| . ..-■." -••'■■ ■'■';' 
 
 taKHS 
 
 . Ilillll 
 
 
• • • .• .•• .». ••• • • . 
 
 •• ••«•••-.-•• • • 
 
 • "••• ••••••• ••••••' 
 
 ■ 
 
Richard Lepsius 
 
 A BIOGRAPHY 
 
 BY 
 
 GEORG EBERS 
 
 TRANSLA TED FROM THE GERMAN 
 
 BY 
 
 ZOE DANA UNDERHILL 
 
 WITH FRONTISPIECE 
 
 : : •. ••• 
 
 • ••••••• •••• 
 
 • •••• •• • 
 
 • *• • • • •••.». ••« •■ • • • 
 
 t-Au-Mo«iz»i> cei-fti £>:*-:-•: : .••. 
 
 • •• . • • ••• • • ••••••••••••• 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 WILLIAM S. GOTTSBERGER, PUBLISHER 
 
 II MURRAY STREET 
 
 1887 
 

 Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1887 
 
 by William S. Gottsberger 
 
 in the Office' of the Librarian ot Congress, at Washington 
 
 • •••••• • 
 
 • • • % • • • 
 
 • • • •• ••• 
 
 '• ••«••• 
 
 • • •• • .• • 
 
TO DR. JOHANNES DUMICHEN, 
 
 REGULAR PROFESSOR OF THE EGYPTIAN LANGUAGE AND 
 ARCHAEOLOGY AT THE UNIVERSITY OF STRASBURG. 
 
 My dear Johannes! 
 
 To you shall this biography be dedicated. As the 
 eldest pupil of our master you have in a certain sense a 
 right to it. From many conversations with you, and 
 from your letters since his death, I have seen with 
 what cheerful alacrity you were always prepared to 
 recognize the great qualities of our Lepsius ; and how 
 often, behind your back, has the departed spoken 
 warmly to me of your enthusiastic and self-sacrificing 
 devotion to our science. 
 
 Accept this offering, then, as a slight countervailing 
 gift for the many donations which you have bestowed 
 upon me and every Egyptologist. Imitating the mas- 
 ter's example you have followed him to Egypt, and 
 there, like him, undertaken the task of disclosing to 
 your colleagues at home the wealth of unexplored in- 
 scriptions in which the temples and tombs of the Nile 
 valley are still so rich. From hundreds of walls you 
 have copied the pictorial and hieroglyphic decorations, 
 and made them accessible for investigation by collect- 
 ing them in convenient volumes. A stately row of 
 
 226499 
 
folios, — yonder they stand and each contains cordial 
 words which assure me of your faithful remembrance, 
 — bears witness to your industry, the acuteness of 
 your eye and intellect, and the precision of your hand. 
 But few know what great sacrifices of comfort, sleep, 
 health, and your own property, lie hidden within these 
 volumes, for without assistance worth mentioning, 
 either from the government or its chiefs, you, relying 
 upon yourself alone, have achieved great results. You 
 were aided by no firmans to afford you protection, no 
 powerful patron to assume the cost of publication, no 
 helpful fellow-traveller, as for years you made your 
 way up the Nile far into the Sudan. Month after 
 month have you been a self-invited guest of the god to 
 whom the sanctuary of your choice was dedicated, you 
 have passed the nights on a hard couch in a chamber 
 of the temple which you desired to examine, and 
 shared their scanty meal with the Arabs. To me it 
 will ever be incomprehensible whence you derived the 
 endurance to copy, through weeks of labor, the inscrip- 
 tions on the walls of the tomb of Petuamenapt, the so- 
 called bat sepulchre, while those misshapen creatures 
 which dread the day extinguished your lights, flapped 
 about you in swarms, and entangled themselves in that 
 magnificent beard which procured for you among the 
 Arabs the name of Abu Dakn (Father of the Beard). 
 
 But your endurance has borne admirable fruits. 
 Through you and your works the inscriptions of the 
 time of Ptolemy, formerly neglected, have for the first 
 time received due honor. The keys to many mysteries 
 
in 
 
 lie concealed within them, and with what sagacity 
 have you established the value of the enigmatical signs 
 with which the priests during the Lagid period knew 
 how to withdraw from the understanding of the multi- 
 tude the mysteries to which they gave freer expression 
 than their predecessors of earlier epochs. Golden 
 Hathor of the beautiful countenance, under whose pro- 
 tection you spent such long months of privation, has 
 endowed you with her dearest sanctuary, that of Den- 
 dera, entirely for your own, and Tehuti has aided you 
 to apprehend correctly the fractional reckoning of the 
 Egyptians, to determine many of their measures, and 
 to make clear the division of the Egyptian land in 
 ancient time. 
 
 It is a delight to offer a gift to such a giver, and 
 if mine, my dear Johannes, pleases you, I shall be 
 happy. 
 
 I have allowed neither diligence nor care to be 
 lacking in its preparation, but nevertheless I should not 
 have attained the goal which from the first I have had 
 in view, if the family of the deceased had not com- 
 mitted to my use, with such great kindness and noble 
 confidence, all the materials at their disposal. Of the 
 greatest service have been the diaries of Mrs. Lepsius, 
 her husband's letters to her, to his parents, to Bunsen 
 and many others, and the master's own memoranda in 
 the form of note-books and diaries, or on scraps of 
 paper and in little books of poetry, in which are also 
 included the poems of Abeken, the family friend. 
 
 The heads of the school, especially the principal, 
 
IV — 
 
 Professor Volkmann, as well as Professor Buchbinder, 
 willingly furnished me with such information as I de- 
 sired ; memoirs and collections of letters already pub- 
 lished helped me to make good many deficiencies, and 
 where I wished to consult the records of public author- 
 ities I have everywhere met with a courtesy which 
 merits thanks. I owe special acknowledgment for the 
 many communications, both by letter and word of 
 mouth, which I have received from the eldest son of 
 the deceased, Professor R. Lepsius of Darmstadt. 
 
 As is natural, the principle materials have been 
 drawn from the works of the master, and my own 
 vivid memories of his character. 
 
 The index to his writings will, I think, be welcome 
 to you and to many colleagues. To bring it to the 
 perfection which he had desired was a task attended 
 with many difficulties. 
 
 You must yourself judge whether the old adage "a 
 pupil's praise is lame," is applicable to this biography. 
 I am conscious of having handled my brush with love 
 indeed, but also with all fidelity. On account of the 
 great abundance of material there was far less need of 
 original research than of sifting and selecting, and this 
 had to be done with special pains and prudence in re- 
 gard to the twenty-seven volumes of Mrs. Lepsius' in- 
 teresting diary. 
 
 I hope that you, the master's eldest pupil, will miss, 
 in this likeness painted by the hand of friendship, no 
 essential trait of the dead who was dear to us both, 
 and that you will find that the artist has introduced 
 
into it no more of his own personality than may be 
 permitted to an historian. He tenders you this book 
 with affection, and knows that you will receive it in the 
 same spirit from 
 
 Your very faithful, 
 
 Georg Ebers, 
 Leipsic, Easter, 1885. 
 
CONTENTS, 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Preface, - i 
 
 Boyhood and Apprenticeship, - 3 
 
 The School, -------- 5 
 
 Leipsic, 9 
 
 GOTTINGEN, l8 
 
 Berlln, ^o 
 
 The Journeyman, Paris, --__._ ^ 
 Egyptological Studies, as Lepsius found them in 
 
 1834, 69 
 
 Lepsius in Paris as an Egyptologist, - , 79 
 
 lTAI - Y > 93 
 
 Holland, England, and the Season of Waiting, in 
 
 Germany, 123 
 
 The Prussian Expedition to Egypt, under the di- 
 rection of Lepsius, ------ '140 
 
 The Master Workman, 167 
 
 The Home of Lepsius, -.._.. 2 i8 
 
 Richard Lepsius as a Man, 282 
 
 Appendix: I. The Gottingen Insurrection, - - 301 
 44 II. Lepsius' Report to the Berlin Royal 
 Academy of Sciences on the com- 
 mencement of his Egyptological 
 
 Studies, 308 
 
 44 III. Extract from the Report addressed 
 to the Ministry, on the Acquisi- 
 tions and Results of the Expedi- 
 tion to Egypt under R. Lepsius, 314 
 Index to the works of R. Lepsius, - - - 325 
 
RICHARD LEPSIUS, 
 
 the head master of Egyptology, closed his eyes dur- 
 ing the past summer, and his departure has been deeply 
 lamented, not only in our own country, but among 
 scholars of all lands. The task of portraying his life 
 has fallen to me, and this task I have willingly assumed, 
 for I am — with the exception of my dear and excel- 
 lent friend and colleague, Diimichen of Strasburg — the 
 oldest of his pupils. Till his latter end an intimate 
 untroubled friendship united me to the beloved master, 
 the benevolent promoter of my studies, the colleague, 
 the man who followed with sympathy my poetical as 
 well as my scientific productions. His family have 
 assisted me in the kindest manner by placing at my 
 disposal everything left by the deceased which could 
 possibly aid my purpose. Diaries, memorandum books, 
 letters of great interest, were submitted to my inspec- 
 tion, and these abundant materials confirmed my con- 
 viction that the personality of a German scholar has 
 seldom presented so rounded and happily balanced a 
 whole as that of the man whose life it has devolved 
 upon me to describe. In him are united all things 
 which can be required of a scholar in the highest sense 
 of the word, and hence his biographer, while depicting 
 the development, the individuality, and the vast activity 
 
2 RKFARI) LKPSIUS. 
 
 of the man, can at the same time present to his nation 
 such a model, such a beautiful type, of the German 
 master of science, as is worthy of imitation. 
 
 In that great community which we call " the culti- 
 vated world," and which has its home in every civilized 
 land, the name of Richard Lepsius stands among 
 those which are well known. Everyone within this circle 
 knows, too, that he was a great Egyptologist. As one 
 holds the diamonds in a king's crown for genuine, even 
 if he sees them only from afar, so one believes in the value 
 and importance of the works of the celebrated scholar, 
 although one may not even so much as know their 
 titles, and although it is scarcely granted to one amongst 
 ten thousand to comprehend them, or even to study 
 them deeply. 
 
 The brief obituaries and biographical sketches pub- 
 lished in the papers and periodicals shortly after the 
 death of the great master, could give but a general idea 
 of his labors, and yet these extended over many impor- 
 tant domains of science, and his strong and firm hand 
 laid the foundations upon which a long and varied 
 series of future researches can and must be based. 
 
 It will be ours to show, in a way accessible and 
 intelligible to every educated person, of what nature 
 were the scientific achievements to which Lepsius owed 
 his high and well-deserved honor and renown, and 
 what a man the nation lost in him. 
 
 Georc. Ebers. 
 
BOYHOOD AND APPRENTICESHIP. 
 
 Richard Charles Lepsius was born on the 23d of 
 December, 18 10, at Naumburg on the Saal, a pretty 
 town which rises pleasantly from the grape-grown foot- 
 hills of the Thuringian forest. Here he passed his 
 childhood among circumstances than which none more 
 favorable could have been imagined for the future 
 scholar and antiquarian. 
 
 His father, afterwards President of the provincial 
 court of justice and Privy Counsellor, was at that time 
 Saxon Finance Procurator for the whole Thuringian 
 district, and as such one of the leading men of the 
 place and region. Naumburg is rich in fine buildings 
 of the middle ages, and Charles Peter Lepsius, the 
 father of young Richard, applied such leisure as his 
 exacting occupations afforded him to searching out the 
 history of these venerable monuments. It was he who 
 founded the Thuringian-Saxon Archaeological Society, 
 the seat of which was subsequently removed to Halle, 
 and the three volumes of his short papers testify to his 
 zeal and ability as an investigator. He is represented 
 as a strict and methodical official, of distinguished bear- 
 ing, as well as an indefatigable worker ; and precisely 
 these qualities fell as a paternal inheritance to his son, 
 and afterwards constituted the conditions of his great- 
 ness. 
 
4 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 Among those remarkable men who have compassed 
 high aims by means of marked qualities of tempera- 
 ment or of the imaginative faculty, the maternal influ- 
 ence has usually predominated, while in those cases 
 where strength and acuteness of intellect have made a 
 man great, the paternal character has commonly had 
 most weight. A poet like Goethe, a man of faith like 
 Augustine, a Napoleon Bonaparte, whose imagination 
 transgressed all limits, owed what was best in them to 
 their mothers; the mind of a Lepsius, severe, never 
 seeking after uncertainties, but always inclined to pro- 
 found research, must be an inheritance from the 
 father. 
 
 Throughout Thuringia and Saxony all who were 
 interested in antiquities were connected with the archae- 
 ologists and founders of the society at Naumburg, the 
 air of the house in which the boy grew up was per- 
 meated with historical and antiquarian interests, and its 
 master early permitted his son to take part in those oc- 
 cupations which he himself could only pursue as an 
 amateur, and yet to which his tastes so entirely inclined. 
 Thus it is easy to understand how the Minister of 
 Finance, as soon as he recognized the scientific bent of 
 his son, did everything to further it and to make of his 
 child what he himself, under more favorable circum- 
 stances; might have become: a great investigator to 
 whom science should be all and everything, the end 
 and aim of existence, in short, the vocation of life. 
 
THE SCHOOL. 
 
 Circumstances facilitated the attainment of this pur- 
 pose, for in the immediate vicinity of Naumburg was 
 situated an excellent educational institution which, at 
 the time when young Lepsius was received among its 
 pupils, had already long attained that flourishing con- 
 dition in which it still rejoices. 
 
 Private teachers had given him his first instruction 
 under the direction of his father, and at Easter, 1823, 
 he was already, as a boy of twelve, qualified for admis- 
 sion to the school, which begins with the third class of 
 the Prussian gymnasiums. At that time Ilgen was 
 principal of the school, but Professor Lange, his tutor, 
 seems to have exerted a stronger influence than he over 
 the pupils. The latter became principal after the 
 departure of Lepsius in 1831, but unfortunately died a 
 few months after assuming office. He is the only one 
 of all his teachers whom Lepsius especially mentions 
 in the biography attached to his " dissertation " and it 
 is true that this man exercised a marked influence over 
 his gifted pupil by his moral fervor, his great learning 
 and spirited interpretations of the old classic writers. 
 
 Professor Koberstein had come to the school three 
 years before Lepsius, and had introduced new life into 
 the teaching of German. He understood how to 
 interest the pupils in ancient and mediaeval high Ger- 
 man, and after the fashion of Tieck he read German 
 
6 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 and Shakespearian dramas at his own house in the 
 evenings to a select circle. How greatly Lepsius was 
 affected by the instruction of this able pedagogue and 
 scholar may be seen from the so-called valedictory 
 theme which he was obliged to compose and hand in 
 before his departure, according to the custom in the 
 school at that time. This painstaking essay, unusually 
 mature for a lad of eighteen, handles the following sub- 
 ject, selected by himself: "On the Influence which 
 must be Exerted on the Tendency of Philology in 
 General, and Especially of Classic Philology, by the 
 Most Recent Methods of Treating German Grammar, 
 and the Universal Comparison of Languages Arising 
 from this and the Wider Knowledge of Sanscrit." It 
 appears from the little sketch of his life appended to this 
 essay that Koberstein had also given Lepsius special in- 
 struction in ancient German and Italian. " The time 
 which I spent with you will ever appear to me the 
 bright spot of my life here," writes the pupil, on his de- 
 parture from the excellent institution which he long 
 remembered with affection and gratitude. 
 
 And he had reason to be grateful to Koberstein, for 
 in the valedictory theme mentioned above and com- 
 posed under his auspices we see indicated, as it were, 
 the path which, after much groping and many essays, 
 the studies of Lepsius were finally to follow. 
 
 With him, as with so many others, a vigorous indi- 
 viduality had, even in his school-days, exerted a de- 
 cisive .influence upon his subsequent intellectual ten- 
 dencies. The elder Lepsius, the antiquarian, and 
 
THE SCHOOL. 7 
 
 Koberstein the accomplished linguist, indicated to their 
 son and pupil from afar the goal for which he after- 
 wards strove, it was reserved for others to be the guides 
 who should determine and direct him thither. 
 
 At Easter, 1829, Lepsius, then seventeen years old, 
 passed the final examination with the general certificate 
 I., and left the school with a body invigorated by the 
 merry games of boyhood on the gymnastic-ground and 
 skating-pond and in the swimming-school, with a mind 
 well prepared for every study, and a thorough mastery 
 of the old classical languages. 
 
 How dear the school had been to him is shown by 
 the following verses, taken from the farewell poem 
 which he dedicated to it : 
 
 " A thousand times I've wandered 
 High on the mount above, 
 And gazed with quiet rapture 
 On the valley that I love. 
 
 " Beyond, the silver river! 
 And above, the shining skies ! 
 While, beneath the mountain's shadow, 
 What a happy dwelling lies ! 
 
 " The gray walls seem to beckon, 
 They summon me to go, 
 And join the throng that gathers 
 In the garden there below. 
 
 " There many a youthful figure 
 Weaves the merry game, I wis, 
 But whence, ah whence, arises 
 In my heart, this pensive bliss ?" 
 
8 RICHARD LEPS1US. 
 
 His father who, as president of the provincial 
 court and commissioner for the examinations previous 
 to matriculation, was a person of influence with the 
 directors of the school, had desired that in the final 
 scrutiny the performances of his son should be no more 
 indulgently judged than those of every other alumnus. 
 After Richard had been honored with the I., Ilgen 
 wrote to his father in the following reassuring manner, 
 having first announced the results of the examination : 
 u You must on no account imagine that you are under 
 obligations to any one. I assure you for my part that 
 I would have done as I have, even if you were my worst 
 enemy, and that I have only acted according to my 
 conscience, as you may hear from Neue and 
 Jacobi." 
 
 It need not be said that young Lepsius was among 
 the most prominent pupils of the institution. On the 
 king's birthday, on the third of August, 1826, the task 
 of composing and delivering a poem in honor of the 
 festival was imposed upon him. He chose for his sub- 
 ject " Albert of Babenberge," and handled it, skilfully 
 enough, in the Nibelungen stanza. 
 
 He derived great pleasure, in after days, from poeti- 
 cal composition, and although he ardently devoted him- 
 self to science from the very first, yet among the poems 
 lying before us many a gay song bears witness to the 
 vivacity of his youthful spirit 
 
LEIPSIC. 
 
 The elder Lepsius kept most of the letters which his 
 son wrote him from Leipsic, where he began his studies. 
 They show how earnestly he took hold of the matter 
 from the start, and how attentively the president of the 
 court at Naumburg watched not only the practical 
 daily life, but also the scientific activity of his son. The 
 methodical official wished to be informed as to the ex- 
 penditure of every groschen which he allowed his 
 son, and the accounts accompanying the student's 
 letters show us how cheaply it was possible to 
 live in Leipsic some fifty years ago. A good din- 
 ner, with soup, roast, and salad or compote, cost 
 three groschen, Richard thought the morning coffee 
 too dear at a groschen, the beer at dinner for fourteen 
 days came to seven groschen, a room at the inn for 
 one night was three groschen, a pat (half-pound) of 
 butter was two groschen, three pfennigs. However, 
 the hard-working student seems to have been absolved 
 from this exact rendering of accounts in the third term, 
 but it had been of great advantage to him, for it would 
 have been impossible for him to bring the greatest of 
 his subsequent works to such a successful issue, or in- 
 deed to produce them at all, without the strict sense of 
 order which he had acquired both by inheritance and 
 training. For example, after his return from Egypt he 
 was able without the slightest error to join and fit into 
 
IO RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 their- proper places the thousands of sheets of paper 
 with which he had taken impressions of the inscriptions. 
 This shows a painstaking exactness in the marking and 
 numbering of each leaf such as had been practised by 
 no previous traveller, not even by Champollion and 
 Rosellini, in whose works errors are by no means rare. 
 From the first, it was clear to him that he wished 
 to study philology, but he hesitated for some time as to 
 what course he should pursue afterwards. He had 
 presented himself at the proper time, but in those days 
 the professors took things easily. Godfrey Hermann, 
 of whom he had the highest expectations, only began 
 to lecture after Whitsuntide, " most of the others, such 
 as Beck, Rost, Nobbe, Weiske, only at the beginning 
 of June." The first course of lectures which he at- 
 tended was Wachsmuth's " Universal History." " I 
 was much pleased," he writes to his father, " with his 
 introduction, in which he expressed his views on the 
 exposition of the general conception, on the division 
 and proper treatment of history. He has besides an 
 agreeable fluent delivery, and a very pleasant voice. 
 Yet his public lectures on Roman History, which fol- 
 lowed immediately, were almost more interesting to 
 me. Here his discourse is perfectly unfettered, be- 
 cause he has already laid his foundations in the pre- 
 ceding lectures on Universal History. Roman History 
 is a department to which he has given special atten- 
 tion, and in the treatment of which he repeatedly 
 differs from those views of Niebuhr's which have intro- 
 duced a new epoch. On this account it is very inter- 
 
LEIPSIC. II 
 
 esting to hear him criticise Niebuhr, of whom, however, 
 he speaks with the greatest respect." 
 
 The philosopher Krug he had imagined as quite a 
 different person and much younger. He writes to his 
 father of him : " He has the face of an old philosopher, 
 and it is so beset with solemn wrinkles that at first I 
 could not reconcile it with the biting satirical wit 
 which one finds in his writings. His eyes, however, 
 are very brilliant, and they wander perpetually over 
 the ceiling as if he were unaware of the presence of 
 auditors, during the quiet almost monotonous, but 
 pointed discourse, in which he never blunders or hesi- 
 tates for a syllable." 
 
 From what might be called the more fortuitous 
 selection of the other courses of lectures which he 
 attended, it is apparent with how little consciousness 
 of his ultimate goal he began his studies, and he makes 
 his father the confidant of his indecision. , The inter- 
 esting letter of the seventh of August, 1829, which we 
 give herewith, shows the young aspirant for the right 
 path in the best light, and proves that he had just dis- 
 cerned in the great philologist, Godfrey Hermann, the 
 man in Leipsic from whom he had most to gain. 
 
 Before the end of his first term he writes to his 
 father in this letter : 
 
 " It will naturally be far more difficult for me to 
 give you a satisfactory explanation of my position re- 
 garding science, than regarding practical affairs, since 
 I will not even boast of having come to fixed views on 
 
12 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 the subject myself. Indeed I consider it a main point 
 during the first part of my stay at the University, and 
 one by no means easily or quickly settled, to come to 
 an understanding with myself about this, and to take a 
 steady survey of my whole course in life, but particu- 
 larly of my studies. For I feel more and more this 
 important distinction between the school and the uni- 
 versity, that here one is suddenly deprived of all guid- 
 ance and special instruction as to the direction which 
 one should pursue. The many beginnings made at 
 school, without any definite aim in view, must be either 
 continued or abandoned, either pursued more zealously 
 or regarded as a side issue, according to one's own 
 choice and judgment. On this account, too, I do not 
 reproach myself that as yet I have no unalterable plan 
 nor perfect system in my studies, since scarcely anyone 
 could have made such a decision so quickly, or, were 
 such a hastily formed scheme adopted, it might lead 
 to a one-sided development which should be most 
 foreign to philology especially. Altogether, there is no 
 science in which this question can be more important 
 and at the same time more difficult, than in ours, since 
 we have no positive series of lectures to observe, like 
 the lawyers, doctors, and theologians, but each must 
 choose and trace out his own road over the boundless 
 field of philology, according to his own powers and in- 
 dividual character. Now, so far as my purely scientific 
 education is concerned, from the very beginning two 
 main paths present themselves, between which most stu- 
 dents make a voluntary or involuntary choice ; namely, 
 
LEIPSIC. 13 
 
 philology proper and archaeology. Naturally, they are 
 so closely connected that one can never be entirely di- 
 vorced from the other, but nevertheless every one de- 
 votes himself more to one than the other. Indeed 
 either of the two departments alone is sufficiently exten- 
 sive to demand all the powers of one person. This 
 distinction between, and this independence of, the two 
 branches have been most fully illustrated in our two 
 greatest philologists, Hermann and Bockh, each of 
 whom has formed his own school, entirely distinct from 
 the other. I would think it rash and foolish at present 
 to wish to decide in favor of either, since I know too 
 little of either to make such a decision from my own con- 
 viction and independent judgment. In any case it is 
 well for me at first, as far as possible, to attach myself to 
 the school of Hermann, and apply myself entirely to 
 languages, for an accurate knowledge of languages is 
 an indispensable foundation in every other branch, and 
 certainly there can nowhere be found a more accom- 
 plished teacher than Hermann, even if there actually are 
 more learned men, which I will not dispute. I learn 
 daily to admire more his incomparable clearness and 
 acuteness in the exercise of the soundest criticism. I lis- 
 ten attentively and with pleasure to his lectures, and per- 
 haps in time will try to become a member of his Greek 
 club, which has already trained eminent philologists 
 
 and given the first impulse to many learned works 
 
 " Some time ago Graser * was in Leipsic, only in 
 
 * F. W. Graser, born at Luckau, 1801, studied in Leipsic, 1819- 
 23, 1823 Head Master at the Royal Grammar School at Halle, 1827 
 Sub-Principal in Naumburg, 1831 Deputy Principal and 1846 Princi- 
 
14 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 passing through, but he let himself be persuaded to re- 
 main here several days in order to have the pleasure of 
 seeing Hermann. He went to Hermann's lectures 
 regularly, and was quite enthusiastic about him. At 
 six o'clock he went as a guest to the Greek club, of 
 which he had previously been an honored member. I 
 too went as a guest. There was a discussion concerning 
 a paper on several passages from Plato De legibus, and 
 it was not long before Graser broke in, with a prodi- 
 gious flood of compliments by way of preface, but with 
 much learning and great acuteness, and gave his opinion 
 on several of the passages. Hermann received it very 
 well. Then they fell to making panegyrics upon each 
 other, and Graser was so inspired by Hermann's re- 
 joinders that time after time he exclaimed, with every 
 gesture of admiration : Admiro?-, admiror in genii tui 
 acumen praestiuitissimum, vir i//us/ris y venerande, and 
 so on, so that the members were all in a great state of 
 amazement over it. But he spoke good, fluent Latin, 
 and what he said was very scholarly and clever. Fi- 
 nally, Hermann made another little eulogium upon him. 
 These two hours gave me far more pleasure than if I 
 had spent an evening at the theatre, for it is not every 
 day that one can see such enthusiasm as was expressed 
 
 pal at Guben, 1854 Principal at Torgau, 1863 Deputy Principal at the 
 Abbey of Our Blessed Lady in Magdeburg, until 1869. Now lives as 
 a private gentleman in Potsdam. In the Renunciation programme 
 of thirty-seven doctors of philosophy on the 4th of March, 1824, (De 
 epitritris Doriis dissertatio). G. Hermann says of him : A Beckio in 
 Seminarium Regium, a me in Societatem Graecam receptus, utrigue 
 nostrum et propter studiorum diligentiam, et propter praeclarum in- 
 genium insignemque morum humanitatem et suavitatem valde pro- 
 batus est. 
 
LEIPSIC. "15 
 
 here for Hermann ; it was so genuine, and yet in its 
 whole essence so intelligent and clear." 
 
 This letter, certainly unusually mature and thought- 
 ful for a lad of eighteen, is followed by many others, 
 from which we may see how judiciously Lepsius knew 
 how to divide his time, with what diligence he not only 
 attended lectures, but also twice a day read Greek and 
 Roman classics with his friend Schweckendieck for 
 hours, and still found time to practise music, play chess 
 and visit socially, a welcome guest, among families of 
 good standing in Leipsic. Shortly before the outbreak 
 of the revolution of July, there was a significant fermen- 
 tation among the German students. After the momen- 
 tous Carlsbad Decrees, and in consequence of the 
 " Executive Order " carried through by Metternich, the 
 University was placed under political supervision " for. 
 the security of public order." Thus it became not only 
 dangerous to take an active share in the movement for 
 liberty, but even to have any close intercourse with a 
 fellow-student who was suspected of having taken part 
 in " seditious intrigues," and what were not so styled by 
 the wretched oppressors of political liberty during the 
 supremacy of Metternich's influence ? 
 
 How anxious must the Naumburg Landrath have 
 felt when he learned that an older fellow-student of his 
 son's, of whom the latter wrote to him with great 
 warmth, was involved in demagogic alliances in his na- 
 tive city of Brunswick, at that time a centre of the 
 political dissatisfaction which was soon to lead -to the 
 
l6 RICHARD LEPS1US. 
 
 expulsion of Duke Charles. This singularly talent- 
 ed man, named Silberschmidt, was ten years older than 
 young Richard, and had interested him greatly. He 
 had an eventful life behind him, and was so thoroughly 
 at home in the most diverse departments of science, that 
 Lepsius described him to his father as a " universal 
 genius." In his nine-and-twentieth year he began to 
 study law, had essayed all possible branches of litera- 
 ture, had been page to the King of Westphalia in Cas- 
 sel, huntsman and fencing-master, said he had studied 
 in Giessen, written a dissertation " On the Immortality 
 of the Soul," a book on the art of fencing, many 
 dramas, reviews, etc., and called himself also the au- 
 thor of a work on chess. Lepsius who, even as a student, 
 was already an able chess-player, recognized in his fel- 
 low-lodger one of the greatest masters of this noble 
 game, and when he visited Silberschmidt in his apart- 
 ment the latter showed him a very remarkable testi- 
 monial. It contained a certificate from the parish of 
 Strobeck, in Halberstadt, that it had been beaten at 
 chess by Silberschmidt. This was subscribed by the 
 local town magistrate, and stamped with the seal 
 of the parish. The parish in question enjoyed a wide 
 celebrity on account of its chess playing, in which 
 every peasant was a master, and in which even the boys 
 had to pass an examination. Old electoral foundations 
 had endowed the people of Strobeck with great privi- 
 leges and possessions on account of their skill in this 
 game. They had never been beaten until Silberschmidt 
 had appeared to concjuer them. A Jew from Bruns- 
 
LEIPSIC. 17 
 
 wick had also told Richard's landlord that his re- 
 markable new friend was the most famous of all living 
 chess-players. As he also proved to be " pleasant, and 
 anything but conceited," and showed himself " an in- 
 dustrious man of excellent moral principles, and at the 
 same time always cheerful and interesting in his con- 
 versation," Richard supposed he could derive nothing 
 but benefit from intercourse with him. All that he 
 writes to his father of the Brunswicker proves the bril- 
 liant talents of the latter, but also shows that he tried 
 to win his younger fellow-student by boasting. Silber- 
 schmidt had spoken to Lepsius about his demagogic asso- 
 ciations, and as soon as the father had warned his son 
 against this dangerous man, Richard knew how to with- 
 draw from the connection with tact and address. 
 Here, as in every similar case, the youth, scarcely past 
 his boyhood, shows himself entirely submissive to the 
 superior wisdom of his father, and at the same time he 
 already evinces the discretion which he afterwards ex- 
 hibited in every position in which he was placed during 
 a long life in the midst of the world, where there could 
 not fail to be conflicts and collisions of every kind. 
 
 At the end of the second term at Leipsic he debated 
 with his father whether he should not exchange the 
 Leipsic University for another, and in this consultation 
 also we see him weigh the pros and cons with a clear 
 head and great circumspection. To Leipsic he was at- 
 tached by many a good comrade and many a pleasant 
 family, from whom he had received kindness, and^ be- 
 neath whose roof he had sung and danced and been 
 
1 8 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 treated like a son of the house. Of the academic in- 
 structors, Hermann alone detained him on the Pleisse, 
 and as the latter intended to travel during the coming 
 summer term, he decided on a change of University. 
 At first his father had some objection, we can no longer 
 fathom what, to Gottingen, whither Richard most de- 
 sired to go. He therefore weighed Berlin, to which he 
 was particularly attracted by Boeckh, Lachmann, C. 
 Ritter and Bopp, against Bonn, where he had the high- 
 est expectations of Welcker and Niebuhr. In his last 
 letter from Leipsic the son decides for the Rhenish 
 University, but during the vacation, which brought him 
 and his father once more together, he seems to have 
 succeeded in inducing the latter to accede to his desire 
 to enter the Georgia Augusta, and so we see him, in the 
 spring of 1830, proceed to Gottingen by way of Eisen- 
 ach and Cassel, where he saw Spohr conduct a per- 
 formance of " The White Lady." 
 
 GOTTINGEN. 
 
 On the eight of May Lepsius arrived in Gottingen, 
 and found good lodgings with the tailor, Volkmann, 
 129 Kurze Street. For fellow-lodger he had again his 
 friend Schweckendieck of Leipsic, with whom he con- 
 tinued to work and to read Greek and Latin classics. 
 He took with him excellent letters of introduction to 
 those professors of whom he expected most, Otfried 
 M tiller, Dissen, and the Grimms, and was thus received 
 
GOTTINGEN. 1 9 
 
 by them in the kindest manner. During the first term 
 he attended the lectures of Dissen, on Universal Sci- 
 ence ; of Miiller, on Archaeology and Thucydides j of 
 J. Grimm, on Ancient Law, and of Beneke, on the 
 Poems of Walter von der Vogelweide. 
 
 All that he writes to his father concerning the more 
 illustrious of his teachers, is interesting enough. It 
 shows us how here in Gottingen, and especially through 
 listening to and associating with Otfried Miiller, Dissen, 
 and the Grimms, science was revealed to him in a 
 new and clearer light. We observe, too, how his mind 
 became accustomed to take cognizance of a subject as a 
 whole, and to its fullest extent, and yet preserve due re- 
 gard to details; how he acquired his esthetic ideals, 
 and how he laid the foundation for those works which 
 were afterwards to make him famous, not only in phil- 
 ology, but also in history, the history of art, and myth- 
 ology. 
 
 His first visit was paid to the excellent scholar and 
 sufferer, G. L. Dissen, the illustrious editor of Pindar, 
 Tibullus and Demosthenes. 
 
 " I can give you briefly," he tells his father, " what 
 I noted down of Dissen's views on my return from him. 
 ' Above all else,' he said, ' the time has come to elevate 
 hermenentics, the advanced science of exegesis, for the 
 old poets as well as prose writers, to a higher standard. 
 Up to this time scholars have usually been content to 
 expound the words in their grammatical connection, 
 and according to their significance in the dictionary or 
 by the rules of syntax. They have sought to discover 
 
20 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 the meaning of detached passages, or perhaps the ?iexus 
 senteiitiarum. But they have neither recognized nor ex- 
 pressed in a sufficient manner the inestimable superior- 
 ity of the Greek language especially, in the per- 
 fect correspondence between thought and form, — in 
 the possibility of easily reproducing the least modula- 
 tion of thought by an appropriate adaptation of the ex- 
 pression. Nor have they known how to detect the 
 deep technical design, the economy of words, of poems, 
 of choral songs, which can be shown everywhere, and 
 which is executed with admirable poetical perfec- 
 tion, as well as with severe logical art. Yet the superi- 
 ority of the ancients consists precisely in this, that in 
 their works they develop in admirable harmony these 
 two powers, lofty poetic inspiration in the conception, 
 and clear, penetrating judgment in the execution. It is 
 just this that separates them from the poesy of to-day, 
 in which one side is almost always cultivated at the ex- 
 pense of the other. Classic poetry and the whole of 
 classic literature is not yet, by any means, valued as it 
 should be, and it is now incumbent upon hermenentics 
 to instruct us therein, and to exhibit in detail all the 
 treasures of classical literature to their profoundest 
 depths. Such commentaries as are at present written 
 upon the ancients usually contain explanations of iso- 
 lated words, and matters which often have but a very 
 slight connection with the text. They consist for the 
 most part of general remarks on grammar, and are 
 compiled from collectanea. Such dull and lifeless 
 handiwork should at least be abandoned to those who 
 
GOTTINGEN. 21 
 
 can attain no higher standpoint of science ; but the 
 higher hermenentics must proceed from the basis of 
 grammatical knowledge, which is requisite in every 
 case, to point out in their works the genius and art of 
 the ancients. A correct understanding of the separate 
 parts can only be attained by steadily keeping in view 
 the essential order, the fundamental idea, and it can 
 be proved repeatedly with regard to Hermann that he 
 has neglected this in his writings and commentaries, or 
 he would have perceived that often, in a chorus, the 
 notes to strophe and anti-strophe contradict each other. 
 Pindar especially must be treated in this way." Lepsi- 
 us then describes the law which Dissen thinks he has 
 found to be observed, in an analogous manner, through 
 all the poems of Pindar. 
 
 " I was also received very cordially," writes Rich- 
 ard to his father, "by O. M tiller. He is just such a 
 man as I had expected, and that is saying a great deal ; 
 his whole external appearance, even, corresponded 
 amazingly to the idea which I had formed of him. 
 This morning he depicted himself most aptly in de- 
 scribing the Greek character. He is at the same time 
 earnest and vivacious, enthusiastic and calm, imagina- 
 tive and lucid. This is, of course, most applicable to 
 the manner in which he expresses himself in his lec- 
 tures, yet his whole character is so transparently manifest- 
 ed in them, especially in the first lectures on the archae- 
 ology of art, that it is safe to draw conclusions thence 
 as to all other relations. He has besides an almost 
 ideally fine figure, an expressive countenance which ex- 
 
22 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 hibits real humanity, and a distinct, sonorous voice. 
 His lectures are almost entirely extemporaneous, as far 
 as the subject permits, enthusiastic, yet calm too, clear 
 and convincing." 
 
 Jacob Grimm he calls a " very kind-hearted, unaf- 
 fected man. This is apparent in everything. He is 
 also prodigiously learned in every possible direction, 
 but yet, it seems, very easily embarrassed in expressing 
 himself, perhaps because he does not yet feel at home 
 among the affectations of Gottingen life." Later he 
 learned to esteem the brothers Grimm more and more 
 highly, and met with the most cordial reception in their 
 house. " Eight days ago," he writes to his father, " I 
 dined with the Grimms, and I cannot praise the family 
 enough to you. The whole family are simplicity and 
 affection personified, and it is especially funny to see 
 these two men forget all their immense learning, and 
 play with their little Hermann, until the mother really 
 becomes quite troubled lest he should be spoiled. 
 William, the husband, is still more agreeable and easy 
 in conversation," (than Jacob). 
 
 In Otfried M tiller's Seminary, to which he, as well as 
 his friends Schweckendieck and Gravenhorst, was ad- 
 mitted, he reaped an abundant intellectual harvest, and 
 the Gottingen Philological Society, into which he had 
 been received as a member, was also of great benefit to 
 him. This consisted of seven or eight of the best young 
 philologists, elected by vote, who met once every week 
 (on Tuesdays, at half past seven o'clock). They be- 
 gan by discussing some critical paper presented by a 
 
GOTTINGEN. 23 
 
 member, often in the presence of O. M tiller. This was 
 submitted for inspection to each member, who was free 
 to make remarks upon it, and defend his own views. 
 The business of the society was then transacted, and 
 finally they all sat sociably together, engaged in pleas- 
 ant and serious conversation, and cosily enjoyed their 
 beer and tobacco, both of which the society was bound 
 to furnish. Lepsius informs his father that he, who 
 always before expected to play five persona muta, to his 
 astonishment here became a homo disputax, which he 
 did not indeed, in its full sense, exactly desire, but 
 which still appeared to him a much more interesting 
 role than that of the persona muta. 
 
 Upon the whole, Miiller, in Gottingen, exerted the 
 deepest and most lasting influence over him. Thus 
 while, in Leipsic, he had still hesitated whether he 
 should devote himself to the grammatical or the arch- 
 aeological division of philology, he here decided in 
 favor of the latter, although without entirely losing 
 sight of the former. No other scholar of that time had 
 such a lofty and far-reaching apprehension of archaeol- 
 ogy as Otfried Miiller, and hence we see Lepsius allow 
 himself to be locked in daily for hours, in order to trace 
 on transparent paper the copper-plates from all the 
 works which had at that time appeared on the archi- 
 tecture and plastic art of the ancients. He wished to 
 make their forms his own, and to retain them in his 
 possession, even if in the unsatisfactory shape of copies. 
 The architectural pictures thus traced he afterwards 
 copied at home. 
 
24 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 All that M tiller had to offer the students, whether in 
 the lecture-room, in the seminary, or by personal inter- 
 course, was received by Lepsius with enthusiasm, and 
 at the close of the term, he wrote to his father : " To- 
 morrow Mtiller will finish the historical portion of his 
 archaeology, and thus once more lies fully extended be- 
 fore my vision a new branch of science, which, if any 
 so deserves, should be called the very flower of science. 
 It is fostered, too, with such unusual care as none 
 other receives, and rejoices in such noble foundations 
 as the Institute for Archaeological Correspondence, 
 which, for two years, has been under the patronage of 
 our Crown Prince (afterwards Frederick William IV.). 
 The Central Board of Directors are in Rome, and 
 thence it extends over the whole of northern Europe, 
 with the co-operation of almost all eminent scholars 
 and experts. Its results in the various departments of 
 science are recorded in several languages, and within a 
 few weeks are spread abroad from Syracuse to Belt, 
 from Paris to Petersburg. So that any one should in- 
 deed be accounted fortunate who is in a position to 
 obtain even a superficial comprehension of the whole 
 of this immeasurable field, whose boundaries cannot 
 even be discerned, if we have regard only to the 
 material yet to be obtained. For even such compre- 
 hension will furnish the means for a more thorough 
 understanding and farther progress." 
 
 To secure these very means, he continued to work 
 hard under O. M tiller's direction. Yet he could not, at 
 that time, foresee that he himself was destined, first to 
 
GOTTINGEN. 25 
 
 enter into close connection with that Archaeological In- 
 stitute at Rome of which he writes to his father, and 
 finally to be chosen one of its directors. 
 
 In Gottingen also he was a welcome guest in some 
 of the best professors' families, and his refined and re- 
 ticent nature led him, as he wrote to his father, to pre- 
 fer social intercourse in pleasant families, and profitable 
 communion with one or two friends, even to the assem- 
 blies of the Philological Society, where he took little 
 pleasure in the rough comradeship and the enforced in- 
 timacy with many a young fellow with whom he had 
 really little in common. 
 
 Whenever a superior artistic performance was pro- 
 duced, he know how to profit by it here, as he had 
 • done before during his stay in Berlin. When Paganini 
 came to Gottingen, he and Schweckendieck took a seat 
 together (it cost a thaler and a half), and he went to 
 the second half of the concert after his friend had en- 
 joyed the first. " It would be useless," he writes, " to 
 try to describe in any way Paganini's playing. One can 
 only comprehend the nature and method of such play- 
 ing while he is actually playing ; afterwards one loses 
 sight of nearly every measuring scale that could 
 be applied to it, in order to retain it in the imagi- 
 nation." 
 
 His interest in politics had also been excited by the 
 revolution of July, and in order to follow political 
 events and changes, he subscribed, at that time, to the 
 Hamburg Correspondent. He prudently keeps out of 
 the way of the Brunswicker Silberschmidt, who was in- 
 
26 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 volved in "seditious intrigues," when he meets him 
 again in Gottingen, and mentions that by his fellow- 
 students, who almost universally called themselves 
 " Republicans," he was accounted a Conservative and 
 aristocrat, on account of his well-known monarchial 
 tendencies. 
 
 During a pedestrian tour in the long vacation of 
 1830, which took him into the Hartz, to Hanover, etc., 
 he was to become witness of an historical incident, and 
 soon afterwards, at Gottingen, to be an onlooker at a 
 revolution. 
 
 Unfortunately, the limits of this biography forbid 
 our giving in full the letters addressed to his father by 
 the active young wanderer through the Hartz, so sus- 
 ceptible to all that was beautiful or remarkable. We can 
 only mention here his experiences in and around Bruns- 
 wick. He had been invited thither by Gravenhorst, 
 his fellow-student at Gottingen, whose parents were to 
 be his hosts. His travelling-companions separated 
 from him at Blankenburg, and he had still nine post- 
 miles to travel alone. "As I walked on the 'Faust' 
 which I had brought with me luckily occurred to me, 
 and for the rest of the way I occupied myself with 
 learning some of the scenes by heart, which shortened 
 the road wonderfully. Meanwhile the Brocken was 
 brewing behind me, soon the whole range was envel- 
 oped in thick mist, and thick rain clouds gathered, 
 which were driven towards me by a violent wind. It 
 was indeed a splendid sight as the storm came on, but 
 it inspired me with no very pleasant anticipations of the 
 
GOTTINGEN. 27 
 
 time when it should reach me, and now I regularly be- 
 gan to run a race with the rain, which came more from 
 one side; twice it actually caught me, another time I 
 could only escape it by hard running. So it happened 
 that I got over four post-miles in four hours without 
 once stopping, and I should soon have finished the fifth 
 when a postilion called to me to ask whether I would 
 not like to ride back with him to Brunswick in an 
 hour." The young traveller accepted the offer, and sat 
 down in the inn to wait. for the conveyance. "While 
 I," he writes, " sat with a glass of beer at the big oaken 
 table, knapsack and stick beside me, reading this poem 
 of all poems (Faust), this poem which unites the heights 
 and depths of human life, conceived and represented by 
 such a genius, one by one there assembled at this and 
 a neighboring table some wagoners, a tipsy shopkeeper, 
 and some mechanics, who entertained themselves after 
 their own fashion, talked politics, railed, and so formed 
 an incomparable foreground to sonie of the scenes in 
 Faust. The events at Brunswick particularly were 
 represented and criticized in the most glaring and origi- 
 nal colors ; in short, my Faust played upon a stage such 
 as could scarcely be found again." 
 
 After this prelude, he was himself to take part, at 
 Brunswick, in the conclusion of the tragic-comic rev- 
 olutionary drama which occurred there. The father of 
 his friend, Gravenhorst, was chief of police, and in the 
 hospitable house of this man, who had been concerned 
 as an active participant in all the phases of the expul- 
 sion and reinstatement of the Duke, Lepsius had a good 
 
^8 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 opportunity to obtain an authentic account of all that 
 had happened. 
 
 " Naturally," writes the young traveller, " the con- 
 versation fell chiefly on present events, which, however, 
 interested me none the less, because I had long been 
 well acquainted with them, and was now here on the 
 very spot, besides being in the house of the chief of po- 
 lice, where we received each of the fresh reports, which 
 crowded in every hour, at first hand and in the most 
 trustworthy manner. No excess had occurred beyond 
 the burning of the castle (at the expulsion of the Duke 
 Charles in 1830), .... but all the lamps had been 
 smashed and several of the windows. I will copy for 
 you some of the lampoons, of which Gravenhorst has 
 fifty or sixty, as they all have to be handed in here. 
 You may see from them the universal feeling against 
 ' Charley,' as he is called, the former Duke. The rage 
 against him was, and still is, indescribable, but it is com- 
 pletely justified against such a scum of all humanity. 
 Fortunately (and a sign, too, that the burning of the 
 castle did not proceed from the mob, which is notori- 
 ous here), there was rescued from the fire one chest 
 alone, with private papers and books, amongst which 
 the black and the blue book are especially noticeable. 
 In one are recorded all the officials, and beside the 
 names are remarks by the Duke in his own handwrit- 
 ing, such as ' dog,' ' blockhead,' « must be worried to 
 death,' * he shall be invited, allow to stand for three 
 hours in the ante-chamber, and then told it was a mis- 
 take,' ' he is to be provoked to a duel until he sends a 
 
GOTTINGEN. 2£ 
 
 challenge, then dismissed,* etc' Beside all the police 
 officials stood three crosses, beside Gravenhorst and his 
 brother-in-law, Langerfeldt, four. Gravenhorst's succes- 
 sor had also already been decided on. In the other 
 book was the record of the secret police, and an auto- 
 graph essay on the best mode of tyrannizing, in which 
 there are the most abominable things, such as one would 
 not credit if the majority of the maxims had not been 
 already carried out in detail. I could repeat a hun- 
 dred anecdotes of him which are all notorious here, but 
 are not known abroad ; they all show that the Duke, in 
 his miserable, tyrannical life, was not only a man devoid 
 of all heart, but also actually without common-sense. 
 By this you may measure the fury with which all the 
 inhabitants of Brunswick were filled when it came at 
 last to acts of violence, and the rejoicing with which 
 William,** the brother of the banished Charles, and the 
 last scion of the house, is received here." 
 
 The reception which was prepared for the new 
 Duke seems indeed to have been especially cordial. 
 While the deputies delivered the address to the new 
 prince, Lepsius saw the populace rejoicing and singing 
 the LaFayette hymn, and G6tte,t " with all his coarse- 
 ness, a very droll man," quietly submit to the honors 
 which were heaped upon him. " They wanted to go 
 
 * In this way the official class, the "chickens." as the Duke 
 called them, and the nobility, were driven to revolt. It was these 
 two classes, and not the populace, who expelled the Duke. 
 
 ** Duke William, of Brunswick, recently deceased. 
 
 t The following fragment of a popular song gives some informa- 
 tion in regard to this citizen, Gotte. It was discovered by my friend. 
 
30 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 back to Richmond in crowds, and Gotte gave out 
 songs which were to be sung there. The Duke's an- 
 swer to the address was read amid great rejoicings. 
 Every one was carried away by the happiest hopes of 
 the future. Then they flocked to Richmond. The 
 Duke was still at dinner. Permission was requested to 
 sing the song : " Hail to Thee, William." The Duke 
 came out with General Hertzberg and several others, 
 and remained standing during the whole song, which 
 was sung by the crowd to a musical accompaniment. 
 He then caused several citizens of consideration, who 
 stood near, to be summoned, conversed graciously with 
 them, etc. The rejoicing is indescribable, and the 
 Brunswick ladies especially take the most active part 
 in it all." 
 
 An illumination was announced for the evening, and 
 as Lepsius' friends, who were members of the city 
 militia, had to patrol, he also, to his delight, took a gun 
 
 Professor H. Guthe, who aided me in obtaining farther particulars 
 about Gotte : 
 
 POEM ON CITIZEN G6TTE IN BRUNSWICK. 
 
 Hurrah for citizen Gotte, 
 
 The man of the August gate ; 
 He's half a Lafayette, 
 
 The " Lafa " we abate. 
 
 It was he that didn't tremble, 
 
 To the Duke he pushed his way, 
 And without asking questions, 
 
 Told him the truth that day 
 
 The continuation of this folk-song is unknown. " Yette " is sup- 
 posed to be equivalent to " Gotte," and it was certainly intended by 
 the ingenious poet that our " Laffe " (dandy) should be recognized in 
 " Lafa." 
 
GOTTINGEN. 3 1 
 
 over his shoulder, and as an impromptu soldier, accom- 
 panied them through the brightly-lighted streets, unob- 
 served and unmolested. The main guard, where the 
 patrol finally came to anchor, was stationed on the old 
 market-place, just opposite to the very beautifully-illu- 
 minated town-hall. Here he first listened to several re- 
 markable narratives, and then heard them sing the so- 
 called " ballad," a satirical poem on the banished Duke 
 Charles. The author himself, a goldsmith, sang the 
 verses, and the whole chorus joined in the refrain, " Go 
 ahead slowly !" It sounded very well. The first verse 
 of this song, which in every respect was very moderate, 
 ran thus : 
 
 " For a little while things went ill that day, 
 
 For they taught him manners, they taught him right ; 
 
 They hunted him shamefully far away, 
 
 And his flaming castle they gave him for light. 
 
 But go ahead slowly, go ahead slowly, 
 So that we may all hear it well." 
 
 The last stanza greets the new Duke thus : 
 
 ' ' And not long after another man came, 
 
 That can rule the land far better than he ; 
 So hurrah with me for that man's name, 
 
 That frees us from the yoke of tyranny. 
 But go ahead slowly, go ahead slowly, 
 So that we may all hear it well." 
 
 Richard copied off this song of nine stanzas, as 
 well as all the documents relating to the Duke's expul- 
 sion which he could get possession of, and sent the 
 copies to his father. He was in the habit of thus col- 
 
32 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 lecting and writing out in his letters all that he thought 
 could possibly give pleasure to his family in Naumburg. 
 He maintained throughout his whole life this affection- 
 ate endeavor to show his gratitude to his father and to 
 requite his love with deeds. He wished him not only 
 to sympathize with his serious labors, but also to par- 
 ticipate in everything amusing which he encountered, 
 and to this category belonged the following verse, 
 which he found on a sandstone pillar in the mill-stone 
 quarry at Mansfield : 
 
 "If any man doth damage to 
 
 This quarry or its products, do, 
 He shall be punished according to law 
 And the state of the circumstances." 
 
 During his fourth term (the second at Gottingen), 
 Lepsius attended the lectures of O. M tiller on Grecian 
 Antiquities, Persius and Juvenal; of Dissen, on the 
 oratio pro corona of Demosthenes ; of Heeren, on the 
 History of the European States, and of Ewald, on the 
 Elements of Sanscrit. This language, indispensable for 
 the linguist, and whose importance for the philologist 
 also he had recognized even when at school, he had 
 wished to study in Leipzig, but had not before been 
 able to find time for it. He became one of H. Ewald's 
 most industrious pupils, though at first only with a view 
 to general comparative philology, to which he now 
 intended to devote himself with special zeal, in ad- 
 dition to his archaeological and historical studies. 
 " Ewald," he writes, «■ reads his Sanscrit Grammar in 
 
GOTTINGEN. $$ 
 
 his room before five or six hearers, a great advantage 
 for us, for he has an extremely low voice, though at the 
 same time he speaks with extraordinary clearness and 
 correctness. As I have always taken special interest 
 in general comparative philology, I am so much the 
 more delighted that Ewald enters into this largely, 
 and does not always confine himself to Sanscrit. He 
 by no means adheres strictly to Bopp's Grammar. A 
 great deal he gives in a more general way, and many 
 things more briefly, and, as is always the case in oral 
 teaching, everything more plainly : in Bopp, too, one 
 finds nothing of comparison with other languages.'* 
 When Lepsius wrote these words, and even after his 
 first meeting with Bopp in Berlin, he did not foresee 
 that this was the scholar to whom he should afterwards 
 be indebted for his own method in this very science of 
 comparative philology. 
 
 The winter term, begun with great enthusiasm, was 
 to meet with an unexpected interruption, for in Decem- 
 ber, 1830, the noted Gottingen revolution broke out. 
 Richard, indeed only witnessed it as an impartial 
 spectator, but it was followed by the closing of the 
 lecture-rooms and the expulsion of many students. 
 Even Lepsius could only escape this order with 
 difficulty, under many conditions, and after his patrons 
 and instructors had interceded for him. He naturally 
 describes the " Gottingen Revolution " most minutely 
 to his father, and his first letter on this subject we annex 
 as an appendix to these pages.* 
 
 * See appendix I. 
 3 
 
34 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 During the time that the government prohibited the 
 professors from lecturing, Lepsius pursued the studies 
 which he had commenced with undiminished assiduity, 
 and he says in his letters that the closer personal inter- 
 course with the instructors amply compensated him for 
 the suspended lectures. 
 
 In the following summer term of 1831, his fifth, he 
 attended, and always with the same enthusiasm, O. 
 M tiller's lectures on Archaeology, on Grecian Antiqui- 
 ties, and on Tragic Art among the Greeks and its 
 interpretation of the Homeric Hymns. He continued 
 to follow Mitscherlich's exposition of the Pharsalia of 
 Lucan, and pursued Sanscrit with Ewald. He 
 advanced the study of this important language so far 
 into the foreground of his scientific labors that he 
 placed himself in open opposition to the old philologi- 
 cal school. This he did in conjunction with the two 
 friends who, with himself, composed the clover leaf of 
 Ewald's auditory. In the spirit of F. A. Wolf, and 
 encouraged by O. M tiller, he wished to become ac- 
 quainted with ancient humanity, not only in its entity 
 but also in its development. He was no longer con- 
 tented with learning Greek and Latin, and although 
 his admiration was still excited by Hermann's rational 
 presentation of the grammar according to the princi- 
 ples of Kant, the elegance and acuteness of his criti- 
 cism, and his original investigations in the domain of 
 metric art, yet he nevertheless desired to follow his lead 
 no longer, but had turned his attention to antiquity in 
 its universal and interdependent evolution. His object 
 
GOTTINGEN. 35 
 
 was to trace out the origin of the ancient languages 
 and their relation to each other, and the growth and 
 blossoming of the art and intellectual life of the 
 ancients. Therefore, under Ewald's tuition, he became 
 a Sanscrit scholar and a comparative linguist, under the 
 guidance of O. M tiller, an archaeologist who was also 
 interested in comparative mythology, and, powerfully 
 influenced by Heeren and Dahlmann, a historian. If 
 we picture to ourselves the nature of the scientific 
 aspirations of our friend, and the advances which he 
 had made, we can only wonder that even at Gottingen 
 he had not already turned his eyes towards Egypt, 
 where many a branch of the art and learning of the 
 ancients has its root. 
 
 Nevertheless, as we shall see, he was to be led 
 thither by external circumstances, which at the time, 
 however, coincided with his own inclinations. 
 
 He attended Dahlmann's course on " Ancient 
 History," and wrote of him to his father : " He pleases 
 me extremely; he is just as far from giving a dry 
 skeleton of the chief events, without grasping history 
 in its higher significance, as he is from serving up gen- 
 eralities and conclusions based upon theories instead of 
 facts. An upright mind, and an earnest nature which 
 must inspire respect, are united in him to the clear 
 penetrating sagacity which sifts a subject and seizes its 
 essential points. This makes him as skillful and pre- 
 eminent in scientific research in the domain of ancient 
 history as he is in the study of the politics of the most 
 recent times, with which he principally and most sue- 
 
36 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 cessfully occupies his remaining time. His mode of 
 presenting his theme is especially distinguished by a 
 perfect command and critical examination of the very 
 extensive subject-matter, whose most important periods 
 he understands how to characterize and place in the 
 proper light in brief yet apposite phrases. His discourse 
 is distinguished by quiet, clear, singularly fine, indeed 
 classical language, not a word too much or too little." 
 
 We know no more happy sketch of the excellent 
 Dahlmann as an academical teacher. 
 
 Dissen, whose influence had especially attached 
 Lepsius to classical philology at Gottingen, had become 
 so ill that he could offer him but little more. Besides, 
 the pupil had been more and more alienated from the 
 excellent, but irritable and feeble scholar, by his doc- 
 trinary and over-subtle mode of systematizing. " Un- 
 fortunately," he writes, " Dissen is not yet at all 
 restored to health ; he suffers from excessive weakness 
 and sleeplessness. As he often feels very lonely and 
 depressed through the night, he frequently has some of 
 the students with whom he is more intimately ac- 
 quainted to sit up with him. He lies on the sofa with 
 his clothes on and has something read aloud to him, 
 or converses with them, till now and then he catches a 
 little nap. I shall go there to-day or to-morrow, and 
 Kreiss, who has offered to do the same, is in great dis- 
 tress about it, because he inevitably falls asleep about 
 ten o'clock, even when he is reading aloud. Dissen 
 considers himself sicker now than he really is, by 
 which he only makes his sickness worse." 
 
GOTTINGEN. 37 
 
 This opinion was mistaken, and was proved to be 
 so by the painful end of the distinguished scholar.* 
 
 In the autumn of 1831, at the conclusion of this 
 fruitful summer term, Lepsius begged his father for per- 
 mission to follow his best friend, Kreiss, to his home at 
 Strasburg, in Alsace, and to pass the holidays there in 
 the house of Kreiss's parents. Just at this time the 
 court president had incurred great expenses, yet he was 
 willing to comply with his son's wish, if the latter could 
 assure him that he expected to derive substantial scien- 
 tific advantages from the proposed journey. 
 
 " As I am well acquainted," runs the answer, " with 
 your present circumstances of which you write, and 
 how all your expenses accumulate just at this time, it 
 would be foolish and very wrong of me to expect from 
 you any considerable sum for a pure pleasure trip. 
 You yourself make your permission dependent upon 
 your firm conviction that I shall derive from this trip 
 great, and not trifling, gains for my scientific as well as 
 for my general education, and indeed on a moderate 
 sum. Of the former I cannot say so much, since the 
 literary advantages will be confined to the diligent, and 
 let us hope, more intelligent and judicious considera- 
 tion of the treasures of art on the way, and whatever 
 chance may possibly throw into my hands at the 
 library in Strasburg. But I cannot overlook the in- 
 direct benefit, dependent upon forming the acquaint- 
 ance of so many learned men, which must conduce to 
 
 * Dissen died in 1837, after a long and severe illness, at the age 
 of fifty-three. 
 
$8 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 advancement in my general culture. For I may well 
 say that this lies no less near to my heart, and has 
 always done so, than purely philological progress ; in- 
 deed, I have always regarded them as quite inseparable, 
 one completing and sustaining the other. But if I can 
 say of none of my former excursions that they were 
 mere pleasure trips, from which I derived no substan- 
 tial benefit, still less would it be true of this next one, 
 to which I should address myself with better prepara- 
 tion and more knowledge than to any previous jour- 
 ney. Besides, I could neither make up for it in the 
 future, during my final years of study, when my time 
 will be still more limited, nor could I ever again ex- 
 pect to meet so good an opportunity." 
 
 Lepsius remained faithful to this desire for general 
 culture throughout his later years, and it preserved the 
 indefatigable investigator, who was often obliged to 
 devote the best part of his time and energy to ap- 
 parently trivial scientific problems, from becoming, even 
 in the remotest degree, what is called a closet scholar. 
 
 Unfortunately we have before us only the lesser 
 half of the account which he sent his father of this 
 autumn journey to Strasburg and his sojourn there. 
 This, however, is sufficient to show with what vigilance 
 he seized on everything that was noteworthy, what a 
 keen appreciation he had acquired, under the tuition of 
 O. Miiller, for art and .all that is classed under the 
 head of relics of antiquity, and how indefatigably he 
 searched the libraries for their stores of knowledge. 
 Wherever he went, too, he considered it especially 
 
GOTTINGEN. 
 
 39 
 
 desirable to make the acquaintance of eminent men, 
 and to establish relations with them. Of books, 
 characteristically enough, he took none with him but 
 Muller's Handbook of Archaeology and Ewald's work 
 on Sanscrit. He was an active pedestrian, but the 
 hard work of the last term was visible on his originally 
 robust physique, for after he had claimed at Mainz 
 the hospitality of a cousin of his father's the latter 
 wrote to the president of the court at Naumburg : 
 " Moreover, I cannot conceal from you that friend 
 Richard looks thinner now than he did three 
 years ago.* His pedestrian tour from Gottingen here 
 cannot be to blame, therefore I have made inquiries of 
 H. Kreiss as to the cause of it,' and learned from him 
 that he (Richard) is in the habit of studying far into 
 the night. This never answers, and undermines the 
 best constitution ; so warn him against it, for it would 
 be a great pity if with all his talents and the learning 
 which he has already acquired, he should carry away 
 an infirm body." 
 
 Lepsius fortunately escaped this danger, in spite 
 of rather increased than diminished application during 
 the final terms, which were devoted to the completion 
 of his studies. 
 
 The journey to Strasburg also took him through 
 Heidelberg. Here he sought out those scholars who 
 
 * When a pupil in the highest class, Richard had travelled on 
 the Rhine with his father during the vacation, and visited Mainz at 
 the same time. The charming description of this journey, which in 
 print would fill quite a little volume, has been preserved in manu- 
 script. 
 
40 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 had inspired him with interest, and described them 
 to his father in concise and pointed language. Ex- 
 cellent is the likeness which he sketched of Creuzer, 
 the author of the " Symbolism and Mythology of 
 Ancient Nations." This work was at that time highly 
 esteemed, but was really inaccurate and worthless, in 
 spite of the pains spent upon it, and an imaginative 
 faculty which was unfortunately too easily excited. 
 Not in vain had Lepsius enjoyed the teaching of the 
 author of the " Prologomena to a Scientific Mythology " 
 (O. Miiller). " Dr. Hitzig/' he writes, " we did not 
 find at home. We found Creuzer, though, whom I had 
 fancied quite a different sort of person ; he left an un- 
 pleasant impression upon me, with his peruke and 
 snuff-box. I could not discover a single intellectual 
 trait in the expression of his countenance, nothing in 
 his eye, which could have helped me to excuse his 
 well-known presumptuous and mystifying treatment of 
 mythology. I found in his character a certain frivolous 
 pedantry, and far too much self-confidence. We talked 
 of archaeology ; he put on great airs, without mani- 
 festing much wisdom ; he found fault with O. Miiller's 
 hand-book for having too much in it !" 
 
 BERLIN. 
 
 After his return from Strasburg, Lepsius went back 
 to Gottingen, and in the spring of 1832 he removed 
 thence to Berlin, there to conclude his studies. The 
 
BERLIN. 41 
 
 testimonials which he received at his departure did him 
 the highest honor. Otfned Miiller said, that he had 
 attended his lectures with remarkable diligence, and an 
 unmistakable love for the subject ; that he had partici- 
 pated with " philological intelligence and talent " in the 
 exercises of the school of philology, and had, in gen- 
 eral, given to that subject " arduous study, guided by 
 scientific ideas." Jacob Grimm commended him as 
 having gained a comprehensive survey of philology, 
 and already acquired much well-grounded knowledge 
 of that science. Ewald said he had followed his 
 lectures with praiseworthy diligence and zeal, and had 
 made great progress in the study of Sanscrit. Dahl- 
 mann praised his industry warmly, and added that 
 Lepsius had also become known to him as making most 
 laudable progress on the path of scientific and moral 
 culture. 
 
 With such testimonials, and thus excellently equip- 
 ped, he came to Berlin in the beginning of May, 1832. 
 Here he had the pleasure of again meeting his friends 
 and fellow-students of Gottingen — Kreiss and Ehr- 
 hardt. The three now clubbed together to keep house. 
 
 At first he gave but qualified approval to the leaders 
 of philological life in Berlin, Boeckh and Lachmann, 
 and even to Bopp. With the latter, however, in the 
 course of time he entered into closer relations, and 
 afterwards, in our own presence, called him the founder 
 of his linguistic method. He had been spoiled at 
 Gottingen by Miiller, Dahlmann and Heeren, who 
 united the most brilliant eloquence to profound and 
 
42 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 far-seeing intellects. His reverence for the immortal 
 achievements of Boeckh had been shaken, first in 
 Leipsic by Hermann, who was always glad to give a 
 cut at his Berlin colleagues in his lectures,* and after- 
 wards by Dissen. Later, he entirely regained his 
 respect for the great erudition, the sound criticism, the 
 statesmanlike views, the excellent method, and the 
 noble character of this rare scholar and man. Even 
 Schleiermacher did not fully answer his expectations. 
 He only attended the lectures on the History of Ger- 
 man Literature because Lachman was dreaded as an 
 examiner in this branch of study, and it was said that 
 he was accustomed to " chaff" those students who 
 were not well prepared. " He reads very disagreeably, 
 but he gives good things, and fortunately I had pre- 
 viously formed a still worse idea of him — from the 
 description of others." He attended the lectures on 
 the History of Greek Literature by Boeckh, " and 
 because one really misses the best less among bad 
 than among good, I miss our Otfried M tiller especially 
 in this course. For I am firmly convinced that Boeckh, 
 although his teacher, does not by any means approach 
 him. Yet they are, as they are reputed to be, good 
 lectures. In the afternoons from four to five I hear 
 Comparative Grammar by Bopp, a lifeless, dull dis- 
 
 * In a letter of Samuel Hirzel's to Horner, the former gives 
 most lively expression to his delight in the lectures of G. Hermann, 
 and afterwards says : "Then he Degan inveighing against Buttmann 
 without ceremony.'' A. Springer, The Young Hirztl, Leipzig, 1883. 
 It is well known what a harsh attack Hermann Boeckh could make in 
 the presence of his class. 
 
