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 LELAND STANFORD JUNIOR UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS 
 UNIVERSITY SERIES 
 
 The Neo-Classic Movement 
 
 IN Spain During the 
 
 Xviii Century 
 
 BY 
 
 ROBERT E. PELLISSIER 
 
 STANFORD UNIVERSITY, CALIFORNIA 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 1918
 
 STANFORD UNIVERSITY 
 PRESS
 
 FOREWORD. 
 
 Among the magnanimous young Frenchmen who, at the first news 
 of their country's peril, hastened to her aid, was Robert Edouard 
 Pellissier. Although all his mature years had been spent in America, 
 and although he held an honorable and secure position on the far Pacific 
 coast, he unhesitatingly made the great sacrifice, and, after two years of 
 service, met a soldier's death on the Somme. The ship that bore him 
 across the ocean carried five hundred compatriots of humble station, 
 waiters and cooks who had made their home in New York. His first 
 winter was passed in the Vosges, where, in the intense cold, hundreds of 
 his companions were disabled by frozen feet. The military casualties, too, 
 were severe. In that season his battalion lost twice as many men as it 
 had originally contained. Being finally wounded himself, he was allowed, 
 on leaving the hospital, to follow a course of instruction that prepared 
 him to become an officer. It was just after the completion of those studies 
 that I saw him, in Paris, for the last time, in January, 1916. Radiant 
 with health and cheerful courage, far stronger than I had ever seen him 
 before, he was quite satisfied with the new mode of life which at first had 
 seemed so strange. The trenches, he declared, were very comfortable, 
 the food was excellent, and every care was taken of the men. 
 
 I had known Pellissier for many years. Primarily bent on the 
 physician's career, he entered the Harvard Scientific School, where he 
 graduated in 1904. Persistent ill health, however, obliged him to relin- 
 quish his first intent, and he turned to literary and philological study. 
 Other members of his family had devoted themselves to letters : he was 
 a cousin of Georges Pellissier, the eminent critic, and a brother of Pro- 
 fessor Adeline Pellissier of Smith College. The years 1908-09 and 
 1910-11 were spent in our Graduate School, and he received the Doctor's 
 degree here in 1913. Meanwhile he had achieved success as a teacher. 
 Harvard had for a while the benefit of his collaboration, but most of his 
 work was done at Stanford University, where he soon obtained a con- 
 genial post which enabled him to combine study and instruction. At the 
 time of his departure he had reached the grade of Assistant Professor. 
 Quiet, modest, serious, thoughtful, conscientious, gifted with rare peda- 
 gogical skill, he won the respect of all he met and the aflPection of all who 
 knew him. The present volume, composed during his busy years of 
 teaching at Stanford, shows the systematic thoroughness, the clearness 
 and breadth of view that marked his scholarship. May it help to keep
 
 4 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 green the memory of one who gladly surrendered to a righteous cause a 
 life full of promise and already rich in service ! 
 
 C. H. Grandgent 
 
 Cambridge, Mass. 
 March, 1917
 
 ACKNOWLEDGMENT. 
 
 I wish to acknowledge my indebtedness to Professor J. D. M. Ford 
 of Harvard University, to Professor A. L. Guerard and to Professor C. 
 G. Allen, both of the Leland Stanford Junior University, who had the 
 kindness to read portions of this study before it was typewritten. 
 Thanks to the advice given me by these gentlemen, the errors in the lan- 
 guage and in the subject matter of this volume were made less numerous. 
 
 The subject of this study was suggested to me by Professor Irving 
 Babbitt's course on literary criticism since the Renaissance and by Pro- 
 fessor Ford's lectures on the history of Spanish literature. 
 
 Robert E. Pellissier 
 Stanford University, California 
 January 26, 1913
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Foreword 3 
 
 Acknowledgment 5 
 
 Contents 7 
 
 Introduction 9 
 
 Chapter I. The Dawn of the RationaHstic Spirit 13 
 
 Chapter II. The Reintrodiiction of the Aristotelian Rules of Crit- 
 icism in Spain Through Luzan's Poetica 23 
 
 Chapter III. El Diario de los Literatos : A purely Spanish mani- 
 festation of the new spirit in literary criticism 49 
 
 Chapter IV. An Organized Group of Neo-Classicists. The Acad- 
 emy "Del Buen Gusto." 61 
 
 Chapter V. The Spread of the Neo-Classic Doctrines Among the 
 
 Middle Class 95 
 
 Chapter VI. Leandro Fernandez de Moratin. His contribution to 
 the Neo-Classic movement. His struggle with the illiterate 
 classes 117 
 
 Chapter VII. Acute Stages in the Neo-Classic Controversy at 
 
 Home and Abroad 133 
 
 Chapter VIII. The Last Stages of the Neo-Classic Movement. 
 
 Jovellanos and Samaniego 155 
 
 Conclusion 173 
 
 Bibliography 185
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Neo-classicism never obtained so firm a grip on Spanish thought as 
 it did on that of France or Italy. We must not conclude from this that 
 Aristotelian theorists in Spain were less capable men than their brothers 
 in the neighboring countries. Quite to the contrary, the scholars who 
 expounded "the Rules" in Spain gave clear proofs of possessing great 
 critical independence. As a matter of fact it was because of their intel- 
 lectual superiority, that neo-classicism met with such scant success in the 
 peninsula. The Spanish exponents of Aristotle were unwilHng to shut 
 their eyes to the defects of the system and never supported it more than 
 half-heartedly. Their attitude was on the whole more dignified and more 
 intelligent than that of the critics belonging to either the Italian or the 
 French school. 
 
 This independence of judgment appeared in the very first document 
 of the movement, which is Torres Naharro's prologue to the "Propaladia." 
 It was written in 15 17 and published in 1547. It was composed therefore 
 a few years only after the publication of the Greek text of Aristotle's 
 Poetics by the Aldine press and it was given to the public before Rob- 
 ortello's commentary. 
 
 The prologue to the "Propaladia," while it is not an extensive treat- 
 ment of neo-classicism, contains all of its commonplaces. It defines 
 tragedy and comedy, it calls for five acts in all dramatic productions and 
 it insists on verisimilitude in all its applications. 
 
 The author, after outlining the rules, shows that he has no fanatical 
 desire to impose them on any one, for he ends by stating that intelligent 
 writers who differ from his opinions always have the right "to take away 
 or to add." 
 
 Juan de la Cueva, an admirer of Plorace, is also a great name in the 
 history of neo-classicism in Spain, but his attitude towards the movement 
 was on the whole that of an antagonist. He is more revolutionary by far 
 than Naharro. He does object to the mingling of the tragic and the comic 
 and he warns writers against the use of quibbles. Yet he feels that the 
 rules were evolved from conditions which existed in the past and which 
 have but little connection with those of the present. He would do away 
 for instance with the unity of place. His aim in writing on the subject 
 of dramatic criticism is to indicate the rules which, from his observation, 
 seem to govern the composition of the Comedia. 
 
 The great expounders of neo-classicism in Spain, the men who cor-
 
 10 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 respond to Castelvetro, Minturno and Robortello in Italy, are Pinciano, 
 Cascales, and Gonzales de Salas. 
 
 The great critical work of the first of these, "La Philosophia An- 
 tigua," is such a liberal interpretation of Aristotle's Poetics that Menendez 
 y Pelayo says of it that, even in our own days, it can be read not only with 
 profit but with pleasure. 
 
 The so-called "Tablas Poeticas" of Cascales are less liberal in their 
 treatment of the neo-classic principles, yet in them the author refuses to 
 admit that poetry can be the vehicle of purely didactic subjects. This 
 opinion is a grave departure from neo-classic orthodoxy. 
 
 As for the work of Gonzales de Salas entitled "Nueva Idea de la 
 Tragedia" the following lines quoted by Menendez y Pelayo show how 
 far that author was from slavishly following the Italian school of criti- 
 cism : "Comedias tenemos hoy de los Griegos y de los Latinos . . . que 
 si se presentaran hoy en nuestros theatres . . . de ninguna manera nos 
 deleitaran . . . Que serviran, pues, aquellos preceptos para la estructura 
 de nuestras fabulas? Mucho sin duda pero no lo que enteramente es 
 necesario." 
 
 Through the works which we have enumerated, the rules received 
 probably as much publicity in Spain as they had in either France or Italy. 
 The conditions which they encountered in Spain were radically different 
 from those existing in the other two Latin countries. 
 
 Instead of being dogmatically imposed on dramatic authors who 
 were groping their way to success, they were introduced with marked 
 half-heartedness in a country where an entirely different dramatic system 
 had proved amply its ability to satisfy the needs of the nation. 
 
 There could be but one result. Many writers paid no attention to 
 the "Rules." Authors gifted with a philosophical turn of mind were 
 interested in them from a purely academic standpoint. They admitted 
 what often seemed their faultless logic. They did not attempt to apply 
 them since it was clear that their spirit was in direct opposition to the 
 esthetic tendencies of the modern period. 
 
 It was this struggle between the intellect and the esthetic intuition 
 which made possible such a poem as Lope's "Arte Nuevo de Hacer 
 Comedias" and which brought out from the pen of Cervantes so many 
 statements indicating deep respect for the rules of Aristotle. 
 
 In several instances each one of these authors admitted that his actual 
 performance was in contradiction with what seemed to be the dictates of 
 reason. , of/ii?^ 
 
 Lope finally solved the difficulty by exclaiming, perhaps a little cal- 
 lously, that a poet's first duty was to please the public irrespective of the
 
 INTRODUCTION 11 
 
 quality of the latter's taste. Cervantes did not solve his problem with as 
 much ease. He seems to have remained for a long time in a state of self- 
 contradiction. Though he wrote no regular plays at any time during his 
 career, he certainly at first favored the rules. Later, without actually 
 condemning them, he strove to compete with Lope in the field of the 
 irregular drama. 
 
 Other writers like Barreda and Tirso de Molina met the situation 
 in a much more able way. They anticipated the arguments of the 
 Romantic School, opposing valid and well thought out reasons to the 
 neo-classic dogma. 
 
 The result of hesitancy and contradiction, on the one hand, added to 
 able argumentation on the other, was the complete victory of the party 
 of artistic freedom over that of neo-classicism. 
 
 It is not for us to repeat here how in course of time artistic freedom 
 degenerated into artistic lawlessness which finally lapsed into exhaustion 
 and sterility. 
 
 In France, after the great artistic impulse of the seventeenth century 
 had spent itself, rationalism, of which neo-classicism is merely a form, 
 lent a new vigor to the productions of literary men. 
 
 In Spain, thought seems to have died with art and, as a result, at 
 the end of the seventeenth century, Spanish letters reached a point of un- 
 precedented debasement. 
 
 Early in the eighteenth century, patriotic Spaniards who deplored the 
 state of intellectual stagnation, evidences of which were patent all about 
 them, resolved to start a fight against such a state of affairs. 
 
 Outside of Spain, rationalism was everywhere quickening European 
 thought. These self-appointed leaders of a Spanish intellectual awaken- 
 ing determined upon introducing into Spain the methods of thought 
 which were making the neighboring countries great. 
 
 Neo-classicism with its many simple and even obvious arguments was 
 a tempting form of rationalism to men living in a period as unartistic as 
 it was irrational. This is why, first by individual endeavor and later 
 through the concerted efforts of little groups, this intellectual elite pro- 
 ceeded to reintroduce neo-classicism into Spain. 
 
 The method of this reintroduction, the ensuing spread of the rules of 
 Aristotle, their influence on Spanish literature and their ultimate influence 
 on Spanish thought are the points which form the subject matter of this 
 study.
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The Dawn of the Rationalistic Spirit 
 
 To study the rise of neo-classic theories and of the iieo-classic stage 
 in Spain, one is naturally led to look to the life at the court of Philip V 
 for the first signs of a movement which was to influence deeply the whole 
 field of Spanish literature. That the court of the grandson of Louis XIV 
 should have had an immediate and wide-reaching influence in literary 
 matters, as it did in governmental and administrative afifairs, seems a 
 reasonable expectation. 
 
 The Court of Philip V. — As a matter of fact, the gloom of the first 
 years of the reign, the morose character of the King and the open hos- 
 tility of Spanish courtiers to any innovation which might interfere with 
 the old Spanish traditions made the influence of the court practically 
 negligible as a factor in the history of neo-classicism in Spain. ^ 
 
 The King's only passion was the chase ^ and the courtiers wanted 
 nothing so much as a continuation of the mournful life which had been 
 the lot of Spanish courts under the Austrian rule. The memoirs of the 
 time show how few were the forms of amusement at the court of 
 Philip V and how seldom these amusements took a literary form. 
 
 Dangers of all kinds assailed the new monarchy from the very start ; 
 for a decade from the time of its installation it never was established 
 safely enough to be able to think about the lighter side of life. 
 
 Philip V on his arrival at Madrid instituted various reforms which 
 did away with some of the few forms of diversions inherited from 
 Charles II. The Memoires of Noailles tell us that, with the Spanish 
 cooks, the King dismissed the court dwarfs who are styled by the author 
 "une vermine de la cour dont le roi etait toujours accompagne, selon I'eti- 
 quette." These dwarfs who were intended to act as court fools had 
 become so impudent that one of them dared to make fun of Philip who 
 had taken off his hat to a duchess, remarking that the ruler of Spain 
 was not to bare his head for any one. . . . ^ This occurred in 1701 ; the 
 year before the King had refused to be present at an auto da fe prepared 
 especially for his coronation.* 
 
 1 Tremoilles. Princess des Ursins a Torcy, Jan. 6, 1702. 
 
 2 Noailles, v. I, p. 328. and Hippeau, v. I, p. clxxxi ; letter from Louis XIV 
 to Marsin. Tesse, Memoires, v. II, p. 155. 
 
 3 Noailles, v. I, pp. 328 and 352. 
 * Noailles, v. I, p. 332.
 
 14 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 The attitude of Philip in these matters did not please the Spanish 
 courtiers and we are not surprised to find that, in return, they looked 
 askance at the balls which the Princess des Ursins tried to introduce at 
 court for the amusement of the young queen. Marie Louise of Savoy 
 was of a light and playful disposition. She had been brought up at the 
 court of Piedmont, that is among purely French influences, and she would 
 certainly have played an important part socially in a court offering any 
 opportunities of the kind. The Marshal de Tesse says of her : "L'esprit 
 de la Reine et peut-etre son coeur seraient naturellement portes au plaisir 
 et a faire vivre sa cour avec la communication que les femmes ont en 
 France avec le monde et comme cette princesse I'a vu en Piemont." ' 
 Because of the hostility of the grandees and of the indifference of the 
 King to social matters and also because she entered most heartily into all 
 the problems which her husband had to face, the little queen completely 
 sacrificed her pleasure-loving nature to her duties. While the King was 
 in Italy commanding his armies, it was Marie Louise, then only eighteen 
 years old, who carried on the affairs of the state. She would spend six 
 hours a day with the Council transacting business, she offered public audi- 
 ences and her time was so completely taken up with the affairs of the 
 realm that, to use her own words, she "scarcely had time to play at blind- 
 man's buff in the evenings with her ladies." ° * Mme. des Ursins writing to 
 Torcy says : "II n'y a guere de jour que la reine ne passe dans ses conseils 
 cinq ou six heures, le reste se passe tout a des audiences ennuyeuses et a 
 visiter des eglises ou des convents: en un mot je n'ai jamais vu une vie 
 qui convienne si peu a une jeune princesse gaie naturellement." ^ 
 
 This gloomy life continued after the return of the King from Italy, 
 for, in the words of Tesse, the King was as opposed to social life as the 
 Spanish courtiers themselves ; he was even less communicative than they. 
 If the "etiquette" had not already existed, he would have organized it 
 himself.* 
 
 After the victory of Villaviciosa a noticeable change came over the 
 court and the courtiers. The French, who had been regarded more or less 
 as interlopers, had really fought for Spain ; Vendome had given the Span- 
 iards an opportunity to show their devotion to their country, success had 
 crowned the united efforts of the soldiers of the two nations and much 
 of the mutual suspicion which had existed until then died out in 1710. 
 
 ^ Tesse, v. II, p. 155. 
 
 8 Letter of Marie Louise of Savoy to Louis XIV, July 27, 1702. Collection 
 de lettres de la Princesse des Ursins, par Louis de la Tremoille, y. II. 
 T Same, v. II, P. des U. to Torcy, Sept. 6, 1702. 
 
 * Tesse, v. II, p. 155. 
 
 * The stars refer to notes at the end of the chapters.
 
 THE DAWN OF THE RATIONALISTIC SPIRIT 15 
 
 For the first time since 1700 the King felt secure on his throne and the 
 Spaniards at court looked with something like friendliness on French 
 manners and customs. Soon after 1711 mentions of festivities and plays 
 at court are of frequent occurrence in the letters and memoirs of the 
 time.^ The Chevalier du Bourck in a letter to Torcy tells us that in Jan- 
 uary 1712 comedies were being performed at the royal palace, adding 
 however "il faut avouer que les divertissements de cette cour sont minces 
 et peu proportionnes a I'age d'un prince ne a Versailles et d'une princesse 
 nee a Turin, mais Mme. des Ursins se propose d'egayer un peu la cour 
 dans le temps de la paix." '" 
 
 That the "camarera mayor" did not immediately succeed in turning 
 gloom into joy is indicated by another letter of Du Bourck to Torcy dated 
 February 1712. "La cour prend les divertissements que ce pays fournit 
 pendant le carnaval, ces divertissements consistent a passer trois ou quatre 
 heures a entendre une comedie espagnole tres ennuyeuse et representee 
 par des acteurs et actrices de triste figure." ^^ Fortunately the French 
 ambassador to the Spanish court was a man full of resources and, in that 
 same letter by Du Bourck, we find that Monsieur de Bonnac and other 
 distinguished persons were rehearsing a play of Corneille, that a first 
 performance had given great satisfaction.^^ 
 
 Such innovations could not be pleasing to Spaniards, but their atti- 
 tude had changed and what would once have caused an outburst of in- 
 dignation merely produced discontent among some and was cordially 
 received by a few. Already in 1713 the Marquis de Villena was openly 
 favoring French performances, and that very year his influence brought 
 about the foundation of the Royal Academy, an institution distinctly 
 French in its character. A letter from Madame des Ursins to Torcy, 
 dated February 1713, gives us an idea of the way the marquis judged 
 the new plays : "Nous avons tous les soirs des comedies espagnoles 
 et fran^aises: les dernieres sont fort joliement representees par des 
 domestiques du roi d'Espagne. Les autres n'ont ni regies ni decence au 
 moins dans la plus part : on y fait parler les femmes aux hommes avec 
 une liberte qui ne convient a aucune et Monsieur le Marquis de Villena, 
 qui est homme de belles lettres, est de notre sentiment pretendant qu'il n'y 
 a ni rime ni raison et que Calderon et Solis 'no tenian nada que ver' avec 
 Corneille et Racine. Cela ne laisse pas d'amuser deux ou trois heures les 
 soirs." * 
 
 "Tremoille, v. IV, P. des U. a Torcy, Feb. 11, 1711. 
 10 Tremoille, v. V, p. 3. Du Bourck a Torcy, Jan. 18, 1712. 
 " Tremoille, v. V. Du Bourck a Torcy, Feb. 1, 1712. 
 
 1" Combes, La Princesse des Ursins, ch. xxxvi, quotation from letter by Du 
 Bourck.
 
 16 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 From these quotations it is clear that ever since the battle of Villa- 
 viciosa the court had tended more and more to become an active social 
 and literary center. Had conditions remained favorable, the court might 
 have won an undisputed title as a Gallicizing force in Spain, and the 
 French influences which had already made such marked progress in 
 matters of administration might have influenced literature at a much 
 earlier date and more deeply than it actually did. As a matter of fact 
 the generous and vivacious queen died in 1714 and Philip V fell again 
 into his morose attitude, giving full sway to his passion for the chase and 
 for solitude. One of the reasons that made him look with particular 
 favor on Elizabeth Farnese as a successor to his late wife was the fact 
 that the Princess of Parma was accustomed to living in a court where 
 diversions were not great. For that reason, Philip felt that she would be 
 eminently adapted to a court "ou les reines ont mene une vie plus retiree 
 que toutes les autres." ^^ 
 
 Elizabeth upon becoming queen did not disappoint the expectations 
 of the king. Seeing that the best way to obtain full control over the mon- 
 arch was to keep him entirely to herself, she proceeded to turn her hus- 
 band into a recluse.^* The Princess des Ursins was sent back to France 
 and with her a good part of the French influences left Madrid, while the 
 king yielded absolutely to what Tesse called "son eternel desir de ne 
 voir personne." * There no longer was any call for plays at the court, 
 Italian music and Farinelli supplied its small needs for entertainments.* 
 The royal palaces fell into the gloomy, brooding condition which St. 
 Simon has described, a condition worthy of the days of the Hapsburg 
 dynasty. If the court had done but little before to spread the French 
 ideas on art and philosophy it now became neutral in its reaction on the 
 intellectual life of Spain or, if it had any reaction at all, it was more 
 Italian than French. This condition lasted from the moment the Princess 
 des Ursins was exiled until the death of Philip in 1746. That the intro- 
 duction and diffusion of French ideas was not dependent on the govern- 
 ment or on the court is clearly shown by the fact that it was far from 
 Madrid that the first distinctly Gallicized work was written and that it 
 was written during that period of courtly inactivity which we have just 
 described.* 
 
 Feijoo. The Iniiltration of French Ideas. — Feijoo published the first 
 volume of his "Teatro Critico" in 1726. This work was the result of the 
 thought and the reading of a recluse whose entire life had been spent in 
 
 13 Tremoille, v. V, Philip V to Louis XIV, June 23, 1714. 
 1* Syveton quotes St. Simon : II vegetait morne et silencieux sequestre avec 
 la reine.
 
 THE DAWN OF THE RATIONALISTIC SPIRIT 17 
 
 teaching at the provincial university of Oviedo. Feijoo had never traveled 
 extensively, it was only late in life that he visited Madrid, and yet his 
 essays show a turn of mind and a fund of ideas derived clearly from 
 French influences. It had not been possible for the semi-French court 
 to make the capital a distributing center of French ideas but individual 
 Spaniards even in distant provinces were, through reading, acquiring a 
 stock of ideas and opinions of a rationalistic nature ; there was a steady 
 influx of thought coming into Spain from beyond the Pyrenees and the 
 court neither hindered nor promoted that movement to any great extent. 
 The first volume of the "Teatro Critico" has an essay entitled "A 
 Parallel of the French and the Spanish Languages." This essay sheds the 
 most vivid light on the attitude of the middle class of at least northern 
 Spain towards the infiltration of foreign ideas. It shows that the struggle 
 between gallophiles and conservative Spaniards was already well started 
 in 1726, for its first words are a censure pronounced against the excesses 
 of both parties. The following long quotation proves that the foreign 
 ideas had seized upon many and influenced not only their intellectual at- 
 titude but had also affected their habits of dress and speech. Even at that 
 early date their attachment to French ways was worthy of notice. This 
 leads us to believe that the movement must have been fairly noticeable 
 even in the earlier years of the first quarter of the century. "Dos extremes 
 entrambos reprehensibles noto en nuestros espafioles en orden a las cosas 
 nacionales : unos las engrandecen hasta el cielo ; otros las abaten hasta el 
 abismo. Aquellos, que ni con el trato de los extranjeros, ni con la lectura 
 de los libros, espaciaron su espiritu fuera del recinto de su patria, juzgan 
 que cuanto hay de bueno en el mundo esta encerrado en ella. De aqui 
 apuel barbaro desden con que miran a las demas naciones . . . bastales ver 
 a otro espaiiol con un libro italiano 6 frances en la mano, para con- 
 denarle por genio extravagante y ridiculo." So much for the reactionary 
 party who neither travel nor read, now for those who are giving up the 
 national traditions. "Por el contrario, los que han peregrinado por 
 varias tierras, 6 sin salir de la suya, comerciando con extranjeros, si son 
 picados tanto cuanto de la vanidad de espiritus amenos, inclinados a 
 lenguas y noticas, todas las cosas de otras naciones mirian con admiracion, 
 las de la nuestra con desden. Solo en Francia, pongo por ejemplo, reinan, 
 segun su dictamen, la delicadeza, la policia, el buen gusta : aca todo es 
 rudeza y barbaric. Es cosa graciosa ver a algunos de estos nacionistas 
 (que tomo por lo mismo que antinacionales) hacer violencia a todos sus 
 miembros, para imitar a los extranjeros en gestos, movimientos y acciones, 
 poniendo especial studio en andar como ellos andan, sentarse como se 
 sientan, reirse como se rien, hacer la cortesia como ellos la hacen, y asi
 
 18 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 de todo lo demas. . . ." ^^ Surely the Gallicizing of the people had ad- 
 vanced quite far since such observations as the ones just quoted could be 
 made in a little provincial town, whose population had no particular op- 
 portunity to develop a class of "precieux" except in so far as its being a 
 seaport enabled it to communicate quite freely with the rest of Europe. 
 But dress and social graces were not the only signs of the foreign in- 
 filtration. The language of the provinces was also being altered, by these 
 same extremists and by others, who were influenced more in their mind 
 than in their habits of dress and attitude. "Entre estos y aun fuera de 
 estos sobresalen algunos apasionados amantes de la lengua francesa, que 
 prefiriendola con grandes ventajas a la castellana ponderan sus hechizos, 
 exaltan sus primores y no pudiendo sufrir ni una breve ausencia de su 
 adorado idioma, con algunas voces que usurpan de el salpican la conver- 
 sacion aun cuando hablan en castellano. fisto, en parte, puede decirse que 
 ya se hizo moda, pues los que hablan castellano puro, casi son mirados 
 como hombres del tiempo de los godos." 
 
 Feijoo's patriotic mind was not to be blinded by these excesses to 
 the advantages which the new movement could bring to Spain. Among 
 these real advantages, he places the opportunity that the French language 
 offered the individuals to read books which, while of primary importance, 
 were not to be obtained in the Castilian tongue. 
 
 The books which Feijoo cites are not of a frivolous character and the 
 eccentricities in dress and diction which he condemned in the above quo- 
 tation could not have arisen from the perusal of such works. It may be 
 fair to infer that the lighter side of French literature was not unknown 
 to the reading public of the city of Oviedo. As a matter of fact we shall 
 see a little later that Feijoo was acquainted with some of the novels of the 
 later school of preciosity. However this may be, what our Benedictine 
 recommends mainly are works of history and science. He cites first of 
 all the great Historical Dictionary of Moreri. Then come the geographical 
 dictionary of Baudrard and Th. Corneille, the publications of the Acad- 
 emic des Sciences, the Journal de Trevoux, the Journal des Savants, La 
 Republique des Lettres, accounts of Travels by Tavernier and Tevenot. 
 Nearly all are works which treat subjects in the way in which he himself 
 liked to write, that is in a style halfway between that of the essay and 
 that of the newspaper article. To this list may be added references to 
 authors on sacred subjects, Bossuet, Malbranche, and Fenelon whose 
 Telemaque is so honored by Feijoo as to be put in the same class with 
 the works of Mile, de Scudery, in which he felt that art had been "most 
 
 ^5 Feijoo. Teatro Critico, v. I, essay 15, Paralelo de las lenguas castellana y 
 francesa.
 
 THE DAWN OF THE RATIONALISTIC SPIRIT 19 
 
 agreeably united with Nature." * This unfortunate judgment suggests 
 the attitude of mind of the neo-classic critic. Indeed it is clear from 
 several discussions on similar subjects that Feijoo was acquainted with 
 the tenets of neo-classic criticism although he does not quote from the 
 great writers of either the Italian or the French school. The critic to 
 whom he refers at times with evident approval is St. Evremond. 
 
 In more than one instance does Feijoo show his interest in matters 
 dealing with the judgment of literary works. We have seen him reproach 
 his fellow citizens for speaking a Gallicized Spanish. This is interesting 
 enough since he himself is held up in our days as a writer who sinned in 
 that very way. At the end of the article from which we have been 
 quoting, there is a paragraph roundly condemning the excesses of Gon- 
 gorism, a form of literary vice arising "from the inability on the author's 
 part to distinguish between elevated style and affectation." 
 
 The two essays which bring out Feijoo's ideas on criticism are the 
 one entitled "El no se que" and the one discussing the question whether 
 or no taste can be controlled by reason.^' 
 
 As the title of the first one indicates, it discusses that intangible 
 something which is the charm of those literary works which are pleasing 
 and often fascinating in spite of the fact that they do not comply with the 
 orthodox rules which should govern the composition of works of art. 
 Feijoo does not doubt for a moment that there are fixed artistic stand- 
 ards ; at the same time he is ready to admit as very real, the value of that 
 uncertain quantity, the "no se que." 
 
 This is rather paradoxical since very often that "no se que" is a 
 flagrant infraction of the body of recognized rules and a menace to the 
 orthodox standards of literary beauty. Feijoo, who possesses great skill 
 in explaining away dilemmas, concludes that the rules known to man are 
 but the merest sketch of the code which would represent perfect art, and 
 that the "no se que" is a manifestation of those principles which the mind 
 of man, in its weakness, has not yet tabulated. Were all the rules known, 
 beauty would have no elusive qualities and nothing beautiful could ever 
 come in conflict with the rules. Critics who claim that literary composi- 
 tions may be beautiful against the rules are quite wrong — "este no se que 
 digo yo que es una determinada proporcion de las partes en que ellos no 
 habian pensado y distinta de aquella que tienen por unico." In other 
 words Feijoo feels that definite standards are absolutely necessary ; his 
 priestly temperament feels the need of authority in these matters as in 
 those dealing with religion. At the same time his sound judgment tells 
 him that there is a danger in set rules, he realizes that they may be applied 
 
 ^' Feijoo, Teatro Critico, v. VI, essays 11 and 12.
 
 20 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 SO strictly as to kill all inspiration. The conflict between his character 
 and his intelligence gave rise to the explanation given above, by means 
 of which the rules keep their place of importance without fettering the 
 legitimate impulses of the artist. 
 
 If in the article just discussed Feijoo seems to favor the less explain- 
 able sides of beauty, in the one entitled "La Razon del Gusto" he evens 
 up matters by making a .stand against those who claim that taste is a law- 
 less something not answerable to reason. Pursuing the policy of com- 
 promise already mentioned, he admits first that there are certain elements 
 in taste which are not directly under control. Such are the elements 
 which depend on temperament. But taste is the result of temperament 
 plus intellect, and intellect is always amenable to reason, so that through 
 it the first component of taste can be influenced and directed. Feijoo 
 admits the partial relativity of the idea of taste but only its partial rela- 
 tivity. There is room for uncertainty, but since that element exists 
 together with the intellect the uncertainty can be reduced to a minimum, 
 by training. "Los vicios de la aprension son curables con razones" and by 
 "aprension" he means the understanding or the intellect. "De todo lo 
 alegado en este discurso se concluye que hay razon para el gusto y que 
 cabe razon 6 disputa contra el gusto." Those writers who claim that taste is 
 above rules, that it is its own excuse for being, will not agree with 
 Feijoo's conclusions. He has the typical distrust of the man of sound 
 moral character for things which are claimed to transcend reason. 
 
 At the same time he recognizes that reason has its limitations. Later 
 in Hfe, after witnessing a large part of the neo-classic controversy and the 
 excesses of its defenders, he is less willing to grant so much to 
 reason or rather to logic, for it is the "esprit de geometric" which he 
 attacks in a letter to a person who had asked to be enlightened as to the 
 true nature of criticism. In that essay he wrote that there were no set 
 rules but merely a body of general maxims which the understanding of 
 any man could formulate — "lo cierto es, que las prendas intelectuales, sean 
 las que fueren, nunca haran un buen critico, si faltan otras dos que 
 partenecen a la voluntad . . . sinceridad y magnanimidad." ^^ 
 
 That sincerity and generosity are qualities needed by a great critic 
 is undeniable. Doubtless in mentioning these rather vague qualities 
 Feijoo felt that he was supplying something which it was not in him to 
 understand very well ; he was trying to explain away the "no se que" 
 for the second time and that "no se que" whose existence he felt but 
 whose nature he could not grasp was what we should call the aesthetic 
 sense, the one quality which he did not have to any great degree and the 
 
 17 Cartas Eruditas. Article entitled De la Critica. B. A. E., v. LVI, p. 598.
 
 THE DAWN OF THE RATIONALISTIC SPIRIT 21 
 
 absence of which prevented his being a superior critic. He had intellect 
 in plenty, character in abundance, but the third quality, a sure sense of the 
 beautiful, he did not possess.* 
 
 Had the aesthetic sense of Feijoo been delicate enough to compare 
 with the keenness of his intelligence and the soundness of his moral char- 
 acter he would have come very near to being the ideal critic whose stand- 
 ards, because of their combined firmness and comprehensiveness, have 
 been compared to a coat of elastic steel. 
 
 The critical ideas of Feijoo being lost in a mass of irrelevant matter 
 could never be seriously influential in the literary struggles of the day, 
 even though the works of that writer were immensely popular in Spain. 
 Important as is his place in the neo-classic movement, Feijoo must be 
 counted, not as a founder, but as a precursor. The man who gave Spain 
 the literary platform which was to guide the efforts of a definitely con- 
 stituted neo-classic movement was Ignacio de Luzan. 
 
 NOTES TO CHAPTER I. 
 
 p. 14. Marie Louise Gabrielle de Savoie born in Turin in 1688. When 
 Philip V went to Italy to command his armies he made her regent of the realm. 
 That was in 1706. By her energy she stimulated the patriotism of the provinces. 
 She pawned her diamonds to pay her soldiers. 
 
