form a junction. Leaving the Kanawha on May 2d, Crook penetrated as far as Union, where he united with Averell, and then fell back, after having defeated Jenkins at Cloyd's Mountain on the 9th, again at New River on the 11th, and after cutting the railroad. On May 1st, Sigel commenced his march upon Staunton, which was intended to be a diversion in favor of Crook. In the Valley, Imboden, with less than 3,000 men, alone stood across his path, but, on the 2d, broke camp and advanced from Mount Crawford to meet Sigel, after calling upon the Home Guards in Rocking- ham and Augusta counties to prepart to assist him. He also requested General Smith to place the Corps of Cadets in readiness to march to his support. The Virginia Military Institute 285 During the late winter, the cadets had been unusually restless. On one occasion they had held a mass meeting and passed resolutions tendering their services as a military unit to General Lee, an action, which, late in April, led the Superintendent to make such an offer through proper channels, for the experiences of the fall and winter convinced him that serious and uninter- rupted application to academic work was impossible, with raiding columns galloping around the county and threatening, at all times, to reach Lexington. The day Imboden directed the cadets to be held in readiness, the following letter from General Lee to the Adjutant- General was received by the Superintendent: "April 25, 1864. "Major-General Wm. H. Richardson, "Adjutant-General of Virginia, Richmond. "General — Your letter of the 22d inst., inclosing that of Gen- eral Francis H. Smith, in which he proposes to tender the services of the Corps of Cadets of the Virginia Military Institute for the approaching campaign, is received. "I desire to express my appreciation of the patriotic spirit that actuates General Smith in making this proposal, and my gratifi- cation at finding that it meets with your concurrence. I do not think, however, that it would be best, at this time, for the Corps to be called to this Army. It is now in a situation to render valuable aid in defending our western frontier, which may be menaced simultaneously with the general advance of the enemy in the east. It will thus prevent the necessity of detaching troops from this Army. I think it would be advisable for General Smith to hold the command in readiness to co-operate with General Breckinridge and General Imboden, in case of necessity, and to notify those officers of the fact. Should it at any time become necessary, or expedient, to have the service of the cadets with this Army, it is ver}^ gratify- ing to me to know that they are so freely placed at my disposal. "Very respectfully, "Your obedient servant, "R. E. Lee, "General." Upon receiving this letter, the Adjutant-General for- warded it to the Superintendent, directing him to pre- 286 The Military History of pare the Corps for the field and to communicate with Breckinridge and Imboden, which he did, as follows : "Headquarters, Virginia Military Institute, "May 2, 1864. "Major-General John C. Breckinridge, "Commanding Dept. of Western Virginia, Dublin Depot. "General — I have the honor to inclose herewith a letter from General R. E. Lee, commanding Army of Northern Virginia, ad- dressed to the Adjutant-General of Virginia, also a copy of in- structions from the Governor of Virginia, communicated by the Adjutant-General, defining my duty as Superintendent of the Vir- ginia Military Institute. Under these instructions and suggestions, I now respectfully report to you for such orders as the emergencies of the approaching campaign may call forth. The Corps of Cadets number an aggregate of 280, of whom 250 may be relied upon for active duty, leaving 30 as a necessary guard to the Institute, and as disabled. The command is organized as a battalion of four com- panies, and is usually accompanied by a section of artillery. It is fully equipped, except in horses, and these are impressed in case of need. We have abundance of ammunition, tents, knapsacks, shovels, and picks, and will be prepared to march at a moment's notice. Brigadier-General Imboden is about constructing tele- graphic communication between the Institute and Staunton. This, he hopes to have in operation by the middle of May. In the mean- time, he will communicate with us by signals. Any orders, or intelligence from Dublin Depot, had better be forwarded to General Imboden, at Staunton, with instructions to be immediately (trans- mitted) to me. "I remain. General, "Very respectfully. "Your obedient servant, "Francis H. Smith, "Brevet Major-General and Superintendent."* The following prompt reply was received from Breckinridge: "Headquarters, Department of West Virginia, "Dublin Depot, May 4, 1864. "General Francis H. Smith, "Superintendent, Virginia Military Institute, Lexington, Va. "General — I have just received your letter of the 2d inst., concerning one from General Lee to the Adjutant-General of Virginia, also a copy of the instructions to you from the Governor. ♦Rebellion Records. Series I. Vol. XXXVTT, Part 1. pp. 707-708. The Virginia Military Institute 287 "I am gratified to learn that a battalion of cadets 250 strong, with a section of artillery, will be ready to move on a moment's notice. This force will be very effective in assisting to repel, or capture, destructive raiding parties. "The limits of my department have not been defined in the east, and I have been unable to adopt many precautions east of Monroe and Greenbrier. I have, however, thrown up a work at the railroad bridge over the Cow Pasture, another at the bridge over Jackson River, and a line of rifle pits at Island Ford. Col. Wm. I.. Jackson is covering the approaches to these points, and to Rockbridge, from that general direction. It may be necessary for you to move in that quarter, or to protect the Iron Furnace in Botetourt, or in Buchanan. I will try to send the earliest intelligence through General Imboden, as you suggest, or if it should be beyond reach of telegraph, by special courier. "General Imboden will, of course, apprise you of my movements in direction of Millboro, Staunton, etc. "Fully appreciating your patriotic feelings, and those of the young gentlemen you command, "Your obedient servant, "John C. Breckinridge." While the Corps remained in restless ignorance of the probability of the early call which the foregoing communication indicated to the authorities, the follow- ing letter was forwarded to the Superintendent by the Governor, who directed that the flag mentioned be hoisted, as requested: "March 6, 1864. "His Excellency, William Smith, "Governor of Virginia. "Sir — I have received from Mr. H. Sheddon, of Liverpool, the enclosed letter, and the accompanying flag manufactured by him to be hoisted over the grave of the lamented Jackson. As the remains of the deceased hero repose in the immediate vicinity, if not actually within the precinct, of the Virginia Military Institute, a State institution with which he was connected as an honored professor, I have thought it most appropriate to commit the flag to the custody of your Excellency, feeling assured that you will take pleasure in carrying out the wishes of the generous donor. "Very respectfully, "Your obedient servant, "James A. Sedden, "Secretary of War." 288 The Military History of (inclosure) "10 Waffling, Liverpool, "25th January, 1864. "To THE Right Honorable, the Secretary of War, "Confederate States of America, "Richmond, Virginia. "Sir — Having read in some of the English papers that a flag is kept permanently hoisted over the grave of the late lamented General Stonewall Jackson, may I beg your acceptance of one I send with this letter to replace the one now in use when it shall have become worn out, as some slight expression of my admiration for the character and heroism of General Jackson, and also of my best wishes for the success of the Confederacy. "I remain, sir, with much respect, "Yours obediently, "Hugh Sheddon." Accordingly, on May 9th, the Superintendent directed that the Corps be formed at 9 a. m. the follow- ing day, which was done; and the handsome flag was hoisted over his grave in the Lexington Cemeteiy by the Corps, on the First Anniversary of the death of Lieutenant- General Thomas Jonathan Jackson, late Professor, Virginia Military Institute, amid the plau- dits of a great gathering of citizens. How singular it was on that very day Breckinridge issued his order calling on the Corps of Cadets to take the field in his support! On May 4th, Breckinridge, who had succeeded Jones in command of the Department of West Virginia in February, had been informed by President Davis that Sigel was advancing up the Valley against Imboden, and was requested to hasten to the defense of Staunton. May 6th, he set out from Pulaski County with Echols's Brigade, consisting of the 22d Virginia, the 26th Battalion, and the 23d Battalion, the 51st Virginia, Clarke's Battalion, 30th Virginia, of Wharton's Bri- gade ; and Chapman's Battery, aggregating about 4,000 men. Reaching Staunton on the 8th, in advance of his troops, Breckinridge at once took charge of affairs. Sigel's movements since the 2d had been characterized by the utmost slowness. Two flank columns of cavalrv a /5 The Virginia Military Institute 289 which he had sent out from Winchester had been de- feated; but, on the 9th he was joined at Cedar Creek by Sulhvan's division, and, after a skirmish on the 10th, reached Woodstock. It was at this juncture that Breckinridge determined to call upon the Corps of Cadets, and early that day he dispatched his order by courier to General Smith. "It was the 10th of May. "Nature bedecked herself that springtime in her loveliest garb, battalion drill had begun early, and the Corps had never been more proficient at this season of the year. "The parade ground was firm and green. The trees were clothed in the full livery of fresh foliage. The sun shone on us through pellucid air, and the light breath of May kissed and fluttered our white colors, which were adorned with the face of Washington. "After going through the maneuvers of battalion drill, the Corps was drawn up, near sundown, for dress- parade. It was the time of year when townsfolk drove down and ranged themselves upon the avenue to witness our brave display ; and groups of girls in filmy garments set off with bits of color, came tripping across the sod; and children and nurses sat about the benches at the Guard-Tree. "The battalion was put through the manual. The first sergeants reported. The adjutant read his orders. The fifes and drums played down the line in slow time, and came back with a jolly, rattling air. The officers advanced to music, and saluted. The sun sank beyond the House Mountain. The evening gun boomed forth. The garrison-flag fell lazily from its peak on the barracks' tower. The four companies went springing homeward to the gayest tune the fifes knew how to play. Never, in all its history, looked Lexington more beautiful. "Never did sense of secluded peacefulness rest more soothingly upon her population. In our leisure-time, after supper, cadets strolled back and forth from 19 290 The Military History or Barracks to the 'Limits' gate, and watched the full- orbed moon lift herself from the mountains. Perfume was in the air, silence in the shadows. Well might we quote :— " 'How beautiful this night! The balmiest sigh that vernal zephyrs breathe in evening's ear, Were discord to the speaking quietude That wraps this moveless scene. Heaven's ebon vault, Bestudded with stars unutterably bright, Through which the moon's unclouded Splendor rolls, seems like a canopy which Love hath spread, to shelter its Sleeping world.' " "And so, tranquil, composed by the delightful scenes around us, three hundred of us closed our eyes, and passed into happy dreams of youth and springtime. "Hark! the drums are beating. Their throbbing bounds through every corner of the Barracks, saying to the sleepers, 'Be up and doing'. It is the long roll. "Long roll had been beaten several times of late, sometimes to catch absentees, and once for a fire in the town. Grumblingly the cadets hurried down to their places in the ranks, expecting to be soon dismissed, and to return to their beds. A group of officers, intently scanning by the light of a lantern a paper held by the adjutant, stood near the statue of George Washington, opposite the arch. The companies were marched to- gether. The adjutant commanded, 'Attention!' and proceeded to read the orders in his hands."* Breckinridge's dispatch had been received and was as follows: "Staunton, May 10, 1864. "General F. H. Smith, "Commandant of Cadets, Virginia Military Institute, "Lexington, Virginia. "Sigel is moving up the Valley, was at Strasburg last night. I can not tell yet whether this is his destination. I would be glad to have your assistance at once, with the cadets, and the section of artillery. Bring all the forage and rations you can. *End of an Era, John S. Wise. The Virginia Military Institute 291 "Have the reserves of Rockbridge ready, and let them send here for arms and ammunition, if they can not be supplied at Lexington. "Very respectfully, "John C. Breckinridge^ "Majoi--General." And then followed the Superintendent's midnight order : "Headquarters, Virginia Military Institute, "May 11, 186i. "General Orders — No. 18. "I. Under the orders of Major-General John C. Breckinridge, Commanding Department of West Virginia, the Corps of Cadets and a Section of Artillery will forthwith take up the line of march for Staunton, Virginia, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Scott Shipp. The cadets will carry with them two days' rations. "II. Captain J. C. Whitwell will accompany the expedition as Assistant Quartermaster and Commissary, and will see that the proper transportation, etc., is supplied. "III. Surgeon R. L. Madison and Assistant Surgeon George Ross will accompany the expedition, and attend to the care of the sick and wounded. "IV. Colonel Shipp, on arriving at Staunton, will report in person to Major-General Breckinridge, and await his further instructions. "V. Captain T. M. Semmes is assigned to temporary duty on the staff of the Commanding Officer. "By command, Major-General F. H. Smith, "J. H. Morrison, "A. A., V. M. I." " 'Parade's dismissed', piped the adjutant. The ser- geants side-stepped us to our respective company- parades. "Methinks that, even after thirty-three years, 1 once more hear the game-cock voices of the sergeants detail- ing their artillery and ammunition squads, and ordering us to appear with canteens, haversacks, and blankets at four A. M. Still, silence reigned. Then, as company after company broke ranks, the air was rent with wild cheering at the thought that our hour was come, at last. "Elsewhere in the Confederacy, death, disaster, dis- appointment may have by this time chilled the ardor of 292 The Military History of our people; but here, in this httle band of fledghngs, the hope of battle flamed as brightly as on the morning of Manassas. "We breakfasted by candle-light, and filled our haversacks from the mess-hall tables. In the gray of morning, we wound down the hill to the river, tramped heavily across the bridge, ascended the pike beyond, cheered the fading turrets of the School; and sunrise found us going at a four-mile gait to Staunton, our gallant little battery rumbling behind."