BERLIN. 43 
 
 course, in which the arrangement of the material is 
 never clear and workmanlike. In many fundamental 
 views however, on the formation of the main stem, I 
 have always been much more of his than of Grimm's 
 or Miiller's opinion, and on this account he interests 
 me greatly, although Miiller's lectures on the History 
 of the Greek and Latin languages were infinitely more 
 copious and satisfactory than these can ever be. But 
 in his own house Bopp is an agreeable man, by whose 
 vast and profound learning I hope to benefit farther." 
 
 This Lepsius did, and to his great advantage, for 
 at that time Bopp, whose lectures were indeed lifeless 
 and tiresome (we too were among his pupils), was at 
 the acme of his great activity, and had raised compara- 
 tive philology to the rank of a science. We should 
 rather call him the promoter than, as is commonly done, 
 the father of this branch of study, which had indeed 
 an existence, although an irregular one, before his time. 
 His method, which was determinative for subsequent 
 works in the same field, set aside, as idle pastime, the 
 attractive search for and comparison of accidental 
 resemblances between the sounds in different languages, 
 and taught that the common origin of allied idioms 
 should be sought for in a radical manner by examina- 
 tion of their grammatical construction. 
 
 When Lepsius came to Berlin, Bopp was working 
 with his whole energy on his imperishable colossal 
 work, the " Comparative Grammar," and exercised 
 far greater influence over such well-equipped young 
 scholars as sought personal acquaintance with him, 
 
44 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 than through his stiff academic discourses. Lepsius 
 first learned to thoroughly appreciate him and to 
 benefit by his exuberant learning after he had entered 
 into intimate private relations with the master, to whom, 
 as far as comparative philology is concerned, young 
 Lepsius' teacher at Gottingen was also greatly indebted. 
 
 From his letters to his father it appears that it was 
 chiefly the lack of that method of exposition to which 
 he had become accustomed in (jrottingen, and which 
 was in every respect consummate, that led Richard 
 more than once to undervalue the Berlin professors, 
 and even the excellent Boeckh. He attended Schleier- 
 macher's lectures on the " Life of Jesus," in order to 
 have heard at least one theological course, and to learn 
 to know the man. But these lectures too, although 
 for other reasons, found little favor with him. " Schlei- 
 ermacher," he writes, " gives in his Life of Jesus noth- 
 ing but negative dialectics, and to me he is a living 
 contradiction from beginning to end." 
 
 He speaks most unfavorably of the school of phil- 
 ology as it existed at that time in Berlin, under the 
 management of Boeckh and Lachmann. " A frightful 
 confusion is the order of the day here, and it is scarcely 
 to be compared with that at Gottingen. So that it 
 would not have occurred to me to enter, if in spite of 
 all this they did not think so highly of it here. They 
 translate Herodotus (in my opinion a very unsuitable 
 choice for such a school), and the odes of Horace, and 
 hold discussions over papers which are handed in, and 
 difficult passages which are propounded." 
 
BERLIN. 45 
 
 In truth the lectures had little more to offer him, for 
 he already stood firmly upon his own feet, and had 
 learned both how to avail himself of the works of his 
 instructors and to labor independently in an assured 
 and methodic manner. Besides, his time was much 
 taken up with his dissertation for the doctor's degree. 
 He had found for this a theme as interesting as it was 
 difficult, and we may be permitted to point out how he 
 came to select it, and to whom he was indebted for 
 special assistance in the execution of his task. 
 
 First let it be noted that the famous Eugubian 
 Tablets are seven plates of copper, which were found 
 in 1444 in a subterranean vault {concameratio sub- 
 terranea), and are now preserved in the town hall of 
 Gubbio (the Eugnbium or jguvium of the ancients). 
 The inscriptions with which the tablets are covered are 
 partly based upon the Umbrian and partly On the Latin 
 language. Where the latter is employed as the lan- 
 guage of the text Latin letters are used, but otherwise 
 the letters of a peculiar alphabet. These inscriptions 
 are the oldest of all ancient Italian monuments of lan- 
 guage, and with their help it has become possible to 
 reproduce a good part of the old Umbrian language. 
 Their contents furnish important disclosures as to the 
 forms of worship and the sacrificial customs of the 
 heathen Umbrians. The liturgical fragments make us 
 acquainted with the hymns and liturgies which were to 
 be recited or sung by the priests. The Saturnian metre 
 and many alliterations have been found again in them. 
 The old dialect which forms the basis of the Umbrian 
 
46 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 inscriptions seems to belong to the fourth century 
 before Christ. 
 
 Bonarota and Lanzi (1789) had given their atten- 
 tion to these tablets, and they were afterwards treated 
 by O. Miiller in his " Etruscans," and there for the first 
 time handled in a critical though by no means exhaust- 
 ive manner. On the 30th of December, 1831, Lepsius, 
 while yet at Gottingen, writes to his father : " I have 
 found an excellent subject for investigation. Miiller 
 first drew my attention to it, and if I can make any- 
 thing out of it I will perhaps choose it for my doctor's 
 dissertation. It is the seven Eugubian Tablets, the 
 sole but important relic of the Umbrian language. So 
 far, no one understands them, but they would be of the 
 greatest consequence for the old Italian forms of wor- 
 ship and sacrificial customs, since it is easy to conject- 
 ure that the inscriptions upon them are sacrificial 
 formulas. Miiller has already attempted to determine 
 the terminations of some of the declensions in his 
 " Etruscans ;" a considerable resemblance to the Latin 
 and also to the Greek, is unmistakable, and I am con- 
 vinced that a great deal can yet be made out, though 
 it would cost much time and labor. With regard to 
 this, it is of great moment that five of the tablets are 
 in Etruscan characters, and two in Latin, which gives a 
 clue to the relations of many of the sounds in Umbrian, 
 especially since there are an extraordinary number of 
 repititions, and both the Latin tablets, as I have already 
 discovered, are only the farther continuation of an 
 Etruscan, so that I have already made out almost all 
 
BERLIN. 
 
 47 
 
 the words of this Etruscan tablet on those in Latin, 
 and written them over the Latin words. I have also 
 already discovered two new alphabetical characters 
 which were known neither to Miiller nor the earlier 
 commentators on the " Eugubian Tablets." Thereupon 
 he gives his father a specimen, in which he writes the 
 Latin text in black ink and the Etruscan above it in 
 red. 
 
 While in Berlin he became more and more deeply 
 absorbed in the Eugubian Tablets, and from the letters 
 at our disposal it appears that even before going there 
 he had decided positively to discuss these remarkable 
 monuments of language in his doctor's dissertation. A 
 few days after his arrival on the Spree he appeals to 
 the legal knowledge of his father and his familiarity 
 with the form of mediaeval contracts, to decide a ques- 
 tion which seems to him of importance for the work on 
 which he is engaged. In the town hall at Gubbio 
 there was preserved a contract of sale of the year 1456 
 which set forth that the city had acquired seven tablets 
 from the owner, at a high price. Since the contract 
 was concluded only twelve years after the discovery, it 
 seemed to follow that no more than seven tablets had 
 been discovered; and as Lepsius now believed that 
 more than seven tablets had been originally found, he 
 took the contract for one of those counterfeits which 
 were not uncommon in Italy. He now wished to 
 know whether any marks of a counterfeit could be 
 detected in the form, and on this account sent a copy 
 of the contract to his father. 
 
48 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 Amongst the professors of his faculty there was 
 none whose advice Lepsius wished to ask in this mat- 
 ter, but he received welcome assistance from a lawyer. 
 This was C. A. K. Klenze, an unusually talented 
 scholar and noble philanthropist who, besides import- 
 ant works on law, had also written those excellent phil- 
 ological " Dissertations," which were afterwards pub- 
 lished by Lachmann. Lepsius had already made the 
 acquaintance of Klenze in Gottingen, he sought him 
 out in Berlin, and could soon write to his father: " He 
 handles Oscan subjects as I do Umbrian. The two are 
 nearly related, and he has had the courtesy to let me 
 see in manuscript a treatise which is shortly to appear 
 in print, and to allow me to make use of as much of it 
 as I think best. In return I am to give him my 
 opinion of his work, which is very flattering for me." 
 
 The arrival in Berlin of the distinguished archaeolo- 
 gist, Gerhard, at that time Secretary of the great 
 Archaeological Institute at Rome, was of great advan- 
 tage to Lepsius, not only with regard to the progress of 
 his dissertation, but also in many other respects. He 
 met Richard's friend, Kreiss, at Professor Steffens', and 
 told him that on his (Gerhard's) way through Gottin- 
 gen, Otfried Miiller had spoken to him of the Eugubian 
 work of a very promising young scholar, to whom he 
 would gladly be of service. In consequence of this 
 Lepsius called on him, " and he," so Richard writes to 
 Naumburg, " kindly gave me much interesting informa- 
 tion, showed me his drawings, and promised to attend 
 to any inquiries that I might wish to have made in 
 
BERLIN. 49 
 
 Gubbio. Of these there were of course plenty. I wrote 
 them all out in Latin on a sheet of paper, and as soon 
 as I brought it to him he sent it to Vermiglioli in Peru- 
 gia, which is only a few hours distant from Gubbio. I 
 may have an answer in six weeks. But if they take an 
 entire new transcript of the tables, which I asked for 
 afterwards, it cannot be so soon." 
 
 The further intercourse which he at this time en- 
 joyed with Gerhard was afterwards to prove most use- 
 ful to him. But he could not yet know how favorable 
 it was also to be for his material prosperity, when he 
 wrote after a three hours visit to the celebrated archae- 
 ologist, just before the examination, " Truly very 
 precious time just now, and yet well spent." In the 
 middle of January, 1833, Gerhard invited him to assist 
 him in the publication and exposition of his copious 
 collections for the Archaeological Institute. He also 
 engaged him as assistant on a review concerning the 
 history of art which he intended to publish in Germany. 
 Lepsius' work was to consist mainly in reading over the 
 epigraphic department of archaeology, and selecting 
 what was noteworthy, which he would have done at any 
 rate on his own account. He was to put it in readable 
 shape, and let himself be paid. This prospect of lucra- 
 tive literary employment after the close of the examin- 
 ation delighted Lepsius as much as did the invitation to 
 write short papers for the Bidletino of the Institute, 
 chiefly on Umbrian coins and mythological subjects, 
 which he could consider as a side-work to the more 
 important work on the Eugubian Tablets. 
 
 4 
 
50 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 What Lepsius showed Gerhard of his dissertation * 
 pleased the latter exceedingly, and after it was finally 
 completed and handed in to the Faculty it was received 
 by that body also with such commendation and unquali- 
 fied approval that it won for the candidate the highest 
 testimonial. This work, as solid as it is ingenious, is 
 dedicated to his father, and it soon contributed, more 
 than anything else, to attract the attention of eminent 
 men to the son, and prove him qualified to continue the 
 labors of the great decipherer of hieroglyphics, Cham- 
 pollion. 
 
 In the prescribed disputation his opponents were the 
 dr. jur. Goeschen, the dr. phil. Kaempf, and the 
 cand. phil. Gottheiner. In his eleventh thesis, he 
 honored Godfrey Hermann, his old teacher at Leipsic, 
 by maintaining that his was the only correct interpreta- 
 tion of the three hundred and fifty-seventh verse of the 
 Agamemnon of Aeschylus.** 
 
 On the twenty-third of April his uncle Glaeser 
 wrote to his father, " To make up for these cares (con- 
 cerning the practical matters of the graduation) I have 
 had the greatest pleasure, one of the most delightful 
 moments of my life, when, after two o'clock, my 
 Richard came home accompanied by one of his friends 
 and opponents, and I could greet him as Doctor, and 
 embrace him with the happiest emotions. We sat 
 
 * De Tabulis Eugubinis. Dissert. Berolini. 1833. (Index to 
 Works. No. 1.) 
 
 ** Aeschyl. Agam. VS. 357: noWuv >ap «<rtfA<uf rt\v 6»'»j<rii' eiA6M>J»" 
 
 Hermanni interpretationem unam esse rectam. etiamsi librorum 
 lectio retineatur. 
 
THE JOURNEYxMAN. 5 I 
 
 down together and drank a bottle of the very best. 
 Yesterday evening I gave him his doctor's banquet, 
 and we were all as merry as possible together till two 
 o'clock. Believe me truly, my dearest brother, if 
 Richard, in addition to his scientific training, had not 
 this practical savoir /aire, he would never have made 
 his way so easily and quickly through this wilderness of 
 cares of all sorts." 
 
 Lepsius had now completed his life as a student, 
 and with the highest honors which the greatest of the 
 German universities could bestow. He was a sound 
 philologist, archaeologist, Sanscrit scholar and linguist, 
 but at no time had he given any thorough study to the 
 Oriental-Semitic languages, and he had paid no atten- 
 tion whatever to the Hamitic (ancient Egyptian, Cop- 
 tic, etc). His neglect of the former was often after- 
 wards an embarrassment and matter of regret to him ; 
 of the latter he became an expert master after the formal 
 completion of his studies, in consequence of notable 
 circumstances with which we are about to become ac- 
 quainted. 
 
 THE JOURNEYMAN. 
 
 PARIS. 
 
 Before the close of the examination Richard had 
 already written admirable letters to his father, in which 
 he consulted with him, as one friend would with an- 
 other, as to what he should do after graduating. Paris 
 
 
52 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 was at that time still esteemed the centre of learning, 
 and to work for a time in Paris was to give one's 
 studies the final polish and to place the crown upon 
 them. Even Lepsius had yet much to gain there, and 
 therefore we see the father grant his consent that the 
 young doctor should bring his apprenticeship to a final 
 close upon the Seine. 
 
 He arrived in Paris on the fourteenth of July, 1833, 
 a year after the death of Champollion, the first de- 
 cipherer of hieroglyphics. The diary which he kept 
 during his residence there, (in after years he only made 
 occasional short notes in memorandum books arranged 
 as calendars), as well as the letters to Bunsen which 
 were kept to the very last fragment, and the less per- 
 fectly preserved letters to his father, all testify to the 
 zeal, the discretion, the cheerful courage, and the alert 
 attention with which he made use of his long sojourn in 
 what was then the " focus of the intellectual life of the 
 world." 
 
 The period spent in Paris had a still more decisive 
 influence upon him than that at Gottingen. During 
 this time the youth matured into a settled man; his 
 scientific inclination received a new bias, and its ob- 
 jects became plainly defined. 
 
 Champollion had said, in his introductory lecture, 
 that the science of archaeology was a beautiful maiden 
 without a dower. This aphorism was at that time en- 
 tirely appropriate, yet not only the young scholar him- 
 self, but his father also, knew the wonderful charms of 
 the bride, and every possible exertion was made by 
 
THE JOURNEYMAN. 53 
 
 both, to win her for the ardent wooer. The " court 
 president " in Naumburg was an official of the higher 
 class, in good standing, with moderate property, and 
 many children, nevertheless he allowed his highly 
 gifted son the necessary means with which to remain 
 for a time in Paris and devote himself, free from 
 care, to his scientific education. But the young in- 
 vestigator felt that he would not have attained his 
 purpose at the end of the "several months" which 
 his father had originally contemplated. He did 
 not wish to leave France or its capital, until he had 
 gained all that was there to be won, and especially 
 (this he insists upon repeatedly), not until he had ac- 
 quired perfect command of the French language. In 
 order to earn the necessary means for a longer stay he 
 at first thought of translating into French his vademe- 
 cum, Otfried M tiller's Handbook of Archaeology, 
 which, to him, was such a dear and familiar friend. But 
 this undertaking was not carried out, and he began by 
 giving German lessons to two renowned scholars. From 
 one of them, Dureau de la Malle, membre de V 'Institute, 
 whom he calls a specimen of a dissipated, frivolous 
 Frenchman, he received five francs an hour, from the 
 excellent De Witte only four. " He learns more for his 
 four francs than the other for his five." Meanwhile the 
 desired opportunity soon presented itself for earning in 
 a suitable manner the necessary addition to the yearly 
 allowance from his father. The learned Due de Luynes, 
 "such a duke as is seldom seen, a avr, P kuAo? *iyat>b? 
 in the fullest sense, who is also well-versed in the classi- 
 
54 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 cal languages," commissioned Lepsius to collect for him 
 from the Greek and Latin authors the material which 
 he needed for his archaeological-philological work. 
 " On the Weapons of the Ancients." Lepsius received 
 a handsome monthly salary for this work, which he 
 could easily manage in addition to his other studies, 
 and he executed it so entirely to the satisfaction of the 
 duke that the latter afterwards awarded him special re- 
 muneration. 
 
 Lepsius was now in such a position that he could 
 conveniently, and without material anxieties, profit by 
 all that Paris offered in the way of instruction, and at 
 the same time participate in all the intellectual pleasures 
 of life in the capital. We see him working indefatiga- 
 bly in his pleasant apartment, and in his leisure hours 
 enjoying the society of his friends and playing on his 
 own good piano. He was very musical and sang well 
 and correctly. The public libraries and museums are 
 at his disposal, and he makes diligent use of them ; 
 private collections are also opened to him, and he at- 
 tends the lectures of the most eminent professors at the 
 university. Those of the great philologist and archae- 
 ologist, Letronne, appear to him particularly attractive, 
 and among them one especially " On the Ancient His- 
 tory of Egypt." He praises these lectures for their 
 great critical acumen and clearness, and declares that 
 Letronne takes pleasure in contradicting everything not 
 capable of proof, and in denying all earlier influence of 
 Egypt upon Greece, (before Psammetik. Twenty-Sixth 
 Dynasty.) Letronne only accepted what was indisputa- 
 
THE JOURNEYMAN. 55 
 
 ble of Champollion's discoveries, and it was he who 
 especially roused and fostered in Lepsius the distrust 
 which he too bore towards the great investigator, and 
 which caused him to hesitate about entertaining Bun- 
 sen's proposition that he should devote himself to 
 Egyptology. 
 
 Alexander von Humboldt, with whom he had be- 
 come acquainted in Berlin, had commended him 
 warmly to the celebrated philologist, Hase, and from 
 him and others he had received excellent introductions. 
 He was highly esteemed also by the members of the 
 Institute, on account of his admirable first work. Thus 
 he was enabled to make the acquaintance of the great- 
 est Orientalists, philologists and archaeologists of 
 France, and was most cordially received by Silvestre de 
 Sacy, Quatre-Mere de Quincy, Raynouard, Raoul- 
 Rochette, the Due de Luynes, etc. He became inti- 
 mate with Panofka, and the learned Stahl, secretary of 
 the Asiatic Society, invited him to drink German beer 
 in his apartment. This man he calls " a paragon of the 
 learning of the whole world." " He may be called 
 greedy in regard to time and knowledge. He sleeps 
 seven hours, cooks his dinner, — a little rice, — 
 himself, spends almost no time at all on all the 
 externals of life, such as eating, dressing, shav- 
 ing, visiting, etc., and all the moments thus 
 gained he spends in study. He knows a host of 
 Asiatic languages, Chinese among others, and almost 
 all the European, is incredibly conversant with the his- 
 tory and geography of all countries and times, as well 
 
56 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 as with all literatures, swims and fences very well, is a 
 sturdy pedestrian, conducts the whole Asiatic corres- 
 pondence, etc." Yet, " this phenomenon of learning " 
 had been in nowise distinguished at school, and had 
 usually occupied the lowest places there. A genius he 
 cannot call him, for his power of original production 
 has suffered from his erudition, and with all his attain- 
 ments he has never written any complete work. But 
 Lepsius understood how to learn from him, and ob- 
 tained through him an insight into the construction of 
 Chinese. Stahl's opinion, that among the Chinese as 
 also among several uncivilized nations, intellectual con- 
 ceptions were developed before sensuous, seems to 
 Lepsius entirely contrary to reason ; and he only ap- 
 prehends from this that we have become acquainted 
 with the intellectual culture of the Chinese at a very 
 late, and consequently intellectually abstract, period. 
 
 He seeks to profit by the learning of other Parisian 
 scholars, as well as by Stahl's surpassing erudition. 
 Amongst the noted Germans with whom he associated 
 on the Seine, he names Wagen, the historian of art 
 from Berlin, Miintz, Himly, Urlichs, the painter Bon- 
 terweck, Tix, Diibner, Stickel, Spach, the Alsatian 
 Lobstein, and the historian Zinkeisen. 
 
 He also devoted many precious hours to learning 
 engraving on copper and lithography. He used his 
 first independent attempt in the art of engraving on 
 copper, (the central portion of the plan of Paris), to 
 adorn the sheets of letter paper on which he wrote 
 home to his family, and on this neat engraving he 
 
THE JOURNEYMAN. 57 
 
 marked in fine writing the houses which he most fre- 
 quented, the museum of the Louvre, the Library, the 
 Institute, the two restaurants where he usually took his 
 meals, and even the dwellings of Panofka, Miintz, and 
 Count de Bouge, between whose wife and himself a 
 charming friendship existed, and whose salon he often 
 visited on Sunday. 
 
 As if he already foresaw at that time to what an ex- 
 tent he would afterwards have to call upon these repro- 
 ductive arts for his scientific work, he wrote, after 
 taking home with him the first lithographic stone for 
 the purpose of drawing upon it : " There are many ad- 
 vantages in investigating the technique of every promi- 
 nent branch of art and science, even if I do not need 
 to make use of lithography later for my own inscrip- 
 tions." 
 
 But this he did, and if the publications which were 
 prepared for him by this method of reduplication sur- 
 pass all others in neatness and beauty, it should be 
 credited to the score of the technical knowledge which 
 he acquired in Paris. 
 
 There, also, he committed to paper his first musical 
 compositions. A song, written by himself, which he 
 set to music with an accompaniment, was followed by 
 others, for at that time he everywhere kept up his pro- 
 ficiency in this art, and particularly while in Paris. Not 
 only the antiquarian collections, but also the exhibitions 
 of new paintings and statuary were constantly visited, 
 and, no less frequently, the theatre. His diary shows 
 with what quick sympathy and keen judgment he lis- 
 
58 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 tened to tragedies, comedies, and opera. The repre- 
 sentation of French tragedy is most severely censured. 
 " The performance of Corneille's Cid was bad beyond 
 measure, and fearfully French. . . . The players of 
 to-day, who act Corneille and Racine, have preserved 
 nothing of the tragic art but the tragic mask, and this 
 they fasten on behind instead of in front, so as not to 
 hide their lovely French faces." The only one who 
 compelled his unlimited admiration was Mars, who, as 
 an old woman of sixty-eight, at that time filled the 
 most youthful roles with admirable sweetness and 
 naivete. Montrose and Mademoiselle Dupont he also 
 rates very highly. He bestows the warmest enco- 
 miums on the Cirque Olyi7ipique, conducted by Loiset. 
 " Here is actual art, not only feats of skill. Painters 
 and sculptors should come here to study, as Phidias 
 and the Grecian sculptors did in their gymnasiums. 
 Superb figures are displayed here, and strength, dex- 
 terity, freedom and ease are combined with real beauty 
 of form, such as one vainly seeks in the ballet. Our 
 ballet has almost lost rank as an art ; the sole laudable 
 exception is Taglioni, whom I have seen here in the 
 Sylphide, and admired, as I did in Berlin. If any one 
 wished to fashion a worthy statue of Terpsichore it 
 might perhaps be possible from Noblet, Foncisy and 
 all the rest of them, to construct a passable pair of 
 legs : it would only be necessary to take a cast of Tag- 
 lioni, and there you would have it in perfection." 
 
 All that is beautiful and remarkable in Paris passes 
 under the vigilant eye of this indefatigable scholar. He 
 
THE JOURNEYMAN. 59 
 
 is active as collector, student and investigator, and dur- 
 ing the latter part of the time in a department of 
 science which had till then been as good as unknown 
 to him. But he is also busy with both hands and 
 brain in earning meat to go with his bread, and in pro- 
 ducing a new and difficult original work. We see him 
 attend public festivals, ride out into the country, exam- 
 ine every corner of the city, give his attention to the 
 industries of the Parisians, go to parties and salons as 
 a welcome guest, sing and play with friends, and 
 through all this we can trace the progress of an essay 
 on Sanscrit palaeography from which was afterwards 
 developed the excellent treatise on " Palaeography as a 
 Means of Etymological Research.* For this, — an al- 
 most unheard-of honor, — the youth of three and 
 twenty receives the Volney prize. 
 
 He says, at a later period, that Paris was always to 
 him a city rich in interest, instruction and manifold 
 benefits. During his first sojourn there it appeared to 
 him " in one respect " (undoubtedly in respect to the 
 animation and refinement of social life,) " the capital of 
 the world." But in spite of his youth Lepsius in no 
 wise allowed himself to be dazzled by the glittering as- 
 pects of French life. It was in the public libraries that 
 he first became sensible of the drawbacks in the con- 
 ditions of the Parisians. " The management of the 
 libraries is abominable," he writes, " no zeal, no knowl- 
 edge, not even good-will. Miserable officials, lack of 
 
 * Berlin 1834. Second Edition. Leipsic 1842. (Index to Works. 
 No. III.) 
 
6o RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 everything that is not French. It is true that I am 
 spoiled by the Gottingen and Berlin libraries, etc." 
 
 Since that time many improvements have been 
 made in these institutions. The special attention given 
 to them by Lepsius was of use to him as " Chief Li- 
 brarian," in the evening of his life. 
 
 From the first he had devoted himself with great 
 ardor to the study of the French language. But, al- 
 though he was pleased with his progress, he did not 
 allow himself to be blinded in this regard either, and, 
 after he had spent four months in the cultivation of his 
 French style, he wrote, " A Frenchman only needs to 
 think correctly and truly, and he is sure to write 
 properly and well ; in German a good style is far more 
 difficult, for there one must know all the deeps and 
 shallows not to steer crookedly or clumsily, or even run 
 aground. The French language is a level surface, and 
 one slips along as if skating on ice ; the German lan- 
 guage has depths over which it is more dangerous and 
 requires more skill to steer, but one can go farther on it. 
 When water is deep and moves rapidly it never freezes, 
 and neither does the boundless sea. So the German 
 with his language can make the whole world his own ; 
 the Frenchman is restricted to his mirror-like surface. 
 One must cherish one's hatred against everything 
 French not to lose one's own depth. As soon as one 
 takes pleasure in French things one's spirit rests on 
 enervating down feathers. Yet one should always 
 learn, even from one's enemies. 
 
 Lepsius took the most lively interest in every event 
 
THE JOURNEYMAN. 6 1 
 
 of importance that occurred during the time of his so- 
 journ in Paris. He devotes a large space in his diary 
 to the great popular festival, celebrated on the anniver- 
 sary of the Revolution, from the twenty-seventh to the 
 twenty-ninth of July, 1843, and to the unveiling of the 
 statue of Napoleon on the Vendome column. This 
 took place on the second day of the grand festival. 
 The statue was enveloped in a green cloth, besprinkled 
 with stars. " The impression made by the unveiling," 
 he writes, (and we gladly make room here for the ac- 
 count, both for its own sake and as a specimen of the 
 German style of young Lepsius,) " the impression, es- 
 pecially amidst these surroundings, was very striking. 
 Above this seething mass, these convulsions of a strug- 
 gling mob y this shouting and quarrelling, this motley 
 throng, this glittering of military display, there suddenly 
 appeared, not like a rock in the sea, (to which possibly 
 the column might have been compared,) but like a 
 supernatural power, the calm, majestic presence of 
 Napoleon. What can produce a greater impression 
 than the power of a mind which manifests itself in a 
 composed bearing and a commanding expression, face 
 to face with the unruly passions of similar human 
 spirits ?" 
 
 In these words he presents to us the ideal, of his life, 
 and we shall see how well he himself ever succeeded in 
 preserving such a commanding attitude towards unruly 
 passions. " This expression of command," he con- 
 tinues, "is still grander than the great yet inanimate 
 nature, which is sometimes admired in contrast with 
 
62 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 nature, or even humanity, in a state of excitement. A 
 like impression, too, was unconsciously depicted on 
 every face, and a general shout, ' Vie l'Empereur! Vive 
 Napoleon !' burst from the innumerable throng, which 
 really seemed for a moment entirely to forget the op- 
 pressive present. For one moment every lineament 
 expressed admiration, pleasure, satisfaction." Then he 
 describes how Louis Philippe conducted the review, 
 and continues, " However, not the least enthusiasm 
 was manifested for him, which, in my opinion, is mainly 
 owing to his personality. His external appearance 
 presents nothing that is at all imposing, nothing attrac- 
 tive; no intellectual power of any sort is expressed in 
 his figure or his face; he impresses you as a stout 
 citizen, returning thanks for the great honor which is 
 done him. And yet here in France, if anywhere, at 
 least a semblance of intrinsic greatness is needed for 
 the eyes of the people, since the mystic vail of royal 
 greatness has so entirely fallen from the head of the 
 citizen king. As the king rode past one only heard a 
 clamor, such as springs from gratified curiosity." 
 From this festival, as Lepsius describes it, can be infer- 
 red the historical events which must of necessity occur 
 later : the expulsion of Louis Philippe and the acclama- 
 tion of a Napoleon to the French throne. 
 
 With the appearance of the citizen king Lepsius' 
 exalted frame of mind is dissipated, and he tries to fix 
 the note which he can designate as prevalent in the 
 general din. With the aid of the interval between the 
 lowest note of his own voice and the sound which 
 
THE JOURNEYMAN. 6$ 
 
 formed the key-note of the clamor, he found it to be 
 the treble e. Thus does the spirit of research ever 
 demand her due of him. The linguist everywhere 
 scrutinizes the value and significance of sounds and 
 tones. He does not disdain to amuse himself with 
 them occasionally, and to determine the relation be- 
 tween them and other perceptions of the senses. " O," 
 he writes at one time in his diary, " seems to me brown, 
 a, light blue, e, colorless, a clear faint color, i, bright 
 yellow." At that time, while writing his essay on 
 Sanscrit palaeography, he thought he discerned that in 
 all languages the vowels had formed themselves by 
 degrees, like colors, from the a, but that originally there 
 had been no distinction between vowels and conso- 
 nants. The words, he thought, had been divided ac- 
 cording to their sounds, in such a way that each conso- 
 nant with the vowel which followed it constituted an 
 inseparable whole. Hence in Sanscrit a originally was 
 even considered as a consonant, or rather as a combi- 
 nation of the Greek Spiritus lenis and the a which 
 necessarily followed it. 
 
 In Paris Lepsius is at first a linguist solely, and does 
 not concern himself with Egyptological studies. But 
 by the end of October, through Panofka, he is first 
 invited to come to Italy in the name of Gerhard, who 
 had kept him in mind since their meeting in Berlin, and 
 then he receives a letter from the Alsatian Lobstein, 
 who had met him in Paris, and who has been author- 
 ized by Bunsen and also by Kellermann to make him a 
 serious proposition to come to Rome. There he is first 
 
64 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 to busy himself with a collection of Umbrian, Oscan, 
 and Etruscan inscriptions, for which his dissertation 
 would seem especially to qualify him, and secondly to de- 
 vote himself seriously to the study of the writing and 
 language of the ancient Egyptians. The first proposal is 
 entirely acceptable to him from the beginning, although 
 it is only for the sake of completeness that he will in- 
 clude in his corpus inscriptionem the Etruscan inscrip- 
 tions, on the deciphering of which " many a man may 
 yet wear out his teeth." The second proposition, on 
 the contrary, causes him the most serious deliberation. 
 It is true that Gerhard, through whom he had been 
 most warmly commended to Bunsen, had already in 
 Berlin urged him to the study of hieroglyphics, and had 
 assured him that he should himself undertake it if he 
 were but younger. It is also true that he felt his own 
 powers had now become fit to cope with the greatest 
 difficulties, but yet it seemed to him advisable to await 
 the appearance of Champollion's grammar, in order to 
 learn how the matter actually stood. He could thence 
 gather and decide whether the foundations had been so 
 well laid that by rational and scientific investigation he 
 should really be able to accomplish something substan- 
 tial on a field which, with the exception of Champollion 
 himself, had up to that time been almost exclusively 
 occupied by bunglers and incompetent dilettanti. 
 
 The prudence with which the youth of three and 
 twenty proceeded in this important question of his life, 
 is most remarkable. In the letters which he addressed 
 to his father, in order to obtain his advice, he sefs forth 
 
THE JOURNEYMAN. 65 
 
 clearly and exhaustively all the reasons on both sides. 
 Bunsen, from whom these proposals emanate, is a per- 
 son of great influence, and if he, Lepsius, finds Cham- 
 pollion's preparatory work satisfactory, and it is possible 
 to realize his patron's plan of finally entrusting him with 
 the direction of the fine Egyptian collection at Berlin, 
 there then opens before him the prospect of an assured 
 future, as far as the material circumstances of life are 
 concerned. This it is usually far more difficult for an 
 archaeologist and philologist to secure than for a gram- 
 marian and teacher. He would not be content, he 
 writes, to gain his livelihood by book-writing. He had 
 already written to his father from Berlin, March thir- 
 teenth, 1833, " I do not know whether I should have any 
 special talent for the profession of teaching, since I have 
 never yet tried it, and even if I should adopt it, from 
 inclination, and with the expectation of finding content- 
 ment in it, yet, in truth, it is not a great career." If he 
 can hope, (thus he continues to write to his father, after 
 Bunsens invitation,) to find in Egyptology a satisfac- 
 tory field for research, and if Bunsen can give him in 
 advance the most positive prospect of the patronage of 
 the Prussian government, and the hope of afterwards 
 obtaining an appointment in the fine Egyptian collec- 
 tion at Berlin, then he will decide to go to Rome, and 
 to turn his studies in the new direction which Bunsen 
 desires ; but otherwise not. 
 
 His father could only assent to his doubts and de- 
 liberations, and so, on December twelfth, 1833, the son 
 wrote to Bunsen the following letter, which was to give 
 
 5 
 
66 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 both to his studies and his life a tendency so peculiarly 
 propitious for his character and talents. 
 
 " The kind confidence which, judging by an invita- 
 tion lately sent me through H. Lobstein, you appear to 
 feel in my abilities, has aroused in me no less pleasure 
 than serious doubts as to how far I may myself confide 
 in my own powers. I in no wise mistake the import- 
 ance of these doubts, especially at my age and in my 
 circumstances. How I shall solve the problem of life 
 depends chiefly on their right or wrong solution, and 
 therefore, as long as they are still unsettled, every im- 
 pulse from without is of infinite moment to the whole 
 inner life and aspiration. You could neither be aware 
 of the soil on which your words, perhaps but carelessly 
 meant, had fallen, nor still less of the connection in 
 which they stand with my bwn inclinations and mental 
 tendency. It is not as if I had previously entertained 
 the idea of attempting the deciphering of hieroglyphics ; 
 rather, till now, I have been chiefly attracted towards 
 archaeology and general comparative philology, upon 
 the broader field of that science to which, in any case 
 I had resolved to devote myself. Although these did not 
 give me much prospect of an assured livelihood for the 
 future, yet I wished to prosecute the two studies together 
 in Paris, because they have so many points in com- 
 mon, and indeed seem to me in their essential substance 
 to form a more perfect whole. Then latterly I was led 
 by chance to a subject which attracted me more the 
 farther I pursued it, and at last prompted me to collect 
 the results in a short treatise which I am about to have 
 
THE JOURNEYMAN. 67 
 
 published in Berlin. This treatise is immediately con- 
 cerned with palaeographic researches into Sanscrit 
 writing, but I was soon led from the peculiarities of this 
 writing, which in many respects is wonderfully conson- 
 ant with nature, to more universal palaeographic laws. 
 I found myself forced at last, by the subject itself, to 
 express my views on the organic and essentially neces- 
 sary connection between writing and language con- 
 sidered in their broadest relation, and on the value of a 
 scientific palaeography in the investigation of language. 
 Indeed, I could not refrain, at the close, from referring 
 to Egypt itself, where there seems to open such a splen- 
 did and fertile field for this new science as never before 
 in Europe, or even in Asia. Thus, on one hand, I am at- 
 tracted by the idea of an Egyptian palaeography which 
 cannot possibly be sought for except in accordance 
 with the universal laws of writing and language, and 
 therefore must be capable of rational scientific treat- 
 ment. Yet, on the other hand, I cannot avoid noticing 
 the special obstacles, of other than a scientific kind, 
 which present themselves, and particularly the precari- 
 ous direction which might be permanently given to my 
 studies by an over-hasty decision. It is true that on 
 this path also archaeology and comparative philology 
 would be the guides and companions whom I should 
 most desire. But in their Egyptian costume they would 
 probably be still less able to secure me a settled posi- 
 tion in life, than in their Greek and Roman dress, un- 
 less, in that case, I might consider myself assured of 
 substantial assistance from the government, and of a 
 
68 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 situation in the public service in case I succeeded in 
 fulfilling all reasonable expectations. But if this were 
 possible, and, above all, if I had become convinced by 
 examination of the authorities hitherto accessible, and 
 especially of Champollion's grammar, that the founda- 
 tions had been so laid as to give hope of greater results 
 to be attained by conscientious and scientific treatment, 
 then I would gladly devote all my ability, time and 
 energy to a subject, the advancement of which may 
 rightly lay claim to the most universal interest, although 
 the handling of it at present can only fall to the lot of a 
 favored few." 
 
 Bunsen sent an encouraging answer to this letter, 
 which, like the diary and the letters to Father Lepsius, 
 did not deviate by one hair's breadth from the true 
 circumstances and inclination of the writer. After the 
 young philologist and archaeologist had satisfied him- 
 self that new researches might indeed be profitably 
 based upon the preparatory work of Champollion, and 
 that great results could perhaps be attained in the field 
 of science thrown open by him, he decided thenceforth 
 to devote himself with all his energy to the study of 
 Egyptology. 
 
 It is now time for us to cast a glance at this new 
 science, and to point out how far it had progressed, at 
 the time when Lepsius first commenced to devote him- 
 self to it and to continue the labors of Champollion, 
 who had died shortly before his arrival in Paris. 
 
EGYPTOLOGICAL STUDIES. 69 
 
 EGYPTOLOGICAL STUDIES, 
 
 AS LEPSIUS FOUND THEM IN 1834. 
 
 For nearly fifteen hundred years all direct knowl- 
 edge of the hieroglyphic writing of the ancient 
 Egyptians had been lost, and nothing more was known 
 of the monuments of the time of the Pharaohs than was 
 incidentally mentioned by classic authors, or travellers 
 who had visited the Orient. It is true that in Rome 
 and Constantinople stood obelisks which had been 
 transported to the imperial residences from the temples 
 of the Nile, while mummies and smaller Egyptian relics 
 were preserved as curiosities in the libraries and mu- 
 seums of Europe. But the interest in the life of the 
 ancient Egyptians, as well as in their art and science, 
 which had enjoyed such a high degree of esteem 
 amongst the Greeks, had been lost. And although, 
 after the prime of the humanities had faded, an Athan- 
 asius Kircher,* and after him other scholars such as the 
 Dane Zoega or Barthelemy, ventured to attempt the 
 deciphering of the inscriptions with which the Roman 
 obelisks were covered, yet they were soon forced to de- 
 sist from their fruitless endeavors, for want of any fixed 
 basis from which they might have prosecuted their 
 difficult operations with success. Then the First Con- 
 * Died in 1680. 
 
70 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 sul of the French Republic, General Napoleon Bona- 
 parte, undertook that adventurous march into Egypt 
 by which he hoped to break up English influence on 
 African soil, to cut off the nearest route to India from 
 the British armies, and -also to gather laurels for him- 
 self. " For," he had said, " the greatest glory in the 
 world is only to be won in the Orient." 
 
 Every one knows the course of this campaign, 
 which indeed ended in favor of England, but brought 
 far greater fame to France than to her opponent. 
 History does not forget such battles as that beneath the 
 pyramids, and in the annals of science a place of honor 
 will ever be accorded to the intellectual achievements 
 of the French scholars who, during the end of the pre- 
 vious and the beginning of our own century, followed 
 the French armies amidst a thousand hardships, dan- 
 gers, and adverse circumstances. It was by means of 
 this expedition that the life of the old Egyptians was to 
 celebrate its resurrection. No one in Europe had sus- 
 pected what a wealth of monuments of the time of the 
 Pharaohs had been preserved upon the Nile. People 
 watched with astonishment the arrival in Paris of great 
 folios full of superb drawings in which these were de- 
 picted, and numerous volumes containing the descrip- 
 tions of them. Excellent reproductions of both after- 
 wards found their way all over the world. 
 
 In 1799, m tne cou rse of excavations at the fort of 
 St. Julienne at Rosetta, in the northern Delta, the 
 French officer of engineers, Boussard, had found the 
 remarkable tablet which was to become so famous 
 
EGYPTOLOGICAL STUDIES. 7 1 
 
 under the name of the Rosetta stone. The fortunes of 
 war carried this one monument alone, not to Paris, but 
 to London, where it is worthily conserved in the British 
 Museum. It contains a sacerdotal decree, which awards 
 high honors to the fifth Ptolemy, Epiphanes, for his 
 great worth, and the benefits which he conferred on the 
 country. It is written in three different characters and 
 languages. 
 
 Let us imagine, instead of the Egypt of that period, 
 an Italian province of the Austrian monarchy, and let 
 us suppose that the clergy of the place had drawn up a 
 decree in honor of the imperial house ; this might per- 
 haps be published in the old ecclesiastical language, 
 Latin, in Italian, and in the German language of the 
 ruling house and its officials. Precisely thus was the 
 decree of Rosetta written ; first in the sacred language 
 of the church, habitually rendered in the ancient hiero- 
 glyphic character, and only employed in ecclesiastical 
 writings, next in the dialect current among the people, 
 the demotic, which was recorded in a special abbre- 
 viated character in which the original form of the hiero- 
 glyphics is no longer to be recognized, and finally in 
 the Greek language and character of the Lagid ruling 
 house and its functionaries. Thus the Rosetta stone 
 offered for investigation three tolerably long texts, the 
 first two of which had for foundation a dialect of the 
 ancient Egyptian language. These were in the two 
 kinds of writing, the distinction between which had al- 
 ready been noted by the Greeks, (Herodotus, Diodorus, 
 Clemens of Alexandria, etc.) and beneath them stood. 
 
72 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 the Greek translation. In a special treatise,* to which 
 the reader is referred, we have endeavored to show 
 how two scholars, working independently, arrived 
 simultaneously at the same result of correctly decipher- 
 ing the principal hieroglyphic groups by a comparison 
 of the names of the Ptolemy, of Cleopatra and of Alex- 
 ander,** which were distinguished by being enclosed 
 within elliptical ovals (cartouches), and appeared on 
 the bi-lingual tablet in both hieroglyphic and Greek 
 text. These two scholars were the gifted Frenchman, 
 Champollion, and the Englishman, Thomas Young, an 
 investigator of the first rank, whom difficulties served 
 only to allure, and whose labors in the domain of 
 physiology and optics would have assured him an im- 
 mortal name. But Young arrived at results which 
 were inaccurate in detail, chiefly by means of mechani- 
 cal and arithmetical comparison, and then pursued his 
 acquisitions no further, while Champollion applied all 
 the energies of his lifetime to the prosecution and de- 
 velopment of his epoch-making discovery. For this 
 reason we ascribe it to him more willingly and with 
 greater justice than to Thomas Young, who, however, 
 undoubtedly presented his conclusions a little in ad- 
 vance of Champollion. Each had arrived at his results 
 quite independently of the other, but, from the first, 
 Champollion's were the more correct, and what with 
 
 * G. Ebers. On the Hieroglyphic System of Writing. Virchow 
 und V. Holtzendorff sche Samm'lung von wissenschaftlichen Vor- 
 tragen. 2. Aufl. Serievi., No. 131. 
 
 ** The names of both of these sovereigns were found upon a 
 second bi-lingual tablet, discovered on the island of Philae. 
 
 
EGYPTOLOGICAL STUDIES. 73 
 
 Young remained a splendid but incomplete exploit of 
 the most magnificent sagacity, was by the Frenchman 
 prosecuted in the most brilliant manner, and reduced 
 to a correct system which, taken as a whole, is still 
 valid at the present day. The great master-pieces of 
 Champollion, the Grammaire e'gyptie?ine, (1836-41), 
 and the Diction?iaire egyptien en ecriture hieroglyphique, 
 (1842-44), were first published after his death (1832), 
 and subsequently to Lepsius' sojourn in Paris. They 
 give an idea of the profound insight into the ancient 
 Egyptian language which had been attained by this 
 scholar who died so young. Had Fate granted him a 
 longer life his great works would have gained im- 
 mensely in value, for his brother, Champollion- 
 Figeac, who had undertaken to edit a portion of the 
 manuscripts* of the deceased, which filled two thou- 
 sand pages, although he fulfilled the task conscien- 
 tiously and gladly, was yet obliged to take in hand 
 much that was only half completed, and did not prove 
 entirely equal to the undertaking. 
 
 It is true that Francois Champollion, in his Precis 
 du systeme hieroglyphique des anciens Egyptietis, (Paris, 
 1824), had presented a scheme of the hieroglyphic 
 system of writing which, in its general features, was 
 correct. But this work, though extraordinary for that 
 time, was somewhat of the nature of a sketch, and 
 criticism could find in it sufficient grounds for enter- 
 taining sundry doubts and scruples. Other scholars 
 
 * They were bought by the Paris library for fifty thousand francs. 
 
74 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 especially, who likewise styled themselves Egyptolo- 
 gists, attacked the system of Champollion, and brought 
 forward other systems of their own in opposition to it. 
 Amongst these guides to the labyrinth, whose errors 
 have long since been refuted and lapsed into utter for- 
 getfulness, Seyffarth of Leipsic lifted his voice most 
 loudly. Sickler, also, wished to explain the hiero- 
 glyphics by paranomasia. He maintained that each 
 one was intended to represent a whole series of words 
 of similar sound. Klaproth adhered firmly to his acro- 
 logical system, according to which each hieroglyphic 
 could express all those Coptic words that begin with 
 the same sound with which the name of the hiero- 
 glyphic begins. 
 
 What was a critically trained linguist to think of a 
 science which had not yet positively decided how to 
 read or explain the characters of that writing, which it 
 was incumbent upon it to interpret, and which could 
 not even declare, with the concurrence of all its colla- 
 borators, what language was the basis of the text which 
 it nevertheless sought to translate and expound ? 
 
 It is difficult to understand how, after the appear- 
 ance of the Precis du systcme hieroglyphique, these card- 
 houses could have stood their ground for a single 
 month beside the well-founded edifice of Champollion. 
 But the more dubious the condition of affairs was with 
 the authors of these false systems, the louder did they 
 raise their voices, while Champollion, without regarding 
 them, worked on with admirable tranquillity, and added 
 stone after stone to his great construction. The prin- 
 
EGYPTOLOGICAL STUDIES. 75 
 
 cipal parts of this he completed, but he was destined to 
 bequeath it to posterity without roof or ornaments. 
 
 At the time when Lepsius was invited to make the 
 investigation of the ancient Egyptian the occupation of 
 his life, he had heard as much in favor of SeyrTarth, 
 Klaproth and Sickler as of Champollion. From the 
 beginning he placed greater confidence in the latter. 
 Yet he did well to inform himself exactly as to the true 
 state of Egyptology at that time before placing at its 
 disposal his energy, his ability, and his time. He was 
 of too prudent a disposition to embark for the journey 
 through life on a paper boat. 
 
 A deeper insight into the system of Champollion re- 
 assured him, and soon led him to a decision. He 
 might undertake the work with favorable expectations, 
 for Lepsius could feel himself far superior in thorough- 
 ness of preparation and synthetic acumen to those in- 
 tellectual imitators of the giant Champollion, who, even 
 during his lifetime, had ventured forth with their own 
 works. We shall have to tell with what blunt sickles 
 they destroyed the grain which they thought to reap. 
 Destiny had forbidden the master to train up worthy 
 disciples, for after the first professorship of Egyptology 
 in the University of Paris had been conferred upon 
 him, and when he had scarcely entered on his office as 
 a teacher, the fine vigorous man of forty-one was over- 
 taken by death. 
 
 Prior to this, however, he had already found dis- 
 ciples in Salvolini and Rosellini. The latter had fol- 
 lowed him to Rome, Turin and Naples, after having 
 
76 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 taught at Pisa as Professor of Oriental Languages. The 
 extraordinary talent of E. de Rouge was developed 
 later. Birch in London and Leemans in Leyden were 
 indeed his contemporaries, but should be called his suc- 
 cessors, not his pupils, and published their first Egyp- 
 tological works after his death, and after Lepsius had 
 decided in favor of this science. 
 
 When our friend entered the arena of Egyptological 
 research the nature of the demotic writing was as yet 
 entirely undetermined, for although the greatest Orien- 
 talist of this century, Silvestre de Sacy, had addressed 
 his attention to the demotic portion of the Rosetta 
 stone, and it had been examined not only by Thomas 
 Young, but also by the sagacious Swede, Akerblad, 
 neither they nor Champollion had been able to come to 
 any satisfactory understanding of it. Lepsius, also did 
 little towards a more thorough comprehension of the 
 nature of the demotic dialect and writing. It was H. 
 Brugsch and E. Revillout who first discovered the sig- 
 nificance of the demotic, and proved the importance of 
 this " writing and language of the people " as a middle 
 term between ancient Egyptian and Coptic. 
 
 As far as this, (the Coptic), is concerned, it was the 
 language used by the Egyptians in speaking and writ- 
 ing, after the introduction of Christianity into Egypt. 
 It was written in Greek letters, with some additional 
 alphabetical characters for sounds which the Hellenic 
 alphabet would not reproduce. It represents the most 
 recent dialect of the Egyptians, replete with many bor- 
 rowed and alien words from the Greek, and it succeeded 
 
EGYPTOLOGICAL STUDIES. 77 
 
 the demotic as this sprang from the ancient Egyptian 
 language which was written in hieroglyphics. As we 
 possess many of the Scriptural books in Coptic transla- 
 tions, and more recent Coptic manuscripts with an 
 Arabic version in the margin, it is scarcely less intelli- 
 gible for us than Greek and Arabic themselves. The 
 church of the monophysitic Coptic Christians on the 
 Nile employs it to-day in the liturgies according to 
 which divine worship is conducted. The founder of a 
 scientific knowledge of the Coptic language in Europe 
 was the same Athanasius Kircher who attempted the 
 deciphering of hieroglyphics without success. To him 
 we are, however, indebted for the first Coptic vocabu- 
 laries and essays at grammar, (these were taken from 
 the Arabic, and written in Latin.) 
 
 A succession of European scholars afterwards ex- 
 tended and perfected his work, which, although funda- 
 mental, was full of defects and errors. When Lepsius 
 began the study of Coptic it had already been treated 
 by Lacroze, Wilkins, Scholz, Woide, Tuki, Quatremere, 
 and Zoega, in part grammatically, and in part lexico- 
 graphically. Peyron's lexicon was also approaching 
 completion. 
 
 No one had yet ventured to assign this language its 
 proper scientific philological rank. Its three dialects 
 had long been known, and not only Champollion, but 
 Seyffarth also, had made use of them in the interpreta- 
 tion of the most ancient hieroglyphic words. 
 
 There was no lack of Coptic manuscripts and 
 
78 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 books * in Paris, but there was a very obvious want of 
 old Egyptian hieroglyphic writings, well published. The 
 inscriptions** reproduced in the great Description de 
 r£gypte, had been copied previous to the deciphering 
 of hieroglyphics. They had been transcribed at ran- 
 dom, without accuracy or intelligence, and were useless 
 for the philologist. Rosellini's work on monuments t 
 was prepared as the combined result of the expedition 
 sent to Egypt by France, under Champolliori, and that 
 sent by Tuscany under Rosellini. The publication of it 
 had scarcely been commenced when Lepsius obeyed 
 the summons of Bunsen. The same is true of Cham- 
 pollion's Monuments de r£gypte, etc. 
 
 In the following pages we shall have to show all 
 that had been achieved by Egyptological research in 
 the provinces of history and mythology, and what 
 Lepsius found there, both to clear away, and to build 
 up. 
 
 * Lepsius used the Pentateuch, edited by Wilkins, for his first 
 exercise book. 
 
 ** Published in the first edition, under the supervision of Jomard, 
 1809-28. The second edition was edited by Pankouke, 1821-29. 
 
 t In Rosellini's / Monumenti dell' Egitto e delta Nubia. Eight 
 volumes, with the addition of two folio volumes of colored plates, 
 published at Pisa in 1832-44. The third folio volume was published 
 after his death. (1843) in 1844 ; Champollion's Monuments de I ' £gypte 
 et de la Nubie, four folio volumes, with four hundred and forty plates, 
 was published in Paris, 1835-47, and Lepsius thus had the use of the 
 first numbers. Rosellini's work on monuments, mentioned above, is 
 divided into historical and private monuments, and those pertaining to 
 religious worship. Champollion had originally wished to treat of the 
 former, but, in consequence of his early death, the publication of them 
 fell to Rosellini. Champollion also saw only the first proofs of his 
 own work on monuments. 
 
LEPSIUS IN PARIS AS AN EGYPTOLOGIST. 79 
 
 LEPSIUS IN PARIS AS AN EGYPTOLOGIST. 
 
 From the very first Lepsius devoted himself with 
 ardent zeal and indefatigable industry to Egyptological 
 studies. Before us lie the letters which he addressed at 
 that time to his new patron and subsequent friend, 
 Bunsen. They show with what benevolent, indeed 
 fatherly, sympathy, the famous scholar and statesman 
 watched the progress of his protege in the field to 
 which he had invited and introduced him ; what pains 
 he took to smooth the way for him both by word and 
 deed, and how perfect was the understanding with 
 which he followed the scientific efforts and achieve- 
 ments of the new Egyptologist. Bunsen also exerted 
 himself to assure the pecuniary position of the young 
 scholar ; but as the emperor above the senate, so did 
 Alexander von Humboldt stand above Bunsen. Where 
 the influence of the latter proved insufficient, and his 
 good wishes could not be carried into effect, it became 
 necessary to appeal to the power and benevolence of 
 the man of world-wide fame, who was always ready for 
 vigorous action when it was a question of furthering im- 
 portant scientific endeavors, or helping promising and 
 able young scholars. As Lepsius in the first place was in- 
 finitely indebted to Bunsen, so was he in the second 
 instance to A. von Humboldt. It is singular how many 
 of the later German masters of science, besides our 
 friend, were aided by this great and truly humane man 
 
80 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 as by a Providence. He removed obstacles from their 
 path, built bridges for them, and opened to them por- 
 tals which no other hand than his was in a position to 
 unfold. 
 
 From the letters to Bunsen we learn that Lepsius at 
 first was absorbed in Coptic, and, as might have been 
 expected, as a comparative philologist. At the begin- 
 ning he was discouraged by the entire linguistic isola- 
 tion in which this interesting idiom stood, but he soon 
 thought to detect a certain fundamental relationship 
 between it and the Indo-Germanic and Semitic families 
 of languages. On the twentieth of January, 1835, he 
 already invited Bunsen to consider with him, in a quite 
 superficial and cursory manner, the affixes of the pro- 
 nomen personale, in Coptic and Hebrew, and the rela- 
 tionship of the two formations.* 
 
 He next exerted himself to place before the public 
 a specimen of Coptic grammar. He wished to begin 
 by publishing a comparative division, which should be 
 chiefly based upon the pronominal stems, and should 
 establish the basis upon which the Coptic language had 
 developed. It was further intended to show what posi- 
 tion this should hold among the better known tongues. 
 He had taken the bull by the horns, and was soon to 
 find that little could be accomplished by giving promi- 
 nence to such similarity in the terminal suffixes as struck 
 the eye, or by the comparison of Indo-Germanic and 
 
 * As an example he adduces the scheme : 
 
 Hebrew, jam — m — i jam — nu jam — ka 
 
 Coptic, jom— i jom— n join — k 
 
 my sea our sea M. thy sea, etc. 
 
LEPSIUS IN PARIS AS AN EGYPTOLOGIST. 
 
 8l 
 
 Semitic numeral words with the Egyptian, between 
 which also many confonnities existed. 
 
 As the first results of these new studies there ap- 
 peared two papers on the alphabet and numerical 
 words, which were submitted to the Berlin Academy in 
 1835, and were printed at the press of that learned in- 
 stitution. The apothegm, that even the loftiest specu- 
 lation only teaches us to comprehend what is already 
 in existence, occurs in the first of these papers.* 
 
 By means of this treatise the knowledge of the true 
 principles of the most ancient alphabetical order was 
 advanced by a long step, and what was new therein 
 was combined with the most thorough regard for all 
 that had been previously attained. 
 
 In the second treatise** he considerably extended 
 
 * On the Order and Relationship of the Semitic, Indian, Ancient 
 Greek, Ancient Egyptian and Ethiopian Alphabets. Index of Works 
 No. V. The history of the origin of this treatise is peculiar. At that 
 time the Leipsic Egyptologist, Seyffarth, who, as we know, had ad- 
 vanced a system of his own in opposition to that of Champollion, had 
 brought out a publication which bore the strange title: "Our 
 Alphabet a Representation of the Zodiac, with the Constellation of 
 the Seven Planets, etc., etc. Probably according to the Observations 
 of Noah himself. First Foundation of a True Chronology and His- 
 tory of the Civilization of All Nations." Leipsic, 1834. — As this 
 work appeared to emanate from some other than the critical world in 
 which Lepsius had become eminent, and as, strange to say, it had 
 found advocates of repute, the young doctor felt himself bound to 
 refute it duly. So he wrote a critique of it for the " Berliner Jahr- 
 bticher, — partly also with a view to "presenting himself gradually 
 before the public in his Coptic costume." "I do not expect," he 
 writes, "to demolish the work — by which no honor could be won, — 
 but to give a true explanation of our alphabetical system." As the 
 " Jahrbucher" had meantime made use of another review, he struck 
 out the portion of the dissertation which was directed against Seyf- 
 farth, from that in which he "built up," submitted this latter to the 
 Berlin Academy, and had it printed in their Transactions. 
 
 ** On the origin and relationship of the numerical words in the 
 Coptic, Semitic, and Indo-Germanic Languages. Berlin, 1836. 
 Index of Works, No. VI. 
 
82 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 previous investigations, and at the same time imposed 
 upon himself voluntary restrictions which offer the 
 most favorable testimony to his early acquired method 
 and critical rigor. He would have been able to arrive 
 at still more important results with the present knowl- 
 edge of ancient Egyptian numerical words, and the 
 numerical signs in hieratic and demotic. 
 
 He never followed up " the manifest connection 
 between the Semitic and the Egyptian-demotic alpha- 
 bet " which he then thought to have discovered. We 
 entertain no doubt that during his apprenticeship he 
 took certain Parisian hieratic texts for demotic, and if 
 this was the case, then at that time, with the intuition 
 peculiar to him, he had already hit upon the truth 
 which was established many decades later by de 
 Rouge, Lenormant, and ourselves; namely, that the 
 Semitic, and indeed, primarily, the Phoenician alphabet, 
 must be traced back to the Egyptian hieratic. He 
 also worked enthusiastically over the principles of 
 sound in the Coptic. This language, which at first 
 seemed to him quite " chaotic " on account of the 
 " cumulative vowels " which it presents, became 
 more attractive to him after he had learned, by com- 
 parison of the manuscripts written in the different 
 dialects to distinguish between them, and to penetrate 
 more deeply into their wonderfully subtle syntactical 
 construction. It was of great advantage to him in 
 these studies that Peyron's Coptic Lexicon was pub- 
 lished just at this time, and that he was able to procure 
 each proof-sheet as it left the press. After he had 
 
LEPSIUS IN PARIS AS AN EGYPTOLOGIST. 83 
 
 obtained a good insight into the Coptic he ventured to 
 attack the demotic and ancient Egyptian written in 
 hieroglyphics. As, in the works then published on the 
 ancient Egyptian language, deduction and hypothesis 
 appeared far too much alike, he was extremely glad to 
 receive the ready assistance of Salvolini, the disciple of 
 Champollion mentioned above. This, very talented 
 Italian, under the direction of the master, Champollion, 
 had occupied himself with Egyptology exclusively for 
 ten years, and Lepsius was able to inspire him with 
 such interest that he wrote to Bunsen of the young 
 scholar in the warmest terms. But after Lepsius was 
 permitted to examine the literary legacy of Champol- 
 lion he perceived that Salvolini had secretly made 
 reckless use of another's labors, and that precisely 
 those things which the younger Egyptologist had 
 considered the most important discoveries of Salvolini, 
 had been made, not by him, but by the master, Cham- 
 pollion. 
 
 Biot's book* on the vague year of the Egyptians, 
 which had been published shortly before, led Lepsius 
 also to the study of the calendar and chronology of 
 the Egyptians, and prompted him to make Bunsen 
 fully acquainted with his views on the year of Sirius 
 and the Sothiac cycle. He sent the work mentioned 
 to his patron, and in consequence of a request made 
 by him, furnished him with everything that appeared 
 in Paris in the way of new literary productions. 
 
 Bunsen meanwhile was solicitous for the material 
 
 * Biot, Rechcrches sur I' annee vague des Egyptiens, Paris, 1831. 
 
84 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 welfare of his protege^ and it is not a little to be 
 ascribed to his and Gerhard's influence, — Boeckh too 
 was a zealous advocate, — that the Academy of Sciences 
 at Berlin awarded Lepsius five hundred thalers for his 
 farther improvement in Egyptology, and that Gerhard, 
 — although not officially, — could offer him the pros- 
 pect of the same amount for a second year. 
 
 Before this assistance had been promised him he 
 had written to Bunsen : " It is easy to understand that 
 there may be much opposition to furnishing aid for 
 such a special object, as every one will not regard the 
 
 importance of it in the same way but I am 
 
 especially anxious because I have not yet been able to 
 present to the Academy anything which could give me 
 an ostensible claim to the assistance which I desire. 
 On this account I have thought that it might be of 
 advantage to my affairs if I should put in order and 
 send to the Academy my treatise on numerical words 
 and arithmetical figures. It seems to me that I have 
 indisputably found the key to this interesting subject in 
 the Egyptian figures and Coptic numeral words. If 
 all this meets with your approval, I would first send 
 this treatise to William von Humboldt, who is most 
 interested in special investigations of this subject, and 
 probably, also, in the method of treating it. The 
 extremely friendly letter, and the favorable opinion 
 (far beyond my expectations), which he sent me, when 
 I forwarded to him my little pamphlet on Sanscrit 
 paleography, have given me hopes of a kind reception 
 from him." 
 
LEPSIUS IN PARIS AS AN EGYPTOLOGIST. 85 
 
 In fact, the treatise was despatched to Berlin, but 
 when it arrived there William von Humboldt was no 
 longer among the living, and it was with great difficulty 
 that Lepsius was able to recover his manuscript. The 
 Berlin Academy awarded him the sum mentioned with- 
 out it, for they knew that the recipient was worthy, and 
 that it would produce good fruit to science. 
 
 " The death of William von Humboldt," Lepsius 
 wrote to Bunsen on the thirtieth of April, 1835, "has 
 greatly grieved me, as well on account of the personal 
 kindness which he repeatedly manifested towards me, 
 as on account of the irreparable loss which the science 
 of language has suffered thereby. It was he especially 
 by whom I most hoped to be understood in my philo- 
 logical aims, and whose verdict I had always in mind 
 throughout this last work. You must be aware that 
 he leaves two works in manuscript, one on the Sanscrit 
 languages of the Indian Islands, another on languages 
 in general." 
 
 The handsome stipend of the Berlin Academy 
 smoothed Lepsius' way to Italy, whither Bunsen sum- 
 moned him with ever increasing urgency. 
 
 Up to that time, Panofka and de Witte, out of 
 scientific enthusiasm, had taken charge of the editorial 
 work for the Institute in Paris. W T hen they retired, 
 Bunsen appointed Lepsius in the place of de Witte, 
 who initiated him into the business. After his prede- 
 cessor had left Paris, Lepsius took charge, in his 
 absence, of the printing of the annals of the Institute 
 and of the correspondence. These affairs claimed a 
 
 
86 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 large portion of his time, and he would have gone 
 immediately to Rome, the headquarters of the Institute, 
 had he not felt that his work in Paris was not com- 
 pleted as far as Coptic was concerned. He also 
 devoted himself with special ardor to ancient Egyptian 
 and hieroglyphics. In these he continued to profit by 
 the assistance of Salvolini, whose rapidly progressing 
 interpretation of the Rosetta stone interested him 
 greatly. Yet Lepsius already began to feel a slight 
 mistrust of him, especially on account of the unfavor- 
 able manner in which he expressed himself regarding 
 the industrious Egyptologist Rosellini, whom Cham- 
 pollion had esteemed highly. From Bunsen, too, 
 Lepsius had heard nothing but praise of the latter, 
 and moreover, Rosellini's historical works served him 
 as a starting point for his own chronological investiga- 
 tions, which began to interest him the more, the better 
 he succeeded in deciphering for himself the names of 
 kings and little historical hieroglyphic texts. For the 
 great rapidity and certainty of his progress he was 
 indebted to the excellent linguistic training which he 
 had enjoyed. He had already exercised his talent for 
 deciphering in handling the Eugubian Tables. The 
 critical method of his philological guides had so 
 become a part of his flesh and blood, that Bunsen could 
 justly describe him as safe against the danger of pub- 
 lishing anything uncertain or untenable, or of announ- 
 cing good results prematurely. 
 
 Before Rosellini had become personally acquainted 
 with Lepsius he magnanimously confided to the prom.- 
 
LEPSIUS IN PARIS AS AN EGYPTOLOGIST. 87 
 
 ising new disciple of his science all of his notes that 
 the latter desired to see, and gave him by letter what- 
 ever explanations he wished. This he did in such an 
 amiable manner that Lepsius wrote to Bunsen: "I 
 have taken extraordinary pleasure in the inestimable 
 liberality and courtesy of Rosellini. One meets with 
 the contrary among the French scholars here. If the 
 French were better etymologists they would perceive 
 that in science as in life liberie and liberalite come from 
 the same root." 
 