 P. 15. Tremoille, v. V. Princesse des Ursins a Torcy, Feb. 20, 1713. 
 
 In Sempere and Guarinos. Ensayo de una Biblioteca Espaiiola de los Mejores 
 Escritores del reinado de Carlos III., Madrid, 1785. v. I, p. 11. Villena is 
 spoken of as a gentleman fond of chemistry, anatomy, Greek, and botany. "En 
 Escalona, pueblo de sus estados, hay una torre que llaman de la Chimica . . . se 
 conservan en ella todavia muchas hornillas." He seems to represent the begin- 
 ning of the scientific and "philosophique" spirit in Spain. 
 
 P. 16. Le tete a tete perpetuel avait toujours ete son goiit dominant. Tesse 
 se plaint de "son eternel desir de ne voir personne." Tesse a Noailles, Oct. 24th, 
 1724. Cited by S. Syveton. Une cour et un aventurier au XVIII s. 
 
 P. 16. Farinelli was an Italian tenor who had sung in England and France. 
 His services were definitely retained by Philip V. He was the favorite singer at 
 court under him and his two successors. He seems to have established a record 
 for probity in not using his favored position to better his condition. Bourgoing, 
 (Nouv. Voy.) v. I, p. 230, says of him: "Farinelli . . . qui dut a ses talents une 
 faveur signalee, dont personne ne murmura, parce que personne n'en souflfrit, 
 parcequ'il en usa avec modestie et n'en abusa jamais." 
 
 P. 16. Menendez y Pelayo. Ideas Esteticas. v. V, ch. ii. — Desarrollo de la 
 preceptfva durante la primera mitad del siglo XVIII. — concludes that the estab- 
 lishment of the Bourbon dynasty was not the cause of the introduction of rational- 
 ism which was a European movement bound to sweep over Spain.
 
 22 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 P. 19. In "El Scmanario Erudito," vol. V, pp. 97-174, there is printed the 
 following work : Catalogo de algunos libros curiosos y selectos para la librerfa 
 de algun particular, que desee comprar de tres a quatro mil tomos. Por el Rimo. 
 Padre Maestro Fray Martin Sarmiento. Benedictino de Madrid. There is no 
 indication as to the date when this catalogue was composed, but Sarmiento like 
 Feijoo represents the earlier stages of the rationalistic movement in Spain. The 
 books mentioned here are therefore of interest to us. The classification is as 
 follows : 
 
 i. Technical works on theology and general history. 
 
 ii. Under "Libros muy curiosos y selectos." Herklot — Bib. Oriental en 
 
 Frances. Harduin — Todas sus obras por singular. Bergier — Historia de 
 
 las vias Militares de los Rom. (en Frances.) Moreri — Diet. Chomel — 
 
 Diet, economico. Basnage — Hist, de los Judios. Benedictine's History. 
 
 iii. "Libros de Singulares Asuntos" : Reaumur on Insects, Virtudes del 
 
 agua comun, Del cafe, the y chocolate. Juan Tiers Histoire de Perug. 
 
 (sic). Bonet — Arte de ensefiar los mudos (castellanos). San Evremont 
 
 — Sus obras Francesas. San Aubain — Tratado de la Opinion. 
 
 iv. "Delicias." Espectaculo de la Naturaleza en Frances — Ejusden Historia 
 
 del Cielo. No author given — BuflFon's work must be meant by the first 
 
 title. Poliniere — Experimentos phisicos. Abb. Boniere — Origen de las 
 
 Fabulas. Mr. Rollin — todo. Juan Loke — Humano entendimiento. Gau- 
 
 tier — Bib. Fil. en Frances. Menage. Historia mulierum Philosopharium. 
 
 P. Regnault — Fisica. P. Labrausel — Con el abuso de la Critica. Fonte- 
 
 nelle — Sus Opiisculos. Langlet — Methodo para estudiar la historia. On 
 
 p. 131 recommends that the complete works of Bude and Bayle be 
 
 printed. 
 
 P. 21. Menendez y Palayo. Ideas Est., v. V, p. 164, shows how to Feijoo poetry 
 
 and history were synonymous. Beside his strange enthusiasm for Mile, de Scudery 
 
 we have such remarks as these, after quoting Malherbe, "iQue falta nos harfan 
 
 los poetas?" He speaks of "Las patrafias que en verso elegantes presento Grecia 
 
 a las naciones." Yet he had said in the Paralelo de Las Lenguas, etc. : "Quien 
 
 quiere que no aya poetas."
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 The Reintroduction of the Aristotelian Rules of Criticism in 
 Spain Through Luzan's Poetica. 
 
 Luzan was a Spanish gentleman * whose formative years had been 
 spent in Italy where he had studied together with the humanities, law, 
 philosophy and mathematics. He had kept in close touch with the literary 
 life of Italy, being made a member of several of the academies of that 
 country. His well rounded education and his long residence abroad had 
 not diminished his love for Spain. Long before returning to his native 
 land he had made a thorough study of Spanish literature. He had be- 
 come deeply interested in the strong contrast brought out by a compari- 
 son of the neo-classic literatures of Europe with Spanish letters. While 
 fully appreciative of the brilliant qualities of Spanish literature, his 
 eclectic training did not allow him to approve of the excessive vigor in 
 style of certain authors or of the tendency to obscurity in thought of 
 others. Moreover he found but little to admire in the works of contem- 
 porary writers and he grieved over the intellectual inferiority which these 
 same works betrayed. 
 
 Thought and study brought him to the conclusion that this deplorable 
 state of affairs was due directly to the increase in those faults of taste 
 and judgment whose germs he had found even in the writings of some 
 of the recognized masters of Spanish literature. 
 
 Luzan felt that if Spanish writers were made to realize how per- 
 nicious these defects were, they would be able to mend them. This done, 
 he believed that Spanish literature would begin at once to regain the 
 respectable position which it had held in the past among the great litera- 
 tures of the world. 
 
 His relations with Italian literary academies had naturally turned 
 his attention to that fruitful field of discussions, the Aristotelian rules of 
 criticism. Naturally enough he felt that there was in the rules the remedy 
 needed to combat the disease which had done so much to bring about the 
 decadence of Spanish letters. 
 
 Whether he had composed a commentary on Aristotle to be read be- 
 fore some Italian literary Academy and then later had added illustrations 
 drawn from Spanish writers or whether he wrote his commentary with 
 the well formed purpose of applying its tenets to Spanish literature is not 
 known. What is certain is that four years after his return to his country 
 he published a work which was said to be a translation of his Italian
 
 24 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 treatise and that it contained beside the customary Aristotelian arguments 
 paragraphs and chapters intended to show in what cases certain important 
 Spanish writers had been guided by reason and in what cases they had 
 strayed from it. This work was the famous "Arte Poetica" * which proved 
 to be the literary platform of the neo-classic movement in Spain ; the 
 code of laws on which the neo-classic partisans, from 1737 on, were to 
 base their arguments for defense or for attack. 
 
 It will pay us, therefore, to make a rather careful analysis of a book 
 which contains the directing lines of the movement which we are study- 
 ing. We shall lay emphasis only on- those points which have a direct 
 bearing on the living issues of the literary controversy in which we are 
 interested, relegating the less relevant matter to foot-notes. In all cases 
 we shall endeavor to grasp the spirit and attitude of mind of the author 
 rather than to attempt any comparison of his statements and arguments 
 v.'ith those of the great Italian or French Aristotelian commentators whom 
 he followed. In other words, what interests us is not what Luzan received 
 from others, but what he gave to his Spanish readers. 
 
 The Poetica. General Character of the Rules. — In the foreword of 
 the "Poetica," ^^ Luzan warns his readers against the possible error of be- 
 lieving that the principles and rules set forth in the body of the work 
 are in any way new, for on the contrary, they go back, for the greater 
 part, to Aristotle. Horace was the next thinker to discuss them. Since 
 then they have been expounded by the learned men of all cultured nations 
 and their usefulness universally recognized. Even if it were not possible 
 to summon such great names in support of the venerable character of the 
 rules, their authoritativeness could be proved by the fact that it is based 
 on reason itself and therefore is as old as man's power of speech. 
 
 After having thus shown the unassailable character of his subject 
 matter he begs his readers not to take umbrage at the criticisms which 
 they will find directed against such writers as Calderon and Solis. They 
 are writers whom he himself respects and admires. If he has criticized 
 them in certain instances, it is not because they seemed to him the mosf 
 blameworthy, but because they happened to be the ones who thrust them- 
 selves most violently on his attention. In this, he acted as do those 
 responsible for the peace and good order of a com.munity, who, when 
 facing a street riot, arrest the first ones they can lay hands on without 
 any consideration of the comparative degree of their guilt. 
 
 Luzan' s Attitude towards Spanish Literature. — The introductory 
 chapter of Book I of the "Poetica" gives more fully Luzan's ideas on the 
 literary situation in Spain. It becomes evident from his statements that 
 he attributes to lack of discipline the great weakness of contemporary 
 
 ^® Poetica, Al Lector, page not numbered.
 
 REINTRODUCTION OF ARISTOTELIAN RULES 25 
 
 Spanish literature and that his aim in undertaking to write an "Arte 
 Poetica" is to introduce some definite principles of control and guidance 
 in the literary activity of Spain. 
 
 ^<^. Spain has never lacked geniuses nor has erudition been wanting, but, 
 by some long continued ill luck, no one has ever taken the trouble to ex- 
 pound clearly in Spanish those rules without whose help, genius, neces- 
 sary as it is, can never hope to create perfect work. Indeed it is to this 
 mistaken faith in the absolute power of unaided genius that Spanish 
 letters owe their present low state, particularly in the dramatic field.* 
 
 Had Lope and Calderon realized the necessity of application and 
 "art," Spain would now possess comedies which by their perfection would 
 arouse the envy of all the cultured nations. ^° 
 
 The excessive reliance of these authors on unaided genius made 
 them write plays which, for the most part, were to be open to the criti- 
 cisms and ridicule of educated foreigners.* 
 
 Those early Spanish poets who should have become national models 
 were soon forgotten ; pompous style, quibbles, far-fetched metaphors and 
 the like, .soon deceived the vulgar and bestowed on their authors the 
 glory which rightly belongs only to good poets. Lope increased the con- 
 fusion with his "Arte Nuevo de Hacer Comedias," a work not worthy 
 to be printed with the other writings of that author. No one dared face 
 the situation and make the effort necessary to set the vulgar on the right 
 road. The task, though a hard one, ought to have tempted those who 
 claimed to love the letters of their country. 
 
 Luzan. though keenly aware of his limitations, is going to undertake 
 this work for the sake of the literary reputation of the nation.^*' 
 
 This prologue to the first book then is the confession of faith of 
 Luzan. It..shows him to be sane-and patriotic. He sees clearly the need 
 of a curb for the splendid genius of his countrymen. Never for a moment 
 does he entertain any doubts as to the real value of that genius but he 
 regrets that a failure to direct it has made it possible for foreigners to 
 scorn the literature of Spain. Spain has lacked fearless critics. Its best 
 writers have been led astray by vanity and have drifted into all forms of 
 literary affectation through laziness. Hopeless as the task may seem, 
 Luzan, by introducing the rules, is going to start a new movement which, 
 in course of time, will enable Spain to make the right use of its powers. 
 
 Luzan's plan as carried out in the "Arte Poetica" was to state the 
 technical matter which he felt was needed and, from time to time, as 
 occasion called for it, to criticize prominent authors who illustrated pos- 
 itively or negatively the usefulness of the rules stated. This method was 
 
 19 Poetica, Bk. I, Proemio, p. 5. 
 
 20 Poetica, p. 78.
 
 26 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 of course the logical one from a pedagogical standpoint. In all cases 
 the illustration followed the rule. For us, however, who are trying to 
 make up our mind on the real attitude of Luzan towards the Spanish 
 authors whom he criticizes, this method is not the most advantageous. 
 The technical matter being more bulky by far than that dealing with 
 criticism, the latter does not appear to the reader as a whole and for 
 that reason its spirit is not always easy to grasp. 
 
 With a view to segregating the literary criticism from the dogma, 
 with each of the first three books we are going to make first a resume 
 ci the neo-classic material it contains, following this with a review of the 
 judgments passed on authors in the course of the technical discussion. 
 
 The Technical Matter of Book I. — The first book is entitled "De el 
 Origen, Progressos y Esencia de la Poesia." As might be expected it 
 sketches rapidly the history of poetry following the outline given by 
 Scaliger and Benio. 
 
 Poetry took its rise in Egypt, soon becoming the exclusive property 
 of the learned classes, who tried to teach religion by its means and thus 
 it became the tool of idolatry. 
 
 Later it passed to Greece where it broke up into its various genres, 
 the epic, the tragedy, the comedy, lyrical poetry and the satire. One 
 more migration brought it to Rome where it saw flourishing days but 
 where it never reached the perfection to which it had attained among the 
 Greeks.^^ 
 
 Poetry in vulgar tongues appeared first in Sicily. It was introduced 
 rather late into Spain and we shall learn of its fate in that country when 
 we come to deal with Luzan's critical ideas. 
 
 Pursuing, for the present, our review of the technical points, we 
 find stated in the third chapter that the Greeks and the Romans aimed 
 equally to teach and to please. The Iliad contained excellent political 
 advice for the use of Greek rulers. It delighted the average reader with 
 its true rendering of the simplicity of Greek life in which the herding 
 of cattle was considered a noble occupation and where the daughters of 
 princes went to the fountain to fetch water. Luzan does not quite dare say 
 "to wash clothes." 
 
 Just as these matters were typical of Greek life, the use of mythologi- 
 cal machinery was fitting enough in Roman literature. By the same token, 
 now that idolatry is a thing of the past, Jupiter and all the other gods 
 must be replaced by angels, demons, and magicians who satisfy the 
 requirements of verisimilitude.** 
 
 The chapter ends with this plea for the "merveilleux chretien" which 
 
 *^ Poetica, p. 13. In this discussion Luzan refers to J. M. Crescimbcni. 
 " Poetica, p. 28.
 
 «EINTR0DUCT10N OF ARISTOTELIAN RULES 27 
 
 has helped Menendez y Pelayo to strengthen his thesis that, in so far as 
 L.uzan represents a foreign influence, it is not French but Italian since, as 
 is well known, Boileau would have banished from serious literature 
 miracles and those who bring them about.* 
 
 Treating of the essence and definition of poetry, Luzan can agree 
 neither with Minturno nor with Aristotle as cited by Benio. He ends by 
 giving his own definition: "Imitacion de la Naturaleza en lo Universal 
 6 en lo Particular hecha con versos para utilidad 6 para deleite de los 
 hombres 6 para uno y otro juntamente." ^^ This leads to a discussion of 
 the nature of imitation and the reasons why imitation is pleasant to man. 
 The explanation is certainly typical of the century in which Luzan wrote. 
 What could be more naively rationalistic than the following statement: 
 "Como nada hai mas dulce ni mas agradable para nuestro espiritu que el 
 aprender, nuestro entendimiento cotejando la Imitacion con el objecto imi- 
 tado se alegra de aprender que esta "es la tal cosa" y al mismo tiempo 
 se deleita en conocer y admirar la perfeccion de el Arte. For eso nos 
 deleitan pintados los monstruos mas feos.^* 
 
 After making the comparison between poetry and painting which is 
 "de rigueiir" * in a neo-classic discussion, Luzan analyzes the nature of 
 imitation, concluding that it is of two kinds ; namely, imitation of what 
 is universal and of what is particular.* 
 
 Imitation of what is universal means the imitation of subjects which 
 can be idealized. Human character belongs to that class since, through 
 the freedom of the will, it is capable of greater perfection than that which 
 it now possesses. If the poet lets his imagination alter human character 
 for the better, he will be effective and useful since he is painting, if not 
 from a real model, at least from a possible one. 
 
 This reasoning disposes of the argument of those who claim that 
 imagination has no place in literature because it violates the principle 
 that no image is effective whose model is not known to exist. 
 
 The way of looking at the matter which has just been refuted holds 
 all its force in the case of natural or inanimate objects which were created 
 perfect by God and which are thereby incapable of any improvement. 
 Exact reproduction by the artist is the only rule in their case, "porque 
 nada le ira a la mano en las flores conque pretenda matizar el Frado, ni 
 en las colores conque quira arrebolar la Aurora, como scan naturales." ^® 
 
 To be sure, immediately after this discussion, which leaves such a 
 loophole for free fancy, Luzan hastens to add that, even in the treatment 
 of what is ideal, the writer must keep the particular in mind sufficiently 
 
 " Poetica, p. 32. 
 " Poetica, p. 36. 
 •* Poetica, p. 53.
 
 28 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 to fall in with the requirements of verisimilitiule. The fact remains that 
 the critic has shown a possible legitimate use for the powers of the imag- 
 ination and this will enable him later to admire consistently the works of 
 poets whose imagination might well have appeared extravagant to more 
 orthodox neo-classic critics. 
 
 Luzan gives us another instance of his desire to be liberal. After 
 enumerating the possible methods of literary imitation, namely direct, in- 
 direct and by pure narration,-'^ Luzan explains in two chapters the pur- 
 pose and use of poetry. It must delight and it must teach. Long poems, 
 however, are the only ones which must satisfy each of these require- 
 ments. Very short compositions need comply with only one of them. 
 If certain short poems may be only useful, others may well be written 
 purely to delight the reader and in such cases he need not feel compelled 
 to point out a moral. But such latitude is exceptional, and the fact re- 
 mains that the great duty of the poet is to teach morals. 
 
 Philosophy is not able to accomplish that purpose to any considerable 
 degree because it is meant for the few, its light being too brilliant for 
 average eyes. It is the function of poetry to soften the light of philos- 
 ophy so that it will guide and not dazzle the intellect of the seekers after 
 truth. To be more specific, epic poems and tragedies teach right living 
 to princes ; comedies direct the conscience of the common herd. As for 
 lyric poetry, though much of it is merely lascivious and debasing, it often 
 occurs to authors to introduce into such compositions discreet hints 
 bearing a moral purpose. ^'^ 
 
 The Technical Matter of Book II. — This discussion marks the transi- 
 tion from the first to the second book of the "Arte Poetica." It leads 
 naturally to a eulogy of didactic poetry upon which follow three chapters 
 dealing with "Sweetness" and with "Beauty" which are the means by 
 which poetry accomplishes its useful mission. 
 
 By sweetness, Luzan means the ability to arouse the emotion of the 
 reader, while beauty is the union of variety, unity, regularity, order and 
 proportion, all adorning truth. 
 
 This dogmatic statement that beauty can not exist apart from truth 
 is tempered by the discussion on the kinds of truths. Truth, we find, may 
 be scientific or it may be ideal, and the tw^o kinds may be found in one 
 and the same work. Ideal truth is simply that kind of truth which exists 
 only on condition of the acceptance of a certain hypothesis. As a matter 
 of fact any flight of the imagination may be termed truthful, if only 
 things are granted before the flight is taken. "No es verdad absoluta, 
 antes bien es falso, que la presencia de una Dama haga reverdecer el 
 
 26 Poetica, ch. x-xi. 
 2^ Poetica, pp. 59-63.
 
 REINTRODUCTION OF ARISTOTELIAN RULES 29 
 
 prado y nacer a cada passo aztizenas y claveles que codiciosos y atrevidos 
 aspiran a la dicha de ser pisados de tan hermosos pies ; pero en la hypo- 
 thesis de que las Acres tuviesen sentido y conocimiento de la hermosura 
 de aquella Dama y estuviessen tan enamoradas come el Poeta ; es verdad 
 que formarian tales pensamientos y tendrian tales deseos." -* 
 
 It is clear that this method of making the irrational rational is so 
 simple and efificient that, thanks to it, the imagination wins in freedom 
 as much again as the author had been willing to grant it through his 
 discussion on the possibility of idealizing the qualities of the human mind. 
 
 It is difficult, in a case of this type, to tell whether Luzan wants to 
 prove that the imagination ought to be fairly free or whether he intends 
 to show that even extreme imagination is indebted to reason. His criti- 
 cism does not help us very much because, as we shall see, there are times 
 when he swings from a position of fair liberality to one of great narrow- 
 ness. In this very part of his work, if we pass rapidly over the next three 
 chapters,-^ we shall reach a fourth, which rather destroys the impression 
 made by the matters just discussed. 
 
 We may indeed dismiss the three chapters mentioned by simply 
 noting that the first states that truth is not always credible, the second 
 dwells on the aid given to a plot by style, while the last contains the usual 
 arguments in favor of improving nature, copying only "la belle nature." * 
 
 This leaves us at liberty to consider the twelfth chapter which is an 
 attack on free fancy. In it we learn that all impressions come to the 
 soul through the senses, and that the soul, viewed from two angles, is 
 imagination and also intellect. Of these two aspects of the soul, the in- 
 tellectual one is the higher. The intellect by itself is capable of accomplish- 
 ing great things in art and in science. The intellect and the imagination 
 working in harmony, also give excellent results, but if the imagination 
 is left in control of the whole field of activity, the result is nothing but 
 disorder and confusion. 
 
 Untrammeled imagination has no place in poetry nor in the dis- 
 courses of men of sense. It belongs to those "que 6 dormidos suenan 6 cal- 
 enturientos desvarian 6 enloquecidos desatinan." ^^ 
 
 Yet we have been told once that what is of the human soul can be 
 freely idealized and, by a trick of casuistry, we have been shown, in an- 
 other instance, that the most far-fetched figures could be brought within 
 the realm of reason. 
 
 We may find the explanation to this apparent contradiction in what 
 
 28 Poetica, p. 103. 
 
 29 Poetica. ch. ix-xi. 
 
 30 Poetica, p. 124.
 
 30 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 may be the key to Luzan's criticisms, namely, that in the last analysis, 
 his judgments were based not on rules but on common sense. In Chapter 
 XIII of this same book, we find this advice which is in no way didactic : 
 "Considerar bien lo que hace 6 no hace el caso y quitar todo lo que puede 
 danar a su designo aunque lo que se quita sea un gran pensamiento al 
 parecer 6 una expresion de las mas elegantes 6 ingeniosas; que no per- 
 dera por eso la descripcion antes bien ganara mucho y sera mas bella 
 porque mas propicia y mas del caso." ^^ 
 
 Such a passage, considered in the light of other statements of a lib- 
 eral character, would tend to show that what Luzan hoped from the rules 
 was a prompting and guiding power, not a tyrannical sway over the com- 
 mon sense of the writers of his country. 
 
 The other technical points contained in the second book of the 
 "Poetica" can be briefly summarized as follows : 
 
 We are told again that all artistic conceptions must be based on 
 truth whether real, possible, or probable. We learn that verisimilitude 
 requires a proper relationship to exist between characters and the words 
 which they speak. Styles are classified as noble, humble and moderate. 
 A fitting literary diction is shown to be as necessary to a genre as good 
 clothes to a person.'^ 
 
 The last chapter, enumerating and describing the kinds of meters 
 used in Spanish, ends with a statement which tends to strengthen the 
 reader's opinion that Luzan's respect for the rules, though quite notice- 
 able, was by no means absolute. Quoting Boileau's "La rime est une 
 esclave et ne doit qu'obeir," he adds "si bien no es razon que se detenga 
 muy de espacio en componer cada verso . . . ni que vaya, como de 
 puerta en puerta, llamando a cada una de las reglas que hemos pro- 
 puesto." ^^ 
 
 The Literary Criticism of Books I and II. — Now that we have 
 scanned the theoretical portion of the first two books of the "Poetica," we 
 are at liberty to turn our attention to the passages dealing with actual 
 authors. Let us turn from Luzan the "savant en us" to Luzan the literary 
 critic. 
 
 It is in connection with his brief sketch of the development of poetry 
 in the vulgar tongues that Luzan begins to mention famous Spanish poets 
 and to express his literary likes and dislikes. 
 
 The literary movement which had arisen in Italy was brought to 
 Spain by Boscan and by the Marquis of Santillana. The work of these 
 
 31 Poetica, p. 143. 
 
 22 Poetica, ch. xvi, xvii, xix, xxi, xxii. 
 
 »3 Poetica, p. 270.
 
 REINTRODUCTION OF ARISTOTELIAN RULES 31 
 
 worthy poets was gloriously crowned by the matchless poems of Garcilaso 
 de la Vega, the prince of Castilian poetry. 
 
 The untimely death of the great lyric poet deprived Spain of the one 
 writer whose performance, had it been completed, would have atoned 
 for the failings of those who followed him. As it was, good taste died 
 with him." 
 
 Luzan, realizing the duties of the fearless critic, does not hesitate to 
 lay at the door of Lope de Vega Carpio and of Luis de Gongora the 
 responsibility for the sudden decadence of Spanish literature in the 
 XVII century. To be sure he is ready to grant these writers much 
 natural genius and lyric fire. "Gongora dotado de ingenio y de phantasia 
 muy viva. . . . Lope a quien nadie puede con razon negar las alabanzas 
 debidas a las raras prendas de que le adorno Naturaleza, a su feliz y vasto 
 ingenio, a su natural facilidad." Yet in spite of these great gifts, Gon- 
 gora fell into a style most florid, void of ideas, replete with extravagant 
 metaphors and quibbles, while Lope invented "I know not what system 
 or method of writing comedies" which was in absolute opposition to the 
 rules of sense and which corrupted the taste of the common people.'^ 
 
 To make matters worse, Gracian came with his "Agudeza y xA.rte 
 de Ingenio." From that time good taste vanished from Spain. The 
 grave and respectable literary genres were abandoned. The "cancion," the 
 serious sonnet, the drama, were no longer in vogue. Their places were 
 taken by "coplas," "decimas," or "redondillas," all insignificant lyric 
 forms which, though they were cultivated with undeniable skill and bril- 
 liancy, could never be expected to represent the spirit of poetry in all its 
 dignity.^'' 
 
 The other judgments given by Luzan occur in connection with his 
 treatment of figures of speech and with his attack on what he considered 
 the greatest curse of Spanish literature, that is quibbles.* 
 
 In Chapter XIV comes the preliminary statement that metaphors are 
 never lies, since the mind knows that it must interpret them and not take 
 them literally. To illustrate the nature of metaphors he quotes one from 
 Garcilaso : 
 
 "Los ojos cuya lumbre bien pudiera 
 Tornar clara la noche tenebrosa 
 Y escurer el Sol a medio dia." ^® 
 
 Though the figure may seem a little extreme to us, he remarks upon 
 it approvingly. 
 
 Wishing to illustrate more fully, he quotes from Lope and from 
 
 ^ Poetica, v. I. ch. iii. 
 « Poetica, p. 19. 
 »• Poetica, p. 150.
 
 32 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SI'AIN 
 
 Argensola lines which meet with his approval and exhibit the good quali- 
 ties of true lyricism, lines very different from those given out by poets 
 who are a prey to their own disorderly imagination. 
 
 What pitfalls await such undisciplined poets will be shown clearly 
 by a study of the nature of figures of speech. 
 
 The fundamental requirement in figures of speech is that there must 
 be an easily discerned relationship between the object embellished or 
 described and whatever it is embellished or described by. Thus an arrow 
 may be said to fly, hope may be called sweet, a passion unbridled. As 
 soon as this- relationship ceases to be apparent, then we no longer have 
 a figure of speech, but simply a piece of chaotic nonsense. ^^ 
 
 Such an error is not unfrequent. Illustrations of it can be found in 
 Spanish authors past and present. For instance Gongora, wishing to 
 extol the rapid increase of the city of Madrid, says in a sonnet : 
 
 "Que a su menor inundacion de casas 
 Ni aun los campos de Tajo estan seguros." ^® 
 
 After condemning the lack of correspondence in the metaphor ex- 
 pressed in these two lines, Luzan quotes in full a sonnet written by the 
 same author in praise of Babia's History of the Popes. The parts of the 
 sonnet which according to Luzan are worthy of censure are the following : 
 
 "Este que Babia al mundo hoy ha ofrecido 
 Poema, sino a numeros atado 
 De la disposicion antes limado 
 Y de la erudicion despues lamido, 
 Historia es culta, cuyo encanecido 
 Estilo, sino metrico, peinado 
 Tres ya Pilotos de el bajel sagrado 
 Hurta al tiempo y redima de el olvido. 
 
 Pluma pues que claveros celestiales 
 Eterniza en los bronces de su historia 
 Llave es ya de los tiempos y no pluma. 
 
 Ella a sus nombres puertas immortales 
 
 Abre no de caduca no, memoria 
 
 Que sombras sella en tumulos de espuma ?" ^* 
 
 Gates opened by means of a pen, the play on the words "limado" and 
 "lamido," a gray-headed style which steals pilots, are conceptions sur- 
 passed in absurdity only by the final words "Que sombras sella en tumulos 
 
 3^ Poetica, pp. 163-164. 
 s8 Poetica, p. 163. 
 39 Poetica, p. 165.
 
 REINTRODUCTION OF ARISTOTELIAN RULES 33 
 
 de espuma." This line, says Luzan, is so altisonant, as to make one think, 
 at first, that it means something, then that impression vanishes, for the 
 line is a riddle whose solution requires careful study. "Me rei muchisimo 
 quando con algo de trabajo llegue a desentraiiarle el sentido." "Sellar 
 sombras" means to print, and the foam referred to is merely paper ready 
 for the press.*" 
 
 His amusement soon turns to bitterness when he reflects upon the 
 fact that such extravagant expressions have won for their perpetrator the 
 title of "Principe de los poetas lyricos," usurping this title from those 
 who, like Garcilaso, Lupercio Leonardo, or Herrera or Cam5ens have 
 every right to be crowned with it. 
 
 Dealing with quibbles he quotes these lines from Calderon : 
 
 "Ardo y lloro sin sosiego 
 Llorando y ardiendo tanto : 
 Que ni al fuego apaga el llanto 
 Ni al llanto consume el fuego." *^ 
 
 "De la misma estofa es otro concepto de Gongora en un soneto a 
 San Ignacio : 
 
 "Ardiendo en aguas muertas llamas vivas." *^ 
 
 How far below the style of a Garcilaso, or a Solis or a Luis de Ulloa ! 
 Such exaggerations ought to be allowed only in burlesque style or on the 
 rare occasions when the poet has to feign madness. As a natter of fact, 
 these unbearable absurdities are so admired that any one criticizing them 
 exposes himself to violent censure on the part of the untutored majority. 
 
 Luzan is not frightened by this expected attack: he knows the 
 strength of his position. The champions of extravagance will not be 
 able to prove that he is wrong while men of sense and learning will 
 always take up his defense. 
 
 Too great subtlety in thought and a pedantic display of learning are 
 other faults which delight the vulgar and discredit poets in the eyes 
 of those who know the rules of serious literary criticism. Lope on one 
 occasion was guilty of an absurd display of technical terms of music. 
 This meant nothing as to his real knowledge of that art. Either he had 
 glanced at a text book on the subject or else he had spent a half-hour 
 chatting with a choir-master.* Yet the average reader was deeply im- 
 pressed by this array of terms which brought a smile to the lips of those 
 possessed of the elements of musical notation. 
 
 <o Poetica, p. 166. 
 " Poetica, p. 173. 
 *2 Poetica, p. 176.
 
 34 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 To illustrate over-subtlety in thought * Luzan does not have to 
 arouse the anger of his countrymen, for Muratori suggests to him these 
 rather indefensible lines from Corneille's Cid: 
 
 "Pleurez. pleurez mes yeux et fondez vous en eau 
 La moitie de ma vie a mis I'autre au tombeau 
 Et m'oblige a venger, apres ce coup funeste, 
 Celle que je n'ai plus sur celle qui me reste." *" 
 
 "El pensar a estas mitades de vida, a la mitad que murio en su padre 
 y a la mitad que se quedo en su amante, y que la una mitad la obliga a 
 vengar su agravio en la otra : es pensar demasiadamente." 
 
 Having shown his broadmindedness by censuring a writer who was 
 not a Spaniard, Luzan further disarms his enemies-to-come by finding 
 again good lines in Lope. This author, says Luzan, excels in the jocular 
 style as for instance when, after describing with many pompous words 
 and figures, a mountain and a waterfall, he finally admits that : 
 
 ", . . en este monte y liquida laguna 
 Para decir verdad como hombre honorado 
 Jamas me sucedio cosa ninguna." ** 
 
 On the whole these literary judgments leave us with a much more 
 favorable opinion of the author's discretion than his treatment of the- 
 oretical points. It becomes fairly evident that the "preceptista" does not 
 interfere seriously with the critic. To have uncompromisingly placed 
 Garcilaso above Lope and Gongora without ever denying to these two 
 poets the praise which they actually deserved, because of their brilliant 
 qualities, was to give evident proof of a well balanced judgment united 
 with a keen esthetic sense. 
 
 The Technical Matter of Book III. — The third and fourth books 
 which deal with the Drama and the Epic contain certain chapters which, 
 while they make Luzan's work a logical whole, are of no practical value. 
 Their aridity and their mechanical character are such that they had no 
 guiding influence on subsequent writers. For this reason we shall now 
 make use of the right which we reserved for ourselves to put all such 
 matter in foot-notes.* 
 
 If we follow the main line of Luzan's argument in his treatment of 
 the drama, we shall find that it resolves itself into two principles. First 
 comes the constant necessity of keeping in mind the requirements of 
 verisimilitude. Second the necessity of a moral purpose in all dramatic 
 productions. 
 
 *3 Poetica, p. 198. 
 ** Poetica, p. 232.
 