* It rained intermittently throughout the day, but the Corps reached Midway, about 18 miles from Lexington, that afternoon, where it bivouacked for the night. Meantime the Superintendent had forwarded the following communication to Breckinridge: "Headquarters, Virginia Military Institute, "May 11, 1864, 6 a. m. "Major-General J. C. Breckinridge, "Commanding Department of Western Virginia. "General — Your dispatch of yesterday by courier was received by me at 9 p. m. Immediately gave orders to Lieutenant-Colonel Shipp, commanding cadets, to have his battalion in readiness to move this morning at 7 o'clock. They are now forming and will reacli Bell's, sixteen miles, to-day and be in Staunton to-morrow. I have issued to them rations for two days, and will send with them 500 pounds of bacon and as much beef as I can find transportation for. I have sixty-four barrels of flour near Staunton. I send 100 bushels of corn for forage. The cadets are armed with Austrian rifles and take 40 rounds of ammunition. The section of artillery will consist of 3-inch iron rifles, and the ammunition chests of the limbers will be filled. I have ten or twelve 6-pounder brass pieces here mounted and one 12-pounder howitzer, if any should be needed. Horses have been impressed for the artillery and transportation, but horses are slow in coming in. The artillery have orders to reach the infantry battalion to-night. "I have ordered four companies of reserves to rendezvous here. I will arm and equip them, and hold them in readiness to move at a moment's notice. No commanding officers have been appointed to this battalion. I will direct the commander of the post of Lexington to supply rations, should they be called out. Your dispatch finds me very unwell, but I shall hope to be with you to-morrow. *End of an Era, .T. S. Wise. The Virginia Military Institute 293 Lieutenant-Colonel Scott Shipp has orders to report to you on reach- ing Staunton. If the reserve companies are required to move to Staunton, I will have them in readiness to move to-morrow, and shall get transportation for 6,000 pounds of bacon from the Com- missary. Confederate States, here. "Francis H. Smith, "Brevet Major-General."* "May 11th. We surely 'dwell in the midst of alarms'. We were roused from our beds this morning at five o'clock by an order for the impressment of our horses to haul the institute cannon: then came Frank (Captain Preston, tactical officer, V. M. I.), Preston Cocke, and William Lewis (cadets), for a hurried breakfast, and provisions for their haversacks; ordered towards Win- chester, where is Sigel with a large Yankee force. They left at 7 o'clock; all the Home Guard is ordered out too; so Lexington is left without men. Last night, fir- ing was heard by a great many persons, more distinctly, they say, than ever before. They suppose it to be at Richmond. I'm thankful my husband is away on the errand of God's Church, and so escapes going to Win- chester. He will regret it no little!"** May 12th the Corps reached Staunton. "We were in every way fitted for this kind of work by our hard drill- ing, and marched into Staunton in the afternoon of the second day, showing little effects of travel. We found a pleasant camping-ground on the outskirts of the town, and thither the whole population flocked for inspection of the Corps, and to witness dress-parade, for our fame was widespread. The attention bestowed upon the cadets was enough to turn the heads of much humbler persons than ourselves."! Evening found the Confederate forces in Staunton in the shadow of impending battle, for couriers hourly arrived reporting Sigel's approach. Breckinridge, how- ever, bold to the point of rashness, but no doubt count- ing much on the dullness of his adversary, determined ♦Rebellion Records, Series I, Vol. XXXVII, Part 1, p. 730. •♦Diary of Mrs. Preston, p. 179. tEnd of an Era, .1. S. Wise. The camp was just north of the town. 294 The Military History of to move out the next morning to meet the enemy, and published the following order, which was read to the cadets at dress parade: "Headquarters, Valley District, "Staunton, Va., May 12, 1864.. "General Orders — No. 1. "I. The command will march to-morrow morning promptly at 6 o'clock, on turnpike to Harrisonburg. "The following Order of March will be observed: "Wharton's Brigade, "Echols's Brigade, "Corps of Cadets, "Reserve Forces, "Ambulances and Medical Wagons, "Artillery, 1 rams. "n. The artillery will, for the present, be united and form a battalion, under the command of Major McLaughlin. "The trains will move behind the artillery in the order of their respective commands. "IH. Brigadier-General Echols will detail two companies under the command of a field-officer as guard for the trains. "By command of Major-General Breckinridge, "J. Stoddard Johnston. "A. A.-G." To the various commanding officers the following circular was issued: "Circular, May 12, 1864. "I. The troops of this command will be ready to move at day- light to-morrow morning, with two (2) da)^s' cooked rations. At least five (5) days' rations will be taken in the wagons, and more if possible. "II. Commanding officers are directed to take sufficient steps to prevent the wagons from being overloaded with superfluous articles. No knapsacks, blankets, etc., etc., will be carried in the wagons, or on the pieces or caissons. "By command of Major-General Breckinridge, "W. B. Myers, "A. A.-G."* ♦From the original in General Shipp"s possession. The Virginia Miijtary Institute 295 That night, Hke Brussels on tlie eve of Waterloo, the town was hilarious. The cadets were in great demand at the dances which had been arranged for their enter- tainment. "The adoration bestowed upon us by the young girls disgusted the regular officers. Before our coming, they had things all their own way. Now, they fomid that fierce mustaches and heavy cavalry boots must give place to the downy cheeks and merry, twink- ling feet we brought from Lexington. A big blond captain, who was wearing a stunning bunch of gilt aiguillettes, looked as if he would snap off my head when I trotted up and whisked his partner away from him. They could not, and would not, understand why girls preferred these little untitled whippersnappers to officers of distinction. Veterans forgot that youth loves youth. "All this on the eve of a battled Yes, of course. Why not? To be sure, everybody knew there was go- ing to be a fight. That was what we came for. But nobody among us knew, or cared, just when or where it was coming off. Life is too full of trouble for petty officers, or privates, or young girls, to bother themselves hunting up such disagreeable details in advance. That was the business of generals. They were to have all the glory; and so we were willing they should have all the solicitude, anxiety, and preoccupation."* On the 13th, the command went into camp at Mount Crawford, near Harrisonburg, while Sigel sent forward from Woodstock three regiments of infantry, 900 cavalry, and six guns, under Colonel Moor to feel for Imboden. Numerous couriers reported the advance of the enemy. "Headquarters, Valley District, "Mount Crawford, May 13, 1864. "General Orders — No. 2. "I. The command will move on the mam road to Harrisonburg and New Market at daylight, to-morrow, in the following order: "Echols's Brigade, "Wharton's Brigade, ♦End of an Era, .T. S. Ayise. 296 The Military History of "Corps of Cadets, "Artillery, (trr\ 1 rain. "II. Col. Harman will keep his wagons and move in rear, but marching as fast as possible. "Ambulances and medical wagons will move immediately in rear of their respective commands. "Ammunition wagons will move in rear of the artillery. It will be regarded as a standing order that the wagons move in the order of their commands. "III. Brigadier-General Wharton will detail two companies, with a field-officer as guard for the train. "IV. The order of march must be closer than it was to-day, and the trains must be kept well closed up. Straggling and wandering into houses and grounds on the roadside by the officers and men will be stopped at once. Commanding officers will require the medical officers to march with their commands in their proper positions, and allow no one to fall behind but upon surgeon's certificate. "V. Commanding officers will throw out small pickets on the roads leading to their encampments. "By command of Major-General Breckinridge, "J. Stoddard Johnston, "A. A.-G."* "Pressing on through Harrisonburg, which we reached early in the morning, we camped the second night (14th) at Mount Tabor, in Shenandoah; rain had set in, but the boys stood up well to their work, and but few lame ducks succumbed."** During the day Moor's force gained contact with Imboden's brigade near Mount Jackson, and, forcing it across the Shenandoah, seized the bridge, then fol- lowed the retreating Confederates seven miles up the Valley to New Market. "Evidences of the approach of the enemy multiplied throughout the day. We passed a great many vehicles coming up the Valley with people and farm products and household effects, and a number of herds of cattle and other livestock, all escaping from the Union troops ; now and then a weary or wounded cavalryman came by. Their reports were that Sigel's steady advance was only *From the original in General Shipp's possession. ••End of an Era. J. S. Wise. The Virginia Military Institute 297 delayed by a thin line of cavalry skirmishers, who had been ordered to retard him as best they could, until Breckinridge could march his army down to meet him. "Towards evening, we came to a stone church and spring, where a cavalry detail with a squad of Union prisoners were resting. The prisoners were a gross, surly-looking lot of Germans, who could not speak English. They evidently could not make us out. They watched us with manifest curiositj^ and talked in un- intelligible, gutteral sounds among themselves. "When we reached camp, the rain had stopped and the clouds had lifted, but everything was wet and gummy. Looking down the Valley, as evening closed in, we could see a line of bivouac fires, and were un- certain whether they were lit by our own pickets, or by the enemy. At any rate, we were getting sufficiently near to the gentlemen whom we were seeking to feel reasonably certain we should meet them. "Night closed in upon us ; for a little while the wood- land resounded with the axe-stroke, or the cheery halloos of the men from camp-fire to camp-fire ; for a while the fire lights danced, the air laden with the odor of cook- ing food; for a while the boys stood around the camp fires for warmth, and to dry their wet clothing ; but soon all had wrapped their blankets around them and lain down in silence, unbroken save by the champing of the Colonel's horse upon his provender, or the fall of a pass- ing shower."* Thus bivouacked the command from which the next day so many were called to their final sleep. Boys they may have been who dozed off to Nature's lullaby that night, on the damp pallet of the soft fields — a couch, as we have seen, by no means unfamiliar to them — but ere another sunset they had grown to the stature of men — heroic men — to whom the veterans no longer sang "Rock-a-bye, Baby," as they had done upon the arrival of the Corps in Staunton. ♦End of an Era, J. S. Wise. Most of the cadets slept in the stone church at Mount Tabor. 298 The Military History of Moor's success in driving Imboden back upon New Market was Sigel's undoing, for having first determined to make the stand at JMount Jackson, on the night of the 1 4th, he found his army divided by a distance of nineteen miles, one part at Woodstock and the other at New Market. Early the next morning he ordered his remaining troops to advance, and by 10 a. m. they reached Slount Jackson. At this point he received dis- patches from Moor advising him of the excellent posi- tion at New 3Iarket, seven miles up the Valley. He now wavered, and then decided to strike out for New Market, reaching that point himself about noon, but soon per- ceived that he would not be able to consolidate his com- mand in time to use its full strength during the day. He, therefore, faltered again, and, instead of fighting a delaying action in the position Moor held, ordered his advance-guard commander to fall back slowly, in the hope of effecting a speedier junction between the two parts of his army. It seems clear now that he should either have allowed Moor to show a firm front, or have ordered him to retire rapidly to Mount Jackson, thereby reaping the advantages of disorder among the pursuers. "In 1864, the town of New Market consisted of two or three rows of houses built along the turnpike which runs northeast through the Shenandoah Valley. It possessed a certain strategic importance, in that it lay at the intersection of the Valley Turnpike and the road which runs to Luray. To the west of the pike is the north fork of the Shenandoah. At the river there are high bluffs from which the land slopes gradually down towards the pike; while from New Market the coimtry, rising slowly to the north and abruptly to the southwest, culminates in two hills, on which, at one time or another, the opposing armies made their stand. To the south the Confederates were posted on Shirley's Hill, to the north the Federal forces occupied Bushong's Hill, and, at the close of the battle, Rude's Hill, some distance to the rear. In 1864, these hills were pastures and wheat fields, intersected now and then bv fences and stone The Virginia Military Institute 299 walls. Between Shirley's Hill and Bushong's Hill, in one place there was a shallow ravine. The scene which was closed by the river bluffs on the west, was shut in on the east by the Massanutten Mountain, a mile or more to the east of the pike, approach to which was rendered difficult by intervening marches and wood- lands. Between the pike and the moimtain, Smith's Creek, a small stream, flows northward to empty into the Shenandoah. On the west, then, was the river, on the east the moimtain ; to the north and to the south the hills seized ])y the hostile forces; down the middle ran the turnpike, and in the center lay the town of New Market. "During the day preceding, May 14th. the Con- federates under Imboden had been resisting the ad- vance of the Federal troops ; but, after sharp skirmishes, they had been forced to fall back before what they re- ported as overwhelming numbers, and the van of the Federal Army had crossed the river. This was while Imboden, going to meet General Breckinridge, had left Colonel George H. Smith of the 62d Virginia in com- mand.* Imboden says that the advance of the Federals had been so cautious that he did not believe that Sigel would cross the Shenandoah on the 14th. When this occurred, however, he galloped back with orders to hold the town at all hazards. He found that Colonel Smith had admirably disposed his troops. New Market was held during the day, and an artillery duel maintained with the enemy. On the evening of the 14th, Breckin- ridge ordered Imboden to continue falling back, hoping thus to lure Sigel on to attack the Confederate Army in some strong position south of New Market. In this he failed, for, by morning of the 15th, the Federal forces had occupied the town, and from thence advanced no farther, except that the skirmish line was sent a little to the south. That Breckinridge still desired to be at- tacked is shown by the fact that he ordered Imboden forward to charge the enemy and then retreat, hoping ♦Colonel Smith was graduated from the Institute in the Class of '53. 