 The letter which our friend sent to Bunsen on the 
 twenty-fourth of June, 1835, as a draught of a paper 
 to be addressed to the Berlin Academy of Sciences,* 
 contains more detailed information as to the history of 
 his first attempts in Egyptology while at Paris. With 
 this communication he also submitted to the Academy 
 the treatises mentioned above on numerical words and 
 the oldest alphabetical systems (see page 81). The 
 allowance of five hundred thalers which we mentioned 
 was only granted for one year, but Boeckh had kindly 
 prevented a motion that the stipend should be granted 
 only once, from coming to a resolution. Thus Lepsius, 
 who knew the state of affairs, wrote confidently to 
 Bunsen : " I cannot think that the Academy will leave 
 me in the lurch later, if, with God's help, I have made 
 some progress in this fruitful science, and shown them 
 that I am as good a husbandman as another with 
 my plow and ox. Therefore I will henceforth specially 
 aim to deserve the confidence of the Academy, and I 
 
 * See appendix II. 
 
88 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 believe that I shall best compass this by keeping them 
 informed of my operations on the field upon which I 
 have entered." 
 
 At that time there were, as we have already 
 observed (See page 78), very few good inscriptions 
 published, and in August he had already advanced so 
 far in hieroglyphics that he was constantly looking 
 about for new texts, in order to copy and afterwards 
 study them. To attain the highest ends he felt that it 
 was necessary to know and own all the inscriptions 
 that had been preserved from the time of the Pharaohs. 
 In Gottingen he had endeavored to obtain both 
 material and intellectual possession of all the treasures 
 of the plastic art of the ancients by making copies of 
 them. Thus also in Paris he wished to acquaint him- 
 self with all the monuments of the time of the Pharaohs 
 which had reached that city, and either to transcribe 
 the inscriptions upon them, to copy them by tracing, or 
 to obtain them in the form of impressions taken on 
 paper. Copies of such as were accessible had long 
 lain in his portfolio, but he had heard that there was a 
 magazine in which was stored, in utter confusion, a 
 great abundance of Egyptian monuments, especially 
 the larger ones. Yet it seemed impossible to obtain 
 admission to these hidden treasures. " It is the 
 universal complaint," writes Lepsius, " that Louis 
 Philippe does nothing in any way for the monuments 
 of antiquity, his taste is all for modern works of art, 
 and he now employs all the artists and officers of the 
 Museum on the historical picture gallery in Versailles. 
 
LEPSIUS IN PARIS AS AN EGYPTOLOGIST. 89 
 
 Just now, also, several guardians of the Louvre are 
 occupied there, and therefore they represent that it is 
 impossible to detail a guardian for me in the magazine." 
 He impatiently awaited the decision from day to day, 
 but it did not come ; indeed it was still withheld even 
 after Herr von Werther, the Prussian Ambassador, had 
 interposed on behalf of Lepsius, and had procured 
 him permission to copy the Egyptian collection in the 
 Musee Charles X. But this was of far less importance 
 to Lepsius than what was hidden in the magazine, for 
 there were all the sarcophagi and statues, and an 
 exceedingly rich collection of stelae, besides a hundred 
 and fourteen tablets of plaster casts from the walls of 
 Karnak, and a great number of other matters. The 
 time of his departure from Paris drew near, and it 
 would have seemed almost intolerable to the ardent 
 young investigator to leave France without having 
 seen these extremely important monuments. Just then 
 Alexander von Humboldt came to Paris, Lepsius com- 
 plained to him of the difficulty, the most influential of 
 all men of that time interceded for him, and he was 
 immediately allowed access to the storehouse, at first 
 with a guardian, but afterwards without one. 
 
 Lepsius now spent the last weeks of his sojourn in 
 Paris in taking the most careful paper impressions from 
 all the monuments there. About fifty quires of blot- 
 ting paper were soon consumed, and many a night of 
 vigil did he spend in making fair copies of the descrip- 
 tions of the monuments from which the impressions 
 were taken, and of the results of his own measurements. 
 
90 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 These treasures, so laboriously acquired, were of great 
 service to him later, and accompanied him from Rome 
 to Berlin, where they now are. 
 
 Furthermore, through Humboldt's mediation, he 
 had an opportunity to inspect all the drawings and 
 manuscripts of Champollion, and he found them " sur- 
 prisingly copious and interesting." He was able to take 
 the first of the forty numbers of Champollion's great 
 work on monuments, ready printed, to Italy with him. 
 Champollion's grammar was also soon to be published. 
 
 Something had been neglected in regard to Lepsius* 
 military obligations, which might have been momentous 
 to the farther progress of the ardent investigator, but 
 this oversight did him no injury either, in consequence 
 of the warm commendation which Alexander von 
 Humboldt had given him to the Governor of Mentz, 
 General v. Muffling. It cannot now be ascertained on 
 what grounds the robust and well developed young 
 doctor was released from military service, but before us 
 lies a letter written immediately after he had presented 
 himself, which says, in reference to his military duties : 
 " And now in Mentz I have been relieved of all farther 
 anxiety in this respect." 
 
 "In the latter part of my stay in Paris," he writes 
 to Bunsen in ' the same letter, " I have learned to 
 regard Barucchi, the director of the Turin Museum, as 
 a very excellent and courteous man. He has promised 
 me every possible facility and convenience in the Turin 
 Museum for study, so that now I can go there with 
 great confidence of good results." 
 
LEPSIUS IN PARIS AS AN EGYPTOLOGIST. 91 
 
 Gladly and hopefully he crossed Mont Cenis to 
 Turin; and yet the parting from Paris had become 
 hard for him. He had gained much there, and 
 acquired a fixed aim in life; there he had come to 
 mature manhood, and his whole personality, as well as 
 his scientific activity and solid abilities, had awakened 
 the same good will on the Seine as previously in Ger- 
 many, at Leipsic, Gottingen, and Berlin. And no 
 wonder! For nature had endowed the youth, intel- 
 lectually so highly gifted, with a tall and imposing 
 figure, and crowned it with a head whose beauty was 
 to outlast the years. The noble and sharply cut linea- 
 ments of his countenance reflected the earnestness, the 
 force, and the acuteness of his mind, and wherever he 
 showed himself in the circle of the leading literati of 
 Berlin, where there was no lack of impressive heads, 
 all eyes were drawn to him, and even strangers were 
 attracted to inquire about him. When his abundant 
 hair had become snow-white he was one of the hand- 
 somest of old men. He told us, in an hour of social 
 relaxation, that he was once climbing one of the Swiss 
 mountains in very hot weather — I believe it was the 
 Faulhorn, — and had sat down near the' summit, with 
 dripping brow. A strange gentleman, who had joined 
 him, had sunk down beside him, and had responded to 
 his observation that it was frightfully hot : " You ought 
 to be accustomed to that, Professor. When one has 
 climbed the pyramids and made excavations in Ethiopia, 
 as you have — ." Lepsius asked the stranger how he 
 came to know him, and received from the other — as 
 
92 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 it turned out afterwards, a medical colleague from 
 Heidelberg, — the answer, " How can one forget your 
 medallion-countenance after once seeing it ?" 
 
 His profile was, in truth, singularly fine. I, myself, 
 first met Lepsius in his forty-ninth year, 1859, as 
 his pupil, but the impression which he made on me at 
 that time was such that I willingly credited the assur- 
 ance of a Leipsic friend, whose parents' house Lepsius 
 had frequented as a student, that he had been one of 
 the handsomest young men of his day. The same 
 bearing which he retained throughout his life, and 
 which entirely corresponded to his essential nature, 
 must also have been peculiar to him as a student. It 
 was quiet, yet not stiff, well-bred, and equally appro- 
 priate in all circumstances of life. Moreover, with all 
 his industry and earnestness, he was at that time 
 always glad to go into society, and he long preserved 
 and cherished his musical gifts and pleasure in singing, 
 as well as his fondness for chess. 
 
ITALY. 93 
 
 ITALY. 
 
 The route which Lepsius took to Rome was entirely 
 determined by the Egyptological studies to which he 
 had devoted himself with such great zeal and success 
 during the latter part of the time in Paris. It led him 
 first to Turin. 
 
 There he might hope to find all that was best and 
 of most importance, for the Egyptian museum at 
 Turin is now, and was at that time, one of the largest 
 and richest in the world, and so far exceeded Lepsius* 
 expectations that instead of several weeks he allowed 
 himself to be detained there for more than three 
 months. 
 
 On the twenty-fourth of February he wrote to 
 Bunsen : " I have not thought it necessary to hurry, 
 as Turin is without doubt the most important point of 
 my journey as far as the collection of materials is con- 
 cerned. One realizes this thrice as strongly when one 
 has staid here awhile and become familiar with the situa- 
 tion. I leave this excellent museum very unwillingly, 
 but one would have to stay for years to exhaust it, and I 
 do not think that I have employed my time ill. You will 
 enjoy the rich harvest which I bring you from here. I 
 have taken paper impressions of all the inscriptions 
 engraved on hard stone; part of them with starch, 
 which makes them indestructible. Unfortunately, I 
 could not continue my Parisian collection of a hundred 
 
94 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 and twenty stelae in the same way, for they were 
 unnecessarily afraid here of injury to the limestone from 
 the damp paper, so that the most important stelae and 
 many other objects in limestone I have partly counter- 
 drawn with pith paper and partly copied, and have 
 done this to some extent in the colors, the 'value of 
 which I first learned to appreciate properly here. The 
 greater part of the time, though, I have spent upon the 
 rich stores of papyrus, almost the whole of which, with 
 all the important fragments of every kind, I have 
 counterdrawn or copied. I have taken special pains 
 with the large perfect ritual, which can be found here 
 and nowhere else." He had not yet seen the stores of 
 papyrus in London and Leyden. " It was a matter of 
 special importance to me to possess some common 
 basis for all the other fragments of the ritual (which 
 are to be found everywhere; a portion of them are 
 at Rome), for the special purpose of beginning an 
 extensive collection of the different readings; very- 
 necessary for the study of hieroglyphics. Therefore, I 
 have spared no pains to compare the whole Parisian 
 papyrus, a copy of which I have, with that here. I 
 have noted all the different readings, in the text as 
 well as in the vignettes, and counterdrawn all that is 
 lacking, which amounts to about twice as much as the 
 Parisian copy. So that I now possess the most per- 
 fect ritual, in a volume of more than sixty sheets of 
 paper, of half-folio size, stitched together, besides the 
 collation of the Parisian ritual, a preparatoty work 
 which will be very valuable for future studies." 
 
ITALY. 
 
 95 
 
 In fact all the material that he so laboriously 
 acquired at Turin formed the foundation for his cele- 
 brated edition of the Book of the Dead, of which we 
 shall have to speak hereafter. Many historical dates, 
 which are contained in the monuments preserved at 
 Turin and the famous papyrus of the kings were also 
 collected by him in 1836; yet he found, on his second 
 journey to Turin in 1841, that in his first visit to the 
 museum many of the treasures preserved there had 
 been purposely withheld from him. 
 
 From Turin he went to Pisa, partly to make the 
 acquaintance of Rosellini, with whom he had long been 
 in scientific correspondence, partly to study the monu- 
 ments which the latter had brought with him, and the 
 papyrus and other written records which were intrusted 
 to the care of the Italian Egyptologist. 
 
 " Rosellini," he writes on the twentieth of March, 
 1836, "received me very cordially, and I find myself 
 well off in this excellent family, where I spend the 
 whole day; from nine o'clock in the morning till nine 
 at night." The monuments here had less to offer him, 
 " but so much the more do I learn," he writes, " from 
 Rosellini's Lexicon of Hieroglyphics. This also con- 
 tains the accumulations of Champollion, and I shall 
 copy it out in full. Besides this, I derive great benefit 
 from the oral instruction and communications, which 
 Rosellini gives me on all possible subjects without the 
 least reservation. I quickly perceived, that I should 
 not be able to leave this place as soon as I had 
 expected." The following verses, with which he took 
 
g6 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 leave of the Rosellinis, may show how intimate the 
 relation had become between the young German and 
 the family of the Italian scholar : 
 
 From the South to the South 
 
 I am driven away ; 
 From the North to the South — 
 
 Yet fain would I stay. 
 
 From country to country, 
 From dome unto dome 
 
 From Strasburg to Pisa, 
 From Pisa to Rome. 
 
 Wert thou in the South land, 
 Thou home ot my heart, 
 
 No farther I'd wander, 
 I'd never depart. 
 
 Vet linger I may not, 
 
 And so I prepare 
 In my heart a warm shelter, 
 
 And cherish thee there. 
 
 Then when farther I'm roaming 
 
 I'll hear thee with me, 
 And Heaven, protecting, 
 
 Will guard me with thee. 
 
 Pisa, April 19, 1836. 
 
 After Pisa he visited Leghorn, where was lodged 
 the Drovetti collection, which was afterwards purchased 
 
ITALY. 
 
 97 
 
 for the Berlin Museum, by the special advice of Lepsius. 
 The owner had asked sixty thousand francs, and got 
 thirty thousand. Amongst the monuments was the 
 Colossus of Rameses II, and the valuable fragment of 
 the statue of Usurtasen I. (throne and legs). This is 
 now restored and is the great ornament of the Egyptian 
 collection in the capital city of the empire. It may be 
 seen, from a letter which Lepsius wrote to Bunsen 
 about the collection, that the fragment of the statue of 
 Usurtasen I. had only been brought to Europe by 
 Drovetti in order to restore with it the slightly injured 
 colossus of the same king. The fragment consisted of 
 the same " black granite " (properly graywacke) as the 
 better preserved statue of Rameses II. 
 
 In May, 1836, Lepsius at last arrived in Rome, 
 richly laden with treasures. There, for the first time, 
 he met Charles J. Bunsen, who had directed his atten- 
 tion towards Egyptian antiquity, and had assisted him 
 with fatherly kindness during his residence in Paris. 
 Bunsen was at that time living on the Tiber as Prussian 
 Ambassador, under the title of Minister Resident. He 
 presided as chief secretary over the Archaeological 
 Institute, which had been founded by Gerhard, with 
 his assistance, in 1829. Ten years before the arrival 
 of Lepsius, Champollion had visited Rome, and found 
 there an enthusiastic admirer and disciple in Bunsen. 
 Absorbed in numerous affairs, and in other branches of 
 research,* the latter could devote but a small portion 
 
 * The three volumes of his " Description of the City of Rome" 
 were published from 1830-43; his " Basilicas of Christian Rome" in 
 1843. 
 
98 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 of his time to Egyptological studies. In Lepsius he 
 believed that he had found the right man to continue 
 the work of Champollion with greater success, and in 
 a more profound and independent spirit, than the Mas- 
 ter's two disciples, Salvolini and Rosellini. He also 
 hoped that Lepsius would be specially fitted to take 
 charge of the business of recording secretary of the 
 Institute in conjunction with Braun. For this he had 
 already proved his ability in Paris. 
 
 The affairs of this learned society were at that time 
 in a very bad condition. The most necessary pecuniary 
 means were wanting, differences of opinion, which 
 seemed entirely irreconcilable, divided the Parisian and 
 the Roman- Prussian sections, and indeed there was 
 serious question as to the continued existence of this 
 beneficient Institute. But, as Michaelis, its historiogra- 
 pher, expresses himself, " Danger stimulated Bunsen's 
 elastic spirit," and at the right moment Lepsius, to- 
 gether with Braun, " who was delighted with his expert 
 colleague," stepped into the breach. We will not say 
 that it was Lepsius alone who averted the threatened 
 danger, but it is certainly to be partly ascribed to his 
 warm personal relations with Panofka, de Witte, and 
 the noble Due de Luynes, who was so influential in 
 France, that the relations of the society to Paris, and 
 its affairs in general, improved soon after his partici- 
 pation in the management. What impression he made 
 on his appearance in Rome may be shown by the fol- 
 lowing passage from a letter which Bunsen's wife wrote 
 to her mother on the twelfth of May, 1856 : " Lepsius," 
 
ITALY. 99 
 
 says this estimable lady, " has been here since Monday. 
 He makes a very pleasant impression in regard to 
 character as well as talents; in short, he fulfills the 
 expectations roused by his letters, which were clear, 
 upright, intelligent, copious, but not excessive. He 
 has naturally refined manners, but no stiffness, and is 
 neither presuming nor shy. It is incredible, what 
 material he has collected for his study of Egyptian 
 antiquities, and his drawings are wonderfully executed. 
 You can fancy that Charles (Bunsen) is delighted to 
 talk of hieroglyphics with him ; yet it does not make 
 him idle, — he is busily occupied the whole day, and 
 only at meal times and in the evenings does he enjoy 
 such a great pleasure." 
 
 At that time Bunsen was already contemplating the 
 execution of his great work " The Place of Egypt in 
 the History of the World," and from the first was dis- 
 posed to confide many of the special researches for it 
 to Lepsius. Soon, however, (indeed long before his 
 recall from Rome), he felt inclined to offer him the 
 honor of being his collaborator. " Bunsen and Lepsius " 
 were to appear upon the title-page as the authors ; and 
 if the elder scholar and statesmen furnished the great 
 leading ideas, the young doctor, with bee-like industry, 
 collected everything in Rome that might prove useful 
 for the details of the work. 
 
 Bunsen knew how to value the labors of the new 
 member of the board of directors and editing secretary 
 of the Institute, and Lepsius soon felt at home in the 
 inspiring atmosphere of his house. 
 
IOO RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 The Ambassador and Gerhard both successfully- 
 exerted their influence in Berlin to induce the Academy, 
 which was already well disposed towards the first 
 critically trained German Egyptologist, to grant him 
 additional assistance. It would be impossible to imagine 
 help more energetic, more disinterested, or more 
 efficacious, than that which Lepsius thus received from 
 Bunsen. The hundreds of letters before us, addressed 
 by the former to his patron, show how the relation 
 between them became continually more intimate and 
 cordial. The superscription changes by degress from 
 " Highly Honored Herr Minister," to " Dearest Hen- 
 Privy Counselor," " My Dear, Fatherly Friend," and 
 finally, " Most Highly Esteemed Friend." When the 
 young scholar writes to his beloved patron on special 
 occasions, his letters, usually calm and confined to the 
 matter in hand, acquire a heartiness and warmth other- 
 wise alien to them. He once wrote to Bunsen on his 
 birthday (1839) : " My heartiest thanks for your splen- 
 did letter of August twenty-second, and for the delight- 
 ful lines which I received yesterday. May the Lord 
 grant you his most abundant blessing in the new year 
 of your life just beginning, as in all that follow, and 
 preserve to me your fatherly affection, which has already 
 so often strengthened, encouraged, and refreshed me. I 
 have far greater need of you, and am more dependent 
 on you than it may appear to you. I feel it with every 
 sheet that I receive from your hand, and that surprises 
 me unawares in my disposition to triviality, timidity, 
 and every sort of narrow-mindedness. Your words, 
 
ITALY. 
 
 even the most unimportant, fall like pearls upon my 
 poverty, and I feed upon them from one letter to 
 another." 
 
 With what sincerity these ardent phrases were meant 
 is evident from Lepsius' letters to his father and 
 mother, in which he always speaks of Bunsen with 
 enthusiasm and child-like affection. 
 
 Even in after years Lepsius' eye would still kindle, 
 his measured speech grow fervent, when he recalled 
 Charles Bunsen, the inexhaustible wealth of his ideas, 
 the depth of his knowledge, the purity of his character, 
 and the friendship which united the statesman and 
 investigator, though twenty years the older, with the 
 aspiring scholar ; which only gained in strength from 
 year to year, survived the death of the one, and was 
 borne to the grave with the other. 
 
 Bunsen had the advantage of Lepsius in a rich, 
 poetic, soaring imagination, otherwise they had many 
 great qualities in common. 
 
 Frederick William IV. had honored Bunsen with 
 the title of baron. Apart from this, however, he, like 
 Lepsius, deserves to be designated as a genuine noble 
 German freeman ; that is, a man of unalterable intrinsic 
 superiority, who derives the right to carry his head 
 loftily, not from external circumstances, but from 
 honest, indefatigable, difficult, and conscientious work. 
 To such labor they both remained faithful through 
 all the circumstances of life, and when we see the 
 leaders of a turbulent party claiming the name of 
 " workman " exclusively for the man with horny hands, 
 
102 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 and exerting themselves to restrict within the narrowest 
 limits the hours of employment for the day laborer, 
 we would point to these two men, who free from every 
 material solicitude of life, turned their nights into day, 
 bade defiance to bodily fatigue, and only sought 
 refreshment in change of occupation, in order to fit 
 themselves for the exalted enterprise which they had 
 imposed upon themselves. 
 
 His first purely Egyptological paper presents the 
 most brilliant evidence of the zeal and sagacity with 
 which Lepsius, from the beginning, devoted himself to 
 the study of the Egyptian writing and language. It 
 appeared in the annals of the Roman Archaeological 
 Institute, in the shape of a letter to his Pisan friend, 
 Rosellini,* and ranks among model works of this kind 
 on account of its wonderful succinctness, clearness and 
 comprehensiveness. Lepsius gives in it a complete 
 summary of the whole system of writing of the ancient 
 Egyptians. He distinguishes, with clearness and 
 acuteness, the elements of which this is composed, and 
 from the Master's list of sound symbols, which was 
 much too large, he singles out those elements which 
 do not properly belong there, and fortunately rejects 
 one of the fundamental errors of Champollion's system. 
 As we now know, the phonetic part of hieroglyphics, 
 that is the part relating to sounds, consists simply of 
 letters which were sounded, — our matres Irctionis, — 
 and syllabic signs. These by themselves alone can 
 
 * Lettre <i M. le Professeur Hippolyte Rosellini sur V alphabet 
 ht/roglyphique. Rome, 1837. Index of "Works. No. XIII. 
 
ITALY. 
 
 103 
 
 represent a syllable. Thus, the mere picture of a 
 mirror is to be read ' anch] but to this picture may also 
 pertain all the sounds of the syllable which it repre- 
 sents : thus, in our case, an ' a, n, and ch. 1 Cham- 
 pollion, on the contrary, had known nothing of syllabic 
 symbols, and thus regarded the mirror as a mere 
 abbreviation of the word ' anch] which he had also met 
 with written out in full. 
 
 This error was done away with by Lepsius,* and 
 through him that immensely important element of 
 writing, the syllabic symbol, received its due. The 
 observations contained in this treatise on the relation 
 of Coptic (See page 76) to ancient Egyptian, are also 
 of fundamental value. 
 
 Lepsius' letter to Rosellini gives a critical recapitu- 
 lation of the discoveries of the Master. It is the first 
 really methodical and scientific work of an adherent of 
 the Champollionic system, and although after this 
 Lepsius only returned incidentally to the linguistic and 
 grammatical side of Egyptology,** yet in this work, as 
 everywhere where he planted the lever, he has pointed 
 out the right way and method. In the Nubian Gram- 
 mar, which was one of the chief works of his life, and 
 
 If the Egyptologist Seyffarth, mentioned on page 74, claims 
 the merit of having first recognized the syllabic symbols as such, in 
 order afterwards to construct in their favor a perverted system, in 
 which they play a far more prominent part than belongs to them, it 
 is true that priority of discovery cannot be denied to him. But 
 Lepsius immediately accorded to the syllabic symbols their proper 
 place and (as the whole construction of his system proves), quite 
 independently of others. 
 
 ** On some Syntactical Points of the Hieroglyphic Language. 
 1846. Index of Works, No. XLII a. 
 
104 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 which was completed at a late date, he . showed how 
 firmly he stood upon the grammatical foundation so 
 early won, and how faithful he remained thenceforth to 
 grammatical studies. He did not cease, too, to work 
 at those studies, regarding the sounds of languages and 
 the alphabet, to which he had early devoted himself. 
 His " Standard Alphabet,"* which originated long 
 afterwards and amidst great opposition, was intended 
 chiefly to enable missionaries and travellers to repro- 
 duce correctly in our own language the sounds of the 
 foreign tongues examined by them. This was to be 
 done by means of letters, easily and conveniently 
 modified by dashes and dots. It became of great 
 practical importance, as it was adopted by the English 
 "Church Missionary Society" as the most available 
 universal alphabet to be employed, according to their 
 directions, by their emissaries. No one can deny that 
 it is also of scientific value. Its applicability has been 
 specially proved with the African languages, and in 
 this department it has been most successfully employed 
 in a great number of grammatical and lexicographical 
 works, as well as biblical translations and the repro- 
 duction of narrations, legends, and proverbs in the 
 various idioms. Of the Hamitic branch of the African 
 languages, which is distinguished by grammatical 
 genders, there are seven side-branches, from the ancient 
 Egyptian to the Hausa-and Nama-(Namaqua-) lan- 
 
 * London and Berlin. 1863. Index of Works. No. LXXIV., 
 and also Nos. LIX.. LXXV., LXX., LXXI.. LXXIa, LXX1I1.. 
 LXXII., XCI.. XCVIII., which all contain dissertations on lan- 
 guage, and chiefly on the alphabet. 
 
ITALY. 105 
 
 guages, which have been thus examined. Of the more 
 remote native African idioms there are not less than 
 twenty-two. In 1874, during the Congress of Oriental- 
 ists at London, we ourselves were permitted to hold 
 council with him and other leaders of science, concern- 
 ing an acceptable universal method of transcription for 
 hieroglyphic writing. Many of his propositions were 
 adopted at that time, but the method of transcription 
 agreed on in the British Museum did not become 
 current, and it is undoubtedly in need of much improve- 
 ment. 
 
 Lepsius had already given particular attention to 
 the two special departments in which he was to achieve 
 the greatest and most fruitful results ; first at Gottingen, 
 under the superintendence of O. Miiller, then in Paris 
 after the publication of Biot's work, and finally at 
 Rome, in the company of Bunsen. These departments 
 were first, history, with its numerical groundwork of 
 chronology, and in the second place, mythology. 
 
 Here, everything was still to be achieved, for before 
 the hieroglyphics had been deciphered, scholars had 
 been obliged to depend solely upon Grecian accounts 
 of the Egyptian kings and gods, especially upon those 
 given by Herodotus, and therefore had often relied on 
 reports which were most inadequate, and which in 
 many cases were misunderstood. The ' power recently 
 acquired of reading the writing of the Egyptians dis- 
 closed a wealth of original material, which was unex- 
 pected, new, and authentic. The incontrovertible im- 
 portance of this was self-evident, and even during 
 
106 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 Champollion's lifetime many rushed upon the freshly- 
 discovered mines, and sought to rifle them for historical 
 and mythological purposes. But, although at the out- 
 set many mistakes and uncertainties were rectified, and 
 much that was incontestably new was established, yet 
 on the other hand, error after error was introduced into 
 the science by the rash course of the immediate suc- 
 cessors of Champollion. They received on faith that 
 which they only half comprehended, and applied it 
 without care or criticism. They instituted comparisons 
 upon bases either false or insufficiently established, and 
 by means of them arrived at conclusions that we can 
 now only regard with scorn and dismay. In place of the 
 imperfect knowledge of former time, there appeared as 
 its evil successor a disorder without parallel. The 
 grateful, but difficult task undertaken by Lepsius, was 
 to clear this away, and compel Egyptological research 
 to conform to the same critical method which has 
 become obligatory for other branches of study, and 
 without which there can be no soundness in science. 
 
 Out of vague and unregulated fancies concerning 
 Egyptian history and mythology, he formed a true 
 Egyptian history and science of Egyptian divinities. 
 By his strong hand were restrained the more or less 
 ingenious and active divagations of Champollion's suc- 
 cessors, and he pointed out the path by which alone 
 Egyptology could succeed in winning the name of a 
 science. 
 
 His course was at the same time bold, prudent, and 
 dexterous. He considered the whole extent of the 
 
ITALY. IO7 
 
 monumental material collected by himself, or otherwise 
 attainable, separated it into groups, sifted these, and 
 treated the essential constituents which he thus 
 extracted according to the same critical method to 
 which he had become accustomed in other departments 
 of science, under the tutelage of Hermann, Dissen, 
 Miiller, Bopp, Lachmann, and Boeckh. 
 
 After his journey to England and Holland, of 
 which we shall soon have to speak, he possessed a sov- 
 ereign comprehensive view of all of the written relics 
 of the Egyptians to be found in Europe. But he 
 carefully guarded himself against drawing conclusions 
 from them which had not been thoroughly worked out, 
 or from using them, like many other followers of 
 Champollion, in the building of card houses. 
 
 In the historical group of his collectanea, which 
 were arranged with the orderliness peculiar to himself, 
 he brought together all the kings' names which it was 
 possible to obtain, and all texts provided with dates, as 
 well as all writings on stone or papyrus which con- 
 cerned the genealogical relations of the Pharaonic 
 families. Thus, too, during his sojourn at Rome we 
 see him chiefly occupied in collecting the building 
 stones only for that chronological-historical edifice to 
 be reared in more tranquil days, and which he expected 
 to erect in common with Bunsen. 
 
 This self-control was to be well rewarded, for on 
 his first and most important expedition to Egypt there 
 flowed in upon him an affluence of new material, 
 especially regarding the earliest epoch of Pharaonic 
 
108 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 history, which supplemented and in many ways modi- 
 fied that previously obtained. We can now take a 
 comprehensive view of all the acquisitions of that time, 
 and if we compare them with the two folio volumes of 
 his Book of Kings,* or rather with the first draught of 
 the same as he completed it in 1842, we must be 
 astonished at the wealth of material which he had col- 
 lected by the close of his sojourn upon the Tiber. 
 The work mentioned contains in its present form all 
 the names of the Pharaohs which have been preserved 
 on monuments or papyrus, and is an indispensable 
 handbook to anyone occupied in the study of Egyptian 
 history. Its accuracy is equal to its copiousness, in 
 which it had of course gained immensely, compared to 
 the first sketch, which he willingly and frequently 
 showed us. 
 
 The production of a new book of this kind could 
 only mean the giving of a new title to Lepsius' Book 
 of Kings, for the arrangement of this great work is so 
 fine and faultless that a change could but injure it. If 
 we regard the first draft of the Book of Kings, which 
 was completed before the Egyptian journey (it was 
 never printed), as the foundation of Lepsius' later 
 chronological labors, we must acknowledge that at that 
 time it would have been entirely impossible to add any- 
 anything new to what was there collected. 
 
 It is with such weapons as these that victories are 
 won, but he who had forged them imposed upon him- 
 
 * The Book of Kings of the Ancient Egyptians. Index of 
 Works. No. LXVI. 
 
ITALY. IO9 
 
 self one preparatory labor after another before he 
 entered upon the combat, and used them for the great 
 historical purposes which he had in view. 
 
 In. Turin he had also laid the foundations for his 
 later researches in mythology, especially that of the 
 ancient Egyptians, and in this group of studies we see 
 him proceed with exactly the same method and circum- 
 spection as in his chronological works. His prede- 
 cessors had found the innumerable and motley figures 
 of the Egyptian Pantheon, often accompanied by their 
 names, portrayed upon monuments of stone and 
 papyrus, and had compared them with those divine 
 beings of the Egyptians mentioned by the classic 
 writers. They had attempted to explain the signifi- 
 cance of these figures, and in so doing, where the 
 sources of information at their command would not 
 serve them, they had given free play to their imagina- 
 tions, — it is only necessary to remember the ingenious 
 phantasies of Creuzer, Roth, etc. The gods throng 
 through their writings in a wild confusion, and it had 
 occurred to no one, not even to Champollion (whose 
 Pantheon egyptien* must nevertheless always be char- 
 acterized as a valuable preparatory work), to proceed 
 to an organization of the great crowd of gods, and to 
 point out the historical principle by which they were 
 to be classified. 
 
 This task Lepsius imposed upon himself, but here 
 too, during his stay in Italy, he contented himself with 
 
 * F. Champollion. Pantheon £gyptien. Collection des personnages 
 mythologiques de I'ancienne Egypte. Paris, 1826. 
 
IIO RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 sifting and studying all the materials at hand, and we 
 are enabled to take a survey of his introductory labors 
 in this province also. During his first sojourn in 
 Turin he had already discerned that innumerable 
 religious texts, existing in all the museums, on papy- 
 rus rolls, sarcophagi, mummy cloths, amulets, etc., 
 belonged collectively to a larger work, to which he 
 gave the name of " Book of the Dead." This 
 work, composed from many fragments, never reached a 
 canonical conclusion, but the larger specimens of it 
 included all the chapters which occurred alone, or in 
 lesser number, on smaller papyri or monuments. 
 Lepsius recognized the true significance of this book, 
 which Champollion erroneously considered a book of 
 ritual {rituel funeraire), that is, a book which comprised 
 the prayers and formulas to be repeated and the hymns 
 to be sung at the burial of the dead. It was usually 
 found on the body of the deceased, under the mummy 
 cloths, or in the coffin, and its contents only referred 
 incidentally, and to a certain extent in a recapitulatory 
 manner to transactions which were to take place on 
 earth. The destiny of the soul which sprang from 
 Osiris resembled the destiny of the god himself, and it 
 is with this destiny that the " Book of the Dead " is 
 occupied. It was given to the departed to carry with 
 him into the grave as a passport and aid to memory. 
 For in the other world it was necessary to sing hymns 
 of praise, and with the help of the "right word," 
 which they imagined as endowed with magic power, to 
 ward off demons and hostile beasts, to open gates, to 
 
ITALY. 1 1 1 
 
 procure food and drink, to justify oneself before Osiris 
 and the forty-two judges, and finally to secure for the 
 deceased all his claims as a god. Everything depended 
 on being acquainted with the magical " right word," 
 and in order that it should always be at the command 
 of the traveller through the next world, it was first 
 written on the sarcophagus and then on the grave- 
 clothes. From the collection of these formulas, then, 
 arose the " Book of the Dead," the vade mecum, the 
 cicerone, for the pilgrim through the mysteries of the 
 other life. 
 
 After the dead had received back all the faculties 
 of the body which he possessed on earth, and when, 
 after the justification in the hall of judgment, he had 
 also received his heart, he advanced from portal to 
 portal, and from degree to degre, until he had attained 
 his final goal, apotheosis. In this last stage the pure 
 spirit of light was freed from all the dust of this life; 
 and then, being one with the sun-god Ra, as a shining 
 day-star, he crossed the heavens in a golden bark, and 
 received, himself a god, the attributes and the reverence 
 of gods and the homage of men. Endowed with the 
 power of clothing himself at will in any form he 
 desired, he was permitted by day or night to sail 
 through the firmament as sun or star in divine light, to 
 mix with mortals upon earth, to soar through the air as 
 a bird, or as a lotos flower, blooming beautifully, to 
 repose in serene blessedness and breathe forth perfume. 
 
 As might be expected from what has already been 
 said, in this book are to be found the elements of the 
 
112 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 Egyptian religious belief amd doctrine of immortality. 
 Although these are difficult to understand on account 
 of the inflated mode of expression, as well as the con- 
 fused superabundance of symbols, allegories, metaphors, 
 and illustrations (unfortunately, these obscure the sense 
 far more frequently than they elucidate it), and 
 although much of it must have been misunderstood by 
 Lepsius at the age of thirty, yet it could not escape 
 him that a searching study of this fundamental book 
 must precede any critical treatment of Egyptian mythol- 
 ogy. On this account, as we know, in 1836 he made a 
 copy of the large and very perfect hieroglyphic speci- 
 men of the " Book of the Dead," and amended it during 
 a second sojourn in Turin in 184 1. In the year 1842, 
 as we shall see, he published* the great roll of papyrus, 
 fifty-seven feet and three inches long. The seventy- 
 nine tablets contained in this fine publication were 
 transferred to the stone by the careful and skillful 
 designer and lithographer, Max Weidenbach, a Naum- 
 burg fellow-countryman of Lepsius. This man, as well 
 as his no less skillful brother, certainly deserves mention 
 here, for under the direction of Lepsius they both suc- 
 ceeded in mastering Egyptian writing so thoroughly 
 that their hieroglyphic manuscript was in no respect 
 inferior to that of the best hierogrammatists of the time 
 of the Pharaohs. It is to them that the publications 
 of Lepsius owe the rare purity of style which dis- 
 tinguishes them, and we are indebted above all to the 
 delicate apprehension and the skillful hand of the 
 
 * Index of Works. No. XXXI. 
 
ITALY. 113 
 
 brothers Weidenbach that the hieroglyphic types which 
 were restored for the Berlin Academy under the super- 
 intendence of Lepsius, turned out to be such models 
 of beauty and style, that they are at present universally 
 employed. Even in Paris the types produced in the 
 French government printing office were set aside in 
 their favor. 
 
 If at the present day we critically consider Lepsius' 
 edition of the " Book of the Dead," we must certainly 
 regret that it had for a basis the Turin copy, which is 
 replete with errors of writing and defects arising from 
 hasty work, and which dates from a comparatively* late 
 period. But, on the other hand, we must praise the 
 industry, care and ability with which its editor studied 
 the text before the excellent " preface " was written and 
 the distribution of the whole into chapters was accom- 
 plished. This distribution has stood till the present 
 day, and when we now speak of the first, seventeenth 
 and hundred and twenty-fifth chapters as the most 
 important sections of the " Book of the Dead,"- in so 
 doing we follow the construction given by Lepsius. In 
 a few months there will be published a collection of 
 the finest texts of the " Book of the Dead" from the best 
 period, prepared by the excellent Genoese Egyptolo- 
 gist, E. Naville, under the auspices of the Berlin 
 Academy. It was Lepsius, again, who gave the im- 
 pulse to this great and useful undertaking at the 
 Oriental Congress in London, 1874; and even in this 
 most recent edition of the " Book of the Dead " * the 
 
 * Index of Works. Nos. CXII and CXXXII. 
 
 8 
 
114 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 classification given by him will be preserved. It is 
 precisely this which is wonderful and unique in his 
 works ; that they are of lasting stability, and that their 
 substructure remains permanently fixed no matter what 
 alterations may be made in details by more recent 
 acquisitions. There is almost no edifice in the whole 
 domain of Egyptology where the foundation stone 
 does not bear the name of " Lepsius." 
 
 Let us here anticipate by mentioning that through- 
 out his life Lepsius did not cease to busy himself with 
 the " Book of the Dead," and that even in 1867, in a 
 large and excellent work,* he made an effort to trace 
 out the origin of the whole work collectively, and of 
 its principal parts. The sarcophagi of the ancient 
 kingdom and the funereal texts which cover them, con- 
 stitute the foundation of this important publication, 
 which once more points out the path for research, and 
 upon which many special investigations have already 
 been, and in the future must be, based. 
 
 After his sojourn in Egypt, Lepsius was able for the 
 first time to bring to a positive conclusion the studies 
 on Egyptian mythology, which he had begun in Italy. 
 Yet he wrote to Bunsen from Thebes that he had 
 almost despaired of any real progress in the field of 
 mythology, and had only collected the materials in 
 obedience to a blind instinct. " Now," he continues, 
 " I have found the red thread, which will lead through 
 this apparently endless labyrinth. I have made out 
 
 # The oldest texts of the Book of the Dead. Berlin, 1867. 
 Index of Works, No. XCV. 
 
ITALY. 
 
 JI 5 
 
 the divinities, great and small, and also the most 
 important data for the history of Egyptian mythology. 
 The relation between the Greek accounts and the 
 monuments has become clear to me ; in short, I know 
 that an Egyptian mythology really can be written." 
 
 That which he found in Thebes he combined, at a 
 comparatively late date, with what he had gained in 
 Italy, and the results of all these collections, studies, 
 and combinations were finally accumulated in his 
 epoch-producing work on the first Egyptian Pan- 
 theon.* This proves that even with the motley swarm 
 of Egyptian Gods it is possible to follow the historical 
 principle of classification. Lepsius was the first, not 
 only to discover and more nearly determine the " group 
 of the superior gods," but also to establish clearly the 
 reasons why the adored beings of whom it consists are 
 associated together. Where variations occurred he 
 explained their origin from local or temporal causes in 
 a convincing manner. His conjectures as to t,he age 
 of the Osiris myth have been confirmed by the inscrip- 
 tions in the lately opened pyramids. 
 
 In his treatise on the gods of the four elements** 
 there is much with which we cannot now agree. Con- 
 trary to his opinion their names occur much earlier 
 than the time of the Ptolemies. But in spite of this 
 and other errors the paper stands, as far as method is 
 concerned, on an equal footing with its predecessors, 
 and it is here that he has summed up in a brief phrase 
 
 * Berlin, 1851. Index of Works, No. XLVII. 
 
 * Berlin, 1856. Index of Works, No. LXI. 
 
Il6 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 the rule which he steadfastly obeyed during his long 
 and active scientific career : " In all antiquarian 
 investigations it will always be safest to begin with a 
 chronological analysis of the material, before proceed- 
 ing to a systematic arrangement thereof." 
 
 Lepsius also adhered firmly to this rule when he 
 entered upon that department of hir science towards 
 which at Rome he was impelled, not only by the 
 influence of the Archaeological Institute to which he 
 belonged, but by the tendency of his whole life. He 
 there turned his attention to the art of the ancient 
 Egyptians, and chiefly to their architecture. In his 
 parents' house at Naumburg he had seen the preference 
 with which his father cultivated this branch of art ; on 
 all his journeys he filled his note-book with observa- 
 tions on the remarkable buildings which he encountered, 
 and accompanied them with little drawings. We know 
 how eagerly, particularly at Gottingen, he had followed 
 the progress of the archaeology of art, which was 
 greatly promoted at that time by the influence of 
 Winckelmann. The air of Rome, too, was as thoroughly 
 permeated with art then as it is now, and with even 
 more enthusiastic artistic interests. There all conver- 
 sation between aspiring friends so easily took, as it still 
 takes, the form of a conversation on art. So that 
 Lepsius, as well as Bunsen, who a few years later was 
 to publish his celebrated work on Christian basilicas, 
 felt the liveliest interest in these subjects and 
 was forced by an inherent necessity to give special 
 attention to the remarkable art of that people to whose 
 
ITALY. 117 
 
 resurrection he had pledged the best powers of his 
 life. 
 
 In 1838, then, there appeared Lepsius' dissertation 
 on the columns of the ancient Egyptians, and their 
 connection with the Grecian columns.* When we 
 designate this work also, which lay outside of the 
 master's special field of research, as original, and un- 
 surpassed of its kind, in so doing we are in no wise 
 " burning incense to our dead " but simply judging it 
 as it deserves to be rated. Here, as elsewhere, Lepsius 
 applies the law quoted above, by dividing chronologic- 
 ally the material which he has first thoroughly col- 
 lected, and pointing out how the Egyptian columns 
 arose from their original beginnings and developed 
 themselves independently, here in cave-building, and 
 there in open-air edifices ; — he scrupulously maintains 
 the division between the two. This classification alone 
 is a real achievement, and any one who follows the 
 progress of cave-building step by step with him, will 
 see the Doric column with all its component parts 
 develop organically before him. Even he who, out of 
 regard for the omnipotence of the genius of Hellenic 
 art, is averse to considering the Doric column as an 
 architectural constituent borrowed by the Greeks from 
 the Egyptians, will not be able to deny that the trans- 
 formation of the pillar in the so-called proto- Doric 
 column of the Egyptian cave-architecture (first and 
 chiefly in the vaults of Beni Hassan), can be proved to 
 
 * Sur V ordre des colonnes p liters en Egypte, etc. Index of Works, 
 No. XIX. 
 
Il8 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 be natural and necessary, while the Greek-Doric 
 column, even in the oldest temples of the Doric order, 
 makes its first appearance as a thing complete, and as 
 fallen from heaven. It indeed forms from the begin- 
 ning an organic and essential part of the monument of 
 architecture to which it belongs, but while its origin 
 cannot be definitely pointed out on Hellenic ground, it 
 can be easily and positively traced in the Egyptian 
 cave-architecture. Lepsius reverted to this question 
 after his Egyptian journey, and in an academical 
 treatise* he criticized sharply yet admiringly the funda- 
 mental conditions, the properties, and the merits of 
 that Egyptian art, whose development he here, as 
 elsewhere, followed with peculiar interest. He gave 
 his attention also to the canon of proportions, that is, 
 the binding rule according to which the Egyptian 
 sculptors were obliged to measure and shape the 
 relative proportions of the different parts of the human 
 body. He had already been interested in the study of 
 this subject in Rome, for in October, 1833, he saw a 
 little bust in the Palin collection which was furnished 
 on the under surface and both side surfaces with 
 mathematically exact squares, the sides of which 
 appeared to give him the unit of the canon. " The 
 whole bust," he tells Bunsen, " is wrought by this unit, 
 which, in fact, according to my measurements of 
 various statues, is contained about twenty-one times in 
 the whole height." 
 
 * On some Egyptian Forms of Art and their Development. 
 Berlin, 1871. Index of Works No. CVI1I. 
 
ITALY. 
 
 II 9 
 
 This canon was well known to the Greeks, and 
 Diodorus refers to it in the last chapter of his first book. 
 According to him the body was to be divided into 
 twenty-one and a quarter parts, and Lepsius now found 
 that this rule conformed to the teachings of the later 
 sculptors of the Ptolemaic era, who undoubtedly 
 divided the human form up to the top of the forehead 
 into twenty-one and one-quarter parts, but up to the 
 crown of the head into twenty-three parts. Previous 
 to this mode of division the canon had been twice 
 altered, and both of these older rules (the more recent 
 refers to the sculptures of the time of the pyramids), 
 had for a fundamental unit the foot, which, taken six 
 times, corresponded to the height of the body when 
 erect, not indeed, as one would have expected, from 
 the sole to the crown of the head, but only to the top 
 of the forehead. The distinction between the first and 
 second canon principally concerns the position of the 
 knee: in the Ptolemaic canon, known to Diodorus, 
 Lepsius found the general distribution itself changed. 
 This he first discovered at Kom Ombos. We have 
 always found the estimates of Lepsius entirely con- 
 firmed by our own measurements; yet, as the labors 
 of Charles Blanc in the same department demonstrate, 
 some other unit than the foot might be the basis of the 
 canon of proportions, such as the finger in men, the 
 claw in lions — ex ungiie leonem. 
 
 The application of this obligatory rule (of the can- 
 on) impressed upon the works of Egyptian plastic art 
 that stamp of uniformity with which it has been so 
 
120 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 often and so bitterly reproached. Yet we must regard 
 the artistic talents of the Egyptian sculptors from the 
 first with great respect when we consider the oldest 
 specimens of Egyptian sculpture, which far excel the 
 later in freedom of method and in realistic fidelity to 
 nature, and which nevertheless are in no way inferior 
 to them in all that concerns delicacy of execution. 
 
 Let us then suppose that this most ancient artistic 
 race was surrounded by pure barbarians, who in the 
 struggle for the bare necessaries of existence had no 
 superfluous force to expend in the adornment of life ; 
 it is easy to understand that the guardians of Egyptian 
 culture, the priests, must have made every effort to 
 protect against retrogression and ruin the possession 
 which was so recently won, and which was exposed to 
 constant peril. The canon of proportions held Egypt- 
 ian sculpture firmly fixed upon the lonely pinnacle so 
 painfully attained, and even though it checked farther 
 progress in a lamentable manner, yet, on the other 
 hand it had this merit, that by its aid Egyptian plastic 
 art preserved untouched through every epoch its 
 remarkable purity of style and great technical skill. 
 This latter even extended to the production of the 
 simple household furniture. Lepsius teaches us to 
 value this law correctly, and explains the peculiarity of 
 the methods of sculpture by the special qualities of the 
 Egyptian national character, which gave its full value 
 to every detail with great fidelity, and only accorded 
 the second place in its regard to the aspect of the 
 whole. The same people whose language was rich in 
 
ITALY. 121 
 
 pronominal substantives and who, in an objective sense, 
 said, " I give to thy hand," rather than " I give to 
 thee," " the speech of his mouth," rather than " his 
 speech," was obliged to do justice to each separate 
 portion of the body. For this reason, in figures in alto- 
 relievo and in paintings, the eye was set en face in a 
 countenance in profile, in order that it might have its 
 full value, regardless of the detriment which accrued 
 to the whole figure from such an error. 
 
 Lepsius teaches us to regard and value Egyptian 
 sculpture correctly and to consider the detached fig- 
 ures which we see ranged in the museum in connection 
 with the architectural surroundings for which they 
 were originally intended. The erroneous view that 
 Egyptian sculpture was architectural in its spirit and 
 execution has long been subverted by the figures in the 
 round from the ancient kingdom, found during the last 
 decade. These are true to nature and well preserved, 
 and Lepsius knows how to set forth their merits properly. 
 
 In his investigations concerning the canon of pro- 
 portions, we see him apply the measuring-scale for the 
 first time, and his researches in the province of Egypt- 
 ian metrology were subsequently to yield a rich har- 
 vest to science. 
 
 With all this purely Egyptological work, and his 
 extensive labors for the Institute, he did not neglect 
 his old linquistic studies, and resumed the investigations 
 to which his dissertation on the Eugubian tablets had 
 given the impulse. The opportunity for the prosecution 
 of this work had formed no insignificant element of his 
 
122 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 attraction to Rome, and we see him make a fine col- 
 lection of Umbrian and Oscan inscriptions, and draw 
 up two papers on ancient Etruria, which did not 
 appear in print until several years later, and formed 
 the extra profits, as it were, of his sojourn in Italy. It 
 is hard to understand how he found time so far to 
 complete them that from 1840 to 1842 he only had 
 to correct them, and to oversee their passage through 
 the press, when we consider that he in no wise with- 
 drew himself from the social life of Bunsen's house, 
 and from intercourse, grave and gay, with eminent 
 strangers. Lepsius himself calls the years in which 
 he had the good fortune " to build huts at Rome," " a 
 great holiday of life, earnest and serene, instructive and 
 elevating, a determinative period in his development." 
 
 Under Bunsen's guidance, he says, he had learned 
 to know life and science upon classic ground from their 
 highest and noblest sides. 
 
 In his intercourse with Bunsen he also acquired the 
 interest in politics, and especially in ecclesiastical 
 politics, which he cherished throughout his life, as is 
 proved by his letters to his patron the statesman, and 
 to his father, as well as his own journals and the diaries 
 of his wife. In one of his note-books we find the plan, 
 which, however, was never taken into consideration, for 
 a new episcopal order for Germany. The seat of the 
 supreme leader of the church and the counselling 
 authorities was to be Magdeburg. 
 
123 
 
 HOLLAND, ENGLAND, AND THE SEASON 
 OF WAITING, IN GERMANY. 
 
 In July, 1838, Lepsius was obliged to take leave of 
 Rome with an unwilling heart, in order to attend to 
 business of importance for the Institute, first at Paris 
 and afterwards at London. He had to enroll new and 
 active members for it, and to organize its connection 
 with the English literati. Afterwards, by his own wish, 
 he returned to his native land, released from editorial 
 labors for the Institute, although he still continued 
 to work for it as a member of the board of directors. 
 
 On the way from Paris to London he turned aside 
 to Holland, in order to study the celebrated collec- 
 tion of Egyptian antiquities at Leyden, which since 
 1835 had an excellent director in C. Leemans. Here 
 Lepsius found an unexpected wealth of the most 
 valuable monuments and papyri, and on September 
 12th, 1838, he wrote to Bunsen : "I was going to 
 leave to-day, but now I shall be glad to stay for a few 
 days more, as I can not return again, and so must 
 finish here once for always.* Besides, Leemans, with 
 whom I am staying, is a charming man; admirable 
 alike in head and heart, and full of ability in every 
 direction. He helps me wherever he can, and has 
 already made Leyden a city of delight to me." 
 
 * Lepsius visited Holland and Leyden once again in 1852. 
 
124 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 In England he was most cordially received by 
 Bunsen, who had resigned his post at Rome, and left 
 that city before our friend. The reason of this was 
 that he had not succeeded in making an amicable 
 adjustment of the ecclesiastical complications in Prussia 
 {the quarrel at Cologne and the imprisonment of the 
 Bishop of Droste-Vischering). Lepsius had long been 
 adopted as a beloved comrade by the Bunsen family, 
 and his letters show what a hearty interest he felt in 
 every member of it, especially in the lad George, who 
 was afterwards to become a prominent member of the 
 German National Assembly. 
 
 It was an easy thing for Bunsen, whose admirable 
 wife was descended from an English family of dis- 
 tinction, to smooth the way for Lepsius, not only in 
 London but throughout Great Britain, and to open to 
 him the doors of the best houses and of the collections 
 most difficult of access. In this way the young Ger- 
 man scholar not only learned to know English life on 
 all sides, but also obtained admission to all the col- 
 lections of Egyptian antiquities, whether they belonged 
 to the government or to private individuals. He knew 
 how to turn these favorable opportunities to good 
 account, and in all England there were few hieroglyphic 
 inscriptions which Lepsius did not carry away with 
 him, either in impressions or copies, when he quitted 
 hospitable Albion. His intercourse with Bunsen was 
 especially delightful when he visited him at beautiful 
 Llanover, the country place of his mother-in-law, Mrs. 
 Waddington. Speaking of this subject, Hare says in 
 
HOLLAND, ENGLAND, ETC. 1 25 
 
 his biography of the Baroness von Bunsen, " The 
 friends were accustomed to wander over the hills for 
 hours together in enthusiastic conversation about Egypt 
 and its antiquarian writings, or to sit in profound con- 
 versation in the churchyard of Llanffoist under an oak 
 tree a thousand years old." They had much to say of 
 the affairs of the Roman Institute, which Lepsius found 
 to be very badly managed in England. The subscribers 
 there had received none of the publications for years, 
 many of them not since 1830, and on this account had 
 stopped paying their dues. Others had supposed that 
 the Institute had been dissolved, and the difficult task 
 of correcting these errors and determining and collect- 
 ing the arrears fell to Lepsius. His plan of publishing 
 a separate volume of annals in London was not 
 adopted, but he had the good fortune to secure S. 
 Birch as an assistant in the management, and the latter 
 was now entrusted with the affairs of the English 
 section, in place of Millingen. 
 
 The conservative subject of the absolute monarch, 
 Frederick William III., also learned in Great Britain 
 to know the advantages of civil freedom and of parlia- 
 mentary life. 
 
 He had much to settle with Bunsen himself regard- 
 ing the work of which they were to be the joint authors, 
 and he wrote from London to his faithful patron : " I 
 have never labored with such love and devotion as 
 now at our, that is, at your work. For it is you who 
 have conceived the idea, and at the same time pointed 
 out and assured its place in European science; you 
 
126 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 have spun the thread of its life and given the frame- 
 work for the whole. Finally, you have provided the 
 means for carrying it on, and everything that I accom- 
 plish and record I only do according to your ideas 
 and for you, and as I work I naturally think of no 
 other reader than yourself. I see that I must visit 
 you to get you to give me a few quiet days in 
 which we can come to a definitive understanding and 
 agreement about the impending publication." 
 
 Bunsen labored at the part of the work which fell 
 to his share, as Lepsius at his, and the day seemed not 
 far distant when the two would compare, combine, and 
 publish their manuscripts. But there had already 
 arisen many differences of opinion between the col- 
 laborators, and these seemed particularly important in 
 the department of chronology, where Lepsius was to 
 execute the lion's share of the labor. While Bunsen, 
 as was afterwards proved, reposed far too much confi- 
 dence in the list of Eratosthenes, Lepsius had so high 
 an estimate of Manetho as to place the greatest confi- 
 dence in those lists of the series of kings which he 
 considered the genuine work of that priest. He also 
 made freer use of the historical inscriptions and the 
 data of ancient Egyptian origin, (with which he had a 
 much more intimate acquaintance than Bunsen), and 
 attributed to them far greater importance, than seemed 
 justifiable to the latter. The materials for his " Book 
 of Kings " and his Chronology developed, and took 
 the form of independent works, and although both 
 were intended as a part of the book to be published in 
 
HOLLAND, ENGLAND, ETC. 1 27 
 
 common by him and Bunsen, they yet contained, as 
 we perceive from the letters of that period, a number 
 of details which were in direct opposition to Bunsen's 
 views. At the end of the year 1839 it was already 
 difficult to comprehend what path the fellow-workmen 
 could pursue in order to arrive at a practicable agree- 
 ment. 
 
 The confidence which Lepsius inspired in the high- 
 est circles of English society is shown by the circum- 
 stance that the Duke of Sutherland wished to take him 
 into his household as mentor and tutor to his son. But 
 the young scholar declined this flattering offer, which 
 was associated with great material advantages, and 
 wrote to Bunsen : " My one-sided talent in the dissec- 
 tion of organic structures has never been united with 
 any readiness for presenting things broadly, as is 
 necessary in teaching, and especially in teaching the 
 young. Besides, I am not qualified for an instructor, 
 because I perceive every day that I myself have not 
 yet passed the season of education." 
 
 These words sound somewhat strange on the lips 
 of so thoughtful and able a young man ; he was then 
 twenty-nine years old. But at that time he was still 
 striving after the ideal of life which hovered before 
 him, and such expressions were partly dictated by 
 modesty, partly by the disinclination which he had 
 previously expressed for the vocation of a pedagogue, 
 and partly also by a longing for Egypt. During his 
 stay in England (1839) this became stronger and 
 stronger. 
 
128 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 After he had declined the offer of the Duke of 
 Sutherland, he took serious council with himself as to 
 how his future should be spent, and wrote to Bunsen : 
 " A decision as to my immediate future is constantly 
 becoming more imperative. But no matter in what 
 direction I send forth my thoughts, not one of them 
 brings me back the olive branch. I cut myself off from 
 Italy," (by giving up his situation in the Institute at 
 Rome, although he was still to work for it in Germany), 
 " I cannot stay in England." Bunsen had been ap- 
 pointed Prussian Ambassador to Bern, and while in 
 England Lepsius' affections had become engaged, 
 although he would not yield to the impulse of his heart, 
 as his uncertain future did not permit him to woo a 
 maiden who was apparently as poor as himself. " I 
 have nothing to do in France, and it would be too 
 soon for me to go to Germany. So Egypt is all that 
 remains to me, and that is still the pole-star in all my 
 deliberations. Some day or other Egypt must be 
 devoured ; this is my time, there is no war there now, 
 etc. An Egyptian journey would be a great recom- 
 mendation for me afterwards in Germany. In any 
 case this would be the most natural course for my 
 affairs to take. Ought it not be possible to attain 
 this goal in some way ? The first and most agreeable 
 thought always leads to Berlin. Therefore, I ask you 
 if an extraordinary effort might not be made there. 
 An urgent application from you to the Crown Prince 
 would be the main thing. I would appeal especially to 
 Humboldt. Gerhard would certainly be willing to 
 
HOLLAND, ENGLAND, ETC. 1 29 
 
 undertake the personal conduct of the affair. If this 
 course seems to you entirely impracticable, or if it mis- 
 carries, I must try to start from here If the 
 
 worst comes to the worst, I will raise the necessary 
 money somewhere or other in Germany, and go to 
 Cairo at my own risk." 
 
 In this letter, he gives open expression to the desire 
 of his heart for the first time. Bunsen thought him 
 right, promised his young friend to do everything possi- 
 ble in the affair, and in conjunction with Humboldt to 
 interest the Crown Prince, (soon afterwards Frederick 
 William IV.), in his Nile journey. But he begged his 
 protege" not to be over-hasty, and represented to him 
 how detrimental it would be to break up their common 
 enterprise, as well as the undertakings begun by 
 Lepsius alone. His Umbrian and Oscan inscriptions 
 finished at Rome, as well as two treatises, were still to 
 be printed ; and the edition of his " Book of the Dead," 
 besides several other things, was not yet concluded. 
 Yet more, previous to his departure the Egyptian 
 chronology and lists of kings, for which Bunsen was 
 impatiently waiting, must be set in order, and the 
 German translation of Gaily Knight's " Development 
 of Architecture," also awaited its completion. This 
 had been prepared by Lepsius' father, and he had him- 
 self undertaken to revise and provide it with an intro- 
 duction. 
 
 The impatient young Egyptologist yielded to these 
 monitions of his experienced and benevolent patron, 
 and in November, 1839, we see him again among his 
 
 9 
 
130 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 family at Naumburg. The ensuing months he spent 
 partly in his native town, partly in Berlin, working 
 indefatigably, while Bunsen (who had meanwhile 
 arrived at Bern as Prussian Ambassador), and A. v. 
 Humboldt exerted themselves to promote his Egyptian 
 journey. The great influence of the latter had only 
 increased, since the Crown Prince of Prussia, on June 
 seventh, 1840, had ascended the throne as Frederick 
 William IV. Lepsius was permitted to enter into 
 closer relations with the famous friend of the King, as he 
 satisfied Humboldt's desire to possess a list of the stones 
 and metals mentioned in the hieroglyphic texts. This 
 he did in a fashion which surprised the natural philoso- 
 pher, who was ever hungry for knowledge, and filled 
 him with gratitude. Instead of a catalogue, Lepsius 
 presented to him a treatise, of which he says himself 
 that the style in which it was written gave him great 
 pleasure. "These researches concerning stones," he 
 writes, " have brought to light many a jewel for myself, 
 which I have deposited in my hieroglyphic store-cham- 
 ber." All that he then acquired remained lying there 
 until, in 187 1, it celebrated its resurrection in his model 
 dissertation on the metals in Egyptian inscriptions. 
 
 The proposition made to him at this time to enter 
 the Foreign Office, and devote himself to a diplomatic 
 career, he declined positively and without long con- 
 sideration. 
 
 In Naumburg was completed the printing of Gaily 
 Knight's work,* and of the introduction by Lepsius. 
 • Index of Works, No. XXVII. 
 
HOLLAND, ENGLAND, ETC. 13I 
 
 This fills forty-six pages, and treats of the extensive 
 employment of the pointed arch in Germany as early 
 as the tenth and eleventh century. His observations 
 begin with the Naumburg cathedral, which his father 
 had studied with special thoroughness, and where he 
 had actually found pointed arches of the eleventh 
 century. 
 
 This introduction raised a great deal of dust, and 
 when, thirteen years afterwards, Lepsius wished to 
 carry through an affair of importance with the King, 
 the royal adviser on art matters at that time, was not well 
 disposed towards him, because in the views of Lepsius 
 on the early application of the pointed arch in Ger- 
 many, he saw an attack upon his own opinions. For 
 the rest, the note-books of the Egyptologist, full of 
 architectural drawings, and his letters to his father, 
 show that in all his subsequent journeys he paid the 
 keenest attention to all the edifices which he met, and 
 when he was in a position to construct a house for 
 himself, he built it in the English-Gothic style, and 
 placed his beloved pointed arch over the doors and 
 windows. 
 
 Meanwhile, he also published two smaller academi- 
 cal treatises. 
 
 In the winter of 1841, he undertook a new journey 
 to Italy across the Alps, which were covered with 
 snow and ice. The exclusive object of this was to 
 complete the editing of the " Book of the Dead," 
 which had been already prepared, and which was 
 mentioned above on page 95. As a well-known 
 
132 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 scholar and member of the board of directors of the 
 Archaeological Institute at Rome he was now received 
 at Turin with particular consideration, and had freely 
 placed at his disposal a new copy of the great Turin 
 " Book of the Dead," which had been brought thither 
 by Barucchi, the manager of the museum. But this 
 was not sufficient for him, and there was still much for 
 him to do before his own copy gained that accuracy 
 which distinguishes it. 
 
 " I ought to leave here to-morrow in order to keep 
 to the time fixed upon," he writes to Bunsen, on Feb- 
 ruary 18, 1 84 1 ; " but it is not possible for me to finish 
 yet. I need at least two days more to complete all 
 that is of most importance. I go to the museum at 
 half-past eight; they are not up there before that; I 
 stay there the whole day, except from four till quarter 
 of five, my meal-time ; from the table I go back again 
 and work until ten or half-past ten o'clock. I cannot 
 work at the great papyrus by candlelight, for fear of 
 injuring something, but then, I have the finest things to 
 look over to select for copying, all of which I had not 
 found when I was here first." Altogether, he now 
 perceived that during his former visit much had been 
 intentionally withheld from him ; this time everything 
 was entrusted to him, and he made the most profitable 
 use, for his chronological purposes especially, of the 
 large " Papyrus of the Kings." He had busts cast in 
 plaster, from the finest images of the Pharaohs, for the 
 Berlin museum, and amongst the treasures of Turin the 
 idea occurred to him of publishing the most important 
 
HOLLAND, ENGLAND, ETC. 1 33 
 
 records of the time of the Pharaohs as a separate 
 work. This accordingly appeared in 1842.* 
 
 He employed the draughtsmen Weidenbach before 
 mentioned, on this work and on the edition of the 
 " Book of the Dead," and he expressed to Bunsen his 
 delight over the great progress made by these artists on 
 the path which he had indicated to them. 
 
 On his way home he visited Bunsen in Bern, spent 
 several happy days in the circle of the ambassador's 
 family, and then tarried for some time in Munich, 
 where v. Zech was his " cicerone," and where he estab- 
 lished relations with Cornelius and other men of 
 celebrity. He enjoyed the most frequent and agreeable 
 intercourse with Schelling, of whom he says " his nature 
 is as great as it is lovely." The latter had just 
 accepted a call to Berlin, (at first for one year only) and 
 Lepsius says he was going thither with great hopes of 
 success and of exercising a salutary influence. " He is 
 convinced beforehand of the victory of his good cause, 
 since it is not a question of bare negation and opposi- 
 tion, such as he reproaches Stahl with, (who only filched 
 from him), but he has something to advance which is 
 new and positive, and will make a place for itself. He 
 must either be refuted, or he must convince and prevail. 
 As, according to his firm conviction, he cannot be 
 refuted, the latter must take place. Besides the fore- 
 going alternatives, it is true that another occurred to 
 me, but about that I naturally kept silence. Good 
 fortune to him !" 
 
 * Index of Works, No. XXX. 
 
t/ 
 
 I34 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 Refreshed and satisfied with the results of this 
 journey he devoted himself at home with all his energy 
 to the editing of the Umbrian and Oscan inscriptions* 
 which he had collected in Rome. 
 
 In the following year two more of the fruits of his 
 Italian labors came to maturity,** and were received 
 with universal commendation. 
 
 One sees with what bee-like industry he made use 
 of this time of waiting. This was duly recognized, 
 for before he set out on the Egyptian journey, he was 
 appointed Professor Extraordinary at the University of 
 Berlin, and thus the first chair of Egyptology was 
 founded at that university. There was already a 
 similar one at Leipsic, but the improper course adopted 
 by SeyfTarth, for whom it had been founded, gave little 
 encouragement to other universities to extend support 
 to Egyptologic studies. In this way it had happened 
 that Lepsius' proposition, that a professorship in the 
 Berlin University should be conferred upon him, had 
 been rejected ; but Humboldt had recognized the 
 qualifications of the applicant, and in 1841, as soon as 
 he returned home from a protracted stay in Paris, he 
 interested himself in the matter. As usual, he carried 
 through what he desired, and on the twenty-sixth of 
 January, 1842, Lepsius received the appointment as 
 Professor Extraordinary of Egyptology, and in addition, 
 the grant of a small salary. It is true that the newly 
 appointed Professor could not begin to lecture ; for the 
 
 * Index of Works, No. XXVIII. 
 " Index of Works, No. XXIX. 
 
HOLLAND, ENGLAND, ETC. 1 35 
 
 completion and publication of the works mentioned 
 above claimed much of his time, and the preparations 
 for the Egyptian journey still more. 
 