 REINTRODUCTION OF ARISTOTELIAN RULES 35 
 
 It is in the name of verisimilitude that Luzan strives to give the three 
 unities their most exacting definition. His insistence on strct adherence 
 to the unity of plot is praiseworthy but he loses our sympathy when we 
 are made to read a long argument to the effect that a tragedy can repre- 
 sent only an action which in real life would last only the hours required 
 for the performance of an ordinary play.^^ 
 
 We grow still less enthusiastic at his suggestion to lessen the rigid- 
 ity of the unity of place by introducing a manner of medieval stage 
 divided into booths by either vertical or horizontal partitions. By this 
 scheme authors would have the choice of the various rooms of a house 
 or of adjacent portions of a city without breaking the sacred unity of 
 place. Such a puerile suggestion puts Luzan the "preceptista" in a posi- 
 tion of still greater inferiority towards Luzan the literary critic. 
 
 Other points on which Luzan displays no great originality are the 
 matter of excluding violent death scenes from the stage, the requiring of 
 unity of character for the main personages and, on the contrary, an ab- 
 sence of distinct personality in the confidents or confidentes.*^ 
 
 On the subject of diction, Luzan talks as if he were not a poet him- 
 self. He admits that some form of verse is required as the medium of 
 dramatic expression but he condemns rhyme. He is willing to com- 
 promise on the Spanish ballad verse, which is nearly as good as prose, 
 since it only rhymes in assonance. He even goes so far as to blame 
 Christobal de Mesa simply because in his tragedy entitled "Pompeyo" 
 "no solo estan dispuestos los consonantes a modo de canciones, mas 
 tambien hay tercetos, octavas, coplas, decimas y otros genros de rimas 
 cuyo conocido artificio se opone directamente a la verisimilitud." *'' 
 
 We recognize the same prosaic spirit in the warning which Luzan 
 gives in the matter of costume. The garb of an actor must be true to life 
 but it must respect the laws of decorum. If a peasant girl is to appear 
 on the stage she must be dressed in her holiday attire. 
 
 These rather trivial rulings together with more useful ones, as, for 
 instance, the recommendation to limit the number of actors to a very 
 few, arise from the same principle. Luzan has adopted unconditionally 
 the principle that "la Poesia dramatica es un engaiio." By hook or crook 
 the audience must be deceived into believing that the imitation of life 
 presented to it is life itself. "A esto miran todas las reglas que tanto se 
 encargan a los Poetas a cerca de la verisimilitud de la fabula, de las cos- 
 tumbres, de la sentencia y locucion." *^ 
 
 *^ Poetica, ch. v. *'' Poetica, p. 381. 
 
 *6 Poetica, ch. x. *» Poetica, p. 395.
 
 36 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 As might be expected, the tragi-comedy is condemned but we are 
 surprised to discover that Corneille is severely taken to task for having 
 introduced this hermaphroditic genre.*® 
 
 The Literary Criticism of Book III. — We have now reached the 
 point where the technical and the theoretical matter of the drama is ex- 
 hausted. The tragi-comedy has been dealt with. The logical step to 
 take next is to study the Spanish Comedia. 
 
 In treating the drama of his country, as in his discussion of lyric 
 poetry, Luzan gives proof of a much better critical sense than one might 
 have been led to expect from his handling of the theoretical side of the 
 question. 
 
 His minute description of a perfectly mechanical way to construct a 
 plot,^° his strict adherence to the three unities, his begrudging to poetry 
 the right to have a place in dramatic expression, might well have been 
 taken as promises of a downright condemnation of the Comedia. 
 
 It is a pleasant surprise to discover that, on the contrary, his treat- 
 ment of the Comedia reveals a sympathetic attitude towards the genre 
 and that his praise of it, if less detailed, is more sweeping and compre- 
 hensive than his adverse criticism. 
 
 The names of authors whom we are accustomed to count among 
 the most antagonistic to any discipline come in for a good share of praise. 
 Luzan indulges in the warmest praise of Lope de Vega for the natural 
 facility of his style and for his skill in depicting certain Spanish types and 
 customs. He admires Calderon for his skillfully handled plots and for- 
 gives him his stylistic excesses and vagaries to the extent of saying 
 "admiro la nobleza de su locucion que sin ser jamas obscura, ni afectada, 
 es siempre elegante." In such plays as "Primero soy yo," "Dar tiempo 
 al tempo," "Dicha y desdicha de nombre," "No hay burlas con el amor" 
 the critic finds much that is worthy of praise and nothing, or practically 
 nothing, deserving blame.^^ Twice he mentions with admiration Moreto's 
 "El Desden con el Desden."* He finds sufficient respect for the rules in 
 Zamora's "El Hechizado por fuerza." Candamo and Canizares also have 
 written plays which put them in the class of authors to be admired. 
 Among the plays of the last named author, Luzan mentions with partic- 
 ular favor "El Domine Lucas" and admires him for having been one of 
 the few Spanish authors who gave really comical qualities to their main 
 characters instead of concentrating all the fun-making in the deeds and 
 words of the "gracioso." * 
 
 49 Poetica, p. 425. 
 ^0 See note 1. 
 51 Poetica, p. 349.
 
 REINTRODUCTION OF ARISTOTELIAN RULES 37 
 
 To sum up then, there is much that is excellent in the Spanish 
 Comedia, and particularly in the matter of plot, for Spanish authors "se 
 han desempenado con bastante acierto y faciHdad del enredo y solucion de 
 sus comedias." To be sure, absolute praise of the genre would be as 
 unjust as absolute condemnation. In remarking upon the weak points 
 of Spanish plays, Luzan's sincere desire is to come to a fair and sane 
 judgment and to point out which ones of the rules can not be infringed 
 upon without some loss in artistic effect. The danger of not following 
 certain rules could be amply illustrated by the examination of plays 
 written by others than Spanish authors. It so happens, however, that the 
 foreign drama is practically unknown in Spain. If Luzan chooses all 
 his unfavorable illustrations from the Spanish stage, it is not due to any 
 unpatriotic desire to attack his own country. He does it from a desire 
 to be clearly understood by his countrymen, showing them familiar * in- 
 stances of the errors incurred by writing without the guidance of reason. 
 
 The censure of the Spanish stage comes under two headings as we 
 have already stated. Spanish comedies in many cases fail to fulfill the 
 moral requirements of good plays and often they do not respect the 
 dogma of verisimilitude. 
 
 First, then, from a moral standpoint, dashing young swashbucklers 
 and over-resourceful lovers of both sexes are altogether too prominent 
 in Spanish plays. The fencing skill of the former and the moral slipperi- 
 ness of the latter are forever getting the better of those characters of the 
 play who represent law, order and duty. A false ideal of personal 
 honor and a plea for the irresponsibility of passion are thereby drilled into 
 the minds and imaginations of the spectators ; that is, they become part 
 and parcel of the philosophy of life of the masses. To be sure, no one 
 would object if from time to time playwrights introduced "el character 
 de un amante 6 de un duelista guapeton como otra qualquiera especie de 
 costumbres." "^ But the constant representations of such persons, not 
 shown in their true light, but in a blaze of glory, is downright wrong. 
 Besides it is unartistic since all comedy heroes, drawn as they are from 
 just tw^o classes of human beings, are bound to resemble one another like 
 twin brothers.* Why not try to introduce other characters such as the 
 "miles gloriosus," the miser, the jolly friar? Thus Lope, Calderon, 
 Moreto, Solis, and many others, in spite of other excellent qualities, sin 
 heavily against morality and art. To show that he is defending a uni- 
 versal principle and not merely trying to find fault with his countrymen, 
 Luzan censures severely the lines in which Boileau defends love plots: 
 
 ^^ Poetica, p. 375. /
 
 38 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 Je ne suis pas pourtant de ces tristes esprits 
 Qui banissant Tamour de tous chastes ecrits . 
 D'un si riche ornement veulent priver la scene 
 Traitant d'empoisonneurs et Rodrigue et Chimene. 
 L'amour le moins honnete exprime chastement 
 N 'excite point en nous de honteux mouvement.^^ 
 
 Far from sympathizing with such easy going moraHty, Luzan, were 
 it in his power, would have a national censor appointed by the govern- 
 ment so that no play could be presented to the public without having first 
 been approved by a competent judge.* 
 
 Only one type of play seemed to Luzan still more dangerous than 
 "comedias" based on themes of uUra-romantic love, and that was the 
 Autos Sacramentales. These performances, Luzan tells us, brought dis- 
 credit on the sacred subjects which formed in part the matter of their 
 plots. They debased holy themes by mingling with them love intrigues, ex- 
 hibitions of vanity and witticisms of doubtful decency. Worst of all, the 
 authors of Autos were not satisfied with orthodox miracles, but they man- 
 ufactured marvelous tales out of whole cloth. The result was that the 
 common people in their ignorance came to believe in these new-fangled 
 miracles with as much reverence as if they were drawn from the Holy 
 Scriptures.* 
 
 This completes Luzan's remarks on the need of a moral reform of 
 the Spanish stage. 
 
 The other criticisms, though not arising from such a high principle 
 as the desire to save the nation from growing immorality, are nevertheless 
 much to the point. 
 
 He repeats his plea for clear, simple, direct style and he shows how 
 desirable those same qualities would be if applied to plot. If "comedias" 
 are to be artistic and useful their intrigues must be first of all such as to 
 be easily understood and instantly recognized as of possible occurence in 
 real life. 
 
 Who will believe in the possibility of the stories which are the basis 
 of Lope's "El Perro del Hortelano" and "El Ramillete de Madrid"? In 
 the first "comedia" a lady falls in love with a servant and makes no effort 
 to hide her passion, in the second a gentleman serves as a gardener on the 
 estate of a high-born lady. In Moreto's "Todo es enredos amor," the 
 heroine, Dofia Elena, wishing to spy on her lover's private life, leaves for 
 Salamanca, dressed as a student, and, in the course of the action, imper- 
 sonates no fewer than three different characters. "iEn qual de estos 
 casos se divisa algun rastro de verisimilitud? iQual de ellos puede ser 
 
 sspoetica, p. 368.
 
 REINTRODUCTION OF ARISTOTELIAN RULES 39 
 
 espejo de la vida humana?" Such happenings have never taken place in 
 Spain. To relate them is as futile an undertaking as to try to compose a 
 useful play on mythological subjects which have lost, together with their 
 allegorical meaning, their power to point out a moral.'* 
 
 In dealing with the application of the three unities, Luzan finds a 
 rich field for criticism of the most adverse type. The Spanish Comedia 
 having so often drawn its plots from the tales of the Italian Renaissance, 
 from the romances of chivalry or from medieval chronicles, paid no 
 attention to these rules. Luzan can easily gather a formidable list of 
 plays possessed of enormous defects. Lope's "La locura por la honra" 
 contains three actions ; there are cases of comedies concentrating in a 
 few hours the deeds and happenings of three, nine, twenty and even 
 two hundred years ; others take the spectator on flying trips through a 
 half-dozen countries, the characters "andando con gran frescura y sin 
 cansancio algunos centenares de leguas." * 
 
 Added to such unartistic elements are the countless remnants of 
 medieval fancy or ignorance which the Comedia has cherished and 
 saved from well deserved oblivion. "Yo he oido no sin muclia risa nom- 
 brar el conde Antenor, al conde Eneas en la Comedia de 'Hector y 
 Achilles' de no se que autor." ^^ References to gunpowder in plays dealing 
 with antiquity, stories of men sailing across the sea on their shields, and 
 the grossest errors in geography complete the arraignment of the 
 Comedia.'^ "Pareceme que los exemplos propuestos bastaran para aviso 
 de los Poetas que de hoy mas quisieren aplicarse a escribir segun las 
 reglas y con el debido miramiento." * 
 
 We have now reviewed the favorable and the unfavorable criticisms 
 of Luzan on the Comedia. With the exception of some of the remarks 
 on what constitutes a probable plot, his judgments seem just and in- 
 telligent. The points of which he can not approve are precisely those 
 which shock the modern reader. What he praises is also what meets with 
 universal approval. No one can seriously admire the extravagance of 
 plot and language which so often disfigures the plays of even the best 
 authors, and yet no one can deny the admirable qualities of these com- 
 positions when judged from the standpoint of dash and vivacity of plot 
 or brilliancy of diction. 
 
 The following sentence from Luzan, while defining his attitude on 
 the matter, expresses also the modern opinion on the Comedia: "Si los 
 que absolutamente y sin excepcion condenan las Comedias se dejan llevar 
 de un zelo excesivo, los que en ella aprueban indistintamente los amores 
 
 5* Poetica, p. 416. 
 ^^ Poetica, p. 421.
 
 40 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 y argumentos perniciosos como el unico y mas divertido asunto de el 
 Theatro, se dejan sin duda llevar de una licencia desreglada." ^^ 
 
 Book IV. — There is nothing in the fourth book of the Poetica which 
 can shed any further light on Luzan as a critic. It is a purely didactic 
 discussion of the Epic* In it, Luzan simply follows the treatise of 
 Father Le Bossu. It would be an unprofitable task to study the definition 
 of the Epic, and it would be futile to discuss whether or not Homer and 
 Virgil, in the composition of their great works, followed the altogether 
 unassailable method given by Le Bossu for the composition of perfect 
 plots. Rather let us pass to the more vital question of the way in which 
 the "Arte Poetica" of Luzan was received in Spain. 
 
 Judgments Passed on the Poetica. — The opinion which is sometimes 
 expressed that Luzan attacked the writers of his country in a spirit of 
 narrowness and extreme prejudice is as wrong as that which implies that 
 Luzan was fighting a stupendous fight single-handed. 
 
 Official Judgments. — The attitude of mind of the men who wrote the 
 "Aprobacion" and the "Critica" of the "Poetica," two documents required 
 by law to be prefixed to every new book, and the judgments of the critics 
 who had founded the "Diario de los Literatos" shows that, besides Luzan, 
 there were in Spain intelligent men who fully appreciated the real qual- 
 ities and the real defects of Spanish literature. 
 
 The "Aprobacion" written by one Fr. Miguel Navarro states that in 
 the "Poetica," the blame cast upon many authors is compensated by the 
 praise which these same writers receive in various parts of the work.* 
 The author of the "Censura," Fr. Manuel Gallinero, brings up the 
 case of Moliere who had plenty of genius and little reverence for the 
 rules of Aristotle. It is clear that this reviewer does not altogether agree 
 with Luzan on the usefulness of applying the "esprit de geometric" to 
 literature, but his attitude is in no way hostile, for he ends his remarks 
 by admitting that, in all cases, the author's criticisms were meant "no 
 para golpear, sino precisamente para medir." 
 
 The Diario' s Review of the Poetica. — The "Diario,"* a literary review, 
 which we shall take up more in detail presently, gave an impartial resume 
 of the "Poetica" and admitted that it had filled a long felt want in Spanish 
 literature. "De ningiin escrito tenia mas necesidad nuestra Espana que 
 de una entera y cabal Poetica." '^^ The mighty nation of the Poets had 
 gone too long with no other guide than its fancy ; all critics until this one 
 had been altogether too lenient. 
 
 8« Poetica, p. 2i7Z. 
 
 "^ Diario, v. IV, art. 1.
 
 REINTRODUCTION OF ARISTOTELIAN RULES 41 
 
 This favorable statement which began the review of the "Diario" was 
 followed by others not quite so flattering. 
 
 First of all it struck the "Diario" that Luzan was too hard on Lope 
 in the matter of the "Arte Nuevo de Hacer Comedias." By emphasizing 
 those parts where Lope seems to praise the rules and by dismissing as 
 clever "boutades" the cases where he appears to condemn them, the "Dia- 
 rio" tried to reconcile Lope with literary orthodoxy. It dwelt at length 
 on the tyrannical powers of the mob in the seventeenth century audiences 
 and insinuated that Lope did not take his plays seriously since he had 
 written them merely as a sop to satisfy the demand of the illiterate "patio" 
 for the romanesque. 
 
 Far from accusing Lope of having written his "Arte Nuevo" in 
 defense of his own plays it would be more nearly right to consider that 
 work a disguised way of criticizing "comedias." "Su obra en realidad 
 mas es 'Arte nuevo de criticar comedias' que de hacerlas." '^ 
 
 The argument would therefore tend to put Lope and Luzan in the 
 same literary school, and ingenious as the reasoning is, it fails to carry 
 conviction with it. 
 
 What is decidedly amusing is the solemn way in which the "Diario" 
 censures Luzan for not having picked his illustrations from the six plays 
 which Lope confesses having written in accordance with the rules.* 
 Had Luzan been able to detect errors in any one of these six plays, then 
 indeed he would have scored a victory. He would have proved that Lope 
 did not possess the knowledge necessary to write a regular play, since 
 his best efiforts were faulty. 
 
 As a matter of fact Luzan was not to blame in the matter. To 
 suspect him of having neglected to make use of an easy way to justify 
 the Spanish stage in the eyes of foreign neo-classic critics, was as much 
 as accusing him of high treason. Had the plays been known to him he 
 would certainly have made use of them. 
 
 The facts of the case are that Lope had never given out the names 
 of those six Aristotelian daughters of his brain. Whether Luzan tried 
 hard or not at all to find these plays is not known. What is known is 
 that, for fully a half a century after Luzan, Spanish scholars made every 
 effort to discover plays written according to the rules and all these 
 accumulated efforts never succeeded in crediting Lope with a single 
 regular drama. 
 
 No doubt then that the editors of the "Diario" threw out this sug- 
 gestion because it fitted well in their argument, not realizing the impossi- 
 bility of giving it any practical application. 
 
 Taking up Luzan's study of the poem of Gongora which in the crit- 
 
 "8 Diario, v. IV, p. 86.
 
 42 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 ic's mind typified the worst that was to be found from the standpoint of 
 extravagance of language, the "Diario" found again that the judgments 
 expressed were too harsh. "^ 
 
 The reviewer claimed that the expression "claveros celestiales" was 
 an adequate and dignified metaphor, since it had been used by Christ 
 who said to Saint Peter "Tibi dabo claves regni coelorum." It was a per- 
 fectly reasonable way of referring to the Popes. Following this state- 
 ment came a paraphrase of the sonnet showing how every concept could 
 be made to fit into a rational whole of easy comprehension. To be sure 
 the last two lines needed elucidation as Luzan's explanation did not suit 
 the reviewer. Unfortunately the new explanation of the "puzzling" passage 
 is about as obscure as the passage itself. We leave the discussion feeling 
 that, if Luzan was too severe in comdemning the poem as a whole, the 
 writer of the essay reviewing Luzan failed disastrously in picking out 
 any flaw in his interpretation of the last two lines of the sonnet.* 
 
 The probable cause of this opposition to the literary judgments of 
 Luzan lies in the fact that the author of the review failed to realize that 
 Luzan judged literary works quite independently of the Aristotelian 
 code. Luzan's critics feared that if he agreed heartily with what was said 
 in the "Poetica" about Lope and Gongora, he would in a way be taking 
 an oath of fidelity to the rules, since it seemed to him that the rules had 
 dictated the opinions expressed about these authors. 
 
 This hostility towards precepticism "per se" again makes its appear- 
 ance when the reviewer proceeds to defend the tragi-comedy, anticipating 
 the critics of the Romantic School by making the statement that life 
 itself is a mingling of the tragic and the comic. He also attacks the 
 really very narrow interpretation given by Luzan to the unities, particu- 
 larly to that of time, for he has no sympathy with those parts of the 
 Aristotelian doctrine which simply tend to choke genius. His attitude 
 towards the rules is free from any superstitious respect. "Las reglas 
 dramaticas no son mas que fueros particulares del genio y gusto de cada 
 siglo y de cada nacion como lo acredita la historia del theatro antiguo y 
 moderno.®" 
 
 This of course is in absolute opposition to the opinion of Luzan, who, 
 as we remember, had begun his "Poetica" by proving to his own satisfac- 
 tion the universal and eternal character of the rules. 
 
 The impression derived from all this is that the writer of the "Dia- 
 rio's" review was not as different from Luzan in his critical opinions as he 
 believed he was. Only he was not one of those minds who feel it imperative 
 
 59 Diario, v. IV, p. 97. 
 «" Diario, v. IV, p. 106.
 
 REINTRODUCTION OF ARISTOTELIAN RULES 43 
 
 to connect, somehow or other, their intuitive judgments with a definite 
 set of rules rationally evolved. No more than Luzan was he ready to 
 praise the school of Gongora. "Con la defensa de los referidos puntos 
 en que Lope 6 Gongora no deben la mas favorable censura al Sefior 
 Luzan ; no se pretende canonizar generalmente todo lo que han escrito 
 estos dos celebres Poetas, ni condenar tampoco, todos los juicios que sobre 
 la calidad de sus obras y caracter de sus conceptos forma nuestro Autor : 
 no pudiendo negarse que muchas de ellas son hijas de la mas sana critica 
 y muy conducentes al desengafio publico." ®^ Later the critic praises 
 Luzan for the excellence of his judgment in the selection of the majority 
 of his illustrations, for the clearness and the amenity of his style. 
 
 Let us say it again, fundamentally the two men agree: there only 
 remains this difference, namely, that Luzan, partly out of a natural bent 
 towards argumentation, partly out of policy, wished to connect taste with 
 logic at least theoretically. His reviewer did not see clearly how slight 
 was the connection between Luzan's theory and his practice.* 
 
 Luzan' s Reply. — Under the anagram of Don Ifiigo de Lanuza, Luzan 
 published a pamphlet of some 150 pages to reply to the criticisms of the 
 "Diario." * It is merely a restatement of the points criticised by the 
 "Diario." Luzan stands by the judgments to which he had given utterance 
 in the "Poetica." He cites more authorities and in a case or two points out 
 an error made by the reviewer.* Nothing new is brought out by this paper 
 so far as facts or theory are concerned. What is noticeable is the tone of 
 perfect affability which rules the style of this little discussion. There is 
 no display of wit at the expense of the opponent, nor is anger shown, but 
 everywhere courtesy, directness and sincerity prevail. 
 
 Luzan is so far from having been ruffled by the criticism of the 
 "Diario," that he thanks the author of the review for the mildness of his 
 remarks, deploring that such courtesy is not shown to the editors of the 
 "Diario." * He goes even farther in his desire to treat the "Diario" fairly. 
 Though he does not give in on any of the arguments in question, he ad- 
 mits that perhaps his thrusts at Lope have been too many and too sharp. 
 His excuse is the novelty of the attempt. His criticism attacked the works 
 of Lope in the spirit of a soldier who, sword in hand, enters a long be- 
 sieged city. "En el calor de esta accion no era facil contener tan a raya 
 las expressiones y voces que alguna no exceda tal vez algun tanto 6 en el 
 objeto 6 en el modo." ^^ 
 
 To be sure a petty mind might easily have found several occasions 
 for bitter retorts to the remarks of the "Diario." but Luzan was a man 
 
 «i Diario. v. IV, p. 99. 
 «2 Discurso Ap., p. 75.
 
 44 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 gifted with plenty of g-enerosity and good sense. He was broad-minded 
 enough to see that the cause for which the "Diario" had been founded 
 was the very one for which he himself had published his "Poetica" and 
 that, in spite of a few superficial differences, the "Diaristas" were his most 
 capable allies.* 
 
 The Influence of the Poctica. — Before taking up more in detail the 
 study of the "Diario," let us say just a few words on the matter of the 
 influence of the "Poetica" of Luzan. 
 
 We stated, at the beginning of this chapter, that the influence of 
 Luzan's book had been unequaled in directing the neo-classic movement. 
 This opinion has been defended with as much vigor as it has been at- 
 tacked. Ticknor on one hand and Quintana on the other present the most 
 widely divergent views. According to the American scholar the "Poetica" 
 was a great power in the neo-classic movement, a power so great that its 
 influence can scarcely be overestimated.®^ Quintana on the other hand 
 states that the book was little read and promptly forgotten.* 
 
 Of these two opinions it would seem that Ticknor is nearer the truth. 
 Quintana is undoubtedly right in saying that the "Poetica" was little read, 
 but it must be borne in mind that the men who did peruse the work of 
 Luzan were precisely the men who were in the forefront of the neo-classic 
 movement and to them the "Poetica" became the great source from which 
 could be drawn the ideas and the facts necessary to the defense and devel- 
 opment of their cause. It may be said, without exaggeration, that the 
 neo-classic movement is the slow but sure diffusion of the principles of 
 the "Poetica" throughout the various classes of Spanish society. 
 
 NOTES TO CHAPTER 11. 
 
 p. 23. For life of Luzan see "Alemorias de la Vida de Don Ignacio de 
 Luzan escritas per su hijo Don Juan de Luzan," B. A. E., v. LXL Also Menendez y 
 Pelayo, Ideas Esteticas, v. V, pp. 169-205. 
 
 P. 24. The full title is, "La Poetica 6 Reglas de la Poesia en general y de 
 Sus Principales Especies, Por Don Ignacio de Luzan, Claramunt de Suelves y 
 Gurrea, Entre los Academicos Ereinos de Palermo, llamado Egidio Menalipo," 
 Zaragoza, 1737. All references are to this first edition of the "Poetica." A second 
 edition appeared in 1789 given out by Antonio de Sancha. The editor of this 
 second edition introduced various changes which make it less useful to those who 
 wish to study Luzan himself. 
 
 P. 25. Poetica, p. 3. ". . . esta necia presumpcion que a ella como a una de 
 las principales causas puede con razon atribuirse la corrupcion de la Poesia de el 
 siglo pasado, particularmente en lo que toca al Theatro. No digo que para formar 
 
 *3 Note page 74.
 
 REINTRODUCTION OF ARISTOTELIAN RULES 45 
 
 uii perfecto Poeta, no sea absolutamente necessario el ingenio y natural talento, 
 ptro digo con Horacio que eso solo no basta sin el Arte y estudio, y que el 
 compuesto tan feliz, como raro de arte e ingenio, de estudio y de naturaleza es 
 el que solo puede hacer un Poeta digno de tal nombre y del aplauso comun." 
 
 P. 25. Poetica, p. 6. "Lo qual dio motivo a las indecorosas expressiones con- 
 que el P. Bouhours en sus dialogos de Aristo y Eugenio, habla de el estilo de 
 nuestra Nacion." 
 
 P. 27. Menendez y Pelayo. Ideas Esteticas, v. V, p. 169. "De los Franceses 
 unicamente cita — Lamy, Boileau, Rapin, Dacier, Le Bossu, Corneille, Crousaz." As 
 a matter of fact Luzan cites only two more Italian authors than he does French- 
 men. His Italian sources come from the works of Muratori, Vettori, Benio, Min- 
 turno, Gravina, Monsignani, Orsi, Crescimbeni, Quaradrio. The proportion is 9:7 
 and the whole of the last book is drawn from Le Bossu so that Menendez y 
 Pelayo's argument does not seem well founded. 
 
 P. 27. Poetica, p. 39. "Comunmente por esta misma razon con expresiva meta- 
 phora llamase la Poesia, Pintura de los oidos y la Pintura Poesia de los ojos." 
 
 P. 27. Poetica, ch. viii. De la Imitacion de lo Universal y de lo Particular. 
 Imitation classified under the two headings : Icastica — lo particular. Phantastica — lo 
 Universal. The latter a better help to morality than the former. Seem to corre- 
 spond to realism and idealism. 
 
 P. 29. Poetica. "Esto Viene a ser lo mismo que los maestros de Poetica 
 llaman mejorar 6 perficionar la Naturaleza y lo que nosotros hemos dicho imitar la 
 Naturaleza en lo Universal." 
 
 P. 31. Poetica, p. 171. "El mayor y mas pernicioso error que la Phantasia 
 puede cometer si no la guia y rige el juicio es el que ahora voi a explicar . . . when 
 figure used does not equate with the tangible or specific object described. Esto 
 sucede siempre que la Phantasia argumenta de lo Metaphorico a lo propio y de 
 un sentido equivoco saca un sophismo." 
 
 P. 33. Poetica, p. 204. "No hay cosa mas bella que la luz y el continuar a mi- 
 rarla fijamente por un rato cansa la vista y aun la ciega si es muy fuerte y muy viva 
 su brillantez. No de otra suerte las sentencias morales y las demas Reflexiones 
 Ingeniosas cansan y enfundan quando son muy continuas. And again, p. 212, la 
 demasiada sutileza de los pensamientos y de la locucion no sirve de otra cosa que 
 de fatigar y atarear inutilmente al Poeta y a su Lector." 
 
 P. 34. Poetica, p. 73. "Bien se echa de ver que todo esto no le costo gran f atiga 
 al Autor pues bastaba aver leido algun libro que tratasse de Musica 6 aver tenido 
 un rato de conversacion con un Maestro de Capilla. Pero qualquiera hombre de 
 juicio se reira de semejante doctrina." 
 
 P. 34. Bk. Ill, ch. i. Del Origen, Progressos y Definicion de la Tragedia. 
 Tragedia es una presentacion Dramatica de una grande mudanza de fortuna acae- 
 cida a Reyes, Principes, y Personages de gran calidad y dignidad cuyas caidas, 
 muertes, disgracias, y peligros exciten terror y compassion en las animas del audi- 
 torio y los curen y purgucn de estas y otras passiones sirviendo de exemplo y 
 escarmiento a todos pero especialmente a los Reyes y Sl las personas de mayor 
 autoridad y poder. Ch. ii. De la Fabula en general. Ch. iii. Del modo de 
 formar una fabula.— Le Bossu— pick out a lesson to be taught, then fit a 
 story to it which will be at once "universal, imitada, fingida y ale- 
 gorica." Luzan prefers finding a story first, then making its moral teaching
 
 46 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 evident. Ch. iv. De la integridad y otras condiciones de la Fibula — beginning, 
 middle and end necessary. Ch. v. On unities. Ch. vi. De la Fibula — Simple 
 and complex. — Complex plots preferred — must contain Peripecia y Agnicion. 
 Characters taking part may be good, or bad or indifferent. This gives six possi- 
 bilities of which the following do not fit the requirements of tragedy : 1. Good 
 becoming unfortunate. 2. Bad being fortunate. In spite of No. 1, Corneille's 
 Polyeucte has received great applause. Also possible actions among friends, 
 enemies and neutrals. Victim may be known or unknown, crime committed or 
 intended. Ch. vii. On episodes. Must rise from main plot. Ch. viii. De el 
 enredo. Ch. ix. De las Passiones Trigicas. Deaths related not acted out. Ch. 
 X. Unity of character. Ch. xi. Verisimilitude in Speech. Ch. xii. Plea for 
 ttained actors, few characters. Ch. xiii. Five acts, no good reason. Ch. xiv. 
 and XV. On the Comedia. 
 
 P. 36. Poetica, p. 411. "El Desden con el Desden . . . escritas con singular 
 acierto y muy conforme a las reglas de la Poesia dramitica." Also, p. 293, remarks 
 to the effect that "El Desden," etc., has a logically constructed plot. 
 
 P. 36. Poetica, p. 412. "Costumbres bien pintadas y mantenidas hasta el fin — 
 graciosidad en la accion misma y en las personas principales." 
 
 P. Z7. Poetica, p. 410. Everybody in Spain knows the Comedies, while few 
 know foreign works. "Fuera de que el corregir nosotros mismos nuestros yerros es 
 ganar de la mano y hacer en cierto modo menos sensibles y menos afrentosos los 
 baldones de los extranjeros. Y ademis de todo esto supuesto que los comicos 
 Espanoles han podido errar porque no eran impecables; razon sera que alguna vez 
 saiga a campo abierto la verdad al oposito de la lisonja y del engafio." 
 
 P. Z7. Poetica, p. 365. "Todos los Galanes de nuestras Comedias han de ser 
 precisamente enamorados y valientes ; bastando para lo primero un retrato con quien 
 immediatamente hacen extremos de apasionados y de ciegos; y para lo segundo 
 una palabra 6 un acaso el mas leve que luego los hace entrar a ciegas en los 
 empenos de Caballeros andantes." 
 
 P. 38. Poetica, p. Z77. He puts in a plea for government censors of comedies : 
 "sujetos eruditos y entendidos de la Poetica y de todas sus reglas." This idea was 
 put into application in latter part of the century. He bases his plea on Mariana, 
 Bk. HI De Rege et Regis institutione, ch. xvi. 
 
 P. 38. Poetica, p. 416. This is the first attack of the Neo-classic school on the 
 Autos. N. F. Moratin, taking up the same idea, was to bririg about the inter- 
 diction of the genre. Luzin had said "por lo irreverente y dafioso no me parece 
 que se pueden tampoco aprobar las Comedias de Santos de que hai tan gran 
 numero en Espana; si alguna utilidad tienen tales comedias es tan poca que no 
 tiene comparacion con los graves danos que causan." 
 
 P. 39. Poetica, p. 419. "Bernardo de el Carpio del Conde de Saldana y otras 
 han servido por esto de burla y mofa a un critico Frances." Ref. of course to 
 Boileau's "Un rimeur sans peril," etc. Other plays with vast unity of time : Geni- 
 zaro de Ungria — 20 years, Siete Infantes de Lara — 20, Los Siete Durmientes — 200 
 years. "Otros hai que hacen una Comedia de una Cronica entera; yo la he visto de 
 la perdida de Espana y restauracion de ella." 
 