300 The Military History of thus to lure them into a pursuit. Imboden tried it a number of times, but in vain. That being so, Breckin- ridge, true to the plan which he had so far followed, took the initiative once more, and made ready for attack on the enemy in their own position."* "An hour past midnight the sound of hoofs upon the pike caught my ear, and in a few moments the challenge of the sentry summoned me. The newcomer was an aide-de-camp bearing orders for Colonel Shipp from the commanding General. When I aroused the Commandant he struggled up, rubbed his eyes, muttered something about moving at once, and ordered me to arouse the camp without having the drums beaten. Orders to fall in were promptly given, rolls were rattled off, the Battalion formed, and we debouched upon the pike, heading in the darkness and mud for New Market." Before taking up the march the Commandant re- quested Colonel Gilliam, who had accompanied the Corps as a representative of the Superintendent, to de- liver a prayer, but Colonel Gilham suggested that Captain Preston be called upon to do this. A cadet who was present describes the incident as folloAvs: "Before the command to march was given, a thing occurred which made a deep impression upon us all — a thing which even now may be a solace to those whose boys died so gloriously that day. In the gloom of the night. Captain Frank Preston, neither afraid nor ashamed to pray, sent up an appeal to God for His pro- tection of our little band; it was an himible, earnest petition that sunk into the heart of every hearer. F(iw were the dry eyes, little the frivolity, when he had ceased to speak of home, of father, of mother, of country, of victory and defeat, of hfe, of death, of eternity. Captain Preston had been an officer in Stonewall Jackson's com- mand; had lost an arm at Winchester; was on the re- tired list; and was sub-professor of Latin, and tactical officer of B Company; those who, a few hours later, *The New Market Campaign, Edward Raymond Turner. The Virginia Military Institute 301 saw him commanding his company in the thickest of the fight, his ah'eady empty sleeve attesting that he was no stranger to the perilous edge of battle, realized fully the beauty of the lines which tell that 'the braA-est are the tenderest, the loving are the daring.' "Day broke gray and gloomy upon us toiling onward in the mud. The sober course of our reflections was relieved by the light-heartedness of the veterans. We overtook Wharton's Brigade, with smiling 'Old Gabe,' like Echols, a Virginia Mihtary Institute 'boy,' at their head. They were squatting by the roadside cooking breakfast as we came up. With many good-natured gibes they restored our confidence; they seemed as merry, nonchalant, and indifferent to the coming fight as if it were their daily occupation. A tall, round- shouldered fellow, whose legs seemed almost split up to his shoulder-blades, came among us with a pair of shears and a pack of playing cards, offering to take our names and cut love-locks to be sent home after we were dead; another inquired if we wanted rosewood coffins, satin-lined, with name and age on the plate. In a word, they made us ashamed of the depressing solemnity of our last six miles of marching, and renewed within our breasts the true dare-devil spirit of soldiery. "Resuming the march, the mile posts numbered four, three, two, one mile to New Market ; then, the mounted skirmishers hurried past us to their position at the front. We heard loud cheering at the rear, which was caught up by the troops along the line of march. We learned its import as General John C. Breckinridge and staff approached; and we joined heartily in the cheering as the soldierly man, mounted magnificently, galloped past, uncovered, bowing, and riding like a Cid. It is impossible to exaggerate the gallant appearance of General Breckinridge. In stature he was considerably over six feet high. He sat his blood-bay thoroughbred as if he had been born on horseback; his head was of a noble mould, and a piercing eye and long, dark, droop- ing mustache completed a faultless military presence. 302 The Military History of "Deplojxd along the crest of an elevation in our front, we could see our line of mounted pickets and the smoul- dering fires of their last night's bivouac. We halted at a point where passing a sliglit turn in the road would bring us in full view of the position of the enemy. Echols's and Wharton's brigades hurried past us. 'Forward!' was the word once more, and, turning the point in the road. New Market was in full view, and the whole position was displayed."* Thus did the Corps of Cadets actually arrive on its third field of battle ; but this time it was not to be denied a glorious reward for the hardships it had borne, though dear was the price it paid. *Bnd of an Era, J. S. Wise. The Virginia Military Institute 303 CHAPTER XXI THE BATTLE OF NEW MARKET, MAY 1 0, 1864 "The battle of New Market may be divided into three parts: first, the struggle between the Confederates and the first, or advanced, position of the Federal Army, for the most part an artillery duel, lasting for an hour or more, just before midday; second, the struggle be- tween the advancing Confederates and the larger part of the Federal Army posted in the chosen position of Bushong's Hill, to the north of the town ; and third, the pursuit of the Federal forces to Rude's Hill, and after- wards until they had crossed the Shenandoah River. "In the arrangement and handling of his troops, Breckinridge displayed dexterity and judgment. While yet upon Shirley's Hill, he marched and counter- marched his men in sight of the enemy, with the pur- pose, it would seem, of magnifying his numbers. Having made his army seem more numerous than it really was, he completed the deception by arranging his troops in three lines. The first line consisted of the 51st Virginia Regiment (Lieutenant-Colonel Wolfe), and the 30th Virginia Battalion and 62 d Virginia Regi- ment (Colonel George H. Smith), these regiments be- ing under the command of Brigadier- General Gabriel C. Wharton; the second line was made up of the 22d Vir- ginia Regiment (Colonel George S. Patton), and the 23d Virginia Battalion (Lieutenant-Colonel Clarence Derrick) ; the third and last line comprised the 26th Virginia Battalion (Lieutenant-Colonel George M. Edgar), and the Cadets of the Virginia Military Insti- tute (Lieutenant-Colonel Scott Shipp)."* "The battle began with the firing of artillery and the advance of the Confederate skirmishers, the 30th Vir- *Smith, V. M. I., '53 ; Wharton, V. M. I., '47 ; Patton, V. M. I., '52 ; Edgar, V. M. I., '56; Shipp, V. M. I., '59; Echols, V. M. I., '43. 304 The Military History of ginia Battalion of Colonel Lyle Clarke, and sharp- shooters, who gradually drove in the Federal skirmishers from their advanced position to the south of New Market. Meanwhile some of the Confederates were en- gaged in throwing up a hasty breastwork of rails, brush, and earth, at right angles to the pike, so that there might be a Hue back of which to rally in case of need."* As the Corps of Cadets came upon the field, a thrill- ing panorama spread out before it."** "It was Sunday morning at eleven o'clock. In a picturesque little Lutheran churchyard, under the very shadow of the village spire and among the white tomb- stones, a six-gun battery was posted in rear of the in- fantry lines of the enemy. Firing over the heads of their own troops, that battery opened upon us the moment we came in sight. "Away off to the right, in Luray Gap, we could see our Signal Corps telegraphing the position and numbers of the enemy. Our cavalry was galloping to the cover of the creek to attempt to turn the enemy's left flank. Echols's Brigade, moving from the pike at a double- quick by the right flank, went into line of battle across the meadow, its left resting on the pike. Simul- taneously, its skirmishers were thrown forward at a run, and engaged the enemy. Out of the orchard and on the meadows, puff after puff of blue smoke rose as the sharpshooters advanced, the pop, pop, pop of their rifles ringing forth excitingly. Thundering down the pike came McLaughlin with his artillery. Wheeling out upon the meadows, he swmig into battery, action left, and let fly with all his gims. "The cadet section of artillery pressed down the pike a httle farther, turned to the left, toiled up the slope in front of us, and, going into position, delivered a plung- ing fire in reply to the Federal battery (Von Kleiser's) in the graveyard. We counted it a good omen when, at the first discharge of our little guns, a beautiful blue- white wreath of smoke shot upward and hovered over ♦Turner. **End of an Era, J. S. Wise. The Virginia Military Institute 305 them. The town, which a moment before had seemed to sleep peaceably upon that Sabbath morning, was now wrapped in battle-smoke and was swarming with troops hurrying to their positions. We had their range beauti- fully. Every shell hit some obstruction, and exploded in the streets, or on the hillsides. Every man in our army was in sight. Every position of the enemy was plainly visible. His numbers were uncomfortably large; for, notwithstanding his line of battle already formed seemed equal to our own, the pike beyond the town was still filled with his infantry."* "The Federal forces in their first, or advanced, posi- tion, in and about New Market, were commanded by Colonel Augustus Moor, and consisted of the 1st New York Cavalry; the cavalry of Colonel John E. Wyn- koop, numbering about 300, and made up of detach- ments of the 15th New York, 20th Pennsylvania, and 22d Pennsylvania ; the 34th Regiment of Massachusetts Infantry, Colonel George D. Wells; the 1st West Vir- ginia, Lieutenant- Colonel Jacob Weddle; and the 123d Ohio Regiment, Major Horace Kellogg. There were also two sections of Battery B, Snow's Maryland Artillery, comprising four guns."** The Cadet Battalion was deployed under cover of the rear crest of Shirley's Hill, by the left flank from the pike, and, moving out at double-quick, was soon in line of battle, with its right resting near the road, and con- cealed from the enemy by the crest of the hill in front. It was while in this position that General Breckinridge with his staff rode by and gave the Commandant of Cadets his orders to the effect that his command would form the reserve, and suggested that he dismount, as that was what all the field-officers would do. The Com- mandant then took occasion to express his hope that the cadets, after so much marching and so many previous disappointments, would not be denied a chance to take part in the action. Whereupon, the command- •Consiilt map of battlefield from now on. ♦♦Turner. 20 306 The Military History of ing general said he did not wish to expose them un- necessarily, but would use them very freely, were de- velopments such as to justify it. "The command was given to strip for action; knap- sacks, blankets — everything but guns, canteens and cartridge boxes was thrown upon the ground. Every lip was tightly drawn, every cheek pale, but none with fear. With a peculiar, nervous jerk, we pulled our cartridge boxes round to the front, laid back the flaps, and tightened belts. Whistling rifled shells screamed over us, as tipping the hill crest in our front, they bounded past."* Under the acciu'ate and effective fire of the Con- federate guns. Von Kleiser's Battery was soon com- pelled to withdraw from the graveyard up the pike. "The 18th Connecticut Regiment had now come up to Moor's assistance, and, shortly after, Major-General Stahel with the remainder of the cavalry. There was some fighting in the streets of New Market and about the town, but shortly after noon. General Sigel arrived upon the scene and decided to form his lines upon the hill (Bushong's) north of the town. Accordingly, the Federal troops abandoned their first position. This part of the engagement was followed by heavy artillery firing on both sides, which lasted for some time, but did comparatively little damage."* The Confederate Artillery consisted of Chapman's Battery, two 6-pounder guns and four 12-pounder howitzers; two sections of Jackson's Battery, four 6- pounder guns ; McClannahan's six 3-inch rifles ; and the Cadet 3-inch rifled section under Cadet Collier H. Minge of A Company, all under the command of Major William McLaughlin. This was the first time a cadet had commanded the artillery of the Corps in the field, Captain Semmes, or Captain T. H. Smith, having been detailed in charge of the section by the Commandant on previous occasions. ♦End of an Era, J. S. Wise. This is an error. The Battalion did not strip for action at this point as we shall see. ** Turner. The Virginia Military Institute 307 The second stage of the battle was marked by the advance of the Confederates, between 1 and 2 p. m., to the attack of the new Federal position on Bushong's Hill. As the original Confederate left and center which had been formed on the face of Shirley's Hill pressed for- ward, the 26th Battalion moved from the third into the second line, forming on the left of the 62d Regiment, leaving the cadets alone in the third line as reserve. As the attack developed, the 26th Battalion, due to the wid- ening of the front and the contraction of the line of battle towards the center, worked its way into the first line on the left of the 51st Regiment, and moved along Indian Hollow next to the river. "Up to this time, although the Cadet Artillery had done good service in helping to silence the Federal battery in New Market, the Cadet Corps had taken no part, but had been held in the rear. . . . Now, however, when the Confederate commander marshalled his scanty numbers, it was impossible for him to spare any of his forces, and the cadets were ordered to the im- mediate rear of the main lines, so that as the army went forward they also came under fire. This order they had awaited eagerly, as there were few of them who did not burn to take part in the fight."* " *At-ten-tion-n-n! Battalion forward! Guide Cen- ter-r-r,' shouted Shipp, and up the slope we started. From the left of the line, Sergeant-Ma j or Woodbridge ran out and posted himself forty paces in advance of the colors, as directing guide, as if we had been upon the drill-groimd. That boy would have remained there, had not Shipp ordered him back to his post; for this was no dress parade. Brave Evans, standing six feet two, shook out the colors that for days had hung limp and bedraggled about the staff, and every cadet leaped forward, dressing to the ensign and thrilling with the consciousness that this was war. ♦Turner. 308 The Military History of "Moving up to the hill crest in our front, we were abreast of our smoking battery, and uncovered to the range of the enemy's guns. We were pressing towards him at 'arms port', moving with the light, tripping gait of the French infantry. The enemy's veteran artillery soon obtained our range, and began to drop shells under our very noses along the slope. Echols's Brigade rose up, and was charging on our right front with the well- known rebel yell. "Down the green slope we went, answering the wild cry of our comrades as their muskets rattled in opening volleys. 'Double time!' shouted Shipp, and we broke into a long trot. In another moment, a pelting rain of lead would fall upon us from the blue line in our front."