 Frederick William IV., of Prussia, was a monarch 
 whose unpractical, romantic disposition took the great- 
 est delight, not only in the luxuriant, many-colored, 
 fragrant bloom of Indian civilization, but also in the 
 mysterious and immemorial magic of the Egyptian. 
 He had given willing audience to Humboldt and to 
 Bunsen. The ambassador had been exchanged from 
 Bern to London in 1841, especially in order that he 
 might carry out the wishes of his master regarding the 
 evangelical episcopate in Jerusalem. Both these men 
 were in particularly close relation with the king, and on 
 this account they were more likely than any others to 
 succeed in winning the monarch over to Lepsius' pro- 
 ject of travelling. 
 
 Already, as Crown Prince, the King had acquired 
 the Passalacqua collection of Egyptian antiquities, as 
 well as negotiated for the purchase of other similar 
 collections.* He had taken pains to place this treasure 
 in the Monbijou palace at Berlin, and entrusted the 
 
 * At this time the famous Anastasi papyri were also offered for 
 sale in Berlin through Lepsius, and for a comparatively low price. 
 Yet at that time there were no funds forthcoming for their purchase. 
 The same thing occurred with the beautiful Dorbiney papyrus, which 
 was sent to Berlin in 1851 to be sold, and was examined by Lepsius. 
 He writes, "I would not myself consider the two thousand pounds 
 too dear for such a work of the fourteenth century, which perhaps 
 was put before Moses as a reading-book. But now they would not 
 give eight hundred thalers for it here." Eighty to a hundred pounds 
 were offered to Miss Dorbiney for it at that time by Olfers ; if he had 
 gone a little higher, this treasure would have come to Berlin, but 
 soon after de Rouge" deciphered its interesting contents, and it then 
 went, if I am rightly informed, for two thousand pounds, to London. 
 
V 
 
 136 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 care of it to Passalacqua. In his youth the scientific 
 event of the deciphering of hieroglyphics had excited 
 his special attention, and Bunsen, who had long been 
 in close relations with him, both as a man and as his 
 most eminent statesman, had been assiduous in pre- 
 serving his interest in Egyptian antiquity. He had 
 kept the monarch informed as to the progress of 
 Egyptology, before his own protege had even thought 
 of undertaking a voyage on the Nile. 
 
 Humboldt now joined with Bunsen to induce the 
 king to bestow his powerful support upon the young 
 Prussian, who, even at that time, might be considered 
 the most worthy of Champollion's successors. 
 
 Lepsius had his plans to make ; Humboldt talked 
 over each separate point with him in the most careful 
 manner, and thus there ripened in them both the wish, 
 to transform the journey of a single scholar into a 
 scientific expedition. Lepsius must of course keep the 
 leadership, and there was also committed to him the 
 choice of those persons to be especially employed in 
 carrying out his own purposes. But he had to consult 
 with Humboldt on the greater or less fitness and 
 necessity for the appointment of the corps of assistants 
 who were to be taken, as well as on the capabilities of 
 each single member of the expedition. He had to 
 submit to him exact estimates, both in writing and by 
 word of mouth, in regard to the prospective expenses 
 and the time to be consumed, as well as of all that he 
 hoped to gain, and the collections which he expected 
 to make on the way, before Humboldt would undertake 
 
HOLLAND, ENGLAND, ETC. 1 37 
 
 to present to the king the "memorial" which had been 
 drawn up for the purpose, and to influence him to the 
 final decision. 
 
 Lepsius had designated, as one of the principal 
 objects of his journey, the collection of beautiful and 
 interesting monuments of the time of the Pharaohs, to 
 be added as a new embellishment to the Egyptian 
 museum in the palace of Monbijou at Berlin. This 
 purpose of the expedition, which Humboldt knew how 
 to dilate upon, won the entire approbation of the King, 
 and accordingly he approved the contents of the 
 " memorial " which had been presented to him, endowed 
 the expedition with abundant pecuniary resources, and 
 commended it, and especially its leader, by means of a 
 warm autograph letter, to the great Muhamed 'Ali, 
 who at that time ruled over the valley of the Nile with 
 a strong hand. He also bestowed upon the travellers 
 superb vases, from the porcelain manufactory at Berlin, 
 as a gift for Muhamed ' Ali, in order to lay the viceroy 
 himself under an obligation and to secure for the 
 expedition the favor of that monarch. 
 
 Everything was now ready for the departure, but 
 before Lepsius started he had to set his affairs in order. 
 Several undertakings had been brought to a successful 
 issue, and all the most important preparatory work was 
 finished for the book which he and Bunsen were to 
 publish in concert. Yet it was this very enterprise 
 which filled him with the greatest solicitude. Frankly 
 and honorably he disclosed to his revered patron every- 
 thing that disturbed him, in the admirable letter in 
 
138 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 which he tried to induce Bunsen, to absolve him from 
 co-operation in the work which they had planned. The 
 differences of opinion between them had become more 
 and more sharply defined, and the elder scholar had 
 been as little able to convince the younger, as the 
 younger to convince him. It seemed to Lepsius im- 
 possible to present side by side two different opinions 
 in a work which must yet pretend to unity of thought. 
 He justly attributed to Bunsen the most magnificent 
 ability for the handling of great historical problems; 
 but considering his wide command of this field, and 
 that in chronology also he was able to pursue his way 
 independently, Lepsius regarded his own intervention 
 as a mistake, both practically and essentially. He was 
 indeed most disturbed by the circumstance that no one 
 would be in a position to distinguish between his and 
 Bunsen's work, whence they must both be subjected to 
 erroneous criticisms. He, Lepsius, wished to reserve 
 his manuscript till the completion of his travels ; Bun- 
 sen would soon be able to send his work to press. 
 He besought the latter not to wait till his own return 
 from the journey, but to proceed independently without 
 delay, and to use as entirely his own, all the material 
 regarding which they had come to an agreement. To 
 put it off would only be to renew the old doubts, and 
 to begin afresh the conflict which had been once waged 
 without result. He would be ready and glad (and this 
 promise he fulfilled), to make an abstract for him of all 
 the names of kings written in hieroglyphics, and pre- 
 pare them for the press. 
 
HOLLAND, ENGLAND, ETC. 139 
 
 Thus, in the work entitled " Egypt's Place in 
 Universal History," the first volume of which was 
 published in 1845, De f° re Lepsius' return from Egypt, 
 the whole historical statement, which takes the loftiest 
 point of view and is rich in novel and suggestive 
 ideas, is entirely Bunsen's own work. His young friend 
 only placed at his disposal much historical and chrono- 
 logical information, which he had happened upon in the 
 course of his researches among the monuments. 
 
 It is unquestionable that if the fellow-laborers had 
 adhered to their original plan, and had not separated, 
 Bunsen's work would have gained a more stable 
 foundation and assumed a much calmer and more 
 succinct shape than it actually had. The stream of 
 Bunsen's eloquence, which was often too glittering and 
 too diffuse, would have been confined within bounds 
 by the conciseness and severity of Lepsius. His aspi- 
 rations after grandeur and breath, would have been kept 
 down to earth by Lepsius' fidelity and care for the 
 smallest detail. 
 
 The candor of the letter in which Lepsius abandons 
 the enterprise, and the manner in which Bunsen took 
 the withdrawal of his protege, do them both the highest 
 honor, and this incident never in the least disturbed the 
 friendly relation between them.* Lepsius, when he 
 
 * Unfortunately, a work begun by Lepsius during this period of 
 waiting was never completed. It was to be called " The Main Out- 
 lines of Hieroglyphics," and he wrote of it to Bunsen : " In it I must 
 once again touch briefly on the history of discovery, then on the system 
 of writing, but more practically than in its historical development. 
 After this follows my statement regarding consequent transcriptions. 
 These are in Latin letters, for henceforth I shall use the Coptic letters 
 
140 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 could finally leave Berlin, went by way of London, was 
 received there in the most affectionate manner by 
 Bunsen, and accompanied by him to Southampton, 
 where on the first of September, 1842, the young 
 Egyptologist embarked for Alexandria. Together they 
 had thoroughly talked over all that might be attained 
 and all that might be gained, before the steamship 
 weighed anchor. 
 
 THE PRUSSIAN EXPEDITION TO EGYYT, 
 
 UNDER THE DIRECTION OF LEPSIUS. 
 
 On the eighteenth of September, 1842, after a 
 stormy passage through the Bay of Biscay and a short 
 stay in Gibraltar and Malta, Lepsius, who was proof 
 against sea-sickness, and had been perfectly well 
 throughout the voyage, first set his foot upon Egyptian 
 soil at Alexandria. 
 
 The choice of his companions had been fortunate, 
 and answered perfectly to the needs of the expedition. 
 We will first mention Erbkam, an excellently trained 
 
 for real Coptic words only, and not, as Champollion has done, for 
 hieroglyphic words, as that only creates confusion. After this comes 
 a short sketch of the hieroglyphic grammar, and I intend to give a 
 selection of groups of hieroglyphics, as the foundation of a lexicon ; 
 more to secure for myself the priority of classification than even 
 remotely to supply the need of a lexicon, which I cannot think of 
 at present. 1 mean to bring out the book, as well as the plates, in the 
 usual octavo form of the Annals.'' Written on the 15th of September, 
 1 841. 
 
THE PRUSSIAN EXPEDITION TO EGYPT. 141 
 
 young architect, distantly related to Lepsius, who was 
 to make surveys, and draw maps and sketches. He 
 showed himself so entirely equal to the task that the 
 architectural and topographical drawings executed by 
 him under the direction of Lepsius have long been ac- 
 knowledged to be model productions and faultlessly 
 correct.* We have already said all that is necessary of 
 Lepsius' Naumberg fellow-countrymen, the brothers 
 Weidenbach, and their work as hierogrammatists. 
 Lepsius had made the acquaintance of the painter 
 Frey, from Basle, when in Rome. In the book on 
 monuments, which will be described hereafter, many of 
 the beautiful colored landscapes and architectural pic- 
 tures from lower Egypt are by him ; others are by the 
 Dresden painter, George, a jovial and talented artist, 
 who joined the expedition after Frey had become seri- 
 ously ill, and been sent home. 
 
 The moulder, Franke, at first rendered excellent ser- 
 vice by making casts of such monuments as could not 
 be brought away, and by preparing the many thousands 
 of paper impressions which it was necessary to take of 
 the inscriptions and bas reliefs. But subsequently he 
 had to be dismissed and sent home on account of inad- 
 missible conduct. 
 
 The expedition was also accompanied by H. 
 Abeken of Osnabriick, who had been with Bunsen, first 
 at Rome and then at London, as chaplain of the Prus- 
 
 * Erbkam himself afterwards wrote several excellent works, 
 namely: " Ueber den Graber-und Tempelbau der alten Aegypter" 
 1852. " Ueber die Memnoncolosse des Aegyptischen Thebes" 1853. 
 " Ueber alte Aegyptische Bauwerke." Ephemerides, Vienna, 1845. 
 
142 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 sian Embassy. He had made the acquaintance of the 
 leader of the expedition on the Tiber, and was closely 
 associated with him during the remainder of his life. 
 Under the guidance of Lepsius he occupied himself 
 with Egyptological studies, even after he had relin- 
 quished theology and entered the diplomatic service. 
 This is the same Abeken, diplomatic Privy Counsellor 
 and Acting Counsellor, who afterwards accompanied 
 Prince Bismarck to France during the war of 1870-1, 
 and proved of great service there. On the tenth of 
 December, 1842, he joined the expedition in which he 
 served incidentally as chaplain. He was the most 
 agreeable companion to Lepsius, " with his invariably 
 cheerful temper," and his " witty and learned conversa- 
 tion."* 
 
 With these Germans were associated two English- 
 men. The first was the sculptor Bonomi, who at that 
 time had already won celebrity as a traveler in Egypt 
 and Ethiopia, and of whom Lepsius himself said : " he 
 is not only full of practical knowledge about the life 
 there, but he is also a connoisseur in Egyptian art, and 
 a master of Egyptian drawing."** The second was the 
 
 * Abeken afterwards published a "Rapport sur les risultats de 
 I 'expedition Prussienne dans la haute Nubie. Revue archiol. IV." 1846, 
 as well as a lecture entitled : " Das Aegyptische Museum." Berlin, 
 1856. 
 
 ** Bonomi published the following papers: "On the Site of 
 Memphis." Transactions of the Roy. Soc. of Literature. N. S. II. 1847, 
 " Arundale a. Bonomi. Gallery of Egyptian Antiquities." London, 
 1844, " and Catalogue of the Museum of Hartwell House," London, 
 1858. Sharpe and Bonomi published together the fine "Sarcophagus 
 of Seti I." London, 1858. We also know of two papers of his on 
 Obelisks in the Transactions of the Roy. Soc. of Literature, 1841, 
 Vols. I. and II. 
 
THE PRUSSIAN EXPEDITION TO EGYPT. 143 
 
 young and " genial " architect Wild, who was of great 
 assistance to Erbkam. 
 
 The leader of the expedition had himself scarcely 
 passed his thirty-first year, and was so young and vigor- 
 ous, that when he desired to hire a kavass, that is, a 
 Turkish constable, to superintend the servants, the in- 
 tercourse with the authorities, etc., he wrote home : 
 " In Europe I should have felt more than sufficient 
 confidence in my own ability to manage the entire prac- 
 tical conduct of the expedition." He had, besides, sov- 
 ereign command of the most thorough scholarship in all 
 those departments wherein the expedition was intended 
 to add to existing knowledge. 
 
 He had garnered the whole harvest to be reaped in 
 Europe from every field of Egyptian archaeology, and 
 all that could be gathered anew from the banks of the 
 Nile only needed to be stored in the receptacles which, 
 already set apart and half-filled, stood ready for the ex- 
 pected gains. 
 
 The conditions under which he traveled, and 
 studied the localities of the monuments, were such as 
 to fill us later investigators with envy. For in 1842^ 
 there was no museum of Boulak, which now lawfully 
 claims all antiquities from Egyptian soil as soon as they 
 are brought to the light of day. At that time there ex- 
 isted only the first beginnings of a collection of Egyp- 
 tian monuments, and these had no supervisor nor 
 director. 
 
 The subsisting law against the exportation of an- 
 tiquities was set aside in favor of Lepsius, compulsory 
 
144 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 labor was not yet abolished, and Muhamed 'Ali, who 
 governed in his viceroyalty with the irresponsible power 
 of an absolute despot, wished to extend every assistance 
 to the expedition. He caused a firman to be issued for 
 Lepsius, which gave him unconditional permission to 
 make any excavations which he might consider desira- 
 ble. All the local authorities were charged to assist 
 him in his undertakings, and Lepsius said that by means 
 of the kavasses who had been assigned to him by the 
 government, and on the strength of the firman, they 
 obtained from the sheiks of the nearest villages and 
 the mudirs of the provinces all the workmen and ap- 
 pliances needed for making and transporting his collec- 
 tion of antiquities. The necessary payments had of 
 course to be made, but they never met with a refusal. 
 At Fayoum, for instance, he employed a hundred and 
 eight workmen in the excavation of the building which 
 he considered to be the Labyrinth. Each man received 
 two copper piasters a day (about twenty pfennige) and 
 each child ten pfennige, or, if it was very industrious, 
 fifteen pfennige, a day. Besides this some bread was 
 given them. Under such conditions great things may 
 be accomplished with comparatively small means. 
 
 Nowadays it is only under exceptional circum- 
 stances, and within carefully prescribed limits, that a 
 European is permitted to make excavations. The la- 
 borers ask quite a high price, — in Thebes I had to 
 pay each man six full piasters (one mark, twenty pfen- 
 nige) — and, if one disinters any monuments, even 
 under the most favorable circumstances, only such 
 
THE PRUSSIAN EXPEDITION TO EGYPT. I45 
 
 single specimens are permitted to leave the country as 
 the vice-regal museum is already rich in. Lepsius was 
 more fortunately situated. The monuments which he 
 found in Ethiopia and wished to add to his collection 
 were brought from Mount Barcal to Alexandria on 
 government vessels, and to these were also added three 
 tombs, from the neighborhood of the pyramids of 
 Ghizeh, which had been carefully taken to pieces 
 with the help of four workmen sent expressly for the 
 purpose from Berlin. On his departure from Egypt he 
 received a special written permit for the removal of the 
 collection, and the objects obtained were themselves 
 presented to King Frederick William IV. of Prussia, 
 by Muhamed 'Ali. 
 
 With full authority to take possession of all that 
 might embellish the Berlin collection, Lepsius appro- 
 priated what was most desirable and most interesting 
 wherever he found it, and ventured, as we have seen, 
 to remove whole tombs from the necropolis of ancient 
 Memphis to the Spree. This could not be done with- 
 out injury to the adjoining tombs, as they had con- 
 sisted of a number of rooms collectively, and envy, ill- 
 will and stupidity were quickly at hand to accuse the 
 Prussian expedition of having, like impious Vandals, 
 plundered and injured the monuments in pursuit of 
 their own purposes. But this accusation was entirely un- 
 founded, and any one who knows the condition of Egypt 
 at that time can only rejoice that so many treasures, 
 which were neglected and exposed to wanton de- 
 struction in their native country, were at a favorable 
 
146 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 moment removed to Europe and preserved in a fine 
 public museum. 
 
 No farther assurance is needed that Lepsius and 
 his companions neither laid hands upon nor destroyed 
 a single stone unnecessarily, but it will be expedient to 
 mention here that since the French expedition and the 
 completion of the great work on monuments prepared 
 by it, a series of ancient edifices portrayed therein have 
 vanished from the earth. 
 
 Between our first and second visit to the Nile an 
 interesting little temple at Erment had been turned into 
 a sugar factory, and in the same space of time the fine 
 remains of a Grecian portico of white marble, which 
 had adorned the old Bes-Antinoopolis, had found their 
 way to the lime-kiln. This could occur at a time 
 when the monuments were lovingly and jealously 
 guarded by the vigilant eye of Mariette, and hence it 
 is easy to conjecture what dangers threatened them as 
 long as they were left entirely at the mercy of every 
 encroachment of the fellahin. 
 
 In a letter from the necropolis of Memphis, long 
 before the above-mentioned accusations were brought 
 against him, Lepsius wrote : " It is really shocking to 
 see how every day whole trains of camels come here 
 from the neighboring villages, and march back again 
 in long files, laden with building stones. Fortunately, 
 — for everything is fortunate under some circum- 
 stances, — the lazy fellahin are more attracted by the 
 Psamatik tombs than by those of the oldest dynasties, 
 whose big blocks are too unwieldly for them." 
 
THE PRUSSIAN EXPEDITION TO EGYPT. 147 
 
 Therefore we may confidently designate the re- 
 moval to Berlin, just at that time, of the three tombs 
 from Memphis and the other monuments, as an act of 
 protection. Only the pillar which Lepsius removed 
 from the perfectly preserved tomb of Seti I. at Thebes, 
 should have been left in its place. 
 
 The travellers, filled with enthusiasm for their task, 
 had a long and difficult journey to take in the course 
 of their investigations and search for spoils. It led 
 them all, by ships, upon the backs ot camels, and on 
 foot, with many delays and digressions, into the heart 
 of the African continent, as far as Khartoum at the 
 junction of the two sources of the Nile. Then, alone 
 except for the company of Abeken, Lepsius sailed on 
 up the Blue River as far as the village of Romali, be- 
 tween Sennar, the celebrated ancient capital of the 
 Sudan, which he visited, and Fazokl. 
 
 The last letter from our wayfarer is dated from 
 Smyrna, and was written on the seventh of December, 
 1845, much more than three years after his arrival at 
 Alexandria. From the very first, a long period of 
 traveling had been contemplated, and the leader had 
 taken pains to establish his own position with regard to 
 the whole party, and the rights and duties of each in- 
 dividual member of it, as well as to provide for " suit- 
 able intellectual diet." The commanding nature of 
 his distinguished and imposing personality had, if we 
 except the excesses of the moulder Franke, obviated 
 throughout the whole time any illegitimate opposition 
 to, or rebellion against, his position as chief. How 
 
148 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 justly, kindly and wisely this was maintained may best 
 be shown by the friendship and attachment manifested 
 towards him till death by Abeken, Erbkam, the Wei- 
 denbachs, and all the other members of the expedition, 
 with the exception of Franke. 
 
 And this is no light matter, for nowhere do dis- 
 agreements of every kind occur more readily than 
 among a small party, who, separated from their native 
 civilization, have to endure, in addition to many de- 
 privations, the burden of an enervating climate; and 
 who, tormented by discomforts, fatigue, and homesick- 
 ness, yield only too easily to gloomy and discontented 
 moods, beneath whose spell it is hard to be just 
 and to submit cheerfully to the will of another. 
 Lepsius himself says that from the beginning he tried 
 to diversify the life of his party, and especially the irk- 
 some and very monotonous work of his artists, not 
 only by the weekly holiday of Sunday, but also, as 
 often as an opportunity offered, by cheerful merry- 
 makings and pleasant diversions. 
 
 One must himself have lived and worked in the 
 Orient, far from the bustle of cities, to appreciate what 
 it is to pass on from days to weeks and from weeks to 
 months as on a monotonous road without stopping- 
 places. In such a place and at such times one feels 
 the blessing of our Sunday holiday, and Lepsius' fel- 
 low-travellers would certainly have fallen a prey to 
 fatigue and disgust during their long period of travel- 
 ing and working together, if their chief had not ob- 
 served the feasts and holidays peculiar to their own 
 
THE PRUSSIAN EXPEDITION TO EGYPT. 149 
 
 country, and had not kindly and judiciously taken ac- 
 count of their spiritual needs. One of the most beauti- 
 ful memories of our own life is that of the moment 
 when, after many months of wandering through Mos- 
 lem lands, we unexpectedly heard a church bell ring on 
 Christmas day. It was long, long since we had lis- 
 tened to the sound, and for the first time we fully ap- 
 preciated its elevating loveliness, when standing in front 
 of the little Protestant church in Upper Egypt from 
 whose modest tower it resounded. 
 
 Like a thirsty man after a cool drink, we returned 
 to our labors with fresh pleasure and fresh enthusiasm. 
 The Sunday holiday of the Prussian expedition not only 
 recompensed and blessed them with the necessary rest, 
 but kept them in communion with the life of their dear 
 ones at home. 
 
 It would exceed the limits prescribed for this bio- 
 graphy if we should follow from spot to spot the travels, 
 excavations, researches and collections of the party led 
 by Lepsius. He has himself relieved us of this very 
 tempting task, for his " Letters from Egypt, Ethiopia 
 and the Peninsula of Sinai,* is a book which can and 
 should be read with pleasure and profit even by the 
 general reader. It is by no means confined to the re- 
 sults of his scientific investigations, but makes the 
 reader familiar also with the personal experiences of the 
 author, and is distinguished by a clear, concise, vivid 
 and often charming style. It is in many respects a 
 
 * Index of Works, No. XLVIII. 
 
150 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 book of importance for his fellow laborers in the same 
 department, since it places them in living contact with 
 the sources whence sprang many of the most important 
 discoveries and works of the author. 
 
 During his long stay at the necropolis of Memphis 
 he succeeded in elucidating the details of the history of 
 the " Old Empire." The intuition by which he separ- 
 ated the twelfth dynasty from the eighteenth,* assigned 
 its correct place to the incursion of the Hyksos, and 
 even anticipated all that afterwards received documen- 
 tary corroboration by Diimichen's discovery of the 
 great Tablet of the Kings at Abydos, will ever remain 
 an intellectual feat worthy of admiration. 
 
 From Memphis he undertook, with the assistance of 
 Erbkam's technical knowledge, to investigate the archi- 
 tectural system employed in the construction of the 
 pyramids. The results were recorded, even before the 
 close of the journey, in a dissertation in which the sub- 
 ject was treated in the most fundamental manner.** 
 These conclusions have been maintained against all at- 
 tacks, and even against the attempt to modify them 
 made by the excellent Perrot. In this work Lepsius 
 confirms and explains the statement of Herodotus that 
 the pyramids were completed from above downwards, 
 and were built " in successive steps." The work cited 
 also contains a well considered and convincing answer 
 to that other question which presents itself to the 
 
 * Afterwards thoroughly demonstrated. Index of Works No. 
 XLTX. 
 
 ** Index of Works No. XXXII. 
 
THE PRUSSIAN EXPEDITION TO EGYPT. 151 
 
 thoughtful observer of these remarkable monuments.. 
 As soon as a Pharaoh ascended the throne he began 
 the construction of his mausoleum. It was at first of 
 modest dimensions, since he erected, as a nucleus of the 
 whole, a truncated pyramid with steep sides, and in 
 doing so often took advantage of the natural rocks.. 
 When he was overtaken by death, the pinnacle was first 
 placed upon this nucleus, and its inclined sides were 
 then continued to the ground. If time and power were 
 still left after the completion of the first nucleus and 
 before the pinnacle was set on, the truncated pyramid 
 was invested with a new outer layer in the form of 
 steps, and so it was continued until a point was reached 
 where each new addition constituted of itself a gigantic 
 labor. Whenever the time came to bring the monu- 
 ment to completion it was always necessary first to set 
 on the pinnacle ; the steps lying nearest to it were then 
 filled out, and finally those at the bottom. There are 
 pyramids of all sizes, and what we have said explains 
 how it came to pass that one king erected for himself a 
 monument of prodigious dimensions, while another was 
 contented with one much smaller; why we can only 
 point to two unfinished pyramids, and how Cheops, the 
 builder of the largest pyramid, found courage to un- 
 dertake a work for the execution of which the average 
 duration of a reign would in no wise suffice, while yet 
 the completion of it could not be exacted of his suc- 
 cessors, who would have their own mausoleums to pro- 
 vide for. Everything is made clear, if we assume with 
 Lepsius that the size of the pyramid was regulated by 
 
152 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 the duration of its builder's life, and that the latter had 
 it in his power at any time to complete the work. 
 
 Lepsius believed that he had found the Labyrinth 
 at Fayoum, and he was perhaps right in so thinking. 
 But, even if this remarkable ancient building should be 
 re-discovered on some other site of the old " lake coun- 
 try," yet to Lepsius would still belong the credit of 
 having determined the position of Lake Moeris, first in- 
 dicated by Linant de Bellefonds, and of having proved 
 that the Pharaoh Amenemha III., of the twelfth 
 dynasty, was the Moeris of the Greeks.* He also was 
 the first to investigate and make known all that was ac- 
 complished by this prince in regulating the inundation 
 of the Nile. 
 
 We know that his researches in Egypt and Ethiopia 
 extended even beyond the limits of the region of monu- 
 ments. Within that zone he has, if we may be allowed 
 the expression, left no corner unexplored. He met with 
 the most abundant returns at Beni Hassan, Thebes, 
 (especially upon the return journey) Gebel &ilsile, the 
 island of Philae, Abu Simbel on the second cataract, 
 among the ruins of Ethiopian Meroe far in the South, 
 and also on the peninsula of Sinai. 
 
 Within the bounds of the temple of Isis, on the 
 lovely island beyond the first cataract, he made a suc- 
 cession of discoveries, upon which he afterwards based 
 great and original works. He first found here an ec- 
 clesiastical ordinance,** similar to the decree of Rosetta, 
 
 * Index of Works No. XXXIII. 
 
 * Index of Works. Nos. XLIV., XLIVa. and XLlVb. 
 
THE PRUSSIAN EXPEDITION TO EGYPT. 153 
 
 drawn up in two languages, that is in hieroglyphics, and 
 also in the demotic (popular) writing and language. 
 The numerous names of the Ptolemies, which occurred 
 in the inscriptions of the temple of Isis, also impelled 
 him to study more thoroughly the succession of the 
 Egyptian kings of the house of the Lagidae and to de- 
 termine finally the order of this series of rulers, of such 
 great importance for the history of other countries.* 
 Here, as everywhere, he paid special attention to the 
 Greek inscriptions, which are very numerous on Philae. 
 By his sagacity and quick insight great additions were 
 made to the Egypto-Grecian inscriptions previously 
 collected by Letronne and others. Those which had 
 been previously known received manifold corrections 
 and additions owing to the extreme accuracy peculiar 
 to him. He afterwards devoted a special treatise to the 
 hieroglyphic form of the name of the Ionians.** 
 
 On the return journey he was not able to stop for 
 as long a time as he had desired in the well-preserved 
 Ptolemaic temples of Denderah and Edfu. These are 
 thickly covered with inscriptions, and therefore he left 
 behind him at those places, for Dumichen, Mariette, 
 Naville, Brugsch and other Egyptologists, not only rich 
 gleanings, but really the greater part of the substantial 
 work still to be accomplished. But his attention was 
 especially attracted in Edfu by an inscription which 
 was afterwards to be of great service to him. In it were 
 recorded the possessions in landed, property of this tem- 
 
 * Index of Works. No. L. 
 ** Index of Works. No. LVIIIa. 
 
154 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 pie during the reign of Ptolemy XI. (Alexander I.)* 
 The surface measures which occurred in it he was after- 
 wards able to use to advantage in his studies on the 
 linear and square measures of the ancient Egyptians. 
 
 After the expedition had passed the first cataract 
 and entered the Nubian dominion the leader not only 
 turned his attention to the remains of the temples there, 
 which had as yet been examined in a very insufficient 
 manner, but he also, with indefatigable industry, de- 
 voted himself^to studying the languages of all the tribes 
 on whose territories he touched. The description 
 which he gives of the Nubian language, in a letter 
 from Korusko, dated the thirtieth of November, 1843, 
 presents with extreme conciseness the essential charac- 
 teristics of this remarkable idiom. In his farther 
 travels towards the south he afterwards investigated all 
 the dialects of this same group of languages, and ac- 
 quired such an excellent knowledge of it that he could 
 venture, at a later date, to publish a translation of the 
 Gospel according to St. Mark in Nubian.* In pub- 
 lishing this translation he made use of the standard al- 
 phabet which he had himself invented and which has 
 been previously mentioned. Indeed it was on this ac- 
 count that he first began the difficult task of preparing 
 the universal alphabet, which he was afterwards asked to 
 extend to a great number of languages for various special 
 purposes. During the journey he prepared a grammar 
 and dictionary of three dialects; the Nuba language 
 
 # Index of Works. Nos. LIV. and LVIII. 
 ** Index of Works, No. LXIX. 
 
THE PRUSSIAN EXPEDITION TO EGYPT. 1 55 
 
 spoken by the Nuba or Berber tribe, the Kungara lan- 
 guage of the negroes of Dar-Fur, and the Bega lan- 
 guage of the Bischarin inhabiting the eastern Sudan. 
 This he did so perfectly that he himself hoped that the 
 publication of these works would at least afford a clear 
 idea of the languages mentioned. After his return 
 home he continued to pursue these studies unremit- 
 tingly, and thus obtained that profound insight into all 
 the idioms of the African continent, which gives its 
 great and permanent importance to his last long work, 
 the Nubian Grammar, to which we shall again refer. 
 Lepsius at first devoted himself with special ardor to 
 the study of those languages which in his own day 
 still flourished on the domain of the ancient Ethiopians, 
 because he cherished a firm hope of finding in them the 
 key, by which to decipher the popular writing of the 
 Ethiopians, many examples of which he had discovered 
 on the site of ancient Meroe. This writing is intended 
 to be read from right to left, and the words are always 
 separated by two points. But its significance is un- 
 solved up to the present time. In deciphering the de- 
 motic-Ethiopian inscriptions little assistance is to be 
 looked for from the Ethiopian-hieroglyphic as, what- 
 ever strange variations these may contain, they corres- 
 pond almost entirely to the Egyptian, in form as well 
 as in the language which underlies them. Like our 
 own Latin inscriptions, they are composed in the 
 writing and language of an alien people. As we shall 
 see, Lepsius afterwards became convinced that the key 
 to the Ethiopian-demotic inscriptions of which we 
 
156 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 speak was not to be sought in the Nubian, but in the 
 Cushite Bischariba language. 
 
 On the domain of ancient Meroe everything was 
 still to be done, for Cailliaud, through whom the monu- 
 ments there had first become known, had seen and de- 
 scribed them without technical knowledge of the sub- 
 ject. It was, therefore, reserved for Lepsius to dissipate, 
 once for all, the popular conjectures of a "splendid 
 primeval Meroe," whose inhabitants had been the pre- 
 decessors of the Egyptians and their instructors in civ- 
 ilization. He proved that all the native monuments 
 which had been preserved there dated from a relatively 
 late period, which should not be fixed before the time 
 of the Ethiopian Pharaohs of the twenty-fifth dynasty. 
 The majority, he considered, could be assigned to a 
 much later period and had scarcely originated previous 
 to the first century before Christ. The little to be 
 found dating from an earlier age owed its existence to 
 the Pharaohs and their artists. 
 
 The fine granite rams which bear the name of Am- 
 enophis III., (eighteenth dynasty), and one of which 
 at present adorns the Berlin museum, were transported 
 thither at a later period. They came, probably, from 
 Soleb. Ninety-two fellahin spent three sultry days in 
 dragging down to the Nile on rollers the " fat sheep " 
 which weighed one hundred and fifty hundred weight, 
 and was to be transported to the Spree. 
 
 Lepsius advised the purchase for the Berlin museum 
 of the gold and silver ornaments discovered in 1834, by 
 the Italian Romali. They were found in a pyramid at 
 

 THE PRUSSIAN EXPEDITION TO EGYPT. 1 57 
 
 Meroe which had a Roman vaulted antechamber. 
 This advice Lepsius gave after he recognized that they 
 had probably belonged to a specially powerful and 
 warlike Ethiopian queen, whose image has been pre- 
 served at El-Naga in rich attire, and with pointed 
 finger nails, nearly an inch long. At present the orna- 
 ments mentioned form one of the embellishments of the 
 Egyptian collection at Berlin. 
 
 An entertaining anecdote is connected with the so- 
 called Ferlini discovery at Meroe, and with the recol- 
 lection of the sojourn of the expedition and their labors 
 there. The natives, naturally, could only regard as 
 treasure-seekers the strange men who busied themselves 
 so indefatigably among the old monuments, who ap- 
 plied measuring line and rule to them, covered them 
 with wet paper, poured plaster over them, gazed at 
 them, note book and pen in hand, and penetrated into 
 their innermost recesses. 
 
 When one of our colleagues afterwards visited this 
 neighborhood, an old sheik told him that he knew well 
 that the King of the Germans had only acquired the 
 resources to vanquish the French, through the treasures 
 which the Howadji Lepsius had found at Meroe and 
 sent back to his native land. 
 
 Lepsius' sojourn in Ethiopia led him to the convic- 
 tion, only confirmed by all subsequent investigations, 
 that there could have been no ancient and original 
 Ethiopian civilization and culture. In respect to this, 
 all the reports of the ancients which do not rest upon a 
 pure misunderstanding refer only to Egyptian culture 
 
158 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 and art, which, during the dominion of the Hyksos, 
 had taken refuge in Ethiopia. The outbreak of the 
 Egyptian power from Ethiopia at the founding of the 
 New Egyptian Kingdom, and its advance even far into 
 Asia, was transferred from the Ethiopian country to the 
 Ethiopian people, first in the Asiatic and afterwards in 
 the Greek traditions respecting this event; for no 
 knowledge had penetrated to the northern peoples of a 
 still older Egyptian Kingdom, and its proud but peace- 
 ful prime. 
 
 During the long journey which led the expedition 
 once more northward, and towards home, and which 
 was now uninterrupted by side excursions, a number of 
 short inscriptions on the rock were discovered at Sem- 
 neh * and Kummeh. These yielded important histori- 
 cal information, for they proved that the solicitude of 
 Amenemha III. (the Moeris of the Greeks, twelfth dy- 
 nasty), for the regulation of the inundation of the Nile 
 had extended to this point ; that the Sebekhotep must 
 be added, as the thirteenth dynasty, to the twelfth, and 
 that four thousand years ago the river rose higher by 
 twenty-four feet than it does in our day. 
 
 The principal purpose of the expedition, the one 
 which Lepsius ever kept in view, and which decided 
 the choice of the monuments to be copied, was histori- 
 cal. When he could believe that he had achieved 
 everything possible in pursuance of this object, he felt 
 that he might consider himself satisfied. If we remem- 
 ber this we can easily understand how he was almost 
 
 * Index of Works, No. XXXIV. 
 
THE PRUSSIAN EXPEDITION TO EGYPT. 1 59 
 
 wearied by the examination of those temples belonging 
 to the Ptolemaic and Roman periods which he in- 
 spected cursorily before coming to Thebes ; these were 
 Philae, Kom Ombos, Edfu, Esneh, Erment. We can 
 see especially that the inexhaustible but more lately 
 built temple of Edfu could detain him but for a dispro- 
 portionately short time. But in Thebes, which he 
 reached more than two years after leaving Europe, he 
 found once more the old delight in, and impulse for, 
 research, and he could therefore write, in a letter dated 
 November twenty-fourth, 1844; "Here, where the 
 Homeric figures of the mighty Pharaohs of the eigh- 
 teenth and nineteenth dynasties meet me in all their 
 splendor and magnificence, I feel once more as fresh as 
 at the beginning of the journey." And one must credit 
 his assurance, and profoundly admire the man's elas- 
 ticity and enthusiasm for his task, when one surveys 
 the great treasure of inscriptions which he and his as- 
 sistants amassed there, and the wealth of admirable 
 surveys, maps, sketches, and pictures, which the expe- 
 dition found time to execute. Five and a half months 
 he devoted to Thebes, and did not leave off until there, 
 too, he had attained his purpose, although he was al- 
 ready on his homeward way and surrounded by un- 
 speakable difficulties and privations, while before him, 
 on the contrary, beckoned with outstretched hands 
 everything to which his heart clung, and which could 
 bring him peace, recreation, honor and spiritual refresh- 
 ment. 
 
 His friend Abeken had been forced to leave him at 
 
l6o RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 Philae, and although there was no lack of occasional 
 European visitors in Thebes, yet it would have been 
 natural if his taste for travel had by this time abated. 
 But, on the contrary, his passion for research seems 
 just then to have gained a new impetus, and the trip 
 which he undertook from Thebes to the Peninsula of 
 Sinai, after indicating the course to be followed during 
 his absence by the members of the expedition in their 
 various labors, was begun and carried through as 
 though he had just quitted his native land, with an im- 
 mense surplus stock of energy and enthusiasm. 
 
 Accompanied only by the younger Weidenbach and 
 the necessary servants, he chose to proceed from 
 Keneh to the Red Sea, not by the usual caravan route, 
 but by the road through the midst of the mountains to 
 Gebel-es-Set. This promised to save time, and he 
 hoped to find on it something interesting and new. 
 
 In the Wadi Hammamat the Arabs refused to fol- 
 low him upon this route, which was destitute of water, 
 little known, and not free from danger. But he suc- 
 ceeded in inducing them to consent, and came within a 
 hair's-breadth of losing his life when, in his search for 
 the porphyry quarries, he went astray on Gebel Dukhan, 
 the Mons porphyrites of the ancients. But he was not 
 the man to resign easily a scientific prize when he be- 
 held it before him, and therefore we see him, though 
 scarcely escaped from destruction, begin his search 
 anew, and once more attain his aim. 
 
 He had ordered a ship to be ready at Gebel-es-Set, 
 and thence he went across the Red Sea to Tur. His 
 
THE PRUSSIAN EXPEDITION TO EGYPT. l6l 
 
 companion, Weidenbach, is now living in Australia, in 
 easy circumstances, and we can readily understand the 
 sigh with which he declared that this was the most 
 fatiguing part of all the journey, when we consider that 
 Lepsius was obliged to limit his whole sojourn upon 
 the Peninsula of Sinai to the time between the twenty- 
 first of March and the sixth of April, and observe, from 
 his other writings,* as well as the great work on monu- 
 ments, all that he accomplished in that period. With 
 this must be included, too, all the inscriptions and de- 
 signs which he copied. The days began at sunrise, 
 and before the travellers lay down to their brief sleep 
 in the evening all that had been discovered through 
 the day had to be reduced to order and set down in 
 writing. 
 
 Lepsius visited only a small portion of the Peninsula 
 of Sinai, but with the exception of the neighborhood of 
 Petra, it was the most interesting part, and he explored it 
 in every direction with diligence and sagacity. He copied 
 or took home with him in the shape of casts whatever 
 Egyptian inscriptions or paintings of interest he found 
 there, and he afterwards published, from his excellent 
 paper casts, many of those incisions upon the rocks of 
 the Peninsula of Sinai which are known by the name of 
 the Nabathean Inscriptions. The most important eleva- 
 tions in that locality were all ascended by him, and he 
 
 * R. Lepsius. Briefe aus Aegypten und Aethiopien. Pages 
 
 329 to 357 and notes. Also Index of Works, Nos. XXXVIII. and 
 XXXIX. The biblical-geographical conclusions of Lepsius were con- 
 troverted by a certain Kutscheit in a paper as superficial as it was 
 spiteful. 
 
 11 
 
l62 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 took from their summits the points of the compass, for 
 the cartographic works to be undertaken in the future. 
 His sagacity and erudition established that which the 
 king of Oiiental travellers, Burckhardt, had suspected 
 before him, namely, that the mountain from which the 
 Law was given was not the Gebel-Musa group, which 
 is at present held to be the Sinai of the Scriptures, but 
 the magnificent Serbal. The author of this biography, 
 during his own journey to Sinai, was also obliged to 
 adopt the view of Lepsius ; he furnished fresh argu- 
 ments to confirm it,* and is of the opinion that sooner 
 or later it must be generally accepted as correct, in 
 spite of the opposition which it still encounters on 
 many sides. 
 
 After Lepsius had returned to Thebes from this ex- 
 cursion, he wrote to Bunsen : " Fortunately the journey 
 to Sinai now lies behind us, and in truth I am heartily 
 glad of it, not only because it was the hardest and 
 most dangerous part of our whole pilgrimage, but also 
 because it presented the most important and difficult 
 problems which still remained to be solved on our 
 return journey. Now nothing remains but the depart- 
 ure from Thebes and from Cairo ; and, this, too, is 
 only a question of getting ready to leave, there is 
 nothing more of importance to be undertaken. When 
 I consider all the material which we have collected in 
 the three years it almost terrifies me, for I shall never 
 
 * Ebers. Durch Gosen rum Sinai. Aus dem Wanderbuche 
 und der Bibliothck. a Aufl. Leipzig, 1882. 
 
THE PRUSSIAN EXPEDITION TO EGYPT. 1 63 
 
 be in a position to work it up, even if we succeed in 
 bringing it home." 
 
 Nevertheless, he was afterwards able, as we shall 
 see, to make the whole of it accessible to science. 
 
 From the Peninsula of Sinai Lepsius went back to 
 Thebes, where he found that his instructions had been 
 excellently carried out. Thence he returned to Cairo, 
 making only short stops in the places where the most 
 important monuments were to be found. On the way 
 he met Dr. Bethmann * an old university friend, who 
 had come over from Italy, in order to make the return 
 journey through Palestine with him. Before his de- 
 parture to the Promised Land, Lepsius superintended 
 the despatching of the treasures which he had col- 
 lected, and the taking apart of the tombs from the 
 pyramids to be transported to Berlin. Lastly he 
 visited the localities containing the most important 
 monuments in the Delta. 
 
 In a letter of the eleventh of July, 1845, he stated 
 the plan according to which he hoped to see the Egyp- 
 tian antiquities arranged in the new museum at Berlin. 
 This was to be on an historical basis, and was after- 
 wards executed in the manner proposed. He had 
 heard at Cairo, much to his delight, that they had not 
 yet begun to build the halls intended for the Egyptian 
 department of the new museum at Berlin, and that his 
 desire to see every part constructed in the Egyptian 
 
 * Louis Conrad Bethmann, born at Helmstedt, 1812. He was 
 one of the collaborators on the " Monumenta Germaniae historica," 
 etc. Died in 1867 in Wolfenbuttel, where he was librarian. 
 
164 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 style of architecture might yet be carried out from the 
 very foundation. 
 
 " I think," he wrote, " that to produce a generally 
 harmonious impression, we must preserve the charac- 
 teristic styles of building of the different periods, and 
 especially the order of the pillars, in their historical se- 
 quence, and also with all their rich colored decora- 
 tion." 
 
 Lepsius still kept his attention fixed upon Egyptian 
 antiquity even during his rapid journey through Pales- 
 tine, and he was afterwards able to publish,* and also 
 to incorporate in his great work on monuments, the 
 best copy of the celebrated tablet chiselled on the 
 living rock, which commemorates the victory of 
 Rameses II. on the Dog river (Nahr-el-Kelb). This is 
 the Lycos of the ancients, and lies north of Berytos 
 (Beirut). 
 
 When Lepsius finally turned homewards from 
 Smyrna, (he had chosen the route through Constanti- 
 nople), much more than three years had passed since 
 he first set out upon his journey, and these years had 
 been employed in a manner which far exceeded all the 
 expectations and hopes of his monarch, his patrons and 
 his friends. Not only had the tasks imposed upon 
 him been perfectly fulfilled, but the emissary had be- 
 thought him upon the way of imposing new ones upon 
 himself, and now returned home with an unprecedented 
 number of acquisitions in the way of inscriptions, 
 
 • Index of Works. LIV. a. 
 
THE PRUSSIAN EXPEDITION TO EGYPT. 165 
 
 maps, works of art and notes on language. The really 
 enthusiastic reception which he met with everywhere, 
 and especially in Berlin at the beginning of 1846, was 
 well deserved. All the newspapers lauded the bril- 
 liant achievements of the returning expedition. The 
 name of the leader became famous in all countries ; it 
 spread far beyond the circle of his professional colla- 
 borators and countrymen, and won that world-wide 
 celebrity which it will retain as long as historical and 
 philological research exist. 
 
 His King, Frederick William IV., was the man to 
 recognize the value of his acquistions, and his friend 
 and fellow- workman, Bunsen, his patron, A. v. Hum- 
 boldt, the Director of the museum, v. Olfers, and 
 others, did not grudge due appreciation to the great 
 services of the returned traveller. They were able to 
 induce their monarch to grant him the means of turn- 
 ing to good account the abundance of treasures which 
 he had sent home, and of placing them at the disposal 
 of the learned world in the best and most appropriate 
 manner. Thus, without regard to the enormous ex- 
 penses which must be entailed by such an undertaking, 
 Lepsius was able to set to work at the preparation of 
 the great book on monuments which was to make his 
 name immortal, and to give renown to his native land 
 and his royal patron. 
 
 As far as his expenses upon the journey were con- 
 cerned, he had not exceeded his estimates, and these 
 funds had paid for all excavations and purchases. 
 Humboldt considered the journey ■■" cheap beyond 
 
l66 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 measure." It had cost altogether thirty-four thousand, 
 six hundred thalers. 
 
 Humboldt estimated the expenses for the publica- 
 tion of the store of inscriptions and monuments col- 
 lected, as well as the maps and pictures prepared upon 
 the journey, at sixty to eighty thousand thalers. Lep- 
 sius thought at the time that he had rated it too high, 
 but it afterwards proved that it could not be completed 
 even for this large sum. The King had received Lep- 
 sius most graciously, and never wearied of hearing his 
 accounts of his journey and his acquisitions. This is 
 confirmed by v. Reumont, and the following extract is 
 taken from his book, " The Days of King William in 
 Sickness and Health : " " After Lepsius' return (from 
 Egypt) in 1846, the importance of the results which he 
 had achieved and the beautiful things which he had 
 sent home, procured him the most gracious reception 
 at court, and he was a frequent and welcome guest 
 there, animated and suggestive, clever in relating his 
 many experiences, etc." It was therefore natural that 
 the king should immediately grant him the fifteen 
 thousand thalers, which according to Humboldt's esti- 
 mate was the first instalment necessary for the prepara- 
 tion of the work on monuments. 
 
67 
 
 THE MASTER WORKMAN. 
 
 On the twenty-third of August, 1846, Lepsius was 
 appointed a regular professor at the Berlin University. 
 This was followed, in 1850, by his election as member 
 of the Academy of Sciences, and in 1855 by his ap- 
 pointment as co-director of the Egyptian museum, in 
 conjunction with Passalacqua, who, although a person 
 of superficial education, was a good man, and could 
 not be set aside. Lepsius thus obtained the necessary 
 leisure to devote himself uninterruptedly to the great 
 and varied labors which awaited him. 
 
 Now that his probation as a journeyman was com- 
 pleted, he established a home of his own, and on the ' 
 fifth of July, 1846, was married to Elizabeth Klein. 
 The lovely bride, then eighteen years old, was an or- 
 phan, the child of the celebrated musician and com- 
 poser of the same name. 
 
 In 1856 were completed the twelve volumes of the 
 great work on monuments which Lepsius had been 
 commissioned by his king to prepare. At the time 
 that he left Egypt he had thought that it would exceed 
 his powers. It was published in sixty-two numbers, 
 and the eight hundred and ninety-four plates which 
 compose them are in folio form, and exceed in size all 
 previous works of the kind. The size interferes with 
 the convenience of the book for handling, and is the 
 
l68 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 sole point to be found fault with in what is otherwise a 
 model production. The late Mariette once said to us 
 in jest : u One needs a corporal and four soldiers to 
 use your Lepsius' ' Monuments,' " and it is true that 
 these twelve gigantic volumes demand too much 
 physical strength, and too much space on the study- 
 table, when one is obliged to consult them one after 
 another. Yet the labor is substantially lessened by the 
 incomparable order in which the author has arranged 
 them. " The Monuments of Egypt and Ethiopia " * 
 embrace all the archaeological, palaeographic and his- 
 torical acquisitions of the expedition. They contain 
 the prodigious wealth of hieroglyphic, Greek and other 
 written records which the travellers collected on the 
 way, in addition to maps, sketches, landscapes and 
 architectural pictures, many of which are finely exe- 
 cuted in colors. 
 
 The thousands of sheets of paper containing the 
 impressions taken in Egypt, from which the majority of 
 the inscriptions were copied and transferred to the 
 lithographic stone, are preserved in the Egyptian mu- 
 seum as valuable documents. Let it be noted here 
 that Lepsius was the first to apply successfully and 
 efficiently this excellent method of copying by means 
 of paper impressions. It is now, however, only on 
 rare occasions of minor importance that the investi- 
 gator finds it necessary to refer to the original impres- 
 sions of the expedition, so wonderfully accurate are 
 the reproductions of them. In the great publications 
 
 * See Index of Works, No. XLV. 
 
THE MASTER WORKMAN. 169 
 
 of Champollion and Rosellini, (page 78) we fre- 
 quently find alterations and inaccuracies on comparing 
 them with the monuments, but in the " Monuments " 
 of Lepsius such defects are almost unknown. Yet still 
 greater commendation is due to the classification of the 
 immense material comprised in this inexhaustible mine. 
 There is scarcely the least change to be made in the 
 historical sequence of these hundreds of closely filled 
 plates, although later researches and excavations have 
 furnished much that is new, and many details have 
 been elucidated by the monographic works of Egypt- 
 ologists since 1850. Before his departure for the 
 Orient Lepsius had already examined the succession of 
 the Egyptian dynasties. Amidst the monuments of the 
 Nile he succeeded in finding answers to all that had 
 appeared questionable to him while in Europe, and in 
 thus bringing light into darkness. While carrying for- 
 ward his work on the " Monuments " he also estab- 
 lished a scientific groundwork for all the knowledge 
 which he had previously accumulated, and was thus 
 able to assign their correct places to the ruling families 
 or dynasties, and to the several Pharaohs among them. 
 It was easy to give their proper positions to the latter, 
 as in the historical inscriptions are recorded the names 
 of the Pharaohs under whom they were made. For 
 such as were not dated the ingenuity and experience of 
 the savant fixed their correct places according to the 
 indications of style, or on palaeographic or other 
 grounds. 
 
 To the inquiry which of the achievements of Lep- 
 
170 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 sius we consider the greatest, we do not hesitate to 
 answer, the classification of his "Monuments," when 
 we consider the lamentable condition of Egyptian his- 
 torical research at the time when it was produced, and 
 the prodigious amount of new information to be re- 
 duced to order. In this work we see him surmount the 
 mass of material which had been collected by his own 
 energy, and transform the chaotic whole into a beauti- 
 ful and faultlessly-proportioned organism. He never 
 loses his broad outlook over the entire field, and never- 
 theless he gives the smallest detail its due with painstak- 
 ing consciousness. We discern the divine likeness most 
 clearly in a great man when he keeps in view the great 
 whole, and yet does not disdain to give heed to small 
 things; like the eternal and mysterious power which 
 prescribes their wide and immutable orbits to the stars, 
 and yet forgets not to give its antennae to the tiny in- 
 sect. 
 
 This colossal work is accompanied by no explana- 
 tory text,* and the excellence of the classification 
 makes it easy to dispense with one. Each separate in- 
 scription can only be sought for in the place where it 
 occurs, and the marginal notes inform us as to the 
 locality whence it came, and the ruler under whom it 
 originated. Whoever wishes to know to what period 
 the Pharaoh in question should be assigned, must con- 
 sult the Book of Kings, which was begun by Lepsius 
 
 * The comments upon his work on monuments, given in the ses- 
 sions of the Berlin Academy of Sciences, only refer to special points. 
 
THE MASTER WORKMAN. 171 
 
 at an early date, and completed in 1859. He will there 
 find the desired information. 
 
 In the middle of the fiftieth year of this century, 
 the time had not yet come for giving continuous and 
 exact translations of great hieroglyphic texts, and 
 therefore the editor of the " Monuments " wisely ab- 
 stained from doing so. Such an undertaking would also 
 have far exceeded the powers of one person. Even 
 now an abundance of difficult problems are still pre- 
 sented to Egyptian philology, great as are the advances 
 which that has made, by this unparalleled corpus i?iscrip- 
 tionum. It contains the most important Egyptian in- 
 scriptions, from the most'' ancient times up to the period 
 of the Roman emperors, classified in the most rigor- 
 ously systematic manner. 
 
 The " Monuments " is, and must ever remain, the 
 chief and most fundamental work for the study of 
 Egyptology. 
 
 Its classification presupposes a deeper study into 
 the history of the Pharaohs hitherto unheard of. We 
 have seen how, when a journeyman, Lepsius de- 
 voted himself by preference to the study of historical 
 monuments, and while in Egypt he everywhere laid 
 the greatest stress upon this. 
 
 As a master workman too, after his return to Berlin 
 in 1846, he remained faithful to his historical bias. He 
 had at his disposal, in complete shape, all that was fur- 
 nished by the monuments in the way of historical in- 
 formation. The systematic arrangement of the work 
 on monuments which he had in view already imposed 
 
172 
 
 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 upon him the task of restoring in a critical manner the 
 main skeleton of history, (chiefly Egyptian,) and of 
 ascertaining the periods of time which separate the 
 chief historical events from each other and from our 
 own age. In other words, he was obliged to devote 
 himself with all his energy to the study of Egyptian 
 chronology. 
 
 As a matter of course the monuments were always 
 the foundation from which he proceeded, but it was 
 also necessary to consult and to fix the worth of such 
 other historical records as were in existence. 
 
 Amongst these the highest rank was held by the 
 Egyptian history of Manetho of Sebennytos. This had 
 been written, or was said to have been written, for 
 Ptolemny II. Philadelphus(285 — 247 B.C.) by Manetho, 
 an Egyptian priest familiar with the Greek tongue. 
 During the Christian era several other works, (the 
 Book of Sothis and the Old Chronicle), were falsely at- 
 tributed to this writer. The heathen Greeks had held 
 the histories of the priestly scholar in little esteem, but, 
 except by the Jew Flavius Josephus, they were dili- 
 gently used by chronographers of the Christian era in 
 their efforts to establish a chronological reckoning for 
 the legendary and historical events in the Old Testa- 
 ment. Amongst these writers are found the lists of the 
 Egyptian kings compiled by the Sebennite, with an es- 
 timate of the duration of their reigns. But there is a 
 frequent disagreement in the facts as given by them, 
 for each individual chronographer adapted the figures 
 to his own system, and altered them arbitrarily to suit 
 
THE MASTER WORKMAN. 1 73 
 
 his special purposes. Therefore the fragmentary infor- 
 mation gathered from Manetho as to the succession of 
 rulers can only be used with great prudence. Lepsius 
 submitted these statements, as well as other accounts of 
 Egyptian history occurring in the classics (Hecateus of 
 Miletus, Herodotus, Hecateus of Abdera, Diodorus, 
 etc.), to a severe criticism, in the attempt to separate 
 the genuine work of Manetho from all that had been 
 interpolated or perverted in his writings. As a result 
 of Lepsius' supposition that some of the ruling families 
 enumerated in the lists did not reign successively, but 
 contemporaneously, he arrived at the conclusion that 
 Manetho would reckon the duration of Egyptian his- 
 tory, from the first King Menes to the end of the reign 
 of Nectanebus II,* at three thousand five hundred and 
 fifty-five years, and that the accession of Menes to the 
 throne should therefore be fixed at 3892 B. C. On the 
 correctness of this computation he insisted up to the 
 time of his death, and by the aid of his innate fine 
 mathematical sense he showed the connection between 
 this and the other calculations, as subtle as they are 
 clever, which lie at the basis of his system of reckon- 
 ing. 
 
 Rosellini's industrious attempt to compile an Egyp- 
 tian history was of little service to him, but he found 
 many fruitful ideas in Bunsen's fine publication.** This 
 had been meantime completed with the advisory aid of 
 
 * King in opposition during the period of the supremacy of the 
 Persian empire over Egypt. 
 
 ** J. Bunsen, Aegyptens Stelle in der Weltgeschichte [Egypt's 
 Place in Universal History] Hamburg, 1845. Fortsetzung 1856-57. 
 
174 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 the able English Egyptologist S. Birch, and Lepsius 
 himself had furnished many contributions to it. No 
 less a man than Boeckh * had, a short time before, 
 addressed himself to a criticism of Manetho, incited 
 thereto partly by Champollion's and partly by his own 
 investigations. In France, also, Biot,** Lesueur and 
 Nolan had published able works on Egyptian chron- 
 ology. Ideler's hand-book, which came out in 1825, 
 was still highly esteemed, although this acute but far 
 too versatile scholar was entirely ignorant of the monu- 
 ments. 
 
 Lepsius had the advantage over his predecessors in 
 his comprehensive knowledge of all the monuments, 
 and his understanding of hieroglyphic writing. He 
 took his stand upon the monuments, and on this founda- 
 tion which at that time was a safe and favorable one 
 for him alone, he labored with perfect independence, 
 but without overlooking the prior works mentioned 
 above. These, however, in most cases he was forced 
 to controvert. As far as the chronology of Bunsen was 
 concerned, he was obliged to shake it to the founda- 
 tions, and he found himself forced to apply critical 
 standards very different from those of his learned friend 
 to the lists of Eratosthenes, the value of which, as we 
 know, the latter had far over-estimated. Although on 
 this account he naturally arrived at results which con- 
 tradicted those of Bunsen, yet he dedicated to him the 
 
 * A Boeckh, Manetho und die Hundssternperiode. [Manetho 
 and the Dogstar Period.] Berlin 1845. 
 ** See page 83. 
 
THE MASTER WORKMAN- 1 75 
 
 great work,* the first volume of which was published 
 in 1849, in the midst of his arduous labors in editing 
 the " Monuments." The second and third volumes 
 originally planned by him remained unwritten. While 
 the first volume was mainly occupied with criticism of 
 the authorities, the two latter were to have contained 
 the applications and proofs in detail. All these are now 
 to be found in the folio volume of text which accom- 
 panies the plates of the " Book of Kings "** previously 
 mentioned. In the beautiful dedication of his chron- 
 ology to Bunsen, he declared that he offered him this 
 work as " a public token of gratitude." Lepsius knew 
 that Bunsen, like himself, had only the truth at heart, 
 and agreed with him that the final truth could only be 
 attained by a keen comparison of all possible differ- 
 ences of opinion. Such differences of opinion existed 
 between Bunsen and Lepsius, but, however candidly 
 they were expressed, they had no power to shake the 
 real attachment of these two men. 
 
 Unlike Bunsen's great book, Lepsius' work was not 
 intended to establish the place of Egypt in universal 
 history, but only in the external frame thereof, the an- 
 nals of time. It made no attempt to be a history, but 
 was a chronology solely. The problem involved is 
 solved in the first volume of which we speak, and is 
 treated in an original and at the same time broad man- 
 ner. Here, as elsewhere, Lepsius never loses cogniz- 
 
 * Die Chronologie der Aegypter. [The Chronology of the 
 Egyptians.] Index of Works. No. XLVI. 
 ** Index of works. No. LXVI. 
 
176 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 ance of the general aspect of* his subject, whilst always 
 carefully and even lovingly considering the smallest de- 
 tail and assigning it its place as a part and factor of the 
 whole. 
 
 He first critizes the chronology of the Romans, the 
 Greeks, the Hindoos, the Chaldeans in Babylon, the 
 Chinese and the Hebrews. In so doing he makes it 
 clear that among all these nations the conditions for a 
 very early computation of time were lacking, and 
 proves that no nation and no country possessed more 
 favorable conditions for an early chronology and history 
 than the Egyptian. He then proceeds to consider the 
 astronomical basis of the Egyptian chronology, and 
 goes thoroughly into the question of the divisions of 
 time employed by the ancient Egyptians. Here, in 
 addition to the monuments, which he always considers 
 as of the first importance, he cites the classic authors, 
 and ascends in regular progression from the smaller 
 divisions of time, the thirds, seconds and minutes, to 
 the days, weeks, months, intercalary days and years. 
 He dwells for some time upon these latter, and explains 
 with remarkable clearness his views regarding the vague 
 year and the fixed year of Sirius. After these funda- 
 mental principles are established he turns his attention 
 to the longer periods of time, beginning with the Apis 
 period of twenty-five years, and concluding with the 
 conjecture that the Egyptians possessed the knowledge 
 of a longest astronomical period of revolution of 
 thirty-six thousand years. According to our reckoning 
 this should undoubtedly be only twenty-six thousand 
 
THE MASTER WORKMAN. 1 77 
 
 years, yet the period given can be recognized in the 
 thirty-six thousand five hundred and twenty-five years 
 which Syncellus alleges to have been the Egyptian 
 period of universal apocatastasis of the heavens. 
 
 He then reviews the Egyptian calendar, its intro- 
 duction and reforms. Although no one knows so well 
 as he that events are commonly reckoned upon the 
 monuments, not from an era, but according to the years 
 of the separate reigns, he attempts to prove that the 
 Sothiac cycle of one thousand four hundred and sixty 
 years had been used as an era for such purposes as 
 necessitated the conception of a longer distinct period 
 of time. 
 
 To many of our readers the words " Sothiac cycle " 
 and " year of Sirius " will be but empty sounds. We 
 will therefore give an explanation of them, in accord- 
 ance with our promise to be intelligible even to the 
 general reader. Let us adhere as closely as possible to 
 the statement of Lepsius himself! — In the Egyptian 
 heavens was visible a sidereal phenomenon which in a 
 very remarkable manner corresponded perfectly, except 
 for a mere trifle, to the Julian year of three hundred 
 and sixty-five and a quarter days. It continued for 
 more than three thousand years, and in fact was pre- 
 cisely coeval with the duration of the Egyptian empire. 
 This was the heliacal rising of Sirius ; that is, the reap- 
 pearance of Sirius, the brightest fixed star, before 
 sunrise. For a time this star was invisible, on ac- 
 count of its rising simultaneously with the sun. The 
 early rise of which we speak occurred regularly one 
 
178 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 day later at the expiration of every four (civil) years of 
 three hundred and sixty-five days, which was the 
 simple basis on which the Egyptian calendar had been 
 established at an early period. Thus when the New 
 Year's day of the fixed year of three hundred and sixty- 
 five and a quarter days fell upon the first of the New 
 Year's month (Thot) of the civil year of three hundred 
 and sixty-five days, then, after four fixed years, it fell 
 upon the second of the New Year's month, Thot, after 
 2X4 upon the third, after 3X4 upon the fourth of 
 Thot, and so on. After 365 x 4, that is, when, after 
 one thousand four hundred and sixty fixed years, it 
 had run through all the days of the civil year, the next 
 New Year's day of the fixed year fell once more upon 
 the first of the New Year's month Thot, and the two 
 forms of the year had thus readjusted themselves, so 
 that one thousand, four hundred and sixty fixed years 
 of three hundred and sixty-five and a quarter days 
 were exactly equivalent to one thousand, four hundred 
 and sixty-one civil years of three hundred and sixty- 
 five days. We cannot here take cognizance of the 
 slight error which resulted from the fact that the true 
 solar year does not exactly amount to three hundred 
 and sixty-five days and six hours, but only to three 
 hundred and sixty-five days, five hours, forty-eight 
 minutes and forty-eight seconds; nor can we now 
 speak of the compensation therefor. In any case, it 
 follows from what has been said that the Egyptians, 
 during their whole history, had in their year of Sirius, 
 computed according to the heliacal or early ascension 
 
THE MASTER WORKMAN. 1 79 
 
 of that star, the most perfect sidereal model ever pos- 
 sessed by any nation for their simple annual reckoning 
 of the year of three hundred and sixty-five and a quar- 
 ter days. Therefore Lepsius is right when he main- 
 tains that the Egyptians had a perfectly exact astro- 
 nomical period in the Sothiac cycle of 4 x 365 ; that is, 
 in the one thousand, four hundred and sixty years of 
 Sirius, during which the civil year, shorter by a quarter 
 of a day, readjusted itself by being renewed one thou- 
 sand four hundred and sixty-one times. 
 
 Thus closes, on page 240, this full and noble intro- 
 duction. The review of the authorities then begins. 
 After a preliminary survey of these, Herodotus and 
 Diodorus undergo a searching criticism, which proves 
 the uselessness of these authors for chronological pur- 
 poses. In the subsequent chapters Lepsius exerts him- 
 self to show the relation of the Egyptian to the ancient 
 Hebrew chronology, and he rightly applies to the Bi- 
 blical reckoning the same rules of criticism which he 
 has employed in regard to that contained in secular 
 writings. In so doing he proceeds on the sole tenable 
 principle that the truth discovered in the course of the 
 healthy development of any science cannot be opposed 
 to Christian truth, but must rather promote it. " For 
 all the truths in the world," he says, " have from the 
 very beginning presented a union and solidarity against 
 all untruth and error. But in order scientifically to 
 separate truth from error in any department, theology 
 possesses no other method than that which belongs to 
 every other science j namely, rational and cautious 
 
l8o RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 criticism. Whatever this may affirm, it is only possible 
 to amend or refute by a criticism which is still better 
 and more cautious." 
 
 To him, as to us, the practical religious significance 
 which the Old Testament must have for every Chris- 
 tian reader, seems to have no connection with the re- 
 corded dates regarding early periods of time of which 
 the authors and compilers of those Scriptures could 
 have had no exact knowledge, except by means of a 
 purposeless inspiration. 
 