 P. 39. Poetica, pp. 419-423. In "El Alcizar de el Secreto" of Solis, Sigis- 
 mundo sails from — "las costas de Epiro, sirviendole de bajel el escudo. . . . llego a 
 la isla de Chipre." Also lovers do not hide their identity sufficiently and, as for writ-
 
 REINTRODUCTION OF ARISTOTELIAN RULES 47 
 
 ten passages and portraits, Candamo said very well of them — "que tienen dureza in- 
 tratable." Also attack on songs whose words correspond too well with the dialogue 
 of a scene. Also oracles interrupting the play from within — "adivinando lo que 
 iba a. decir el que representa de la misma estofa son Ecos y el hablar en Suenos," 
 and as bad as any of these the speaking of two actors who are not supposed to 
 know of each other's presence and yet speak so as to supplement each other's dia- 
 logue perfectly. Illustration from Calderon's "Mujer llora y venceras" : 
 
 Federico. Desta miisica guiado. 
 
 Enrique. Llamado de estos acentos. 
 
 Federico. Vengo a pesar de enojo. 
 
 Enrique. A pesar de ira vuelvo. 
 
 Federico. De Madona porque juzgo . . . 
 
 Enrique. De Madona porque pienso . . . etc. 
 "Pero esto mas parece rezar a coros, que salir a representar una Comedia." L. F. 
 Moratin was to ridicule this practice in "La Comedia Nueva." 
 
 P. 40. Bk. IV consists of the following chapters : I. De la Naturaleza y 
 Definicion del Poema fipico. Compares Benio and Le Bossu deciding that into an 
 epic poem enter : "una accion noble y grande, personas ilustres y esclarecidas. 
 como Reyes, etc., la instruccion moral a donde debe tirar y parar todas las lineas 
 de la Epopeya, como a su bianco y fin principal; y finalmente el modo verisimil, 
 admirable y deleitoso conque se debe hacer la imitacion de la accion." II. De la 
 fabula epica. Hecho ilustre y grande imitado artificiosamente a algun Rey 6 Heroe 
 6 Capitan esclarecido debajo de cuya alegoria se ensefie alguna importante maxima 
 moral 6 se proponga la idea de un perfecto Heroe militar. Method for building a 
 plot. III. De las fabulas de los Poemas de Homero y Virgilio. IV. De las cali- 
 dades y requisitos de la fabula epica. Absolute need of the marvelous. V. De los 
 Episodios de la Fabula £pica. VI. De las costumbres en general, must be good. 
 VII. Del Heroe. VIII. De las demas personas del Poema. IX. De las ma- 
 chinas 6 Deidades. Gods and machinery perfectly allowable. False gods allowed, 
 if not introduced in a theological sense. Agrees with Boileau's "Chaque vertu 
 devient une divinite; Minerve est la Prudence et Venus la beaute," etc. X. Divi- 
 sions of the Epic poem. XI. Order of narration of events. XII. De la sen- 
 tencia y locucion. 
 
 P. 40. Aprobacion. "En esas pues y otras paginas veran claramente el alto 
 aprecio, que hace de nuestros comicos en todo lo que diestramente acertaron 
 arreglandose al Arte; conque no deberan estranar que censure algunos estravios 
 substanciales." (3d page of the article— no pagination.) 
 
 P. 40. Diario de los Literates de Esparia; en que se reducen a Compendio 
 los Escritos de los Autores Espanoles y se hace juicio de sus Obras desde el aiio 
 1737. 7 vols., small 8°. 
 
 P. 41. Arte Nuevo de Hacer Comedias: 
 
 "Porque fuera de seis, las demas todas 
 Pecaron contra el Arte gravemente." 
 
 P. 42. Diario, v. IV, p. 99. " 'Que sombras sella' esto es que guarda fingidos 
 nombres 6 ficciones (que estas respecto de la verdad no son mas que sombras) 'en 
 tnmulo de espumas' que quiere decir evidentemente en las honduras del mar donde 
 quedo sepultado el referido Icaro. Assi lo entiende su erudito Comentador D. 
 Garcia Coronel y lo entendera qualquiera interprete desapasionado." Cueto, vol. I,
 
 48 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 cl:. vi, feels no enthusiasm for either explanation. "Tan fuera de sazon parece la 
 alusion a la caida de Icaro, que no es dable admitirla, como tampoco la interpre- 
 tacion de Luzan que seria un contrasentido en el soneto de Gongora, atendida la 
 indole perecedera del papel. Hay que confesar que no es facil alcanzar el re- 
 condito sentido de la memoria caduca, etc. i Como no anatematizar de todo cora- 
 zon una literatura tan extravagante y tenebrosa?" p. 184. 
 
 P. 43. The reviewer of the "Poetica" was Iriarte, the uncle of the fabulist. 
 
 P. 43. Discurso Apologetico de Don Inigo de Lanuza. Donde procura 
 satisfacer los reparos de los seiiores diaristas sobre lo Poetica de Don Ignacio de 
 Luzan. En Pamplona. No date. The copy in the Ticknor collection bears on 
 its inner cover a remark to the effect that the date may have been 1740. This 
 note is in Ticknor's handwriting. Cueto dates it 1741. 
 
 P. 43. The reviewers had printed "puertas de la memoria" instead of 
 "puertas de memoria." Luzan remarks that the error makes the same difference 
 which exists between "isla de la madera" and "isla de madera." 
 
 P. 43. Discurso, p. 6. Also p. 22. "Los reparos de los Senores Diaristas 
 sobre la Poetica de Luzan aunque como he dicho no Uegan a herirla en parte 
 alguna principal; son tales y tan adornados de urbanidad y de modestia (circun- 
 stancias que resplandecen singularmente no solo en esta censura sino en las demas 
 del Diario) que merecen con justa razon, sea publico el agradecimiento como ha 
 sido publica su moderacion." 
 
 P. 44. Luzan was in Paris from 1747-1750, where he wrote his "Memorias 
 Literarias." He became a typical eighteenth century universal genius interested in 
 all things from chemistry to Crebillon. Became enthusiastic supporter of the 
 "Comedie Larmoyante." In the preface to his translation of "Le Prejuge a la 
 Mode" he made a headlong charge against the French classic stage, wondering at 
 the "art" which made people weep at Phedre. Men. y Pel. Ideas Est., v. Ill, p. 205, 
 hails this change with glee, hoping to prove by it that Luzan came to his senses 
 after seeing the French classic Drama at close range. As a matter of fact the 
 only reason why Luzan preferred Nivelle de la Chaussee to Racine was because 
 it seemed to him that the former satisfied better than the latter the demands of 
 verisimilitude. The process does not imply a change of heart on the part of the 
 father of neo-classicisra in Spain. 
 
 P. 44. Quintana Obras. B. A. E., v. XIX, p. 147. Sobre la Poesia Castellana 
 del Siglo XVIII. "No es de extrafiar pues que fuese poco leida entonces y que 
 por de pronto su influjo en los progresos y mejora del arte fuese corto 6 mas bien 
 nulo." On the other hand, Ticknor Hist, of Sp. Lit., v. III. Part II, p. 313:" 
 "For its purpose a better treatise could hardly have been produced. The effect 
 was immediate and great. It seemed to offer a remedy for the bad taste which* 
 had accompanied, and in no small degree hastened the decline of the national liter^,- 
 ture from the time of Gongora."
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 El Diario de Los Literatos: A Purely Spanish Manifestation 
 OF THE New Spirit in Literary Criticism. 
 
 "El Diario de los Literatos" began to appear the year of the pubUca- 
 tion of Luzan's "Poetica." * 
 
 The editors were M. F. Huerta, J. M. Salafranca, and L. G. Puig. 
 None of these men were well known as authors. They belonged to the 
 already numerous class of Spaniards who felt no superstitious respect for 
 French ideals but who realized that these ideals contained elements which 
 could benefit Spanish thought and Spanish life. 
 
 The Founding of the Diario. — The plan of having a regularly pub- 
 lished book review was not an altogether new one. From the prologue of 
 the seventh volume of the "Diario" we learn that as early as 1723 some one 
 had suggested that two "resumes" of every new book printed in Spain 
 should be made by the royal librarian and sent to "las Academias de Paris 
 y de Trevoux," in whose official organs no Spanish works were ever re- 
 viewed. The editors of these publications gave as an explanation of their 
 apparent indifference, that they never had received literary communica- 
 tions from Madrid, whereas they were kept informed about the literary life 
 of practically every other important capital of Europe. One Don Juan 
 de Ferreras, whose official position we have not been able to discover, 
 consulted on this point, replied that such an undertaking was useless, as 
 Spanish books of the day contained neither inventions nor discoveries of 
 any kind. As a matter of fact, abstracts had been sent to the Jesuit 
 fathers and they had only published the titles of a few,"porque su institute 
 era informar a la Europa de los adelantamientos en las Artes y Ciencias 
 y no habiendo novedad considerable en los libros que se imprimen en 
 Espaiia no han querido hacer memoria de ellos." ^* 
 
 This attempt to bring contemporary Spanish works within the range 
 of the intellectual life of Europe had failed in a humiliating way. The 
 idea does not seem to have been taken up again. The attempt made by 
 Salafranca in 1736 was not of the same type. His "Memorias Eruditas 
 para la Critica de Artes y Ciencias . . . para mostrar a nuestros Patricios 
 los progresses de la Literatura Estrangera . . ." had they been pub- 
 
 ^* Diario, v. VII. Prologue. No pagination, 4th leaflet.
 
 50 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 lished would have aimed, as the title indicates, to bring matter for study 
 and comparison within the grasp of Spanish readers. *'•'■' 
 
 The purpose of the "Diario de los Literatos" was a bolder one than 
 that which was at the foundation of the two schemes which we have just 
 mentioned. It was designed to pass an impartial judgment on all new 
 books published in Spain. 
 
 The newly born periodical was dedicated to Philippe V himself. 
 The protection of the monarch was asked on the grounds that the "Diario" 
 was a manifestation of the same movement which had brought about the 
 foundation of the School for Noblemen's Sons and that of the Royal 
 Library, together with the restoration of the Medical Society of Seville, 
 the establishment of the Spanish Academy and of the University of 
 Cervera. The end of the dedication might well have aroused the preju- 
 dices and increased the suspicions of the "castellanos viejos" for it con- 
 tained a praise of Louis XIV, whose incomparable virtues were shown 
 to have taken as their present place of abode the heroic bosom of Philip 
 V "para gloria y felicidad de las Espanas." '^'^ 
 
 As is the case with nearly all the other neo-classic documents, the 
 "Diario" has an introduction to its first volume which attempts to estab- 
 lish on logical grounds the cause for its existence. The human mind 
 has a craving for universal knowledge, but its powers of acquisition are 
 limited. The thinkers of the seventeenth century "invented" periodicals 
 with a view to supplying this infirmity of the human mind by presenting 
 knowledge in the most compact form, for "si vivimos por compendio 
 tambien por compendio debemos ser instruidos." ®^ 
 
 The Avozved Policy of the Diario. — The editors of the Diario an- 
 nounced that they would be guided in their policy by the "Journal de 
 Trevoux," a periodical which, because of the thoroughness and variety 
 of its reviews as well as the courteous tones of its criticisms, was superior 
 to any other publication dealing with contemporary hterature. 
 
 The consistently courteous tone of the Jesuit fathers had made a 
 deep impression on the editors of the "Diario" for they refer to it again 
 in the pages where they protest that, if their natural prudence should 
 fail to make them just in all cases, "el ejemplo de los Estranjeros que con 
 la equidad y moderacion han hecho bien quistos sus jornales, nos hubiera 
 guiado al grado conveniente para el principio y continuacion de este 
 Diario." * 
 
 We shall see farther on in this study that the repeated attacks on the 
 
 ^^ Diario, v. I. Introduction. 
 ®^ Diario, v. I. Dedication. 
 ^'' Diario, v. I. Introduction.
 
 EL DIARIO DE LOS LITERATOS 51 
 
 ■Diario" by those Spaniards who refused to see room for improvement in 
 any phase of Spanish Hfe were to embitter the editors to the extent of 
 making them lose sight of their ideal. Their judgments, persistently mis- 
 interpreted by chauvinistic readers, were to grow less and less serene 
 while the self-control which they still retained in critical matters was 
 more than compensated for by the virulent and pugnacious tone of the 
 prologues introducing the later volumes of essays. 
 
 Before studying more in detail the evolution which the naturally 
 equable temper of the "Diaristas" underwent through the stormy life of 
 their periodical, let us gain a better idea of its aim and of its spirit by 
 studying a few of the reviews which appeared on its pages. 
 
 The editors had in mind to attack those books which did more harm 
 than good by helping to perpetuate among Spaniards the love of certain 
 defects typical of their race, these defects being "el espiritu cavalleresco, 
 puntualidades ridiculas en el trato civil y ... las costumbres comicas 
 amatorias que aun se conservan en nuestra Espana, demanadas de la fre- 
 quente leccion de los libros de Caballerias, de Novelas y de Comedias de 
 amores que por lo arduo y lo maravilloso fueron las delicias de los siglos 
 pasados." ®^ 
 
 This quotation would prove amply the close intellectual affiliation 
 which linked Luzan with the editors and collaborators of the "Diario." 
 The study of the most typical essays will only strengthen this proof. 
 
 Typical Reviews. — Two reviews of Comedias are of interest to us. 
 The first passes judgment on Alarcon's "La Crueldad por el Honor," of 
 which an edition was given out in 1737. The most classical, in the French 
 sense, of the Spanish dramatists meets in this work only with lukewarm 
 approbation on the part of the reviewers. The subject is more tragic than 
 comic. The plot based on the attempt on the part of an impostor to im- 
 personate Alfonso I is, to be sure, historically true, but is such as to appeal 
 to a nation more fond of the marvelous than of the probable. As for the 
 lines, they contain much delightful wit though there are times when they 
 run into stylistic excesses.* 
 
 "La Tortura de la Iglesia" by Thomas de Anorbe y Corregel is treated 
 not simply with coldness but with severity. The subject, a sacred one, 
 is of such a nature that the three unities cannot possibly be applied with- 
 out bringing Sacred History into conflict with the Doctrines of the Church 
 and the actions require such elaborate stage settings that the reviewer 
 exclaims ironically: "No dejamos de considerar quan felicisimo sera el 
 siglo en que se halle persona que pueda administrar tantos materiales 
 necessarios por las tramoyas y adornos escenicos, que se necesitan para 
 
 Diario, v. I. Introduction.
 
 52 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 su execucion en lo que manifiesta nuestro Autor lo fecundo y magnanimo 
 de su fantasia . . ." ^^ 
 
 The review ends with this remark strongly tinged with disdain : "Las 
 personas que no gustan de poesias profanas ni de saber el Arte Comico, 
 haliaran en su leccion un entretemiento apacible y provechoso." 
 
 We notice in these two reviews a growing unwillingness to account 
 brilliancy and wit sufficient compensation for extravagance in plot. The 
 same attitude denoting hostility towards free fancy finds a voice else- 
 where than in the criticism of "comedias." Speaking of the prose of 
 Villaroel, we are told that it constitutes a mighty exorcism against the 
 demon of melanchoUa but that its wit is too biting — "tambien se desazonan 
 los manjares por abundancia de sal que en siendo mucho muerde y no 
 sazona." ^° 
 
 The Reviews by Hervds. — The majority of the reviews are not signed. 
 The principles governing the criticism of these essays are so consistently 
 the same and their style has so few distinguishing features that it would 
 be a very difficult task to determine which came from the same pen. The 
 articles bearing the signature or the pseudonyms of Don Gerardo de 
 Hervas stand alone in this respect. From the first lines, the reader is 
 captivated by the dash and brilliancy of the style, while the keenness of 
 the argument and the truly Spanish excellence of the wit displayed com- 
 mand his attention to the very last. So original is the style of that author 
 that his signing at times "Jorge Pitillas" and at others "Don Hugo Her- 
 rera de Jaspedos" deceives no one. A glance at the essay is sufficient to 
 remove all doubts as to the identity of the author.* 
 
 There are three essays by Hervas in the, complete collection of the 
 "Diario." 
 
 To the reader who has been compelled to plough through the earnest 
 but rather leaden material which has been the subject of our discussion up 
 to this point, the meeting with these vigorous and picturesque essays has 
 the resuscitating effect of a spring of living waters discovered at high 
 noon by a tired wayfarer. 
 
 The most delightful irony pervades the prose as well as the verse of 
 Jose Gerardo de Hervas. It is in the fifth volume of the "Diario" that we 
 fi.nd the first of these essays. In a previous issue, the "Diario" had attacked 
 and handled pretty severely one Don Pedro Nolasco de Ozejo who had 
 published a book on the life of St. Anthony bearing the following title: 
 "El Sol de los Anagoretas, La Luz de Egypto, el Pasnio de la Tabayda, 
 el Asombro del Mondo, el Portento de la Grecia, la Milagrosa Vida de 
 San Antonio Abad puesta en octavas por D. P. N." * 
 
 69 Diario, v. IV, p. 360. 
 T° Diario, v. II, art. 20.
 
 EL DIARIO DE LOS LITERATOS 53 
 
 This title tells us that the poem contained the strange mixture of 
 miracles, dogma and mystic theorizing typical of so many of the well 
 meaning but quite absurd books of a devotional character which came to 
 light so often during the years when Spanish literature was at its lowest 
 ebb. The "Diario" had made an analysis of this work and treated it con- 
 temptuously. The author had published a sharp reply and Hervas, to 
 continue the work begun by the first article on the matter, wrote out an 
 elaborate mock defense of the work and of its author. In it he gently 
 chided the editors of the "Diario," saying of them "lo que uno de nues- 
 tros mejores comicos tenia a las mujeres de quienes dijo que eran diablos 
 de poco arrepentimiento." * 
 
 His method of apparently dismissing the charge of rudeness which 
 had been brought up against Don Pedro because of his acrid rejoinder 
 would lose its savor if translated. For this reason we quote it in full. 
 Speaking of the presence or absence of courtesy in a person's make-up 
 he says : "como si esto de la cortesia estuviesse en manos de un Christiano 
 y no fuese cosa que Dios la da y Dios la quita. Esto, seiiores mios, va en 
 ingenios y si Don Pedro no le tiene de ser cortes, nadie puede formar 
 queja de lo que el otro no puede remediar; y mucho menos Vds. pues no 
 les llamo Garrachones, que segun tengo noticia es el dicterio mas de la 
 moda en essa corte." ''^ 
 
 Another essay of Hervas is the one in which he tears to pieces the 
 preface or rather the dedication of a book entitled "Rasgo Epico" written 
 by one D. Joachin Casses.* 
 
 We are introduced to the literary lights of the home town of the 
 author who signs D. Hugo Herrera de Jaspedos. The attorney, the barber 
 and the physician meet at the house of that gentleman who reports to us 
 their lively conversation in the course of which we learn that the preface 
 in question is pilfered partly from the "Mercure Litteraire" and partly 
 from Ozejo's "Vida de San Antono Abad." 
 
 This piece of work, however, is less vivacious than the one which we 
 have just discussed and it is decidedly inferior to what is the author's 
 masterpiece, namely, his "Satire against the bad writers of the day." 
 
 As Hervas was not officially one of the editors of the "Diario." a let- 
 ter asks the hospitality of the review for his satire and explains briefly the 
 reasons which impelled the author to compose it." It is his habit to read 
 all new books as they come out and he is thirsting for revenge because 
 of "los repetidos chascos, que en el gusto y en la bolsa me ha acarreado esta 
 imprudente curiosidad." He chooses the "Diario" as his agent because 
 
 " Diario, v. V, p. 29. 
 
 72 Diario, v. VII, pp. 194 ff.
 
 54 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 in his experience with contemporary writings those appearing in that 
 review, though not perfect by any means, at least, are never very bad. 
 
 He will try to be guided by reason and by Christian principles but 
 he does not mean to claim that his criticism will be always just nor in any 
 way final. "Fuera de que, lo que yo digo, no es ninguna decision Rotal 
 ni el Evangelic de San Marco." '^'^ 
 
 The satire "Contra los malos escritores de su tiempo" is too well 
 known to be treated in the detailed way which less accessible writings 
 require. In it there is no attempt at a classification of literary genres nor 
 any didactic enumeration of rules. It is a general discharge of witty 
 indignation against bad taste and bad writers. The comical violence of its 
 style can best be judged from a few quotations. The very first lines of 
 the poem plunge us in "medias res." 
 
 "No mas no mas callar, ya es impossible : 
 i Alia voy ! no me tengan : i Fuera ! digo, 
 Que se desata mi maldita horrible. 
 No censures mi intento j o Lelio amigo ! 
 Pues sabes cuanto tiempo he contrastado 
 El fatal movimiento, que ahora sigo. 
 Ya toda mi cordura se ha acabado: 
 Ya llego la paciencia al postrer punto, 
 
 Y la atacada mina se ha volado." 
 
 With sustained vim he attacks plagiarists, ridicules the perpetrators 
 of flat-footed or altisonant dedications. He heaps abuse on those guilty 
 of using Gallicisms as well as on those who mar the natural beauty of 
 their mother tongue by means of far-fetched figures, exaggerated terms, 
 wilful obscurity or any other form of literary unreason. 
 
 "Dejame lamentar el desvario 
 De que nuestra gran lengua este abatida 
 Siendo de la eloquencia el mayor rio." 
 
 The subject matter of the satire contains no original views on criticism. 
 .\s a matter of fact, Cueto has proved conclusively that the ideas expressed 
 were those of Boileau.* Often he follows his model so closely that resem- 
 blance to the "Art Poetique" forces itself on the reader, as for instance 
 in the line : 
 
 "La vista de un mal libro me es terrible," 
 
 or, when he admits his inability to temporize : 
 
 "Conozco que el fingir me aflige y dana : 
 
 Y asi a lo bianco siempre llame bianco 
 
 Y a Maner le llame siempre alimana." 
 
 ^2Diario, v. VII, p. 199.
 
 EL DIARIO DE LOS LITERATOS 55 
 
 This poem illustrates the possibility of perfect hterary assimilation. 
 Though the ideas areBoileau's and for that reason generally foreign to the 
 Spanish turn of mind, the style which clothes them is typical of the purest, 
 the best of the Spanish satirical verse. For that reason and granting 
 Sainte-Beuve's claim, that style alone is immortal, the satire of Hervas is 
 as completely original a piece of writing as can be the pride of any 
 nation.* 
 
 Reasons Actually Underlying the Founding of the Diario. — With the 
 last volumes of the "Diario" we begin to have tangible proof of the deeper 
 reasons which brought about this whole critical revival of which Luzan 
 and the collaborators of the "Diario" were the official leaders. As we have 
 already said, when treating of the share of Feijoo in this neo-classic 
 movement, there had been, from the beginning of the century, a steady 
 influx of French ideas into Spain. 
 
 There was nothing forced in that invasion. Frenchmen had no active 
 part in it, but Spaniards of the educated class, finding no suitable reading 
 matter in the home production, turned more and more to foreign books. 
 
 As a result these readers could not but make the most depressing 
 comparisons between the contemporary literature of their country and 
 that of its neighbors, more particularly of course that of France, which 
 enjoyed then the respect of all nations in intellectual matters. 
 
 Luzan had already expressed his sorrow at having to admit the in- 
 feriority of his nation in the literary world of the day. 
 
 This feeling of shame recurred with increasing frequency in the 
 "Diario," and also with increasing intensity: not that it actually was more 
 intense at one time than at another but the leaders of the movement, in 
 proportion as the fight waxed hot, became less and less able to hide the 
 real state of their feelings in the matter. 
 
 The Rev. Fr. Jacinto Loaisa had discovered that a historical work 
 purporting to be original with Maner was merely a garbled copy of a 
 French account of the events following the peace of Riswick. 
 
 Before tearing the plagiarized work to pieces, the critic feels called 
 upon to give a reason which will explain his going to so much trouble to 
 destroy a man's literary reputation. He explains that he has no personal 
 animosity against the writer, but that for a long time he has been 
 ashamed to see in what a state of inferiority Spain stood when compared 
 with other nations. He has been able to gain this new and unpleasant 
 perspective through the reading of books loaned him by foreigners. Pos- 
 sessed of this knowledge, he feels that it is his imperative duty to do his 
 share in fighting the ignorance and the charlatanism which are disgracing 
 his country.* 
 
 The editors of the "Diario," under the stress of the struggle, grow
 
 56 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 more and more outspoken, and to make their position perfectly clear, they 
 give a sketch of their intellectual evolution. 
 
 From it we learn that these gentlemen went through the regular 
 course of study which awaited in those days the youths of Spain and that, 
 as a result of this training, they became possessed of the usual baggage 
 belonging to educated men of the middle class, this baggage including a 
 scorn for things foreign — "y pensabamos bajamente de los Estrangeros." * 
 
 But these future journalists were less easily satisfied than the 
 average youths of their land, and they continued their education by dab- 
 bling in languages as well as in arts and sciences not directly connected 
 with their regular occupation. 
 
 Then it was that the inadequacy of their early training became ap- 
 parent to them. Grieved by the realization of the extent to which their 
 faulty training had harmed them, they became filled with a generous 
 desire to increase their fund of information and to warn others against 
 a system of ideas and ideals which were bound to harm those who in good 
 faith entrusted to them their intellectual development. 
 
 Unfavorable comparison of Spanish intellectual development with 
 that of their more favored neighbors was by this prologue frankly ad- 
 mitted to be the origin of the "Diario." This was a very dangerous admis- 
 sion for the "Diaristas" to make. To be sure, a discreet reader might 
 have guessed as much from the character of the majority of the essays 
 published up to the time of that preface, but what is only guessed at can 
 always be explained away and, at any rate, it does not call for an imme- 
 diate rejoinder. The unabashed statement of the "Diaristas" which we 
 have just reported left no room for diplomacy or for compromise. As a 
 result many of its friends became lukewarm. . Those who already had 
 declared war on the review increased their effort and, in course of time, 
 brought about the downfall of the "Diario," in spite of the protection 
 granted by the King himself. 
 
 The Evolution of the Tone of the Diario. — The spread of this hos- 
 tility can be traced to the prologues which the "Diaristas" found 
 themselves compelled to prefix to their later volumes in order to explain 
 their position and to repeat that their purpose was a patriotic one. We 
 shall see that these prologues were not masterpieces of diplomacy. Their 
 increasing violence is a good indication of the way the fight grew more 
 and more bitter. 
 
 We learn from the foreword to the fifth volume that friends of the 
 review had discreetly urged its editors to soften the tone of their criti- 
 cism. The reply of these gentlemen was blunt enough. They retorted 
 that it was not possible to be patient with a horde of bad writers who
 
 EL DIARIO DE LOS LITERATOS 57 
 
 daily lowered the literary taste of their country and made it impossible 
 for capable authors to be appreciated or even read. 
 
 These same friends, in their mild remonstrances, must have re- 
 minded the "Diaristas" of their promise to imitate the good fathers of 
 Trevoux in amenity of tone as well as in judicial wisdom. The answer 
 which they received shows the complete change of heart which 
 the reformers had undergone. Two years before, they had made that 
 promise in good faith ; we know that, at that time, they had chided Luzan 
 for what they called the excessive heat of his judgments. And yet no 
 more bitter arraignment against the Spanish writers of the early eight- 
 eenth century can be found than the one contained in the answer made 
 to the aforementioned request of the "Diario's" prudent friends. This is, 
 in full, the defense of the "Diaristas" : "Y si alguno quiere objetarnos que 
 en otros Reynos se hacen los Diarios con mas templanza, le respondemos 
 que ni ha reflexionado sobre la calidad de los Libros Estranjeros ni sobre 
 el valor y reputacion de los nuestros. Los estrangeros, por lo comun, 
 estan bien instruidos en los idiomas Latino y Griego, en la erudicion 
 antigua y moderna, evitan los mas visibles defectos de estilo y de meth- 
 odo, y aspiran a discurrir con alguna novedad 6 a tratar de un assunto 
 con alguna nueva economia y utilidad : por lo que no necesitan sus 
 Diaristas censurar tan asperamente como nosotros que encontramos 
 muchos libros sin estilo, sin methodo, sin invencion, sin pensamientos 
 sin inteligencia de lengua Latina, sin erudicion, si no es la que copian 
 dc Autores vulgarissimos, sin eleccion de Autores porque no los conocen 
 y sin exactitud en la verdad, porque sin critica no pueden tenerla : y 
 assi aora creemos que tienen razon los que dicen que no debemos cen- 
 surarlos ; porque baste decir que no son libros ni pueden serlo ; y si 
 algun nombre puede ponerselos es de 'Molas' literarias, informes, e 
 inutiles por defecto de actividad intellectual." 
 
 This tirade, the reader should bear in mind, was a reply to a re- 
 quest for moderation made by friends. 
 
 It is so bitter that when we chance to find a prologue directed at 
 an enemy we do not meet with more intense expressions of heat and 
 scorn. 
 
 The prologue of the sixth volume of the "Diario" is directed against 
 a priest who, on the occasion of the first suspension of the "Diario." had 
 exclaimed "Bendito sea Dios que ya se acabaron estos hombres !" 
 
 After thanking the King for having resuscitated the "Diario," the 
 prologue to the volume published in 1740 heaps up personal abuse on 
 the unfortunate priest, then develops the meaning of his ill advised excla- 
 mation as follows :
 
 58 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 Bendito sea Dios que todos los ignorantes y barbaros podran escrivir 
 lo que se les antojare. 
 
 Bendito sea Dios que todo ocioso podra sin trabajo ni verguenza 
 trasladar y robar los escritos agenos sin eleccion orden 6 fidelidad. 
 
 Bendito sea Dios que con titulos embusteros se robara el dinero 6 
 los efectos a las letras ; y escarmentados de los malos libros, no com- 
 praran los buenos ni se compran. 
 
 Bendito sea Dios que el honor de las letras de Espana permanecera 
 despreciado de los sabios Estrangeros. 
 
 Bendito sea Dios que las fabulas, y mentiras passaran por las 
 mas averiguadas verdades. 
 
 Bendito sea Dios que las pessimas costumbres podran aumentar su 
 perdicion con la propagacion de los Libros malos. 
 
 Bendito sea Dios que los sabios callaran de verguenza de los ignor- 
 antes y estos pareceran sabios y robaran el premio de los sabios. 
 
 It is a far cry from this diatribe to the courtesy and "ton de bonne 
 compagnie" of the good fathers of Trevoux. It is almost equally re- 
 moved from the even tenor qi Luzan's arguments. The "Diaristas" have 
 lost their temper, for good and all. Exasperated by the stupidity of 
 some and by the shallow impertinence of others, they have completely 
 forgotten their lofty ideals of literary amenity and their language is as 
 violent as that of their enemies. 
 
 The Result of That Evolution. — This outburst of passion was to 
 influence most profoundly the whole of the neo-classic movement. Up 
 to the time when the "Diaristas" first ran amuck dispensing insults and 
 invectives to all comers, the neo-classic movement had based all its 
 arguments on logic, on Aristotle, or simply on appeals to common sense. 
 They stated that Spain would be better off if this or that matter were 
 altered or introduced. To be sure, the beginning of wisdom with the 
 leaders of the reform movement had arisen from the comparison of 
 Spain's lamentable state with that of its enlightened neighbors, but the 
 leaders had said little about the source of their ideas. The "Diaristas," 
 carried off their feet by the increasing excitement of the struggle, at 
 last flung the supposed shame of Spain in the very teeth of all Spaniards. 
 
 From that moment, the neo-classic movement lost absolutely what- 
 ever small chance it had had of ever becoming a national movement in 
 the real sense of the word. From that moment it became an alien thing, 
 hated instinctively by those who had no taste for abstract truth or rather 
 by those whose education did not enable them to grasp abstract truth. 
 The learned and those who flattered themselves that they were citizens 
 of the world might uphold the movement and continue to see its great 
 possibilities, wishing dearly that Spain might benefit by it. It was never-
 
 EL DIARIO DE LOS LITERATOS 
 
 59 
 
 theless doomed to remain an aristocratic movement, forever held in 
 suspicion by the intellectual "tiers etat" of the Peninsula. The fact that 
 it had risen directly through the effort of patriotic Spaniards and that 
 Spaniards, patriotic in a broad sense, were helping in its development 
 did not save it from being classified once for all with that vague invasion 
 of French things, which, real or imaginary, haunted the minds of the 
 middle and lower classes of Spanish society throughout the eighteenth 
 century. 
 
 NOTES TO CHAPTER III. 
 
 p. 49. The bound volumes of the "Diario" bear the dates 1737 for v. I and 
 1741 for V. VII. 
 
 P. 50. V. I. Introduction. Also in the same: "Siguieronse a estos jornales 
 las Memorias de Trevoux que comenzaron con el siglo presente empleandose en 
 ellas con manifiestas ventajas a todos los demas jornalistas, los Padres de la Com- 
 paiiia de Jesus como se demuestra en lo selecto de las Obras que extractan, en la 
 exactitud y extension de los Extractos en la equidad con que critican los libros y 
 en el urbano artificio con que dan a conocer los def ectos de algunos escritores : 
 circumstancias que no se hallen juntas en ninguna otra compania de jornalistas." 
 
 P. 51. Diario, v. I, 4th article. La graciosidad es aguda y sazonada aunque tal 
 vez excede los limites de su caracter, p. 81. 
 
 P. 52. Cueto, Historia Critica, etc., v. I, ch. vi. Speaks of the problem con- 
 cerning the identity of Hervas. The editors of the "Diario" gave no clue as to 
 this, probably to spare their friend the attacks sure to deluge a successful de- 
 fender of good taste, p. 194. On page 198, Cueto cites a letter of Hervas him- 
 self to his cousin Cobo de la Torre, in which he seems to refer to himself as the 
 author of the satire— "todo esta revelando a las clares que Hervas y Pitillas son 
 una misma e identica persona." Pellicer in his article on the actress Petronila 
 Xibaja says in so many words that Pitillas and Jaspedos are no other than Hervas. 
 A letter from (p. 200) Puig seems to indicate that Hervas was either a cleric or a 
 lawyer. He died in 1742. The satire was probably written in 1741. 
 