* In a few minutes a shell from one of Carlin's guns on Bushong's Hill burst just in front of the line, and Captain A. Govan Hill, Tactical Officer of C Company, and four cadets, Corporal Wise, J. S., D Co., Private Woodlief, P. W., Jr., B Co., and Privates Merritt, J. L., and Read, C. H., Jr., of C Co., were struck to the ground. Breckinridge's left and center were now in echelon, with its left against the river bluff, slightly overlapping, and several himdred yards in advance of the left of the center echelon, the right of which extended toward the pike. As the Corps of Cadets moved forward from under the cover of Shirley's Hill and down its forward face, it found itself well behind the left of the rear echelon, but rapidly closed up the distance as it swung forward down Shirley's Hill. Across the turnpike, be- yond the center, or the second echelon, were the 23d and 18th Virginia Regiments, McNeill's Rangers, two sections of McClannahan's Battery, and various small detachments of Imboden's Cavalry, while McLaughHn moved forward along the pike abreast of the battle line, with the fourteen guns under his immediate com- mand, firing from successive. positions. •End of an Era, J. S. Wise. The Virginia Militaey Institute 309 In the first stage of the battle, then, Breckinridge formed his line as follows : 51st Va., 30th Va., 62d Va. Artillery, 22d Va., 23d Va. 26th Va., Cadets. Upon moving to the attack of Bushong's Hill, the following formation was taken up : 61st Va., 30th Va., 62d Va. NEW MARKET 26th Va., 22d Va., Artillery, (4 guns), 23d Va., 18th Va. Cavalry, Cadets. The Federals had occupied a position of great natural strength along the brow of Bushong's Hill, with the right resting on the precipitous wooded river bluff, and the left resting near the pike and partly protected by thick cedar thickets and woods occupying the space be- tween the pike and Smith's Creek, and extending on be- yond to the base of the steep mountain side. The field of fire to the front was almost unobstructed from right to left, and stone fences afforded partial cover for the infantry. The approach to the Federal center was across a large wheat field, deep with mud. In front of the left center were numerous scattered scrub cedars. Four hundred yards to the front of his main position, Sigel placed the 123d Ohio and 18th Connecticut, of Moor's Brigade, the left of the former resting on the pike and the latter prolonging the line to its right ; Von Kleiser's 30th New York Battery, with six 12-pounder Napoleons, took position across the pike, and abreast of Moor's right. In the second, or main line, D Battery, 1st West Vir- ginia, Captain John Carlin, and B Battery, Maryland, Captain Alonzo Snow, each with six 3-inch rifled guns, occupied the high ground near the river bluff ; and, then, in order, to the left were posted the 34th Massachusetts, 310 The Military History of the 1st West Virginia, the a4th Pennsylvania, Cx Battery, 1st West Virginia, Captain C. T. Ewing, with four 3-inch rifles. A company of the 34th Massachusetts was assigned as a support for CarHn's and Snow's Batteries; the 12th West Virginia was held in reserve, some distance behind the artillery group, and Stahel's cavalry guarded the left rear, beyond the pike and over by Smith's Creek. The 28th and 116th Ohio Regiments were near Mount Jackson, and B Battery, 5th U. S. Artillery, Captain H. A. du Pont, remained in position at the crossing of the river. No sooner did the Confederate infantry come into the open than the well-served Federal batteries opened upon it with vigor and accuracy. But the echelons moved forward rapidly, while Imboden reconnoitered a route by which to move his cavalry across Smith's Creek, under cover of the thicket intervening between Stahel's Cavalry and the extreme Confederate right. Finding such a path, Imboden led the 18th Virginia Cavalry and McClannahan's four guns down the Luray road over the creek; and, from the crossing under cover of a low hill, he gained a position immediately upon Stahel's left flank. At this point, the guns were unlimbered and opened a rapid fire at short range upon the opposing horsemen bej^ond the creek; whereupon, the Federal Cavalry retired in haste. McClannahan now opened a long range enfilading fire upon Von Kleiser's Battery and Moor's left near the pike, which was most discon- certing, as such a fire is well calculated to be. In the meantime, the Confederate infantry west of the pike had resolutely pressed forward, and now drove Sigel's advanced line, under Moor, from its position. The regiments composing this line fled precipitately upon the approach of the Confederates, carrying con- fusion to those posted at the main position, and Von Kleiser was compelled to limber up with his battery, which had inflicted severe loss upon the assailants. The 23d Virginia Battalion now occupied the space between the pike and the creek, beyond which Imboden's Cavalry The Virginia Military Institute 311 and McClannahan's two sections remained. The Con- federate right and center had reached a point just be- yond Moor's abandoned position, and ahnost abreast of the Bushong House, in rear of which stood an orchard. West and north of the orchard was the large wheat field extending from the house to the main artillery group. By the time the main Confederate line reached Moor's abandoned position, the cadet battalion had descended the north face of Shirley's Hill, and was under cover in the deep ravine running westward from New Market. Here the battalion halted for some time, stripped for action, and filled canteens at a spring be- side the road. Before progressing to the third stage of the action, Breckinridge, perceiving the enemy's artillery position to be the key of Sigel's whole line, reinforced the first echelon with the 26th Virginia Battalion, which he moved from the left of the rear echelon to the left of the 51st Virginia. In the subsequent advance, the 51st and 26th Virginia moved to the left of a wooded tongue of highland which jutted forward from the bend of the river abreast of the Bushong House, parallel to, and at a distance of half a mile from, the pike. With the 23d Battalion extended in line of skir- mishers, supported by McLaughlin's guns holding the cavalry of the Federal left at bay, Breckinridge now ordered the final assault. As the line advanced, the 26th Battalion moved for- ward along Indian Hollow on the left of the 51st Regi- ment beyond the wooded hill; but the flat narrowed so rapidly it was soon compelled to follow the 51st. Pro- tected by the wood and the high ground at first, the 51st Regiment finally reached open ground, where it met a galling fire from the sharpshooters on the river bluff, from Carlin's and Snow's guns, and the company of the 34th Massachusetts supporting them. Here, farther advance was checked. Meantime, Colonel Patton with the 22d Virginia and the 62d Virginia, like the regiments on the left, had been checked and his 312 The Military History of men were lying under cover of a deep fold in the ground between the Bushong House and the pike. It has been shown how the Confederate center and left had been brought to a standstill. We shall now take the words of Dr. Turner as to what happened, and the reader, if he be a soldier, will reach his own conclusion as to the importance of the part played by the Corps of Cadets. "It appeared as though Breckinridge had been over- bold and had run upon disaster. The enemy was un- shaken ; there was a break in the Confederate line, and some of the men were beginning to rush away to the rear. It was at this critical juncture that the cadets, who had been appointed to act as a reserve, moved for- ward into the forefront of the contest and filled up the gap. They took position between the 51st Virginia Regiment and part of the 30th Battalion, which was fighting with (and on the left of) the 62d Virginia. They had now become part of the first line of battle. "The movements of the cadets at this time are known somewhat in detail. They had preserved their order splendidly during the heavy cannon fire, and had pressed forward in such beautiful alignment as to excite the admiration of all who saw them. It was remarked by a Southern officer who watched them from a point of vantage that they kept their course as if marching on dress parade. After ascending the hill at the base of which they had halted, they came to an open field, muddy from the rains and exceedingly difficult to cross. A slight confusion was caused by the ends (wings) of the Battalion advancing faster than the center and so beyond it, thus causing the line hitherto straight to be- come curved ; but here was displayed admirable coolness and discipline, for, in the midst of a terrible artillery fire, the line soon rectified, after which they proceeded in as perfect order as before.* *In advancing from the ravine tlie Battalion was now and then protected by folds in the ground from the direct Are of the enemy. From the ravine to the close of the Bushong House is about half a mile. The cadets were exposed to direct fire the last half of this distance, losing three killed at this stage of their advance, the number including First Sergeant Cabell of D Co., and Privates Stanard and McDowell of B Co. The Virginia Military Institute 313 "At the edge of the field was a frame house with other buildings, known b}^ the name of the owner, Bushong. Beyond was an orchard, and then a plateau, which formed the top of the hill, and which was also an open field. When the house was reached, the cadets divided. Companies A and B passing to the right, Companies C and D to the left. After the line was reformed on the other side, they found the grimmest part of their task before them; and it was here that their most terrible losses occurred. From the Federal position beyond, the artillery had perfect range, and poured in a fire of canister and shrapnel, incessant and terrific. Moreover, the distance was now short, and masses of Federal infantry played upon them with incessant volleys. Ac- cordingly, for a time the advance was halted." It was at this point of the advance, after he had cor- rected the alignment of the Battalion by marking time, just beyond the Bushong House, that the Commandant, always in front, was struck on the left shoulder by a heavy but spent fragment of shell, and literally swept from his feet. For a time he was apparently stunned, though he was not wounded except very slightly in the face, probably by a tiny piece of shell. "The position of Sigel's Army was so well chosen, and so well defended, that for a while it seemed im- possible to force it. During some time the Confederate advance was checked, and certain regiments were rolled back and thrown into confusion. The front lines melted away under the terrific fire. Echols's men were still occupied on the right ; some of Wharton's command fell into disorder. From the Federal lines, the tide of battle seemed to be running strongly against the Confederates. Sigel afterwards described this part of the action as a very sharp conflict, in which the enemy charged re- peatedly and with determination, but were as often re- pulsed by the bravery and coolness of his infantry on the right. It is the opinion of an officer who watched the struggle that had Sigel hurled his cavalry into the opening in the advancing line, that is, between the .51st 314 The Military History of and 62d regiments, at this critical moment, the Con- federates would have been put to total route."* It is well here to note what had liappened to the Federal Cavalry. Not only had Stahel been compelled to retire his command out of range of McClannahan's gims, but it had been severely pmiished by McLaugh- lin's artillery earlier in the day, and was in no condition to be massed in the open. Cavalry simply can not with- stand the fire of artillery, nor is it expected to do so. It was created for other work, and must leave the infantry to face the gims. When the Confederate right reached the town, the men became somewhat disordered in the streets, and, seeing their confusion, Stahel formed some of his men in columns of platoons, on the pike north of the town, and ordered them forward at the gallop to clear it of the Confederates. He had failed to observe McLaughlin's advance with the infantry, and as the troops pressed up the pike, the men of Derrick's command scrambled to the sides of the road and gave the guns a clear field of fire. "Heavens! what a blizzard McLaughlin gave themf They staggered, wheeled and fled. The road was filled with fallen men and horses. A few riderless steeds came galloping towards our lines, neighed, circled and re- joined their comrades. One daring fellow, whose horse became unmanageable, rode straight at our battery at full speed, passed beyond, behind, and around our line, and safely rejoined his comrades — cheered for his courage by his enemies. This was the end of the cavalry in the fight."** After this incident, Stahel held his cavalry im- mediately in rear of the Federal left, until Imboden's enfilade fire compelled it to be again retired, as ha& been shown. •Turner. ••End of an Era, J. S. Wise. The Virginia Military Institute 315 CHAPTER XXII THE CHARGE OF THE CADETS Returning to the stage of the main conflict in which the Confederate Hne of battle was shown to have reached a point from which it seemed unable to advance, let us again quote Turner: "It is known now that the Southern soldiers stood their ground stoutly. Where the wavering was at its worst, most of them seem to have held their own under the cannonade ; and from what has come down concern- ing this stage of the battle, the conduct of the several divisions (commands) seems to have been replete with heroic incidents. Nevertheless, here was a moment of greatest danger. "When the cadets reformed their line on the north side of Bushong's house, they filled in the gap between the 51st Virginia Regiment on their left and the 52d Virginia Regiment, with the attached companies of the 30th Virginia Battalion, on their right. They were in the van of the battle, and at one time seem to have been in advance of the other commands. To each side their comrades were suffering heavily, especially the 62d Vir- ginia, to the right. While the veterans around them were wavering, \\\ey also suffered fearfully from the combined artillery and musketry fire. The young soldiers were falling right and left, and for a while it seemed that they could go no farther. "This was one of the most critical moments in the battle of New Market. Breckinridge was in danger of defeat. He had boldly taken the aggressive, and, so far, success had attended his efforts, for he had pushed a portion of the Federal Army out of New Market, and his right wing had driven back the Federal left, while Imboden had gained a position on the Federal flank. 316 The Military History of But Imboden's men were practically useless where they were, and the towTi was untenable so long as the Federal forces remained on the heights beyond. To drive them out, Breckinridge had launched all his remaining strength in a frontal attack, and this attack seemed to be meeting with failure. On the right, Echols's com- mands (22d Regiment, Col. Patton, and 23d Battalion, Major Derrick) had made little progress; on the left, Wharton's men had advanced farther to within strik- ing distance of the enemy, but, with the exception of the 26th Battalion, had suffered so heavily as to be com- pelled to fall back. "It was at this deadly moment that the cadets of the Virginia Military Institute pushed out into the orchard beyond Bushong's House."