 " Science must be pursued with reverence and free- 
 dom." With these beautiful words of Bunsen, Lepsius 
 agreed, and he demanded reverence for all that was 
 venerable, holy, noble, great and well-proved, and 
 claimed freedom wherever it was a question of attain- 
 ing and declaring the truth and his own conviction 
 thereof. This noble principle he also impressed upon 
 his disciples, and we would like to recall it to the 
 memory of those younger men who, in our day, so 
 readily absolve themselves from all that goes by the 
 name of "reverence," and hold themselves so much 
 the greater and stronger if they can succeed in shaking 
 that which is established, in detecting a blemish upon 
 greatness, or discerning a spot upon the source of light. 
 They have received criticism as an inheritance; but 
 there is only too good foundation for the complaint 
 often repeated by Lepsius, that by them the noblest of 
 all weapons is wielded sacrilegiously, and with special 
 delight for the purposes of destruction. They can 
 learn from the Master, who prescribed the method for 
 
THE MASTER WORKMAN. l8l 
 
 a whole science, and aided to erect its mighty edifice, 
 that it is possible to practise reverence and gratitude, 
 and yet maintain one's own opinion with manly inde- 
 pendence, and attack error with the sharpest criticism. 
 
 The last and perhaps the most important portion of 
 the " Chronology " is occupied with Manetho and the 
 authorities which can be traced back to him, and also 
 with the relation of these authorities to each other. A 
 special chapter is also devoted to Eratosthenes and 
 Apollodorus. 
 
 This work embraces the whole foundation of Egyp- 
 tian chronology, and indicates the methods according 
 to which all chronological investigations, no matter in 
 what direction, should be conducted. The detached 
 historical-chronological researches on special subjects * 
 which followed the " Chronology " are so many model 
 specimens of the consistent application of this method. 
 
 In the " Chronology " itself the fine and thorough 
 humanistic training of its author is manifested in a 
 specially happy manner. There are modern scholars 
 who, as students, confine themselves to their special 
 provinces, and, peasant-like, do not look beyond the 
 space where they plow and sow and reap. These may 
 learn from Lepsius how, without straying too far afield, 
 it may yet be possible to establish a connection be- 
 tween that which they themselves have gained, and 
 the acquisitions which have been made in other and 
 
 * Index of Works, Nos. XLIX.. LI., Lla., LIL, LIIL, LX., 
 LXIa., LXIV.. LXIVa., LXVla., LXV1L, LXVIIa., LXXVII., 
 XCIV., XCVIL, XCIX., CIIL, CXX., CXXXIV. 
 
1 82 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 kindred departments of science. They may observe 
 how details can be treated in the most thorough and 
 fundamental manner, without losing cognizance of the 
 whole. Lepsius was an able philologist, linguist, arch- 
 aeologist and historian, before he became an Egyptolo- 
 gist. From an acquaintance with the main principles 
 of science, and from broad generalities, he descended 
 gradually and without a break to a knowledge of the 
 separate parts. Vulgar learning amasses the material 
 of knowledge, and leaves all that has been thus ac- 
 quired heaped together in confusion; genuine learning 
 proceeds from the general to the special, connects the 
 details with the whole, and always subjects the former 
 to the latter. It was thus that the scientific activity of 
 Lepsius was exercised, and if we inquire what it was 
 that elevated him above even the most industrious and 
 ingenious of his fellow workers, we find that he owed 
 his lofty position to his truly scientific method of de- 
 velopment, research and work. This makes his pro- 
 ductions a true system of learning, in contrast with the 
 knowledge amassed by so many others who have 
 labored without regard to the general principles ani- 
 mating the whole. 
 
 Thence, too, it results that his " Chronology " is 
 available for every purpose, and is employed as a guide 
 and source of instruction, not only by the Egyptologist, 
 but also by every historian who wishes to devote him- 
 self to the study, either of the chronology of all nations, 
 or of any special people. Although many of the de- 
 tails of this work may have become disputable and un- 
 
THE MASTER WORKMAN. 1 83 
 
 tenable in consequence of the latest advances of 
 science, yet for all time to come it must remain the 
 starting point whence all investigations in this domain 
 are forced to proceed. 
 
 In spite of the manifold and profound researches on 
 which this work was based, and in spite of the time 
 and strength demanded by the editing of the " Monu- 
 ments," Lepsius, during the years following his return 
 to his native land, himself superintended the embellish- 
 ment of those rooms in the new museum at Berlin 
 which were destined to hold the Egyptian collection. 
 He also attended personally to the arrangement and 
 cataloguing of the collection. He took peculiar pleas- 
 ure in this work, and pursued it with indefatigable zeal. 
 
 The aged Passalacqua, a man eager for knowledge, 
 had gone to Egypt in the capacity of a merchant, and 
 had afterwards made himself acquainted, as a dilet- 
 tante, with the discoveries and works of Champollion. 
 He now filled, " conscientiously and with pleasure to 
 himself," the post of superintendent of the collection of 
 monuments and relics which he had brought from the 
 Nile. Frederick William IV. in buying his collection 
 had taken him with it into the bargain ; no one wished 
 to remove him from his position, and thus it came to 
 pass that Lepsius could only be appointed co-director 
 in 1855, and it was not until 1865, that he was appointed 
 chief superintendent. 
 
 The Berlin collection of Egyptian antiquities con- 
 sisted of the collections of v. Minutoli, Passalacqua, v. 
 Koller and Bartholdy. Prior to its removal to the new 
 
I&4 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 museum it had been lodged in the palace of Monbijou, 
 and while there had received many additions, especially 
 by the purchase of the third collection of Drovetti. 
 This man, who had been French consul-general at Al- 
 exandria under Napoleon I., had some time before col- 
 lected the rich stores which now form the Egyptian 
 museum at Turin. (See pages 93 and 132.) He had 
 already sold another smaller collection, (See page 97), 
 to King William IV., upon the solicitation of Lepsius 
 and in consequence of his intervention. Bunsen only 
 concluded the purchase in 1837, as the authorized agent 
 of that prince. In 1839, there was added to the Berlin 
 collection that of the state-counsellor Saulnier at Paris, 
 and in 1843, that of d'Athanasi at London. From the 
 pamphlet published in 1880, entitled " History of the 
 Royal Museum at Berlin,"* and from the portion of the 
 same dedicated to Dr. S. Stern of the Egyptian depart- 
 ment, we learn that there were already five thousand 
 numbers in that department in the year 1849, that is, 
 previous to the incorporation of the treasures which 
 Lepsius sent home from Egypt. 
 
 The expedition whose travels and labors we have 
 recorded had sent home not less than fifteen thousand 
 Egyptian antiquities and plaster casts. Especially 
 valuable among these were the three tombs already 
 mentioned from the necropolis of ancient Memphis on 
 the plain of the pyramids at el-Gizeh, as well as many 
 
 "* This pamphlet, dedicated to the Crown Prince Frederick Wil- 
 liam, was published August third, 1880, on the celebration of the 
 fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the Royal Museum at Berlin. 
 
THE MASTER WORKMAN. 1 85 
 
 sculptures and inscriptions from other tombs of the Old 
 Kingdom. The colored portraits of Amenophis I. and 
 his celebrated mother Nefertari, long worshipped as 
 divine, are also of great importance. These the expe- 
 dition took, together with the fragment upon which 
 they were painted, from a tomb. They also took a 
 pillar from the tomb of Seti I. Both of these monu- 
 ments came from Thebes. With them and with a 
 column taken from the temple of Philae was connected 
 the reproach brought against the expedition of having 
 destroyed venerable monuments to further their own 
 special purposes. Against this accusation we have 
 hitherto defended the expedition in perfectly good faith, 
 but unfortunately, as far as the pillar from the splendid 
 tomb of Seti was concerned, there was some foundation 
 for the charge. Of the other acquisitions of Lepsius 
 we will also name an obelisk and many columns from 
 tombs, a portrait in relief of Thothmes III., a colossal 
 bust of King Horus, the naophore statue of Prince 
 Setau-an, an altar from Ben-Naga, and, in addition, the 
 ram sphinx from Mount Boreal mentioned on page 156. 
 Together with these were numerous monuments from 
 Meroe, many of which were covered with those Ethio- 
 pian-demotic inscriptions, the key to which is still want- 
 ing. He also sent home several beautiful sarcophagi of 
 stone and wood, the tablet of Moschion, with a Greek- 
 demotic inscription, many bricks with the stamp of the 
 Pharaohs of the eighteenth and nineteenth dynasties, 
 and finally, in addition to numerous lesser relics, valu- 
 able papyri. 
 
1 86 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 The casts taken by the expedition while on the Nile 
 were intended to complete the collection of casts begun 
 by the advice of Lepsius. Large and fortunate addi- 
 tions were afterwards made to this collection, and its 
 founder always, and with justice, attributed great im- 
 portance to it. By means of these casts it was possible 
 to supply in an available and desirable manner the in- 
 evitable deficiencies with respect to an historical se- 
 quence of the original monuments. Other museums 
 imitated that of Berlin in instituting collections of casts. 
 The finishing and painting of the halls which had been 
 renovated for the Egyptian collection were begun and 
 completed under the superintendence of Lepsius, who 
 had entire liberty in the matter. In every respect it 
 was done to correspond with those ideas and wishes 
 which he had already expressed in Cairo. All the de- 
 mands of the Egyptian style were observed in the three 
 halls at his disposal, and the walls, pillars and ceilings 
 received that decorative and highly-colored pictorial 
 ornament with which the temples and tombs of the 
 time of the Pharaohs are adorned. The most 
 interesting pictures from the tombs and sanctuaries on 
 the Nile were reproduced here, and Ernest Weiden- 
 bach, upon whom devolved the execution of the mul- 
 titude of paintings selected and arranged by Lepsius, 
 performed the task with that delicate feeling for the 
 characteristics of Egyptian style which was peculiar to 
 himself. They had at their disposal the rooms situated 
 in the northern half of the ground floor of the new 
 museum. The entrance leads immediately into the 
 
THE MASTER WORKMAN. 187 
 
 anteroom, where a column from Philae with a palm 
 capital is stationed. If one turns thence towards the 
 hall adjoining on the right, one has before him a series 
 of rooms which can in some measure represent the 
 chief divisions of an Egyptian temple ; vestibule, hy- 
 postyle and sanctuary. In an Egyptian temple the 
 court was usually surrounded by colonnades, whose 
 architraves contained the dedication of the building. 
 In the midst stood an altar. Behind these sacred 
 halls there were smaller rooms, the last of which, in 
 the axis of the building, was the sanctuary containing 
 the statue of the god of the temple. In a general way 
 the rooms of the Berlin Egyptian collection correspond 
 to this customary arrangement. They contain the court, 
 covered with glass and surrounded by columns, the 
 hypostyle adjoining, and the cella in the background. 
 At the side of this central temple lie three main rooms ; 
 to the right are the mythological hall and the hall of 
 tombs, while the historical hall extends along the whole 
 length of the left side. 
 
 Let us turn first to those rooms situated on the 
 right and towards the east ; these are the mythological 
 hall and the hall of tombs. In the former are ar- 
 ranged the sarcophagi and coffins, and the spectator is 
 there impressed by that serious mood so easily awak- 
 ened in our souls by objects which remind us solely of 
 death. There he finds himself in the company of the 
 gods, and every picture on the walls relates to them, 
 and is connected with the mythological tenets of the 
 most religious of all peoples. The divine constella- 
 
l88 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 tions of the Egyptian heavens look down upon the 
 visitor from the ceiling, as in the great passages of the 
 rock tombs and the consecrated halls of the temples. 
 Every picture has its astronomical and mythological 
 significance. In the rear portion of this space, which 
 is partitioned off, is the hall of tombs, and here are the 
 tomb chambers from Memphis, and the other monu- 
 ments of the Old Kingdom. 
 
 The middle hall is divided into the portico, the hy- 
 postylic hall, and the sanctuary of an Egyptian temple. 
 The portico, which lies to the south, and which in 
 Egypt is covered only by the bright blue arch of 
 heaven, is intended to arouse in the spectator the sen- 
 sation of being still in the open air. Therefore the 
 beautiful landscapes with which modern artists have 
 adorned the walls, and which remind us of the most 
 remarkable localities and the sites of the most venerable 
 monuments of Egypt, are extremely appropriate here, 
 where are also grouped the colossal statues and sepul- 
 chral stele. In the hypostylic portion of this hall the 
 paintings transport us among the subjects of the Pha- 
 raohs, and numerous illustrations of the private life of 
 the old Egyptians make us familiar with the high and 
 peculiar culture which took root and blossomed in the 
 valley of the Nile much earlier than in any other spot 
 on earth. Carefully-selected papyri are hung on the 
 walls of this room. In the sanctuary, which lies alto- 
 gether to the north, stands the statue of King Horus. 
 
 The third or historic hall, (to the left or west,) is 
 adorned with pictures connected with the history of the 
 
THE MASTER WORKMAN. • IQg, 
 
 kingdom of the Pharaohs, and also with representations 
 of battles by land and water. The long series of ovals 
 inscribed with the names of the old royal rulers of the 
 Nile valley in hieroglyphics, form a suitable decoration, 
 and attract the eye of all who are desirous of knowl- 
 edge. Those monuments which are distinguished for 
 their historical importance are arranged here in order 
 according to the time of their origin. The plaster casts 
 are in a special room beside the vestibule, and are be- 
 ginning more and more to overflow it. 
 
 If the Egyptian museum in Berlin has long been 
 among the most famous in the world, on account of the 
 wealth of treasures there preserved, it has also gained a 
 value peculiar to itself from the historical ideas intro- 
 duced and carried out by Lepsius. There we see ex- 
 hibited the artistic epochs of Egyptian history arranged 
 in groups according to their chronological succession. 
 Yet at the same time the effort to keep together objects 
 which are mutually connected, such as sarcophagi and 
 coffins, has been successful. Also, where it was neces- 
 sary to form distinct divisions, the historical method 
 has been applied within the limits of each separate group. 
 
 There can be but one opinion as to the propriety 
 and the scientific advantages of Lepsius' historical 
 method of classification; but the decoration of the 
 rooms in the Berlin museum by no means meets with 
 such universal approbation. It is indeed conceded 
 that it is in the best possible taste, and is both beautiful 
 and attractive, but it is maintained by many people 
 that the pictorial representation on the walls, that is,. 
 
I90 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 the accessories, draw the attention of the visitor too 
 strongly and distract him from the contemplation of 
 the monuments, which are certainly the real objects of 
 importance. 
 
 There is some reason for this objection ; but yet 
 these pictures serve the immediate purpose of bringing 
 visitors to the collection and it is this very decoration 
 of the Berlin- Egyptian museum which renders it pe- 
 culiarly attractive. 
 
 Whoever goes there with any knowledge of the 
 monuments will pay attention to them, and not to the 
 decorations of the hall. But the layman will there be- 
 come interested in the culture and artistic ability of the 
 old Egyptians, as he would not do in a museum where 
 the monuments stand in bare halls, and have to speak 
 entirely for themselves. The pictures attract him, and 
 at the same time introduce him to Egyptian antiquity. 
 They make him familiar, in a trustworthy manner, with 
 the Egyptian civilization from whose soil have sprung 
 the works of art there assembled. They teach him to 
 understand the connection between these and the or- 
 ganic whole of which they are the separate parts, and, 
 in many cases, the most beautiful blossoms. In one 
 place there are pictorial representations, and in another 
 monuments, to direct and instruct the visitor so that he 
 may comprehend every stage of the development of 
 this great whole. Whoever enters these rooms with a 
 mind open and alert will soon perceive the relation be- 
 tween the decorative pictures and the monuments, and 
 will easily succeed in connecting them with the depart- 
 
THE MASTER WORKMAN. 191 
 
 ments of Egyptian life and activity to which they be- 
 long. He will transport the coffin, upon which he can 
 lay his hands, into the funeral procession shown him in 
 the painting ; when he gazes up at a colossus he will 
 place it mentally in that spot at the temple gate where 
 it really belongs, according to the picture on the wall. 
 Indeed, the decorative paintings will show him the 
 Egyptian artist at his work, and the prince whose 
 monument stands before him upon his war chariot in 
 the tumult of battle. They will make him familiar 
 with the gods who are mentioned in the hieroglyphic 
 texts of coffins, stele and papyri. Thus these paintings 
 possess great value for instructive and illustrative pur- 
 poses, apart from the attraction which they present to 
 the eye, and the appearance, as peculiar as it is pleas- 
 ing, which they lend to the halls of the museum. 
 Therefore we would not willingly be without them. 
 He, who permits himself to be distracted from the 
 monuments by them, will yet not have visited the mu- 
 seum in vain, but will have learned something authen- 
 tic and interesting concerning Egyptian antiquity. 
 
 By the beginning of the year 1850 the arrange- 
 ment of the Egyptian relics in the new museum was 
 completed, and after Passalacqua's death, when Lep- 
 sius had officially assumed the management of the col- 
 lection, he caused Ernest Weidenbach to be employed 
 as assistant in the Egyptian department. He also im- 
 mediately drew up a full description of the pictures on 
 the walls,* for the use of visitors to the museum, and 
 * Index of Works. Nos. LV, and LVI. 
 
192 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 afterwards prepared a little catalogue.* In 1878, he 
 had the larger monuments furnished with short explana- 
 tory labels. After his appointment as chief librarian he 
 nominated Dr. L. Stern as first assistant superintendent. 
 Dr. Stern aided him in all his labors concerning the 
 museum with diligence, judgment and technical knowl- 
 edge ; he was an able Egyptologist and had a thorough 
 knowledge of the Coptic language. The Egyptian 
 collection received continual additions under the direc- 
 tion of Lepsius, and the complaisance with which he 
 placed its treasures at the service of foreign scholars 
 was universally recognized. 
 
 As an academical instructor Lepsius also manifested 
 the high intellectual qualities and admirable ability 
 peculiar to himself. His first lecture was delivered on 
 the twenty-ninth of October, 1846, and related to the 
 condition of Egyptological science in France and Italy, 
 compared with what had been accomplished on the 
 same field in Germany. It went off excellently, and 
 amongst his hundred auditors appeared officials of high 
 rank and military men. As his lectures proceeded he 
 took advantage on their account of the collection in- 
 trusted to his care, and we remember with pleasure the 
 weekly lectures which he read amongst the monuments 
 in the halls of the museum. The special discourses de- 
 livered in the directors room were usually succeeded by 
 rambles through the museum, as instructive as they 
 were interesting. 
 
 The public lectures in the museum attracted 
 
 Index of Works. No. LVII. 
 
THE MASTER WORKMAN. 1 93 
 
 students from all the faculties, but the private lectures, 
 which he delivered at his own house to a few youthful 
 scholars who desired to devote themselves to the study 
 of Egyptology, were models as regarded the well-con- 
 sidered arrangement of the material. Amongst them 
 we must praise as especially instructive the historical 
 and chronological lectures. These were attended with 
 profit by many young students of history. The purely 
 grammatical lectures were confined to the ancient 
 Egyptian grammar, and only incidentally touched upon 
 the hieratic or the later linguistic forms of speech of the 
 demotic and Coptic. His delivery was always simple,, 
 and nevertheless the surpassing faculty of judgment and 
 the severe critical method of the teacher always en- 
 chained the attention of his hearers. The material was 
 always as copious as the arrangement was excellent. 
 
 Lepsius gave to the writer of this biography the 
 strongest proof of the seriousness with which he re- 
 garded his office of instructor and the lovely benevo- 
 lence which was united with his other great qualities. 
 When a young and enthusiastic student I was obliged 
 by illness to keep the house during a whole winter 
 term, and I shall be forever grateful to Lepsius for the 
 great and rare kindness with which he visited me on a 
 certain day of every week, and went over the essential 
 parts of the lectures of which my illness had deprived 
 me. These private lectures, or rather these lessons 
 when the pupil worked under the direction of the mas- 
 ter, for which of course no material equivalent could be 
 given, are among my most delightful memories, and a 
 
 13 
 
194 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 more liberal gift I have never received. Those of his 
 scholars who afterwards rendered special service to 
 Egyptology were J. Dumichen, professor at Strasburg, 
 and E. Naville, the eminent Genoese Egyptologist. A. 
 Erment, professor at Berlin, and A. Wiedemann, pri- 
 vate lecturer at Bonn, attended his lectures during sub- 
 sequent terms. The younger Egyptologists educated 
 by me at Leipsic, he liked to call his " grandpupils." 
 
 At that time, and indeed in 1856, there was sub- 
 mitted to the Berlin Academy and offered to it for 
 sale, by professor Dindorf of Leipsic, a pahmpsest 
 containing the work of Uranius mentioned by Stephen 
 
 Of Byzantium, AiyvTrrtW /ScuriAeW avaypafav 0i|3Aoi rpcZ?, (three 
 
 books of lists of the Egyptian kings). Up to that time 
 this had been supposed lost. On the first examination, 
 at which Lepsius was present, there appeared to be no 
 reason to doubt the genuineness of the manuscript. It 
 was written between the lines of a genuine text of 
 the twelfth century. The traits of the Greek uncial 
 writing, skilfully reproduced in the style of the first 
 centuries after Christ, would not be suspected by a 
 palaeographer of the present day, although it is now 
 proved that the codex is a counterfeit. When it was 
 learned that the manuscript belonged to the Greek 
 Simonides of ill-repute, some doubts were raised, and 
 yet the rediscovery of the Uranius would have been of 
 such eminent importance for the historical and chrono- 
 logical studies in which Lepsius was then engaged, 
 that he furnished from his own pocket half the price, 
 as a deposit in order to secure it for Berlin and for 
 
THE MASTER WORKMAN 195 
 
 himself. Dindorf had declared that in consequence of 
 an agreement with Simonides he could not leave the 
 manuscript behind in Berlin for closer inspection 
 without such a deposit. This examination was com- 
 mitted to Lepsius, and on searching more thoroughly 
 the lists of kings which Simonides represented to be 
 those of Uranius, he soon found there could be no 
 question but that he had before him a bold and unpre- 
 cedently skilful counterfeit. Indisputable arguments 
 were soon added to the internal reasons which had led 
 Lepsius to this conviction, and it then became a ques- 
 tion of recovering from the counterfeiter his plunder of 
 twenty-five thousand thalers. In this Lepsius was suc- 
 cessful, owing to the cleverness and prudence of 
 Stieber, the chief of police, who accompanied him to 
 Leipsic. Thus the Berlin library was protected from 
 loss and imposition, and science from unspeakable 
 confusion, through the sagacity of our friend. Lepsius 
 himself furnished information as to the particulars of 
 this affair in a clear and exhaustive explanation.* 
 Simonides appears to have continued to drive his trade 
 as a counterfeiter, for it is hardly possible that it was 
 any one else than he who produced the manuscript of 
 the Persians of Aeschylus, which reached Leipsic by 
 way of Egypt, and (not without our own humble co- 
 operation) was recognized by Ritschl as a forgery, t 
 
 Index of Works, Nos. LXII and LXTII. 
 t F. Ritschl. Aeschylus Perser in Aegypten : ein neues Simon- 
 ideum. [Aeschylus' Persians in Egypt: a new Simonideum.] 
 Rhein. Museum, Bd. XXVII. , page 114-126. F. Ritschl, Opuscula 
 philol. Vol, V., p. 194-210. 
 
196 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 During his life in Berlin as a Master Workman, 
 Lepsius also addressed himself to those metrological 
 studies which he continued to pursue up to the time of 
 his death. If we look over the Transactions of the 
 Berlin Academy of Sciences we shall also find that he 
 was faithful to research in the department of languages. 
 This was entirely apart from his special and unceasing 
 labors on the Nubian Grammar and in the examination 
 of the fundamental laws of construction of the other 
 African languages. 
 
 During his sojourn in Egypt amongst the monu- 
 ments of the Pharaonic period, his attention had been 
 specially called to the measures of the ancient Egyp- 
 tians. He had subjected many of the monuments to 
 measurement, and also found certain stamps of linear 
 measure, with accompanying figures, upon some of 
 those of the Old Kingdom. These he studied accord- 
 ing to the same method which had already approved 
 itself to him throughout his previous labors. He col- 
 lected all existing material from the monuments with a 
 thoroughness and in an abundance thitherto unknown, 
 and subjected all previous investigations and measure- 
 ments to severe criticism. From the information thus 
 gained he sagaciously and cautiously deduced positive 
 inferences. In his investigations he also included the 
 kindred measures of other ancient peoples. 
 
 In his fine work on the ancient Egyptian ell and its 
 subdivisions* he arrived at the conclusion that the 
 small ell of 0.450 of a meter " was the true unit under- 
 
 * Index of Works, No. LXXIX. 
 
THE MASTER WORKMAN. 1 97 
 
 lying the whole system." The great royal ell, which 
 was in use at the same time, he considered a special 
 ell, distinct from the common one and added to the 
 measures at a very early date. The cause of the in- 
 crease of the small ell used in private life appeared to 
 him to have been " that the kings or priests paid the 
 same compensation for the great ell, in building, as 
 formerly for the small ell, as the overplus of labor was 
 considered as compulsory service, and not paid for." 
 In addition to ail the greater and lesser units of the 
 Egyptian linear measure * he also directed his attention 
 to other measures of the ancient Egyptians,t and after 
 familiarizing himself with the results obtained in Assy- 
 riology, (which at that time was making rapid progress), 
 he occupied himself with comprehensive researches 
 into the linear measures of the ancient nations in gene- 
 ral. He took special pains to subject the celebrated 
 tablet of Senkereh,f in which he discerned one of the 
 most important bases of Asiatic metrology, to a search- 
 ing examination, and in doing so he received the as- 
 sistance of the most eminent Assyriologists. He re- 
 stored the whole tablet, and recognized it as a table of 
 comparison, by the aid of which Babylonian-Assyrian 
 measures could be reduced to ells, which were rec- 
 koned according to the sexagesimal system. He 
 proved that the metrical systems of the Assyrians, 
 
 * Index of Works, Nos. LXXXIV., CII., CXXXVI., CXXXVIL, 
 CXXXIX., CXL., 
 
 t Index of Works, Nos. LXXXV. 
 
 X Index of Works, Nos. CXXIV., CXXVII., CXXIX., 
 CXXXVIL 
 
198 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 Babylonians and Persians were entirely distinct from 
 each other, although he could grant them one point in 
 common, the building ell of 0.525 of a meter, which 
 was regularly in use in Egypt in the fourth century 
 before Christ, and was employed in the building of the 
 pyramids. 
 
 Although Lepsius had worked with sagacity and 
 caution in the realm of metrology, yet his conclusions 
 in that field were not to remain unchallenged, and he 
 found himself forced to defend the results of his inves- 
 tigations, first against the distinguished Assyriologist 
 Jules Oppert, and then against the attacks of the archi- 
 tect Dorpfeld. This young scholar, who had distin- 
 guished himself by his very excellent work in his own 
 special province, attempted to tax Lepsius with a fun- 
 damental error, and to prove that the small ell which 
 the latter considered, and was obliged to consider, as a 
 special unit of measure, was in fact nothing of the sort, 
 but should o,nly be regarded as a subdivision of the 
 great royal ell. But the grey-haired scholar, although 
 he had been struck by apoplexy, still rejoiced in a 
 keenness of mind which many a younger man might 
 have envied, and defended himself bravely. He not 
 only opposed his adversary in a controversial treatise 
 scarcely a year before his death, but he also energeti- 
 cally refuted Dorpfeld's reply in the last of his works, 
 " The Linear Measures of the Ancients." * This ap- 
 peared a few days before his decease. We have ex- 
 amined both opinions impartially, and cannot but 
 
 * Index of Works, No. CXXXVII. 
 
THE MASTER WORKMAN. 
 
 99 
 
 range ourselves on the side of the Master, Lepsius, 
 who had the advantage of his opponent in a knowl- 
 edge of all the monuments and an understanding of 
 hieroglyphic writing. It was in his favor in the con- 
 troversy that his adversary partly relied upon perverted 
 translations and on dubious authorities, or those which 
 he was obliged to take at second hand. The old war- 
 rior knew how to bring such errors skilfully into the 
 foreground, and thus, at the very beginning, compro- 
 mise his adversary, who in other respects had worked 
 with good faith in the correctness of his cause. The 
 controversial paper of Lepsius has not the least appear- 
 ance of being written by an old man suffering from ill- 
 ness. He may have drawn the force of his reply from 
 the conviction that he was in the right. Besides, the 
 vigorous grey-beard saw all that he had won by pain- 
 ful and conscientious labor unexpectedly endangered, 
 and " therefore," thus he says himself in his last 
 book — "I both desired and was obliged to make 
 a plain answer in a matter which but few under- 
 stand. Otherwise the greatest confusion might be 
 occasioned in the minds of half-instructed readers by 
 the influence of such an extensive, bold, and yet en- 
 tirely unfounded attack from a man otherwise estim- 
 able, and who, in his own department, has decided 
 merit." 
 
 Lepsius' last work, on the linear measures of the 
 ancients, included all the results of his metrological 
 studies. In it he took a high standpoint from which it 
 was possible to survey all the multitude of details as 
 
200 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 one great whole. He considered the linear measures 
 of the Egyptians, Hebrews, Greeks, Romans, Assyrians 
 and Persians, and the Philetarian system. This latter 
 he found to be employed in Egypt, especially in the 
 temple of Denderah. But he was not contented with 
 treating them monographically, but also investigated 
 the relations of all these systems to each other, and 
 showed that in all probability a historical connection 
 existed between them. 
 
 The treatises on language written by Lepsius were 
 all published in the transactions and monthly reports 
 of the Berlin Academy of Sciences, and the greater 
 number of them have been already cited. 
 
 Up to the year 1866 he remained in Berlin, oc- 
 cupied with ceaseless labors, and only in the autumn 
 holidays did he undertake long journeys for recreation 
 or in pursuit of his scientific aims. Several times he 
 went to London, especially on account of affairs relat- 
 ing to his standard alphabet. He was always at- 
 tracted towards Paris, and once went there (1857) on a 
 commission from the government to bid at an auction 
 of Egyptian antiquities for the Berlin museum. He 
 also reaped a fresh scientific harvest in the year 1852, 
 during a second and longer visit to the museum at 
 Leyden, where he was most cordially received by the 
 Leemans and the mother of the excellent Director. 
 
 In the beginning of 1866, he undertook his second 
 journey to Egypt, and was again accompanied by his 
 faithful hierogrammatist, E. Weidenbach. On the 
 second of April he left for Cairo, and this time with 
 
THE MASTER WORKMAN. 201 
 
 the design of visiting the Eastern Delta and the locali- 
 ties of the ruins there. These were of special import- 
 ance for Biblical geography. He first inspected the 
 Persian-Egyptian monuments which had just been ex- 
 cavated by the workmen on the Suez Canal. Accord- 
 ing to his views these had been dug up from the canal 
 constructed by Darius, and were memorials intended 
 to adorn that great undertaking. After also examin- 
 ing the other monuments found in the neighborhood 
 of the excavations of De Lesseps, together with their 
 surroundings, he proceeded in quest of the site of an- 
 cient Pelusium.* The shingle bed which covers the 
 whole Gesiret-el-Farama is bounded towards the east 
 by a continuous bank, which can be traced till beyond 
 the western Tell-el-Her, and whose fortress-like curves 
 separate the shingle field upon its declivity from the 
 sand dunes of the desert. Lepsius believed that he 
 had found there the locality of the ancient Hauaris 
 (auaris), so often sought for, and thus proved that this 
 was not to be looked for in Tanis, but on the site or in 
 the neighborhood of the later Pelusium. In the Her- 
 in Tell-el-Her he thought might perhaps be recognized 
 a remnant of the old name Ha-uar, the ancient Egyp- 
 tian form of Auaris. These conjectures have not been 
 shaken by any later investigations, but on the other 
 hand Lepsius' opinion, previously expressed, that Tell 
 el-Maschuta, which he visited before Pelusium, was the 
 Ramses of the Bible, seems to be disproved by the 
 latest excavations of Naville, and this place must now 
 * Index of Works, No. LXXXVIII. 
 
 
202 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 be regarded as the Biblical Pithom and Succoth, in 
 spite of the opposition which that view afterwards en- 
 countered from the Master.* 
 
 His greatest prize was to fall into his hands at San, 
 the Tanis of the Greeks, the Zo'an of the Bible, 
 whither he was accompanied by the Viennese Egyp- 
 tologist Reinisch. This acquisition was of such great 
 and epoch-making importance as to throw into the 
 shade all the other gains of the journey. The dis- 
 covery of the decree of Tanis, or the Tablet of Can- 
 opus, amongst the ruins of San, is one of the most im- 
 portant discoveries made in Egypt since the finding of 
 the Rosetta stone. It furnishes proof of the correctness 
 of the results which had been obtained up to 1866, by 
 the Egyptologists with the aid of the Rosetta key and 
 Champollion's method of deciphering hieroglyphics. 
 
 This rare monument consists of a stela of solid 
 limestone, and has on its front surface a hieroglyphic 
 inscription of thirty-seven lines, and the Greek transla- 
 tion of the same in seventy-six closely written lines. 
 On the edge of the tablet, though Lepsius did not 
 notice it at first, is the same text in demotic writing, 
 that is, in the popular dialect of the later heathen Egyp- 
 tians. The whole stone, including the rounded upper 
 surface, is 2.16 meters high and 0.78 of a meter wide, 
 and is at present kept in the museum of Bulak. It is in 
 excellent preservation, and Lepsius could easily read 
 both texts at the first trial. 
 
 The translation of the hieroglyphic decree, which 
 
 * Index of Works, No. CXXXVIII. 
 
THE MASTER WORKMAN. 203 
 
 was made on the basis of Champollion's method of 
 deciphering and by the aid of the grammars and lexi- 
 cons published between the time when that was dis- 
 covered and the year 1866, agreed perfectly with the 
 Greek version thereof upon the same stone. With this 
 valuable monument for a basis it was thus once for all 
 positively determined that the study of the Egyptian 
 language was being pursued according to the correct 
 method. 
 
 The decree discovered by Lepsius was dated in the 
 ninth year of Ptolemy Euergetes I. Like the decree 
 upon the Rosetta stone it had been passed by priests, 
 who had assembled at Canopus for the celebration of 
 the birthday of the king. In the first part of it were 
 enumerated the benefits conferred by the ruler of the 
 land, which had caused the hierarchy to accord to him 
 many new honors in addition to those conferred upon 
 his predecessor. In the part establishing a new popular 
 festival to be celebrated in honor of Euergetes in all 
 the temples of the country, there occurred certain ar- 
 rangements of the calendar from which, as Lepsius 
 immediately perceived, it must be inferred that a 
 mutable year had been in use at an early period, in 
 addition to the fixed year. It was also evident that in 
 the ninth year of Euergetes I. the fixed Julian year 
 had already come into use in the civil affairs of Egypt. 
 
 The hieroglyphic names for Canopus, Syria, Phoe- 
 nicia, the island of Cyprus and Persia, could be deter- 
 mined with the aid of the Greek translation. This 
 weighty document also furnished much important in- 
 
204 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 formation regarding history, chronology and the calen- 
 dar. Egyptian philology is indebted to these inscrip- 
 tions for confirmation only, if we except a few additions 
 to the dictionary, and some peculiarities of the dialect 
 of Lower Egypt in which they were written. 
 
 Lepsius immediately made the monument which 
 he had discovered the common property of science, in 
 a model publication * containing both texts, which he 
 accompanied by thorough translations and most impor- 
 tant explanations. In so doing he gave an example 
 worthy of imitation to Mariette, the great autocrat of 
 all the monuments in Egypt, who always published the 
 inscriptions which he excavated long after their dis- 
 covery. 
 
 Invested with a new and illustrious honorary title, t 
 Lepsius returned to Berlin, and there resumed his old 
 labors with all his energy. 
 
 Henry Brugsch, a scholar who, quite independently 
 of Lepsius, had become one of the most eminent 
 leaders in the science of Egyptology, had in 1863 
 founded an organ of his own for Egyptological re- 
 search, under the name of " Zeitschrift fur agyptische 
 Sprache und Alterthumskunde " [Journal of Egyptian 
 Language and Archaeology:] A profound estrange- 
 ment, increased by adverse casualties and incidents, 
 had up to this time kept these two eminent men 
 asunder. But Brugsch, after successfully conducting 
 
 * Index of Works, No. LXXXVII. 
 
 t Dr. Reinisch claimed to have taken part in the discovery of the 
 exceedingly important decree in question, but unjustlv. We refer to 
 <he explanation given by Lepsius. Index of Works, XC. 
 
THE MASTER WORKMAN. 205 
 
 the new journal to the end of its first year, obtained a 
 place in Egypt in the Prussian consular service, and 
 left Europe. The relations between him and Lepsius 
 at this time became more friendly, and Lepsius under- 
 took, " with the cooperation of H. Brugsch at Cairo," 
 the management of this journal of Egyptology. 
 Scholars from all countries furnished contributions to 
 it, and for some time it remained the chief organ for 
 the special investigations of Egyptologists. It also re- 
 ceived Assyriological works. It had afterwards as 
 competitors, first in France the Vieweg " Recueil " * 
 and then the " Revue Egyptilogique " t founded in 
 1880, by Revillont and Brugsch, and in England the 
 " Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archae- 
 ology." I Yet, in spite of the rivals mentioned, the 
 German journal maintained its rank and its import- 
 ance. This was the case even after Lepsius, over- 
 whelmed by his official duties and with enfeebled 
 health, resigned the lion's share of the editorial work to 
 the distinguished young Egyptologist, A. Erman. Erman 
 taught as a private lecturer at the Berlin University in 
 the time of Lepsius, and has lately been appointed 
 professor there. 
 
 H. Brugsch-Pasha still worked for the " Zeitschrift," 
 even after he had founded the " Revue Egyptologique " 
 
 * Recueil de travaux relatifs a la philologie et a l'archeologie 
 egyptiennes and assyriennes. Paris, Vieweg. 
 
 t Revue egyptologique publie'e sous la direction de H. Brugsch, 
 F. Chabas, E. Revillout. Paris, Leroux. 
 
 t Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology. London. 
 
2o6 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 in conjunction with Revillout, and his relation to his 
 older colleague became more friendly with time. 
 After the death of Lepsius, Brugsch again became 
 editor of the " Zeitschrift " and dedicated to the senior 
 master an obituary which was couched in the warmest 
 terms. 
 
 In the autumn of the year 1869, Lepsius undertook 
 his third and last journey to Egypt, and was present at 
 the opening of the Suez Canal. His hasty trip to 
 Upper Egypt could yield little fruit to science, but it 
 served to give him great pleasure, and in his letters to 
 his wife he could not sufficiently praise the amiability 
 of the Crown Prince, to whom, as cicerone, he showed 
 the monuments. 
 
 A great number of distinctions were conferred 
 upon the Master during the latter portion of his life, 
 but in consequence thereof, at a time of life when 
 others feel the desire for rest, he was induced to as- 
 sume a burden of duties which would have oppressed 
 many a man in his prime. 
 
 In 1873, he was appointed privy counsellor to the 
 government, and was entrusted with the temporary di- 
 rection of the Berlin library. We were witness to the 
 extreme and careful deliberation with which he con 
 sidered the matter before assuming this onerous office. 
 He did not conceal from himself that it would hinder 
 the completion of many an enterprise which ne had al- 
 ready begun and which was very dear to him ; but on 
 the other hand he told himself that he was the right 
 man to regulate and carry through numerous affairs 
 
THE MASTER WORKMAN. 207 
 
 which he knew would be of benefit to the important 
 institution which he was to conduct. 
 
 The broad and firm foundation of his education, 
 his prolonged work as a student at Paris, Rome and 
 London, and his practical intelligence, specially fitted 
 him for the place of a chief librarian. He entered 
 upon the post on the twenty-fifth of March, 1874. 
 
 Pertz had formerly been a very useful man, but 
 had now become enfeebled by age, and was difficult to 
 manage. We learn from the most authoritative of all 
 sources that Lepsius, at the instance of Delbriick, then 
 vice-chancellor, undertook to induce Pertz first to re- 
 sign the management of the collection of the archives 
 of the German people, (the Monumenta Germaniae), 
 and afterwards to retire from his olhce of chief librarian. 
 After Lepsius had succeeded in this — the wits of Ber- 
 lin called him Propertz, as the successor of the aged 
 Pertz, — the Minister, Falk, invited him in April, 1873 
 to assume the management of the Royal Library. 
 The place was at first provisional, but when he defin- 
 itively assumed the office in March, 1874, he did it 
 under the condition that the Budget for the library 
 should be considerably increased, and that provision 
 should be made for erecting a new building. Of this 
 there was and is urgent need, for the limited amount 
 of space in the old " roccoco-cabinet of Frederick II.," 
 produced, and still produces, incredible disadvantages. 
 After inspecting many large foreign libraries during the 
 long vacation of 1873, and taking into consideration 
 everything which he found there suitable for the end 
 
208 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 in view, Lepsius looked over the plans of the grounds 
 available for this purpose. As the result of his reflec- 
 tions a bold idea saw the light of day. The place 
 which he chosed for the future library of the capital city 
 was the great square enclosed by Unter den Linden, 
 Charlotten, Dorotheen and Universitats streets. This 
 was a bold but extraordinarily • happy project, which 
 might perhaps have been adopted, had it been earlier 
 laid before the Government and the chambers. But 
 the golden days of flood in the Prussian treasury were 
 passing away. Lepsius succeeded in arranging that 
 the rear portion of the Dutch palace, towards Behren 
 Street, should be specially appropriated as journal 
 rooms, whereby space was procured for from one to 
 two hundred thousand volumes more. But he did not 
 live to see the realization of his project. Nevertheless, 
 the impulse given by him is still working, and the day 
 cannot be far distant when a worthy domicile will be 
 provided for the treasures of the Berlin library. 
 
 Lepsius did much for the internal regulation of the 
 library. He spoke with special pleasure of the system 
 introduced by him for the disposal of newly-procured 
 books as well as of the cataloguing, and the following 
 innovations : Here, as elsewhere, the titles of the 
 books desired by different individuals were written 
 upon cards and handed in. If it was impossible to 
 satisfy the demand thus expressed, the card was simply 
 returned, and such returns were far more frequent in 
 the Berlin library than in any other. Lepsius there- 
 fore directed that thenceforth the cards containing such 
 
THE MASTER WORKMAN. 209 
 
 demands as could not be complied with should be 
 kept, and he made it the duty of the higher officials of 
 the library to find out whether the refusal was owing 
 to any negligence of the subordinate employees. The 
 cards requiring books which could not be furnished 
 were preserved, and it was soon evident that certain 
 books were repeatedly called for. These were natur- 
 ally such as were particularly important for students, 
 and Lepsius caused several copies of them to be im- 
 mediately procured. He also invited the most experi- 
 enced professors to supply him with the names of those 
 works which were of special weight in their own de- 
 partments, but too costly to be procured by individuals 
 of narrow means. He proceeded upon the correct prin- 
 ciple that precisely those books which students could 
 not buy for themselves should be at their disposal 
 in the library. According to his own reckoning, up to 
 that time a third of the books demanded had not been 
 delivered, while a year after he took the management 
 only one-twelfth were not delivered. The scant cour- 
 tesy, indeed the incivility, of the Berlin library under 
 Pertz, had been really notorious, and presented a glar- 
 ing contrast to the obliging spirit encountered in the 
 other large German libraries, especially those of Got- 
 tingen, Munich and Leipsic. This bad reputation was 
 in some measure improved under the administration of 
 Lepsius. 
 
 The multitude of duties which devolved upon the 
 chief librarian did not hinder him from continuing to 
 hold the office of president of the board of directors of 
 
 14 
 
2IO RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 the Archaeological Institute. This, although it con- 
 ferred honor, yet consumed much time. Lepsius had 
 held the post since Gerhard's death in 1867, and when 
 he became manager of the library the directors were no 
 less men than Haupt, Curtius, Mommsen, Kirchhoff, 
 and afterwards Hercher. Under his presidency the 
 Institute had been enlarged from a Prussian institu- 
 tion to a scientific institution of the whole Ger- 
 man empire. The construction of a stately building 
 at the capital had been authorized and completed. 
 It was also largely owing to Lepsius that the schol- 
 arships for young archaeologists were increased in 
 number and amount. The application for them 
 constantly became more numerous, and among the 
 archaeologists were many philologists, who wished 
 to participate in the benefits of the Institute. The 
 archaeologists generally received the preference, but 
 Lepsius specially and rightly interested himself for the 
 young private professors of the university and the 
 teachers at the gymnasiums. He desired that they 
 might acquire more elevated views of art, and a more 
 enlightened conception of science and of life, by a so- 
 journ on the classical soil of Italy, where the whole 
 spiritual existence of a well-prepared and susceptible 
 youth is so easily broadened and ennobled. Entirely 
 apart from whatever scientific gains he may have won, 
 the memory of Italy must illumine the teacher's life, 
 his academical discourses, and even his dryest teach- 
 ing, and lend to all a higher inspiration. Lepsius was 
 also enthusiastically interested in the founding of a 
 
THE MASTER WORKMAN. 211 
 
 subordinate branch of the Roman Institute at Athens, 
 and exerted all the influence in his power in favor of it. 
 Ernest Curtius, " whose intellectual Fatherland is 
 Greece," showed himself most active in carrying out 
 this project. The correspondence which Lepsius had 
 to conduct, as president of the board of directors in 
 Berlin, had so increased that in 1874 he was obliged to 
 write about eighty letters in a quarter of a year. Since 
 1833 he had belonged to the Institute as a correspond- 
 ing member, since 1835 as a regular member, since 
 1836, first as a director, and finally as presiding mem- 
 ber of the central board. When he retired in 1880 the 
 Institute awarded him the well-deserved honor by elect- 
 ing him an honorary member. 
 
 He had been made a Doctor of the Theological 
 Faculty in Leipsic in 1859. 
 
 Since 1850 he had been a member of the Berlin 
 Academy of Sciences, and since 1858 a corresponding 
 member of the Institut de France. He had besides 
 been elected member of almost half a hundred learned 
 societies. After the death of Trendelenburg, when the 
 office of secretary of the Berlin Academy of Sciences 
 was vacant, he was asked if he would be inclined to 
 assume it, and only after his decided refusal, and at 
 his suggestion, was E. Curtius chosen. In 1872 he re- 
 ceived the most honorable of all German decorations, 
 the order pour le merite for science and the arts. He 
 had already, in 1869, been appointed a knight of the 
 Bavanan order of Maximilian, which was closely re- 
 lated to the foregoing. In 1883 he was appointed 
 
212 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 Government Upper Privy Councellor. The unusual 
 and numerous ovations which he received during the 
 same year upon the occasion of his Doctor's Jubilee of 
 fifty years, were such as have fallen to the lot of but 
 few scholars. 
 
 His later works on Egyptian art and the oldest texts 
 of the rt Book of the Dead " have been already men- 
 tioned. Connected with these were a series of valuable 
 monographs * published in the Transactions and 
 Monthly Reports of the Berlin Academy of Sciences, 
 and in the " Zeitschrift fiir agyptische Sprache und 
 Alterthumskunde." In his seventieth year, after an 
 apoplectic attack which slightly crippled his arm, he 
 presented his long-expected Nubian Grammar ** to 
 science. 
 
 This work, which marked an epoch, comprised the 
 results of many years of study. Throughout his whole 
 life as a master workman he had been engaged in ar- 
 ranging the philological material which he had ac- 
 quired while in Ethiopia and on the Blue Nile. He 
 had illuminated this mass of knowledge by profound 
 study, and so greatly added to it that, as far as the 
 works then in existence permitted, he had gained a 
 mastery over all branches of language upon the African 
 continent. 
 
 The introduction to this book, consisting of a hun- 
 dred and twenty-six pages, is in itself a colossal achieve- 
 
 * His work on "The Metals in Egyptian Inscriptions," men- 
 tioned on page 131, is of special importance, Index of Works, No, 
 CVII. 
 
 ** Index of Works, No. CXXX. 
 
THE MASTER WORKMAN. 213 
 
 merit. We devoted a special treatise * to it soon 
 after its appearance. By means of it the reader is as it 
 were raised upon a hovering cloud, whence he can 
 survey all Africa, and pass in review a portion of the 
 early history of its peoples. He is able, under the 
 guidance of the most skillful of commentators, to ob- 
 tain thence a general view of all the African nations 
 and their languages. These are presented to him 
 classified into zones and groups, and in fact, in all 
 those stages of their historical existence which are ac- 
 cessible to investigation. This is particularly the case 
 with regard to those peoples with whom the book is es- 
 pecially concerned. The author had recognized in the 
 Nubians a branch of the original African population, 
 who never possessed a historical literature in their own 
 language, and it was no slight matter, from the records 
 of the Egyptians and the occasional reports of the 
 Greeks, Romans and Arabians, to construct the gen- 
 eral outlines of a history which begins at such an early 
 period as the building of the pyramids, and ends with 
 the destruction of the great Christian Nubian kingdom 
 at the end of the thirteenth century after Christ. 
 
 Lepsius was also induced to construct a history of 
 the Kushite peoples from the records on the monu- 
 ments of the struggles which the more feeble Nubians 
 had to sustain against that race. At an early date the 
 Kushites were in possession of both shores of the Red 
 Sea, and had also made themselves masters of the 
 
 * Zeitschr. d. Deutsch. Morgenl. Gesellscb. [Journal of the 
 •German Oriental Society.] Leipzig, 1881, Bd. XXXV., p. 207-218. 
 
214 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 eastern bend of the Nile adjacent thereto. Lepsius 
 was also inspired by the desire to approach more 
 nearly to a solution of the problem whether the so- 
 called Ethiopian stone inscriptions, which were yet un- 
 deciphered and many of which are to be found between 
 Philae and the confluence of the two sources of the 
 Nile, were written in the African tongue of the Nu- 
 bians, or in the Kushite language. Of this latter the 
 present Bega language, which is comparatively little 
 known must be considered the successor. This por- 
 tion of his work is one of the author's boldest intellec- 
 tual feats. The chapters which he devotes to the 
 Kushite Puna, as the predecessors of the Phoenician 
 colonists on the Mediterranean, and to their emi- 
 gration to Babylon, have roused much opposition, and 
 have encountered serious doubt even in ourselves. 
 But other portions of this same historical statement 
 are of great value, and must give repeated impulse to 
 fresh investigation. 
 
 The final result of all these researches is that the 
 key to the " Ethiopian " inscriptions so frequently men- 
 tioned is to be sought, not in the Nubian but in the 
 Bega language, and the future, we think, will prove the 
 correctness of this supposition. Had Lepsius, during 
 his long journey, been in a position to arrive at those 
 conclusions whence he afterwards inferred the high 
 historic and linguistic importance of the Bega language, 
 he would have given it the first place in his philological 
 researches. He would have devoted to it the thor- 
 ough study which, as a matter of fact, he gave to the 
 
THE MASTER WORKMAN. 215 
 
 Nubian tongue. The fundamental and comprehensive 
 manner in which he prosecuted this latter study is 
 proved by the second part of the work mentioned 
 above, which comprises the Nubian grammar and its 
 rules of pronunciation, etymology and syntax, as well as 
 reading exercises. These include the whole Gospel of 
 St. Mark, the " Our Father," and a series of Nubian 
 songs, besides the lexicon and scheme of the Nubian 
 dialects. Good old Achmet Abu Nabbut, a native of 
 Derr, who was perfect master of two Nubian dialects, 
 (the Kennez and Mahas), and first introduced Lepsius 
 to the Nubian tongue, has been for months in my own 
 service, and assures me that Lepsius was the only 
 European who knew how to write the language of his 
 native land. After Lepsius returned to Germany the 
 Nubian 'Ali wed Schaltuf, whom Count W. von 
 Schlieffen had brought from Africa with him, also did 
 him good service. The Nubian Grammar is certainly 
 a useful work in itself, but the magnificent introduction 
 which precedes it is of yet greater weight and higher 
 significance. It may be described as the beautiful and 
 enduring result of many years of faithful industry and 
 difficult preparatory labor,* upon a wide domain of re- 
 search which had been almost untrodden before. 
 
 Max Miiller, a faithful friend of the departed, and 
 of his family, has made the following appropriate re- 
 marks on this introduction : " While most comparative 
 philologists are at present absorbed in details regarding 
 the character of the possible dialectal diversities of in- 
 
 * Index of Works, Nos. XXXV., CVIIIa., CXXIXa. 
 
2l6 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 dividual vowels and consonants, Professor Lepsius 
 draws with bold strokes the mighty outlines of a history 
 of language which covers four or five thousand years, 
 and embraces the whole continent of Africa and the 
 neighboring coasts of Asia. As the admirers of Gerard 
 Douw shake their heads before the immense surfaces 
 which Paul Veronese has covered with color, so we can 
 readily understand that scholars who are absorbed in 
 the question whether the Arian language had originally 
 four or five distinct " A's," turn with a sort of terror 
 from investigations like those of Lepsius, where lan- 
 guages are traced back to a common origin. Happily 
 there is room for both in science, for the Gerard Douws 
 and the Veroneses ; indeed it is to be sincerely desired 
 in the interests of science that the two styles may ever 
 exist side by side. There is still much rough work to 
 be done among the hitherto unstudied languages of the 
 world, and for this work the bold, far-seeing eye of the 
 huntsman is far more necessary than the concentrated 
 labor of the philological microscopist." 
 
 For the rest, the Grammar contains much which 
 shows with how fine an ear and sense of detail its 
 author was endowed. He has also proved himself to 
 be a microscopist in his chronological and metrological 
 investigations. To these, as we know, he remained 
 faithful to the end. The effects of his apoplectic at- 
 tack could not break down his vigorous nature, and 
 his last papers in the "Zeitschrift fur agyptische 
 Sprache and Alterthumskunde," his controversial trea- 
 tise against Herr Dorpfeld, his " Linear Measures of 
 
THE MASTER WORKMAN. 217 
 
 the Ancients," best prove that the vigor and acuteness 
 of his mind were entirely untouched by this ominous 
 misfortune, and by the heavy blows of destiny which 
 he encountered during the last years of his life. 
 
 Lepsius' career as a Master Workman ended with 
 his life. He was a diligent and faithful laborer up to 
 the boundaries of this earthly existence. He, the Senior 
 Master of a most ambitious branch of study, has laid 
 down his office of pioneer and leader. Egyptology, to 
 which he consecrated the best part of his great powers, 
 will deserve the name of a science so long as she fol- 
 lows the way which the departed pointed out to her. 
 In him the Berlin university lost one of its ornaments, 
 and the Fatherland an investigator who, far beyond its 
 borders, was accounted one of the most eminent of his 
 time. 
 
2l8 
 
 THE HOME OF LEPSIUS,-) 
 
 THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 
 
 Since Lepsius' fortunate entrance into the haven of 
 matrimony we have devoted our whole attention to es- 
 timating his scientific achievements as a master work- 
 man, leaving unmentioned his personal experiences, 
 except so far as they fell within the sphere of his schol- 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 219 
 
 arly labors. We thought it better to depict his domes- 
 tic life, and the man Lepsius, in the circle of his family 
 and friends, quite apart from his scientific occupations. 
 These latter were carried on in the sanctuary of his 
 study, in the lecture room, or in the public library. 
 No one ever understood more thoroughly than he how 
 to disengage his mind from his special pursuits, and to 
 enjoy intercourse with wife or child, with individuals or 
 general society. None better knew how to participate 
 with both intellect and heart in animated conversations 
 on art or literature, science or politics. His special ac- 
 quirements remained hidden until a desire was ex- 
 pressed for information on such subjects, and he was 
 appealed to. 
 
 The Lepsius. who returned from the Orient and 
 founded a home of his own, was essentially different 
 from the young scholar who had been reckoned among 
 the conservatives in Gottingen, and whom we saw in- 
 dignantly quit Schleiermacher's lectures on the Life of 
 Jesus, in Berlin. During a long sojourn in England, 
 which had brought him into connection with the 
 leaders of political life, he had learned to appreciate 
 the rights of the people, and the advantages of a free 
 state under a constitutional government. He had 
 spent three years in the East under unusual conditions, 
 always in a position of authority and subject to none. 
 What can so quickly expand even the most limited 
 views, what can more certainly conduce to an unfet- 
 tered and vigorous use of existence, what can more 
 strengthen even the feeblest self-confidence, what can 
 
220 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 lead with more imperious necessity to self-examination 
 and to knowledge of one's own faults and merits, than 
 a prolonged sojourn in the East, and in the silent 
 desert ? 
 
 He had returned home entirely self-reliant, under- 
 standing himself and his aims, and capable of maintain- 
 ing his own stand in the face of opposition. He had 
 become a free-thinker of dispassionate and temperate 
 views, who had learned to despise the barriers which 
 prejudices and one-sided opinions of every kind ma- 
 levolently set between men. He no longer held to the 
 dogmas and formulas of a circumscribed confession, 
 but he still adhered to that Christ to whom his free- 
 thinking father had taught him to look up as the har- 
 binger of pure self-sacrificing human love. 
 
 And the choice of this man had fallen upon a 
 maiden of eighteen years. All who knew her as a 
 bride speak of her as a charming, happy creature, full 
 of childlike archness. But nevertheless passionate 
 blood ran through the veins of this young girl ; Eliza- 
 beth's finely cultivated mind was restless and over- 
 active, and her soul was completely filled with ardent 
 and fanatical religious zeal. 
 
 What contrasts ! Seldom has there been a pair in 
 «very respects so different ; and yet they confirmed 
 Schiller's lines : " For where the severe with the tender, 
 where the strong and the gentle unite." Love was the 
 metal of that bell whose voice had drawn them to- 
 gether, and bound them to each other for a life time. 
 It gave forth a pleasant sound, and only one discord, 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 221 
 
 which became especially perceptible in their latter 
 years, and which was produced by the great difference 
 in their religious convictions. This disturbed his ear 
 but slightly, for, calm and assured of his own aims, 
 happy in his work and in his life, he devoted his time 
 to labor and science, and his intervals of recreation to 
 his children, to social pleasures, to the learned societies 
 of which he was a member, to his garden, to music, 
 whose pleasures he gladly shared with his wife, and to 
 his beloved chess. At first she had attempted to re- 
 alize the dream of her girlhood, and to kindle his 
 heart with the fire of her own enthusiasm ; but in vain. 
 Tranquilly and cheerfully he accompanied her to 
 church, and whenever his occupations permitted it, 
 usually on Sunday, he took part in the daily household 
 worship which she had instituted. He allowed her to 
 train the children, and to instil into them that religious 
 feeling in which he himself was not wanting, and in 
 which he recognized the loveliest flower of the soul, 
 and of the feminine soul especially. But he warned 
 her against excess and exaggeration, which were so 
 alien to his own nature, and possibly this unsympa- 
 thetic attitude towards what to her was highest and 
 holiest, only contributed to cause in her ardent heart 
 still warmer devotion to the doctrines of her positive 
 Protestant faith. We should here assert, in the most 
 decided manner, that this devotion was of the most un- 
 obtrusive kind. Frau Lepsius never gave it public 
 manifestation, and the only ones whom she allowed to 
 share in it were her nearest relatives, her pastor, and 
 
222 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 her diary. She was ever averse to the course of the 
 zealots and pietists, who enjoyed such palmy days 
 under Frederick IV., and once, on hearing a sermon 
 by the famous pastor Knak, she left the church in in- 
 dignation. The noble Jonas and the excellent Kogel 
 were her pastors, and certainly had more frequently to 
 moderate than to kindle her zeal. Her husband saw 
 no reason for serious interference with the excessive 
 religious aspirations of her soul, for to him she gave 
 everything that a man can ask from the companion of 
 his existence : a heart overflowing with love, esteem 
 heightened to admiration, and a warm interest in all 
 his labors and productions, even the most abstruse. 
 In addition to this she cared with prudence, skill and 
 indefatigable industry for the management and embel- 
 lishment of the home, and there were few houses where 
 the hostess was able to make her guests so thoroughly 
 at ease. Nothing was farther from her thoughts than 
 a puritanical renunciation of the pleasures and delights 
 of this world, and she gave a zest to the household 
 festivals by the inexhaustible fertility of her ideas in 
 the way of original representations and spectacles. 
 She pleased in society by her amiability and wit; 
 she was the best of mothers; and as the children 
 grew up she was so excellent and untiring a teacher 
 that he, who had never had any confidence in his 
 own ability as a pedagogue, was glad and thankful 
 to resign to her the charge of the mental and moral 
 education of the children. Among them were boys 
 who were hard to govern, yet they all turned out 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 223 
 
 excellently. In matters of charity he gave her entire 
 liberty. 
 
 The inner being of this rare woman lies plain before 
 us, and we are permitted to follow the life of the Lep- 
 sius family almost from day to day. We ourselves 
 visited the house of Lepsius only as a friend and 
 guest, but the diary of its mistress, some twenty vol- 
 umes, makes us a member of the household. It is 
 honest, simple, and yet written with great intuitive per- 
 ception. A number of poems are intermingled with 
 the excellent prose. They are mostly of religious 
 tenor, and many of them are distinguished by their 
 lofty strain and beautiful thoughts. The perusal of 
 this journal has therefore afforded us genuine pleasure, 
 and it has exhibited to our soul as well as to our sight, 
 the character of a woman so singular and noble in her 
 love, her activity and her aspiration that we separate 
 from it with sincere admiration, but also with deep 
 regret. It would be to abuse a great trust, were we to 
 yield to the desire to portray the character of its 
 author from the avowals contained in this journal, 
 and yet this would excite quite different, and tenfold 
 greater, interest than that of her husband. For how 
 much less alluring to the psychologist is the calm pro- 
 gress of a man who came early to maturity, his suc- 
 cessful contests with the impulses of youth, and his 
 tranquil labors after the goal was attained, than the 
 ceaseless struggles of a woman distinguished above 
 thousands by the ardor of her soul and the keenness 
 of her intellect. Yet we may be at least allowed to 
 
2 24 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 extract from the diary all that can serve to give the 
 reader a clear idea of life in the home of Lepsius, its 
 intercourse with the outside world, and the experiences 
 of its head as a husband, and as a member of a select 
 society. 
 
 Every betrothal has its history. Lilli (Elizabeth) 
 Klein,* who was greatly admired, had done some 
 friends the favor to appear at an entertainment as the 
 fourteenth guest. The ominous number thirteen was 
 caused by Lepsius' declining the invitation at a late 
 moment. But, nevertheless, he appeared, after all the 
 guests were assembled, and it was on this occasion that 
 she made his acquaintance. " Oh Superstition " she 
 wrote in her diary, " for the first time I bless thee." 
 
 Even this first meeting had carried the day with 
 
 * Frau Lepsius was the daughter of the celebrated composer, 
 Klein, and many a friend of music will be glad to hear all that her 
 aunts in Cologne related to Frau Elizabeth, regarding the early his- 
 tory of her father, when she visited them at Berlin in 1856. He was 
 the son of a musician who died suddenly, and left his wife and chil- 
 dren, the youngest only seven months old. without means. At that 
 time Bernard Klein was twenty-one vears old, and immediately an- 
 nounced that he should support his mother and brothers and sisters 
 by giving music lessons. He did this faithfully and with serene con- 
 fidence in better days to come. The mother always had to care for 
 his clothes, for he paid no attention to his external appearance. He 
 once visited a friend who complained that he had no coat. He gave 
 him his own in entire faith that he had two, but when he got home he 
 found that he had made a mistake, and must buy himself a new one. 
 As a child he had wished to become a merchant, and not to learn 
 music, but he was suddenly seized by a passion for music, and said 
 to his mother : " Now if I had become a merchant, and were so rich 
 that I could drive four horses, I would rather be a music teacher." 
 Not long after his father's death he went to Paris with Begas for two 
 years, and there studied music under Cherubini. In 1818 ne went to 
 Berlin. Ten years after, as a famous composer, he returned to Ber- 
 lin, to be present at a great musical festival, at which his " Jephta" 
 was performed with great applause. 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 225 
 
 her. The next Sunday she could not help thinking of 
 him during the sermon, and when she visited him with 
 several of her relations, amongst whom there were 
 some young ladies, to inspect the curiosities which he 
 had brought with him from the Orient, her young 
 heart was not only disturbed, but deeply troubled, be- 
 cause he seemed to have paid more attention to her 
 sister than to her, and she already loved him. 
 
 The following day put an end to her anxiety. It 
 was a Palm Sunday, and that evening he wrote in his 
 term-calendar " To-day the palm of life is won," while, 
 at a later hour, she confided to her diary the rejoicings 
 of her heart. She prefaced the sentences with which 
 she gave expression to her rapture by Chamisso-Schu- 
 bert's " I cannot understand it, I cannot believe it." 
 
 She continues : " God, my God, how shall I thank 
 thee for this unutterable bliss ! No, it is too great and 
 too much, my Heavenly Father. ' Beloved !' Beloved 
 by him ! My heart is full, but I cannot write ! My 
 soul rejoices in the thought; Beloved by him! But 
 how can I prove myself worthy of him ?" 
 
 The letters which he wrote to Elizabeth also lie 
 before us, and it is not without deep emotion that we 
 read these beautiful effusions of tender passion from 
 the profoundly touched heart of a man to whom we 
 had been accustomed to look up as an earnest teacher, 
 and the dignified senior master of our science. Here 
 we see him succumb with lovable weakness to a beau- 
 tiful human emotion. 
 
 The passion for his " Lilli " compensates him for 
 15 
 
226 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 the magic of the East, which he had felt so deeply a 
 short time before, and he calls her his " Shulamite " 
 and his " Rose of Sharon." Yet even in the bonds of 
 love he preserves the fundamental instincts of his soul, 
 and he writes to her : " Often and earnestly do I ask 
 myself, my dear Lilli, whether it is not after all ignoble 
 selfishness, when 1 feel such intense bliss in your de- 
 voted love, and in the consciousness that I have won 
 you, so ardently beloved a spirit, for my own. But 
 then again I feel that through your love all that is 
 good in me is helped and strengthened, and I become 
 capable of a higher and purer love towards God and 
 our fellow beings, and then it seems as if it could not 
 be wrong to desire such a relation with all the strength 
 of one's soul ; as if this happiness were our vocation, 
 seldom however to be attained untroubled, and never 
 entirely unalloyed, upon this earth. Oh, my Lilli, 
 what a rare and rich life would lie before us if the 
 thoughts which we have exchanged in our letters 
 should one day become an actual living reality, not 
 only in word but in deed." 
 
 The pure exultation of a maiden's heart, overpow- 
 ered by true love, re-echoes from her diary throughout 
 the whole time of the betrothal. It is true that there 
 were many differences of opinion between the be- 
 trothed, especially when religious questions were dis- 
 cussed, but his cheerful serenity was always able to 
 make amends for whatever might have wounded her 
 feelings in such disputes, and, taken as a whole, their 
 betrothal was one long happy festival. He taught her 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 227 
 
 the hieroglyphic alphabet, and wrote out for her little 
 protestations of love in the picture writing of the old 
 Egyptians. The learned man of five and thirty was 
 unwearied in the invention of tender speeches, and it 
 must have pleased Elizabeth-Lilli to have heard her- 
 self called, both in his letters and from his lips, by 
 eighteen pet names, — she counted them herself. 
 There was no lack on his side of verses, flowers, and 
 acts of homage. In the house of the Partheys, who 
 had adopted the orphan niece as a daughter, entertain- 
 ment followed upon entertainment, gay excursions to 
 the country were arranged, and masquerades, at which 
 Elizabeth was obliged to appear in Turkish dress. 
 But this gay life was contrary to her inclinations and 
 to his likewise. The wedding was celebrated on the 
 fifth of July, 1846, not in the old Nicolai house in 
 Behren Street, where they had first known each other, 
 but at Dresden. The excellent pastor Jonas, from 
 Berlin, performed the marriage ceremony in the Church 
 of Our Lady, and after a brilliant wedding banquet the 
 young couple went to Pirna, the first stopping-place in 
 a longer wedding trip which took them, by way of 
 Paris, to England. There they were cordially received 
 by the Bunsens, and the young wife found the eminent 
 statesman and patron of her husband so kind and 
 friendly that her fear of appearing embarrassed before 
 him proved entirely unfounded. * She described 
 vividly everything noteworthy that occurred to her, 
 
 * Frau von Bunsen, as I see by Hare's biography, was at that 
 time in Wildbad and Baden. 
 