 P. 52. Cadalso had such books in mind when he wrote the following lines 
 in his "Cartas Marruecas" Carta 11, p. 311: "Algunos ingenios mueren todavia, 
 digamoslo asi, de la misma peste de que pocos escaparon entonces. Varies 
 oradores y poetas de estos dias parece que no son sino sombras 6 almas de 
 los que murieron cien afios he . . . esta es suma verdad . . . pero con par- 
 ticularidad en los titulos de libros, papeles y comedias. Aqui tengo una lista de 
 obras que han salido al publico con toda solemnidad de veinte afios a esta parte, 
 haciendo poco honor a nuestra literatura." Cites "Los zelos hacen estrellas y el 
 amor hace prodigios." "Zumba de pronosticos y pronosticos de Zumba." "Eterni- 
 dad de diversas eternidades." These were published after 1757. 
 
 P. 53. Diario, v. V., art. 1. Carta de Don Hugo Herrera de Jaspedos escrita 
 a los Autores del Diario. P. 29 for quotation. 
 
 P. 54. Diario, v. VII, art. 15. Carta de Don Hugo dc Herrera de Jaspedos a 
 los Autores del Diario sobre el Rasgo Epico del Doctor D. Joachin Casses.
 
 60 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 P. 54. Ciieto. Historia critica de la Poesia Castellena en el siglo XVIII., 
 V. I, ch. vi. Cueto remarks on the fact that many critics, including Ticknor, 
 saw only classical references or sources in the work signed Jorge Pitillas. This 
 is due to the fact that many lines from Juvenal and Perseus are recognizable 
 through the Castilian of the Satire and that the author always referred such to 
 the Latin author whom they resemble. This was only a literary trick, says Cueto, 
 p. 191. "El author, que estaba completamente familiarizado con las satiras de 
 Boileau, en cuya doctrina habia bebido real y verdaderamente toda su inspiracion, 
 no cita una sola vez al eminente escritor frances, y, en cambio no omite, en las 
 notas, uno solo de los pasajes de los poetas de la antiguedad, en donde quiere 
 aparentar haber encontrado las ideas cardinales de la satira." Cueto proceeds to 
 prove that Pitillas did not take his ideas only from the Satires of Boileau and the 
 Art Poetique but also from his didactic prose works. Parallel passages from 
 Boileau and from the Satire make the case perfectly clear, pp. 192-93. 
 
 P. 55. Menendez y Pelayo, Ideas Esteticas, v. V, p. 156. . . . "como si 
 Hervas y Boileau hubiesen pensado las mismas cosas en el mismo punto y cada 
 cual segun el genio de su lengua nativa." 
 
 P. 55. Vol. VII, art. 2. Criticism of Maner's "Compendio Chronologico 
 de la Historia de este siglo." "Muchos dias ha estoy muy quejoso de las costum- 
 bres de este siglo en Espaiia, debiendo el conocimiento de ellas a algunos Libros 
 que me prestan los Estrangeros que me conocen aficionado." 
 
 P. 56. Diario, v. VI. Prologue 41. "En las mismas Escuelas nos educamos 
 que todos nuestros Patricios y de ellos salimos casi con las mismas aprehensiones 
 6 preoccupaciones ; de suerte que nos interessabamos como todos en la estima- 
 cion de nuestras costumbres Espafiolas literarias, nos dejabamos ocupar de la ad- 
 miracion de nuestros escritores 6 leimos qualquier libro como necesario para nue- 
 stra ensenanza y pensabamos bajamente de los Estranjeros : pero deseosos de 
 informarnos de todo comenzamos a leer los Autores modernos . . . y a esto se 
 sigui6 el conocer la infelicidad de nuestra crianza y la perdicion de quantos nos 
 imitan en ella. Con este conocimiento, lastimados del daiio propio y ageno, pro- 
 pusimos aplicar nuestras fuerzas a desengafian nuestros patricios por medio de 
 esta 'Invencion' que governada con mayor fortuna entre los extrangeros, no ha 
 dejado de ser perseguida con satiras y otras hostilidades como saben los Eruditos."
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 An Organized Group of Neo-Classicists. The Academy "Del 
 
 BuEN Gusto." 
 
 The failure of the "Diario" to spread neo-classicism broadcast 
 throughout Spanish society tended, as we have seen, to make a sharp 
 Hne of cleavage between the supporters of the new doctrines and those 
 of the so-called national ideals. 
 
 As the former were greatly outnumbered by the latter, it is not to 
 be wondered at, that, adopting the usual policy of minorities, they strove 
 to unite into compact groups. 
 
 The premature movement of popularization started by the Diario 
 had failed but it had rendered a service to the cause it advocated by prov- 
 ing that neo-classicism could develop only as a slow growth, fostered by 
 the careful studies of a few chosen men, whose influence could in turn 
 affect the more literary classes of Spain. The guidance that the leaders 
 of such groups would need could be found most easily of course in the 
 "Arte Poetica" of Luzan. Thus what we called the spontaneous manifesta- 
 tion of the neo-classic movement died out because of its untimely radical- 
 ism while the thought of Luzan, more serene if not less extreme, became 
 the "vade mecum" of those leaders whose "entourage" favored the intro- 
 duction of principles of discipline into Spanish literature. 
 
 The "Academia del Buen Gusto" is the first in importance as well as 
 in point of time of these associations of literary reformers. V\'e may 
 then give the year 1749 as the date at W'hich the neo-classic movement 
 passed from its preliminary stage of individual endeavor to that of a sys- 
 tematic and concrete action. 
 
 A number of so-called "academies" based on Italian models had exist- 
 ed in Spain during the latter part of the sixteenth century and throughout 
 the seventeenth. Their aim had been of course to foster the national or 
 Gongoristic school of poetry. ''* 
 
 Along with the decadence of letters at the end of the seventeenth 
 century and during the first years of the eighteenth, interest in such 
 organizations had waned. The "Academia Matritense," of which Cahi- 
 zares and Benegasi were members, lasted but a short time during the 
 reign of Philip V. As can be inferred from the authors just mentioned, 
 
 ^* Cueto. B. A. E., pp. Ixxxvi-lxxxvii.
 
 62 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 it broucjht together a group of men whose ideals were uncompromisingly 
 in favor of the old school of Castilian poetry/^ 
 
 The Academy of Good Taste, organized as we have said in 1749, was 
 fundamentally different from its predecessors, though it retained some 
 points in common with them. The circumstances of its foundation gave 
 it the character of a French salon and the resemblance of this literary 
 body to the group of wits, scholars and noblemen who gathered about 
 the Marquise de Rambouillet almost forces itself on the mind. 
 
 The wealthy Countess of Lemos who, to the prestige due to her 
 rank, added the charms of a cultured mind and much personal grace, 
 gathered about her the men of talent and refinement of the day.'® Neo- 
 classicism, which in all countries had thrived best in the studies of 
 scholars or amid the refined surroundings of social life, found in the draw- 
 ing-rooms of the countess the kind of atmosphere which its nature needed 
 most. The spirit of courtesy and self-restraint which pervaded the social 
 atmosphere of a drawing-room given to ideals of P>ench amenity afforded 
 exactly the kind of protection w^liich the new theories needed. This hot- 
 house atmosphere, with its courteous discussions, its respect for ration- 
 ality and its ideals of simplicity in style and thought, was to give the frail 
 plant of neo-classicism a chance for life, and bring about a time when it 
 would be strong enough to bear transplantation to a less favorable soil 
 where, nevertheless, it was to become tenaciously rooted.* 
 
 It would be a mistake to describe the Academy of Good Taste as a 
 solid body of neo-classicists. Pedants or scholars such as Velazquez, 
 Nasarre and Montiano did give the meetings the character which be- 
 longed to their turn of mind, but this heavy if well meaning influence 
 was strangely modified by the presence of many noblemen of high rank 
 and by poets such as Porcel, Torrepalma and Villaroel. 
 
 Parcel. — The first mentioned of these poets, Porcel, was quite typical 
 of a kind of mental attitude resulting from the unsettled conditions of 
 thought at that time. As a logician and as a man of sense he was quite 
 convinced of the excellence of the reform which was being started, but 
 his intuition, his heart, his enthusiasm were still firm believers in the 
 ideals of the old national school. 
 
 In a way different from that of the Romanticists, his head and his 
 heart were at odds with each other and whenever the former had made 
 a clear statement of its creed the latter would reply in defiance with a 
 burst of Gongoric verse. From this state of affairs it was easy for the 
 poet to grow into an ironical way of judging his own work and Porcel 
 indeed often hides the insecurity of his position by pleasantly laughing 
 
 ^5 Cueto. B. A. E., p. Ixxxviii. 
 
 76 Cueto. B. A. E., v. LXI, p. Ixxxix.
 
 AN ORGANIZED GROUP OF NEO-CLASSICISTS 63 
 
 at himself. This translator of Boileau's "Lutrin," ^^ under the fiction of 
 a conclave of old Spanish poets gathered on Parnassus, has given us in 
 just such an ironical spirit his opinion of his own poem, the "hunting 
 eclogue," entitled the Adonis.* 
 
 By a speech put in the mouth of Bartolome Leonardo de Argensola 
 and addressed to Lope, Garcilaso and Rengifo, he roundly condemns his 
 own work, which is in its very title a contradiction in terms. An eclogue 
 means peace, quiet and song ; hunting lends itself to none of these. .\s a 
 matter of fact, this hunting eclogue talks about hunting but gives no 
 hunting scenes at all. Whichever way one may look at that poem it appears 
 as a monster having no place in any neo-classic system of classification. 
 "iCuantas cosas quiere que sea este parto que no lo acabamos de fijar en 
 especie alguna del mundo poetico?" What good can be derived from its 
 supposed moral, that "Love in a forest can never bring happiness"? — 
 "hermoso titulo para una comedia de las muchas que hoy nos refieren que 
 ocupan lastimosamente los teatros." 
 
 The neo-classic critic has passed judgment and there is not much left 
 to admire in the hunting eclogue. Thus Porcel the nco-classicist deplores 
 the badness of his ways but in the introduction written later, when it be- 
 came necessary to print the whole work to forestall unauthorized editions, 
 Porcel, the descendant of the brilliant school of the seventeenth century, 
 while repeating the self-condemnation just reported, adds — "as to style, 
 what if it is lofty, for hunters are princes and kings ; what if the nymphs 
 are rather learned, does not Gongora say 'Culta si aunque bucolica 
 Talia' ?" And the poet admits frankly that he has aimed to copy Gongora 
 in his diction, "Gongora delicia de los entendimientos no vulgares de 
 quien te confiesco (lector) hallaras algunos rasgos de luz que ilustren las 
 sombras de mi poema." "^ Then, as if stricken with remorse at this out- 
 burst of poetical lawlessness, he adds with considerable solemnity that the 
 poem, though composed of four loosely bound ecologues, does possess an 
 element of unity since all four of the poems tend to prove — "Que no hay 
 amor en las selvas sin ventura." ^^ 
 
 Thus Luzan and Gongora in turn control the pen of this versatile 
 disciple of the neo-classicists but these changes, as we have already re- 
 marked, are usually presided over by a spirit of playful irony. In one 
 place Porcel has given us his true attitude towards literary criticism and 
 it is a sane compromise, very similar to the well balanced views of Feijoo 
 in such matters. In the presence of Velazquez, Nasarra and Montiano, 
 Porcel was not afraid of reading the following speech put by him into the 
 
 " Cueto. B. A. E., v. LXI, p. 137. 
 ^8 Cueto, B. A. E., v. LXI, p. 140. 
 79 Cueto, B. A. E., v. LXI, p. 140.
 
 64 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 mouth of Garcilaso de la Vega. "Confirmo el juicio que entre los mor- 
 tales hice que la poetica no es mas que opinion. Le poesia es genial y a 
 excepcion de algunas reglas generales y de la sinderesis universal que 
 tiene todo hombre sensato, el poeta no debe adoptar otra ley que la de 
 su genio. Se ha de precipitar como libre el espiritu de los poetas ; por eso 
 nos pintan al Pegaso con alas y no f reno ; y si este se le pone como intenta 
 el que modernamente ha erigido el Parnaso frances, es desatino . . . En 
 vano se cansan los maestros del arte en senalar estas ni las otras particu- 
 lares reglas, porque esto no es otra cosa que tiranizar el libre pensar del 
 hombre que en cada uno se diferencia, segun la fuerza de su genio, el 
 valor de su idioma, la doctrina en que desde sus primeros afios lo im- 
 pusieron, las pasiones que lo dominan y otras muchas cosas." ^° 
 
 Villarocl. — Villaroel was a very different person from Porcel. His 
 presence in the Academy was as incongruous as would have been that of 
 Canizares himself. 
 
 He wrote verse with facility and indulged freely in the Gongoristic 
 style. Cueto found the following lines composed by Villaroel on the oc- 
 casion of a play given at the house of the countess and in which she 
 herself had taken a part : 
 
 Excelentisima siempre 
 
 Y dulcisima sefiora. 
 
 Que por tan dulce es milagro 
 
 Que los pajes no te coman . . . 
 
 iQue dire de tu comedia? 
 
 Pues hasta que tu persona 
 
 En ella se presento 
 
 No era comedia famosa ... 
 
 Zamora que de Dios goce 
 
 6 que ya a este tiempo goza 
 
 Al verte a ti en su comedia 
 
 Diria: ("Solo esto es gloria" . . .) 
 
 Saliste, pues, al tablado 
 
 Y luego que. el pie lo toca 
 Le salieron de vergiienza 
 Los colores al alfombra 
 Mas ique mucho, si traias, 
 Noblemente fanfarrona, 
 Por manos dos azucenas 
 
 Y por ojos dos antorchas? 
 A mi me parecio que era 
 
 A un tiempo tu voz sonora 
 Archilaud, arpa, clave 
 Violin, citara y tiorba . . .^^ 
 
 80 Cueto, B. A. E., v. LXI, p. ci. 
 
 81 Cueto, B. A. E., v. LXI, p. xci.
 
 AN ORGANIZED GROUP OF NEO-CLASSICISTS 65 
 
 Lines of this type show clearly enough why Cueto considered Villa- 
 roel one of those poets who were not amenable to neo-classic discipline, 
 but his vivacity and his good nature caused the serious members of the 
 Academy to forgive him his many sins against Aristotle and the rules. 
 
 A sterner side of this man's nature is shown by his dislike of the 
 French, as illustrated by some lines he wrote to the Marquis of Ensenada, 
 minister of Ferdinand VI, and which Cueto gives us in the ninth 
 chapter (B. A. E., v. LXI, p. 94) of the Bosquejo: 
 
 Castellana es esta musa 
 
 Y mucho mas le valiera 
 Que ser musa castellana 
 Ser una musa francesa ; 
 Pues dicen que nada es bueno 
 Como de Paris no sea ; 
 
 Y hasta la misma herejia 
 Si es de Paris sera acepta. 
 iCuando ha de llegar el dia 
 Incauta Espafia, en que entiendas 
 Que aun afilan contra ti 
 
 Los cuchillos en tus piedras? 
 iCuando has de desengaiiarte 
 De que, astuta, Francia intenta 
 Introducirte los "usos" 
 Para ponerte las "ruecas" ? •* 
 
 His qualities as well as his faults made Villaroel unfit to sympathize 
 with the ideas of the more important members of the Academy and the 
 fact that he was a welcome guest is a fine testimonial to the broad-mind- 
 edness of this little group of scholars and noblemen who listened with 
 undisturbed affability to a play by Zamora, to Gongoristic verse or to 
 heavy discussions on neo-classic subjects. 
 
 Torrepalma. — Castillejo y Verdujo, Count of Torrepalma, was prob- 
 ably nearer to the spirit of the critics, strictly speaking, than the two men 
 we have been writing about. Cueto finds in him a great power for de- 
 scriptions of mighty subjects or stupendous actions but admits that he 
 lacked true geniality and that the qualities of his heart were hidden by his 
 infatuation for decorum and obscurity. Among the Academicians he 
 was known as "El Dificil" and the first lines of the piece of poetry he 
 wrote on the occasion of his reception among the members of the 
 Academy show only too well how much he deserved this forbidding title : 
 
 Cascado abete, del sagrado mirto 
 Donde mi olvido te dejo pendiente 
 (Voto no ya del triunfo de mi canto. 
 
 »2 Cueto, B. A. E., V. LXI, p. xciv. 
 
 i
 
 66 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 Despojo de ocio inculto si) desciende. 
 Vuelva a pulsar la mano del sonoro 
 Leno las dulces cuerdas, si consiente 
 El polvo antiguo que al rozar el plectro 
 Las primitivas clausulas encuentre.^^ 
 
 The rest of the poem continues solemn and full of cultured obscurity 
 lavishing academic and Gongoristic praise on the high deity to whom the 
 Muses owe their renewed life. No matter what Torrepalma's attitude 
 may have been toward the other neo-classic rules he must have been will- 
 ing to accept and to preach the doctrine of decorum even in its most ex- 
 treme form.* 
 
 Montiano. — Outside of Luzan, the best known critics of the Academy 
 were Montiano, Velazquez and Nasarre, this last mentioned author being 
 recognized perhaps as the weakest of the three. However this may be, 
 none of this group except Luzan did as much as Montiano to spread the 
 spirit of the rule-loving party. He was a scholarly man, a member of 
 both royal academies and a faithful servant of the King in the capacity 
 of secretary of state. The salient points in the man's character were the 
 clearness of his judgment, his intensely patriotic attitude and his lack of 
 esthetic sense. The tone of his prose is always that of a strong man, 
 clear-headed and bold without arrogance. The principle which he put 
 forward in all his literary controversies was that Spain was being looked 
 down upon by foreigners because of the folly of its writers and that it 
 must be rescued from its debased condition. Montiano is one of the many 
 patriotic Spaniards who were wounded to the quick by these scornful 
 lines of Boileau's "Art Poetique" : 
 
 Un rimeur sans peril, dela les Pyrenees, 
 Sur la scene en un jour rassemble des annees : 
 La souvent le heros d'un spectacle grossier, 
 Enfant au premier acte est barbon au dernier ; ^* 
 
 and, if it is impossible not to admit the very decided limitations of Mon- 
 tiano's mind along artistic lines, it is equally impossible not to respect the 
 man for his manly and patriotic attitude throughout the literary struggle 
 of his day. 
 
 Montiano's great contribution to the cause he upheld is of course hii 
 two tragedies and the discourses which precede them. 
 
 Montiano wrote the plays entitled "Virginia" and "Athaulfo" with 
 a pretty clear knowledge of his own limitations. There is something 
 touching in the way this sturdy man exposed himself to criticism hoping 
 
 " Cueto, B. A. E., v. LXI, p. 128. 
 
 •* Boileau, Art Poetique. Canto III, line* 39-42.
 
 AN ORGANIZED GROUP OF NEO-CLASSICISTS 67 
 
 that, as a reward, authors better gifted than himself would follow his 
 lead, improve upon him and by the creation of some regular tragedy of 
 merit undermine the reasons on which hostile foreigners based their scorn 
 for Spanish literature. 
 
 Montiano's First Discourse. — The first discourse and the tragedy 
 entitled "Virginia" were pubHshed in 1751. Previous to their publication 
 they had been read, discussed and approved by the Academy of Good 
 Taste. We may well consider these writings of Montiano the official 
 platform of the Academy.^' 
 
 The purpose of Montiano in writing his essays was twofold. First 
 he wished to prove to impertinent foreigners that from the standpoint 
 of the neo-classicists the traditions and the history of the Spanish stage 
 were not to be despised. Secondly he wanted to give his countrymen 
 sound advice on playwriting and on the art of acting. Thus we find that, 
 throughout, his attitude is judicial. He desires with equal ardor to make 
 out the best case possible for the dignity of the stage of his nation and 
 to combat the errors of his fellow citizens. His patriotic attitude won 
 many to his cause. The "imprimatur" attached to the second edition re- 
 marks upon the service he was rendering his country. "El discurso (no 
 solo) restituye a Espafia las propias glorias de que la han querido des- 
 pojar los Estrafios quando la acusan de poco fecunda en hombres eru- 
 ditos quizas por servirse de sus trabajos para erigirse los decantados 
 trofeos de que tanto se envanecen." * 
 
 To serve as an outline to his discourse, he criticizes a work entitled 
 "El Teatro Espaiiol," printed in Paris in 1738. He does not mention the 
 name of this author from whom he takes the following quotation : * 
 "Pour les tragedies les Espagnols n'en ont point car on ne saurait donner 
 justement ce titre a quelques uns de leurs ouvrages qui le portent sans 
 le meriter; telles sont la Celestine et ITngenieuse Helene qui ne peuvent 
 passer tout au plus que pour des Romans en Dialogues." ^^ The com- 
 ment of Montiano on this statement is that the author is badly informed. 
 There have been regular tragedies in Spain and of the two works just 
 mentioned one is a tragi-comedy and the other a "novela." 
 
 Montiano knew nothing of Juan del Encina, Gil Vicente, or Torres 
 Naharro, or, if he did, they were not considered by him as belonging to 
 the Spanish drama. He begins his disquisition on the existence of regu- 
 lar tragedies in Spain by mentioning the "Vergiienza de Agamemnon" 
 and the "Hecuba Triste" of Perez de Oliva. He calls them adaptations 
 from Sophocles, whereas modern critics call them simple translations. 
 These complete reworkings, he says, appeared before 1533 and show abso- 
 
 88 Cueto, B. A. E., v. LXI, p. Ixxxii. 
 •« Discurso I, p. 6.
 
 68 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 lute respect for the unities, admirable character portraiture and fine 
 diction.*^ 
 
 Indeed the play known under the name of "Policiana, tragedia," 
 which appeared in Toledo in 1547, by an unknown author,* because 
 of its twenty acts and its nineteen actors deserves to be called a novel 
 rather than a play. The French have a perfect right to criticize such 
 productions but, as a matter of fact, there are other plays to be consid- 
 ered.®* Such are the two "Nise" of Geronimo Bermiidez whom Nicolas 
 Antonio in his "Bibliotheca Hispana" knows only by the pseudonym of 
 Silva. Nicolas Antonio believes that Bermiidez was posterior to Oliva, the 
 translator of some plays of Sophocles. This error arose from the fact 
 that the works of Oliva were printed after those of Bermudez.^® But to 
 return to the main subject, Montiano agrees with Nasarre that Bermiidez 
 observed the principal rules of the ancient drama, that the construction 
 of the plot and qualities of the style were both admirable.®" 
 
 From the tragedies of Juan de la Cueva, Montiano can derive but 
 little comfort, for, if the tragedy entitled "Ruiz Velasquez" shows excel- 
 lent diction, the unities are violated. The same is true of "La Muerte 
 de Telamon" which in no way resembles the play of that name by 
 Sophocles. "La muerte de Virginia" has two actions. As for the "Prin- 
 cipe de Tyrano," if it possesses the unity of action, its plot does not even 
 approach probability: it introduces ghosts, a feature which good Cath- 
 olics must always look upon with the greatest suspicion when it is not 
 sanctioned by the Church.*^ 
 
 After this statement, evidently inspired by readings from Feijoo, 
 Montiano passes to Artieda. He had of course read nothing from that 
 author, but he granted him a certificate of regularity and faithfulness 
 to rules, basing his judgment on a passage from the sixth book of the 
 Galatea where Cervantes speaks very flatteringly of the author in ques- 
 tion, though his praise is very general and makes no reference to Aris- 
 totelian tenets.®^ Montiano makes further use of Cervantes as a critic 
 by quoting the famous passage in the forty-eighth chapter of the Quijote, 
 where three tragedies whose titles are not stated are greatly praised. 
 There were good tragedies in plenty, concludes Montiano. We know 
 now that Cervantes referred to three plays by Leonardo de Argensola 
 and that at least one of them was so far removed from the neo-classic 
 
 87 Discurso, p. 6. 
 ** Discurso, p. 9. 
 '• Discurso, pp. 10-14. 
 •° Discurso, p. 17. 
 "1 Discurso, p. 21. 
 »2 Discurso, p. 24.
 
 AN ORGANIZED GROUP OF NEO-CLASSICISTS 69 
 
 ideal as to contain a scene where the wicked queen bites off a part of 
 her tongue to spit it into the face of her monstrous husband and that 
 in the course of the action every person of the tragedy perishes, with the 
 exception of a messenger. Possessed of this knowledge, it is difficult for 
 us to feel confident that Cervantes praised the plays of Artieda because 
 of their regularity in form and thought."*^ 
 
 Judging the plays of Virues, Montiano severely criticizes "La Gran 
 Semiramis" which, to use his words, unites "lo peor de lo antiguo y de 
 lo moderno." "La Cruel Casandra" respects the unities but it is spoiled 
 by its large number of acts and scenes of wholesale slaughter. "Atila 
 Furioso" is regular enough but love rules its plot and Montiano is rather 
 glad to have to deplore this fault because it gives him the opportunity 
 to quote from the discourse on ancient tragedy, printed in 1749 by Vol- 
 taire as a preface to "Semiramis." In it Voltaire condemned the prev- 
 alence of love plots in tragedies, since, to his mind, love ought to be 
 reserved for comedy. 
 
 Montiano agrees heartily with a view which, as he remarks, brings 
 no less than 388 French tragedies under suspicion of literary heresy, 
 degrading them to the level of many Spanish plays.®* 
 
 "La Infeliz Marcela" is rapidly condemned for its resemblance to 
 a novel and Montiano at last is free to praise "La Elisa Dido," the one 
 original Spanish play which he can bring forth as regular in every point. 
 With that one play Montiano would dearly wish to wipe away any stigma 
 of irregularity which poorly informed foreigners might attach to the 
 fair name of the Spanish drama. "No puede leerse sin admiracion ni 
 con lastima que se aparte tanto de las reglas en otras quien tan puntual- 
 mente las supo guardar en esta." ®^ for the "Elisa Dido" offers an elevating 
 example in a new Dido bound to remain true to her lawful husband and 
 to her city. The action lasts but three or four hours and takes place 
 in the temple of Jupiter. The style is suitable and the passions are well 
 expressed. 
 
 This review of the "EHsa Dido" of Virues and of its fictitious plot is 
 the climax of Montiano's defense of the Spanish stage. There is little 
 comfort to be derived from the plays of Christobal de Mesa. "Pompeyo," 
 in spite of a prologue full of promise, is absolutely irregular. "Estran- 
 isima inconsequencia discurrir asi y executar tan diversamente." ^^ Lope's 
 tragedies are all to be condemned. Of the six mentioned, only one, "El 
 Castigo sin Venganza," shows any sign of unity, that of plot. Equally 
 
 83 Ticknor. See note p. 147. 
 •* Discurso, p. 49. 
 95 Discurso, p. 43. 
 8" Discurso, p. 46.
 
 70 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 discouraging are the plays of Mexia de la Cerda, Hurtado Velarde, Lo- 
 pez de Zarate, and particularly discouraging are those of Thomas de 
 Anorbe y Corragel whose "Paulino" and its prologue must be denounced — 
 "porque no crean los ignorantes que son asi . . . las tragedias de los 
 Franceses que dice que imita." "^ 
 
 Montiano must have felt that on the whole this review of the 
 dramatic history of his country did not carry with it the conviction that 
 the neo-classic school had had in any sense a regular development in 
 Spain. 
 
 This feeling of defect may be the cause of the nature of his last 
 statement on this subject. In it he reminds us that his essay has been 
 right along a refutation of the French work mentioned above. Leaving 
 Anorbe, Montiano makes the statement that there are many plays in 
 manuscript form which would tend to disprove further the initial state- 
 ment of the French writer. However, since from the nature of the case 
 it was impossible for that author to have known any of these manuscript 
 works, he, Montiano, will not now speak about them or use them in any 
 way to prove his thesis concerning the neo-classic stage in Spain.* 
 
 By these plays in manuscript form Montiano must have meant to 
 refer to plays written according to Aristotelian rules by some of his asso- 
 ciates of the Academy of Good Taste, plays doomed never to reach a 
 wider circle than that of the salon which had fostered their creation. Had 
 he had in his possession the manuscripts of regular plays by standard 
 authors, he would surely have made use of them to strengthen his dis- 
 course, the weakness of which he fully realized. The end of his discourse 
 admits frankly the scantiness of the result of his study. The period of 
 the regular stage in Spain was indeed very short. The fact remains 
 that it is a far cry from having lost the road to never having been on it 
 at all. Let foreigners who undertake to pass judgment, do so consci- 
 entiously and only after due consideration of the facts involved.^^ 
 
 Montiano's Second Discourse. — In the essay preceding the "Athaulfo," 
 Montiano takes up again this question of the antiquity of the regular 
 stage in Spain. Further studies had brought him new facts and his 
 patriotic pen brings them forward to vindicate the honor of his country. 
 This renewed effort is made easy for him by the comforting knowledge 
 that his previous discourse has been received favorably at home and 
 abroad. "Entonces animado del celo conque busco en quantas ocasiones 
 se me presentan las ventajas de mi patria me resolvi a ofrecer segunda 
 vez al Publico otro discurso." " 
 
 '^ Discurso, p. 63. 
 •' Discurso, p. 79. 
 •^ Discurso II, p. 6.
 
 AN ORGANIZED GROUP OF NEO-CLASSICISTS 71 
 
 The first of his new set of discoveries is Vasco Diaz Tanco de Fre- 
 jenal, who already in his youth had written three tragedies — "Absalom," 
 "Amon" and "Saul." By middle life he had written a "Triunpho NataHcio 
 Hispano" in honor of the birth of PhiHp II, that is for the year 1527. 
 From this date it may well be supposed that he wrote the three plays 
 above mentioned about 1502 or before and, if this were the case, then 
 Frejenal would have ante-dated Trissino, whose "Sophonisba" was played 
 only in 1520, and the Spanish classical stage, in spite of its slight array of 
 plays, would be older than that of any other nation. ^°° 
 
 Since Frejenal was a disciple of Naharro and since the Propaladia 
 was already published in 1517, the chronological argument of Montiano 
 is barely possible, but nothing is known of the plays enumerated save 
 their names, and, since the explicit preface of Christobal de Mesa proved 
 to be such a poor indication of the contents of the play which it pre- 
 ceded, surely a judgment of three plays based only on the nature of 
 their titles can not be taken seriously. 
 
 In naming Guillen de Castro, Cervantes, Salas Barbadillo, Gabriel 
 Lasso, in reporting that "Juan de Malara assegura escribio la de Ab- 
 salon" and, in remarking that Pinciano admits without surprise that he 
 saw "la Ifigenia en el teatro de la Cruz," Montiano does not strengthen 
 his thesis.^"^ 
 
 His statement about the performance of Latin tragedies by the 
 students of Jesuit schools is interesting. It evidently refers to perfor- 
 mances of the type mentioned by Montaigne when he tells us that he 
 played in one entitled "Caesar." Under such auspices Montiano tells 
 us that in 1571 "El Martirio de San Lorenzo" was performed in honor 
 of Philip IL^o^ 
 
 With a mention of Boscari's translation from Euripedes and a state- 
 ment to the effect that a large number of tragi-comedies could be made 
 regular by very slight emendations Montiano ends his discourse on the 
 Spanish Drama.^°^ The reader is satisfied that Montiano with his limited 
 knowledge of the Spanish drama has done whatever he could do to vin- 
 dicate what he felt was the literary honor of his country. 
 
 The conclusion of this subject will now allow us to take up the 
 theoretical discussions and the model plays which Montiano had pre- 
 pared for the instruction of contemporary Spanish writers. To be per- 
 fectly logical we should go back to the second half of the first discourse 
 and then take up the tragedy entitled "Virginia," only to return later to 
 
 100 Discurso II, p. 8. 
 
 101 Discurso II, p. 10. 
 
 102 Discurso II, p. 11. 
 
 103 Discurso II, pp. 14-17.
 
 72 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 the second half of the second discourse and to "Athaulfo," the second 
 tragedy. The nature of the end of that second discourse is such how- 
 ever that it will be more convenient to speak about it now. 
 
 It consists of a number of useful remarks criticizing some of the 
 lacks and some of the abuses which interfered with the proper perfor- 
 mance of plays in the first half of the eighteenth century. 
 
 With his usual need of a specific authority Montiano bases his dis- 
 course on the thirteenth letter of Pinciano's * "Philosophia Antigua," 
 drawing information as well from Luzan's "Poetica" and from his "Me- 
 morias Literarias de Paris," ch. 10-11.^°* Following such guidance, Monti- 
 ano proceeds to preach verisimilitude and decorum in personal fitness and 
 in the costumes of actors. He urges pastoral scenery for pastoral plays, 
 fortifications for warlike performances, adding the further advice that 
 demi-lunes and the Vauban style of fortifications can not serve as settings 
 for plays supposed to take place in antiquity.^"^ With such simple ad- 
 monitions, which really sound too simple to be worth quoting at length, 
 Montiano preaches the doctrine of local color. 
 
 We shall see later that, in "Virginia," Montiano had taken some liber- 
 ties with the doctrine of the unity of place. In the discourse which we are 
 considering he makes amends for this sin. He has come to the conclusion 
 that only the strictest interpretation of the rule is to be countenanced.^"* 
 
 Passing condemnation on the "entremes" which intereferes with the 
 unity of plot and on the prompter who is too much in evidence * and too 
 noisy, Montiano advises that the number of supernumeraries to be shown 
 on the stage be kept down to a reasonable figure.^**^ Then he passes to 
 the subject of acting and general bearing. 
 