* Here, let us interpolate that Colonel Edgar (whose 26th Virginia Battalion had been crowded out of the front line on the left of the 51st before the latter came out into the open on the crest of the wooded tongue of highland, beyond which it had progressed to a point several hundred yards short of the Bushong House) was now leading his men up out of Indian Hollow to Wharton's line, to the left and rear of the cadets.** The 62d Virginia had been compelled to fall back shghtly, and seeing its movement to the rear, Sigel had ordered Von Kleiser's Battery (which Imboden, Der- rick and McLaughlin had driven from the town) into action on the summit of Bushong's Hill, at the very northern end of the wheat field and opposite the cadets, for that was the very key-point of the Federal position. Wliile the Corps of Cadets was yet moving into position behind the fence forming the northern boundary of the orchard and the southern boundary of the wheat field, Woodson's company of Missourians moved forward again from the left of the 62d Virginia, and heroically assailed Von Kleiser's Battery. But while their ac- curate musketry fire temporarily drove the cannoneers •Turner, p. 81. **See Turner, pp. 50-51. The Virginia Military Institute 317 from their places, their numbers were inadequate to the task they had essayed, and their heroism only led to the annihilation of the gallant company which lost six killed and 54 wounded, out of a total of 76 men, in a few minutes. By this time, the cadets had reached the cover of the fence, and Von Kleiser's guns resumed their fire. Woodson's effort, of course, had had no effect upon the fire of Carlin's and Snow's batteries, which had fired continuously upon the cadets while moving past the Bushong House and through the orchard. "Close to them (cadets) now was Sigel's Army shoot- ing from the fences and cedar groves, wliile nearer still were the Federal batteries which had already wrought such havoc in the advancing lines. The cadets seemed to have rushed into certain destruction. The artillery concentrated upon them its fire, continuous and terrific, hurling shells into the orchard and tearing the trees to pieces. Their Commandant, Lieutenant-Colonel Shipp, was womided by a piece of shell; whereupon, there be- gan a wavering and confusion among them. Some one gave the order to lie down. They obeyed, and began firing from the ground, crouching behind a worm fence along the northern edge of the orchard. But the firing of the cannon in front of them continued with fearful effect, until at last the cry arose that they should fall back and rally on the veterans to the rear. Fortunately, this was not done, hut the cadets continued to fire from their exposed position, though all the while they were being riddled f* "The men were falling right and left. The veterans on the right of the cadets seemed to waver. Colonel Shipp went down. For the first time, the cadets ap- peared irresolute. Some one cried out, 'Lie down!' and all obeyed, firing from the knee — all but Evans, the ensign, who was standing bolt upright, shouting and waving the flag. Some one exclaimed, 'Fall back, and rally on Edgar's Battalion!' Several boys moved as if *Turner, pp. 81-82. Parentheses are the writer's. 318 The Military History of to obey. Pizzini, the first sergeant, of B Company, with his Corsican blood at the boihng point, cocked his rifle and proclaimed that he would shoot the first man who ran. Preston, brave and inspiring in command of B Company, smilingly lay do^vn upon his remaining arm, with the remark that he would at least save that. Colonna, cadet captain of D, was speaking low to the men of his company words of encouragement, and bidding them shoot close. The Corps was being decimated."* The obvious effect of the resolution of the Corps of Cadets in clinging to their advanced position was to cause the Federal artillery which had up to this time been dividing its attention between the cadets and the 51st Regiment, on their left, to concentrate on the cadets, which relieved the pressure on the 51st Regiment and 26th Battalion, to their left rear, thus enabling them to reform and engage at an advantage with the infantry company of the 34th Massachusetts supporting the Federal artillery group. The men of this company had been thro^^^l out as sharpshooters along the wooded bluff overhanging the river, on the extreme Confederate left and on the right of the Federate batteries. "At this opportune moment (the crisis of the cam- bat), when victory seemed within his reach, Sigel launched the counter-attack upon the enemj^ before him. The 34th Massachusetts with the adjoining regiments (forming the line to the left of the batteries at the north end of the wheat field and beyond the scrub cedars be- tween the wheat field and the turnpike) sprang forward at the 51st, the cadets, and the 62d. Had the charge been well directed and firmly pressed, it might have de- cided the day. The 54th Pennsylvania fought well, but was forced to retreat (by the 22d Virginia on the right of the 62d Virginia), while the 1st West Virginia suffered heavily (at the hands of the 62d Virginia and the right wing of the Cadet Battalion), and halted al- most at once. The 34th Massachusetts, however, *End of an Bra. J. S. Wise. Observe how this account corresponds almost exactly with Turner's. It was written years before the latter. The Virginia Military Institute 319 charged down nearly to the fence, behind which the cadets had their position. Could they have done this somewhat earlier, before the cadets occupied the gap, they would have found the jjlace unoccupied, and it may he woidd have broken the Confederate line. This was where the cadets did their best service. With the men to the right and left of them, they held the place with stubborn resolution (the troops on their flanks were in rear of their position), and after a sharp struggle the 34th was driven back to the position which it had left just before."* Again describing the crisis of the combat and Sigel's counter stroke, Turner says: "As a matter of fact, however, the Federal success was only temporary. The Confederates were not de- moralized; except for the heavy artillery fire from both sides, there was for a short time a lull in the battle in this part of the field. The Confederate line was being strengthened and rectified once more. (Edgar was moving the 26th Battalion up to the line of the 51st Virginia, the cadets were moving up into the gap, and the 62d on their right, having fallen back to slight cover, was being reformed ) . "The men of the 62d were undaunted by the disaster which had just occurred. Indeed they had retired partly for the purpose of waiting until the other com- mands should come up with them. (The truth is, they were unable to remain in the open in advance, and were compelled to seek cover in a hollow in their rear, until their flanks were prolonged hy the cadets on the left and the 22d Virginia on their right) . The gap between the 62d and 51st was being filled by the cadets in the course of a brilliant movement. To the left, the 51st had recovered its order (due to shifting of the fire of the Federal batteries upon the cadets), and was ready to go forward again. To the right of the 62d, the 22d Regiment, under Colonel Patton, was hastening up to ♦Turner, p. 53. The italics and parenthetical remarks are those of the writer and not of Turner. 320 The Military History of complete the line. (His position was between the hol- low in which the 62d lay under cover of the ground, and the turnpike, abreast of Imboden's position beyond the bend in the creek, which at this point was about 500 yards east of the turnpike. The interval on his right was occupied by Derrick's 23d Battalion, while McLaughhn's artillery occupied positions on the high ground along the pike some 400 yards in rear of the 22d and 23d, and engaged Ewing's Battery, east of the pike on the Federal left, at a range of 800 yards, and Snow's, Carlin's, and Von Kleiser's batteries, obliquely to the left, at a range of about 1,000 yards. "This was the time chosen by Sigel for the Federal countercharge. Perhaps it had no chance to succeed, although the result might have been different had this charge been made immediately after the repulse of the Confederates, and had the Federal left been holding its own. (By repulse is meant the confusion of the .51st, on the extreme left, when it emerged into the open, after ascending and crossing the wooded hill, and the falling back of the 62d to the hollow.) "Now, there was little hope. As the Federal soldiers moved do^vn the slope (of Bushong's Hill against the 51st, Cadets, 62d, and 22d) they were met by a terrible fire. Curiously enough, what happened to the Con- federates a little before, now befell their opponents. The 54th Pennsylvania, and probably the 1st West Virginia, halted in confusion, and turned back, leaving the 34th Massachusetts (opposite the cadets) to ad- vance alone. The men of this command charged gallantly toward the fence of Bushong's yard (behind which the cadets alone lay), but were repulsed in dis- order, partly, (wholly?) because of the splendid fighting of the cadets. Accordingly, they retreated with heavy loss. In some respects, the repulse of Sigel's counter- charge was the critical point in this part of the engage- ment, for the tide of battle now changed. (If the tide changed, this was certainly the very crisis of the com- bat, and, inasmuch as Sigel would have broken the Con- MAJOR-GENERAL RALEIGH E. COLSTON, C. S. A. Assistant Professor Professor 1854-1 Sf>5 The Virginia Military Institute 321 federate line, had the 34th Massachusetts pressed home, the troops which repelled its advance saved the day.) The 22d Virginia Regiment, which formed the left of the hinder echelon, had now come up upon the right of the 62d Virginia. Together they formed a solid line of eight hundred veteran troops. (Here it is to be ob- served some of the veteran troops were in the 'hinder echelon' when the crisis of the combat was passed, the cadets being in the most advanced position.) A for- ward movement was begun immediately, leaving the shaken Federal troops no time to recover." "The cadets also, under Captain Henry A. Wise, and the other Professor-Captains (Colonel Shipp, the Com- mandant, having been disabled), sprang forward with heroic enthusiasm, their boyish cheers arousing the veterans on both sides of them. The 51st Virginia, to the left of the cadets, had recovered from its earlier confusion, and had been fighting vigorously. It also took part in the general forward movement; so that, substantiall5% the entire Confederate Army swept up toward the Federal position. By this time, Edgar had completed his work of turning the Federal right; the troops posted along the river had been driven back, and the artillery (Snow's and Carlin's batteries) were hastening to move off. Over on the left, the Federal attack had been repulsed, and there the Confederate right was driving the enemy back. In fact, the Federal line was breaking up now, and Breckinridge encoun- tered no serious resistance. The 54th Pennsylvania, and the 1st West Virginia, hotly pressed and in danger of being flanked, gave way. The 34th Massachusetts was thus left in a perilous position. The 62d and the 22d were driving away its support, on the left ; the 26th, the 51st, and the cadets were driving off the artillery, on the right ; while it was being assailed in front by part of the Cadet Battalion, the 30th Virginia, and part of the 62d. It fought stubbornly and well, and sustained heavy losses, but could not retrieve the day. As it was. 2] 322 The Military History of it lacked little of ])eing cut off. Thus, both the right and the center of the Federal Army were broken."* The movements of the cadets in this charge have been graphically described. Turner has shown in the fore- going account that they assaulted the position of the battery, notwithstanding his doubts, later expressed, as to whether they could have done it. The sole question is really as to the number of guns they took. A witness writes : "Manifestly, they, the cadets, must charge or fall back. And charge it was; for, at that moment, Henry Wise ('Old Chinook', beloved of every boy in the com- mand) sprang to his feet, shouted out the command to rise up and charge, and, moving in advance of the line, led the Cadet Corps forward to the guns. The battery was being served superbly. The musketry fairly rolled, but the cadets never faltered. They reached the firm greensward of the farmyard in which the guns were planted. The Federal infantry began to break and run behind the buildings. Before the order to limber up could be obeyed by the artillerymen, the cadets disabled the teams, and were close upon the guns. The gunners dropped their sponges, and sought safety in flight. Lieutenant Hanna hammered a gunner over the head with his cadet sword. Winder Garret outran another and lunged his bayonet in him. The boys leaped upon the guns, and the battery was theirs. Evans, the color-sergeant, stood wildly waving the cadet colors from the top of a caisson. "A straggling fire of infantry was still kept up from the gully, now on our right flank (left of 34th Massa- chusetts), notwithstanding the masses of blue retiring in confusion down the hill. The Battalion was ordered to reform, mark time, and half -wheel to the right ; then, it advanced, firing into the cedars as it went, and did not pause again until it reached the pike, having driven the last enemy from the thicket. The broken columns of the enemy could be seen hurrjdng over the hills, and ♦Turner, pp. 56-60. The Virginia Military Institute 323 down the pike towards Mount Jackson, hotly pressed by our infantry (22d and 23d) and cavalry."* This account seems to be accurate. Turner has al- ready stated that in the final charge the cadets assaulted Von Kleiser's Battery. Yet, on page 71 of his book we read : "It has usually been asserted that the cadets took Von Kleiser's Battery, but they could scarcely have done this, since Von Kleiser's Batterj^ was not captured. No Federal battery was captured at New Market. Sigel lost five or six cannon. Two of these were captured by the Confederates from the batteries near the river, while another they found afterwards abandoned in a pond. Von Kleiser lost two guns, one of which, there is no doubt, was taken by the cadets when the Federal line gave way, and they may have captured the other. But they did not capture a battery."** Now, this whole tangle is easy to straighten out. Upon the near approach of the cadets. Von Kleiser, see- ing that he was unsupported on his right, from which quarter Snow and Carlin had withdrawn their batteries, and that the infantry beyond the 34th Massachusetts, still supporting him on the left, but obviously unable to withstand the assault of the cadet right wing and the 62d Virginia, ordered his battery to limber up. Four of his guns got away, but the other two were taken by the cadets who swarmed in among his confused teams and cannoneers, as described. When the various writers described the capture of the battery, they referred more to the seizure of its position, than to the actual number of guns taken. The fact that the two contemporaneous accounts, the official report of the Commandant and a letter of Captain Preston, do not enumerate the number of guns actually seized by the cadets does not mean they captured no guns. Both writers specifically stated the position of the hostile battery was charged and over- run. The seizure of the guns was in tlieir accounts in- *Eiid of an Era, J. S. Wise. **Tumer, p. 73. 