2 28 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 and depicted with a bold and ready pen the impression 
 made on her by men and things. She saw her Richard 
 received everywhere with the same respect and cordi- 
 ality; the light of his fame enveloped and delighted her, 
 but on their journey home a charming attention fell to 
 her lot also, for at Cologne her father's great mass, 
 which she never yet heard, was performed in the most 
 admirable manner as a mark of respect to her. 
 
 On the seventeenth of September they returned to 
 Berlin, and " Richard " writes Elizabeth, " was forced 
 to laugh at the childish delight which I showed in the 
 beautiful big house, our own house, (in Behren Street) 
 where I am to be mistress." 
 
 They were soon installed, and the young couple, 
 who were freed from all material anxiety by the com- 
 fortable property of the wife and the salary of the hus- 
 band, could now return the hospitality which had been 
 offered them on all sides. In spite of her strict piety 
 the wife showed herself as much inclined as was her 
 husband to social intercourse with agreeable guests. 
 A few weeks after their return the young couple enter- 
 tained a number of friends, and who these were we see 
 from the memoranda before us. On the third of No- 
 vember, 1846, there met at their house Gerhard, v. 
 Olfers, Homeyer, Max Muller, the Grimm brothers, 
 Farthey, Carl Ritter, Ehrenberg, Lachmann, L. Ranke 
 and E. Curtius. On the fifteenth of December there 
 were assembled there A. v. Humboldt (who also visited 
 them on other occasions, and for whom, Frau Eliza- 
 beth writes, she felt a genuine affection) v. Olfers, 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 229 
 
 Boeckh, Pertz, Cornelius, v. Reumont, the Grimm 
 brothers, Homey ers, Strack, the Partheys, Schelling 
 and Bethmann. 
 
 Such a company of illustrious men could at that 
 time be brought together nowhere but in Berlin, and if 
 we consult the diary of Frau Lepsius and Lepsius' later 
 note-books, and appeal to our own memory, we shall 
 find that the assemblage of noted colleagues and coun- 
 trymen was constantly increased by a number of emi- 
 nent strangers. Amongst them were scholars, travelers, 
 statesmen, artists, and even the ambassadors of foreign 
 powers, who were unwilling to leave Berlin without 
 having visited the house of Lepsius. The most faith- 
 ful friend of the family, beside the Partheys and Pin- 
 ders, was the valued traveling companion of the young 
 husband, Abeken, who had renounced his career as a 
 divine, and was constantly rising to higher and higher 
 positions in the Foreign Office. 
 
 How kindly Frederick William IV. was disposed to 
 Lepsius may be inferred from the fact that soon after 
 the return of the latter from his wedding trip the King 
 sent him fifteen hundred thalers towards the establish- 
 ment of the new household. Frau Elizabeth writes : 
 " It is altogether a peculiar feeling; to have in hand 
 such a large sum that seems as if it had fallen from 
 heaven. I was quite troubled about our great good 
 fortune in material things, and I reminded Richard of 
 the ring of Polycrates. But as I read the day after in 
 a letter from C. P. to Richard : ' Whoever has behind 
 him such a fruitful and undesecrated youth as you 
 
230 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 have, has a right to make claims upon life, which will 
 not fail to reward you abundantly.' Nevertheless one 
 is astonished, and such a distribution of fortune seems 
 almost unjust, if one considers what an immeasurable 
 sum and what great wealth such a gift would be to 
 poor people, and how to Richard it was only a pleasant 
 proof of the King's good-will, which he calmly put in 
 the fund for setting our house in order. Five hundred 
 thalers he reserved for current expenses, and soon it 
 had all vanished as it had come." 
 
 In his own house Lepsius stood at the helm with a 
 steady hand, but his wife ever strove to make his voy- 
 age through life pleasant and happy. 
 
 Her struggle for greater calmness and a more 
 equable nature is touching, as is the loving humility 
 with which she recognizes his superiority ; and often 
 does a phrase, an interjection, in the midst of matter-of- 
 fact records, give expression to her true and tender 
 love. She says : " It is grand in Richard, that he can 
 take everything so naturally. It comes from his per- 
 fect honesty; if I could only educate myself up to 
 him." When her first little daughter was able to stand 
 alone she wrote : " Richard and Anna, these names 
 embrace my whole happiness, the fragrant blooming 
 shower of blessings which Our Father in Heaven pours 
 upon me from the abundant horn of plenty of His 
 grace and love." 
 
 The diaries are replete with such expressions. 
 Especially neat and pointed are the little sketches of 
 eminent men drawn by the young wife. Whoever was 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 231 
 
 personally acquainted with Master Peter Cornelius, (he 
 was a friend of my mother's, and indeed once made a 
 portrait of me as a boy), will admit that it would not 
 be possible to depict his external appearance more 
 neatly and pointedly than in the following words from 
 the diary of Frau Lepsius. She writes : " A little, 
 thick-set man, with a black peruke, piercing black eyes, 
 wide, kindly mouth, and with thought upon his wrinkled 
 brow." 
 
 On the twenty-fifth of July, 1847, a daughter was 
 granted to the young couple. She received the name 
 of Isis Anna. Minister Jonas, the liberal-minded pas- 
 tor of the household, found nothing wrong in the 
 choice of the name of the heathen divinity Isis, but 
 strange to say, Bunsen took serious exception to it, and 
 gave expression to his disapproval in a letter. The 
 happy father answered in the following letter, in which 
 we see pleasantly manifested the joyous zest in life by 
 which he was at that time animated. 
 
 Our little Isis gives us infinite delight ; she thrives 
 splendidly. Her mamma has carried her point by giv- 
 ing her the name of Anna. I foresaw that I should 
 furnish a subject for witticisms, in the name of Isis, to 
 those people in Berlin who honor us with their atten- 
 tion. It is necessary to throw them a few crumbs of 
 that sort from time to time, so that they may not devise 
 something worse. I was as little able to find any 
 serious scandal in it as was the excellent Jonas who 
 administered the baptism. Scarcely any one keeps to 
 
232 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 the Calendar for the sake of the Calendar itself, and I 
 should much prefer Friedhelm and Maxhelene, the 
 children's names recently given by Ranke, to the Fides, 
 Spes and Charitas, or Titus, Ptolemeus, Sosthenes, Lot, 
 Habakkuk, Methuselah, etc., of the Calendar. Yet 
 Ranke comes very near to offending against the only 
 limitation which I should admit ; that of not choosing 
 ludicrous names. Take Erica, Berenice, (that is Ver- 
 onica,) or Emin, which is the name of young Wilden- 
 bruch, the elder brother of the talented poet Ernest 
 von Wildenbruch; no one has anything against such 
 names as these and innumerable others, though they 
 too are as little in the Calendar, and have as little 
 Christian precedent, as a hundred thousand &na{ x^^va 
 from the birth of Christ to our time, in all Christian 
 countries. Besides, Isis, to every one who knows the 
 Egyptian goddess, is a very honorable name, which 
 can only recall the author of all good, a faithful spouse 
 and sister, the model and recognized prototype of all 
 queens. What the Romans made of her need trouble 
 us as little as their opinion of the image of Jehovah in 
 the Jewish temple, and can as little cast suspicion upon 
 her as can the Christianity of the Konigsberg impos- 
 tors upon the name of Christian. If, in another year, 
 I have a boy to baptize I shall not be obliged to call 
 him Apis, as Osiris is already received in the Christian 
 Calendar, under a much more beautiful form as Ono- 
 phrius.* But I will take care not to impose upon him 
 
 * Un noser, the pood being, the Divinity as the author of all good, 
 the Greek Agathodemon. 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 233 
 
 the equally Christian name of the Typhon, " Set." I 
 should like to see any one who would not as utterly 
 fail in any theory for the giving of Christian names, 
 as did, not long since, the law forbidding the Jews to 
 bear Christian names. But, on the other hand, I con- 
 sider it very wise to give the clergy a certain freedom 
 to exclude unsuitable, scandalous names of every kind, 
 according to their own honest judgment." 
 
 Little Anna was followed by a second girl, Eliza- 
 beth,* and the latter by four boys, to the delight of 
 the grandfather in Naumburg. For although he had 
 been blessed with six sons and three daughters, 
 strangely enough, he had had bestowed upon him no 
 other " Lepsius " grandchildren that those who sprung 
 from the marriage of his son Richard. 
 
 After the christening of Anna the family spent some 
 delightful weeks in lovely Ilsenburg. The winter was 
 passed in cheerful sociability and quiet enjoyment of 
 their first-born, till in February, 1848, all other interests 
 were entirely overshadowed by the news of the revolu- 
 tion at Paris. Lepsius had already foreseen when in 
 
 * Both daughters are long since married : Anna to Professor 
 Valentiner, the astronomer, in Carlsruhe, Elizabeth to Pastor Siegel, 
 who lived first in Tegel, afterwards in Neuenhagen near Berlin. 
 Richard, the eldest son, is professor of geology and mineralogy at the 
 Academy of Technology at Darmstadt, and married to the daughter 
 of Ernest Curtius. Bernard, lecturer on chemistry at the Senken- 
 berg Institute at Frankfort on the Main, is married to a daughter of 
 Professor Pauli, the Gottingen historian, since deceased. Reinhold 
 is a painter. The father had a beautiful studio built in the new house 
 in Kleist street for his talented son. and Johannes, after first devoting 
 himself to philosophical studies with the greatest success, has recently 
 passed his theological examination. 
 
234 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 Paris the downfall of the citizen king Louis Philippe, 
 and though he hoped that the next movement for free- 
 dom in France would be of benefit to the political de- 
 velopment of Germany and Prussia, yet he feared that 
 in those countries also violent uprisings of the people 
 would be unavoidable. 
 
 Each day was filled with increasing anxiety, the 
 danger approached more closely, and yet, — a notable 
 sight — there was no break in the fulfillment of the hus- 
 band's duties, and everything held its accustomed 
 course in the household, as well as in the social life of 
 the capital. Apprehension was aroused for Vienna, on 
 account of the dreadful Metternich administration ; all 
 ears were on the watch for every rumor. The Em- 
 peror of Russia was said to have been poisoned, Met- 
 ternich to have been seized with an apoplectic fit in 
 consequence of the news from Paris, and the Pope to 
 have taken flight, and abandoned Rome. In spite of 
 the tumult of the people on the streets during every 
 evening of this remarkably beautiful month of March, 
 anxiety for Berlin was dissipated, as in well informed 
 circles they believed it certain that the King was in- 
 clined to make great concessions. At last political in- 
 terests overcame all others, and the grave academical 
 instructor Lepsius, in his private lectures conversed 
 with his pupils on the events of the day, instead of dis- 
 cussing Egyptology. Then on the eighteenth of March 
 the Berlin revolution broke out, in the midst of the 
 concessions of the King, and the rejoicing of the popu- 
 lace. We are in possession of interesting information 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 235 
 
 on the course of this revolution, from the husband as 
 well as from the wife. In those days politics had such 
 power over every true man that even Lepsius took part 
 in them incidentally. When Abeken brought him a 
 paper much needed just at that time, a good concise 
 proclamation for the Prince of Prussia, whom Lepsius 
 especially esteemed, he immediately carried it to the 
 press which was working for him, and had the foreman 
 print, post, and distribute it. He understood perfectly 
 that the revolution indicated a great step forward in the 
 political life of his Fatherland, and his wife says that 
 the Kreuzzeitung people, in an underhand way, placed 
 them in a false position. The Bismarck family had 
 lived in the same house with the Lepsiuses, and once 
 when popular songs of liberty and " Not yet, not yet, 
 is Poland lost," had been sung during a social evening 
 at their rooms, Frau Elizabeth writes : " Thank God 
 that the Bismarcks have left, or he would have got . us 
 into the Kreuzzeitung as Republicans." How times 
 and men change ! These latter, fortunately, sometimes 
 to better and greater. 
 
 In September, 1848, Lepsius went to Frankfort, and 
 from his letters to his wife we know with what warm 
 interest he there followed the parliamentary transac- 
 tions in St. Paul's Church. He had learned many 
 things from the statesman Bunsen, and we have seen 
 (page 122) how keenly he followed, from time to time, 
 the course of ecclesiastical politics in Prussia. On the 
 whole his political opinions agreed with those of his 
 patron in London. He wished to be not only a 
 
236 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 scholar and father, but a citizen also, and in 1S48, he 
 held it right "that every one should at least follow 
 some banner, and a bad one rather than none at all." 
 
 In the beginning of the year 1849, the political 
 ■situation threatened to make it intolerable for his father 
 to remain in Naumburg, under the authority of the 
 town commissioners of that place (he had resigned his 
 public office in 1847). Therefore Richard wrote to 
 him : " If you should actually resolve to leave Naum- 
 burg, here in Berlin you would certainly find much the 
 greatest satisfaction for your higher intellectual pursuits 
 and interests, which in themselves rank far above all 
 political interests. Libraries, art collections, learned 
 societies of every kind would be open to you, and in 
 the more restricted circle of our own household, our 
 relations and most intimate friends, you would once 
 more find, as of old, peace, happiness and love, which 
 have grown to be the greatest necessity of your life." 
 
 In spite of the slight value which he allotted in 
 these sentences to political interests, he yet followed 
 the political development of his Fatherland to the last 
 with warm sympathy. In 1849 he attributed the 
 King's change to a policy independent of Austria to 
 Bunsen's influence, and as events continued to shape 
 themselves in a more and more gloomy fashion, he 
 constantly insisted upon the necessity for a stronger 
 exhibition of Prussian power, as due to the hegemony 
 of Germany. 
 
 He owed great gratitude to Frederick William IV. 
 and acknowledged very thankfully the favor which this 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 237 
 
 monarch had manifested to him personally, and the 
 appreciation which he had always shown for his works 
 and efforts. But in 1850, he already spoke with deep 
 anxiety of Prussian politics. The Waldeck Process- 
 rilled him with indignation, and in 1850, Frau Elizabeth,, 
 who was the echo of her husband's opinions, writes in 
 the journal : " Our proud Prussia, the only refuge of 
 German hopes, once more subject to the commands of 
 Russia and Austria ! . . . . I have never seen Richard 
 so depressed on account of politics as he is now. I 
 have seen tears in W. Grimm's eyes over Prussia's, — 
 Germany's, — disgrace. . . . The Prince of Prussia must 
 be beside himself at the shameful turn of affairs. . . .. 
 He will now be looked upon by all parties as the sole 
 salvation of Prussia." After the humiliation at Olmiitz, 
 and the brave stand of the Hessians for their constitu- 
 tion, she writes : " Jacob Grimm said lately, ' I am 
 proud to be a Hessian.' Alas for us, poor creatures,, 
 that we must say ' Let every Prussian be ashamed !' 
 In the worst days of the revolution people were not so 
 desperate and hopeless, so utterly overwhelmed as 
 now. . . . The king approves of everything, and is 
 pleased and cheerful !" Nevertheless she was warmly 
 attached to Frederick William IV. and says of him: 
 "What a character! So noble, so conscientious, so 
 kind, with such a comprehensive mind, — and yet he is 
 not a great man." Later, after Frederick William IV. 
 had left Berlin and removed to Potsdam, Lepsius 
 wrote to his father : " Here the departure of the king 
 has the effect of a death upon us. The recollection of 
 
238 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 him is very painful. On the other hand, new life 
 springs up with the regency of the prince. Without 
 precipitation, and with due calmness, many changes 
 will soon be made, first in the leading men, and after- 
 wards in the general tendencies." Lepsius gave lively 
 expression to his delight at the dawn of the so-called 
 4t new era." 
 
 With what enthusiasm did he afterwards follow the 
 upraising of his Fatherland under King William I. 
 Our noble Emperor was ever a gracious master to him, 
 and Lepsius was always among the chosen few invited 
 to the evening tea-drinkings in the imperial palace. 
 To our colleague Dumichen the Emperor spoke of 
 Egyptology as "a science which our Lepsius has 
 called to life in Germany." To the author of this bi- 
 ography also the same great emperor, in the presence 
 of their royal highnesses, the Grand-Duke and the 
 Grand-Duchess of Baden, expressed himself with a 
 warmth bordering on friendship regarding the great 
 master of his science. 
 
 The following occurrence, related by Frau Lepsius, 
 is characteristic of Frederick William IV. and his rela- 
 tion to Humboldt. A friend had been invited to Pots- 
 dam with Lepsius and some others, and while there 
 ingenuously begged the king to speak a good word 
 for him to the Duke of Brunswick, who was also 
 present. The applicant wished to be appointed Musi- 
 cal Director at Brunswick. The monarch answered : 
 4< I cannot do anything for you in this matter; you 
 must apply to Humboldt." 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 239 
 
 All men of intellectual eminence who came to 
 Berlin always visited the house of Lepsius. The ex- 
 cellent missionary, Krapf, was once a guest there, and 
 was invited to court with Lepsius. At table, the king 
 asked the missionary, philologist and geographer, 
 " How long do you propose to remain in Africa ?" and 
 the latter answered : " Until I am dead. All my 
 family are buried there, and where they are is my 
 home." 
 
 Besides his colleagues from the university and 
 native and foreign scholars, deputies to the Chamber, 
 of all shades of opinion, also frequented Lepsius' 
 house. It not only gave Frau Elizabeth the greatest 
 pleasure to listen to the conversation of these men, 
 which often took the form of lively debates, but it was 
 also of real advantage to her. Three years after her 
 marriage she writes : " These distinguished persons, 
 with their different ways of thinking, strengthen the 
 tolerance which lies in Richard's character, and teach 
 me to accept and find pleasure in each one as he is." 
 
 On the ninth of November, 1851, was solemnized 
 the baptism of the third child and first son. * The 
 godparents were the grandfather Lepsius, Bunsen, 
 represented by Abeken, Jacob Grimm, the great geo- 
 grapher Charles Ritter, Ehrenberg, and several other 
 ladies and gentlemen. 
 
 Lepsius had invited Bunsen to become a sponsor in 
 the following words : 
 
 * Charles Richard George Lepsius, born on the nineteenth of 
 September, 1851. 
 
240 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 " As you have more or less stood godfather to all 
 my intellectual productions, I naturally have a lively 
 wish that one of my real children might enter into this 
 beautiful and reverential relation with you. Your 
 friendly sympathy, and the fatherly love which you 
 have always bestowed upon me, far beyond my 
 capacity for any fitting return, permit me to hope that 
 you will willingly fulfil this desire also. But for the 
 child your name will be a dower whose value will in- 
 crease with every year, and I already rejoice in spirit 
 over the time when I can finally lead him to a full un- 
 derstanding of its significance. My wife insists that he 
 shall be called by my name ; but besides that he shall 
 be named Charles, after my father, after you, and after 
 Charles Ritter. Between these two we may perhaps 
 insert a third, about which we are still hesitating, but 
 it shall be neither a Pacomius, an Onophrius nor a 
 Nilus, but an honest German name, possibly Jacob, 
 after your fellow-godfather, Jacob Grimm, etc." 
 
 At the christening it turned out that George and 
 not Jacob had been chosen as the third name. This 
 was after the first known ancestor of the Lepsius 
 family, George Leps. * The christening feast was a 
 
 * From the pamphlet written by father Lepsius on the occasion 
 of the baptism of his oldest grandson Richard, entitled : The ances- 
 tors of trie Lepsius Family, Naumburg, 1851," we see that the 
 family of Lepsius was originally called Leps, and appears to be in- 
 debted for its name to the little village of Leps, in the Duchy of An- 
 halt-Dessau, the ancestral home of the family. It is derived perhaps 
 from the Wendish Lipz. the linden-tree, which word must also be the 
 root of the name of the city of Leipsic. The oldest authentic ances- 
 tor is the master tawer, George Leps, at Trebbin in the Mittelmark, 
 who died in 1699. The grandson of this George was the first who 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 241 
 
 merry one, and the godmother has given a brief ac- 
 count of the toasts which were drunk. That delivered 
 by Jacob Grimm to the health of the godfathers is so 
 characteristic of him that to everyone acquainted with 
 this magnificent scholar and man it must seem as de- 
 lightful as to the godmother it must have been agita- 
 ting. " I like," so he began, "to come to the christen- 
 ing of a child: it is always more agreeable than a 
 wedding or a funeral feast, where one usually sees 
 nothing of the principal persons." He then found 
 fault with the christenings of the present day, the nu- 
 merous godfathers, wherein the young Charles George 
 Richard was not lacking, and said that " formerly it 
 was much more solemn than now. Then there were 
 only two godparents, the child was entirely stripped — 
 there was more to be seen — and it was first plunged 
 under water in the font, and then covered with a little 
 shirt. More account was made of the godparents. 
 After baptism the child had to go to them on every 
 holiday, and received a gift from them. The church 
 regarded baptism as a regeneration, and therefore it 
 was considered of much greater importance; on this 
 account the child was baptized immediately? Then he 
 said that usually the godparents did not long survive 
 
 changed the name Leps into Lepsius. His father, in addition to the 
 tawer's craft, carried on a trade in leather and wool, "and was well 
 off, and held in respect and esteem by his fellow citizens." At the 
 baptism of his child, as if he designed him for a scholar, he bestowed 
 upon him the Latin names, Petrus Christophorus. The latter it was 
 who removed the family to Naumburg, and as Dr. jur. he was ad- 
 ministrator of several courts, provost of the cathedral, etc. He died 
 in 1793. He, the great grandfather of Richard Lepsius, like his 
 grandfather and father, was a lawyer. 
 
 16 
 
242 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 the child's baptism (general contradiction), "his god- 
 father had died half a year after his christening ; how- 
 ever the boy could learn his name out of the books. 
 The boy had three names, and that was particularly 
 stupid." (This word was strongly emphasized, and 
 Frau Lepsius' temper waxed hot). "He certainly only 
 needed one, for when he was fooling around on the 
 street with other boys and his mother wanted to call to 
 him out of the window, she would not cry : ' Charles- 
 George- Richard come here,' but ' Richard, come here f 
 He had waited and listened, to see if the minister 
 would not pronounce ' Jacob ' too, but in vain. What 
 was there though in that name to take exception to ? 
 It was indeed a Jewish name, but still Jacob had been 
 a good man, and he could tell of many excellent 
 people who had been called Jacob. The name pleased 
 him very well, and it grieved him that the child had 
 not been called by it." 
 
 To these latter words Frau Lepsius adds the re- 
 mark : " It grieved me too very much at that moment, 
 and still more afterwards." 
 
 Here we will break off the description of this toast. 
 It had touched the honest man very nearly that he had 
 to share with so many others the honor of being god- 
 father to the first-born son of his beloved Lepsius, and 
 he would have liked to see the little one grow up with 
 his own good name, as he had been led to expect. It 
 was never his way to conceal his feelings ; but nothing 
 was farther from the childlike nature of this man, who 
 in science was a giant, than any intention of giving pain. 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 243 
 
 His image still lives most vividly in my soul. For 
 many years my mother, and I with her, inhabited the 
 same house with the Grimms, in Lenne street, and I 
 know how right Frau Lepsius was, when she said in her 
 diary that there was in all the world nothing more 
 benevolent and kind-hearted than William Grimm's 
 wife : that every one must feel to her as towards a be- 
 loved mother. The kindness and cheerful friendliness 
 with which she added to the happiness of all of us 
 brothers and sisters, — who among us has forgotten 
 them ? When Jacob met me on the way to school he 
 always stroked my hair, and said : " Hurry, Flaxen- 
 head." It was Jacob Grimm who afterwards intro- 
 duced me to Lepsius : Frau Grimm I saw for the last 
 time when I was ill in bed, and she brought me a de- 
 licious cooling drink of fruit juice. Every memory of 
 her is connected with something kind and lovely. 
 
 If we except Abeken, the most beloved of all the 
 learned friends of the Lepsius family were the Grimms 
 and Gerhard, whose wife was Frau Elizabeth's intimate 
 friend. This cordial feeling also extended to the chil- 
 dren of William Grimm, and especially to Hermann, 
 whose first poetic essays they watched with affection, 
 but with impartial criticism. 
 
 So passed the weeks and months. The winter was 
 given to work and social pleasures in the city ; in the 
 summer the wife and children went into the country. 
 Longer journeys, such as the trip to upper Italy, were 
 usually undertaken in the autumn. The family were 
 very comfortable at Park-Birkenwaldchen near Berlin. 
 
244 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 In 1852 this was completely in the country, but it has 
 long since been absorbed by the metropolis of Berlin. 
 The husband often went thither to see his family, 
 friends accompanied him, and in the repose of this rus- 
 tic life Frau Elizabeth prepared the index for the letters 
 from Egypt and Ethiopia. They were dedicated to A. 
 v. Humboldt, and he received them with gratitude and 
 emotion, although, to Lepsius' regret, the friendship 
 between them had been troubled, in consequence of an 
 affair which concerns people who are still living, and 
 therefore cannot be spoken of here. 
 
 In the summer of 1852, the first numbers of the 
 great work on monuments were completed. But they 
 had not yet been sent out, although Lepsius for several 
 months had been insisting on their distribution. Finally 
 he went once more to Sans Souci to urge the expedit- 
 ing of the matter upon Niebuhr, and found him walk- 
 ing with Gerlach upon a terrace. Just then the King 
 stepped out on an upper terrace, and when he became 
 aware of the Egyptologist called down to him " Lep- 
 sius, Lepsius." 
 
 The monarch then shook him by the hand, and a 
 conversation ensued which, on account of its charac- 
 teristic turn, we will give just as it was recorded imme- 
 diately afterwards. 
 
 King : " I have not seen you for along time. You 
 have grown quite stout." 
 
 Lepsius makes some reply, and then speaks of the 
 delay in distributing the completed numbers of the 
 great work. 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 245 
 
 King (to Niebuhr) : " Tell me exactly how it 
 stands ?" 
 
 Niebuhr : " It is just as Lepsius represents it. Your 
 Majesty has commanded the distribution, but the order 
 has not been carried out." 
 
 King : " Why, what delays it ?" 
 
 Niebuhr : " I have already written three times to 
 the Minister about it." 
 
 King : " What Minister ?" 
 
 Niebuhr : " Raumer." 
 
 King : " Oh, then I understand it ! If he has any- 
 thing to do, it is always a year before it is finished. But 
 don't repeat that to him. Complain once more, Nie- 
 buhr!" 
 
 " Richard has also heard from Humboldt that the 
 object of Niebuhr's mysterious mission this spring (1852), 
 was to invite Bunsen to resign,* which he, naturally, 
 politely deprecated. And who was it they wished to 
 put in his place ? Bismarck Schonhausen, that smart, 
 self-conceited young fellow ! This is grand !" 
 
 Later Frau Elizabeth learned to appreciate fully this 
 "" smart young fellow." 
 
 That autumn Lepsius went alone to England and 
 Scotland. In London he worked successfully for the 
 introduction of his standard alphabet. He went by 
 way of Leyden, and again immersed himself in the 
 treasures of the museum there, and enjoyed the hospi- 
 tality of the excellent Leemans. It was at Warmond, 
 
 * From the post of ambassador to London. 
 
246 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 on the estate of the mother of the distinguished Egyp- 
 tologist and Director of the Museum that the idea of 
 making a similar delightful summer house for his own 
 family first occurred to him. 
 
 In September Frau Elizabeth journeyed to meet 
 him at Strasburg, where she was hospitably received by 
 the family of Kreis, her husband's student friend. She 
 then returned home with her husband by way of Stutt- 
 gart, Munich and Nuremberg. 
 
 The old life began anew after their return. In ad- 
 dition to the accustomed guests came also General von 
 Radowitz and Count Raczynski, both of whom Frau 
 Lepsius characterizes sharply and aptly. She concludes 
 with the following parallel, after she has mentioned how 
 astonishing the wit and knowledge of Radowitz ap- 
 pear to her : " Raczynski does not lead the conversa- 
 tion, he rather watches it, and lets himself be talked to; 
 on this account he likes the society of clever people, 
 while Radowitz prefers an astonished and attentive 
 audience, as he is always striving to make an impres- 
 sion." 
 
 But such distinguished visitors were the exception : 
 their large and inspiring circle of acquaintances was 
 almost exclusively composed of the leaders of the Ber- 
 lin literati. When there was no company in the 
 evening, and Lepsius was not attending any of the 
 societies of which we shall have to speak, he played 
 chess, and liked to have his wife play on the piano at 
 the same time. Often too there were " musical evenings" 
 in which both husband and wife took part, together 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 247 
 
 with guests, like Hermann Grimm and others, who were 
 not members. In the winter of 1852-53, a numerous 
 company assembled nearly every week at the Lepsius 
 house. On the seventh of April we hear of their giv- 
 ing a large ball. " The Old Guard comes to the front," 
 writes Frau Elizabeth. " Even I resolved to dance 
 again after an interval of eight years. At first it 
 seemed strange to me to be whirling round, but by de- 
 grees I took pleasure in it again, especially in dancing 
 with Richard, who was really a very delightful host. It 
 is so charming in him, — the way in which he does 
 everything that he has to do with his whole heart and 
 without any reserve, whether it be grave or gay." 
 
 The pleasures of this winter were soon brought to 
 an end, for the mistress of the house lost her dearest 
 friend, and in April died the excellent father of the 
 master of the house. The affliction of Lepsius was 
 great. . 
 
 " Of all the family his father was nearest to him," 
 says Frau Elizabeth. " He always felt the greatest de- 
 light and the most genuine sympathy in everything 
 that concerned Richard, in all his labors, his successes, 
 his honors ; with him Richard could talk freely of all 
 his intellectual interests, for he understood all abstruse 
 questions, and had, besides, the strongest paternal feel- 
 ing; delighted in our children, etc. . . . Richard thinks 
 now with every book that when he has written it, he 
 can no longer give his father pleasure by sending it to 
 him." 
 
 A quiet season followed, and in their domestic re- 
 
248 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 tirement during the ensuing months they made some 
 experiments at table-tipping, according to the current 
 fashion at that time. They were very successful, and 
 the enthusiasm of the mistress of the house and her 
 interest in the supernatural were strongly excited; 
 Lepsius himself treated the subject more coolly. 
 " Richard, Abeken and Edward saw that we lifted up 
 our hands by degrees, and yet the table moved ; but, 
 because it did not do so again, Richard thinks we had 
 deceived ourselves." 
 
 When at last the formal mourning was laid aside, 
 and life again imposed its demands upon the Lepsiuses, 
 the remembrance of the festival of 1852-53, formed the 
 foundation for many charming performances, whose 
 theatre was to be the new house which the married 
 pair were about to build. 
 
 In October, 1853, the family had received notice to 
 quit their dwelling in Behren Street, on account of the 
 sale of the property, and they had therefore resolved to 
 build a home of their own. With the same enthusiasm 
 with which she threw herself into everything, Frau 
 Elizabeth became interested in the carrying out of this 
 idea, and, scale in hand, drew plan after plan, until she 
 at last completed a design which met with the ap- 
 proval of her husband and his friends the architects, 
 especially Erbkam. In fact it provided for all the 
 family needs; but the choice of a building site was 
 difficult. Lepsius at first fixed his eye upon the great 
 Seeger lumber yard, which was at that time on the 
 drill ground, now the Royal Square. It was then 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 249 
 
 just about to be divided up, but the lots there were so 
 dear, and the owner felt so confident of the purchase 
 of the whole plot by the Treasury, that Lepsius was 
 forced to look about for another situation. Long 
 weeks passed in this search, and, among other stran- 
 gers, the Lepsiuses received Oscar von Redwitz, before 
 breaking up housekeeping for the summer to go with 
 some intimate friends on a journey to Liibeck. The 
 diary says of him : " He is the poet of the sentimental- 
 religious Catholic Amaranth, which is so much read, 
 (though not by us), and admired. He is a lively 
 young Viennese, naive, but not at all sentimental, so 
 that he is better than his work." The future undoubt- 
 edly proved that this talented poet was capable of 
 things far more charming than what were at that time 
 his most celebrated works. 
 
 The wife and children passed the rest of the sum- 
 mer in beautiful Friedrichroda, Elgersburg and Ilme- 
 nau in Thuringia, while the husband went to Schlieffen- 
 berg in Mecklenburg, whither he had been invited by 
 Count SchliefTen, who had traveled through Egypt 
 intelligently and with open eyes and who had brought 
 home with him a Nubian from the neighborhood of the 
 Cataract. As we know, Lepsius made use of this 
 African, named 'AH', who was an intelligent man and 
 had entire command of his own language, to supply 
 many deficiencies in the Nubian grammar, at which 
 he still continued to work. 
 
 In January, 1854, the Berlin Academy of Sciences 
 had resolved to have type cast for printing Lepsius' 
 
250 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 standard alphabet, and before the beginning of Feb- 
 ruary, he traveled once more to London in order to as- 
 sure the acceptance of it on the other side of the Chan- 
 nel. The well-known missionary Kolle had already 
 declared that he should make use of it. While Lep- 
 sius was working there with tact and success to in- 
 troduce his alphabet, his wife became the mother of 
 a boy, who, after the father's return, received the name 
 of Bernard at a merry and delightful christening feast. 
 This was the Christian name of Frau Lepsius' father, 
 the celebrated composer, B. Klein. Among the many 
 god-parents of the child were A. v. Humboldt, the 
 Counts von Schlieffen and von Usedom, Peters, etc. 
 Frau Lepsius was especially pleased with the presence 
 of Humboldt after the estrangement which had taken 
 place between him and Lepsius, but the obliging man- 
 ner in which he said to her : " I thank you especially 
 for having had the kindness to give the child my name," 
 could not inspire her with any warmth of feeling. 
 E. Curtius' daughter, Dorothea, was baptized at the 
 same time with little Bernard. She afterwards be- 
 came the wife of Richard, the eldest son of the Lep- 
 siuses. Jacob Grimm toasted the two children, and 
 this time in a very poetical and delightful manner. In 
 the course of the toast he compared the boy with hail, 
 which descends roughly and impetuously, and the 
 maiden with snow, which murmurs softly and gently 
 down. 
 
 The spring was passed in searching for a building 
 site and in pleasant social intercourse. On the twenty- 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 251 
 
 fifth of May, 1854, they met Paul Heyse for the first 
 time at Schott's, and Frau Elizabeth wrote in her 
 diary : " It is a long time since I have seen Richard so 
 fascinated with anyone as he was with this young, 
 animated, candid, handsome, excellent, enthusiastic, 
 most lovable poet." 
 
 Very painful to Lepsius was the downfall of his old 
 patron and friend Bunsen, which occurred at this time. 
 He had been offered the position of Minister of Eccle- 
 siastical Affairs at Berlin, but in the beginning of '54, 
 while in London, he declared that in case of necessity 
 Prussia would side with England. This set the King 
 quite beside himself and General von Groben was sent 
 to London to reprimand Bunsen. The attempts at 
 mediation of his son Ernest, whom he had sent to 
 Berlin, were vain, and, in spite of the Prince of Prus- 
 sia's eager intercession for him, the Camarilla, and es- 
 pecially Gerlach and Manteuffel, had such strong in- 
 fluence over the King that he forsook his friend Bunsen,, 
 and permitted him to be dismissed. 
 
 But the anxieties of house-building were soon to* 
 place all others in the background, for a suitable plot 
 was finally found in Bendler Street, (which at that time 
 was sparsely built up,) and was bought on favorable 
 conditions. The space at their disposal was large 
 enough to permit of laying out an extensive garden,, 
 beside the roomy house. 
 
 At the laying of the corner stone, on the eighteenth; 
 of October, 1854, Lepsius made an admirable speech,, 
 from which we shall give some extracts later on. This 
 
252 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 was of course the occasion of a festal celebration, and 
 friend Abeken composed the following sonnet for it : 
 
 " Within the ground all life doth first have birth, 
 Richly the tree unfolds its leafy pride, 
 Yet in the earth's dark night its germ must hide, 
 And downward still the root strikes into earth. 
 
 And that this house may reach its highest worth, 
 The master now, with wisdom for his guide, 
 
 In the firm soil lays the foundations wide, 
 That he may bind it firmly with the earth. 
 
 Yet is there one firm ground where build we must, 
 
 On which our house's peace we gladly found, 
 That still its sacred hearth with joy be filled ; 
 
 This is fixed faith in God and happy trust, 
 
 With which forever love and hope are bound, 
 And thus a temple with the house we build." 
 
 Lepsius had intentionally caused the corner stone 
 to be laid where the living room of the mistress of the 
 house was afterwards to be raised, and in his dedica- 
 tory speech he explained his motives for this in beauti- 
 ful words. The house when finished had a fine and 
 stately appearance, with its Gothic arches over doors 
 and windows, its battlements on tower and roof, its 
 handsome entrance, its covered piazza on the ground 
 floor, and open balcony on the upper story, and its in- 
 scriptions in carved stone. 
 
 When it was ready for habitation, Abeken, the 
 former divine, added the following second sonnet to 
 the first : 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 253 
 
 That here the temple with the house should blend 
 On the foundation stone we wrote, and lo ! 
 
 Sank it far underfoot, that even so 
 
 The darkling earth its strength to us might lend. 
 
 Yet must from Heaven the mighty power descend 
 That upward bids the earthly germ to grow, 
 
 And Life and Love must still from Heaven flow, 
 The sacred fire on the hearth to tend. 
 
 Therefore we lift our hands and hearts to Heaven, 
 
 And humbly here its blessing we await, 
 Praying for peace and safety as is due, 
 
 That Love and Light and Spirit may be given 
 
 Our handiwork henceforth to consecrate, 
 That this the home may be a temple true ! 
 
 On the twelfth of July, 1856, Lepsius with his own 
 hand wrote the following maxims in a new diary of his 
 wife's. 
 
 God's peace from Heaven 
 To this house be given. 
 
 Unless God's grace we gain 
 Our building is in vain. 
 
 Within this little book be you 
 
 To these, our house's mottoes, true. 
 
 The second motto was cut in stone, in Gothic 
 letters and surrounded by arabesques, over the broad 
 projecting window of the wife's room, on the side of 
 the building towards the street ; the first was over the 
 front door. The palms over the entrance gate were 
 intended to call to memory the Palm Sunday on 
 
254 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 which Lepsius and his wife had been betrothed. The 
 wish expressed in the first motto was fulfilled, for 
 the house in Bendler Street was truly a temple of 
 peace, under the visible favor of God. Until the 
 growing city of Berlin laid claim to the broad extent of 
 the beautiful garden and Lepsius felt himself forced to 
 sell it, their house was the home of true love, intimate 
 family life, steadfast reverence for God — in the man 
 no less than in the wife, — and earnest, unwearied 
 labor, as well as cheerful song and music, and a happy 
 hospitality. 
 
 The father of Lepsius died before the house was 
 completed, but he was able to invite his mother to 
 come and live with him " at Berlin, in the country." 
 However, the beautiful outlook "towards the canal 
 and Schoneberg " was soon built up. The house was 
 constructed in the English Gothic style, which he had 
 learned to like in Great Britain, and which few under- 
 stood as well as he (see page 131). To his delight, 
 its pleasing appearance, with the slightly-pointed arches 
 over windows and doors, and the balcony, with its 
 Gothic parapet of sandstone, proved so attractive that, 
 as he wrote to his mother : " our neighbor has also built 
 in the Gothic style, and, indeed, two houses at once." 
 " I am to assist him with money," he continued, " for 
 the third, on the corner, and the man on the other 
 corner will also build a Gothic house. That makes a 
 whole Gothic quarter." 
 
 But how differently things turned out ! The stately 
 ibuilding which was to have been a home for remote 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 255 
 
 descendants has vanished from the earth, and only a 
 few traces remain of the Bendler Street Gothic. 
 During the first years after they moved into the new 
 house they improved every opportunity which offered 
 to exhibit the beauty of the chosen style of architecture. 
 When for example it was necessary, on account of any 
 festivity, to " illuminate," they lit up the whole front, 
 and especially the large balcony, with little lamps 
 which followed the lines of the arches. 
 
 The fine garden gave special pleasure to Lepsius. 
 After he had had tea at his writing table he always 
 took a walk there, in winter as well as in summer, and 
 whether the weather was good or bad. He felt a 
 " special interest in it, and knew it all by heart." The 
 trees which soon overshadowed it had been planted on 
 various happy occasions by dear guests and friends of 
 the household, in memory of the delightful hours which 
 they had passed under the roof of Lepsius, and as a 
 visible symbol and token of the friendship which bur- 
 geoned and blossomed anew with each year. Alex- 
 ander von Humboldt, Bunsen, the Grimms, Ehrenberg, 
 E. Curtius and many others had planted their trees, 
 and on each was a little tablet which bore the name of 
 him who had set it in the earth. Foreign friends too, 
 who could not come to Berlin and attend to the plant- 
 ing themselves, sent small trees to be set out. For ex- 
 ample, the Director of the museum at Leyden, already 
 mentioned several times, (see pages 123 and 245) sent 
 a variety of Betula which had been named after him 
 Betula Lemansiana, by a nursery gardener at War- 
 
256 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 mond. As the trees which he first sent did not arrive 
 he despatched others, and these throve and long re- 
 minded the Lepsius family of their Dutch friend. The 
 garden was a living and shady temple of friendship, 
 and what beautiful festivals were celebrated there ! 
 
 Plays and spectacular performances were often 
 given in the fine spacious apartments of this house on 
 the birthday of the head of the family, which occurred 
 shortly before Christmas. They were distinguished by 
 the same thoughtful intelligence which had given rise 
 to the tree-planting and laid the corner stone under 
 the living-room of the mistress of the house. The 
 ideas were usually furnished by Frau Elizabeth. Thus 
 a fable was once represented, interspersed with tableaux 
 vivants, which the children and their little friends un- 
 dertook to produce. The subject was the standard 
 alphabet (see page 104) of their father, which was per- 
 sonified as Miss Alphabeta Standarda, and represented 
 in the different stages of its development. The dia- 
 logue was both sprightly and well written, in the best 
 style of fable, and seasoned with many merry and sat- 
 irical allusions. At one time there were tableaux 
 vivants after antique personages and the pictures of 
 Flaxman, and then again the trees from the garden 
 made their appearance. Before this, the treasure- 
 house of Rhampsinitus had been represented accord- 
 ing to Platen. Similar performances, always original, 
 thoughtful, and excellently executed in detail, delighted 
 the guests, the children who usually had to take part 
 in them, and especially the host himself. When a ball 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 257 
 
 was given, too, they never failed to have particularly- 
 pretty and original cotillion figures, for which the poet 
 and faithful friend of the family, Abeken, composed the 
 verses. 
 
 On July the fourteenth, 1857, the third boy was 
 born, and at his baptism on the second of August, he 
 received the name of Reinhold. He was named after 
 the brother who had never been forgotten, and who 
 had expired in Rome, when twenty-nine years old, in 
 the arms of the godfather. 
 
 In September of the same year the Lepsiuses had 
 the great pleasure of welcoming Bunsen for the first 
 time in their own house. He had been invited by 
 Frederick William IV. to take part in the assembly of 
 the " Evangelical Alliance " which met at Berlin. The 
 King had indeed dropped him as a statesman, but the 
 letter of invitation which he sent to Heidelberg, where 
 the former ambassador then lived, was as cordial and 
 urgent as if the monarch had preserved his old friend- 
 ship for him whom he had " deserted." Bunsen must 
 come, wrote the King, firstly on account of the busi- 
 ness itself, secondly for the sake of his own (Bunsen's) 
 renown, and thirdly to please the King. The latter 
 wrote with great enthusiasm of the "Alliance." Fi- 
 nally, he added most cordially that Bunsen must not 
 refuse to let an old friend be his host and care for his 
 journey there and back and his entertainment in the 
 palace. On Bunsen's arrival the King embraced him 
 before the whole court, but only sent for him once after- 
 wards to converse with him. The Camarilla hated the 
 
258 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 man of independent thought, and the King had already 
 accustomed himself to submit to it. 
 
 But on the other hand, Lepsius' delight at receiv- 
 ing his revered patron and fatherly friend in his own 
 home, and showing him his house, was unbounded, 
 and as great as it was heartfelt. " On Sunday," (Sep- 
 tember thirteenth, '57), writes Frau Elizabeth, " Bun- 
 sen was as lovely and splendid as ever. At table he 
 proposed our healths, with a little speech, in which he 
 first expressed his delight at being once more in Berlin, 
 where he had believed he could never come again, and 
 whither he had now been summoned in so honorable a 
 manner that he could return with pleasure. But to 
 find us so agreeably and excellently settled was one of 
 the brightest spots of his sojourn here. In the most 
 sincere and heartfelt manner he expressed his happiness 
 in our family fortunes, and wished that God would still 
 continue to bless us, and that ; ' Thy wife shall be as a 
 fruitful vine, thy children like olive-plants round about 
 thy table.' He reminded us, too, that his friendship 
 with Lepsius had now lasted for more than twenty 
 years, that he loved him like a son ; indeed the dear 
 man even included me (Frau Elizabeth) in the circle 
 of his affections; ' I love you like my own children.' 
 
 " How warmly and deeply were we touched by 
 this speech, of which I have here repeated only an im- 
 perfect fragment! If it were possible, I should be 
 fonder than ever of Bunsen. Where else, in a man of 
 such distinction, can one find such warmth and cordi- 
 ality of feeling, such sincere and faithful friendship ?" 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 259 
 
 Every leisure hour was spent by Bunsen in the 
 Lepsius' house, which at this time was the scene of a 
 great celebration. This was arranged in honor of the 
 beloved and revered guest, and some of the most dis- 
 tinguished members of the Alliance were invited to be 
 present at it. It is not necessary to say how pleasant 
 it must have been to the scholarly statesman to rind 
 assembled here Ehrenberg and Gerhard, J. Grimm, 
 whom he had not previously known, and with whom 
 lie conversed at length, Pertz, Peters, Pinder, Geff ken, 
 Schelling, Stiiler, Olfers, Abeken, the former chaplain 
 of his embassy, General Superintendent Hoffman, Dr. 
 Earth, the divine from Wurtemberg, and many other 
 leading men in science and in the evangelical church. 
 Lepsius was especially delighted just at that time by 
 once more meeting Lobstein, who had first invited him 
 in Bunsen's name to take up the study of Egyptology, 
 and who had since become French ambassador to 
 Sweden. 
 
 The members of the Alliance had assembled from 
 all parts of the world. They met in Berlin, held ses- 
 sions, and listened to many orators, but the great results 
 which had been anticipated from this congress failed to 
 manifest themselves, or were dissipated in smoke ; in- 
 deed, shortly before its close the stamp of absurdity 
 was set upon it by Krummacher of Westphalia, who 
 was a strictly orthodox pastor and the cousin of the 
 Berlin minister. At the last meeting but one this 
 zealot openly, and in a spirit of denunciation, expressed 
 his regret that the famous French preacher, Merle 
 
260 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 d'Aubigne, had, on the steps of the railway station, em- 
 braced and kissed a man whose rationalism and Ro- 
 manism must be a terror to the assembly. The man 
 thus proscribed was no less a person than Bunsen. 
 Unfortunately this absurd attack was not disregarded,, 
 but called forth a most unpleasant controversy. 
 
 After these days of excitement life went on in its 
 accustomed course for the Lepsius household. The 
 hours of leisure were agreeably spent in the favorite 
 diversions of the husband, boccia in the garden, and 
 chess in the house. New guests were added to the 
 old. Among them were Wichern the founder of the 
 " reformatory for vagrant children " at Hamburg, 
 whose efforts filled Frau Elizabeth with enthusiasm, 
 von Putlitz the poet, and the charming Erdmann from 
 Halle, who seasoned many a meal for them with his 
 delightful humor. Humboldt, too, came occasionally, 
 and told them much of the mournful condition of the 
 King. The former was once conversing on serious 
 scientific subjects, and with the entire concurrence of 
 the monarch, but when Potsdam was spoken of, al- 
 though he was staying there at that time, the unhappy 
 sovereign could not remember where the place was. 
 At this time, (1852), Lepsius presented his Book of 
 Kings, which was then completed, to the Prince of 
 Prussia, (our Emperor.) The latter showed himself 
 full of interest in it, and after this audience the author 
 said he had been especially struck by the quiet, sim- 
 ple, benevolent nature of the Prince, in contrast to the 
 intellectually active, restless character of the King. 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 261 
 
 Mommsen had been summoned to Berlin in 1857, 
 and enjoyed meeting the family of Lepsius, but with 
 regard to scientific, and especially chronological, ques- 
 tions, there was many a dispute between these two 
 great scholars. 
 
 Lepsius worked much in the garden for the sake of 
 his health, and whatever this plot of ground yielded, in 
 the way of vegetables, fruit, eggs and milk, (they kept 
 chickens and a cow of their own), was named Hathor- 
 cabbage, Hathor-apples, etc. Hermann Grimm had 
 given this name to the special products of his friend's 
 place, and thus recalled the great goddess who at Den- 
 dera was styled the " dispenser of all the goods of 
 life," and to whom, as the feminine principle in nature, 
 pertained all the gifts which furnish sustenance and 
 pleasure to man. 
 
 In 1858 the brothers Schlagintweit also returned 
 from their successful journey through Asia. They 
 came to Berlin, and wished to sell their collections 
 there, but many things were unfavorable to this pro- 
 ject, and, altogether, they met with no good fortune in 
 the Prussian capital. Frau Lepsius relates that they 
 had succeeded in bringing a white ass from the Hima- 
 layas to Berlin, in good health and lively. When he 
 arrived his transport had already cost two thousand 
 thalers. It was necessary to take him from the rail- 
 way station to the zoological garden; but in going 
 through Potsdam Street he became refractory, and 
 would not follow his leader any farther. They put a 
 rope around his neck, to pull him forwards by force, 
 
262 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 and the consequence was that the white ass from the 
 Himalayas choked, and met with an unforeseen death 
 at Berlin in Potsdam Street. 
 
 During the latter part of the summer of 1858 the 
 family again stayed at Ilsenburg in the Hartz, and in 
 December of the same year Frau Elizabeth presented 
 her husband with the fourth and last boy. He re- 
 ceived the name of Richard Ernest John, and amongst 
 the godfathers was the faithful college comrade of the 
 head of the family, A. Kreiss,* at that time a minister 
 at Strasburg, as well as E. Curtius, "our splendid,, 
 ideal friend." After the christening Frau Elizabeth 
 wrote : " May his name John ever remind me that it 
 is my great and sacred task to rear him to be a true 
 John ; one who loves his Lord and follows in his foot- 
 steps." This John has now became a divine, after 
 having produced several promising first works as a 
 philosopher and student of aesthetics. 
 
 In April, 1859, Lepsius traveled to Munich, for the 
 centennial anniversary of the Academy, and there 
 made the acquaintance of the excellent Thiersch, J. v. 
 Liebig, Riehl, E. Geibel and other scholars and artists. 
 He spent much time with his old friend, the celebrated 
 architect, v. Klenze, and he also visited Kaulbach in 
 his studio. In the summer of 1859 Lepsius refreshed 
 himself by an excursion to Rugen with his friend 
 Wiese, and late in the autumn he took a trip with his 
 wife and the oldest little girl to Saxon Switzerland and 
 Dresden, where they also made the acquaintance of 
 
 * See page 38. 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 263 
 
 Schnorr von Karolsfeld. " I looked up," wrote Fran 
 Elizabeth, " with a sort of devotion, to the old and thin 
 but fine and intellectually vivid face of this man, 
 whose compositions express such deep and fervent 
 Christian feeling." We also learn here that the famous 
 little castle of Souchay at Loschwitz on the Elbe is an 
 enlarged copy of the Lepsius house, which had especi- 
 ally pleased the owner of the castle and his architect 
 Arnold, in Berlin, whither they had gone to investigate 
 the different styles of house-building. 
 
 Lepsius and his wife were deeply distressed by the 
 death of Alexander v. Humboldt, on May sixth, 1859, 
 but in the following months they encountered other 
 losses by death which were still harder to bear. Soon 
 after their return home Jonas, the faithful, large- 
 hearted pastor of the household, died, and his depart- 
 ure filled the family with grief. Among those who 
 knew him, and his truly admirable, profound and in- 
 finitely lovable character, his memory must long be 
 cherished for the candor and courage with which, by 
 words and actions, he defended the freedom of re- 
 ligious conviction during the darkest days of church 
 life in Prussia. But yet another and more painful loss 
 was ordained for the family, for on the twenty-eighth 
 of November, i860, died Bunsen, the man to whom 
 Lepsius was most deeply indebted, and to whom he 
 had clung with the love of a son. Also on the third 
 of January, 1861, Frederick William IV. died, and the 
 reverential words respecting him with which the wife 
 filled many pages of her diary, are to be considered as. 
 
264 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 an echo of the feelings with which the husband re- 
 garded this king, whose weaknesses he could not over- 
 look but whose great qualities he was glad to exalt in 
 order to give them grateful praise. 
 
 Among the old friends of the family were the Pin- 
 ders and Partheys, Erbkam, the Grimms, Trendelen- 
 burgs, Brandis, Olshausens, v. Sybel, Beselers, GefTken, 
 Duncker, v. Tiele, who was afterwards Assistant Secre- 
 tary of State, George v. Bunsen, the Wilmowskis, 
 Count Usedom, and the witty Strauss, who had trav- 
 eled through Palestine, Wichern, Meyer von Rinteln, 
 the amiable Mrs. Curtis, with whom we ourselves were 
 well acquainted, the publisher Hertz, Count Schlieffen, 
 Weidenbach, the Homeyers, the Balans and Salpius, 
 the Wieses, the two married couples of Peters and 
 Drakes, the traveler Robinson, Weiss, and so on. To 
 these was added Droysen, who had received an ap- 
 pointment at Berlin in 1859. But the highest place 
 among them all was held by " Uncle Abeken." There 
 is some ludicrous association with this able man, on 
 account of the passages regarding him which appear in 
 Busch's interesting book on " Count Bismarck and His 
 People." But Frau Elizabeth's diary shows us that he 
 had a deep and faithful nature, that his quick intelli- 
 gence apprehended and appreciated the poetical aspect 
 of every incident in life, that he was a good adviser 
 and ready in that capacity to render every service, and 
 also an indefatigable worker. Where duty demanded 
 it he knew how to keep silence as few men do, though 
 he was of a communicative disposition, and had made 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 265 
 
 himself so at home in every department of science that 
 Lepsius counted him one of the most learned men of 
 his time. If he was questioned about political affairs, 
 such as the restoration of the constitution of 1831 in 
 Hesse, the preparation of which had devolved upon 
 him, his only answer was : " I have not read the papers 
 to-day." He had been no less faithful to the Bunsens 
 than to the Lepsiuses, and his little failings will be 
 willingly overlooked by any one who knows with what 
 steadfast courage he stayed by the ambassador's wife 
 at Rome during the worst cholera season, and what 
 sacrifices he was ready to make for his friends in case 
 of need. One whom Prince Bismarck so trusted could 
 be no insignificant man. That in him which provoked 
 a smile was chiefly his low stature, his manner, which was 
 sometimes immoderately vivacious, and that sentimen- 
 tality which even to Frau Bunsen was not always 
 agreeable. Nevertheless this distinguished lady es- 
 teemed him very highly, ' though she occasionally 
 begged him to write her less about his feelings and 
 more about facts. But at least this sentimentality had 
 nothing artificial about it. It sprang from an ardent 
 spirit, which was perhaps only too tender and impres- 
 sible. — As long as he taught at Gottingen, the favor- 
 ite guest of the Lepsiuses was E. Curtius, and his recall 
 to Berlin afforded the greatest happiness to that house- 
 hold. Max M tiller too, when he came from Oxford, 
 was received with open arms, and the attachment 
 which Lepsius felt to him, may be discerned from the 
 journal of his wife, as well as from his letters to Bun- 
 
266 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 sen. Amongst their younger friends George v. Bun- 
 sen had best known how to win the hearts of the 
 family. 
 
 Frau Elizabeth superintended the details of the 
 children's education with the greatest care and affec- 
 tion, and in so doing often fatigued herself to the 
 point of exhaustion. The father directed the plan ac- 
 cording to which he desired the training of the boys to 
 be conducted, but it was only in questions of moment 
 that he interposed and gave his decision. Two ladies 
 who were sisters of Hofmeyer the family physician, and 
 who had at one time conducted the principal school 
 for young ladies in Berlin, told Frau Lepsius at Easter, 
 1862, of a twelve year old orphan, of English descent 
 and good family, who was alone in the world and en- 
 tirely unprovided for. Frau Lepsius immediately de- 
 clared her willingness to adopt her, and receive her as 
 a seventh child among her own six. Her husband 
 quickly consented, and they never regretted this kind 
 act, for, to their delight, Ellen grew up to be a lovely 
 young girl. She was always treated in every respect 
 like one of the daughters of the house, and, like them, 
 she long since married. 
 
 After the accession of King William, Lepsius con- 
 tinued to observe the course of politics attentively, and 
 never neglected any of the duties of a citizen. In 
 1862 he was chosen as an elector of the first electoral 
 class for his district, and by the conservatives, although 
 he in no wise approved of their efforts. His views co- 
 incided with those of the party which at that time was 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 267 
 
 called " Old Liberal." His friend, Meyer von Rin- 
 teln, stood well at court, and was full of court anec- 
 dotes. He once told how the Elector of Hesse had 
 got in a passion, and hurt himself so seriously by 
 giving his valet a thrashing, that he had been obliged 
 to keep his bed. Thereupon Herman Grimm impro- 
 vised the following riddle. 
 
 "Had my whole been truly my second, he certainly would not 
 have been 
 Obliged to seek my first in bed, as we have recently seen. "* 
 
 Queen Augusta, Meyer reported, had correctly 
 guessed " Kurfurst." 
 
 Meyer was also a very talented poet, and he once 
 read his tragedy of " German Youth " at Lepsius' 
 home, in the presence of General v. Willisen, who had 
 had to oversee the Prussian execution at Hesse. The 
 tendency of the play was to show that only under the 
 Prussian imperial rule could Germany obtain tranquil- 
 ity, peace and new power. Frau Lepsius had long 
 before confided the same thought to her diary, and 
 Willisen agreed with it warmly. 
 
 The wife was as fond of traveling as the husband, 
 but during the first half of the summer he was kept at 
 home by his duties as professor, and she by her in- 
 terest in their own beautiful garden, and in the educa- 
 tion of the children. By midsummer Berlin became 
 unendurable to them both, and they were accustomed 
 
 * In " Kurfurst" (Elector) the first syllable means *' cure," and 
 the second " prince." — Trans. 
 
268 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 to leave home usually in July with the children, who 
 then had their holidays. In the autumn of 1863 they 
 took a longer journey, to Cologne and the Swiss 
 Rhine, with their elder daughter Anna and Uncle Abe- 
 ken. Shortly before the master of the house com- 
 menced his lectures they returned to Berlin, where their 
 •delightful social life began anew. Frau Elizabeth suf- 
 fered from many physical ailments, especially "tic 
 douloureux" and had also assumed an almost oppres- 
 sive number of domestic, pedagogic, social and benevo- 
 lent duties. When she felt greatly in need of refresh- 
 ment she retreated for a few days to Sacrow, a pretty 
 and charmingly situated little village on the Havel 
 near Potsdam, and on returning home she would re- 
 sume with renewed strength the labors which awaited 
 her. 
 
 After the death of Jonas, the family pastor was first 
 Snethlage, who was then growing old, and afterwards 
 the vigorous and manly Court Chaplain Kogel. In 
 spite of his tendency to greater strictness, this latter 
 entirely filled the place to Frau Lepsius of the de- 
 ceased friend whom she so deeply lamented. After 
 one of his sermons (1865) she wrote in the diary: "To 
 be able to preach like Kogel ! I should think that the 
 highest earthly happiness. What a blessing for us !" 
 
 On the twenty-eighth of February, 1866, Lepsius 
 started on his second journey to Egypt, the details of 
 which are given on page 201. He was alone except 
 for the faithful draughtsman Weidenbach. While he 
 was on the way, Uncle Abeken became engaged to, 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 269 
 
 and subsequently married, Fraulein Helene von Olfers, 
 a daughter of the Director of the museum. The fear 
 lest the old friend of the house should change proved^ 
 unfounded, for as a married man he still preserved his 
 old friendship for the Lepsiuses. 
 
 The master of the house returned home sooner 
 than he had been expected. He had given up the 
 journey to upper Egypt for several reasons, chief 
 among which was the great inundation of the Nile. 
 He was met at Berlin by the clang of arms. A civil 
 war appeared inevitable, and Bismarck was as little of 
 a favorite in Bendler street as in other constitutional 
 circles of the country, though the sagacity of Lepsius 
 and the information derived from Abeken, who always 
 regarded his chief with fervent admiration, had caused 
 the Lepsiuses to repose great confidence in him. At 
 court, too, he had many more bitter opponents and 
 enemies than friends, and when, shortly before the 
 war, Bismarck injured his foot, a gentleman who held 
 a situation near the Queen uttered the pointed bon- 
 mots, " His foot hurts him because he has gone too 
 far," and " The cloven hoof is showing." 
 
 But never did the feeling of a nation towards a 
 great man undergo such a sudden, universal and com- 
 plete revolution as that towards Bismarck during the 
 short months of the war of 1866. At that time Frau 
 Lepsius, with the ardent enthusiasm peculiar to herself 
 and with the assistance of her daughters, mande herself 
 most useful in the Hospital Association and still more 
 in the Elizabeth Hospital. The diary records the pre- 
 
270 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 liminaries of peace with anxious interest,- and contains 
 the following anecdote, perhaps from the mouth of 
 Abeken : "At the negotiations for peace Benedetti 
 began to speak cautiously of slight enlargements of the 
 French boundaries, as Prussia was now so well rounded 
 out. Then Bismarck cried : * Give me that in writing ! 
 To-morrow I must present a demand for a credit of 
 sixty millions for war expenses to the Chamber; with 
 this paper in my hand I can ask for double the sum.' " 
 Before the war many an angry word had been ut- 
 tered against Bismarck in Bendler Street, but when a 
 party of literati had assembled there on the twenty - 
 second of July, 1866, they soon began to talk of poli- 
 tics, and each one gave expression to the admiration 
 with which Bismarck's greatness inspired him. Even 
 Frau Lepsius praised the man whom she had previ- 
 ously judged none too mildly. (See page 245.) They 
 all agreed that it was now possible for the first time to 
 understand this great statesman's aims and mode of 
 action, and that as an envoy to the Diet he must un- 
 doubtedly have already grasped the idea which had 
 now been carried into execution in such a wonderful 
 manner. But Wichern thought he should have al- 
 lowed his great intentions to be perceived a little more 
 plainly, so that he might have been better understood 
 and not so much hated. Lepsius then rose, and re- 
 sponded to this opinion of the clever master of the 
 " reformatory," that it was the great characteristic of 
 Bismarck as a statesman that he knew how to keep 
 silence for years, and to pursue his aims quietly. A 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 271 
 
 few days before this the great Chancelor, on the occa- 
 sion of the celebration of victory at Kroll, had pro- 
 posed his beautiful toast to "The Children of Berlin," 
 who were a little rash in word, but had head and 
 heart in the right place. 
 
 The wave of enthusiasm rolled high at that time. 
 Every Prussian heart beat full and quick for its King. 
 Lepsius had always greatly extolled his direct and 
 honest nature, and his clear intelligence, which could 
 never be confused. He was delighted therefore at the 
 Monarch's saying to him, " I myself proposed you," 
 when he received the red order of the eagle of the 
 second class in 1867, on the annual celebration of the 
 founding of that order. 
 
 The Court Chaplain Snethlage, who had been a 
 faithful friend of the family, resigned his office in July, 
 1867, and the diary contains the following touching 
 anecdote : " On a certain day one of the men of his 
 parish comes to Snethlage, assures him of his fidelity 
 and reverence, and then says to him, ' But now I have 
 a request to make of you : Preach no more ; it will not 
 do any longer!' Thereupon the Court Chaplain held 
 his peace for a short time, and then said, 'You are 
 right, it will no longer do, and I will give up preach- 
 ing.' " 
 
 In September of the same year Lepsius went to 
 Paris and London with his daughters, and in the 
 autumn of 1869 he went to Egypt for the last time, 
 and chiefly on account of the celebration of the open- 
 ing of the Suez Canal. 
 
272 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 When the war between Germany and France broke 
 out, in 1870, the oldest son, Richard, who was just ap- 
 proaching his examination previous to matriculation, 
 begged his parents to be allowed to take the field, and 
 both, with ardent patriotism, accorded him permission. 
 But he was rejected, as not yet sufficiently strong, and 
 therefore, after passing the examination, he visited the 
 arena of war but once, under the command of the 
 army chaplain at whose disposal he had placed him- 
 self. His mother meanwhile with restless zeal and the 
 practical ability characteristic of her, was working 
 for the wounded. To put herself in a prominent po- 
 sition was repugnant to her, her only object was to be 
 of real service to the hospital, and this she accom- 
 plished with the aid of her daughters and others upon 
 whom she was able to call. Many people brought 
 their donations to her and a large part of the linen and 
 clothing for the Berlin hospital, especially that for the 
 chief depot, was got together by her, and sewed and 
 made ready under her supervision. In doing this she 
 was able to furnish remunerative work for so many 
 poor women that she wrote in the diary : " That is the 
 only good thing about a war, that one can employ so 
 many needy women." She forgot that it is war which 
 plunges so many women into poverty. 
 
 Lepsius was always ready to give and to advise, 
 and delighted in all that his wife and daughters accom- 
 plished. The news from the seat of war was awaited 
 with feverish excitement, and the successes of the vic- 
 torious troops were celebrated with enthusiasm. The 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 273 
 
 inmates of the Lepsius house received news at first 
 hand from their many friends in high places. Amongst 
 these was now Dr. Stephan, the head of the post-office 
 department. The husband and wife also had a great 
 liking for the minister Frommel ; a divine whose ser- 
 mons Lepsius, who was no regular churchgoer, liked 
 because he " did not preach dogmatically but from and 
 of real life." These are Lepsius' own words, and he 
 esteemed Frommel not only as a divine, but as a 
 clever, well-informed and agreeable companion. 
 