 He gives very definite, too definite directions for the carriage of the 
 head, the use of the eyes and lips, the movements of the arm, the positions 
 of the hand and the way to walk about the stage. In short he gives a 
 more complete resume of Ricci's "L'Art du Theatre a Paris" than had 
 been done by Luzan, and to it he adds Pinciano's rules of elocution.* 
 
 With the discussion of such minute points the subject matter of the 
 discourse comes to an end. 
 
 The last paragraph is an apology for his work against probable de- 
 tractors and a statement to the eflfect that such discussions as the one 
 just completed have, in all ages, been worthy of the efforts of the most 
 respectable pens. 
 
 "* Discurso II, pp. 18-19. 
 
 ^0" Discurso II, p. 31. 
 
 io« Discurso III, p. 33, refuting Discurso I, p. 97. 
 
 ^oT Discurso II, pp. 43-51.
 
 AN ORGANIZED GROUP OF NEO-CLASSICISTS 73 
 
 Now we are at liberty to revert to that part of the first discourse 
 which, properly speaking, deals with the neo-classic theories of the drama. 
 
 It has been shown that, to a certain extent, writers of the old school 
 had succeeded in composing regular plays. What has once been done 
 can be done again, and the tragedy "Virginia" is written only to prove 
 the truth of this last statement. May this example encourage men gifted 
 with natural talent to take up this line of work and carry it on success- 
 fully.io» 
 
 Montiano's intention is now to judge his own work with the same 
 rigor shown by him in the examination of the plays considered in the first 
 half of this discourse. "Hare para lograrlo un menudo examen de todo 
 el . . . tocando donde conviniere ... las reglas . . . sin que se entienda 
 que pretendo persuadir que ha salido mi obra sin tacha alguna ni discrep- 
 ancia de aquellos principios. . . ." "' He will welcome the further 
 criticisms of Spanish and foreign authors. The nature of his remarks is 
 going to be determined by the works of well known neo-classic scholars, 
 but, to avoid a display of pedantry, he is not going to quote his authori- 
 ties.^^" The reader is grateful to him for his decision, for his 
 scheme of criticism consists of the elements of the art such as could be 
 gathered from the perusal of the chapter headings of any good work on 
 the rules, and constant references and quotation marks would only add 
 to the irksomeness of a subject already not over-rich in qualities likely to 
 stimulate the imagination. 
 
 It will make the rest of the discourse clearer if at this point we give 
 a brief analysis of the tragedy to be so minutely discussed. 
 
 Montiano's "Virginia." — Montiano drew the material of his plot 
 from Livy and from Dionysus of Halicarnassus ; he had no knowledge at 
 the time of the existence of the plays of Cueva and of Campistron, which 
 are entitled "Virginia." 
 
 The plot runs as follows :^^^ Virginia is betrothed to Icilius but it 
 is known that Claudius the decemvir and the political enemy of Icilius 
 has conceived a lustful passion for Virginia and that so far he has not 
 dared to confess it openly. 
 
 As Virginia comes to the Forum to take part in a religious festival 
 with other Roman ladies she tells us so much of the plot in a dialogue 
 with her maid Publicia. She adds that she is in a chronic state of fear 
 lest she should meet Claudius. 
 
 Icilius now comes and finds his lady in great dismay at the appre- 
 
 losDiscurso I, p. 80. 
 lO'Discurso I, p. 81. 
 "ODiscurso I, p. 82.' 
 "1 Discurso I, pp. 128 S.
 
 74 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 hension caused her by the danger to which she deems herself particularly 
 exposed on this day when her duties compel her to be in the Forum.' At 
 first she will not explain the cause of her grief, but as Icilius sees in her 
 tears the evidence of some undiscovered wrong committed against him, 
 Virginia, to silence his suspicions, is compelled to reveal to him her knowl- 
 edge of the decemvir's love, a knowledge which so far had not reached Icil- 
 ius. The lover, filled with rage at this revelation, is about to start to wreak 
 bloody vengeance on Claudius when Numitor, Virginia's uncle, contrives 
 to check the young man's angry haste by telling him that he \vould do 
 better first to seek the alliance of Valerian and of Horace, two senators, 
 who have great power over the common people. In case Claudius tries to 
 use violence against Virginia their help will be invaluable. Icilius leaves 
 to accomplish this mission and Numitor sends a messenger to Lucius, 
 Virginia's father, who is in command of some troops not far from the 
 city. 
 
 In spite of these promises of help, it is only with a mind full of the 
 darkest forebodings that Virginia proceeds to the temple with her ladies. 
 
 The second act opens with a long monologue by Claudius who bewails 
 the fact that he who controls the Roman empire should find such resist- 
 ance in a woman's heart. His client, Marcus, assures him that vulgar minds 
 obey the servile laws of virtue but that a man who has control over the 
 state can easily put aside the ordinary rules of good conduct and morality. 
 This advice is no sooner given than Valerian and Horace appear and 
 question Claudius concerning the death of the Roman general Siccius 
 who, it is rumored, was murdered through the orders of Claudius him- 
 self. In a burst of rage the decemvir denies the accusation and utters 
 such threats against his accusers that the two senators subsequently decide 
 to unite their cause to that of Icilius and to insure the downfall of 
 Claudius. 
 
 Icilius is now made to see that his duty and his love both require him 
 to attack Claudius and the act ends with his threatening words against 
 the tyrant. 
 
 The third act offers to Claudius the long wished for opportunity to 
 declare his love to Virginia whom he meets in the Forum accompanied 
 by her ladies. 
 
 First the villain flatters, then he threatens. His efforts are of no 
 avail and Virginia retires predicting that the gods will punish him for his 
 audacity. Claudius is now ready to listen to the advice of Marcus who 
 urges prompt and violent action. A diversion is brought about by Icilius, 
 who, prompted by Numitor, comes to offer his services to Claudius and 
 very properly receives only insults from his angry rival. As Icilius gives 
 vent to his renewed indignation, Virginia reappears asking for redress.
 
 AN ORGANIZED GROUP OF NEO-CLASSICISTS 75 
 
 Icilius promises that, before the setting of the sun, she shall be avenged. 
 
 The beginning of the fourth act reveals the plan that Marcus has 
 suggested to his master. The client of the decemvir intends to claim the 
 person of Virginia under the fiction that, far from being a Roman leader's 
 daughter, she is only the offspring of a slave of his. Her supposed 
 father, Lucius, illegally adopted her, thus taking his property away from 
 Marcus. 
 
 This dishonest plan is carried out successfully and Claudius contrives 
 to appear on the scene to give Marcus official sanction to the act. For- 
 tunately Numitor and Icilius rush in in time to rescue Virginia from her 
 captors. Claudius, fearing that Icilius may have a numerous following, 
 grants Virginia a fair trial and in the meantime leaves her in the care of 
 her uncle, Numitor. 
 
 It now appears that Icilius, because of the crafty dilatoriness of 
 Valerian and Horace, had the merest handlful of followers with him. 
 Virginia exults at the thought of the bravery of her lover. Would that 
 she were not already his, so that she might now give him all her love. 
 
 Lucius, the old father, is introduced in the fifth act; he has just 
 returned to the city after receiving Numitor's message. The old veteran 
 knows of course the absolute falseness of the charge made by Marcus 
 against his daughter, yet such is his fear of the power of Claudius that it 
 is only with the gravest misgivings that he leads his daughter to the trial 
 ordained by the decemvir. 
 
 The case is argued before Claudius and, though it is by no means 
 clear that Virginia is to be degraded from her rank, the aged father, 
 losing heart, begs to be allowed to speak privately with his daughter. The 
 request is granted on the condition that Marcus is to be allowed to stand 
 at a short distance. 
 
 During the absence of the three. Valerian and Horace threaten 
 Claudius, but soon the father reappears announcing that he has killed his 
 daughter and Marcus as well, for such a course was the only way to safe- 
 guard the honor of the family. 
 
 Icilius, mad with grief, rushes upon the decemvir, who seeing that 
 the mob is siding with his enemy takes to flight. Soon Icilius returns 
 announcing the death of the tyrant and the tragedy ends with tliese words 
 of Publicia : 
 
 "Vamos Icilio, vamos : pero sea 
 Sin olvidar en ambos exemplares 
 De los dos delinquentes insepultos, 
 Y de la pompa funebre que trazas, 
 Que jamas la virtud quedo sin premie 
 Ni se Hbro la culpa del castigo."
 
 76 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 This outline will allow us to to follow easily the critical remarks 
 made by Montiano on his own play. 
 
 He starts with this definition — "Este poema es la imitacion de una 
 accion heroica completa a que concurren muchas personas en un mismo 
 paraje y en un mismo dia y que consiste su principal fin en formar 6 rec- 
 tificar las costumbres excitando el terror y lastima." ^^^ 
 
 This discourse develops and illustrates the points mentioned in the 
 definition basing its remarks on the "Virginia." 
 
 It might be objected at the very start that Virginia being of plebeian 
 blood is not a proper person to be the heroine of a tragedy. This criti- 
 cism would be met by pointing out the fact that the common people of 
 the Romans of those days were fully the equals of what is considered 
 the nobility among ordinary nations. If such an argument were not suf- 
 ficient it may be added that the unusual beauty of Virginia was enough 
 in itself to place that young woman among the best born of her sex.^^' 
 The action dealing with the love aflPairs of historically important char- 
 acters is thoroughly unified in spite of the slight undercurrent of political 
 intrigue.^^* 
 
 The plot is revealed in its general lines with remarkable swiftness. 
 The reader is plunged "in medias res" with the first scene of the first act 
 where Virginia sketches out the situation in her dialogue with her confi- 
 dente. Icilius in the third scene of the same act completes that sketch. 
 Soon after, Numitor "rompe el hilo y le aunda sin violencia." The knot 
 remains tied, the reader knows all the conditions and yet he can not 
 predict the end.^" Virginia's burst of indignation in the third act disarms 
 Claudius for the moment, greatly increasing the excitement of the spec- 
 tator who knows that such humiliation inflicted on such a man must per- 
 force drive him to desperate action. But what that action will be, the 
 spectator cannot predict and he is startled by the rapidity of the "de- 
 nouement" in the fifth act when an unexpected and bloody ending settles 
 all the problems accumulated during the play. Every doubtful point is 
 accounted for "en la ultima escena del Acto V. en lo que no deja que 
 dudar Icilio sobre ninguna de estas circunstancias." ^^® 
 
 There is no doubt that the plot of Montiano's tragedy is constructed 
 with great care ; it is logical in the main. 
 
 It may seem to us that Virginia weeps too abundantly in the first act, 
 since Claudius has not even said a word to her, and the reader is not 
 
 112 Discurso I, p. 85. 
 "^Discurso I, p. 86. 
 11* Discurso I, p. 86. 
 115 Discurso I, p. 92. 
 "« Discurso I, p. 97.
 
 AN ORGANIZED GROUP OF NEO-CLASSICISTS 71 
 
 absolutely convinced of the greatness of a father who kills his daughter 
 when it seems clear that he might save her by making a show of martial 
 courage, but, on the whole, the interdependence of the scenes is easily 
 discerned. If such qualities of logic and clearness were able to fill an 
 audience with consternation and pity, Montiano would have written an 
 excellent tragedy. But after all is said and done, emotions in an audi- 
 ence are aroused either by the qualities of life in the characters of the 
 play listened to or by the poetical beauty of the diction. The "Virginia" 
 possesses neither of these qualities. 
 
 The characters are perfect from the geometrical standpoint. Mon- 
 tiano brings modestly as his own contribution to the neo-classic code a 
 fourth unity, that of character."^ This fourth unity does harm to Mon- 
 tiano in two ways. First it makes one suspect that our author was not 
 as well read in neo-classic matters as first appeared. Secondly it is the 
 too rigid appUcation of that fourth unity which deprives the characters 
 of the tragedy of every trace of life and reality. These beings are in- 
 deed of a delightfully simple psychological makeup. The only actors suf- 
 ficiently simple in their physical self to be in keeping with souls so lack- 
 ing in complexity are those who have only two or three gestures cor- 
 responding to as many pulls applied to a pair of strings. 
 
 Virginia is, throughout, Roman and stoic. In the first act. Publicia, 
 who is always modest and religious, says to her mistress : 
 
 "O que bien tu conducta corresponde 
 a ser hija de Lucio y Numitoria 
 y a haber creido las prudentes reglas 
 que te dicto la ley de mi cuidado ! 
 Tu voluntad no quiere sino al duefio 
 que la razon paterna te sefiala: 
 tu juicio no se inclina a lo dudoso 
 y solamente elige a lo seguro . , . 
 Todo es en ti perfecto . . ." 
 
 Later, she herself: 
 
 "Sabre tolerar, morir constante 
 y oponerme al furor; me lo asegura 
 mi espiritu ; mas luego la victoria 
 sera transcendental al Pueblo mio ?" ^** 
 
 . . . Such a Roman soul was given her by Jupiter . . . 
 
 Por Ventura 
 fue porque en mi tambien se verifique 
 que no hay nada pequeiio en la gran Roma."* 
 
 1" Discurso I, pp. 104-105. 
 "'Discurso II, p. 127. Act I, Sc. 1. 
 "» Discurso II, p. 133. Act I, Sc. 2.
 
 78 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 And throughout the five acts her actions are all of the character indicated 
 by the spirit expressed in these quotations. 
 
 Likewise Icilius is consistently intrepid; wisdom sits always by the 
 side of Numitor. "En Claudio me figuro que no hay mezcla que enerve 
 el furioso vigor, conque es forzoso que procedan y se acrediten unos 
 vicios tan desenfrenados como irresponsibles de corregir." "° The fol- 
 lowing words are worthy of such a consistently depraved person: 
 
 Experimente, Virginia, lo que puede 
 quien rige a Roma por que no es regido 
 que hasta la religion se prostituya 
 a lo que su capricho le proponga.^" 
 
 And so it goes on with Marcus, who is obviously base during five acts, 
 with Valerian and Horace, intellectual twins, whose discourses are per- 
 fectly interchangeable and who always clothe "sus particulares fines en 
 el velo de la libertad." ^" 
 
 So much for the characters. As for the diction, Montiano chose the 
 blank verse because of its great possibilities in the imitation of prose, far 
 superior to rhymed verse because it does not distract the mind by its 
 clanging of sounds. "Un verso sin consonantes, que es mas parecido 
 a la prosa, comun lenguage de los hombres." "^ And he adds that not only 
 did Luzan, Pinciano and Cascales agree "de que no es necesario el metro 
 para los Poemas fipico y Dramatico," but Garcilaso, Virues, Jauregui, 
 Quevedo have all given him precedents in this matter.^^* As in the 
 matter of the unity of character, Montiano succeeded far too well in his 
 effort to write unobtrusive verse; no prose could have less cadence than 
 the majority of the lines of the "Virginia." 
 
 If Montiano did not believe in the necessity of verse in tragedies, 
 he was convinced that the style of such a piece of writing should be no- 
 ble and elevated. To avoid all mention of the particular is of course 
 one method of raising language above the ordinary way of speaking. 
 This is why Montiano quite consistently, instead of making his characters 
 speak directly, makes them express themselves in terms of the abstract 
 qualities or conditions of their soul or in terms of parts of their body. In- 
 stead of hearing how Virginia and Claudius feel, we hear how their soul is 
 stirred, instead of hearing how they are dismayed or angered, \\q are told 
 about the state of dismay or anger of their soul, the depth of their grief 
 or the increase of their ire. The subjects of verbs are altogether too 
 
 "0 Discurso I, pp. 106-107. 
 "1 Discurso I. Act III, Sc. 3. 
 "2 Discurso I, p. 108. 
 ^23 Discurso I, p. 112. 
 "* Discurso I, p. 113.
 
 AN ORGANIZED GROUP OF NEO-CLASSICISTS 79 
 
 often such terms as necessity, suspicion, deceit, cunning, conduct, arm, 
 hand, anger, rage, all of which could be advantageously suppUed by per- 
 sonal pronouns or by the proper names of the persons who do the acting 
 or feeling or who are spoken of as acting or feeling.* This mania for 
 the abstract term tends as much as the geometrical construction of the 
 intellects and hearts of the characters to make them absolutely unreal, 
 and to make the tragedy unreadable. 
 
 With such defects in the psychology of the play and in the diction, 
 defects which of course are shared equally by all second-rate neo-classic 
 plays in all countries, it does not matter much to the reader whether the 
 stage is always full, whether the unities are fairly well kept and whether 
 the moral lesson is clearly stated or not. Nor is he likely to feel either 
 one way or the other concerning the doubts which Montiano entertains 
 about the advisability of the liberties he has taken with the unity of place. 
 Instead of taking one spot on the Forum seen always the same at each 
 rising of the curtain, Montiano had imagined taking various parts of the 
 Forum but always at such an angle that the spot which appeared as the 
 scene of the first act could be seen and recognized.^ ^'^ This, ^lontiano 
 brought forth as a new solution to the knotty problem of the unity of 
 place and he felt that his idea was a better one than that imagined by 
 Luzan who wanted to have parallel sets of stage settings. We have seen 
 that in his second discourse Montiano was to recant from all such here- 
 sies and come out uncompromisingly in favor of the strictest idea of 
 unity of place.^^' 
 
 In spite of the qualities pointed out and in spite of the interest which 
 should be awakened by the discussion of technical points, the reader, if 
 his efifort carries him through the whole tragedy, at last closes the book 
 with a distinct sense of weariness. This does not mean, however, that he 
 has lost his respect for Montiano. Far from it. The author has made 
 his case too clear at the beginning of his discourse. The tragedy may be 
 stillborn, but we know that its author entertained no illusions about its 
 actual charms and the absence of all elements of self-deception on the part 
 of the author removes much of the unpleasant sensation given by bad 
 plays written by vainglorious authors. 
 
 Montiano' s Athanlfo. — It would be useless to analyze "Athaulfo" 
 with the same degree of care which we have put on "Virginia." 
 
 It is an historical drama based on the story of the Gothic King, who, 
 influenced by his Roman wife, Placidia, has decided to sign a lasting 
 peace with his brother-in-law, the Roman Emperor. 
 
 Rosamunda who before the coming of Placidia had hoped to share 
 
 "5 Diario I, p. 97. 
 
 128 See page 118 of this essay.
 
 80 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 the throne with Athaulfo now sees an opportunity for revenge. She ex- 
 cites her lover, Sigerico, and his base friend, Vernulpho, against the 
 King. Sigerico is told that the throne will also win for him the hand of 
 Rosamunda. The Roman ambassador, Constance, whose position at 
 court is similar to that of Orestes in Racine's Andromaque, is aware of 
 the conspiracy against Athaulfo. The death of Athaulfo would suit his 
 purpose ; he is too loyal to join with the King's enemies and too weak to 
 denounce them. 
 
 As a matter of fact Athaulfo has discovered the plot which Rosa- 
 munda and Sigerico are planning against him but he relies absolutely on 
 the great power which the divine right of kings gives him and in spite of 
 all efforts on the part of the conspirators he keeps his faith in his wife. 
 
 Knowing that the hostility of Sigerico is due to his desire to win 
 Rosamunda's hand Athaulfo decides to announce the signing of the 
 treaty with Rome and to give to Sigerico Rosamunda's hand at the same 
 solemn state function. 
 
 Athaulfo gathers his court and after a rapid review of the history 
 of the Goths he mentions the peace treaty with Rome which he calls the 
 natural conclusion of a brilliant series of wars and conquests. He then pro- 
 ceeds to announce his decision to unite two great Gothic houses in the 
 persons of Sigerico and Rosamunda. No sooner has he stated his will 
 in the matter than Rosamunda cries out that so far Sigerico has done 
 nothing to deserve her love. Aroused by these words the Gothic noble- 
 man steps forward and denounces the treaty as a treacherous means 
 employed by Athaulfo to put the Goths at the mercy of the Romans. 
 
 In the confusion which follows this declaration, Vernulpho stabs the 
 King from behind just as he was about to draw his blade against Sigerico 
 who himself advanced sword in hand. 
 
 Then and there, however, stops the success of the conspirators, for 
 Valia, a noble Goth, rallies the people to avenge the King, Vernulpho is 
 quickly killed, and soon we hear of the death of Sigerico. Rosamunda 
 sees that all her hopes are lost. Placidia, whom Constance has revived 
 from a fainting spell, assures her enemy of her merciful protection but 
 the haughty woman can not stand such humiliation; she leaps out of the 
 window and dies miserably. 
 
 The play ends with a few lines spoken by the Roman ambassador 
 expressing his hope that time may lessen Placidia's grief and make him 
 the object of her affection."^ 
 
 "Athaulfo" is in a way a better play than "Virginia." The use of ab- 
 stract subjects is much less frequent and Montiano has improved in 
 facility of narration and conversation. If the characters show about as 
 
 1" Discurso II. Athaulfo, pp. 120 S.
 
 AN ORGANIZED GROUP OF NEO-CLASSICISTS 81 
 
 much rigidity as in "Virginia" the moral purpose of the play is not thrust 
 on the reader with so much crudeness. In other words, this tragedy is no 
 better and no worse than many of the second-rate imitations of Corneille 
 to be found in the French Hterature of the seventeenth and eighteenth 
 centuries, for it scarcely need be pointed out that by its display of his- 
 torical situations, and by its stoic philosophy, this play, as was the "Vir- 
 ginia," is Cornelian in character. 
 
 Montiano Judged at Home and Abroad. — The plays of Montiano, in 
 spite of their lack of intrinsic value, awakened a fair amount of interest 
 in and out of Spain. On the whole they were taken more seriously by 
 foreigners than by the Spaniards themselves. Velazquez in his treatise 
 on Castilian poetry, a work which we shall take up a little later, passes 
 no direct criticism on Montiano's production, but quotes, among other 
 favorable criticisms, the "Memoires de Trevoux" for December 1750 
 vvhere the "Virginia" is praised for its adherence to the rules and de- 
 scribed as a play which it would be difficult to improve either in its 
 structure or in its composition. 
 
 Hermilly had translated not only the "Virginia" but also the "Ath- 
 aulfo" and the two discourses on the Spanish stage. It is through this 
 little two volume translation that the work of Montiano became known 
 to the great German critic Lessing who enthusiastically published a care- 
 ful resume of the "Virginia" in his "Theatralische Bibliothek." 
 
 In the statements serving as an introduction to this synopsis, Lessing 
 deplores the deep ignorance of German scholars concerning the literature 
 of Spain and it gives him great pleasure to make known to his country- 
 men the life and works of the greatest tragic poet yet produced by the 
 Spanish peninsula, a writer whom his countrymen need not fear to com- 
 pare with those of their supposedly superior neighbors.* 
 
 To be sure, the subsequent studies of Lessing on the works of Lope 
 and Calderon caused him to reverse his judgment. In the "Hamburg 
 Dramaturgy" he frankly confesses that his first judgment of Montiano's 
 play was erroneous in the extreme and that the "Virginia" must be ad- 
 mitted to be nothing but a Castilian illustration of the French genre 
 known for its regularity and its frigidity.* 
 
 This retraction of Lessing occurred, of course, a good many years 
 after the original statement, and we find an echoe of the latter, the very 
 year of its publication, in the edition of the book of Velazquez published 
 in German and with a great abundance of notes by Dieze of Gottingen.* 
 
 This scholar who, like Lessing, had but recently become interested 
 in the study of the history of Spanish literature had scented from afar 
 the real ancestry and the real literary affiliations of the "Virginia." He 
 does not feel that this play compares in interest with those Spanish com-
 
 82 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 positions which are not written according to the rules, but he remarks on 
 what he feels is the excellence of Montiano's versification, and proclaims 
 him an artist, great not only in the drama, but also in other poetical fields. 
 
 In Spain, as in foreign countries, the plays of Montiano, so far as 
 they aroused any interest, did so only among the cultured classes. 
 
 The criticisms passed on Montiano by his companions were, as might 
 be expected, partly favorable and partly unfavorable. Also, as is usually 
 the case in the Republic of Letters, the unfavorable comments proved 
 to be the more elaborate and the more bulky. Chief among these is a 
 strange pamphlet by one who hides his real identity under the pseudonym 
 of Jaime Doms.* 
 
 This author, in what purports to be a letter to Montiano, states that 
 while in Paris he witnessed the intense enthusiasm which the reading of 
 the Virginia had aroused among cultured Frenchmen. Wishing to thank 
 the great Spanish author for the way he had vindicated his country's 
 literary honor and made it to shine before foreigners, compelling their 
 admiration, Jaime Doms had set himself to writing a letter of sincere 
 praise to Montiano. He had already thanked Montiano for his treatment 
 of the ignorant author of the "Theatre Espagnol" and was in the act of 
 penning lines in which he called him the father and protector of all 
 Academies, when there entered into the room two friends of his. 
 
 These two gentlemen were indiscreet enough to glance at the sheet 
 of paper spread before Doms and catching the general tenor of the letter 
 they broke forth into laughter. The host, in the inocence of his heart, 
 thought that perchance the cause of their glee was some unusual angle 
 of his wig or some unnoticed disorder in his garb, but the two visitors 
 soon opened his eyes on the matter and assured him that what made them 
 laugh was the tone of reverence breathed forth by the letter laid before 
 them. 
 
 As we may well imagine the rest of the pamphlet is made up of a 
 three cornered discussion of Montiano's work, the two visitors attacking 
 it while Doms takes on himself the role of a naive and shocked defender. 
 
 This discussion is not pleasant reading. It is a despicable, under- 
 handed attack in which all kinds of disloyal weapons are used. The two 
 visitors take flings at Montiano's personal character or else they go over 
 the pages of his book, carefully, one by one, looking for flaws and sneer- 
 ing each time they discover one. They take Montiano to task for writing 
 his plays so late in life, and then they blame him for undertaking a piece 
 of work which in the last analysis is not worthy of a true man's attention. 
 
 At each new attack, Doms whimpers some weak defense, which, soon 
 retracted in a spirit of humility, serves only to re-enforce the argument of 
 the hostile critics.
 
 AN ORGANIZED GROUP OF NEO-CLASSICISTS 83 
 
 Minute picking to pieces of isolated words or sentences, quibbling 
 over insignificant historical points, and the harping on the theme that 
 Luzan and Montiano are really trying to discredit Spain in the eyes of 
 foreigners, form the bulk of this unsavory discussion. The speakers are 
 in turn treacherous, brutal and coarse.* 
 
 Only the bitterest personal jealousy can have given rise to this libel. 
 Under the guise of patriotic indignation the writer has no other purpose 
 but to cover Montiano with slime. 
 
 From the many remarks denoting envy of Montiano's official affilia- 
 tions with a number of learned academies, and the constant hinting that 
 Montiano is an ignoramus in the field of paleography and history, we 
 may fairly safely conclude that Doms was some disappointed rival of 
 Montiano, possibly an unfortunate candidate for a seat in the Academy 
 of History who considered this pamphlet a creditable way of relieving 
 himself of his bile. 
 
 One Guevara (Montiano?) answered this libel, taking one by one the 
 points at issue. A third paper appeared, this one also signed with an 
 assumed name and being a rejoinder to the second. Nothing could be 
 gained by a study of this sorry performance. There is no more irritating 
 reading than these arguments based on the principle of the endless chain 
 in which a gentlemanly pedant tries to meet the treachery of a cad.* 
 
 The articles of "L'Annee Chretienne" written by Father Croisset 
 which Velazquez quotes as fairly indicative of the attitude of foreigners 
 towards Montiano's plays may possibly have been a much needed com- 
 fort to that author issuing wearily from the struggle with Jaime Doms. 
 In it Montiano is called a Spanish Sophocles who, far from imitating 
 Corneille or Racine, avoided the errors of those two authors and proved 
 himself greater than either in his own dramatic productions. Nowhere 
 is he guilty of such an error as that committed by Corneille in his in- 
 sipid representation of the love of Theseus in the tragedy of Oedipus. 
 Nowhere does he sin against good taste as does Racine when he shows 
 to his public a raging Phedra and tells of the bloody death of Hyppoli- 
 tus. In his style, he is never florid like Corneille in "Cinna" nor exagger- 
 ated like Racine in the monologue of Theramene. "En una palabra, 
 ninguno hasta ahora dio reglas mas precisas, mas menudas, mas com- 
 prehensivas, mas discretas, mas juiciosas, mas cabales, para la perfeccion 
 y para la utilidad de la tragedia que el Sefior Montiano, y ninguno las 
 practice mejor." ^^' 
 
 This is all very flattering to Montiano, and if the good man was in 
 need of cheer, we hope that his modesty did not prevent him from deriv- 
 
 128 Velasquez. Origenes de la Foesia Castellana, p. 125.
 
 84 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 ing some degree of comfort from a judgment which put him head and 
 shoulders over the greatest authors in all French literature. 
 
 Just one detail casts a shadow over all this and makes one suspect 
 that, after all, it might have been unsafe for Montiano to bask in the 
 sunshine of so much praise. Velazquez tells us that the article was trans- 
 lated into Spanish by that notorious practical joker, Father Isla! The 
 record for literary mischief-making established later by that talented 
 writer through his "Diaz Grandes de Navarra" and through his "Gil 
 Bias," fills our minds with suspicion, and as we have not been able to 
 compare the article in question with its supposed original, we feel it our 
 duty to at least point to the possibility of one more "gaminerie" hidden 
 by the witty Spaniard under the fulsome praise of an author, whose per- 
 formance was palpably as modest as his own character. 
 
 Less flattering but more reassuring in tone is the anonymous dia- 
 logue between "Sabelli" and "Bartoli." It was written probably shortly 
 after the publication of the plays of Montiano but it was not printed 
 until the days of the "Semanario Erudito," this delay being due to cer- 
 tain passages of the dialogue where the priesthood was spoken of in a 
 derogatory manner. 
 
 In this dialogue the two interlocutors discuss whimsically the strange 
 case of the poet who managed to quell the fire of inspiration until past 
 middle life, and, on one of them asking the other how the tragedies had 
 been received in foreign countries, we get this answer which proves to 
 be the sanest and most kindly judgment passed on Montiano even though 
 there is not lacking in it a little dash of irony. "Los Franceses las han 
 alabado y traducido, y los Espafioles no han hecho mucho caso de ellas ; 
 pero el autor se tiene por otro Eschilo y juzga que si se representaran, las 
 mujeres prenadas malparirian de susto y los muchachos moririan de 
 espanto al ver executar los lances tragicos que en ellos pinta." On the 
 listener's exclaiming that these tragedies must be written with incom- 
 parable spirit the speaker replies "Lo que te puedo decir es que si, con- 
 forme a las reglas que dio en su primer discurso, hubiese ajus- 
 to sus tragedias, serian mejores que las famosas Eumenides de 
 Eschilo, pero yo he conocido y conozco muchos Poetas y Pintores que 
 saben todos los preceptos de la Theorica y en la accion son desgraciados. 
 Esto mismo le ha sucedido a este autor en sus tragedias ; pero su bondad 
 merece que se le disimule qualquier defecto porque es un caballero ama- 
 bilisimo asi por sus prendas como por el amor que tiene a las letras y 
 por la propension que tiene de hacer bien a todo el mundo. Es el padre 
 protector de todos los literatos."^^^ 
 
 This long quotation is probably typical of the average judgment 
 
 ^2« Semanario Erudito, v. V, p. 148.
 
 AN ORGANIZED GROUP OF NEO-CLASSICISTS 85 
 
 passed by intelligent and educated Spaniards on the dramatic efforts of 
 Montiano. It represents the attitude of the average reader who had no 
 very good reasons either for hating or for greatly admiring the neo- 
 classic movement and its first productions. Such men would, to be sure, 
 feel inclined to poke gentle fun at the prosy old gentleman who in his 
 later years took it into his head to become a dramatic poet, but they would 
 also recognize that the motives back of his slightly ridiculous attempt were 
 distinctly respectable, since they arose from a desire to vindicate the 
 nation's reputation in the eyes of foreigners. Good-natured humor, tem- 
 pered by the knowledge of the writer's sterling qualities as a man, forms 
 the basis of the above quotation, which we may take as the expression 
 of the fairest judgment pronounced on Montiano by his contemporaries. 
 
 As we have already stated, the other two members of the Academy 
 of Good Taste who shared with Montiano his absolute acceptance of the 
 spirit of neo-classicism were Velazquez and Nasarre. 
 
 Velasquez. — The former is known chiefly by his sketch on the Ori- 
 gins of Castilian Poetry, a little treatise of some two hundred pages which 
 is more an enumeration of names and dates than a history of literature in 
 the broad sense of the word.* The rather meagre critical material which 
 does break from time to time the monotony of these bare enumerations 
 tends quite consistently to define and to discredit those traits of Spanish 
 literature which we associate with concepticism and cultism. Quite con- 
 sistently also these remarks tend to place the responsibility for the devel- 
 opment of these literary errors on authors not of Spanish birth. Arab 
 authors were the first ones to bring into Spain tendencies to literary ex- 
 travagance. They loved puns, quibbles, allusions "llevadas a larga dis- 
 tancia" and disproportionate metaphors. Spanish literature suffered 
 somewhat by contact with such imaginative neighbors.* The real con- 
 tamination which at the beginning of the seventeenth century turned 
 Spanish poetry from the natural channels along which it had made such 
 excellent progress, came from Italy. Bad taste entered into Spain 
 through the return home of those Spanish gentlemen who had fought 
 in the Italian wars or who had merely traveled in the peninsula for 
 pleasure. These evil germs gave rise to literature where bad taste in 
 all its forms flourished marvelously. Some authors ruined the stage by 
 its means while others brought about the undoing of lyric poetry. Ignor- 
 ance, leading heated imaginations, took possession of all the literary 
 genres and the result was fatal to Spanish literature. 
 