324 The Military History of eluded in the taking of the position occupied by the battery. Turner's lack of perception of these points is clearly expressed in the statement which he makes, following closely upon his account of the action of the cadets in filling the gap, holding their position in advance of the Confederate line, when confusion reigned, according to his own account, on both sides of them, and repulsing the coimtercharge of the 34th Massachusetts, which, he says, was the turning point of the battle. "Not less exaggerated have been the assertions about the result of the action of the cadets. There has been a tendency to maintain that they saved the day and won the battle, and that Breckinridge acknowledged that they had done so. As a matter of fact, there is no ground for such assertion, and it is grossly unjust to the veteran soldiers who bore the brunt of the fighting. The cadets made up about one-sixteenth of the Confederate Army, so that it would have been physically impossible for them to have turned the tide of battle."* This is really pitiful. He has said that if the 34th Massachusetts had penetrated the gap, the day would have been won for Sigel, and it no doubt would have been. Would Turner, in such event, have contradicted himself, and said that the 34th Massachusetts could not have won the battle, because it was but one-sixteenth of Sigel's Army? Since when have the importance of tactical maneuvers been measured by the number of men engaged in a particular movement? A brigade of cavalry in the rear of a line of battle will decide the issue, when an army corps is at a standstill in its front. Can any one deny that the Stonewall Brigade won the battle of First Manassas ? Yet its action there was rela- tively very similar to that of the cadets at New Market. Dr. Turner is hopelessly lost in the fog which he has done more to create than any previous historian of the battle. Fortunately, he again contradicts him- self, after having declared Mr. Wise's account inac- *Turner, p. 72. The Virginia Military Institute 325 curate, for on page 83 he confirms that account abso- hitely, and writes: "After the fall of Lieutenant-Colonel Shipp, the command of the cadets had devolved upon Professor- Captain Henry A. Wise. He says that he believed that the longer the cadets lay inactive behind the scanty shelter under the enemy's fire, the less would be their courage, and the more impossible would it be for them to do anything. At the moment, it seemed, there were two possible courses: either to fall back, as had been suggested, or to rise and continue the advance. He felt instinctively that this was the decisive moment of the battle; and that if the cadets fell back and opened a gap in the center of the line it might mean the loss of the day. Moreover, he thought that to fall back under an artillery fire like that to which they had been sub- jected, would entail nearly as much hazard as a charge right at the enemy's guns. The chance was a terrible one, but he made his decision instantly. His comrades still recall how he sprang to his feet and shouted the charge. At once, the magnificent training of the cadets asserted itself: they rose as a man, got over the fence, and moved forward across the field, straight for the enemy's guns. (This is what Turner seems to think they could not have done, yet he describes how they did it ! ) There is no doubt that at this moment the 62d and the 22d had begun their charge (on the right of the cadets), but the influence of the cadets stirred to enthusiasm the adjacent commands (51st, 30th and 26th) on their left rear, and the whole Con- federate line rushed forward. The Federal troops from their position saw the movement, and prepared to hold their ground. "Unfortunately, it is not possible for the historian to feel that he can narrate exactly the details of what followed, such vivid, contradictory, and exaggerated ac- counts have been given. It is probable that some shells were bursting over the field as the Corps advanced; but they kept their ranks and j^i'essed forward. The in- 326 The Military History of cessant rains of the morning and the day preceding, had drenched the whole country. The ground over which they were toihng was a wheat field not long since ploughed, now sodden, and ankle-deep in mud. At times, the cadets found it an heroic task even to drag their feet out of the slough into which they sunk, and in many cases shoes and even socks were pulled off as they struggled along. Furthermore, the rain, which had ceased, had ceased only for a while. A black thunder- cloud which had gathered hung low, and now, when the charge began, burst over the field, in torrents. The air was dim with the driving ram and the darkness, and murky with the volumes of smoke which drifted along the ground; so that it was difficult to see twenty paces ahead, save for the lightning flashes and the fire where the riflemen were shooting. The elements themselves seemed at war."* After reading this vivid account, which is undoubt- edly correct, it is a simple matter to explain how the Cadet Corps was able to traverse the wheat field in the face of Von Kleiser's guns. A plunging fire is of all others the most inaccurate, especially when the target is moving towards the guns. Coupled with this element of inaccuracy, were the facts that the gimners could see the advancing line but imperfectly; that some of the guns must have been limbering up to escape; that it took not over two minutes for the Corps to traverse the wheat field ; that in that time no gun could have possibly fired over five rounds; that fuses were wet and inac- curately cut ; that firing that rapidly the pieces could not possibly have been accurately laid upon a rapidly-mov- ing target, even had the gunners been at target practice, instead of laboring under the intense excitement of re- pelling an infantry charge — and we have before us facts constituting a full explanation of the success of the charge. Nothing more is needed. Physically, the deed was by no means impossible. On the contrary, it seems physically impossible for the battery to have repelled ♦Turner, pp. 83-86. The Vikginia Military Institute 327 the charge. Moral factors might have offset the physical advantages of the assailants, but that is just what did not happen ; and so the position of the battery was reached and overrun. This, Turner himself tells us: "But there was no faltering. The distance to be traversed grew less, and soon the audacity of their courage told. The Federal soldiers were too much shaken, and too hard pressed, to make a stout resistance. There was some attempt; but on the cadets came, and then at last in the midst of a wavering in the enemy's ranks, they dashed up to the Federal lines with wild enthusiasm, and shot down the horses of one of the guns. There was a brief hand-to-hand struggle, but the Federal Army was already giving way. The cadets ran here and there capturing prisoners. The color- bearer sprang upon the gun carriage and waved his flag. The position had beefi stoi^med." Von Kleiser's Battery went into action immediately on the left of Sigel's original artillery group. Just be- fore the general charge commenced, the pressure of the 26th, 51st and Cadet Corps compelled Snow and Carlin to limber up and pull out with their batteries, Carlin abandoning three of his guns to which he could not get his teams without losing them. While the center of the Cadet Battalion was overrunning Von Kleiser's position, the extreme left swept over the ground formerly occupied by Carlin's Battery, and there found his abandoned pieces. It is possible, of course, that either 5 1st or 26th had already passed Carlin's position (as claims by both for the capture of the three pieces have been advanced). But what probably happened was the men of these two commands mingled with the left wing of the Cadet Battalion, reached the guns nearly at the same time, and hence each has conscientiously asserted its claim of priority. There is nothing strange about that. It had happened many times before. But one thing is certain : the cadets secured the pieces which they found, as well 328 The Military History of as from 80 to 100 prisoners, a precaution which, it seems, the veteran troops (contrary to their custom) failed to take. That fact certainly gives the cadets a tremendous advantage, in the eye of the military critic. Of the charge of the cadets upon Von Kleiser's Battery, Major Theodore S. Lang, of Sigel's staff, wrote : "I must «ay that I never witnessed a more gallant ad- vance and final charge than was given by those brave boys on that field. They fought like veterans; nor did the dropping of their comrades by the ruthless bullets deter them from their mission, but on they came, ravines or fences, or shot or shell, were all the same to those brave boys, who faltered not until they waved their battle flag over the captured battery of Captain Von Kleiser." Captain Franklin E. Town, Chief Signal Officer of Sigel's Armj^ wrote: "Standing on the crest of this slope, after a short time I observed a line forming in the ravine at the foot of the hill, which seemed about like a regiment in ex- tent, but so 'smart' and 'natty' in appearance as instantly to suggest our own pet 'Seventh Regiment' of New York City. They appeared more like militia on parade than troops in campaign. We were soon able to identify the command as the Battalion of the Virginia Military Institute, and certainly a more soldiery-ap- pearing Corps never faced an enemy. "After perfecting their alignment, this yomig regi- ment advanced toward our battery. It approached only a short distance when it halted and turned back toward the ravine. There was no apparent disorder, nor did it seem that they were falling back in panic, but rather as if by some change of plan, and in pursuance of orders.* ♦This was when, after passing the Bushong House, the Commandant gave the command, as shown, to "mark time," and then halted the Battalion behind the fence. The Virginia ^Iilitary Institute 329 "The Battalion remained but a short time in the ravine, and again advanced. They came on steadily up the slope, swept as it was by the fire of these guns. Their line was as perfectly preserved as if on dress parade, or in the evolutions of a review. As they ad- vanced, our guns played with utmost vigor upon their line; at first with shrapnel, then, as they came nearer, with canister, and finally, with double loads of canister. As the Battalion continued to advance, our gunners loaded at the last, without stopping to sponge; and I think it would have been impossible to eject from six guns more missiles than these boys faced in their wild charge up that hill. But still they advanced steadily, without any sign of faltering. I saw, here and there, a soldier drop from their line and lie where he fell, as his comrades closed up the gaps and passed on. Their pace was increased from a quick step to a double time, and, at the last, to a charge, as through the fire they came on, and up to the guns which they surrounded and captured; our artillerymen giving away when the bayonets, having passed the guns, were at their breasts."* This account was written thirty-four years after the event. The fact that the cadets did not seize all the guns of the battery does not vitiate the evidence in the mind of a soldier. With the smoke and confusion about him, watching the charge intently, it was impossible for Captain Town to observe everything that happened. Four of Von Kleiser's guns may have pulled out at the last moment, when an observer was most apt to be seek- ing cover. "This charge of the cadets upon the Federal position at New Market is one of the most remarkable episodes of the Civil War, or, indeed, of any war. That a body of youths, ranging in age from fourteen to twenty, should conduct themselves well in battle would in itself have been sufficiently creditable. But that in the first ♦"An Eye Witness From The Other Side," Richmond Times-Dispatch, April 24, 1898. 330 The Military History of battle in which they had ever served, they should do what they did is almost be^^ond belief. That, called from the quiet seclusion of a military school, they should have endured long, fatiguing marches for three days (five days?) over muddy roads and miry fields; that, wearied with their journey and yet roused from their sleep on the night before the battle and sent on- ward, they should have chafed at being held in a sheltered position, and insisted on pressing forward into the front and central part of the battle ; that they should have borne their part steadily; that they should have stood their groimd under a withering fire when veteran regiments were hard pressed;* and that, finally, in the crisis of the struggle, they should have met the shock of the enemy, mimoved ; all of these facts are as astound- ing as they are true. The battle of New Market was a small battle, and, relatively speaking, the Cadet Bat- talion was a mere handful; but what these boys did is comparable with what older troops have done in some of the most famous battles in the world. It may be that the words of incautious admirers have served to cast doubt upon their exploits. They did not rally the Con- federate Army, or stem a rout, or capture unaided a powerful battery under impossible circumstances. But, at a critical moment, they did conduct themselves in a manner beyond all praise, and what they did had much to do with determining the issue of the battle."** The foregoing summary displays as amazing a lack of familiarity with his subject on the part of the writer, as one purporting to contribute a critical narrative to history has ever been guilty of. In the first place, the average age of the cadets en- gaged in the battle of New Market was as great as that of the younger Confederate conscripts of 1864. The matriculation books would have shown Dr. Turner that the average age of the cadets in the battle of New Market was very close to seventeen and a half years. •Turner has previously declared the veterans were in disorder, but he must fit his facts to his conclusions. **Turner, pp. 86-88. The Virginia Militaky Institute 331 There were some over twentj^-one, numbers over twenty, and more over nineteen than under sixteen. The quiet seclusion from which the Corps was called has been fully set forth in previous chapters. It will be recalled that the Corps had not only engaged in the severe McDowell campaign in 1862, and hunted de- serters in the mountains the following summer, but had taken part in three separate expeditions to repel Averell's raiding columns in August, November and December, 1863, respectively. In December, the Corps had spent an entire week in the field in bitterly cold weather and rain storms which made the spring showers of May 11th, 12th, 13th, 14th, and 15th, 1864, seem mild indeed. In its previous field service marches were made which far exceeded those of the New Market campaign, both with respect to the hardships encountered and miles covered. There was no more comparison between the spring marches from Lexington to New Market with those of the November and December expeditions, from the standpoint of exposure and fatigue, than there ordinarily is between a fifteen-mile march over a turn- pike, on a mild May day, and an equally long one over unimproved mountain dirt roads, in the rain and sleet of November and December, poorly shod, lightly clothed, and bivouacking in the open, with the ther- mometer at the freezing point.