 During the following years life flowed on more 
 quietly. One after the other the boys left school, and 
 made substantial progress in their professions. The 
 girls became mistresses of families and mothers, the 
 garden ceased to be the scene of the merry games of 
 childhood, the big house, deserted by many of its 
 younger inhabitants, became too large for those who 
 remained: but the old social life did not languish, and 
 the father, with undiminished energy, was still busied 
 in his work rooms. If a large number of friends was 
 assembled in the Lepsius salons among them was 
 usually the Minister of the American Republic. This 
 was at first the grey haired historian Bancroft, after- 
 wards the noble and accomplished poet, Bayard Tay- 
 lor, who successfully translated Faust into English, 
 and lastly Andrew White, the erudite and liberal- 
 minded promoter of science in the new world. 
 
 When Lepsius did not prefer to play chess, — often 
 four-handed chess, or, still better, with three players 
 and a dummy, — he devoted many evenings, as of old, 
 
 18 
 
274 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 to the " Herrenkranzchen," or social club of learned 
 friends, in which he bore his part with pleasure, both 
 giving and receiving. 
 
 Lepsius belonged to the old or little " Griechheit " 
 during the first years of his marriage and before he 
 built his own house. Its members were: Lepsius, E. 
 Curtius, Gerhard, Abeken, Brandis, Wiese, and other 
 intimate friends. They read Greek classics, and so 
 kept up their familiarity with them and with the world 
 of ancient Hellas, but this was not the sole object of 
 the " Griechheit," which was rather intended to enable 
 friends of similar tastes and education to pass pleasant 
 and inspiring evenings together, where they might be 
 happy, unconstrained, and free from every sort of ped- 
 antry. After the reading and the discussion which 
 followed it, two chosen friends, the diplomat v. Schlo- 
 zer and the zoologist Peters, were admitted as so-called 
 " commensals," and they all went to supper. The 
 wife of the member at whose house the society met 
 presided at table, and often the friends remained till a 
 late hour over the merry meal, amidst the clinking of 
 glasses, and pleasant conversation. 
 
 With Abeken's late marriage in 1866, the little 
 " Griechheit," so dear to all its members, came to an 
 end, though its resurrection was celebrated some years 
 afterwards. But in its new form the more critical and 
 sharper spirit of the present learned society of Berlin 
 prevailed, instead of the inoffensive cheerful tone, and 
 the ideal humanistic thought of its predecessor. Mem- 
 bers of the various Faculties, Mommsen, the philoso- 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 275 
 
 pher Zeller, the mathematician Kronecker, H. Grimm, 
 Wattenbach, the lawyer Bruns, the archaeologist Schone, 
 v. Sybel, and Waitz took part in it, and among them, 
 as representatives of the older " Griechheit " were E. 
 Curtius and Lepsius. The English ambassador, Lord 
 Russel, the Greek ambassador, Rangabe, and George 
 v. Bunsen were also members. 
 
 The Wednesday or Literary Club had been 
 founded by Bethmann-Hollweg and Dorner, who was 
 also a friend of the Lepsiuses. The Berlin literati lived 
 at wide distances apart, and this club was begun with 
 the intention of enabling them to meet, and thus giving 
 an opportunity to those who were conducting re- 
 searches in the various domains of science to enrich 
 each other intellectually, through conversation, and 
 mutual communication of knowledge. 
 
 Each member was bound in turn to deliver a dis- 
 course upon some subject within his special department 
 of science. Another member had to provide the enter- 
 tainment, and thus the society met first at one house 
 and then at another. Of the old members many are 
 now dead; those who survive will recollect with satis- 
 faction the delightful evenings in which Lepsius partici- 
 pated with such pleasure. 
 
 To this society belonged Bethmann-Hollweg (the 
 president), Dorner, Braun the botanist, E. Curtius, Dun- 
 cker the historian, Beseler and Bruns the lawyers, 
 Miillenhof the student of German law, language and 
 history, Twesten the grey-haired and vigorous theo- 
 logian, Friedrichs the archaeologist, and also, for several 
 
276 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 years, Wichern, and Bancroft the historian and Ameri- 
 can ambassador. Of the younger members we may 
 name the astronomer Forster and the geologist and 
 geographer v. Richthofen, who had returned from 
 China, bringing with him important scientific results. 
 After Hermann had made himself at home as president 
 of the Supreme Church Council in Berlin, Dorner im- 
 mediately inducted him into the " Wednesday Club.'* 
 The architect Adler also found admittance to this 
 select circle, which was no less attractive to Lepsius 
 than the " Griechheit," which met on Friday. 
 
 He scarcely went once a year to the Monday Club, 
 although he was a member of this very old society, to 
 which Nicolai had once belonged, It was composed 
 of officials of high rank, and a few scholars. When 
 there was any matter regarding which Lepsius wished 
 to have a personal interview with one of the former, he 
 was glad to go thither to find him and engage his at- 
 tention. 
 
 The Archaeological and Geographical Societies he 
 visited occasionally from scientific interest. 
 
 If we did not have Lepsius' own assurance that 
 nothing so refreshed him as the exhilarating intercourse 
 with superior men, it would be hard to understand how, 
 during the latter lustrums of his laborious life, he could 
 conduct such numerous and profound researches to 
 their conclusion, when we consider that he was quite 
 frequently bidden to the evening tea-drinkings in the 
 imperial palace, that even when chief librarian he was 
 never to be counted among the negligent members of 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 277 
 
 the Griechheit or of the Wednesday Club, and that in 
 addition to this he had official and social duties. But 
 his mind, cheered and invigorated, soon retrieved by 
 the active labors of the morning those evening hours 
 which had been spent at the " Clubs." 
 
 One after another the children had all flown from 
 the parental nest. A portion of the beautiful garden 
 had to be sold, when Hildebrand Street was made to 
 •connect Thiergarten Street with the grand canal. The 
 latter we used to know as a modest sheep pond, upon 
 which the green duck-weed floated like mould, and 
 across whose sandy shores a few isolated trees cast 
 their shadow. Lepsius yielded to the demands of the 
 growing city of Berlin, and the vigorous old man, ever 
 ready for new enterprises, decided to sell the dear old 
 house. In consequence of the great rise in its value it 
 had become too expensive a dwelling for its few in- 
 mates, especially as Lepsius had just at that time en- 
 countered heavy pecuniary losses. But neither he nor 
 his wife wished to leave the dear old home, and there- 
 fore they caused it to be moved, after they had found 
 a suitable lot of ground in Kleist Street on the borders 
 •of Charlottenburg, in the extreme western part of Ber- 
 lin. There it was once more reared, and anyone who 
 once knew the old house, and now seeks and finds the 
 new, will feel, as all of us of that generation must, that 
 he is under the power of a magic spell; for there 
 before him stands the old Lepsius homestead, just as it 
 was in Bendler Street. The interior too has undergone 
 no change, and it is not only that the new house re- 
 
278 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 sembles the old, but, in a certain sense, it is the same, 
 for Lepsius did not sell the materials of which his first 
 dwelling-place had been constructed, and after the 
 new owner had torn down the scholar's home in Bend- 
 ler Street, in order to erect a large apartment house on 
 the site, Lepsius had it carried to Kleist Street, stone 
 by stone, door by door, and window by window, and 
 thus actually succeeded in living in the old house on 
 the new site. Unluckily, the good fortune which had 
 so long remained faithful to him did not follow him to 
 the new home. He there saw beloved members of his 
 family fall a prey to severe illness, and when he had 
 enjoyed the new dwelling for a short time he was him- 
 self attacked by the malignant disease which deprived 
 us of our revered Master, and his children of their dear 
 father. 
 
 But, on the other hand, the old house had fully and 
 completely fulfilled the destiny to which its builder had 
 consecrated it in a beautiful speech at the laying of the 
 corner-stone, August fifth, 1854. He then said, speak- 
 ing of his children and his wife : " This house is not 
 meant chiefly for us, but for our children. But for 
 them we should never have thought of building a 
 house. To them it will be the home of their parents, 
 where their youth will develop, therefore it shall give 
 them as large a portion of the fresh air of heaven and 
 of nature's green, as it is possible to obtain in a large 
 city. They will people every corner with their childish 
 phantasies, and throughout life their recollections will 
 cling to every tree and shrub." 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 279 
 
 Thus it happened; and the wife too, in the old 
 house, which then was new, took the very place which 
 he awarded her in the same speech ; " But besides the 
 children," he had said, " it is to the woman, to the mis- 
 tress of the house, that the house belongs. There in- 
 deed the man may often command or rebuke, but there 
 the woman rules. The husband will live there, but the 
 wife will work there, will govern and provide. Her 
 heart, her eye and her mouth are the true homes of 
 domestic peace, that beautiful jewel of a happy home. 
 As was said of old, she is the ' house honor; ' * that is, 
 upon her rests the honor of the house, and to her is due 
 the honor of the house. The proverb says ' Every 
 wise woman buildeth her house.' That has been a true 
 saying in this case, for many times has the whole plan 
 passed through the sieve of her wisdom, and each time 
 it has come out finer. Therefore it is just that we 
 should lay the foundation stone exactly here, under the 
 future room of the housewife, as the corner-stone of the 
 house's honor and the house's peace." 
 
 The children and friends were attracted to the new 
 home in Kleist Street as they had been to the old, and 
 it gave Lepsius special gratification to build a studio, as 
 an annex to the family dwelling, for his son Reinhold, 
 who had meanwhile developed into a very promising 
 portrait painter. In the evening of his days Lepsius saw 
 his two eldest sons lead home as brides the daughters 
 of two of his friends. 
 
 Grandchild after grandchild grew up beside the 
 
 * A German expression for housewife. — Trans. 
 
280 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 pair who were now waxing old. The wife had many 
 things to attend to and to watch over, now here and 
 now there; during the last lustrum, too, she had to 
 care for her husband, whose vigorous body had been 
 spared by serious illness until the slight apoplectic at- 
 tack, already mentioned, impaired the use of his hand. 
 In November, 1883, when we last visited our revered 
 teacher and dear friend, we found him and his wife 
 animated and cheerful in spite of the many terrible 
 blows of destiny which they had encountered. His 
 letters, which, after the apoplectic attack, had been 
 written with a trembling hand, had long since exhibited 
 almost the same firm strokes of the pen as in earlier 
 days, and the writings which date from his latter years 
 show that his mind had retained its old elasticity and 
 depth. But soon after our farewell visit a disorder of 
 the stomach began to undermine his vigorous health, 
 and at the same time his mind was greatly disturbed 
 by the severe illness of his beloved wife. 
 
 At Easter, 1884, he felt a premonition of his ap- 
 proaching end and faced it with that serenity of mind 
 which had always distinguished him. At that time, 
 when, without being really ill, he began to feel weak, 
 he often spoke of his impending death. At Whitsun- 
 tide he was forced to take to his bed, and he now 
 steadfastly regarded his approaching departure, and 
 quietly prepared for it. He caused his children to be 
 summoned, and clearly and thoughtfully talked over 
 with them everything in his and their material affairs 
 which still required to be set in order. He made a 
 
THE HOME OF LEPSIUS. 281 
 
 new will, as it had become necessary to change that 
 already in existence on account of the illness of the 
 faithful companion of his life, which was such as to 
 preclude any hope of recovery. After that he was a 
 little better again. The physicians believed that the 
 nicer of the stomach might heal, on account of the un- 
 usual vigor and soundness of the rest of the system : 
 but he did not share their hopes, although he allowed 
 his children to depart. 
 
 But soon afterwards the physicians became con- 
 vinced that the ulcer had developed into an incurable 
 cancer of the stomach. Nevertheless he would not 
 cease work, and his last efforts were devoted to his 
 science. 
 
 A polemic article against a Heidelberg colleague 
 had already been sent to press, and had been put in 
 type, in order that it might appear in the next number 
 of the Journal of Egyptian Language and Archaeology. 
 But before this occurred he felt the precursors of 
 death, and recalled the controversial paper and had 
 the type distributed, because he would not close his 
 scientific career " with a discord." 
 
 Then, while in bed, he himself corrected the last 
 pages of his " Linear Measures of the Ancients," and 
 with the same careful, indeed painful, accuracy which 
 had distinguished his work in the days of health. He 
 also directed to what persons this book should be sent. 
 Like a true German scholar, Lepsius died in the midst 
 of his labors. During the last three days he for the 
 first time occasionally lost his clearness of thought, in 
 
282 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 consequence of bodily exhaustion, as for the five pre- 
 vious weeks he had been able to take very little nour- 
 ishment. His end was painless, and his failing eyes 
 looked round upon his children, to whom it was 
 granted to stand beside his deathbed. At the end he 
 tried to speak to his eldest son, but the brothers and 
 sisters could only distinguish the name " Richard." 
 
 Lepsius drew his last breath on the tenth of July, 
 at nine o'clock in the morning. With entire interest 
 and consciousness he, together with all his children, 
 had eight days before received the holy sacrament from 
 the faithful pastor of the family, the chief Court Chap- 
 lain, Kogel. The words spoken beside the coffin of 
 the deceased by that excellent divine were a model of 
 what a funeral discourse should be, and proved that it 
 had been given to Kogel to recognize fully those great 
 qualities of mind and heart which had ennobled the 
 departed. 
 
 RICHARD LEPSIUS AS A MAN. 
 
 The reader of this biography, who has followed 
 with us the development and the subsequent life of 
 Richard Lepsius, will think that he has learned in him 
 to know a character whose estimable and tranquil 
 nature needs no closer inspection. He will consider it 
 a simple one, and therefore of little interest. For al- 
 though he has followed the life of our hero step by 
 
RICHARD LEPSIUS AS A MAN. 285 
 
 step from his school days to the climax of fame, from 
 childhood to an advanced old age, yet he has at no 
 time observed in it any noticeable alteration. The 
 reader has seen no great blows of destiny interrupt the 
 earthly existence of our friend, until a short time before 
 his death. Where obstacles have appeared in his path 
 they have been seen to sink of themselves, as if to be 
 the more readily surmounted. For this man Fortune 
 seemed to have changed her nature, fickleness to have 
 been transformed to fidelity, and treachery to truth. 
 But a perfectly happy life is like summer at the North 
 Pole where there is no night ; always bright, and with- 
 out timidity or terror. Yet, though strange, it is mo- 
 notonous, and therefore the longer the day endures the 
 more destitute is it of charm. 
 
 The great natural talents, and the fullness of years 
 granted to this man, were used by him wisely and pru- 
 dently. He left school and university with the highest 
 testimonials, and always fulfilled his duty with the 
 same active zeal and conscientious earnestness, whether 
 as a young scholar in Paris, Rome and London, as the 
 prudent chief of a great expedition which was crowned 
 with rare success, as the famous master and leader of a 
 progressive science, as a teacher at the university, as 
 the director of a museum, or as chief librarian. Every 
 honor which it was possible for him to attain fell to his 
 lot, and he conducted great undertakings to their con- 
 clusion with circumspection, energy and discernment. 
 From his youth up his superior character, as well as his 
 personal appearance and bearing, secured him esteem 
 
284 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 and consideration, and where it was necessary for him 
 to lead he commanded wisely, justly, vigorously and 
 discreetly. 
 
 When he was six and thirty years old he found an 
 admirable consort, who loved him with all the warmth 
 of an ardent young heart, and never ceased to recog- 
 nize his superiority with happy pride and to honor his 
 great qualities. In his own home his wife ruled freely, 
 and yet he was ever the absolute master. Four fine 
 sons promised to maintain the honor of his famous 
 name, and his beloved daughters endowed him with 
 charming grandchildren. When he closed his eyes he 
 might say that his work, and with it his fame, would 
 endure as long as the science to which he had rendered 
 such great services. He presented his complete works 
 to his native town, Naumburg, that all which he had 
 accomplished might be preserved at his birthplace in 
 the Bibliotheca Lepsiana. 
 
 It is true that the story of this life shows few shad- 
 ows amid many lights, and he whom it presents to us 
 underwent no marked change during his years of ma- 
 turity. Nevertheless, he had not, from childhood up, 
 been this unimpassioned and prudent master of himself, 
 who knew how to control every quick impulse, that he 
 might follow or abandon it as his searching mind de- 
 cided on its worth or worthlessness. No ! for him, too, 
 there must have been a time when an honest man 
 could not have affirmed as he did to his wife in his six- 
 tieth year, that he never had anything to repent, be- 
 cause he always did that which he thought right. 
 
RICHARD LEPSIUS AS A MAN. 285 
 
 He was considered by many to be essentially a cold 
 man of intellect, in whom feeling was overshadowed by 
 the fully developed and carefully polished mind. This 
 opinion sprang from his dispassionate prudence, the 
 well-bred reserve by which he knew how to hide the 
 weaker parts of his nature, the measured dignity with 
 which he met strangers, and the quiet and thoughtful 
 composure which came from his habit of always hold- 
 ing a dominating position and directing his own affairs 
 as well as those of others. To these were added the 
 Tmposing dignity of his figure, the clear symmetrical 
 outlines of his fine features, the natural grace of his 
 movements, the finished tones of his speech, and es- 
 pecially the earnest and utterly intolerant severity with 
 which he opposed all falsehood and injustice wherever 
 he encountered them. It w T as impossible to forget, too, 
 with what energy, wherever he held command, he 
 sought to reduce all that was disorderly to order, or 
 with what independence he, when an attempt was 
 made to depreciate his well won right to the director- 
 ship of the Museum, * unhesitatingly declared that he 
 would resign his professorship and leave Berlin if his 
 well-founded claims were not accorded to him. 
 
 Yet in spite of all this those who would deny him 
 warmth of soul are wrong, indeed we can maintain this 
 confidently, although even to his wife the qualities of 
 
 * After Lepsius had made the Egyptian collection in Berlin what 
 it now is, Humboldt, who was always most warmly interested in the 
 aspirations of talented young men, attempted to substitute as direc- 
 tor of the Museum, in the place of Lepsius, the young and highly 
 gifted H. Brugsch, who was at that time an open antagonist of Lep- 
 sius. 
 
?S6 
 
 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 her husband's intellect were always more apparent than 
 those of his heart. 
 
 Let us hear the judgment which she pronounced 
 on him; not during the first ten years of marriage, 
 when, overflowing with love, she found in him some- 
 thing new to admire every day, but after she had 
 shared the pleasures and pains of life with him for 
 nearly a quarter of a century, and had come to feel with 
 bitterness that she would never succeed in leading him 
 to the same conception of a strictly Christian and con- 
 trite life which she had herself arrived at many years 
 before. 
 
 She had sought once more, on Christmas eve, 1869, 
 to win him over to the charms of that pious faith in 
 miracles which filled her own soul, and to lead him to 
 that fountain " whence alone flowed strength and hap- 
 piness for her." He answered her that she should not 
 desire impossibilities, and should hold to that which 
 was good in him, as he gladly contented himself with 
 the many things that were excellent in her. There- 
 upon she wrote, " Truth and uprightness are family- 
 virtues of the Lepsius race. They have usually serene 
 and well disposed natures, noble minds, which despise 
 everything that is trivial, and a strong sense of honor. 
 Richard adds to these a disposition to mediate and 
 reconcile which makes him greatly beloved. Intelli- 
 gence and clear sobriety of thought prevail among all 
 the brothers and sisters. Richard has attained self- 
 control and moderation amongst the manifold relations 
 of life, and to this his prudence and his knowledge 
 
RICHARD LEPSIUS AS A MAN. 287 
 
 have added. Vain he is not; in short an homme 
 comme il faut. At every moment he does what he 
 thinks right, and therefore never has anything to repent 
 of, (he once told me so himself.)" She then calls his 
 character a well-regulated and symmetrical one, with a 
 prevailing intellectual tendency, and, (we repeat), she 
 exclaims after a married life of four and twenty years, 
 and speaking with irritation, " If there were even any 
 positive faults that I had to bear in Richard — but 
 there are no faults, he has none, it is only community 
 of faith which I miss." 
 
 In this analysis of his character there are certainly 
 many words of warm appreciation, and indeed his up- 
 rightness was such that every judgment, every expres- 
 sion of opinion which we hear him utter either publicly 
 or in writing to his acquaintances, corresponds exactly 
 to what is contained in confidential letters to his family, 
 and the memoranda intended for himself alone. But 
 his own wife sees in him only the well-meaning, fault- 
 less and stainless man of intellect, and forgets that for 
 him, too, there must have been a time when he had to 
 strive against those impulses and emotions to which 
 few men are strangers. Regarding this conflict he had 
 written to her in former years a beautiful and perfectly 
 unreserved letter. 
 
 In this document, which gives us a key to the un- 
 derstanding of both his intrinsic and his external quali- 
 ties, he writes : " I recognize an impulsive disposition 
 as an old fault in myself, and I think I have observed 
 it also in you. Impulsiveness is often beautiful and 
 
288 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 charming, and often resembles, in a small way, that 
 which, on a large scale, is among the most splendid 
 products of human inspiration and noble self-sacrifice. 
 But it does not go deep, is not enduring in action, dis- 
 sipates itself for inferior aims, impedes the quiet and 
 blessed development of those tender and precious 
 germs of grace, resignation, cheerful peace, and ready- 
 receptivity for whatever is good in all things and men, 
 which slumber in every well-disposed nature. An im- 
 pulsive temperament shows itself in every quick emo- 
 tion which outruns kindness, in hasty judgment which 
 so easily becomes prejudice, in a variable temper, upon 
 which the blood should have no influence, in a ten- 
 dency to complaint, against oneself as well as against 
 others, and in love of criticism of oneself and others. 
 On this account the diaries which I have sometimes 
 kept have only helped me on the wrong way. The 
 best remedy for an impulsive nature, and one which 
 never fails in the long run, is a determination strength- 
 ened by religious conviction and faith to acknowledge 
 to ourselves every disagreeable, disturbing, passionate 
 impulse as wrong and unworthy of ourselves, and 
 simply to put it aside, without regret and without con- 
 sidering ourselves martyrs. Besides this, there is great 
 benefit in a regard for external forms, and refined, 
 gentle manners. These require for their outer clothing 
 freedom from passion, delicate and careful considera- 
 tion, and an upright endeavor to reach what is really 
 unattainable, and please all at once, except the wicked. 
 Jt is an enviable thing to please whether among cour- 
 
RICHARD LEPSIUS AS A MAN. 289 
 
 tiers or in a students' tavern, and yet to be neither a 
 courtier nor rude. As you see, I say all these and a 
 great many more things like them to myself, but do not 
 follow them much in practice." 
 
 This beautiful monition from a rigorously truthful 
 man contains the confession that impulsiveness was an 
 old fault of his own. But it includes at the same time 
 a strong condemnation thereof, and a summons to 
 battle against it. The remedy which he here declared 
 to be efficacious he had tried on himself, and who 
 knows with what grievous struggles he arrived at that 
 dominion over the impulses of a strong nature, that re- 
 straint of external forms, and the practice of those re- 
 fined and well-bred manners, which already distin- 
 guished him when he came to Rome, and which 
 awakened the regard of Frau v. Bunsen (See page 98). 
 It was certainly his honest and firm will and his manly 
 strength, which led him to victory, but not these alone, 
 for through his admonition we can hear the echo of 
 Luther's " Nothing is done by our own- might, .... 
 may the Right Man aid us in the fight." His firm trust 
 in God, his simple but genuine Christianity, free from 
 every misinterpretation, self-torment and extravagance, 
 supported him in that hard conflict. 
 
 In the beginning of his twentieth year he had 
 already set before himself his ideal of life, and this, sup- 
 ported by the energy of his harmoniously constituted 
 nature, he pursued to the end, first with struggle and 
 conflict, and finally without any extraordinary effort, 
 and as if of his own free will. 
 
 19 
 
290 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 In Paris, on the occasion of the unveiling of the 
 Vendome column (Page 61) he wrote: "What can 
 make a deeper impression than the strength of mind 
 which shows itself in a composed bearing and an ex- 
 pression of control, in contrast with the unbridled pas- 
 sions of "similar human minds." To win this " com- 
 posed bearing," to acquire perfect command over 
 unbridled impulses, was the aim of all his labor with 
 himself. No, the character of a Lepsius did not come 
 into the world as a thing completed, did not spring like 
 Pallas Athene from the head of Zeus : it was won by 
 hard, prolonged and repeated struggles. 
 
 In this campaign against an adversary who, how- 
 ever often he may be slain, continually wakens to new 
 life, he accustomed himself to consider impulsiveness 
 as an enemy, as a peace-breaker, as a disease of sound 
 human nature. This latter, to his eyes, could only be 
 truly great when ruled by calm self-control. Here we 
 find an explanation of the words which he wrote to 
 Bunsen when twenty-nine years old, and which must 
 appear paradoxical and startling to the uninitiated. 
 During his sojourn in England in 1839 his heart had 
 been won by a lovely maiden, but his material circum- 
 stances would not permit him to woo her. All this he 
 confessed to his sympathetic patron in reply to his en- 
 quiries, and added, " I hold every passion to be a de- 
 fect in love, and why shall I, at the very outset, declare 
 myself too weak to preserve the purity of true love, and 
 keep it from cooling into passion ?" 
 
 To all asceticism the healthy nature of this man, 
 
RICHARD LEPSIUS AS A MAN. 29 1 
 
 with his keen enjoyment of life, was a stranger, but for 
 him the words "impulse" and "impulsiveness" had 
 come to embody everything which transgresses the 
 limits of an orderly and law-abiding life, everything 
 which compels the rider, who should seek to govern 
 his steed and guide it according to his will, to follow 
 the animal instead wherever it may bear him. He 
 at least knew how to compel the steed to submission. 
 In England he seems to have shed warm heart's blood 
 in his effort to obtain the mastery over himself. There, 
 where he found friendship, love, and the fullest inspira- 
 tion, we often see him dissatisfied with himself, and 
 hear him complain of " faint-heartedness and every 
 sort of bondage." (See page ioo). He chiefly means 
 here by " bondage " his faulty control over the power- 
 ful impulses of his nature, which he endeavors to sub- 
 due. Here he confesses to Bunsen (See page 127), 
 that he daily feels he has not yet passed beyond the 
 period of education. 
 
 His vivacious wife was astonished, when he was a 
 mature man, to behold him rule over himself with en- 
 tire and sovereign power, and guide the ship of his and 
 her life. She was often forced to give expression to 
 what she felt at this sight. " Richard," she says, 
 " always the same, I always depressed or excited." 
 On one occassion she compares herself with her hus- 
 band in a different way, and says : " It is very true that 
 it is better and makes one's path easier through life, to 
 be so passionless. One does not hope for too much, 
 one is not so timid, one is not so much troubled, one 
 
292 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 does not have to struggle so much. But that is the 
 way I am made, and at the bottom, I would not even 
 care to be so self-poised ; if one has a harder struggle, 
 one has also more ardor and heartfelt delight." 
 
 But the nature of this man cannot be called so per- 
 fectly self-poised, for he was as much beloved as a 
 companion as he was esteemed as a scholar. He 
 never showed in his manner the least trace of ped- 
 antry, and, as she herself had previously acknowledged, 
 (See page 247) he gave himself up entirely and thor- 
 oughly to everything in which he engaged, whether it 
 was social pleasures or the most serious affairs. 
 
 The admirable method of life which he recom- 
 mends as a means of subduing unruly impulses, distin- 
 guished him to the end. It was his fortune to be 
 equally a welcome guest whether at the imperial court 
 or amidst the gay ringing of glasses in the friendly 
 circle, and this was because he was able to take part in 
 the sharpest exchange of opinions, and to experience 
 the heartiest pleasure, without exceeding the limits of 
 good breeding. He could play with his children and 
 knew how to establish himself in their youthful souls. 
 His student comrades remained the friends of his old 
 age, and his travelling companions, over whom he had 
 ruled as a leader, clung to him with affection until his 
 or their death. Who ever showed greater fidelity or 
 firmer friendship than he did towards those equals and 
 colleagues who had come into close relations with him 
 in scientific matters or in family intercourse? They 
 remained closely linked to him in the bonds of affec- 
 
RICHARD LEPSIUS AS A MAN. 293 
 
 tion for decades. From his school-days on, he felt the 
 need of friendship, and when a youth in Paris he gave 
 expression to his thoughts on friendship, and wrote : 
 " A circle of four friends bears the same relation to one 
 of three that a four-legged table bears to a three- 
 legged. Thus two friends form a line and three a sur- 
 face." His choice of friends fell exclusively on men of 
 intellectual prominence, but the " intellectual " in its 
 modern, and especially in its Berlin, sense, was repug- 
 nant to him. Manfully did he defend the interests of 
 those whom he knew to be men of ability and of 
 whose labors he had availed himself. After the de- 
 signer Weidenbach had done him invaluable service in 
 Egypt and in the preparation of the great work on 
 monuments and the embellishment of the museum at 
 Berlin, he was left without employment. Lepsius 
 wished to procure him a permanent situation in the 
 museum, and with good right, for his best years had 
 been passed entirely in works ordered by the govern- 
 ment, and these he had executed in the best possible 
 manner and without regard to the more lucrative situ- 
 ations which were offered him. Nevertheless the Min- 
 ister, v. Raumer, coolly refused the petition for this very 
 deserving artist, with the remark that Weidenbach 
 might look for some other employment. Thereupon 
 Lepsius replied to the high official, who was a man of 
 strict piety but little human feeling, and whose ministry 
 has long been recognized as pernicious, " So you think 
 as Talleyrand did, who to the appeal of a suppliant 
 *" Mais ilfaut pourta?it que je vive" replied : " Je lien 
 
294 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 vols pas la necessite" Lepsius knew how to procure 
 the desired situation for his protege, in spite of Raumer, 
 and Weidenbach filled it admirably to the end. 
 
 How is it conceivable the man lacked feeling who, 
 during his whole lifetime, was the object of the warmest 
 attachment from men of such tender feeling as Bunsen, 
 the Grimms, Carl Ritter, Ernest Curtius, Max Miiller, 
 and many others. Who can venture to accuse of 
 heartlessness the man who knew how to win the hearts 
 of the best men and women, as he did ? On October 
 17th, 1838, Frau v. Bunsen wrote to Abeken from 
 Llanover : " Lepsius has won the first place in the 
 heart of my mother, (a truly venerable old lady of 
 great experience) and is praised and admired in differ- 
 ent degrees by all." And from how many friends and 
 relations who did not live in Berlin do we hear that it 
 was a festival for them when they received a visit from 
 this great man, who, with all his personal dignity, was 
 most cheerful and sympathetic. His own mother had 
 died early (1819), but his father had married her 
 younger sister, and had found in her a worthy com- 
 panion for himself, and the most faithful, loving and 
 discreet care-taker and educator for his children that 
 could have been imagined. After the death of the 
 President of the Court the widow's share of his prop- 
 erty amounted to so much that Frau Julie's future ap- 
 peared to be assured. Nevertheless, her stepson 
 Richard, our Lepsius, with the cordial assent of his 
 noble wife, immediately declared himself ready to re- 
 nounce in her favor the not inconsiderable inheritance 
 
RICHARD LEPSIUS AS A MAN. 295 
 
 which would fall to his own share. The old lady did 
 not accept this gift, but Richard appears to have been 
 always the favorite among her stepsons. Do I need 
 to recall the fatherly love and fidelity which he showed 
 to the adopted danghter, whom he brought up with his 
 own six children ? 
 
 Before us lies a large quarto volume beautifully 
 bound. It contains in forty-eight manuscript pages an 
 excellent description of Thebes. This is entitled : " A 
 cyclorama of Thebes, sent as a greeting from the dis- 
 tance to my dear parents on their silver wedding, 
 April, 1845."* The whole has the appearance of a 
 " festal congratulation," such as children offer to their 
 parents, and its beautiful penmanship evinces the most 
 loving care. Yet the author and writer was no less a 
 person than the celebrated leader of a great expedition 
 and was then four and thirty years old. The conclu- 
 sion of this " congratulation " runs thus : 
 
 "•We close to-day, with the week, both our sojourn 
 and our labors in the Memnonia of ancient Thebes. 
 They have kept us fully occupied for fourteen weeks. 
 To-morrow, as a farewell to our Theban capital, I in- 
 tend to celebrate a little festival, which I have privately 
 arranged. It will be on the top of our hill, where this 
 description was written. I am going to have a new 
 tent raised there and have it decked with green pen- 
 nons, and will share these pages with my travelling 
 companions, as a little celebration of your wedding 
 
 * The bride of the silver wedding was of course not the mother 
 but the stepmother (and also aunt) of our Lepsius. (See page 294.) 
 
296 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 feast. They are accustomed to feel a friendly sym- 
 pathy in all that nearly concerns or moves me, and 
 therefore in you. Thus, in the immediate enjoyment 
 and observation of this beautiful and remarkable scene, 
 we will once more impress the principal points upon 
 our memories before our departure. We will remember 
 you and the large family circle, which, we hope, will 
 have gathered from the south and the north to sur- 
 round you in undisturbed happiness. But I shall think 
 of you most vividly, since I cannot myself hand to you 
 both this greeting from the Nile. But so much the 
 more impatiently do I hope to follow it in a few 
 months." 
 
 These words were written by a warm-hearted man, 
 and to them he appends the following significant 
 verses : 
 
 For science, though with effort strong we see 
 
 Her seek a lofty goal, 
 Though from its chains she wakes, and quick sets free, 
 
 The darkened soul, 
 
 Yet still has but a cold and borrowed light, 
 
 Like moonshine pale, 
 If the heart's breath of life be wanting quite, 
 
 If warm love fail ! 
 
 We have already repeatedly shown the beautiful 
 and intimate relation which bound Lepsius to his 
 father, and pointed out how zealously he ever tried to 
 impart to his father everything that could please or in- 
 terest him. He never forgot what he owed to the 
 
RICHARD LEPSIUS AS A MAN. 297 
 
 guide of his youth and childhood, — and it was not 
 little. Above all others, the gift which he had received 
 from his father was the strong love of truth and order 
 by which he was distinguished. It was not only that 
 this lightened his most difficult labors, but it rather made 
 many of them possible. Hand in hand with this went 
 the painstaking accuracy with which he worked. He 
 never laid aside anything which was not entirely com- 
 pleted and finished up to the last detail. Thence it 
 comes, for exampje, that the second and third volumes 
 of his chronology, announced in the preface, were 
 never* published. He had begun important prepara- 
 tory works for them, but as these were not entirely fin- 
 ished he only gave them to the press in detached 
 monographs, which he could regard as completed. If, 
 with the exception of the Decree of Canopus, and a 
 portion of the seventeenth chapter of the Book of the 
 Dead, we possess no continuous translation of hiero- 
 glyphic texts by him, this circumstance is also to be 
 explained by his dislike to letting anything leave his 
 hand and go to press which contained flaws or was not 
 perfectly completed and filled out. All that he trans- 
 lated from ancient Egyptian into German gives the 
 most sufficient evidence of his mastery of this branch 
 also, but the critical philologist never prevailed upon 
 himself to deliver a line which was only half known as 
 one that was known. The fragment of his translation 
 of the " Book of the Dead " which we have previously 
 mentioned, and which has for its basis a critical com- 
 parison of all the texts obtainable, shows much greater 
 
298 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 ability than the translation of the entire " Book of the 
 Dead " which has recently been prematurely attempted 
 by a later Egyptologist. 
 
 It would be an error to call Lepsius a genius. He 
 lacked the strong imagination, the winged creative 
 power which achieves feats that soar beyond the con- 
 ception of men of pure understanding, as well as the in- 
 difference to the things of this world and the ardent tem- 
 perament of a genius. But he was a man of talent of 
 the first order, with wonderful intensity of intellect, and 
 the rarest strength of will and capability for learning 
 and work. Besides this he was not only, as his wife 
 said, an " homme comme il fant" that is, a man fitted 
 to appear in society, but also the model of a scholar, 
 and what is more, of a man. It is true that warm feel- 
 ing is necessary for the latter, and we remain true to 
 our conviction that he possessed this. 
 
 In his Parisian diary, which was intended for him- 
 self alone, he tells of the fall of a platform on the occa- 
 sion of a public festival. A boy, who was a stranger 
 to him, was injured by it ; he took him in his carriage, 
 and subsequently wrote : " I held him afterwards for a 
 long time in my arms, so that at least he should see 
 something of the unveiling of the statue." On the 
 25th of July, 1834, he wrote in the same journal: "A 
 disagreeable and entirely unfounded slander will per- 
 haps put an end to my Egyptian project," and imme- 
 diately afterwards : " Heap coals of fire on the head of 
 thy enemy." 
 
 This is what we call " kind-hearted," this is chris- 
 
RICHARD LEPSIUS AS A MAN. 299 
 
 tian in the right sense of the word. He had absolute 
 control of the property and never restricted the benefi- 
 cence of his wife, half of whose life was devoted to the 
 care of the poor and the like occupations. Even such 
 sums as five hundred thalers he willingly gave away 
 when it was a question of saving a poor family. Just 
 as he visited me as a teacher, and gave me a portion 
 of his precious time, when a protracted illness prevented 
 my going out of the house, so did he seek out in the 
 hospital a needy scholar as soon as he heard of his 
 severe illness, and there extend to him the most cordial 
 assistance, though the young man had never been per- 
 sonally intimate with him, and had not been, like me, 
 recommended to him by a Grimm. And how many 
 such things, which never came to my knowledge, could 
 be told of him ! 
 
 Although those who cling to the letter of the faith 
 would not approve his Christianity, yet his life was a 
 truly christian one. He ever made an open confes- 
 sion of faith in God and Christ, he took, whenever he 
 felt the need for it, the holy sacrament, he experienced 
 in himself the blessings which Christianity had brought 
 into the world, he recognized them in history, and he 
 allowed his children to be educated by his pious wife 
 without opposition. He declared to her, to Trumpp, 
 and to others, that the highest duty of human beings 
 was " to love God above all others, and one's neighbor 
 as oneself." The new conquests of natural science 
 had no power to shake his faith in God, although he 
 followed them with interest after two of his sons had 
 
300 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 devoted themselves to such studies. When doubts 
 arose in him he imposed upon his own acute mental 
 powers the task of dissipating them, and an interesting 
 composition was found among his papers, in which he 
 attempts to subvert the two principal propositions in 
 an eloquent masterpiece of Bois-Reymond's * which 
 had disturbed his mind. 
 
 There has gone to the grave in Lepsius a true man, 
 a noble and admirable human being, and, (if we except 
 the last years of his life) a fortunate one ; a man who 
 was among the greatest, most zealous, and most suc- 
 cessful scholars of his time, and whose name and works 
 will outlast the centuries. We will close this biography 
 with the earnest and reverential words addressed to us 
 by G. Maspero, the greatest of living French Egyp- 
 tologists and the worthy successor of Mariette in the 
 guardianship of all the monuments and excavations in 
 Egypt, after he had received the intelligence of the de- 
 parture of our Senior Master. 
 
 "Lepsius" he says, "e'tait un des derniers survi- 
 vants. de notre dge heroique, et il avait ete pendant 
 longtemps notre maitre a tous. Je ne demande qu'une 
 chose pour mon compte : c'est que plus tard au mo- 
 ment ou Von en sera venu a dire pour moi ce que je 
 dis pour lui, on puis se affirmer que fai fait pour la sci- 
 ence la moi tie de ce qu 'il a fait pour elle." 
 
 # " On the Limits of Natural Knowledge." The conclusion to 
 which Lepsius came was that the true limits of the knowledge of 
 nature coincide with the limits of human capacity for knowledge in 
 general. Beyond these limits he finds, as we know from other utter- 
 ances, room for his living God. 
 
3 oi 
 
 APPENDIX I. 
 
 THE GOTTINGEN INSURRECTION. 
 
 Gottingen, Dec. 8th~9th (1830), 
 About two o'clock at night. 
 
 I finally despatched the letter in which I wrote 
 you of the mutterings of the revolution ; it broke out 
 here at midday, with the striking of the twelve o'clock 
 bell. There was a great outcry on the streets. 
 " Revolution, Revolution !" they snouted ; we rushed 
 to the market-place, which was already filled with 
 citizens and students ; they stormed the town-hall and 
 occupied it; in a trice all the booths were torn down 
 and the goods packed up in the greatest haste. I hur- 
 ried to my friend Kreiss, the Frenchman, whose win- 
 dows look directly on the market-place and the town- 
 hall. It was a remarkable scene; above and below, 
 here, there, and everywhere, glittered sabres and rifles ; 
 guards were posted on the steps which led to the col- 
 onnade in front of the town-hall. Men in black, with 
 long green, blue and red sashes, bustled about under 
 the colonnade, and looked consequential ; one man 
 was carrying away a pole with a big piece of sail-cloth ; 
 they tore it from him and wanted to use it for a 
 banner, and there was a great deal of laughing and 
 joking. A number of details, to be seen and heard at 
 every step, I cannot mention here. More guns ap- 
 
302 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 peared, sabres, broadswords, rapiers, muskets, rifles, 
 pistols, clubs ; every man armed himself and they all 
 rushed to the town-hall, to inscribe their names blindly 
 on the lists. These were presented to the citizens and 
 students by the chief revolutionists, especially a Dr. v. 
 Rauschenblatt, who had quarrelled publicly with Pro- 
 fessor Hugo, and had been forbidden to read with the 
 students. No one knew what he wanted, or what the 
 spectacle was for. Westphal, the superintendent of 
 police, immediately resigned his office, to prevent acts 
 of violence. As far as I could hear, the citizens par- 
 ticularly demanded a better observance of the constitu- 
 tion and its improvement. They wished that the 
 authorities should render an account of the revenues, 
 which they had neglected to do for a number of years, 
 that the high taxes should be reduced, and the excise 
 abolished. So said those who had anything at all to 
 say. V. Rauschenblatt with his aids had long since 
 been denounced by the burghers, and therefore sought 
 to win over the students. He made fiery revolutionary 
 speeches in the town-hall. "The rule of Liberalism," 
 " Overthrow of Servilism throughout the land," and 
 such like general phrases appealing to the ear, were 
 constantly repeated, and it was plain to see that this 
 eccentric man in thus stirring up the people either had 
 no clear and rational grasp of the situation, or else was 
 pursuing his own egotistical aims. After a while none 
 but armed men were allowed to sign; all the shops 
 where swords were sold were bought out, there was no 
 one left without some sort of weapon. I should often 
 have been forced to laugh at all this hocus-pocus and 
 madness, if I had not been vexed at it, for so far I did 
 not believe that it would lead to any serious conse- 
 quences. 
 
 Then they marched in rank and file to v. Poten, 
 the commandant of the city, to demand that the mili- 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 3°3 
 
 tary, who had been ordered out for this evening, 
 should not be admitted, and that a National Guard 
 should be organized. This was conceded. The citi- 
 zens remained at the town-hall, the students went to 
 another spot, where v. Rauschenblatt divided them into 
 bands, and assigned them the senior members of the 
 societies for leaders. It was reported everywhere that 
 Professor Langenbeck would place himself at their 
 head, but there were still very few of them who knew 
 where, how or why. All the students actually as- 
 sembled in front of Langenbeck's house, and hurrahed 
 for him, with a frightful clamor and clashing of swords. 
 He showed himself at the window, and begged them 
 all to sign together. Meanwhile the gate had long 
 been closed and guarded, the soldiers had been dis- 
 missed, and were keeping quiet. When three hundred 
 had signed, (and I among them, as the sole object was 
 to keep peace and order,) v. Rauschenblatt came up 
 with some of his adherents, and assured everybody that 
 it was no longer necessary to sign : the only object was 
 to lead the people astray, and to make use of them 
 once more for the promotion of " Servilism." They 
 did not need court counsellors at their head to lead 
 them : every one who signed here was faithless to his 
 previous signing at the town-hall, and deserted the true 
 cause, and so on ; also no one must go at seven o'clock 
 to the Rohns, (an inn and n\eeting-hall) whither the 
 court counsellor Langenbeck had summoned us all. 
 By this time it was already dark, all the streets were 
 full of tumult. Heads were thick in the market-place. 
 At the town-hall stood the musicians and played the 
 Marseillaise, and then again God save the King, and 
 then Lutzow's hunting song, and the barcarolle, and 
 students' songs. The crowd continually hurrahed and 
 shouted and howled. I passed once over the piazza 
 before the town-hall, always with a broadsword of 
 
304 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 course, for without it one could not get through any- 
 where. Rauschenblatt was standing above, and giving 
 one vivat after another for freedom and equality. It 
 was nearly seven o'clock. As I passed the demagogue 
 I asked him " which way," for we had heard of some 
 other place where the revolutionists were assembling. 
 " Only not to the Rohns," he said hastily, " we will 
 now march round the town." Then the music had to 
 go in front, and the whole crowd behind it. Wherever 
 they passed they cried, " Bring out the lights !" The 
 market-place had been already illuminated for a long 
 time. Meanwhile it snowed hard. Soldiers had sev- 
 eral times come before the gates, but because these 
 were locked, and Poten himself ordered them off, they 
 went away again. Then it struck seven, and I, always 
 a good citizen, hastened with my friends to the Rohns. 
 At first there were few there; the music had drawn 
 most of the people to the other side, but it filled up 
 more and more. I could already hear how the men 
 were dividing up into different parties, for it was easy 
 to understand that the revolutionists would disturb us. 
 Now came Langenbeck and summoned us to form a 
 national guard to maintain peace and order as they 
 had done in Leipsic. Then a couple of violent 
 brawlers took sides against him, and would hear 
 nothing of it; "We shall join the townspeople," they 
 cried, " Here we are citizens ! We don't want to be 
 nothing but academicians !" and so on. Langenbeck 
 became undecided in his utterances, he did not wish to 
 hear of any meddling with politics, they must let the 
 townsmen do as they liked, not oppose them and not 
 help them. But he had not presence of mind enough 
 to give his opinions positively and strongly. Then 
 Rauschenblatt pushed through the crowd, and Langen- 
 beck became much confused. They got into a violent 
 altercation, a fearful din was raised on all sides, we 
 
APPENDIX. 305 
 
 hurrahed for Langenbeck and the other men for 
 Rauschenblatt, sabres and broadswords were drawn, so 
 that the whole hall clattered; an instantaneous reflec- 
 tion of it would have made a splendid picture. I will 
 not make you anxious by telling how I came forward 
 and expressed my opinion, but it must be remembered 
 that so far there had been no danger, as in the whole 
 town there was no longer any one for the rioters to 
 turn against, and therefore there was no bloody dis- 
 turbance of the peace to fear. Some shots which were 
 fired gave a little anxiety, but amounted to nothing. 
 Langenbeck then got up on the table, but did not stay 
 long on this platform and went away; he certainly 
 might have managed his affairs better. Rauschenblatt 
 now spoke much more forcibly and coherently — at 
 least it sounded so to the ear; at the same time he 
 brandished his pistols and talked of traitors, and then 
 he went away too. But a great many were still left. 
 They had not seen Langenbeck go out ; he was loudly 
 called for, for the men there were mostly his followers ; 
 the few revolutionists who remained only interrupted 
 at intervals the appropriate and forcible remarks of the 
 tutor, Goschen, who had now climbed on to the table 
 and continued to speak in the same strain as Langen- 
 beck. He bade them resolve above all to preserve 
 peace and order for this night. Meanwhile the seniors 
 of the societies had already come to an agreement, had 
 set a .main watch, and then sent out sentinels and 
 patrols. On the whole the temper of the students 
 seemed to have moderated, and our party to have in- 
 creased in comparison with the revolutionists, who had 
 at first been much more numerous. Then we went to 
 Goschen's (that is, some acquaintances and I) and eat 
 our supper. Afterwards we went again to Langenbeck, 
 who had meanwhile been to the main watch with the 
 tutor, to take him again to the Rohns, as had been de- 
 
306 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 cided on. But this was not done, and we now set a 
 watch in Langenbeck's auditorium which is at the side 
 of his house, stationed a guard of twelve men round 
 his house, and took turns in patrolling through the 
 town. Who goes there? Patrol or sentinel of the 
 night watch, or this or that, was perpetually resounding 
 through the streets; a drunken citizen was escorted 
 home, we visited guards and gates, in short until two 
 o'clock I was constantly on my legs, and now I am 
 writing this to you immediately. But what I wish is 
 that you should have no anxiety about me, for indeed 
 I am not wanting in prudence ; besides the whole affair 
 up to now has not taken on any dangerous character, 
 because there is no object for it. To-morrow, or rather 
 early to-day, about nine o'clock we are to be at the 
 Rohns again. 
 
 Sunday, Midday, 
 About one o'clock. 
 
 Langenbeck's guard has long been removed. The 
 societies join the citizens under the seniors and Rau- 
 schenblatt. Langenbeck had still a large party at the 
 Rohns this morning at nine o'clock; he called dele- 
 gates from the societies into his house, where several 
 professors were assembled. The seniors who came, 
 (there were but few of them) seemed to have become 
 more moderate. Then Langenbeck went once more 
 to the town-hall. There were assembled in the senate 
 chamber the deputies of the town and other citizens 
 and students, who now played quite a role. We guarded 
 the door; Rauschenblatt, Dr. Schuster, Eyting and 
 other revolutionists were inside; Langenbeck wished 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 3°7 
 
 to come to an understanding with them, and stayed in 
 there a long time, there was a very violent dispute, but 
 he came out again without having settled anything, 
 and he said himself that he must now withdraw, and 
 that his party had dissolved. I, and most of my 
 friends except Gravenhorst, will join nobody, not even 
 the societies. — At the same time a general revolution 
 has broken out all over Hanover. If it becomes more 
 serious here I will perhaps leave the town, but so far 
 there has been no danger; and perhaps the whole 
 revolution will pass over quietly. I will write to you 
 soon again, until then 
 
 Your Richard. 
 
 Among the letters to his father is the certificate 
 signed by General von dem Busche, which permitted 
 Lepsius to remain longer in Gottingen. For many 
 students this tempest in a tea-pot was to have very dis- 
 agreeable consequences, for a rescript from the King 
 dated January nth, 1831, commanded all Hanoverian 
 subjects studying in Gottingen to leave the town im- 
 mediately. Those who should remain in spite of this 
 were deprived of all right to any situation in the public 
 service of the King. The foreigners among the stu- 
 dents were also expelled, and could only obtain per- 
 mission for a longer stay by means of special interces- 
 sions. " Above all " the lectures were stopped until 
 Easter. 
 
3 o8 
 
 APPENDIX II. 
 
 Lepsius' Report to the Berlin Royal Academy 
 of Sciences on the Commencement of his 
 Egyptological Studies. 
 
 Somewhat more than a year and a half ago I 
 began the study of Egyptian antiquity by the path 
 which had been substantially opened to modern science, 
 and firmly trodden by her, since Champollion's impor- 
 tant discoveries regarding phonetic hieroglyphs. I 
 did so with a generally diffused doubt as to the sound- 
 ness of the new doctrine which had been almost ex- 
 clusively founded and embraced by a French scholar. 
 The system of Champollion was a purely empirical 
 one, which had not yet been reduced to order. It 
 affirmed more than it proved, and appealed to me less 
 at the beginning, in proportion as I had become accus- 
 tomed in those of my previous studies which related 
 especially to philology, to seek organic coherence in 
 science, and only to admit as a foundation therefor 
 reasons of intrinsic worth. I began with the Precis 
 hieroglyphique, as the most comprehensive statement of 
 the new discovery, and found on every side assertions 
 which seemed to me undemonstrable, and evidence 
 which seemed to me imperfect. I reserved to myself 
 some doubts as to the reading of the names Ptolemy 
 and Berenice, which would need to be solved to satisfy 
 reasonable criticism. But in the phonetic hieroglyphs 
 the substitution of the vowels seemed to me too arbi- 
 trary, and the mixing of the phonetic with the figurative 
 
APPENDIX. 309 
 
 and symbolical hieroglyphs, to represent one and the 
 same word, seemed quite inadmissable. In my earlier 
 palaeographic researches amongst occidental and orien- 
 tal writings I had always found the strictest economy 
 and a surprising significance in the original signs for 
 the sounds, united with an accuracy which has hitherto 
 been far too little regarded. But here I had to accus- 
 tom myself to a superfluity, I might say a prodigality, 
 of signs, which yet only imperfectly attained their 
 object, and therefore seemed so much the more to be 
 chosen arbitrarily and multiplied in a chaotic manner. 
 
 Nevertheless, I did not allow myself to be dis- 
 couraged from proceeding further, because at the same 
 time I saw plainly that there were many things which 
 were incontestably correct, and I also believed that I 
 had found a coherence in the system, and several iso- 
 lated proofs of it, which had escaped the discoverer 
 himself. Thence I began to believe that it was a ques- 
 tion of method, and that it was only necessary to sep- 
 arate the certain from the uncertain in order to make 
 clear the true condition of affairs, and the real extent 
 of what had so far been achieved on this field. Here 
 other workers had preceded me, some of whom sided 
 with and some against Champollion. More especially 
 since the French Expedition an immense literature 
 has begun to investigate, describe, and profit by every 
 aspect of Old and New Egypt. By making myself as 
 thoroughly as possible acquainted with this, I endeav- 
 ored to keep myself as free as possible from a one-sided 
 apprehension and criticism of hieroglyphics, and of 
 Egyptian learning in general, so far as it rests upon 
 native authorities. 
 
 A problem which was to be solved above all others 
 concerned the Coptic language. Even the purely his- 
 torical researches in the " Recherches sur la langue et 
 2a literature de Pligypte" by Etienne Quatremere had 
 
3IO RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 not been able to satisfy me regarding the identity of 
 this tongue with the ancient Egyptian, or, at least, its 
 direct descent therefrom. But on a closer acquaint- 
 ance with this language, and its application on the 
 hieroglyphic and demotic monuments, every doubt must 
 be dispelled as to its being the sole key to the ancient 
 language of the Egyptians, and the only one which 
 could lead to the end in view. I have since applied 
 myself chiefly to the study of the Coptic language, to 
 which I also felt myself especially attracted by my pre- 
 vious linguistic studies. Within a few days there have 
 arrived in Paris the last sheets of a Coptic lexicon which 
 has been prepared from the most copious sources by 
 Amadeo Peyron, and shows extensive learning. From 
 the first I have directed my labors on the Coptic tongue 
 to the end of preparing a grammar of that language, 
 especially intended to lighten the study of hiero- 
 glyphics, and in accordance with the philological sci- 
 ence of the present day. 
 
 In order to give you, most highly esteemed Herr 
 General Secretary, a comprehensive idea of the course 
 of my studies up to the present time in the department 
 in question, I must further mention two circumstances, 
 which were especially favorable to me. One was my 
 sojourn in Paris, which is the place altogether best 
 adapted to obtaining an initiation into Egyptian an- 
 tiquity. The first broad foundation for this science was 
 laid on the part of the French in the " Description de 
 VJigypte." A French scholar first procured access to 
 the native monuments of Egypt, and for a number of 
 years he was the center of Egyptian studies on account 
 of his admirable talent, which seemed made for the de- 
 ciphering of the Egyptian monuments. 1 need not say 
 that for these reasons there can • be no lack in Paris of 
 the most perfect aids to study, as regards both litera- 
 ture and monuments. But that to which I attribute 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 3" 
 
 yet greater weight is that there is always a large num- 
 ber of men assembled there who take the most lively 
 and direct interest in the discoveries of their country- 
 man, and are in a position to give thorough informa- 
 tion, generally directed by their own opinions, on all 
 the different parts and details. They were frequently 
 more instructive to me through their conversation than 
 any books could have been. I often felt there the 
 great value of the viva voce correction of many unavoid- 
 able errors in the judgment of persons, objects and 
 facts. These are of far greater importance in so young 
 a science than in one which has been long founded. 
 As a second favorable circumstance I would mention my 
 early acquaintance with a young, learned and talented 
 man, Francois Salvolini. For ten years he educated 
 himself exclusively for the study of hieroglyphics under 
 the personal direction of Champollion, he took copies 
 of the most important drawings and manuscript works 
 of his teacher, part of which are still inaccessible to the 
 public, and with the greatest liberality he opened to 
 me his important collections, and allowed me the freest 
 use of them. Under the auspices of the Sardinian 
 government he is occupying himself with a comprehen- 
 sive work on the Rosetta inscriptions, specimens of 
 which he communicated to me. He also gave me a 
 verbal explanation of the details. I thus became ac- 
 quainted in the most rapid and thorough manner with 
 the real value of the system of Champollion, and the 
 development which it has thus far attained. It is true 
 that the principal doubts which I had entertained were 
 not entirely removed, but I believed in the difficulties, 
 which still remained to see, not a refutation of the sys- 
 tem, but only a want of completeness. Especially I 
 became aware that many difficulties might be removed 
 when some other linguistic standpoint than that pre- 
 viously employed should be adopted. 
 
312 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 At the same time it seemed to me of the greatest 
 importance to come to a positive opinion as to the re- 
 lation of the Egyptian language to the other civilized 
 languages of the ancient world, and to my great satis- 
 faction I have now arrived at the conviction that the 
 primitive Egyptian language is by no means so far re- 
 moved from the Semitic and Indo-Germanic as, on a 
 superficial examination, it has hitherto been almost uni- 
 versally considered. I believe that I shall not in all 
 subsequent investigations into Egyptian antiquity allow 
 myself to lose sight of this comparative point of view, 
 since the great interest which the history of Egyptian 
 civilization offers, as one of the most ancient of which 
 we have a general historical knowledge, is without 
 doubt greatly increased when we learn to know it also 
 in its original relation to other civilizations. It also 
 seems to me a worthy and useful task to draw the 
 Egyptian people within the circle of those great groups 
 of nations, whose most ancient history has in modern 
 times acquired an altogether different aspect by means 
 of the comparison of languages. 1 propose to preface 
 my Coptic grammar with a special chapter on the rela- 
 tion of the Egyptian to the Semitic and Indo-Germanic 
 primitive languages. I most respectfully beg you, Herr 
 General Secretary, to present to the most favorable 
 consideration of the very worshipful Academy two 
 treatises in which I have attempted to prove the lin- 
 guistic relationship of these two families of language. 
 These papers treat of distinct points which would find 
 no place in the Coptic Grammar. The first relates to 
 the numerical words, the second to the arrangement of 
 the alphabet, among the different nations. 
 
 Thus I have chiefly made use of my sojourn in 
 Paris to acquire a general knowledge of Egyptian 
 science, and am thereby placed in a position to adopt 
 a decided course for the future according to the needs 
 
APPENDIX. 313 
 
 which seem to me most urgent, and to those abilities 
 of my own which I believe to have been best developed 
 by my previous studies. Therefore it now becomes a 
 matter of special importance, in order to arrive at the 
 best possible conclusions of my own, to procure correct 
 copies of the numerous Egyptian monuments scattered 
 about through the various French museums, and es- 
 pecially in Italy. 
 
 To undertake a journey to Italy for this purpose 
 must be all the more desirable for me since a corres- 
 ponding member of the Academy, whose name will 
 always be mentioned beside that of Champollion as 
 one of the most distinguished promoters of Egyptian 
 science, H. P. Rosellini of Pisa, has offered, with the 
 most noble disinterestedness, to reveal to me the rich 
 treasures which he has brought back from Egypt, and, 
 under his own invaluable guidance, to place them at 
 my service. * 
 
 Since I could not have been able to undertake this 
 journey on my own resources, I have to thank the 
 resolves of the most worshipful Academy alone, if I 
 can directly pursue the object which is the aim of my 
 scientific career. I must appreciate the more pro- 
 foundly the special encouragement which I have thus 
 received as up to the present time I have been able to 
 present no sort of security on my part to the most wor- 
 shipful Academy. For this reason I will make all the 
 more conscientious use of the appropriation granted me. 
 I will from time to time lay before the most worshipful 
 Academy an account of the expenditure thereof, and 
 seek to prove myself worthy of the confidence which 
 has been shown me by the greatest zeal in the promo- 
 tion of this most fruitful science, which has been so 
 little cultivated in our own country. 
 
 With the most distinguished esteem and respect. 
 
 Richard Lepsius. 
 
3*4 
 
 APPENDIX III. 
 
 Extract from the Report addressed to the 
 Ministry, on the Acquisitions and Results 
 of the Expedition to Egypt under R. Lep- 
 sius. 
 
 Berlin, March 12, 1846. 
 
 The antiquarian Expedition to Egypt, Nubia and 
 the Peninsula of Sinai, ordered in the year 1842 by his 
 Majesty, our most gracious and illustrious King Fred- 
 erick William IV., and committed to my leadership, is 
 completed. 
 
 My reports, transmitted to your Excellency from 
 time to time, will have convinced you that it has been 
 executed entirely in accordance with the plans advised 
 by the Royal Academy of Sciences, most graciously 
 approved by his Majesty, and submitted to your Ex- 
 cellency before departure. You will also observe that 
 the annual sum of money appropriated at the beginning 
 has not been exceeded, and that it has also been 
 made to cover the important excavations, transporta- 
 tions and purchases, for which no special appropriation 
 had been made. The journey of two years has, how- 
 ever, extended itself to three and a half. My com- 
 panions were not able to return before the end of last 
 year, and I myself not till the 27th of January of this 
 year ; a possibility which had been already foreseen in 
 the advice of the Royal Academy. 
 
 With regard to the material welfare of its members 
 
APPENDIX. 315 
 
 the Expedition may be called in every way a very 
 fortunate one, and especially favored by Providence. 
 The members were eight in number, with the ad- 
 dition of three others who joined as volunteers, and all 
 returned in good condition to European soil. The 
 painter Frey alone could not support the climate, 
 and on that account was obliged to return from 
 Lower Egypt to Europe, where he has since recov- 
 ered. As a contrast to this, the company of Pro- 
 fessor Ehrenberg lost nine members, in spite of the 
 greatest care. They were, however, under much more 
 unfavorable conditions, and through his advice we 
 profited by their experiences. It was still worse with 
 the English under Clapperton. The French Tuscan 
 expedition also lost both its leaders, besides many other 
 members, in consequence of the journey. As we did 
 not, like the expeditions mentioned, have a physician 
 with us, we were obliged to redouble our direct atten- 
 tion to ourselves, and I ascribe the fortunate result, 
 next to the protection of Providence, chiefly to the ex- 
 cellent conduct, mutual helpfulness and strict regard 
 for order of all the members. There was but one ex- 
 ception, the moulder Franke, whom I was forced to 
 dismiss on account of unseemly disturbances of this 
 order. This harmony and admirable disposition of the 
 members also greatly facilitated the management for 
 me, and I cannot but praise this spirit especially in our 
 architect, Herr Erbkam, who stood by me on every 
 occasion as a true and helpful friend. 
 
 As far as the scientific results are concerned, I must 
 first observe that scarcely any other expedition had 
 been undertaken under such favorable circumstances. 
 Amongst these circumstances I reckon chiefly the 
 definiteness of the tasks which were set before us, and 
 which we were able on this account to pursue with 
 perfect system. The expedition most immediately 
 
316 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 comparable with ours was Champollion's, but that was 
 more a voyage of discovery, and necessarily suffered 
 from the very deficiencies which we were easily able to 
 supply. The advantages which he had as founder of 
 the science and from his incomparable ability as a stu- 
 dent of monuments, were for us more than counterbal- 
 anced by the firmer and broader foundations of the 
 science, the last results of which are now presented to 
 us in Bunsen's remarkable work on history. Added to 
 this was our greater previous knowledge of the interest- 
 ing localities which we had to investigate. From the 
 very beginning of the journey we could within wide 
 limits strive for completeness, without suffering from any 
 want of new, unexpected and most highly important 
 -discoveries. Especially had Champollion left behind 
 to us, practically uncommenced, the investigation of the 
 oldest Egyptian history, that is, the epoch of the first 
 Pharaonic kingdom from about 3000 to 1700 years 
 before Christ, which extends the history of the world 
 for almost 1500 years. He had only ascended the 
 valley of the Nile as far as the second cataract, beyond 
 which there still exist a great multitude of old Egyptian 
 monuments of all kinds, as yet entirely uninvestigated. 
 There the whole of Ethiopian antiquity, which cannot 
 be separated from the Egyptian, must find its interpre- 
 tation and, if I do not deceive myself, has done so 
 through us. 
 
 Thence it follows that our results are by far the 
 most important in chronology and history. The pyra- 
 mid fields of Memphis, whose importance had not been 
 recognized by Champollion, and which had therefore 
 scarcely been touched by him, have placed the Egyp- 
 tian civilization of those remote ages before us, in four 
 hundred large pictures. The representation which 
 they furnish must for all future time be regarded with 
 the highest interest and considered the beginning of in- 
 
APPENDIX. 317 
 
 vestigable human history. Those earliest dynasties of 
 the Egyptian rulers now offer us more than a barren 
 succession of empty, unknown or doubtful names. 
 They have not only been raised beyond all reasonable 
 doubt and been critically arranged in order and accord- 
 ing to the correct periods of time, but through the con- 
 templation of the political, civil and artistic popular life 
 which bloomed under their reigns, they have pre- 
 served an intellectual and often very individual histori- 
 cal reality. 
 
 This is the greatest success of our journey and must 
 always be a convincing proof of the great and lasting 
 service rendered to science by our expedition and its 
 illustrious promoter. I pass over for the present the 
 details of the evidence, which can only be rightly esti- 
 mated by those co-workers on this field who shall make 
 later and more extensive investigations. But I will 
 mention that in Middle Egypt up to Thebes we found 
 eight separate places of sepulchre, belonging to the 
 Old Kingdom, which the French Tuscan expedition 
 had passed by without suspicion. Of some of these we 
 were the discoverers, and others we were the first to 
 recognize as belonging to that period, and to excavate. 
 We could not fail, also, to make a great number of 
 more or less substantial restorations, corrections and 
 additions to the history of the most flourishing period 
 of the New Empire, which was peculiarly the prime of 
 Thebes, as well as to that of the following dynasties. 
 Even those Ptolemies who were apparently completely 
 known in the light of Grecian history, have appeared 
 in a new aspect in their Egyptian representations 
 and inscriptions, and indeed have been recruited by 
 some individuals scarcely mentioned by the Greeks and 
 whose existence has hitherto been considered doubtful. 
 Finally the Roman emperors, in their character of 
 Egyptian rulers, have also appeared to us on the Egyp- 
 
318 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 tian monuments in greater and almost perfect com- 
 pleteness. They have been carried down, from Cara- 
 calla, (who had till now been recognized as the last 
 whose name was written in hieroglyphics,) through two 
 later emperors to Decius. Thus the whole extent of 
 Egyptian monumental history has been increased at 
 the latter end also by a number of years. 
 
 Egyptian philology, too, has made no insignificant 
 advances during the journey. The lexicon has been 
 increased by the addition of some hundred signs or 
 groups, and the grammar has received manifold correc- 
 tions. Besides this a wealth of material has been 
 gathered, especially by means of the numerous paper 
 impressions of the most important inscriptions, the 
 gradual interpretation of which must lead to substantial 
 progress in the science. According to the great age 
 established for the earliest written monuments the his- 
 tory of the Egyptian language now embraces a period 
 of nearly five and a half thousand years, and thus ac- 
 quires an entirely new significance in relation to the 
 universal history of human language and writing. In 
 matters of detail one of the most important discoveries 
 on this field was two bi-lingual decrees, written in hiero- 
 glyphics and demotic, which were discovered in Philae. 
 One of these repeats the inscription of Rosetta, and 
 there is promise of important results from a comparison 
 between them. The news of this seemed so important 
 to the French that they resolved on sending out the 
 famous scholar Ampere, with an artist, expressly to 
 copy this one monument. I first became aware of 
 their intention through the publication and philological 
 exploration of that inscription, now just appearing in 
 print. 
 