 Velazquez is quite aware of the fact that there is nothing new in his 
 assertions. He even feels that to speak of these matters more in detail 
 would be futile, for, thanks to the efforts of the scholars and men of 
 taste who have studied the subject, there is no one in these enlightened
 
 86 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 days who does not see the folly of the literary ideals of the seventeenth 
 century : "Seria ofender en cierto modo a un siglo tan instruido como el 
 en que vivimos sospechar que aun oy era necessario este desengaiio." ^'° 
 
 Surely this work of Velazquez does not recommend itself by its 
 originality. Its author attempted for poetry what Montaigne had 
 attempted for the stage and he did not succeed much better. He under- 
 took to make a literary judgment here and there by applying the theo- 
 retical principles of Luzan and in this he succeeded but too well. It is 
 literally true with him that Spanish literature is just beginning to regain 
 some luster after a hundred years of worthless productions. 
 
 Velazquez is responsible for one of the very few direct tributes to 
 the superiority of a French author that can be recalled in a movement 
 where, pretty generally, admiration for foreign works was tempered by 
 the fear of appearing or of actually being unpatriotic. After praising 
 Luzan for the great services rendered by the 'Toetica," Velazquez ex- 
 claims that the Comedia will be truly great only if a man like Moliere 
 appears on the scene : "Quando la nacion logre un genio tan superior 
 como el de este gran Comico, podra esperar que se restablezca la comedia 
 Espanola." "^ 
 
 Nasarre. — Nassarre represents a form of neo-classicism not quite as 
 narrow as that of Montiano or Velazquez and he gives proof of more 
 originality than either in the expression of his narrowness. 
 
 Desirous to fight for the good cause of regularity and common 
 sense in as efficacious a way as his two colleagues had done, he turned his 
 attention more particularly to the study of the Comedia. His reading of 
 the plays of Cervantes made him wonder at the lack of consistency exist- 
 ing between the principles of criticism which the great Spanish writer 
 expressed in the famous forty-eighth chapter of the Quijote and those 
 which ruled that author's dramatical composition. So far as the ideas 
 expressed were concerned, that forty-eighth chapter might have been 
 written by Luzan himself or by any member of the Buen Gusto group, 
 yet the comedies of Cervantes are as irregular as those of any other 
 playwright of the times. 
 
 Nasarre, struck by this lack of conformity between theory and prac- 
 tice, seized upon the happy idea of considering the plays of Cervantes 
 as so many minor Don Quijotes written to ridicule the extravagances of 
 the Comedia. Thus the theory of Cervantes expounded the principles of 
 neo-classic good sense and his plays were parodies meant to ridicule the 
 dramatic productions of those who wrote without the guidance of the 
 rules. Cervantes was thus proved to be perfectly consistent with himself. 
 
 180 Origenes, p. 70. 
 ^'^ Origenes.
 
 AN ORGANIZED GROUP OF NEO-CLASSICISTS 87 
 
 With a view to illustrating his theses in full, Nasarre published, in 
 two volumes, sixteen of the comedies and "entremeses" of Cervantes.* 
 He naturally picked out those which showed irregularities such as could 
 be explained only by the theory that they were meant to ridicule their 
 own genre. To this selection of plays Nasarre prefixed an introduction 
 where he explained his purpose and then of course proceeded to heap 
 upon the Comedia the usual abuse. Lope is called without more ado 
 the corruptor of the Spanish stage, Calderon is accused of immorality 
 and of lack of imagination. A playwright who must depend on com- 
 plexity of plot to keep his public amused shows a real lack of imagination. 
 
 This apparent lack of regular plays does not discourage Nasarre to 
 the extent of making him pass condemnation on the whole of Spanish 
 literature. He still has enough faith in his race to believe that soon 
 a number of regular or semi-regular plays will be unearthed and given 
 to the public. Then Lope and Calderon will appear in their real relations 
 to the truly great Spanish writers, and their extravagant compositions 
 will sink into insignificance beside the wealth of first class literature 
 which for the first time will be presented to the public. 
 
 Who were those authors so superior to Lope and Calderon? In 
 what secret nooks had their masterpieces been kept for over a hundred 
 years awaiting the diligent search of eighteenth century scholars? 
 Nasarre does not even make a pretense at enlightening us ; he is guided 
 by faith alone. 
 
 This hope of Nasarre represents the state of mind in which the 
 neo-classicists of Spain often found themselves during the first half of 
 the eighteenth century. Having adopted the rules, they felt that Spain 
 was disgraced in her literature, yet, being patriotic Spaniards, they 
 really could not believe in such a disgrace and felt that out of the mass 
 of seventeenth century writings some day, somehow, the works which 
 the literary honor of the country needed so much would be brought 
 to light. 
 
 Patriotism and, to be perfectly candid, ignorance, fostered this ret- 
 rospective hope of a past glorious in a neo-classic sense. 
 
 This desire to find respectable plays in what he felt was a disrep- 
 utable past is so strong in Nasarre that he is almost on the verge of 
 inventing a conspiracy on the part of the writers of irregular "comedias" 
 to keep down authors possessed of the proper literary principles. Cer- 
 vantes wrote his parodies on "comedias" because he did not dare speak. It 
 was too dangerous: "No pudo explicarse Cervantes con la claridad que 
 le era tan natural, por que se lo impedian la tyrania que se habia apode- 
 rado del Theatro y los Autores afamadissimos que le fomentaban." "» 
 
 182 Prologo to Cervantes' comedies, p. 2.
 
 88 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 The illustrations brought out by Nassarre to prove his theory of the 
 real character of Cervantes' comedies are of such a nature as to make 
 that idea quite defensible. On first reading of it, the theory seems ab- 
 surd, but a little study into the matter leads one to a less absolute judg- 
 ment. If it is indeed absurd to suppose that all the plays of Cervantes 
 should be disguised literary critiques, it would be unfair to deny that 
 one perchance, "El Rufian Dichoso," may have been composed at least in 
 part as a satire against the literary genre which Cervantes attacked in 
 the forty-eighth chapter of the Quijote. Let us reproduce here the quo- 
 tation from the play just mentioned on which Nasarre based his opinion 
 with apparently a good deal of reason. 
 
 The illustration brought by Nasarre to prove his theory as to the 
 real character of the comedies of Cervantes is very startling and almost 
 convincing when taken without reference to what precedes and what 
 follows it in the play of which it is a part. What does arouse the reader's 
 suspicions is the fact that Nasarre has after all but one convincing illus- 
 tration, and a very brief study of that convinces one that, in spite of its 
 attractive appearance, it is quite insufficient to prove the author's sweep- 
 ing generalization. 
 
 The illustration is taken from the second act of the "Rufian 
 Dichoso." The first act has given us the picture of the wild life of a 
 young student named Lugo who with his mad revelries has filled the in- 
 habitants of Seville with scandalized admiration and the legal authorities 
 with impotent anger. This young scapegrace, who has repeatedly lost at 
 cards, when playing with a certain boon companion of his, takes an oath 
 that if he loses again he will break with society and become a highway- 
 man. As a matter of fact, his luck turns and he makes a clean sweep of 
 the stakes. This change in his bad luck which was fast becoming chronic 
 brings about another change of greater importance, for as he has promised 
 to himself to become a highway robber, now he decides to give up his 
 wild life and to become a saint. The stage directions at that point call 
 for a display of heavenly spirits, or at least one angel, and the act ends 
 with these lines : 
 
 Cuando un pecador se vuelve 
 
 A Dios con humilde celo 
 
 Se hacen fiestas en el Cielo. 
 
 So far there is nothing to differentiate this play from any other of 
 the many comedies hinging on repentance and holy life following hard 
 upon a youth spent in wild debauch. 
 
 It is at the outset of the second act that the surprise awaits us. The 
 scene is to be shifted from Seville to Mexico and, probably with a view 
 to helping us in the swift journey thus made necessary, the second act
 
 AN ORGANIZED GROUP OF NEO-CLASSICISTS 89 
 
 begins with a dialogue between two unexpected characters, Curiosity and 
 Comedy. The conversation of these two allegorical characters bears as 
 little relation to the rest of the play as do the characters themselves, for 
 it consists of the reproaches directed by Curiosity to Comedy for having 
 abandoned the rules of composition recommended by the ancients : What 
 made you give up the cothurn, why did you reduce your acts from five 
 to three, and why do you represent actions taking one instantly from here 
 to Flanders? I can scarcely recognize you, tell me the reasons for such 
 profound ghange in your makeup. Comedy thus challenged to give an 
 account of itself starts on an eighty-four line speech apologizing for its 
 present state, and laying the blame of it all on the real differences which 
 separate the literary taste of the day from that of Antiquity. Times have 
 changed and if you consider our epoch : 
 
 No soy mala, aunque desdigo 
 De aquellos preceptos graves 
 Que me dieron y dejaron 
 En sus obras admirables 
 Seneca, Terencio y Plauto 
 
 Y otros griegos que tu sabes. 
 
 He dejado parte dellos, ' 
 
 Y he tambien guardado parte 
 Porque lo quiere asi el uso 
 Que no se sujeta al arte. 
 
 As I am expected to actually represent events to the public instead of 
 telling about them as formerly, perforce I must go where the events take 
 place 
 
 Voy alii donde acontecen : 
 
 Disculpa del disparate, 
 
 Y la comedia es un mapa 
 Donde no un dedo distante 
 Veras a Londres y a Roma 
 A Valladolid y a Gante. 
 Muy poco importa al oyente 
 Que yo en un punto me pase 
 Desde Alemania a Guinea, 
 Sin del teatro mudarme. 
 
 El pensamiento es ligero ; 
 Bien pueden acompaharme 
 Con el, do quiera que fuere, 
 Sin perderme ni cansarnie. 
 
 Then Comedy shows how this very play "El Rufian Dichoso" is con- 
 structed on just such lines. Three places are visited, Sevilla, Toledo and 
 Mexico, and the three acts correspond to the three stages in the hero's 
 life ; the days of his profligacy, those of his holy life, and then his death
 
 90 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 followed by the working of miracles through the agency of the relics he 
 left behind him. 
 
 Mai pudiera yo traer 
 
 A estar atenida al arte 
 
 Tanto oyente por las ventas 
 
 Y por tanto mar, sin naves. 
 
 Curiosity is only moderately satisfied with these explanations and 
 closes the scene with these words : 
 
 Aunque no lo quedo en todo 
 Quedo satisfecha en parte, 
 Amiga; por esto quiero 
 Sin replicarte, escucharte. 
 
 This dialogue Nasarre took as proof of a consistently ironical atti- 
 tude on the part of Cervantes towards the Comedia. He knew the rules, 
 he knew the absurdities which followed necessarily on the breaking of 
 the same. His play was intended to illustrate the futility of compositions 
 meant to suit the popular taste. 
 
 Unfortunately there is absolutely nothing in the play itself indicative 
 of a satirical attitude on the part of Cervantes. The first act which we 
 have discussed is a fairly brilliant sketch of Bohemian life in Spain. It 
 does not contain a line or a word tending to show on the author's part 
 any desire to express ideas on literary criticism. As for the second and 
 the third acts, they are distinctly religious in character. To be sure, 
 Lucifer, dressed according to the latest fashion, has a considerable part in 
 the action together with a pair of grotesque demons, but these characters 
 in no way interfere with the mystic atmosphere created by the two acts. 
 At no time do these strange characters give to the reader the impression 
 that the author entertained any ironical purpose in introducing them, 
 
 On reading the play there is quite enough to persuade us that we 
 are dealing with no unusual form of the Spanish Comedia and least of all 
 with a parody on the same. The "Rufian Dichoso" was written first to 
 delight, then to edify an average Spanish audience of the day. Its author 
 had no motives beyond these two. It is even doubtful whether the dia- 
 logue between "Comedia" and "Curiosidad" is intended to censure the 
 Comedia. It would seem more reasonable to consider it simply as a way 
 on the part of the author to recognize a condition without attempting to 
 pass judgment on the matter. 
 
 Why such a discussion should break in between two acts of a comedy 
 is not easily explained, but its presence unsustained by further evidence 
 in the rest of the comedy is not sufficient to make it a parody on the most 
 popular of Spain's literary genres.* Indeed few are the "comedias" not
 
 AN ORGANIZED GROUP OF NEO-CLASSICISTS 91 
 
 containing passages or episodes hard to reconcile or even to fit in readily 
 with the general plot. Cervantes knew the rules ; they presented a prob- 
 lem of great interest to him. In the course of his fanciful play it occurred 
 to him to touch a little on them. It may be that his hero's unexpected trip 
 to Alexico brought, by contrast, such matters to his mind and he merrily 
 introduced the dialogues in question, thus proving his inalienable right as 
 a Spanish writer to be whimsical at all times and learned at the illogical 
 moment. He knew doubtless that such apparently erratic processes are 
 also artistic devices of no small value. 
 
 Nasarre, as we have already remarked, believed firmly that there had 
 existed an age when neo-classicism was in favor in Spanish letters and 
 this preconceived idea warped his judgment in this matter. "Curo Cer- 
 vantes a los enfermos de Caballeria; quiso curar a los males Comicos 
 representando y remedando ; sobre estas ocho comedias que se reimprimen, 
 se podrian hacer muchas observaciones que sera razon dej arias a los que 
 las leyeren." ^'' 
 
 No reader has yet come forward with the observations said to be 
 possible and Nasarre seems to stand convicted of having based an enor- 
 mous generalization on most inadequate foundations. 
 
 NOTES TO CHAPTER IV. 
 
 p. 62. Porcel in his "Ju'cio Lunatico" quoted by Cueto, B. A. E., p. xci, 
 describes this Spanish "Chambre Bleue" while describing an imaginary Academy. 
 "Quede absorto al ver lo regio y espacioso de la magnifica galeria, cuyas doradas 
 rejas daban vista a los jardines. Sus grandes paredes vestian primorosas pinturas, 
 Unas mitologicas y otras simbolicas que explicaban todos los generos de la poetica. 
 A trechos las estatuas de las Musas con sus respectivas insignias y en el testero 
 Apolo coronado de rayos y pulsando la dorada lira. Desde esta pieza se dejaba 
 registrar en parte otra, no menos regia que servia de biblioteca, la cual constaba de 
 todas las obras poeticas de los espanoles ; siendo mas y mejor lo manuscrita 6 
 inedito que lo que habia fatigado las prensas." 
 
 P. 63. Cueto, B. A. E., .v. LXI, p. 138. "Juicio Satirico que lego Don Jose 
 Antonio Porcel de su propia obra. El Adonis en la Academia del Buen Gusto." 
 
 P. 66. In his "Origenes de la Poesia Castellana" Velazquez makes the fol- 
 lowing statement: "Tambien merece una particular estimacion el ingenio del 
 Conde de Torrepalma bien desempenado en el discurso sobre la Comedia Espanola 
 que aun no ha dado a la luz" (between pages 76 and 107). 
 
 P. 67. Discurso sobre las Tragedias Espanolas. De Don .\gustin de Monti- 
 ano y Luyando. II ed. Madrid, 1750. "Censura," by Father Juan de Aravoca. 
 
 P. 67. Nasarre refers to that author without naming him. "Debieron antes 
 de erigirse en juicios de nuestro teatro y antes de imputarle monstruosidades y de 
 
 133 Prolog© to plays of Cervantes, last page.
 
 92 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 atribuir al suyo todos los primores, debieron instruirse de la que ciertamente no 
 supieron y les era necessario para no precipitar y torcer el juicio." Speaking of 
 foreign authors, Vicente Garcia de la Huerta in the prologue to his "Theatro 
 Hcspanol," page 160, tells us that the work criticized by Montiano was written by 
 Du Perron. "No obstante la general ignorancia que como se ha visto, reyna entre 
 los Franceses de las cosas relativas a nuestro Theatro, como el caracter de 
 muchos de sus ingenios es el atreverse a todo, se arrojo en el ano 1738 M. Du 
 Perron a dar por extractos algunas comedias Hespaiiolas con el titulo de 'Theatro 
 Hespanol' sacando, al parecer, las peores de ellas, 6 acaso no sabiendo distinguirlas." 
 
 P. 68. Ticknor, v. I, ch. xiii, p. 241. Among imitations of the Celestina. 
 1547. 
 
 P. 70. Discurso, 64. He will not make use of them in this discourse "pero si 
 afirmare que por mayor son obras no desnudas de merito y que las mas podrian 
 aspirar a distinguirse entre las mejores." It may be that he had in mind the many 
 manuscripts referred to by Porcel in the description of a drawing room supposed 
 by Cueto to be that of the Duchess of Lemos. (See note above, p. 79.) 
 
 P. 72. Pinciano. Spanish philologian, born at Valladolid about 1473, died at 
 Salamanca 1553. Professor of Greek at Alcala and later at Salamanca. 
 
 P. 72. Bourgoing in his "Nouveau voyage en Espagne," v. I, p. 360, gives 
 an interesting description of the conditions which Montiano was trying to reform. 
 "Deux toiles paralleles faisant face aux spectateurs, composaient toute le mecanisme 
 de leur theatre : j'en ai encore vu de cette espece. Le souffleur au defaut d'une 
 niche particuliere et ne pouvant trouver place dans les coulisses, se tient derriere la 
 seconde toile, sa lumiere d'une main et la piece de I'autre et saute rapidement d'un 
 cote du theatre a I'autre pour soufifler I'acteur qui a besoin de son discours : ce 
 qui a la faveur de la transparence de la toile est sensible a tout I'auditoire, et ne 
 peut qu'ajouter a son divertissement. Mais il n'en est plus ainsi dans les grandes 
 villes. . . . On est, seulement d'abord fort etonne d'entendre le soufifleur reciter 
 tons les roles presqu'aussi haut que les acteurs et on est tente de prier ceux-ci de 
 se taire, pour laisser parler seul celui qui les supplee si bien tous." 
 
 P. 72. Discurso II, pp. 70-112. Bourgoing. in the travels mentioned already, 
 says of the acting on the Spanish stage: "Sur I'art de jouer la comedie — Les 
 gestes repondent aux autres parties de la declamation. Presque toujours forces 
 et faux, ils se renferment dans un cercle etroit. Inventes par I'ineptie, ils sont 
 consacres par une routine, dont aucun acteur n'oserait s'ecarter," v. I, p. 366. 
 Signorelli, v. IV, p. 205, goes into greater detail — "I'attore seguendo i delirij della 
 poesia con gesti di scimmie delle mani, de' piedi, degli occhi, del corpo tutto radi 
 pingendo, non gia lo spiritu del sentimento e della passione ma le parole delle 
 metafore insolent! accompagnandone ciascuna con gesto che le indichi. Di maniera 
 che ho veduto io stesso I'attore tutto grondante di sudore per lo studio che pone 
 ad imitare i movimenti del becco, delle ali, degli artigli di un uncello di rapina, il 
 serpeggiar di un ruscello, lo strisciar della serpe, il corvettar del cavallo ed il 
 guizzar del pesce." 
 
 P. 79. Illustrations of this may be found anywhere in the play. From act 
 I, sc. 1 and 2 : "dara la novedad a la sospechosa motivo — las repulsas — el amor — 
 la torpeza — enganosos alhagos — astuto conato — que se obstine la importuna ce- 
 guedad con que el me molesta — arrojo genio me lo persuaden" — all from page 127. 
 "Tu voluntad no quiere . . . tu juicio . . . tu honestitad . . . tu discrecion ... el 
 pavor ... el lustre . . . su inclinacion ... el animo zozobre . . . cuidado y zelo
 
 AN ORGANIZED GROUP OF NEO-CLASSICISTS 93 
 
 habian trahido al Foro" — all to be found with many others within the next two or 
 three pages. 
 
 P. 81. Lessing. Samtliche Schriften, by Karl Lackmann. 1890. V. VI, p. 
 70. Auzzug aus dem Trauerspiele Virginia des Don Augustino de Montiano y 
 Luyando. "Ich schmeichle mir, dass schon die gegenwartige Nachricht ihn urn 
 ein grosses erhohen wird, und dass meine Leser erfreut sein werden, den grossten 
 tragischen Dicther kennen zu lernen, den jezt Spanien aufweisen und ihn seinen 
 Nachbarn entgegen stellen kann." 
 
 P. 81. Same, v. X, p. 75. "Die Virginia des Augustino de Montiano y 
 Luyando est swar spanisch geschrieben ; aber kein spanisches Stiick: ein blasser 
 Versuch in der correcten manier der Franzosen, regelmiissig aber frostig. Ich 
 bekenne sehr gem, dass ich bey weiten so vorteilhaft nicht mehr davon denke. 
 als ich wohl ehedem muss gedacht haben. 
 
 "Wenn das zweite Stiick des nehmlichen Verfassers nicht besser gerathen ist ; 
 wenn die neueren Dichter der Nation, welche eben diesen Weg betreten wollen, 
 ihn nicht gliicklicher betreten haben; so mogen sie mir es nicht iibel nehmen, wenn 
 ich noch immer lieber nach ihrem alten Lope und Calderon greife, als nach ihnen." 
 
 P. 81. Dietze, p. Z7Z, note to that page. "Aber weder die genaue Bcobach- 
 tung der Regeln . . . noch die sehr schone Versification, haben diese Stiicke so 
 intercessant machen konnen, als viele sind, in denen die Regeln nicht so iingstlich 
 beobactet worden." Also praise as poet, p. 265. J. A. Dietze was a professor at 
 Gottingen and died in 1785. His notes to the translation of the work of Velazquez 
 doubled the size and the worth of the original. 
 
 P. 82. Carta escrita por Don Jayme Doms Contra el Discurso sobre las 
 Tragedias Espaiiolas y la Virginia de el Seiior Don Agustino de Montiano y 
 Luyando. 
 
 P. 83. Carta, etc., by Doms, p. 21. "El fin del Senor D. Agustin no es ni 
 ha side el de vindicar la nacion sino el de dar dos Tarascadas a Lope de Vega — 
 como se ve al aire conque insulta a quantos habian bien de el." Accusing Montiano 
 of giving Luzan too much glory. "Todo cabe que estos sefiores ban repartido entre 
 tres, a lo que oigo, toda la gloria de la Poesia Espafiola." Typical of word criti- 
 cism, Montiano had written "imiten este rumbo y lo mejoren" — Doms remarks — 
 "los rumbos se siguen." Gloats over fact that Montiano did not know that twelve 
 "millas de Italia son tres y no tres y media" — of modern leagues. Triumphantly 
 quotes from Pinciano, Cascales, Gonzales de Salas to prove that Montiano did not 
 invent the fourth unity. Accusing him of ignorance — "yo aseguro a Vd. que nadie 
 reprehenda al Sefior D. Agustino por averle hallado con instrumento de letra 
 Gotica en las manos, desojandose por leer alguna diccion de que solo quedaron en 
 el pergamino algunas casi imperceptibles seiiales de sus lineamentos ; porque como 
 de muchacho no tuvo aficion a esta casta de trabajos, no es mucho que no se apa- 
 sione de ellos en edad que necesita anteojos," p. 9. 
 
 P. 83. Examen de la Carta que supone impresa en Barcelona y escrita por 
 Don Jaime Doms etc. le ofrece al juicio de los Inteligentes y desapasionados D. 
 Domingo Luis de Guevara, Abogado de los Reales Consejos. Madrid. The 
 third pamphlet was entitled "Crisis de un Folleto cuyo Titulo es : Examen de le 
 Carta, etc.," its author D. Faustino De Quevedo, Salamanca, 1754. This man is 
 undoubtedly the same who masqueraded under the pseudonym of Doms. As for 
 the identity of Luis de Guevara it is not so easy to say. The concluding lines of 
 the pamphlet are certainly not in Montiano's style. In them Jaime Doms is made
 
 94 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 to pass an examination. "Pues venga aca; — porque se embarco en esta critica?" 
 He admits that "tenia gran gana de decir que D. A. de M. merecia estar recogido 
 por haber compuesto una tragedia . . de llamarle cien veces Director perpetuo de 
 la Historia . . . que los padres de Trevoux con manifiesto error malicioso 6 
 grossera ignorancia alaban a D. I. de Luzan y que esta gloria es falsa y no mere- 
 cida, etc. Confiesso mi pecado. Y ique pena le impondria el Juez? No lo sabemos. 
 Pues vamos comiendo," p. 65. A note in Ticknor's handwriting on one of the 
 Ticknor Collection copies states that Guevara is certainly a pseudonym, but that 
 nothing proves that it hides Montiano's identity. 
 
 P. 85. Origenes de la Poesia Castellana por Don Luis Joseph Velazquez, 
 Caballero del Orden de Santiago, de la Academia Real de la Historia y de las 
 Inscripciones, Medallas y Bellas Letras de Paris. En Malaga Ano 1754. 
 
 P. 85. Origenes, etc., p. 30, also p. 68. Speaking of the contamination of 
 good taste — "contribuyendo a ello con su mal exemplo los Italianos de quienes 
 nosotros la ciencia habiamos antes aprendido. Este desaprobado gusto pas6 por 
 modo de contagio a los Espaiioles que viajaron entonces por Italia." 
 
 P. 87. Comedias y Entremeses de Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra. Con una 
 dissertacion, 6 Prologo sobre las Comedias de Espana. 1749. Madrid. The plays 
 included in that collection are: T. I. El Gallardo Espafiol. La Casa de los Zelos. 
 Los Banos de Argel. Entremeses : El Juez de los Divorcios ; El Rufian Viudo ; 
 La Elecci6n de los Alcaldes de Dajanzo. La Guarda cuidadosa. El Vizcaino 
 fingido. T. n. El Rufian dichoso. La Gran Sultana Dona Catalina de Oviedo. 
 El Laberinto de Amor. La Entretenida. Pedro de Urdemalas. Entremeses. El 
 Retablo de las maravillas. La Cueva de Salamanca. El Viejo zeloso. 
 
 P. 90. Some foreigners took Nasarre's theory quite seriously. We read the 
 following statement in J. F. Peyron's "Nouveau Voyage en Espagne," p. 234, 
 which refers to Cervantes: "II voulut aussi corriger le theatre. II composa 
 plusieurs pieces si decousues, si eloignees des regies que prescrit au moins la 
 vraisemblance, mais si semblables en tout a celles qu'on jouait alors, qu'elles furent 
 regues avec applaudissement. L'ironie et la leQon furent perdues pour son siecle. 
 . . . Cervantes n'osa pas s'expliquer d'une maniere plus claire."
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The Spread of the Neo-Classic Doctrines Among the Middle Class. 
 
 In the years that intervene between the discontinuation of the gather- 
 ings of the Academy of Good Taste and the beginning of the reign of 
 Charles III, that is between 1751 and 1759, we do not find any writings 
 devoted strictly to neo-classic criticism. 
 
 The Reign of Ferdinand VI. — Ferdinand VI had made it his pol- 
 icy to give the country the peace and rest which it needed so much. His one 
 aim had been to let the government do its work as quietly as possible ; he 
 was by no means a reformer. New ideas received no encouragement 
 from him. The negative virtues of the monarch seem to have acted as a 
 damper on the influx of ideas from across the Pyrenees, and as we have 
 just stated they found no one single standard-bearer during the better 
 part of the reign. 
 
 During the life-time of Barbara of Braganza the Italian opera was 
 very popular at court. Italian singers, the most famous of whom was 
 the royal favorite, Farinelli, gave elaborately staged performances, but 
 after the death of the queen the grief-stricken king fell into a state of 
 quasi-imbecility, losing completely his interest in the pleasures as well as 
 in the duties of life. 
 
 This absence of interest on the part of the ruler, if it did not promote 
 literary discussions, did not on the other hand tend to check the natural 
 development of the germs which had been sowed at times of greater in- 
 tellectual activity. 
 
 The publication by Isla in 1758 of Fray Gerundio testified to the 
 gradual spread of the neo-classic ideals of simplicity during the quiescent 
 period. 
 
 What Isla satirized with true Spanish verve in the nonsensical rant- 
 ings of his friar was the lack of decorum and the scorn of reason exhib- 
 ited by those whose duty it was to practice sacred oratory. Just as Hervas 
 had given a satire on bad writers, Isla gave a satire on bad preachers 
 and, though Fray Gerundio made no specific reference to neo-classicism, 
 it was nevertheless at once one of its fruits and one of its instruments. 
 
 It may also be added that, throughout the reign of Ferdinand VI, 
 Feijoo continued the publication of his "Cartas Eruditas" and that the 
 well-known essay on the greater usefulness of French as compared with
 
 96 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 Greek was given to the public a short time only after the death of the 
 king.^^* 
 
 Official Propaganda under Charles III. — The coming to the throne 
 of Charles III infused new vitality into the government and indirectly 
 into all forms of intellectual life in Spain. This active, straightforward 
 monarch urged reforms in all branches of administration and, as reforms 
 meant order and reason, the various forms of Gallic rationalism followed 
 in the wake of the movement. With Aranda as prime minister, neo- 
 classicism made rapid progress, but at this point we must make one thing 
 clear, namely, that while one part of this renewed movement was the 
 legitimate result of the labors of Luzan and of Montiano the other was a 
 forced culture promoted by the government and by men who had no dis- 
 tinct literary or artistic gifts but who took up the movement simply 
 because they felt that it was an introduction to the less innocuous forms 
 of rationalism which, as a matter of fact, were to convert later in the 
 century so many Spaniards into philosophers and doctrinaires of uncer- 
 tain usefulness to the nation. 
 
 Since this official and unliterary current in the neo-classic movement 
 is closely allied to the purely literary and esthetic trend we must, before 
 taking up the study of the latter, make a statement describing the former. 
 
 This unliterary movement was primarily journalistic in its nature. 
 Clavijo y Fajardo,* a man imbued with the ideas of the French philoso- 
 phers, founded his newspaper, "El Pensador," in 1762, and through it 
 began an active campaign of aggression on the old Spanish stage.^^' 
 Another publicist, Nifo, followed his example, though in more measured 
 terms, and even hazarding at times words in defense of authors who 
 were being too roughly treated by his contemporary. These journalistic 
 debates reached of course a much larger public than had been the case 
 with the literary discussions of Luzan and Montiano, which took place pri- 
 marily among a few scholars and wits, scarcely going out of their polished 
 circles. 
 
 Aranda, who had a genuine interest in the future of the stage of his 
 country and who, as a minister of Charles III had great faith in admin- 
 istrative methods, instituted a regular campaign of theatrical reform. 
 
 In 1763 he directed Nifo to draw up a plan of the changes required 
 to regulate and improve the conditions of the drama in Spain. Aranda 
 felt that Clavijo would have been too drastic in his methods. Cotarelo 
 y Mori tells us that Nifo's ideas of reform were not very far-reaching "' 
 — "todas se reducen a convertir el teatro en una escuela de moral la que 
 
 "* B. A. E., V. LVI, p. xii. 
 
 135 Cotarelo y Mori, pp. 45 and 49. Note page 203. 
 
 138 Cotarelo y Mori, p. 49.
 
 SPREAD OF NEO-CLASSIC DOCTRINES AMONG MIDDLE CLASS 97 
 
 proscribiendo todo amor que no fuese filial y el de la patria, sirviese de 
 elemento educative hasta para los niiios." Nifo spoke of Christianizing 
 the stage. 
 
 The good intentions of the prime minister were made ineffective by 
 the political disturbances which followed, but it was these same argu- 
 ments and this same spirit which brought about in 1765 the suppression 
 of the Autos Sacramentales. N. F. de Moratin's "Desenganos," which 
 we are to take up later, were but another form, and perhaps not the most 
 effective, of the spirit expressed by the articles of Clavijo y Fajardo and 
 of Nifo."^ 
 
 In 1767, Bernardo Iriarte to help out his friend Ayala, who had been 
 made censor for the stage, wrote another plan of reform, more complete 
 than the one by Nifo. Cotarelo y Mori gives the full text of this plan.^^^ 
 
 Its main ideas were that obscenity in subject and baseness in form 
 were not to be tolerated. Comedies were to be altered so as to meet the 
 requirements of the unities and of verisimilitude. In connection with the 
 last named point comedies were to be stripped of the parts which made 
 it necessary for actors to impersonate such things as the mane of a horse, 
 the wings of an eagle, the horns of a bull, or what not. Comedies with 
 magic, with friars, or with devils were to be condemned once for all. 
 
 This idea of pruning and otherwise altering comedies until they 
 should fit in with neo-classic requirements had already been suggested by 
 Montiano and it is very probable that in writing his rather entertaining 
 plan of reform the fabulist's brother had in mind the prefaces to the 
 Virginia and to the Athaulfo as well as Moratin's "Desenganos." How- 
 ever this may be, Aranda took him at his word and asked him to select 
 from the rich stores of seventeenth century comedies those which by a 
 few changes could be made presentable. Bernardo courageously set him- 
 self to work and out of six hundred comedies which he examined he 
 picked out seventy which offered some possibility of reform. ^^^ 
 
 It may be that after all Bernardo Iriarte had no great confidence in 
 this method of preparing plays for the reformed stage, for he hastens to 
 suggest another way of obtaining good plays, namely, to translate the best 
 of the French and of the Italian repertoires. 
 