* From the writer's knowledge of the present-day cadet, as compared with the character of men similar to those who comprised the rank and file of Breckin- ridge's Army, he feels secure in the assertion that the well-disciplined and physically fit cadets under Colonel Shipp were able to stand for a short period the experi- ences of the New Market campaign better than the regular soldiers, and that fewer of them suffered from fatigue. Youths of their age and training are not given to weariness in a space of four days. Then, there was the novelty of the experience to buoy them up and carry *I venture the assertion that Turner never heard of these expeditions. In the McDowell campaign of 1862 the cadets marched 44 miles one day. 332 The Military History or them on, entirely lacking in the case of the regular soldier. From the standpoint of morale, there was, perhaps, not a command engaged in either army in any battle of the Civil War that compared, man for man, with the Corps of Cadets. The overwhehiiing majority of the cadets were born gentlemen, possessing all the instincts of courage and daring of their race, cherishing the noblest military traditions of the South, and burning with all the ardor of youth, after no fewer than four previous disappointments, to engage the enemy in bat- tle. The Cadet Battalion was a corps of incipient officers, most of whom might have commanded regular troops, had they chosen, or had they been allowed, to join the army. If there were a battalion on earth that would have stood the Federal fire and charged Von Kleiser's guns on May 15th, it was that one which in- spires the wonderment of Dr Turner, for in the Corps of Cadets there was not a j^outh but whose career would have been blighted forever, had he abandoned his colors, and the officers who led them were veterans of many other fields.* Their deeds were heroic, but when we come to study them with all the facts, physical and moral, which must be taken together to explain military exploits, the latter no less important than the former, there was absolutely nothing marvelous or verging upon the impossible, in them. Had this body of highly trained and socially elite youth failed to do what they did, when hundreds of country boys no older than themselves, and with none of the many social and educational advantages of the cadets, were fighting by their sides and on a hundred other fields, there would have been something indeed to marvel at. ♦The Commandant had served in the distressing West Virginia campaign of 1861, and had led Jackson's skirmish line in the Romney campaign, and then engaged in the most dangerous of all fighting or the cavalry affairs after the Gettysburg campaign. Captain Wise had displayed great heroism at Roanoke Island, where he was captured and paroled. Captain Preston had lost an arm at Winchester. Captains Robinson and Hill had seen hard active service in the Army. The Virginia Military Institute 333 CHAPTER XXIII victory and laurels RICHMOND AGAIN AND BACK TO LEXINGTON After the 34th Massachusetts ahandoned its position, retiring in good order, the pursuit was checked by the belated arrival of the 28th and 116th Ohio Regiments, and Du Font's Regular Batter}^ which took up a position on Rude's Hill near the river crossing. Although a section of McClannahan's Batter}^ under Lieutenant Carter Berkeley, dashed down the pike and shelled the fleeing masses, while McLaughlin caused the other guns to fire from successive positions, there were no reserves or organized cavalry with which to turn the withdrawal into a rout. Before the infantry could be reformed and cartridge boxes replenished, with a view to the assault of Rude's Hill, Sigel had commenced to withdraw his rear guard across the river, burning the bridge behind him, after crossing over his last troops, and so the fighting came to an end about 6 p. m. "As evening fell, the clouds passed away, the sun came forth; and when night closed in, no sound dis- turbed the Sabbath calm, save that of a solitarv Na- poleon gun pounding away at the smouldering ruins of the bridge." The Corps of Cadets had taken part in the general pursuit, at the beginning of which it had been rejoined by Colonel Shipp, his face streaming with blood from a slight wound on the cheek, but sufficiently recovered from the stunning blow he had received in the orchard to resume command. Just before the Corps of Cadets left its position at the base of Rude's Hill, where it had been reformed for the assault, an officer rode up, some say accompanied 334 The Military History of by his stag, and was saluted by the Battahon, where- upon the officer, who was thought to be General Breck- inridge, is said to have politely raised his hat and given expression to the following words: "Young gentle- men, I have to thank you for the result of to-day's operations." General Shipp remembers no such inci- dent, and General Charles J. Anderson of Richmond, a cadet in the battle, positively asserts that the officer who made the remark was Major J. Stoddard John- ston, Breckinridge's Chief-of-Staff, and that he said: "Young gentlemen, General Breckinridge has you to thank for the result of to-day's operations." Now the truth is the Battalion was extended over a considerable distance when in the position at the bottom of Rude's Hill. It is, therefore, possible that both the General and his Chief-of-Staff passed by the cadets and made acknowledgments to them and that all the cadets did not see or hear both officers in the general excitement. Again, General Anderson's explanation seems a good one, that is, Johnston was mistaken for Breckinridge. Whoever the officer referred to actually was. General Breckinridge subsequently on numerous occasions ex- pressed his belief that the action of the cadets exercised a decisive influence on the issue of the day. He person- ally told the Superintendent that had he not used the cadets very freely the result would have been different.* When the pursuit was given up the cadet section of artillery went into bivouac with the rest of McLaugh- lin's command at beautiful Mount Airy, while the main body of the Confederate troops bivouacked along the pike about a mile below New Market. The cadets were allowed to break ranks and seek shelter in the town wherever it could be had in order to avoid further ex- posure. An inventory of losses now showed Sigel that he had lost over 800 of the 6,000 Federals engaged; while Breckinridge's loss was abovit 600 out of an armj^ of 4,500. *See also Turner, pp. 88-89, for letters of Colonna. Kirk and Ross. The Virginia Military Institute 335 In the Corps of Cadets the loss was tremendous. There were positively not over 279 cadets engaged, in- cluding the artillery detachment. There were probably fewer, but it can be absolutely demonstrated that there were not more. Of this number, 5 were killed outright, 4 mortally wounded, 48 others wounded, only one slight casualty occiu'ring in the artillery detachment. The loss was, therefore, over twenty per cent of the com- mand. But, in spite of their losses, the camp-fires twinkled no more brightly that night than the spirits of the dauntless cadets, for, at last, they had been in battle and borne themselves with such credit as to have elicited the acknowledgments of the Commanding General him- self. "Shortl}'^ before sundown, after having my head sewed up and bandaged, and having rendered such serv- ice as I could to wounded comrades, I sallied forth to procure a blanket and see what was to be seen. When we stripped for action, we left our traps unguarded; nobody would consent to be detailed. As a result, the camp followers had made away with nearly all of our blankets.* "I entered the town, and found it filled with soldiers, laughing and carousing as light heartedly as if it were a feast, or a holiday. In a side street, a great throng of Federal prisoners was corralled; the}^ were nearly all Germans. Every type of prisoner was there, some cheerful, some defiant, some careless, some calm and de- jected. One fellow in particular afforded great merri- ment by his quaint recital of the manner of his capture. Said he, 'Dem leetle tevils mit der vite vlag vas doo mutch fur us; dey shoost smash mine head ven I was cry zurrender all de time'. A loud peal of laughter went up from the bystanders, among whom I recognized several cadets. His allusion to the white flag was to our *This Is a mistake. Cadet Goodykoontz had been detailed by the Com- mandant to remain with the equipment, etc., and stayed with it until the morning of the 16th, until which time the fact that he had not been relieved was forgotten. 336 The Military History or colors. We had a handsome Corps flag with a white and gold ground and a picture of Washington; it dis- concerted our adversaries not a little. Several whom I have met since then tell me that they could not make us out at ail, as our strange colors, diminutive size, and unusual precision of movement, made them think we must be some foreign mercenary regulars.* "The jeers and banterings of the veterans had now ceased ; we had fairly won our spurs. We could mingle with them fraternally, and discuss the battle on equal terms; glorious fellows, those veterans were. To them was due ninetj^-nine one-hundredths of the glory of the victory, yet they seemed to delight in giving all praise to 'dem leetle tevils mit der vite vlag'. The ladies of the place also overwhelmed us with tenderness, and as for ourselves, we drank in greedily the praise which made us the lions of the hour. "Leaving the village, we sought the plateau where most of our losses had occurred. A little above tlie town, in the fatal wheat field, we came upon the dead bodies of three cadets; one wearing the chevrons of a first sergeant lay upon his face, stiff and stark with out- stretched arms. His hands had clutched and torn up great tufts of soil and grass. His lips were retracted: his teeth tightly locked; his face as hard as flint, with staring glassy ej^es. It was difficult indeed to recognize that this was all that remained of Cabell, who a few hours before had stood first in his class, second as a soldier, and the peer of any bo}" in the command in every trait of physical and moral manliness. A short distance removed from the spot where Cabell fell, and nearer to the position of the enemy, lay McDowell. It was a sight to rend one's heart! That little fellow was lying there asleep, more fit indeed for a cradle than a grave; he was about my own age (17), not large, and by no means robust. He was a North Carolinian; he had torn open his jacket and shirt, and, even in death, lay clutching them back, exposing a fair white breast *The cadets were not small as a whole, but their tight-fitting jackets made them appear so then, as they do now, in comparison with other troops. The Virginia Military Institute 337 with its red wound. We had come too late. Stanard had breathed his last but a few moments before we reached the old farmhouse where the battery had stood, now used as a hospital. His body was still warm, and his last message had been words of love to his room- mates. • ••«•••• "A few of us brought up a limber-chest, threw our dead across it, and bore their remains to a deserted store- house in the village. The next day we buried them with the honors of war, bowed down with grief at a victory so dearly bought."* It should here again he mentioned that of the nine cadets who lost their lives in this battle, Cabell, Atwill, Crockett, Haynes, Jefferson, Jones, McDowell, Stanard and Wheelwright, but five were killed outright, Cabell, Crockett, Jones, McDowell, and Standard. At- will died of lockjaw, the following week, in Staunton; Wheelwright, in Harrisonburg, June 2d; Jefferson, in New JNIarket on May 18th, and Haynes, in the Powhatan Hotel Hospital, in Richmond, June loth. Until recent years, the fatality of Haynes's wound had not been known. In IMay, 1866, the remains of five cadets killed in the battle were removed to Lexington, where they were reinterred in the Cadet Cemetery. In 1913, they were placed in copper caskets and deposited beneath Ezekiel's monument, "Virginia Mourning Her Dead," dedicated June 23, 1903, as a memorial to the New Market Corps.** ♦End of an Era, J. S. Wise. **The bodies of Cadets Atwill. Jones, Jefferson. McDowell, and Wheelwright were removed to I>exingt()n in May. 1866. and interred on tlie second anniversary of the battle, May ]r)th, in the Cadet Cemetery created for the purpose of receiv- ing them. At this time a traditional custom originated which has been carefully pre- served and continued to the present time. On the 15th of May. the names of the nine cadets who lost their lives at the battle of New Market are called by the sergeants in the roll of their respective companies at every foi-mation during the day, and a cadet, designated in advance for the purpose, steps two paces to the front, salutes, and answers: "Died on the field of honor!" This inspiring custom had its origin in France. LATOT^R D'AlJVERGNE entered the military service of France in 1T67 and fought with distinction throughout the early years of the Revolution in the armies of the Alps and the I'yrennes. Time and again he distinguished himself in battle, and was offered promotion, Init each time he refused it. As a simple captain, he led 8,000 grenadiers, known on account of their murderous bayonet 338 The Militaky History of It is here proper to mention the heroism of a httle woman of New Market, EHza Catherine Chnedinst, afterwards Mrs. Crim. She was a fair yomig woman, who, amidst the stirring scenes of the Valley, in the oft- trodden path of the two armies, worked away faithfully in her mother's home at her trade as the village milliner ; while her sturdy brother, a lieutenant in the "Stonewall" Brigade, fought for his country.