 According to my opinion Egyptian mythology, in 
 spite of conntless works upon the subject, has hitherto 
 been without any firm foundation. I had almost aban- 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 3*9 
 
 doned the hope that our expedition would achieve any 
 actual advance for this science, when upon the return 
 journey I discovered in the Theban temples a series of 
 monuments which threw so much unexpected light 
 upon its essential nature and historical phases, that I 
 have come to the conclusion that upon this basis Egyp- 
 tian mythology may for the first time be presented ac- 
 cording to its true import and in its historical develop- 
 ment. 
 
 The history of art has never been worked out from 
 the present standpoint of Egyptology. To accomplish 
 this was necessarily one of the chief objects of our ex- 
 pedition and the advanced chronological knowledge of 
 the monuments conduced greatly to progress in this di- 
 rection. For the first time we have been able to trace 
 the various divisions of the history of art in the Old 
 Egyptian Empire, previous to the invasion of the 
 " Hyksos," and thus to extend it, as well as Egyptian 
 history in general, for about thirteen centuries upwards 
 and for some decades downwards. We were also 
 obliged to regard the history of art almost exclusively 
 in the selection of our collection of monuments, of 
 which I shall speak again hereafter. Amongst the 
 different branches of Egyptian art, architecture, which 
 had been entirely neglected by Champollion and Ro- 
 sellini, was especially well handled by our skillful and 
 industrious architect Erbkam. From him it received 
 the treatment befitting the important position of this 
 special branch, in which the artistic element of gran- 
 deur, bestowed upon the Egyptians above all other 
 nations, could be and was most highly developed. 
 The rendering of the sculpture and painting fell to the 
 other artists who accompanied us. They soon learned 
 to reproduce with praiseworthy skill the peculiar Egyp- 
 tian style, which in spite of all the childish constraint 
 that characterizes Egyptian art, yet contains an unmis- 
 
320 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 takable and finely perfected ideal element. If the 
 Grecian genius had not received art from the Egyp- 
 tians as a child so severely, chastely and carefully 
 reared, it could never have given to it such a positive 
 character of blooming freedom. The chief task of the 
 history of Egyptian art is to show wherein consisted 
 this culture of art, which no ancient Asiatic nation 
 shares with the Egyptian. I will adduce as one of the 
 most important details belonging here, that we have 
 found three separate canons of the proportions of the 
 human figure, in numerous examples, upon uncom- 
 pleted monuments; one for the old Pharaonic king- 
 dom, another for the New Empire since the eighteenth 
 dynasty, and a third which first came into general use 
 shortly before the time of the Ptolemies. This latter 
 involved an entire change of the principle of distribu- 
 tion, and remained in force under the Roman em- 
 perors to the end. These discoveries are also of 
 decided importance in judging of the Greek canon. 
 
 Next to the history of art, however, a great part of 
 our time and attention was claimed by Egyptian arch- 
 aeology in its widest sense. This was a field which 
 had already been worked with success and industry, 
 especially by Wilkinson and Rosellini. It contains an 
 inexhaustible wealth of detached monuments of com- 
 mon life, and representations thereof of all kinds, far 
 exceeding in abundance all other remains of antiquity. 
 And on this account this branch of study needed much 
 more a vigorous prosecution of its aims and elevation 
 of its standard, than a farther accumulation of details. 
 Nevertheless these are continually coming in from all 
 sides and have been collected by ourselves in great 
 quantity as material. 
 
 Finally, geography and chorography, to which 
 travellers are always expected to make additions, de- 
 mand special attention. In Fayoum we have for the 
 
APPENDIX. 321 
 
 first time thoroughly investigated the Labyrinth. It 
 lies beside Lake Moeris, which was discovered by 
 Linant, but is now dry. We have been able to assign 
 the Labyrinth its place in history through the discovery 
 of the founder's name. Our description of the ruined 
 cities and monuments of antiquity in the land of the 
 Nile, up to Senaar, will be more complete and exact 
 than any previously given. So also will be our account 
 of the rarely travelled dependencies of the dominion of 
 the Pharaohs, such as the Ethiopian countries, the east- 
 ern mountains between the Nile and the Red Sea, and 
 the colonies in the copper region of Mafkat (of the Pe- 
 ninsula of Sinai.) Only the oases of the western desert 
 we have unfortunately been obliged to leave unex- 
 plored. In more modern geography, which must 
 always accompany and correct the ancient, I have de- 
 voted special care to obtaining the Arabian names ac- 
 curately, in order to counteract as far as possible, at 
 least upon the region traversed by us, the intolerable 
 confusion of designations. I have prepared upon the 
 way accurate geographical maps of various parts of the 
 eastern mountains of Egypt and the Arabian copper 
 region. Respecting the border lands of Mahommed 
 Ali's dominion, towards Abyssinia, I have collected 
 and recorded graphically important geographical in- 
 formation from particularly well-informed people of 
 that region. On the Peninsula of Sinai I have not 
 only for the first time investigated more exactly the 
 ancient Egyptian copper mines, the working of which, 
 according to the pictures on the rocks and inscriptions, 
 preserved at Wadi-Magara, goes back to the time of 
 Cheops, about 3000 years before Christ, but I have 
 also traced out the route of the Israelites to Sinai. In 
 doing so I have come to the conclusion, which I have 
 sought to prove in a preliminary report to his Majesty, 
 that a tradition of comparatively late origin has 
 
322 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 wrongly designated the mountain which the monks 
 call Gebel Musa as the Sinai of the Bible, and that 
 Horeb or Sinai, the Mount of God, corresponds rather 
 to the present Serbal, which lies some days' journey to 
 the north of Gebel Musa. A noteworthy contribution 
 has been made to the history of the physical conditions 
 of the Nile valley through the discovery of the nilo- 
 meter of Semneh in the region of the Nubian cataracts. 
 From this it is apparent that about 4000 years ago, 
 under the rule of Amenemha-Moeris, the Nile at that 
 place rose in average years twenty-two feet higher than 
 now, while in Egypt at about that time it stood at 
 least ten to fifteen feet lower, so that the Nile at the in- 
 tervening cataracts fell thirty-five feet farther than at 
 present. This gradual leveling of the bed of the 
 stream has had the most decisive influence on the cul- 
 tivation of the valley, and the history of its whole pop- 
 ulation, since the shore of the Nubian country lying 
 along the stream was made inaccessible to the natural 
 inundation by this great sinking of the water, and 
 thence became dry and unfruitful. 
 
 Besides all our acquisitions in the ancient Egyptian 
 language we have made some not unimportant gains for 
 the science of language in general. In the upper 
 countries of the Nile I have obtained three African 
 languages, the grammar and lexicon of which I have 
 made out and noted down from the communications of 
 the natives, with sufficient completeness to present a 
 clear idea of them. They are: 1. the Congara language, 
 a negro language of the interior, spoken in Darfur and 
 the adjoining countries : 2. the Nuba language, which 
 is spoken in two dialects in a portion of the valley of 
 the Nubian Nile, and in the neighboring districts to the 
 southwest. This appears, moreover, to be of primitive 
 African origin. It has never been written, and I have 
 collected for the first time a considerable quantity of 
 
APPENDIX. 323 
 
 Nubian manuscript literature, by getting a Nubian sheik, 
 who was entire master of the Arabian language and 
 writing,, to translate from Arabian into Nubian, the 
 fables of Lokman, the Gospel of St. Mark, and a portion 
 of the Thousand and One Nights. I also had him write 
 down and translate into Arabian about twenty Nubian 
 songs, some in rhyme, and some only rythmical. In 
 doing this he displayed a wonderful talent for the cor- 
 rect comprehension of linguistic relations. 3. The 
 Bega language of the race of the Bishareen who are 
 widely scattered between the Red Sea and the Nubian 
 Nile. This appears to be a most important branch of 
 the original Asiatic-Caucasian family of languages, and 
 deserves our attention so much the more since it seems 
 that it can be historically proved to be the present 
 form of the ancient Egyptian language of Meroe. I 
 have also found in those countries, and in the pyramids 
 of Meroe, a great number of old Ethiopian inscriptions, 
 which are recorded in an alphabetical writing until now 
 entirely unknown. Subsequent inscriptions are in an 
 alphabet formed after the Greek, and they can probably 
 both be deciphered by the aid of the Bega language. 
 Finally we have also made the completest possible col- 
 lection of many hundreds of paper impressions from 
 Grecian inscriptions. These are now of great value as 
 a contribution to the knowledge of Grecian- Egyptian 
 antiquity, which has been industriously cultivated on 
 several sides. We have also made another collection 
 of the numerous so-called " Inscriptions of Sinai " 
 which were cut into the rocks by a Christian popula- 
 tion who lived on the Peninsula of Sinai in the first 
 centuries of our era. These have not yet been entirely 
 deciphered. 
 
 We have only been able to give occasional attention 
 to subjects pertaining to natural science. Yet I have 
 not neglected to collect specimens of stone and soil 
 
324 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 from all important localities, especially during trips 
 into the remote mountain regions. A chemical investi- 
 gation and comparison of the specimens of Nile mud 
 collected from different spots and under different con- 
 ditions will perhaps be of interest. We have visited 
 the old alabaster quarry of El Bosra, opposite Sioot, 
 which has recently been discovered by the Bedouins 
 and is now worked by Selim Pasha. We found there 
 an inscription on the rock dating from the beginning of 
 the eighteenth dynasty. We have also visited the 
 (marries of granite and of " breccia verde " at Hara- 
 mamat, which have been in use since the most ancient 
 times, as well as the porphyry and granite quarries on 
 Gebel Duchan (Mons Claudianus, Mons Porphyrites,) 
 in the eastern mountains of Egypt, (see page 160) 
 which were celebrated in Roman times. We have 
 brought back specimens of rock from them all. The 
 most valuable blocks of " breccia verde" of every size, 
 lie directly on one of the finest and most convenient 
 desert highways, two days journey from the Nile, and 
 would be excellently adapted to removal and exporta- 
 tion. On account of our antiquarian aims we were es- 
 pecially interested in the opportunity of becoming ac- 
 quainted with the present world of animals and plants 
 in the southern regions of Nubia, which conspicuously 
 resembles the representations on the most ancient Egyp- 
 tian monuments. It scarcely appears possible to ac- 
 count for this except by the assumption of a universal 
 recession of the more highly developed forms of natural 
 life in the Nile valley from the north towards the south. 
 
3 2 5 
 INDEX 
 
 TO THE WORKS OF RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 I. De tabulis Eugubinis. Diss, philologica. Berolini, 
 
 .833. 8. 
 
 II. Dami au vainqueur, oenochoe (o\.vo X or,) a inscriptions. 
 
 Annales de VInstitut de corr. arch. 1833. V. p. 
 357"3 6 3- 
 
 III. Palaeographie a Is Mittel filr die Sprachforschung 
 
 zundchst am Sanskrit nachgewiesen. [Palaeog- 
 raphy as a Means of Philological Research, with 
 Special Reference to Sanskrit.] Berl. 1834. 8. 
 
 IV. Uber die np^ra o-roix^a in der Stelle bei Clemens 
 
 Alexandrinus uber die Schrift der Aegypter. 
 [On the npuTa o-roixeZa in the Passage from Clem- 
 ens Alexandrinus on the Writing of the Egyp- 
 tians.] Aus d. N.-Rhein. Museum fur Philolo- 
 gie, 1835. Vol. IV. p. 142-148. 8. 
 
 V. Uber die Anordnung und Verwandtschaft der semit- 
 
 ischen, indischen, altdgyptischen und dthiopischen 
 Alphabete. [On the Arrangement and Relation 
 of the Semitic, Hindoo, ancient Egyptian and 
 Ethiopian Alphabets.] Berlin. Abhdlg. d. Akad- 
 emie 1835. 
 
 VI. Uber den Ur sprung und die Verwandtschaft der 
 
 Zahlworter in der koptischen, semitischen und in- 
 dogermanischen Sprache. Berlin. Abhdlg. d. 
 Akademie 1836. Die Abhandlungen V und VI 
 
326 RICHARD LEPSIUS, 
 
 zusammen sind noch im selben Jahre (\%^f>) im 
 Diimmler'schen Verlag zu Berlin als Buck er- 
 schienen. 8. [On the Origin and Relationship 
 of the Numerical Words in the Coptic, Semitic, 
 and Indo-Germanic Languages. Berlin, Trans- 
 actions of the Academy, 1836. The two papers, 
 V and VI, were published together as a book, 
 in the same year, by Dummler.J 
 
 Vl.a. Recension iiber Guarinfs valore della cifra 
 SEXS in un marmo di Pompeji. \Review of 
 GuarinPs valore della cifra SEXS in un marmo 
 di Pompejij • Bulletino deWinst. di corresp. ar- 
 cheol N. VII. 6. 1836. p. 126-128. 
 
 VII. Sarcofago etrusco. Bull. deWinst di corresp. ar- 
 
 cheol. Roma. Nr. IX e X, 1836. s. 147-49. 
 
 VIII. Sur la valeurde la lettre % dans V alphabet etrus- 
 que. Annali deWinst. archeol. 1837. Roma 
 Vol. VIII. p. 164-170. 
 
 IX. Recension von Arneth's synopsis numerorum. [Re- 
 
 view of Arneth's Synopsis Numerorum.] Bull. 
 deWinst. archeol. Roma. 1837. p. 111-112. 
 
 X. Notizie compendiate, ibid. 1837. p. 1 21-127. Nr. 
 
 VII e VIII. 
 
 XI. Monuments de JVahr el-Kelb pres Beirout, ibid. 
 
 1837. p. I34-I35- 
 
 XII. Observations sur un vase de fabrication £trusque 
 
 avec deux alphabets Grecs et sur une inscription 
 de la ville Pelasgique d'Agylla. Avec 1 planche. 
 Rome 1837. 8. A us den Annali deWinst. ar- 
 cheol. Roma. Vol. VIII. p. 186-203. 
 
 XIII. Lettre a Mr. le Professeur H. Rosellini sur V al- 
 phabet hieroglyph ique. Avec 2 planches. Rome 
 
 1837. 8. A us den Annali deWinst. archeol. 
 Roma. 1837. Vol. IX. Archeologica egiziana y 
 
INDEX TO HIS WORKS. 327 
 
 Primo articulo preliminario sulP alfabeto gero- 
 glifico, 1837. I. p. 5-100. 
 
 XIV. Statue di Todi. Bull. deWinst. etc. 1837. No. 
 III. p. 25-28. 
 
 XV. Notice sur deux statues Egyptiennes representant 
 
 Pune la mere du roi Ramses- Sesostris, P autre le 
 roi Amasis. Avec \ plane he, Rome, 1838.* 8. 
 Aus den Annali dell'inst. arch. Roma, 1837. 
 Vol. IX. p. 167-176. 
 
 XVI. Notice sur les bas-reliefs Egyptiens and Per sans 
 
 de Beirout en Syrie. Avec 1 planche, Rome, 
 1838. 8. Annali deWinst. arch. 1838. Vol. X. 
 p. 12 to 19. 
 
 XVII. Uber die beiden agyptischen Colossalstatuen der 
 Sammlung Drovetti im Museum zu Berlin* 
 [On the Two Colossal Egyptian Statues of the 
 Drovetti Collection in the Museum at Berlin.] 
 Berl. Mon.-Ber. 1838. 8. 
 
 XVIII. The same paper in French in the Bulletino 
 deW inst. arch. 1838. p. 37-46, under the title 
 Deux statues colossales egyptiennes de la collection 
 Drovetti qui se trouvent actuellement au musee 
 royal de Berlin. 
 
 XIX. Sur V ordre des colonnes-piliers en Iigypte et ses 
 rapports avec le second ordre egyptien et la colonne 
 grecque. Avec 2 .//. Rome 1838. 8. Aus den 
 Annali deWinst. archeol. Roma. 1837. Vol. II. 
 
 p. 65 a- 
 
 XX. Monuments de Beirout. Annali delVinst. arch. 
 
 Roma. 1838. p. 12-19. 
 XXa. Analise des inscriptions hieroglyphique (to No. 
 XV). Amiali delVinst. archeol. Roma. 1838. 
 Vol. X. p. 103. 
 
 * The 1838 on the title page is a misprint for 1837. 
 
328 RICHARD LEPSIUS, 
 
 XXI. Lettre sur les inscriptions de la grande pyramide 
 de Gizeh, — in Sam. Birch, Eclairciss. sur le 
 cercueil du Roi Mycerinus, Berlin 1839. 4. 
 
 XXII. On the Obelisk of Philae. From The Literary 
 Gazette, London. 1839. No. 1163. 
 
 XXIII. Bassorilievo egizio presso di Smirna 1840. 
 Letter a a I Dottore E. Braun, Bull. delV inst. 
 archeol. Roma. 1840. p. 33-39. 
 
 XXIV. Uber das Basrelief, den Ramses- Sesostris dar- 
 stellend. [On the Bas-relief representing Ram- 
 ses-Sesostns.J Berl. Mon.-Ber. 1840. 8. 
 
 XXV. Bericht a?i die Akademie d. Wissensch. zu Berlin 
 uber den Erfolg seiner agyptischen Studien. [Re- 
 port to the Berlin Academy of Science on the 
 Results of his Egyptological Studies.] Berl. 
 Mon.-Ber. 1840. 8. 
 
 XXVI. Marchi et Tessiere, Laes grave del museo Kir- 
 cheriano. Recension i. d. Annali delV inst. arch. 
 Roma. 1841. p. 99-115. 
 
 XXVII. Uber die ausgedehnte Anwendung des Spitz- 
 bogens in Deutschland im 10 u?id 11 Jahrhun- 
 dert. A Is Einleitung zu der deutschen Uberset- 
 zung von Henry Gaily Knight's Entwickelung 
 der Architektur unter den Normannen. [On the 
 Extended Application of the Pointed Arch in 
 Germany in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries. 
 As an Introduction to the German Translation 
 of Henry Gaily Knight's Development of Ar- 
 chitecture under the Normans.] Lpzg. 1841. 
 gr. 8. 
 
 XXVIII. Inscriptions Umbricae et Oscae quotquot adhuc 
 repertae sunt omnes. Ad ectypa monumentorum 
 a se confecta edidit. Commentationes. Lps. 1841. 
 8. Tabulae ibid. eod. gr. Fol. 
 
INDEX TO HIS WORKS. 329 
 
 XXIX. Uber die Tyrrhenischen Pelasger in Etrurien 
 und iiber die Verbreitung des Italischen Miinz- 
 sy stems von Etrurien aus. [On the Tyrrhenian 
 Pelasgians in Etruria, and on the Diffusion of 
 the Italian System of Coins from Etruria.] 
 Lpzg. 1842. 8. 
 
 XXX. Auswahl der wichtigsten Urkunden des dgypti- 
 schen Alterthums, theils zum ersten Male, theils 
 nach den Denkmdlern berichtigt, herausgegeben 
 und erldutcrt. [Selection of the Most Important 
 Records of Egyptian Antiquity, Part of Which 
 are Published and Explained for the First Time, 
 and Part of Which are Corrected According to 
 the Monuments.] 23 Tafeln, Lpzg. 1842. gr. 
 Fol. 
 
 XXXI. Das Todtenbuch der Aegypter nach dem hier- 
 oglyphisehen Papyrus in Turin mit einem Vor- 
 wort zum ersten Male herausgegeben. [The 
 Egyptian Book of the Dead, Published for the 
 First Time According to the Hieroglyphic Pap- 
 yrus at Turin; with a Preface. [ 79 Tafeln, 
 Lpzg. 1842. 4. 
 
 XXXII. Uber den Ban der Pyramiden. [On the Con- 
 struction of the Pyramids.] Berl. Mon.-Ber. 
 1843.8. 
 
 XXXIII. Uber die Entdeckung des Labyrinths in 
 Aegypten. [On the Discovery of the Labyrinth 
 in Egypt.] Berl Mon.-Ber. 1843. 8. 
 
 XXXIV. Uber einen alten Nilmesser bei Semne in Nu- 
 bien. [On an old Nilometer at Semneh in 
 Nubia.] Berl. Mon.-Ber. 1844. 8. 
 
 XXXV. Uber Sprachen, Denkmaler, Lnschriften und 
 Civilisation der Aethiopier des Alterthums und 
 
 jetzt. [On the Language, Monuments, Inscrip- 
 tions and Civilization of the Ethiopians of An- 
 
330 RICHARD LEPSIUS, 
 
 tiquity and of the Present Day.] Berl. Mon.- 
 Ber. 1844. 8. 
 
 XXXVI. Lettera sul suo viaggio in Egitto. Bull. deW 
 inst. archeoL Roma. 1845. p. 40-44. (Letter 
 from Philae of the fifteenth of September, 1844.) 
 
 XXXVII. On the Nile Alluvium of Nubia. Extract 
 of a Letter from Dr. Richard Lepsius, Chief of 
 the Prussian Scientific Commission in Egypt, to 
 Dr. L. G. Morton, relative to the Language of 
 the Bishareens of Nubia, and the Alluvial De- 
 posits of the Nile. With an Analysis of those 
 Deposits by Prof. W. R. Johnson : in " Pro- 
 ceedings of the Academy of National Sciences 
 of Philadelphia," Jan. 21. 1845. 8. 
 
 XXXVIII. Reise von Theben nach der Halbinsel des 
 Sinai vom 4 Marz bis 14 April, 1845. [Journey 
 from Thebes to the Peninsula of Sinai, from the 
 fourth of March to the fourteenth of April, 
 1845.] Mit Tafeln. Berl. 1845. 8. Out of 
 Print.- 
 
 XXXIX. English Translation of No. XXXVIII. by 
 Cottrell. London, 1846. 
 
 XL. General Map of the Peninsula of Sinai. 1845. 
 
 XLI. Special Map of the Ruins of the Monastery and 
 City of Faran. 1845. 
 
 XLI I. Oder das Felsenrelief zu Karabel. [On the 
 Relief upon the Rock at Karabel.] Archaolo- 
 gische Zeitung IV. 1846. p. 271-280. 
 
 XLI I a. Uber einige syntaktische Punkte der Hierogly- 
 phischen Sprache. [On some Points in the Syn- 
 tax of the Hieroglyphic Language.] Berl. Mon.- 
 Ber. 1846. 
 
 XLI 1 1. Voyage dans la Presqii tie du Sinai, etc. Lu 
 a la societe de Geographies seances du 2 1 Avril et 
 
INDEX TO HIS WORKS. 331 
 
 du 21 Mai. Extrait du Bulletin de la soc. de 
 ge'ogr. Juin. 1847. Paris. 8. 
 
 XLIV. Mittheilung uber die Republication des durch 
 den Stein von Rosette bekannten Priesterdekrets. 
 [Communication regarding the Republication of 
 the Ecclesiastical Decree promulgated on the 
 Rosetta Stone.] Berl. Mon.-Ber. 1847. 8. 
 
 XLIVa. Uber die in Philae aufgefundene Republication 
 des Dekretes von Rosette und die dgyptischen 
 Forschungen des H. de Saulcy. [On the Repub- 
 lication of the Decree of Rosetta Discovered 
 at Philae, and the Egyptian Researches of H. 
 de Saulcy.] Ztschr. d. Deutsch. Morgenldnd. 
 Gesellschaft. Leipzig. 1847. B. 1. S. 264-320. 
 
 XLIVb. Lettre de M. le Dr. R. Lepsius a M. Letronne 
 sur le decret bilingue de Philes dans son rapport 
 avec le decret de Rosette et sur V opinion de M. de 
 Saulcy. Revue archeologique. 15. Avr. 1847. 
 Annee IV. 
 
 XLV. Denkmdler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien {nach 
 den Zeichnungen der von Sr. Maj. gesendeten 
 Expedition .... herausgegeben und erlautert.) 
 [Monuments of Egypt and Ethiopia, Published 
 and Illustrated after the Drawings made by the 
 Expedition despatched by His Majesty.] 6 Ab- 
 theil. (894 Blatt.) Berlin. 1849-59. f°l- max. 
 
 XLVI. Die Chronologie der Aegypter. Einleitung und 
 Theil 1 : Kritik der Quellen. [The Chronology 
 of the Egyptians. Introduction and Part 1 : 
 Criticism of Authorities.] Berlin, London, Paris. 
 1849. 4. 
 
 XLVI I. Uber den ersten dgyptischen G'dtterkreis und 
 seine geschichtlich-mythologische Entstehung. [On 
 the First Egyptian Pantheon and its Historical- 
 Mythological Origin.] Mit 4 Tafeln. Berlin. 
 
S3 2 RICHARD LEPSIUS, 
 
 Abhdlg. d. Akad. 185 1 4. Ah Buck bei W, 
 Hertz, Berl. 1851. 
 
 XLVIII. Brief e aus Aegypten, Aethiopien nnd der 
 Halbinsel des Sinai, geschrieben, 1 842-1 845. 
 [Letters from Egypt, Ethiopia and the Penin- 
 sula of Sinai, written from 1842 to 1845.] Mit 
 2 Tafeln und 1 Karte. Berlin. 1852. 8. 
 
 XL IX. Uber die 12. agyptische Konigsdynastie. [On 
 the Twelfth Egyptian Royal Dynasty.] Mit 3 
 Tafeln. Berl. Akad. Abhdlg. 1852. 4. Berl. 
 Mon.-Ber. 5 Jan. 1852. 
 
 L. Uber einige Ergebnisse der dgyptischen Denkmaler 
 fur die Kenntnis der Ptolemaergeschichte. [On 
 some Additions to our Knowledge of the His- 
 tory of the Ptolemies derived from the Egyptian 
 Monuments.] Berl. Akad. Abhdlg. 1852. 4. 
 
 LI. B enter kungen zu dem Reisebericht von Brugsch mit 
 Bezug auf das Verhaltnis der nen gefundenen 
 Apisdaten zu einer 25 jahrigen Apisperiode. 
 [Observations on the Report of the Journey of 
 Brugsch, with Reference to the Relation of the 
 Apis Date Lately Discovered to an Apis Period 
 of 25 years.] Berl. Mon.-Ber. 1853. 8. 
 
 LI a. Uber den Apiskreis. [On the Cycle of Apis.] 
 Ztschr. d. Deutschen morgenl. Gesellsch. 1853. 
 Bd. VII. S. 417-436. 
 
 LI I. Uber den chronologischen Werth einiger astrono- 
 mischen Angaben auf dgyptischen Denkmdlem. 
 [On the Chronological Value of some Astro- 
 nomical Designs on Egyptian Monuments.] 
 Berl. Mon.-Ber. 1854. 8. 
 
 LI II. Folgerungen aus Mariette's Mittheilungen fur 
 die Chronologie der 26. manethonishen Dynastie 
 und die Eroberung Aegyptens durch Cambyses. 
 [Inferences from the Communications of Mari- 
 
INDEX TO HIS WORKS. 333 
 
 ette, regarding the Chronology of the Twenty- 
 Sixth Dynasty of Manetho, and the Conquest of 
 Egypt by Cambyses.] Berl. Mon.-Ber. 1854. 8. 
 
 LIV. Uber eine hieroglyphische Inschrift am Tempel 
 von Edfu {Apollinopolis Magna.) [On a hiero- 
 glyphic Inscription on the Temple of Edfu/ 
 Apollinopolis Magna. J Mit. 6 Tafeln, Berl. Ak. 
 Abhdlg. 1854. 4. Bei Diimmler in Berl. 1855. 
 
 LIVa. Die agpptischen Felsentafeln vom Nahr el-Kelb 
 in Syrien. [The Egyptian Stone Tablets from 
 Nahr el-Kelb in Syria.] Berl. Mon.-Ber. Juni 
 1854. 8. 
 
 LIVb. Der Artikel " Aegypten" in Hertzog's Real 
 Encyclopadie fur Theologie nnd Kirche, (1854.) 
 [The Article " Egypt " in Hertzog's Technical 
 Encyclopedia of Theology and the Church, 
 1854] Bd. 1. S. 166-178. 
 
 LV. K'onigliche Museen. Abtheilung der Aegyptischen 
 Alterthumer. Die Wandgemalde. 37 Tafeln 
 Nebst Erklarung von R. Lepsius. [Royal Mu- 
 seum. Department of Egyptian Antiquities. The 
 Mural Paintings. 37 Plates with an Exposition 
 by R. Lepsius.] Berl. 1855. 2. Aufl. 1870. 
 Fol. 3. Aufl. 1882. Qner. 4. 
 
 LVI. Beschreibung der Wandgemalde in der agyptischen 
 Abtheilung. Herausgegeben von der Generalver- 
 waltung. [Description of the Mural Paintings 
 in the Egyptian Department. Published by the 
 General Management.] Berl. 1855. 4. Aufl. 
 1879. 8. (No. LV. without Illustrations.) 
 
 LVI I. Konigliche Museen. Verzeichnis der agyptischen 
 Alterthumer und Gipsabgiisse von R. Lepsius. 
 Herausgegebe?i von der Generalverwaltung. [Roy- 
 al Museum. List of the Egyptian Antiquities 
 and Plaster Casts by R. Lepsius. Published by 
 
334 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 the General Management.] Berl. 187 1. 4 Aufl. 
 1879. 5 Aufl. 1882. 8. 
 
 LVIII. Uber eine hieroglyphische Inschr. am Tempel 
 von Edfu ( Appollinopolis Magna) in welcher der 
 Besitz des Tempels an Landereien (13209-rV 
 Schoinia) unter der Regieru?ig Ptolemaeus XL 
 Alexander I. verzeichnet ist. [On a Hiero- 
 glyphic Inscription on the Temple of Edfu 
 (Apollinopolis Magna) in which are Recorded 
 the Possessions of the Temple in Landed Prop- 
 erty (13209 j^g Schoinia) under the Reign of 
 Ptolemy XL, Alexander L] Berl. Mon.-Ber. 
 15 Marz, 1855. 8. 
 
 LVIIIa. Uber den Namen der Io?iier auf den agypti- 
 schen Denkmalern. [On the Names of the 
 Ionians upon the Egyptian Monuments. | Berl. 
 Mon.-Ber. Juli 1885. 8. 
 
 LIX. Das allgemeine li?iguistische Alphabet. Grund- 
 sdtze der Ubertragung fremder Schriftsysteme 
 und bisher noch ungeschriebener Sprachen in 
 europaische Buchstaben. Berl. 1855. 8. S. a. 
 den Bericht uber das allgemeine linguistische 
 Alphabet. Berl. Mon.-Ber. 15. Febr. u. 20. 
 December 1885. ( Typenguss und fortschreitende 
 Verbreitung des linguistischen Alphabets). [The 
 Universal Linguistic Alphabet. Principles of 
 the Translation of Foreign Graphic Systems 
 and Languages Hitherto Unwritten into Euro- 
 pean Alphabetic Characters. Berl. 1855. 8. 
 See also the Report on the Universal Linguistic 
 Alphabet. Berl. Mon.-Ber. February 15, and 
 Dec. 20, 1855.] (Casting of the Type and 
 Increasing Diffusion of the Linguistic Alphabet.) 
 
 I ,X. Uber die 22. agyptische Konigsdynastie nebst einigen 
 Bemerkungen zu der 26. und andcrn Dynastieen 
 
INDEX TO HIS WORKS. 335 
 
 des neuen Reichs. [On the Twenty-Second 
 Egyptian Royal Dynasty, with Some Remarks 
 on the Twenty-Sixth and Other Dynasties of 
 the New Kingdom.] Mit 2 Tafeln, Berl. Ak. 
 Abhdlg. 1856. 4. Dazu LXIa. 
 LXa. No. LX Translated into English by Bell. 
 
 LXI. Uber die Goffer der vier Elemente bei den Aegypt- 
 ern. [On the Gods of the Four Elements Among 
 the Egyptians.] Berl. Ak. Abhdlg. 1856. 4. 
 Published as a Book by Dummler, Berl. 1856. 
 
 LXIa. Uber die XXII. Konigs-Dynastie der Aegypter. 
 Mit Bemerkungen uber die XXI XXIII. und 
 XXVI. Dynastie. [On the Twenty-Second 
 Royal Dynasty of the Egyptians. With Re- 
 marks on the Twenty-First, Twenty-Third and 
 Twenty-Sixth Dynasty.] Berl. Mon.-Ber. Juni 
 1856. 8. (LX.) 
 
 LXII. Uber einen false hen Palimpsest. [On a Spurious 
 Palimpsest.] Berl. Mon.-Ber. 1856. 8. 
 
 LXIII. Uber den falschen Uranios des Simonides. [On 
 the Spurious Uranios of Simonides.] Allgemeine 
 Augs burger Zeitung vom 11. Febr. 1856. Nr. 42, 
 Vossische Zeitung vom 8. Febr. 1856. Deutsche 
 allg. Zeitung vom 10. Febr. 1856. 
 
 LXlIIa. Entgegnung auf die Winne'schc Abhandlung 
 uber die chinesische Sprache. [Reply to the 
 Dissertation of Winne on the Chinese Lan- 
 guage.] Berl. 20. Mai. 1856. 
 
 LXIV. Uber die manethonische Bestimmung des Um- 
 fangs der dgyptischen Geschichte. [On the Limits 
 set by Manetho to the Compass of Egyptian 
 History.] Berl. Ak. Abhdlg. 1857. 4. (Dazu 
 Berl. Mon.-Ber. Aug. 1857). 
 
 LXIVa. Uber die 26. dgyptische Konigsdyfiastie und die 
 
33^ RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 Erobertmg Aegyptens durch Kambyses. [On the 
 Twenty-Sixth Royal Dynasty of Egypt and the 
 Conquest of Egypt by Cambyses.] Berl. Mon.- 
 Ber. 1857. 8. 
 
 LXV. Uber mehrere chronologische Punkte, die mit der 
 Einfuhrung des julianischen und alexandrin- 
 ischen Kalenders zusammenhdngen. [On Cer- 
 tain Chronological Points Connected with the 
 Introduction of the Julian and Alexandrian 
 Calendars.] Berl. Mon.-Ber. 11. Nov. 1858.8. 
 
 LXVa. Letter to Dr. Bell, " In Reply to the Strictures 
 Contained in H. von Gumpach's Papers on the 
 Reign of Menes." Transactions of the Roy. 
 Soc. etc. 1858. 
 
 LXVI. Konigsbuch der alien Aegypter. Abthlg. I. 169. 
 S. Text und 23 synoptische Tafeln der dgyp- 
 tischen Dynastien. Abthl. II: 73 hieroglyph- 
 ische Tafeln mit 987 Kdfiigschildern. [Book of 
 the Kings of Ancient Egypt. Part I, 169. 
 See Text and 23 Synoptic Tables of the Egyp- 
 tian Dynasties. Part II, 73 Hieroglyphic 
 Tablets with 987 Cartouches of Kings.] Berl. 
 1858. kl. Folio. 
 
 LXV I a. Uber einige Punkte der Herodotischen Chrono- 
 logie. [On Some Points in the Chronology of 
 Herodotus. An Unpublished Lecture.] An- 
 gekundigt i. d. Berl. Mon.-Ber. 1858. 8. Nicht 
 zur Veroffentlichtung gelangter Vortrag. 
 
 LXV 1 1. Uber einige Beruhrungspunkte der agyptischeu, 
 griechischen und romischen Chronologie. [On 
 Some Points of Contact in the Egyptian, 
 Grecian and Roman Chronology.] Berl. Ak. 
 Abhdlg. 1859. 4. (Dazu: Berl. Mon.-Ber. 
 Aug. 1858. 8.) 
 
 LXVI la. Mitthciluugcn 1. uber Einfiihrung des .Alex- 
 
INDEX TO HIS WORKS. 337 
 
 andrinischen Kalenders unter Augustus, 2. uber 
 Wiederherstellung des zur Zeit der Ptolemiier 
 aufgesttllten Dionysischen Kalefiders, 3. Wie- 
 derherstellung des Eudoxischen Kalenders u. s. w. 
 4. Wiederherstellung der Parapegmen der Aegyp- 
 ter, des Demokrit u. s. w. 5. Uber die Jahres- 
 und Tagesbestimmung der Eroberung Trojas u. s. 
 w. [Communications : 1, On the Introduction 
 of the Alexandrian Calendar under Augustus; 
 
 2. On the Restoration of the Dionysian Calen- 
 dar Adopted in the. Time of the Ptolemies; 
 
 3. Restoration of the Eudoxian Calendar, etc. ; 
 
 4. Restoration of the Parapegmen of the Egyp- 
 tians, of Democritus, etc ; 5, On Fixing the 
 Year and Day of the Conquest of Troy, etc.] 
 Berl. Mon.-Ber. 10. Eebr. 1859. 
 
 LXVIIb. Anzeige der Ubergabe der 15 letzten Liefer- 
 ungen des dgyptischen Denkmdlerwerkes, wel- 
 ches die Akademie von Sr. Maj. dem Konige 
 zum Geschenk erhalten hatte. [Announcement 
 of the Delivery of the Last Fifteen Numbers of 
 the Work on Egyptian Monuments, which the 
 Academy had Received as a Gift from His 
 Majesty the King.] Berl. Mon.-Ber. 3. Nov. 
 1859. 
 
 L XVIII. Uber die Umschrift und Lautverhdltnisse 
 einiger hinterasiatischcr Sprachen, namentlich 
 des Chinesischen und des Tibetischen. [On 
 the Transcription and Relations of the Sounds 
 of Some Remote Asiatic Languages, Especially 
 of the Chinese and the Tibetan. J Berl. Mon.- 
 Ber. 16. Eebr. und 5. Mdrz i860. 8. Ak. Abhdlg. 
 i860. 4. 
 
 LXIX. Ingil Jesil mesihni-lin, Margosin fdisin na- 
 gittd. [The Gospel According to St. Mark 
 Translated into the Nubian Language, i860. 8. 
 
3$8 RICHARD LEPSIUS. 
 
 LXX. Uber die arabischen Sprachlaute und deren Utn- 
 schrift nebst einigen Erlauterungen uber den 
 harten i — Vokal in der tartarischen, slav- 
 ischen und der rumanischen Sprache. [On the 
 Sounds of the Arabian Spoken Language, and 
 Methods of Writing Them, With Some Com- 
 ments on the Hard Vowel i in the Tartar, 
 Slavonic and Roumanian Languages.] Berl. 
 Mon.-Ber. 2. Mai i86t. 8. Ak. Abhdlg. 1861. 4. 
 
 LXXI. Das ursprungliche Zendalphabet. [The Origi- 
 nal Zend Alphabet. I Mit 3 Tafeln. Berl. 
 Mon.-Ber. 31. Marz 1862. 8. Berl. Abhdlg. 
 1862. 4. 
 
 LXXIa. Was not Published, and is therefore indexed 
 without title. 
 
 LXXII. Litterae gutturales und Literae faucales. Zeit- 
 schrift fiir vergleichende Sprachforschung von 
 Kuhn. 1862. XI. p. 442. ff. 
 
 LXXI 1 1. Uber das Lantsystem der Persischen Keil- 
 schrift. I On the System of Sounds of the Per- 
 sian Cuneiform Writing. | Berl. Mon.-Ber. 3. 
 Apr. 1862. 8. Berl. Ak. Abhdlg. 1862. 4. 
 
 LXXIV. Standard Alphabet for Reducing Unwritten 
 Languages and Foreign Graphic Systems to a 
 Uniform Orthography in European Letters. 
 Second Edition. London and Berlin. 1863. 8. 
 (The first edition is the work published in 1855 
 in German on " The Universal Linguistic Al- 
 phabet." See No. LIX.*) 
 
 LXXV. Uber den Umfang und die Verse hiedenheit der 
 fnenschlichen Sprachlaute. [On the Compass and 
 Differences of the Sounds in Human Speech.] 
 Berl. Mon.-Ber. 1863. 8. 
 
 * No earlier English edition of the " Standard Alphabet " can be 
 found than that of 1863. and none is mentioned in Low's " English 
 Catalogue of Books." 
 
INDEX TO HIS WORKS. 339 
 
 LXXVI. Mittheilung iiber eitie von H. Dumichen zu 
 Abydos neuentdeckte Konigsliste. [Communi- 
 cation Concerning a List of Kings Lately Dis- 
 covered at Abydos by H. Dumichen. | Berl. 
 Mon.-Ber. 27. Oct. 1864. 8. 
 
 LXXVII. Die Sethostafel von Abydos. [The Tablet 
 of Sethos from Abydos.] Zeitschr. filr agypt- 
 ische Spracheund Alterthumskunde. 1864. £. 81. 
 
 LXXVIII. Texte des Todtenbuches a. d. alien Reiche. 
 [Text of the Book of the Dead of the Old King- 
 dom.] Zeitsch. f. dg. Spr. u. A. 1864. S> 83. 
 
 LXXIX. Die altdgyptische Elle und ihre Eintheilung. 
 [The Old Egyptian Ell and its Subdivisions.] 
 Mi/ 4. Tafeln. Berl. Ak. Abhdlg. 1865. 4. Ah 
 Buck bei Dummler. Berl. 1865. 4. 
 
 LXXX. Uber " rechts " und « links " im Hieroglyph- 
 ischen. [On "Right" and "Left" in the Hiero- 
 glyphic Language.] Zeitsch. f. dg. Spr. u. A. 
 1865. S. 12. 
 
 LXXXI. Supplement to the Same. Ibid. 1865. S. 22. 
 
 LXXXII. Uber die mit den Nomenlisten verbundenen 
 geographischen Nomenreihen. [On the Geo- 
 graphical Series of Nomes, Connected with the 
 Lists of Nomes.] Ibid. 1865. S. 38. 
 
 LXXXI 1 1. Uber die Zeichen O, ^ und tt in den 
 topographischen Listen. [On the Signs c>> _££) 
 and R- in the Topographical Lists.] Ibid. 1865. 
 S. 60. 
 
 LXXXI V. Uber die hieroglyphische Gruppe ^ V als 
 Orgyia von 4 Ellen oder 6 Fuss. [On the Hiero- 
 glyphic Group ^f as an Orgyia of Four Ells 
 or Six Feet. J Ibid. 1865. S. 10 1. 
 
34° RICHARD LEPSIUS, 
 
 LXXXV. Die Regel in den hieroglyphische?i Bruchbe- 
 zeichnungen. [The Rule of the Hieroglyphic 
 Fractional Reckoning.] Ibid. 1865. S. 101. 
 
 LXXXVI. Al Fondatore deW Institute archeologico in 
 Roma Odoardo Gerhard nel cinquantesimo anno 
 della sua laurea dottorale. (Introduction to the 
 " Nuove memorie dell' inst. archeol.") Berl. 
 1865. Drawn up by Lepsius, in the Name of the 
 Institute and the Central Board of Directors, 
 (Abeken, Lepsius, Mommsen, Haupt, Due de 
 Luynes, Welcker, Kircher, Meineke and De 
 Witte.) 
 
 LXXXVI I. Das bilingue Dekret von Kanopus in der 
 Originalgrosse mii Ubersetzung beider Texte. 
 [The Original Decree of Canopus in the Origi- 
 nal Size, with a Translation of Both Texts.] 
 Thl. 1 mitS Tafeln. Berlin. 1866. fol. 
 
 LXXXVIII. Reisebericht aus Aegypten. [Report from 
 Egypt on the Journey.] Berl. Mon.-Ber. 17. 
 Mai 1866. 8. 
 
 LXXXIX. Entdeckung eines bilinguen Dekretes. [Dis- 
 covery of a Bilingual Decree.] Ztschr. f. dg. 
 Spr. u. A. 1866. S. 29. 
 
 XC. Das Dekret von Kanopus. Erklarung. [The 
 
 Decree of Canopus, Explanation.] Ibid. 1866. 
 
 S. 49- 
 XCI. Uber die Umsehrift des Hieroglyphischen. [On 
 
 the Transcription of the Hieroglyphic Writing.] 
 
 Ibid. 1866. S. 73. • 
 
 XCII. Uber den Obelisk in der Miinchener Glyptothek. 
 
 I On the Obelisk in the Munich Glyptotheca.] 
 
 Ibid. 1866. S. 95. 
 XCI 1 1. Zusatz iiber denselben. [Supplement to the 
 
 Last.] Ibid. 1867. S, 20. 
 
INDEX TO HIS WORKS. 341 
 
 XCIV. Recension uber "G. F. Unger, Chronologie des 
 Manetho." [Review of " G. F. Unger, On .the 
 Chronology of Manetho."] Literarisches Cen- 
 tralblatt von Zarncke. 1867. ,S. 1121. 
 
 XCV. Alteste Texte des Todtenbuchs nach Sarkophagen 
 des altdgyptischen Reichs im Berliner Museum. 
 [The Oldest Text of the Book of the Dead, Ac- 
 cording to Sarcophagi of the Old Egyptian 
 Kingdom in the Berlin Museum.] Berl. 1867. 
 Fol. 
 
 XCVI. Zu dem Artikel des Herrn Baillet (de la tran- 
 scription des hieroglyphes.) [Regarding the 
 Article of M. Baillet, " de la transcription des 
 hieroglyphes" Ztschr. f. dg. Spr. u. A. 1867. 
 S. 70. 
 
 XCVI I. Uber den chronologischeti Werth der assyr- 
 ischen Eponymen und einige Berilhrungspunkte 
 mit der agyptishen Chronologie. [On the Chro- 
 nological Value of the Assyrian Eponyms and 
 Some Points Which They Have in Common 
 with the Egyptian Chronology.] Berl. Ak. 
 Abhdlg. 1868. 4. 
 
 XCVIII. Uber die Atiwendung des lateinischen Univer- 
 sal Alphabets auf den chifiesischen Dialekt von 
 Canton und uber die Berufung auswartiger Ge- 
 lehrter a?i eine in Peking zu grilndende kaiserliche 
 Lehranstalt. [On the Application of the Latin 
 Universal Alphabet to the Chinese Dialect of 
 Canton, and On the Appointment of Foreign 
 Scholars in an Imperial Institute of Learning 
 to be Founded at Peking.] Berl. Mon.-Ber. 
 5. Marz 1868. 8. 
 
 XCIX. Das Sothisdatum im Dekret von Kanopus. 
 [The Sothis Date in the Decree Of Canopus.] 
 Ztschr. /. dg. Spr. u. A. 1868. S. 36. 
 
342 RICHARD LEPSIUS, 
 
 C. Uber eine zu Pompeji gefundene hieroglyphische In- 
 schrift. [On a Hieroglyphic Inscription Found 
 at Pompeii. J Ibid. 1868. S. 85. 
 
 CI. Nachtrag zu dem Artikel von Brugsch : Uber die 
 vier Elemente. [Supplement to the Article by 
 Brugsch " On the Four Elements.] Ibid. 1868. 
 S. 127. 
 
 CI I. Grundplan des Grabes Konig Ramses' IV. in ein- 
 em Turiner Papyrus. [Ground plan of the Grave 
 of King Ramses IV. m a Turin Papyrus.] Mit 
 1 Tafel. Berl. Ak. Abhdlg. 1869. 4. 
 
 CI II. Die Kalenderreform im Dekret von Kanopus. 
 [The Reform of the Calendar in the Decree of 
 Canopus.J Zeitschr. f. ag. Spr. u. A. 1869. S. 
 
 77- 
 CIV Der letzte Kaiser in den hieroglyphischen Inschrif- 
 
 ten. [The Last Emperor in the Hieroglyphic 
 
 Inscriptions.] Ibid. 1870. 5". 25. 
 CV. Uber die Annahme eines sogenanmen prahistor- 
 
 ischen Steinalters in Aegypten. [On Admitting 
 
 a So-called Prehistoric Age of Stone 111 Egypt] 
 
 Ibid. 1870. S. 89 //. 113. 
 CVI. Uber die Papyrusinschrift mit dem doppelten 
 
 Kalender. [On the Papyrus Inscription with 
 
 the Double Calendar.] Ibid. 1870. .9. 167. 
 CVI I. Die Metalle in den hgyptischen Inschriften. 
 
 [The Metals in the Egyptian Inscriptions.] 
 
 Mit 2 Tafeln. Berl. Ak. Abhdlg. 1871. 4. 
 
 CVIIl. Ober einige dgyptische Kunstformen und ihre 
 Entwickelung. [On Some Egyptian Forms of 
 Art and Their Development.] BerJ. Ak. Abhdlg. 
 1 87 1. 4. 
 
 CVI I la. Uber die athiopischen Sprachen und Vb'lker 
 zwischen Aegypten , Abyssinieti und den Liindern 
 
INDEX TO HIS WORKS. 343 
 
 der Negervolker. [On the Ethiopian Languages 
 
 and Peoples between Egypt, Abyssinia and the 
 
 Lands of the Negro Races.) Berl. Ak. Abhdlg. 
 
 1872. 4. 
 CIX. Des Sesostris HeraklestJCorperldnge. [The Length 
 
 of the Body of the Sesostris Herakles.J Ztschr. 
 
 f. dg. Spr. u. A. 187 1. S. 52. 
 CX. Der Bogen in der Hieroglyphik. [The Arch in 
 
 Hieroglyphics.] ibid. 1872. S. 79. 
 CXI. Kupfer und Eisen. [Copper and Iron.] ibid, 
 
 1872. S. 113. 
 
 CXI I. Exhibition of Portraits of Deceased Scholars 
 and Artists of Berlin. Catalogue, 1873, 8. 
 This Exhibition was Opened from the Twenty- 
 first to the Thirtieth of March, 1873, to Aid in 
 Purchasing a Lodging House for Students. 
 
 CXIII. Royal Library. An Exhibition of all Writings 
 and Pictures Relating to the War 0^870-1871. 
 
 1873, 8. Open from the Ninth of October till 
 the Second of November, 1873, in the Central 
 Hall of the Royal Library. 
 
 CXIV. Vicomte E. de Rouge. Zeitschr. f. dg. Spr. u. 
 A. 1873. S. 23. 
 
 CXV. Hieroglyphische Inschriften in den Oasen von 
 Xdrigeh und Ddxikh. [Hieroglyphic Inscrip- 
 tions in the Oases of Xarigeh and Da^ileh.) 
 ibid. 1874. S. 73. 
 
 CXVI. Trinuthis und die dgyptischen Oasen. [Trinuthis 
 and the Egyptian Oases.] ibid. 1874. S. 80. 
 
 CXVI I. Die Inschrift des nubischen Konigs Silko. [The 
 Inscription of the Nubian King Silko.] BerL 
 Mon.-Ber. 5. Apr. 1875. 8. 
 
 CXVI la. Die griechische Inschrift des nubischen Konigs 
 Silko. [The Grecian Inscription of the Nubian 
 
344 RICHARD LEPSIUS, 
 
 King Silko.] Hermes. 1875. Bd. X. S. 129- 
 144. 
 
 CXVIII. Liste der hieroglyphischefi Typen des Herrn 
 F. Theinhardt. [List of the Hieroglyphic Types 
 of Mr. F. Theinhardt.] Berlin. 1875. hi. Pol. 
 Anch als Beilage zu der Zeitschr. f. dg. Spr. u. 
 A. 1875. 
 
 CXIX. Vom ifiternalionalen Orien talis ten- Congress in 
 London. [Of the International Congress of 
 Orientalists in London.] Ztschr. f. dg. Spr. u. 
 A. 1875. S. 1. 
 
 CXX. tlber den Kalender des Papyrus Ebers nnd die 
 Geschichtlichkeit der dltesten JVach rich ten. [On 
 the Calendar of the Ebers Papyrus, and the 
 Historical Value of the Oldest Accounts.] ibid. 
 1875. S. 145. 
 
 CXX I. Recensioti fiber die von G. Ebers besorgte Publi- 
 cation des Papyrus Ebers. [Review of the Edi- 
 tion of the Ebers Papyrus made under the super- 
 vision of G. Ebers.] Literarisches Centralblatt v. 
 Zarncke. 1875. 5. 1582^ 
 
 CXX II. Aufforderung (zu Mittheilungen von Seiten 
 derjenigen kleineren Museen oder Privatsa/n/n- 
 lungen, welche sich im Besitz von Todtenpapy- 
 rus befinden, fiber dieselben.) [Invitation for 
 Communications, From Such Smaller Museums 
 or Private Collections as are in Possession of 
 Funereal Papyri, Concerning the Same.] Ztsc/ir. 
 f. dg. Spr. u. A. 1876. S. 48. 
 
 CXX 1 1 1. Les me'taux dans les inscriptions egyptiennes. 
 Traduit par IV. Berend. Avec des additions de 
 F ante u r. Avec 2 planches. Paris. 1877. 4. 
 
 CXXIV. Die baby Ionise h-assyrisc hen Lafigefunassc nacJi 
 der Tafel von Senkereh. ['I he Babylonian- As- 
 syrian Linear Measure According to the Tablet 
 
INDEX TO HIS WORKS. 345 
 
 of Senkereh.] Mit i TafeL Berl. Ak. Abhdlg. 
 
 1877. 4. 
 
 CXXV. Das Stadium u?id die Gradmessung des Erat- 
 osthenes anf Grundlage der agyptischen Masse. 
 [The Stadium and the Measure of Degrees of 
 Eratosthenes on the Basis of the Egyptian 
 Measures.] Zeitschr. /. ag. Spr. u. A. 1877. S. 3. 
 
 CXXVI. Uber die widderkopfigen Gotter Ammon u. 
 Chnumis, in Beziehung anf die Ammonsoase und 
 die gehornten Kopfe auf griechischen Munzen. 
 [On the Ram-headed Gods, Ammon and Chnu- 
 mis, in Connection with the Oasis of Ammon 
 and the Horned Heads on Greek Coins.] ibid. 
 
 1878. S. 8. 
 
 CXXVII. Die babylonisch-assyrische Liingenmass-Tafel 
 von Senkereh. [The Babylonian-Assyrian Tablet 
 of Linear Measure from Senkereh.] ibid. 1877. 
 S. 49. 
 
 CXXV1II. Eine agyptisch-aramliische Stele. [An Egyp- 
 • tian-Aramaic Stela.] ibid. 1877. S. 127. 
 
 CXXIX. Weitere Erorterungen uber das babylonisch- 
 assyrische Ldnge?imasssystem. | Farther Discus- 
 sions of the Babylonian - Assyrian System of 
 Linear Measure.] BerL Mon.-Ber. 6. Dec. 1877 
 und \. Febr. 1878. 8. 
 
 CXXIXa. Uber die Sprachgruppen der afrikatiische?i 
 Volker. [On the Groups of Languages of the 
 African Tribes.] Berl. Ak. Abhdlg. 1879. 4. 
 
 CXXX. Nubische Grammatik 7nit einer Einleitung uber 
 die Volker und Sprachen Afrikas. | Nubian 
 Grammar, with an Introduction on the Tribes 
 and Languages of Africa.] Berl. 1880. 8. 
 
 CXXXI. Uber die Wiedererqffnung zweier agyptischer 
 Pyramiden nach Mittheilungen von Prof. Brugsch. 
 [On the Reopening of Two Egyptian Pyramids, 
 
346 RICHARD LEPSIUS, 
 
 According to Communications from Professor 
 Brugsch.] Berl. Sitzungs-Ber. 1881. 8. 
 
 CXXXII. Bericht uber den Fortgang der von E. Navillc 
 unternommenen Heransgabe des Thebanischen Tod- 
 tcnbuchs. [Report on the Progress of the Edition 
 of the Theban Book of the Dead, Undertaken 
 by E. Naville.] Berl. Sitzungs-Ber. 1881. 8. 
 
 CXXXII I. Bemerkung (zu den neu geqffneten Pyra- 
 miden von Saqqara.) [Observations on the 
 Pyramids of Saccarah Recently Opened.] 
 Ztschr. f. tig. Spr. u. A.' 1881. S. 15. 
 
 CXXXIV. Die XXI. Manethonische Dynastie. [The 
 XXI Dynasty of Manetho.J Ztschr. f. dg. Spr. 
 u. A. 1882. S. 103 u. 151. 
 
 CXXXV. Eine Sphinx. [A Sphinx.] ibid. 1882. S. 
 117. 
 
 C XX XVI. "Die dgyptische Zdngenmasse" von Dorp- 
 feld beleuchtet von R. Lepsius. [" The Egyp- 
 tian Linear Measures " of Dorpfeld, Examined 
 by R. Lepsius.] Aus den Mittheilungen des 
 archiiologischen Instituts zu A then. 1883. VIII. 
 S. 227-245. 8. 
 ( Dorpfeld 's Abhandlung, gegen welche diese Streit- 
 schrift sich richtet, ibid. S. 36 ff. 
 
 CXXXVII. Die Ldngenmasse der Alien. [The Lin- 
 ear Measures of the Ancients.] Berl. Sitzungs- 
 Ber. 1883. 8. 
 
 CXXXVIII. Uber die Lage von Bithom (Succoth) u. 
 Raemses ( Heroonpolis.) [On the site of Pithom 
 (Succoth) and Raemses (Heroonpolis).] Ztschr. 
 f. cig. Spr. u. A. 1883. S. 41. 
 
 CXXXIX. Ober die Masse im Felsengrabe Ramses' IV. 
 [On the Measures in the Rock Tomb of Ramses 
 IV. J Ztschr. f. dg. Spr. u. A. 1884. S. 1. 
 
INDEX TO HIS WORKS. 347 
 
 CXL. Uber die 6 palmige grosse Elle von 7 kleinen 
 Jfalmen-Ldnge, in dem " Mathematischen Hand- 
 buche " von Eisenlohr. [On the Great Ell of Six 
 Palms, the Length of Seven Small Palms, in the 
 " Mathematical Handbook " of Eisenlohr.] ibid. 
 1884. S. 6. 
 
 CXLI. Die Langenmasse der Alien. [The Linear 
 Measures of the Ancients.] Berlin. W. Hertz. 
 1884. 
 
 CXLII. Der Artikel " Aegypten" in Brockhaus' Con- 
 versations-Lexicon. [The Article " Egypt " in 
 the " Conversations- Lexicon " of Brockhaus. I 
 
 THE END. 
 
THE BRIDE OF THE NILE, a Romance, by 
 Georg Ebers, from the German by Clara Bell. Au- 
 thorized edition, in two volumes. Price, paper covers, $i .00, 
 cloth binding, $1,75 per set. 
 
 " This romance has much value, apart from its interest as a 
 narrative. The learned author, who has made the Land of the 
 Nile an object of special study and research, throws a clear, 
 steady light on one of those complicated periods of history when 
 nationality seems submerged in the conflicting interests of sects 
 and factions. The history of Egypt towards the middle of the 
 seventh century, A. D., forms a sort of historical whirlpool. The 
 tide of Moslem invasion and the counter-current of patriotism 
 were temporarily swayed by the intermingling currents of sectar- 
 ianism, ecclesiasticism and individual self-interest. 
 
 *' All the leading characters a:s typical of these contending 
 forces, and also display an unreasoning impulsiveness in both 
 love and hatred, characteristic of a tropical clime. 
 
 " The Egyptian heathen, the Egyptian Christian, the Greek 
 Christian, the Moslem and Ethiopian show the feelings peculiar 
 to their political conditions by word and act, thus making their 
 relationship to one another very distinct, and though not an his- 
 torical study, at least a study of the probabilities of that epoch. 
 It is also a reliable picture of the manners, customs and civiliza- 
 tion of a period less generally known than those remote, and 
 consequently more attractive periods of the building of the pyra- 
 mids, and of the Pharoahs. 
 
 ** The portrayal of individual character and arrangement of 
 incidents are necessarily secondary to the higher aims of this en- 
 tertaining and instructive romance. It is only towards the end 
 of the second volume that the significance of the title becomes 
 apparent. The * Bride ' was a Greek Christian doomed by the 
 superstitious authorities to be drowned in the Nile as a sacrifice 
 to appease the anger of the creative powers, supposed to be with- 
 holding the usual overflow of its waters. She escaped her watery 
 fate, and her rival, an unprincipled heiress, became a voluntary 
 sacrifice through vanity and despair. This author has already 
 won much renown by previous romances founded on interesting 
 epochs of Egyptian history. — Daily Alta, California. 
 
 William S. Gottsbcrger, Publisher, New York. 
 
WAR AND PEACE. A Historical Novel, by Count Leon 
 
 Tolstoi', translated into French by a Russian Lady and from the 
 
 French by Clara Bell. Authorized Edition. Complete, Three 
 
 Parts in Box. Paper, $3.00. Cloth, $5.25. 
 
 Parti. Before Tilsit, 1805 — 1807, in two volumes. Paper, $1.00. 
 
 Cloth, $1.75 per set. 
 
 « II. The Invasion, 1807— 1812 in two volumes. Paper, $1.00. 
 
 Cloth, $1.75 per set. 
 4 *HI. Borodino, The French at Moscow — Epilogue, 1812 — 1820, 
 in two volumes. Paper, $1.00. Cloth, $1.75 per set. 
 
 OPINIONS OF THE PRESS. 
 
 "A story of Russia in the time of Napoleon's wars. It is a 
 story of the family rather than of the field, and is charming in its 
 delineations of quaint Russian customs. It is a novel of absorb- 
 ing interest, full of action and with a well managed plot; a 
 book well worth reading." — Philadelphia Enquirer. 
 
 "The story of 'War and Peace' ranks as the greatest of 
 Slavic historical novels. It is intensely dramatic in places and 
 the battle scenes are marvels of picturesque description. At 
 other points the vein is quiet and philosophical, and the reader 
 is held by the soothing charm that is in complete contrast with 
 the action and energy of battle." — Observer, Utica, JV. Y. 
 
 '•War and Peace is a historical novel and is extremely inter- 
 esting, not only in its description of the times of the great inva- 
 sion eighty years ago, but in its vivid pictures of life and character 
 in Russia." — Journal 0/ Commerce, New York. 
 
 "On general principles the historical novel is neither valua- 
 ble as fact nor entertaining as fiction. But \ War and Peace' is 
 a striking exception to this rule. It deals with the most impres- 
 sive and dramatic period of European history. It reproduces a 
 living panorama of scene, and actors, and circumstance idealized 
 into the intense and artistic life of imaginative composition, and 
 written with a brilliancy of style and epigrammatic play of 
 thought, a depth of significance, that render the story one of 
 the most fascinating and absorbing."— Boston Evening Traveller. 
 
 Wm. S. Gottsberger, Publisher, New York. 
 
KATIA 
 
 BY 
 
 COUNT LEON TOLSTOI 
 
 TRANSLA TED FROM THE FRENCH 
 
 —AUTHORIZED EDITION— 
 
 " It is hard to understand some judgments that have been passed 
 on Count Tolstoi's ' Katia,' recently done into English, to the effect 
 that it is an unsatisfactory work of the great author. In one sense a 
 morceau, it cannot indeed be compared for a moment with those 
 vast works of his genius which make so profound an impression 
 wherever they are read, but the little tale has the Tolstoi flavor and 
 atmosphere, and the story of a woman who becomes careless as to 
 her husband's love, and longing for it again finds that it can never 
 be hers in the sense that it had once been, is told with the directness, 
 the touching simplicity and the power which are not to be found 
 combined in the work of any other writer still living in discovered 
 countries." — The Boston Post. 
 
 Price, Paper Cover, 25 cts. Cloth Binding, 50 cts. 
 
 WHAT I BELIEVE 
 
 BY 
 
 COUNT LEON TOLSTOI 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE RUSSIAN 
 
 BY 
 
 CONSTANTINE POPOFF 
 
 Price, Paper cover, 60 cts. Cloth binding, $1.00. 
 
 W*i. S. Gottsberger, Publisher, New York. 
 
THE MARTYR OF GOLGOTHA, by Enrique 
 Perez. Escrich, from the Spanish by Adele Josephine 
 Godoy, in two volumes. Price, paper covers, $1.00. Cloth 
 binding, $1.75. 
 
 "There must always be some difference of opinion concern- 
 ing the right of the romancer to treat of sacred events and to in- 
 troduce sacred personages into his story. Some hold that any attempt 
 to embody an idea of our Saviour's character, experiences, sayings 
 and teachings in the form of fiction must have the effect of lower- 
 ing our imaginative ideal, and rendering trivial and common-place 
 that which in the real Gospel is spontaneous, inspired and sublime. 
 But to others an historical novel like the ' Martyr of Golgotha' 
 comes like a revelation, opening fresh vistas of thought, filling out 
 blanks and making clear what had hitherto been vague and unsat- 
 isfactory, quickening insight and sympathy, and actually heighten- 
 ing the conception of divine traits. The author gives also a wide 
 survey of the general history of the epoch and shows the various 
 shaping causes which were influencing the rise and development 
 of the new religion in Palestine. There is, indeed, an astonishing 
 vitality and movement throughout the work, and, elaborate though 
 the plot is, with all varieties and all contrasts of people and con- 
 ditions, with constant shiftings of the scene, the story yet moves, 
 and moves the interest of the reader too, along the rapid current 
 of events towards the powerful culmination. The writer uses the 
 Catholic traditions, and in many points interprets the story in a 
 way which differs altogether from that familiar to Protestants : for 
 example, making Mary Magdalen the same Mary who was the 
 sister of Lazarus and Martha, and who sat listening at the Saviour's 
 feet. But in general, although there is a free use made of Catho- 
 lic legends and traditions, their effort is natural and pleasing. The 
 romance shows a degree of a southern fervor which is foreign to 
 English habit, but the flowery, poetic style — although it at first 
 repels the reader — is so individual, so much a part of the author, 
 that it is soon accepted as the naive expression of a mind kindled 
 and carried away by its subject, Spanish literature has of late 
 given us a variety of novels and romances, all of which are in their 
 way so good that we must believe that there is a new generation of 
 writers in Spain who are discarding the worn-out forms and tra- 
 ditions, and are putting fresh life and energy into works which 
 will give pleasure to the whole world of readers." — Philadelphia 
 American, March 5, 1887. 
 
 William S. Goitsbcrger, Publisher, New York. 
 
.UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY 
 BERKELEY 
 
 THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE 
 STAMPED BELOW 
 
 to $1.00 per volume aftPrS.1 l\ y overdue, increasing 
 demand m l e renewed if 1™S? ^ ay ' • Book8 not » 
 expiration of loan pS apphcatlon « made before 
 
 OCT 21 
 
 1? JAN W-l 
 
 JUL 31985 
 
 RECEIVED BY 
 
 JUN 1 4 l^bb 
 
 REtTD 
 
 ? ,j CIRCULATION DEPT. 
 
 Mm 
 
 1 9 1962 
 
 25Mar'63B3 
 
 (nterubraw 
 
 221994 
 
 
 BARA 
 LOAN 
 
 1978 
 
 tttC* MAR10 7&, 
 
GENERAL LIBBflBY-U.C. BERKELEY 
 
 BDooaittia 
 
 226499 
 
 : < $wJ»S 
 
 m 
 
 MBF® 
 
 HH