* Many conflicting accomits have been published of Eliza Clinedinst's heroism during the battle of New Market. The writer can not here undertake to correct the mistaken versions of her conduct. That she ren- dered valiant service in nursing Cadet Jefferson, who was carried to her mother's home, is certainly true, but she herself denied that she went on the field during the battle. She, like the other good women of New Mar- ket, did all she could to alleviate the suffering of the wounded. It is not disparaging to one to give credit to others for what they all did. It might be proper to add here that Cadet Thomas Garland Jefferson was born January 1, 1847, and was charges as the Infernal Column. He left the army in 1795, but re-enlisted as a substitute for the only son of an old friend in 1799, and fought with Massena in Switzerland. Again he declined promotion, but Napoleon, in 1800, caused him to be officially borne on the rolls as the "First Grenadier of France." He was killed on the 22d of June of that year in Bavaria, whereupon the whole French army mourned for him three days. His heart was embalmed, placed in a silver vase carried by his company, and his saber was placed in the Church of the Invalides. Every morning until the close of the Empire, at the roll call of his regiment, his name was called and the eldest sergeant replied : "Mort sur le champ de I'honneur." The writer regards this ceremony at the Institute on the 15th of May as by far the most impressive and inspiring one he has ever witnessed. It is impossible to estimate the influence it exerts upon the emotions and the character of the youthful cadet. Having been first sergeant of D Company In his Second Class Year, the writer recalls the rivalry which existed among the cadets of his company for the honor of answering for D Company's fallen heroes. As captain of that same company, a year later, he recalls how he was appealed to by those on the sick list, begging that they might slip into ranks to be with the colors when the anniversary salute was fired by the Battalion over the graves in the Cadet Cemetery. Who that has been a cadet at the Virginia Military Institute but can recall the hot tear that welled unbidden to the eye in response to the fervent prayer of the chaplain on this annual occasion? Is not the memory of Cabell, Atwill, McDowell. Stanard, Jefferson. Jones, Crockett, Wheelwright, and Haynes, in- delibly burned into the souls of all old cadets? Who of us but can see, standing there beside those boyish graves, in the soft evening light of springtime, with head uncovered and dampened cheek, the veteran figure of Pendleton, Poague, Cutshaw, or Lee himself, when a resident of Lexington? How distressed many old cadets will be when they learn that the Cadet Cemetery has been abandoned, and that those simple little graves are no longer to be seen in the shady grove where for forty-seven years they remained un- disturbed. No monument can be half so imposing as were those little clumps of sod ; and one of the most touching features of "New Market Day" is gone with the graves. *John Clinedinst is to-day one of the most respected citizens of New Market, and was recently mayor of the town. Clinedinst, the artist, who painted the picture of the battle of New Market, is his kinsman. The Virginia Military Institute 339 therefore seventeen years, four months and two weeks old at the time of his death. When he was wounded two of his comrades fell out of ranks to run to his aid. In words which should be made immortal the stricken youth said to them: "You can do nothing for me; go to the front; there is the place for you!" From the field he was conveyed by his comrades to the field hospital near the Hupp House, and from thence the next day to the residence of Mrs. Clinedinst, where he expired in the arms of his comrade, Cadet Corporal Moses Ezekiel, who had borne him from the field and nursed him through the weary hours until Wednesday morning, the 18th of May. At the commencement following the occasion of the unveiling and dedication of the "New Market Monu- ment" at the Institute, the survivors of the Battle Corps were presented by the V. M. I. Alumni Association with handsome bronze medals of honor; and one was pre- sented by the survivors of the Battle Corps to Mrs. Crim, which she now wears with the utmost pride. Breckinridge won a splendid victory at New Market, and the news which Lee, locked in the death-grapple with Grant in the Wilderness, received the morning after the battle was most comforting to him, for the success which had been attained in the Valley rendered his flank safe, and saved his granary for the time being. The 16th and 17th of May were devoted to caring for the wounded, the Corps of Cadets going into camp in some woods just below the town and north of the pike. On the 16th, the Commandant received an order from General Breckinridge to report to General Imboden, with the request on the part of General Breckinridge that the Corps be relieved from further duty at that time, and be ordered back to the Institute.* The cir- cimistances of General Imboden's situation were such, however, as to render its detention for a time necessary. *S. O. No. 9. Headquarters, Valley District. Original in General Shipp's possession. 340 The Militaey History of "Headquarters, Valley District, "New Market, Va., May 16, 1864. "Colonel — I am directed by Major-General Breckinridge to convey, in parting with the Corps of Cadets, to you and to them, his thanks for the important services you have rendered. He desires also to express his admiration for their meritorious conduct, as exhibited in their soldierly bearing on the march, and tlieir distin- guished gallantry on the field. "With sentiments of high personal regard, I am. Colonel, "Very respectfully, "Your obedient servant, "J. Stoddard Johnston, "Major and Acting Adjutant-General. "Lieutenant-Colonel Scott Shipp, "Commanding Corps of Cadets." "Headquarters, Valley District, "New Market, Va., May 16, 1864. "(Circular). "An approximate return of Killed and Wounded and a summary field return, showing total effective and aggregate present, will be made out and forwarded to these headquarters immediately. "By command of Major-General Breckinridge, "J. Stoddard Johnston, "Acting Adjutant-General. "Lieutenant-Colonel Scott Shipp, "Commandant." "Headquarters, First Brigade, "Rude's Hill, May 16, 1864. "Dear Colonel — I have directed Captain Catlett to call upon you for a report of the operations of your command on yesterday in the battle of New Market. I can not refrain, Colonel, in this un- official manner, from expressing my high admiration of the conduct of your noble boys in the fierce conflict of yesterday, and my deep sympathy with you all on account of the many casualties which, I understand, you will have to record. I shall always be provid to have had you and your Corps under my command; no man ever led a more gallant band. Nobly have you illustrated the history of your State, and the great institution which you have represented. "I am. Colonel, most truly, "John Echols, "Brigadier-General. "Lieutenant-Colonel Scott Shipp, "Commanding Corps of Cadets." The Virginia Military Institute 341 On the 18th, the Superintendent telegraphed Brig- adier-General Imboden as follows: "Cadets are ordered to Richmond. Move them on to Staunton to-morrow."* That same day, the following orders were published: "Headquarters, Valley District, "Staunton, Va., May 16, 1864. "General Orders — No. 4. "The Major-General Commanding takes pleasure in communi- cating to the troops of his command the following dispatch from General Lee in which he tenders thanks due only to them. " 'Spottsylvania C. H., May 16, 186i. " 'General J. C. Breckinridge, " 'I offer you the thanks of this Army for your victory over General Sigel. " 'R. E. Lee.' "To receive such a testimonial from such a source will be grate- ful to the hearts of every true soldier. "By command of Major-General Breckinridge, "J. Stoddard Johnston, "A. A. -General."** The morning of the 19th, the Commandant received the following communication: "Headquarters, Valley District, "May 19, 1864. "Col. Shipp, Commanding, "Corps Cadets. "Col. — I enclose you a dispatch received at a late hour last night. It explains itself. You will proceed to Staunton, without delay, and report to Gen. F. H. Smith. "With sincerest good wishes for the future success and safety of the Corps of gallant youths under your command, and of your- self, personally, I am Col., very truly, "Yours, "J. D. Imboden, "Brig.-Gen'l."^ •Original in General Shipp's possession. **Same. tProm the original in General Shipp's possession. 342 The Military History of "That day, we started on our return march up tlie Valley, crestfallen and dejected. The joy of victory was forgotten in distress for the friends and comrades dead and maimed. We were still young in the ghastly game, but we proved apt scholars. On our march up the Valley, we were not hailed as sorrowing friends, but greeted as heroes and victors. At Harrisonburg, Staunton, Charlottesville — everywhere, an ovation awaited us, such as we did not dream of, and such as has seldom greeted any troops. The dead, and poor fellows tossing on cots of fever and delirium, were almost for- gotten by the selfish comrades whose fame their blood had bought."* The Corps marched into Harrisonburg on the 20th, where some of the more seriously wounded cadets were placed in the hospital, and arrived at Staunton on the 21st. The night before its arrival the Commandant received the following communication : "Hqrs., Va. Mil. Inst., "Staunton, Va., May 20, 186i. "Lt.-Col. Scott Shipp, "Com'd of Cadets. "Col. — Your dispatch of this date is just received. I regret to learn that the shoes are worthless. If the Scotch shoes can be had there, I will buy as many as may be required. Anticipating the need of socks, I have with me 10 dozen pairs, and have ordered 20 dozen more to meet the cadets in Richmond. I had also tele- graphed the Adj. -General to have 100 pr. pants ready in Richmond to meet the wants of the most destitute. I first tried to get them here, but the order of the Q. M. General was required. "The cadets will move on by train on Sunday morning (22d). The battery and horses will go with the cadets. I am expecting our subsistence stores to-morrow. I made requisition for the Enfield Rifles, but not to be had. I will renew the requisition in Richmond. "The cadets will be engaged in guarding one of the main ap- proaches to the city. I shall endeavor to get the Brook Turnpike, or Meadow Bridge, or Mechanicsville Road. "I have ordered Col. Gilliam to proceed at once to Lexington, and have the clothes of the cadets carefully collected and placed in charge of Capt. Semmes whom I have ordered to take them by packet to Richmond Sunday evening, so as to meet us there. *Bnd of an Era. .T. S. Wise. The Virginia Military Institute 343 "The ladies have provided most sumptuous repasts for the cadets. I should desire you to arrange your entrance into town not earlier than 9 a. m. I have selected for camp ground tlie hill imme- diately above the Depot, the same ground occupied by Echols's Brigade. "I send you the battle flag, which I had ordered three weeks ago, and which only arrived at Lexington Friday. "I will attend to your trunk. "I remain, Col., very resp., "Francis H. Smith, "Major-General."* According to a report of the Superintendent, fully one-third of the Corps was practically barefooted upon reaching Staunton. On the 19th, he dispatched Captain T. M. Sermnes to Lexington to pack up the effects of the officers and cadets and to convey them with a supply of Quartermaster and Subsistence stores to Richmond.** Upon the arrival of the Corps, the following order was published: "Headquarters, Virginia Military Institute, "Staunton, May 21, 1864. "General Orders — No. 19. "I. The Superintendent communicates the following dispatch received from the Adjutant-General: "'Richmond, Va., May 16, 186i. " 'Major-Gen'al F. H. Smith. " 'March the cadets to Richmond and report to Secretary of War. " '(Copy of his letter of to-day to the Governor.) " 'The signal victory just achieved by General Breckinridge in the Valley culminated in the retreat of the enemy's forces that lately threatened along the line of the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad, and relieved forces acting as reserves in that quarter, while, on the other hand, all reserve forces at command would be entirely serviceable in strengthening our defense and enabling us to send veteran troops to the battlefield. Under these circum- stances I have thought the gallant Corps of Cadets at the Institute might be most advantageously summoned here. Where else could they more appropriately signalize their valor and patriotism than in the defense of the Capital of their native State? 1, therefore, ♦From original. ♦*S. O. No. 121, V. M. I.. Staunton, Va.. May 1ft, 1864. 344 The Military History of venture on the suggestion and make the request, that they may be called here to aid in defense of the Capital, and within the entrench- ments, or in guarding some of our most important lines of com- munication, as circumstances may require. " 'J. A. Seddon, " 'Secretary of War. " 'By command of W. H. Richardson, " 'Adjutant-General.' "II. As soon as the command can reach Staunton, and trans- portation can be furnished, the Infantry Battalion and Section of Artillery of the Corps of Cadets will be moved to Richmond. "III. Two days' cooked rations will be taken. "IV. Subsistence stores have been brought from the Institute to accompany the command. "V. The wagons, ambulance and unnecessary servants will be relieved, and ordered back to Lexington. "VI. Surgeon Madison will remain with the wounded and sick cadets and see that they are properly cared for. Supplies are left in Staunton to meet their wants. "VII. The Superintendent has no words to express his sense of the gallant conduct of the Corps of Cadets in the decisive but sanguine battle of New Market on the 15th inst. "The patriotic heart of the Commonwealth and Confederacy respond with proud and grateful emotion at the fortitude, courage and gallant bearing of these brave sons of the South. "We have to mourn the loss of the dead — but the names of Cabell, Stanard, Jones, Crockett, McDowell and Jefferson [Atwill, Wheelwright and Haynes had not yet died], will be honored among the most valued heroes of this eventful struggle, and the scarred bodies of the wounded will be trophies of valor and patriotism of which the Virginia Military Institute will ever be proud. The Superintendent would return his thanks to I^t.-Col. Shipp, and all the Officers and Cadets, for their conduct in this trying service. "By command, Major-General F. H. Smith, "J. H. Morrison, "A. A., V. M. Inst." Sunday the 22d, after a triumphant entry into Staunton, and the most tremendous ovation the Corps had ever received, the Battahon and Section of Artillery with the impressed Rockbridge horses, entrained for Richmond, under the orders of the Secretary of War. In the meantime, Breckinridge's command had been transferred to the North Anna, where Lee found it The Virginia Military Institute 345 upon arriving there on the 22d. The battle of Yellow Tavern had been fought between Sheridan and Stuart on the 10th, and, while the former did not succeed in reaching Richmond, it was only by the merest chance that the Confederate cavalry, with the loss of the heroic Stuart, drove him back after he had carried the outer works. At this time, there were few troops to guard the extended lines about Richmond, and the constant threats of Sheridan's cavalry upon the works north of the city made it imperative to order the cadets to Rich- mond to assist at this critical juncture in manning the works. They were not merely ordered there to be decorated with laurels as seems to be believed by some. "We were ordered to Richmond. All our sadness disappeared. What mattered it to us that we were packed into freight cars; it was great sport riding on the tops of the cars. We were side-tracked at Ashland, and there, lying on the ground by the side of us, was Stonewall Jackson's division. We had heard of them and looked upon them as the greatest soldiers that ever went into battle. What flattered us most was that they had heard of us. While waiting at Ashland a very dis- tinguished-looking surgeon entered the car, inquiring for some cadet. He was just returning from the battle- field of Spottsylvania. I heard with absorbed interest his account of the terrible carnage there, and when he said he had seen a small tree within the 'bloody angle' cut down by the bullets, I turned to Louis and said, 'I think that old fellow is drawing a long bow.' The per- son speaking was Dr. Charles Macgill. I afterwards learned that what he said was literally true. At the moment, when we were lying there at Ashland, the armies of Grant and Lee, moving by the flank, were passing, the one about us, the other within a few miles of us, from the battlefields of Spottsylvania Court House and Milford Station to their ghastly field at Second Cold Harbor. We could distinctly hear the fir- ing in our front. We reached Richmond that after- noon, and were quartered in one of the buildings of the 34