 Aranda, who listened to these suggestions and who took them seri- 
 ously, decided that the public playhouses of Madrid were not fit places in 
 which to try such experiments. He had already attempted various re- 
 forms at the theaters of "La Cruz" and ''El Principe." To reduce the 
 
 137 Cotarelo y Mori, p. 45. 
 
 138 Cotarelo y Mori, p. 420. 
 
 139 Cotarelo y Mori, p. 66. 
 
 7
 
 98 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 rivalry between these two theaters he had ruled that the companies of 
 each should make use of each other's halls in alternation. He had in- 
 creased the price of tickets so as to obtain a fund for the renewing of 
 the scenery with every new play. It was due to his protection that plays 
 like "Nicopsis" and "Hipsipile," translated by Nifo,"" had been presented 
 to the public of Madrid. In all these endeavors he had met with sufficient 
 resistance from the general public to feel the need of being in control 
 of playhouses where an audience in sympathy with his reforms could be 
 counted upon. This is why he erected in 1768 a tlieatre in each of the 
 main royal residences.* 
 
 From this date until the fall of the minister, a numerous and bewild- 
 ering array of French and Italian tragedies translated by Nifo, by Clavijo 
 or by the Iriartes were performed on these royal stages by picked com- 
 panies of artists. Let us merely mention the fact that, for the sake of 
 verisimilitude, these translations were generally in prose. Such a detail 
 is a decisive clue to the nature of the spirit which animated this orgy of 
 regularity and of all Aristotelian virtues.* 
 
 This brief statement characterizes perhaps sufticiently the govern- 
 mental side-stream of neo-classicism. There is no doubt that, what with 
 the efforts of journalists and what with the rulings of Aranda, knowledge 
 of the neo-classic rules must have been spread broadcast through all 
 classes of society. In these few years Aranda must have done more for 
 their diffusion than all the patient toil of the men whom we have studied 
 in the first part of this essay. 
 
 This intensive popularization was not altogether a good thing for 
 the future of the rules. First of all, under the pens of such writers as 
 Nifo and Clavijo, the rules did not gain in dignity. The rules of criticism 
 when bellowed by journalists quite lost the philosophical background 
 which tempered their harshness as, for instance, in the work of Luzan. 
 These men already had, to an unpleasant degree, the cocksureness and 
 the shallowness of the lesser "philosophes," the word being given its 
 exclusively eighteenth century meaning. They added absolutely nothing 
 to the rules ; quite on the contrary they simplified them to such an extent 
 that they made them more mechanical than ever and altogether futile. 
 They reduced all criticism to this : a work must obviously have a unity, 
 be true to Hfe, dignified, and moral. If it fails to meet any one of these 
 requirements it is inadequate as a work of art. Judgments based on such 
 simple principles could not fail to arouse the indignation of men gifted 
 with real literary instinct and could not seem otherwise than absurd to 
 the masses. 
 
 1*° Cotarelo y Mori, p. 64.
 
 SPREAD OF NEO-CLASSIC DOCTRINES AMONG MIDDLE CLASS 99 
 
 Even if it had not cheapened criticism this governmental interference 
 would have been sufficient to ruin the future of the rules of neo-classic 
 criticism because the common people were ready enough to see in these 
 government regulations the same pett)'- and tyrannical spirit which in 
 1766 had attempted to dictate what Spaniards should wear and which 
 had brought about a bloody uprising against the power of the king.^*^ 
 
 While this rather ill-advised effort was being made on the part of 
 the government, the literary men of Spain were helping it with vigor and 
 with display of true talent. They were continuing the work begun by 
 Luzan and adding noteworthy monuments to the critical literature of 
 Spain. 
 
 iV. F. de Moratin. — The first in date and the most important of these 
 literary champions of neo-classicism was N. F. de Moratin. In 1762 and 
 1763 this author had come to the support of Clavijo y Fajardo, who, as 
 we have seen, had voiced the sentiment of many against the public per- 
 formance of the Spanish genre known as the "Autos Sacramentales." 
 In his "Desengaiios al Teatro Espahol" N. F. de Moratin attacks the 
 Spanish stage with a vigor approached only by the famous satire of 
 Hervas against the bad writers of his day, and with an effort at logic 
 worthy of Luzan himself. In these aggressive prose essays N. F. de 
 Moratin aims at having all his remarks based on firm reason. "All 
 sciences are founded on Nature and poetry is a science." Any science not 
 based on Nature is nonsense, and when that's said everything is said. 
 Some may claim that, after all, man's will is free and that what was right 
 for Aristotle may be nonsense so far as we are concerned. No, sir! 
 Nature created the rules ; Aristotle was the merest observer of Nature 
 and any simpleton, had he stopped to think, could have culled them and 
 tabulated them with as much success as the great philosopher. "He saw 
 that the whole purpose of the stage was to deceive . . ." and with this 
 statement the lively author starts on a swiftly moving disquisition on 
 verisimilitude and the unities with occasional vitriolic side-flings at the 
 hostile party. In the course of the philippic Lope reaps his reward for 
 the too great desire which he had displayed of catering to the whims of 
 the lower classes. Lope had stated in his "Arte Nuevo de Hacer Come- 
 dias" that the thing to do was to please the public, leaving the reader to 
 conclude that it was none of the author's fault if the taste of the public 
 was bad. N. F. de Moratin has no patience with this casuistry : "Believe 
 me, to bring it about that works written according to rules fail to please 
 the public, the Almighty Power of God would have to turn the whole 
 order of Nature topsy-turvy, because art is based on Nature and to speak 
 
 ^*^ F. Rousseau, Le regne de Charles III. d'Espagne, v. I, ch. vi.
 
 \ 
 
 100 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 of a work written according to art is to speak of a good work." This 
 is so well known, he continues, that irregular comedies do not hope to 
 please the public on their own merits. They depend more and more for 
 success on pageants, on machines and most of all on the number and the 
 attractiveness of the "corps de ballet" of the companies which present 
 them to the public. Such men as Lope and Calderon, far from stooping 
 to satisfy the common taste, have done everything to debase it from its 
 healthful condition to that of their own.* 
 
 The second and the third of these essays treat exclusively of the 
 "Autos" of Calderon and by applying strictly the doctrines of verisimili- 
 tude and of didactic morality the author completely flays them in spite 
 of the real merits of so many of these compositions. For this Moratin 
 should not be blamed too severely. The case of the autos was precisely 
 that of the Comedia. The great dramatists of the seventeenth century 
 had written plenty of magnificent plays but they were made to suffer 
 for their few failures and for the impotence of their imitators. Likewise 
 the playing, in the eighteenth century, of immoral or even obscene autos 
 brought disgrace on the author who had given the best representatives 
 of the genre. 
 
 There is a striking contradiction between the style of N. F. de 
 Moratin in these essays and the subject matter treated. The style by 
 its dash, its brilliancy and its mobility is worthy of the seventeenth cen- 
 tury and we have seen how didactic the subject matter is. It is very 
 interesting to read subject matter worthy of Boileau couched in style 
 not unlike that of Quevedo. 
 
 This contradiction is not a superficial matter. It really existed in 
 the nature of the man, for N. F. de Moratin was very much in the posi- 
 tion of Porcel, that member of the Academy of Good Taste whose doc- 
 trines condemned the very productions of his pen. The same year which 
 saw the publication of the "Desengahos" saw also that of Moratin's 
 comedy "La Petimetra," a work written with all the rigor of the art 
 except for the fact that it contains but three acts, rhymed in assonance, 
 and which by its general tone in no way gave the impression of being a 
 neo-classic piece of work. N. F. de Moratin was not isolated in his lit- 
 erary effort to curb writers to the use of the rules. The days of the 
 Academy of Good Taste had long gone by, but a group of authors had 
 in a somewhat different spirit taken up its work. This group of Uterary 
 men met at an inn kept by an Italian and it became known as "La Ter- 
 tulia de la Fonda de San Sebastian." 
 
 Cotarelo y Mori in his "fipoca de Iriarte" has given all that is known 
 about this company of authors.^*^ They met informally and were to talk 
 
 1*2 Cotarelo y Mori, pp. 112-127.
 
 SPREAD OF NEO-CLASSIC DOCTRINES AMONG MIDDLE CLASS 101 
 
 only on topics dealing with poetry, the stage or bull fights. Among their 
 numbers were many Italians, Signorelli and Conti being the most im- 
 portant of these, while Moratin, Iriarte and Cadalso were the most 
 capable of the Spaniards who frequented these meetings. 
 
 Menendez y Pelayo ^*^ and Cotarelo y Mori have remarked upon this 
 Italian element present in the tertulia. Both have pointed out with 
 evident relief that the influence of that body when it was not purely 
 Spanish was at least Italian and not French. This is of course true in 
 the matters dealing with lyric poetry. The only French poet who was 
 at all read was J. B. Rousseau, but the fact remains that the really im- 
 portant influence of the tertulia was along neo-classic lines, or at least 
 its most visible effort was along those lines and what did it matter 
 whether the rules were expounded by Spaniards or by Italians? The 
 very fact that they were expounded at all, at this late date, was a tribute 
 to Corneille, to Racine, to Voltaire and to many of their compatriots less 
 worthy of the honor. There can be but little doubt that neo-classicism 
 in the eyes of the contemporaries of Signorelli was a French form of 
 thought. 
 
 The prominent members of the "Tertulia" of San Sebastian under- 
 took to create original plays as had already been done by Montiano. 
 These plays were to displace the multitude of translations which had 
 sprung up under the patronage of Aranda. N. F. de Moratin himself 
 gave three tragedies ; his friend Ayala is remembered for his "Numancia 
 Destruida" ; Cadalso composed his "Sancho Garcia." Similar efforts were 
 made by men not belonging to the Tertulia. Thus Huerta gave his 
 "Raquel," Sedano his "Jabel'" arid Triguero his "Witing." 
 
 With the exception of "Raquet/' none of these tragedies possessed 
 the qualities necessary to success. To study them in detail would be a task 
 as dreary as it would be useless, for they share with Montiano's works, 
 their dullness, their frigidity and their artificial character. To be con- 
 vinced of this we need but glance at the best two of the group, the "Hor- 
 mesinda" of Moratin and the "Sancho Garcia" of Cadalso. 
 
 Moratin's Hormesinda. — Hormesinda, the sister of Pelayo, has 
 been compelled during her brother's absence to give her hand to the 
 Moorish renegade Munuza. The lady does not hesitate to show her 
 scorn for her husband and Tulga, the latter's servant, advises his master 
 to do away first with her and then with her brother, thus obtaining full 
 political control. 
 
 Pelayo returns and eagerly seeks his sister to tell her of his recent 
 successes. After a long monologue to that effect, he discerns that the 
 lady is weeping in spite of the good news brought by her brother. The 
 
 1*3 Ideas Esteticas ; Heterodoxos.
 
 102 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 cause of these tears is that Hormesinda does not dare tell her brother of 
 her forced marriage. Pelayo becomes very suspicious at this show of 
 grief. He suspects her honor and his suspicions increase when old 
 Trasamundo hints darkly that everything is not well with the hero's 
 sister. 
 
 Soon Pelayo cordially greets Munuza, who after a few words of 
 welcome shows him forged proofs of the bad moral character and of 
 the bad political faith of Hotmesinda. Pelayo, at his next meeting with 
 his sister, reproaches her in general terms such as befit neo-classic style. 
 Hormesinda is thus led to believe that her brother has discovered her 
 shameful marriage with the renegade. She faints and just then enters 
 Trasamundo who urges Pelayo to avenge the wrong done his family. 
 Of course the old man is talking about the marriage forced upon Hor- 
 mesinda while Pelayo thinks that he is referring to the matter, brought 
 up by Munuza. Munuza urges Pelayo to take revenge on his sister, and 
 the hero, goaded on by so many fiery words and by such tangible proofs, 
 talks a great deal and threatens at every word though no action takes 
 place. 
 
 After a time Hormesinda discovers that what she is blamed for is 
 not her marriage. She boldly reproaches Pelayo for his lack of faith in 
 her and calls on the testimony of Trasamundo to clear her of all wrongs, 
 but luck has it that Trasamundo leaves at that very moment and Pelayo, 
 who was on the point of believing his sister innocent, now condemns 
 her to death. We hear that all preparations have been made outside the 
 walls for the execution and soon after the death of Hormesinda is 
 announced. 
 
 In the meanwhile Trasamundo has succeeded in saying the few words 
 which uttered sooner could have spared his friend such great tribulations. 
 Pelayo is at last enlightened, he dashes out in search of the traitor 
 Munuza but not without having first expressed his indignation at length. 
 
 Suddenly Hormesinda enters. As she was about to be burnt, a party 
 of bold Cantabrians appeared below the walls, rescued the lady and, 
 under the leadership of Alfonso, forced their way to the palace. Pelayo 
 who had gone into the city to slay Munuza now returns in time to kill 
 Tulga. The tragedy ends with the punishment of all culprits. 
 
 In considering the plot only, this tragedy is unusually weak from the 
 fact that all complications arise from the incredible lack of understand- 
 ing of Trasamundo and the stupidity of Pelayo, who because of the words 
 of one person condemns his sister to death, then through the words of 
 another restores her to his confidence and finally condemns her again be- 
 cause of forged documents which he does not take the trouble to examine.
 
 SPREAD OF NEO-CLASSIC DOCTRINES AMONG MIDDLE CLASS 103 
 
 This dilettante's method of administering justice is the foundation of 
 the plot. It is so artificial as to make everything else unreal. 
 
 Besides these faults in plot construction the tragedy suffers from the 
 diction used by Moratin. The tone is one of hysterical excitement right 
 through. Hormesinda complains as loudly about her forced marriage 
 as she does about her unjust condemnation to death and Pelayo indulges 
 in monologues of disheartening length. 
 
 Cadalso states that the classics were Moratin's model* and he points 
 out the parallelism existing between the description in Act I of the vic- 
 tory of Pelayo with the passage in Virgil where Hector appears to 
 Aeneas. Notwithstanding such resemblances, the style as a whole gives 
 the impression of being a close imitation of the "style eleve" of the sev- 
 enteenth century in France. As a matter of fact, the abuse of general 
 terms is in part responsible for the inability of the characters to under- 
 stand one another earlier in the play. What is more, certain phrases 
 used most frequently would, by being translated literally, give good 
 French expressions, most of them time-honored "chevilles" of the neo- 
 classic drama of France.^** 
 
 It was in part these defects and in part the undiscriminating dislike 
 of the public for all productions claiming to be written in the observance 
 of the rules that made Hormesinda a play doomed to failure. 
 
 Aranda tried in every way to insure the success of the play. He 
 chose the best troops of actors and the hall of the treatre of the "Prin- 
 cipe" was filled with partisans of the neo-classic movement. The play 
 was performed for the first time on February 12, 1770, and met with 
 scant success. It lingered for five days more and then was definitely 
 abandoned. ^*° 
 
 Cotarelo y Mori has published an anonymous letter which he found 
 among the papers of Tomas de Iriarte and which is a judgment of the 
 Hormesinda combined with an attack on Ramon de la Cruz. The author 
 of the letter states concretely the purpose of his paper by quoting the 
 lines in which an unknown pen made the author of the "Sainetes" say: 
 
 No acerto Moratin en su Hormesinda, 
 Ergo cuanto yo escribo es acertado.^*® 
 
 This criticism of the Hormesinda remarks, as we had done our- 
 selves quite independently, on the weakness of the plot. It is of such a 
 nature that "desde los principios del drama esta previendo el auditorio que 
 a1 instante que el heroe se tome el trabajo de escuchar a cualquiera de ellos 
 
 1** F. Rousseau. Hjstoire du regne de Ch. Ill d'Esp., v. I, p. 362. 
 1*5 F. Rousseau. Histoire du regne de Ch. Ill d'Esp., v. I, p. 362. 
 1*6 Cotarelo y Mori, pp. 441 ff.
 
 104 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 ha de desengaiiarse y que no se deshace el enredo desde la escene IV. del 
 acto II. porqiie el poeta no quiere." 
 
 Next, the author of the letter remarks on the good quality of some 
 of the verse — "hay versos tan buenos que si la Hormesinda fuera poema 
 epico y no tragedia acreditarian el buen gusto de su autor." Unfor- 
 tunately these good qualities are marred by the evidence of the grossest 
 carelessness on the part of Moratin. "No quiero cansar a Vd. con acor- 
 darle las innumerables y uniformes exclamaciones que abundan en la 
 tragedia como : "; Ay Cielo Santo !" ; Ay Dios ! Ay triste ! i Ay des- 
 dichada ! Baste decir que un amigo mio que quiso divertirse en contar 
 las veces que en ella se repite la interjecion jay! perdio la cuenta y la 
 paciencia." . . . To these marks of carelessness may be added one even 
 greater, that of systematically filling in short verses by introducing ad- 
 jectives in the superlative. 
 
 Bernardo Iriarte in his plan of reform already cited sums up all this 
 criticism by saying that "Hormesinda" is a play containing five acts and 
 5,000 pieces of nonsense. ^*^ 
 
 The fate of Moratin's Hormesinda did not deter Cadalso from 
 attempting to win success in the drama. 
 
 Cadalso. His "Sancho Garcia." — On January 21, 1771, less than a 
 year after the downfall of the Hormesinda, Cadalso presented to the 
 public, through the agency of the theatre of "La Cruz," his regular 
 tragedy entitled "Sancho Garcia." 
 
 This tragedy was not the first one composed by the author. Prompt- 
 ed by his love for the famous actress, Maria Ignacia Ibanez, he had 
 already written a play entitled "Las Circasianas" but he had been unable 
 to obtain the necessary printing permit and absolutely nothing is known 
 about this work. 
 
 The performance of "Sancho Garcia" took place under auspices 
 even more favorable than those of "Hormesinda," for the faithful mis- 
 tress of the author took the part of Dofia Ava, but neither love nor 
 genius cou.ld save Cadalso's tragedy from absolute failure. It was played 
 only five days and during the last two the theatre was practically empty. 
 
 As in the case of Moratin's tragedy the plot was unsatisfactory 
 while, in addition, the versification nowhere showed any particular 
 charm. Cotarelo y Mori describes it as "insoportable a castellanos oidos" 
 because of the monotony arising from the poet's attempt to imitate the 
 French classic meter.^*^ • 
 
 A brief anaylsis of this play will prove that, as in the case of Hor- 
 
 1*7 Cotarelo y Mori, p. 422. 
 1*8 Cotarelo y Mori, p. 97.
 
 SPREAD OF NEO-CLASSIC DOCTRINES AMONG MIDDLE CLASS 105 
 
 mesinda, the public of Madrid had exercised excellent judgment in con- 
 demning it. 
 
 Dofia Ava, the widowed countess of Castile, is deeply infatuated 
 with Almanzor the Moorish ruler of Cordoba. The king, who knows 
 of the lady's passion for him, proceeds to make use of this knowledge 
 to further his own political ends. With amazing brutality and lack of 
 diplomatic skill, he announces to his victim that the only way for her to 
 secure his affection is by doing away with her only son, who, of course, 
 is heir apparent to the throne of Castile. 
 
 Aleck, the favorite of Alomanzor, respectfully rebukes his master for 
 his brutality and is promptly disgraced but the countess, rather than 
 lose the privilege of her lover's presence, makes the plans necessary to 
 the fulfillment of his will. The boy is to be poisoned during a banquet 
 purported to be in the honor of the departing ruler. 
 
 The time for the banquet comes, but fortunately Don Gonzalo, the 
 boy's squire, has learned of the plot through Dona Ava's "confidente" 
 and besides the queen becomes disturbed at the crucial moment and 
 drains the posset destined for her son. Don Gonzalo, as the expiring 
 queen confesses her guilt, has Almanzor arrested but the Moor finds 
 time to stab himself and to tell the queen that he never has had any love 
 for her. As the two culprits perish, the public is admonished not to ig- 
 nore the morality of the dreadful tale. . . . 
 
 Venerese en castigo tan severo ^*® 
 El brazo de los cielos justiciero. 
 
 The language of the tragedy, although it is not distinctly rhythmic, 
 is very clear but this good quality is not a sufficient compensation for 
 the brutality of the theme and the incredible rigidity of the characters. 
 Almanzor is a brute throughout ; Aleck is the type of the perfect vassal ; 
 Dona Ava is an absolutely bad mother ; Sancho, her son. is an admirable 
 little being, perfect as son, perfect as prince. 
 
 Cadalso's Literarx Criticism. — The complete failure of Cadalso as a 
 tragic author is only the more disappointing from the fact that the ideas 
 which he expresses concerning criticism are unusually keen and compre- 
 hensive. He is only one more illustration of the fact that critical power 
 is by no means an assurance of success in original composition. 
 
 In Cadalso there is none of the rigidity and the fanaticism which 
 make the critical writings of N. F. de Moratin so direct and so amusing. 
 Cadalso is infinitely more supple and more intelligent than his friend. 
 On last analysis, he sides with the neo-classic school but not to the extent 
 
 149 Obras de Don Jose Cadahalso. 3 vols. Madrid, 1818. Sancho Garcia. 
 Tragedia Espanola original.
 
 106 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 of being blinded to the weak and even ridiculous sides of the system. His 
 admiration for the French school is not so great as to prevent him from 
 seeking for weak points even in its masterpieces. Quoting the lines of 
 Boileau's "Art Poetique" to which we have already referred, that is to 
 the famous passage beginning "Un rimeur sans peril . . ." he adds ^'° 
 "Y aqui 'inter nos' digo en parte que no tiene razon y en parte que la 
 tiene. No la tiene en decir 'un spectacle grossier' porque ya veis que 
 esto no es buena crianza. ..." After censuring Boileau he mildly re- 
 proaches Corneille for lack of Spanish local color in his "Cid" and when 
 he comes to deal with Racine he plays that poet the mischievous trick 
 of translating the monologue of Theramene in a way which emphasizes 
 greatly those points of the discourse which he feels partake of the nature 
 of Calderon's Gongorism. "Dije que en la tragedia intitulada Fedra de 
 este autor habia una relacion muy parecida a las que se hablan en los 
 dramas de Calderon y otros." After having put the monologue into 
 "romancillo" verse and having made the most of Hippolytus's death and 
 of the fabulous circumstances of the same, he adds, that with the proper 
 actor "vera que no se distingue esto de una relacion del 'Negro mas 
 prodigioso' u otra semejante." ^^^ 
 
 This sly little attack on a French author of unquestioned excellence 
 was merely a sort of pastime. The bulk of his criticism is directed 
 against the national school or against those of his countrymen who have 
 given themselves the title of literary critics without possessing either 
 sufficient natural judgment or adequate preparation to fulfill the delicate 
 tasks expected from those who really belong to that profession. He 
 blames those poets of his own day who, in spite of the teaching which 
 had made the eighteenth century famous, "mueren todavia, digamoslo 
 asi de la misma peste de que pocos escaparon entonces. Varios oradores 
 y poetas de estos dias parece que no son sino sombras 6 almas de los 
 que murieron cien anos ha." ^^- Following this statement which he puts 
 in the mouth of the main speaker of his "Cartas Marruecas" he quotes 
 a number of extravagant titles of books and of comedies which have 
 appeared since the year 1751 "cuando ya era creible que se hubiera aca- 
 bado toda hinchazon y pedanteria." ^^^ 
 
 Continuing his disquisition on Boileau's fling at the Spanish stage, 
 he shows his agreement on the whole with the opinion of the French 
 critic by describing at large and in witty language a typical "comedia" of 
 
 150 Cadalso, v. I, p. 144. 
 
 151 Cadalso, v. I, p. 146. 
 
 152 Cadalso, v. I, p. 156. 
 
 163 Cartas Marruecas, No. LXXVII, p. 311, v. III.
 
 SPREAD OF NEO-CLASSIC DOCTRINES AMONG MIDDLE CLASS 107 
 
 the eighteenth century decadence. This description is surely worth quot- 
 ing in full. "No peyno canas, gracias a Dios, y me acuerdo haber visto 
 una comedia famosa, (asi lo decia el cartel) en que el Cardenal Cisneros 
 con todas sus reverendas iba de Madrid a Oran y volvia de Oran a Mad- 
 rid en un abrir y cerrar de ojos ; alii habia angeles y diablos, cristianos y 
 moros, mar y corte, Africa y Europa, etc., y bajaba Santiago en su caballo 
 bianco y daba cuchilladas al aire matando tanto perro moro que era un con- 
 suelo para mi y para todo buen soldado cristiano ; por seiias que se des- 
 calzo un angelon de madera de los de la comitiva del campeon celeste y 
 por poco mata medio patio lleno de christianos viejos que estabamos con 
 las bocas abierta.s, no pareciendonos bastantes los ojos para ver tanta 
 cosa como alii veiamos con estos ya dichos ojos que han de comer los 
 gusanos de la tierra." ^^* 
 
 Bad critics receive many cuts from the swift lash of our poet and 
 satirist. In the "Cartas Marruecas" he compares them to mad bulls 
 which in their rage destroy everything about them, losing their own lives 
 in the process. ^^^ "Solo se valen de una especie de instinto que les queda 
 para hacer daiio a todos cuantos se les presenten y sea amigo 6 enemigo, 
 debil 6 fuerte, inocente 6 culpado." 
 
 In the "Eruditos a la Violeta," a series of pamphlets directed against 
 the multitude of the small minds who have learned the phraseology of 
 the rationalistic movement but have not caught a spark of the spirit 
 which made it a respectable form of thought, he defines the function of 
 the true critic in society : "La critica es, digamoslo asi, la policia de la 
 Republica literaria. Es la que inspecciona lo bueno y lo malo que se intro- 
 duce en su dominio . . . debieran ser unos sujetos de conocido talento 
 . . . pero seria corto el numero de los candidatos para tan apreciable 
 empleo." ^^^ After this he proceeds to flay the neo-classic rabble together 
 with those who with equal lack of talent and good faith are opposed to 
 neo-classicism. "Primero, despreciad todo lo antiguo, 6 todo lo mod- 
 erno ; escoged uno de estos dictamenes y seguidle slstematicamente ; 
 pero las voces modernas y antiguas no tengan en nuestros labios sentido 
 determinado ; no fixeis jamas la epoca de la muerte 6 nacimiento de lo 
 bueno ni de lo malo. . . . Segundo, con igual discernimiento escogereis 
 entre nuestra literatura y la extrangera. Si es mas natural escogeis todo 
 lo extrangero . . . escoged cuatro libros. . . . Franceses que hablan de 
 nosotros peor que de los negros de Angola . . . y aun haced cacr lluvias 
 de sangre sobre todas las obras cuyos autores hayan tenido la grande y 
 
 154 Cartas Marruecas, No. LXXVII. p. 311, v. III. 
 
 155 Cartas Marruecas, v. I, p. 99. 
 
 156 Cartas Marruecas.
 
 108 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 nunca bastante llorada desgracia de ser paisanos de los Senecas, Quin- 
 tilianos, Marciales,^" etc." 
 
 In another portion of his work, Cadalso anticipates L. F. de Mo- 
 ratin, describing the type of the pedant which we are to meet later in 
 this study in the "Siege of Vienna." "No obstante citad a Euripides, 
 Sophocles, Seneca, Terencio y Plauto, y una pieza de cada uno. Con 
 esto y con repetir a menudo las palabras del conjuro, unidad, prologo, 
 catastrophe, episodio, escena, acto etc. . . . os tendran por pozos de 
 ciencia poetico-tragico-comico-grecolatina . . • y pobre del autor que 
 saque su pieza al publico sin vuestra aprobacion." ^^^ This is the jargon 
 of the "fruits sees" of the neo-classic movement. We shall recognize 
 its gibberish in the second act of the "Comedia Nueva." 
 
 More quotations could be made. They would only make still more 
 evident the conclusion that, though Cadalso failed as a playwright, he 
 had unusual gifts as a critic and that he stated in a brilliant manner 
 what there was in neo-classicism which could benefit the literature of his 
 country and what was merely deadening rationalism and pedantry. 
 
 The third important member of the Tertulia de San Sebastian was 
 Don Tomas de Iriarte who, though inferior as a lyric poet to either 
 Moratin or Cadalso, surpassed both in learning and in the art of writing 
 prose. 
 
 Tomds de Iriarte. — Tomas de Iriarte, leaving the Canary Islands at 
 an early age, had come to Madrid to study under the guidance of his 
 uncle Juan de Iriarte, who was the director of the royal library. This 
 learned humanist had given his nephew a sound education based on the 
 classics and had instilled in him the principles which he himself had 
 learned during his years of study in Rouen and in Paris. The school- 
 mate of Voltaire at the lycee "Louis le Grand," and the former contrib- 
 utor to the "Diario de los Literatos" could not fail to bring up his 
 nephew in the fear of the rules and in the love of literary regularity. 
 
 This education bore early fruits. When only nineteen, Tomas de 
 Iriarte began his many translations for the royal theatres created by 
 Aranda and a year later in 1770 he composed his first regular play en- 
 titled "Hacer que hacemos." Cotarelo y Mori says of it that its principal 
 character, a man who, while always in a mad rush, never accomplishes 
 anything, is so overdrawn that even the excellent qualities of the versifica- 
 tion could not save the comedy from failure. As a matter of fact, in 
 spite of the author's efforts, the comedy was never played. 
 
 The first classic manifesto of Iriarte was his "Literatos en Cuares- 
 
 ^^^ Cartas Marruecas, v. I, p. 99. 
 15^ Cartas Marruecas, v. I, p. ZZ.
 
 SPREAD OF NEO-CLASSIC DOCTRINES AMONG MIDDLE CLASS 109 
 
 ma," a set of pamphlets more or less in imitation of Cadalso's "Eniditos 
 a la Violeta" and published a year later in 1773. 
 
 There was to be a series of discourses on literary and philosophical 
 subjects. Theophrastus, Cicero, Cervantes, Boileau, Pope and Tasso 
 were to speak in turns. Only two essays were actually written but they 
 are sufficient to give us a clear idea of the young author's attitude to- 
 wards the neo-classic rules. He adopts them reverentially and com- 
 pletely. He differs from Moratin and from Cadalso in the greater clear- 
 ness and dignity with which he expresses his hterary faith. Further- 
 more he brings in an element which is distinctly his own — he can not insist 
 too much upon the necessity of using pure Castilian: "sobre todo un 
 castellano correcto, sin versos duros ni arrastrados, y sin mezcla de 
 galicismos, de que Dios nos libre por su amor y misericordia." 
 
 It stands to reason that this well trained humanist looked upon the 
 French school not as a movement to be followed because it was French, 
 but because he saw in it the purest modern manifestation of the spirit 
 of the Ancients. He did not hesitate as between Boileau and Horace. 
 To help the neo-classic movement he published in 1777 the "Arte Poet- 
 ica." With the publication of this work begins that series of literary 
 quarrels which were to embitter the life of Iriarte and to lessen his use- 
 fulness as a writer by taking too much of his best thought and energy. 
 
 The few words that we need to say about these matters are taken 
 entirely from the work of Cotarelo y Mori on Iriarte where these quar- 
 rels are studied in detail. 
 
 Sedano, the editor of the compilation known as "El Parnaso Espaiiol," 
 was offended by some slighting remarks made by Iriarte in the preface 
 of the "Arte Poetica." The editor, who was not a man of any great 
 learning, made himself ridiculous by his criticism of Iriarte's translation 
 and drew upon his head the dialogue entitled "Donde las dan las toman." 
 This dialogue is a model of fluid and flexible prose, which made short 
 work of Sedano's vituperative attack. 
 
 Iriarte first meets easily the absurd objections of his enemy by prov- 
 ing beyond the possibiUty of a doubt that Sedano did not know Latin 
 and then he proceeds to ridicule his neo-classic tragedy entitled "Jahel." 
 This work was written according to Montiano's recipe and exhibited the 
 worst traits of the stillborn neo-classic tragedies of Spain. Exterior cor- 
 rectness could not save the "Jahel" from the sarcastic yet correctly ex- 
 pressed flings of Iriarte whose "Traductor" in his conversation with 
 "Don Justo" takes great pleasure in counting the lines of the series of 
 monologues which form the tragedy. "Y ahora ahado que no es como- 
 quiera fria, sino helada, garapinada y acarambanada y que de ella digo 
 y dire por las demostradas razones lo que sin demostrar las suyas, dijo
 
 110 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 de mi traduccion el Sefior Sedano ; conviene a saber que es 'dilatadisima, 
 difusisima y redundantisima'." The dialogue ends with mocking remarks 
 on the diction of Sedano and on the many absurdities contained in the 
 "Parnaso Espaiiol." 
 
 Iriarte's Literary Fables. — But after all these matters, except in so 
 far as they deal with the "Jahel," do not directly concern us. Let us 
 pass to that part of Iriarte's work which bears most clearly the stamp 
 of his genius, namely his fables. 
 
 It has been said that the "Fabulas Literarias" constitute a complete 
 art of poetry. This statement is of course an exaggeration but the fact 
 remains that the most important points of the neo-classic system are 
 discussed in the fables, which at the same time allude to the more salient 
 facts of the neo-classic quarrel in Spain during the eigheenth century. 
 
 In his first fable Iriarte represents the elephant speaking to his sub- 
 jects about sundry censurable practices which are going on among them. 
 Those among his listeners who have committed no faults listen with 
 equanimity, but the tiger, the wolf, the snake, the fox, the whole tribe 
 of the brutal or the perverse, either leave in anger or sneer at the 
 speaker, who concludes with these words : 
 
 "A todos y a ninguno 
 Mis advertencias tocan ; 
 Ouien las siente se culpa : 
 El que no que las oiga." 
 
 Iriarte taking the floor after the last words of the elephant, con- 
 cludes by assuring his reader that there will be no direct attack either 
 against specific times or against individuals in the fables which are to 
 follow : 
 
 "Quien haga aplicaciones 
 Con su pan se lo coma." 
 
 We shall see later that Iriarte does not keep absolutely his promise 
 of dealing impersonally with generalities but the fact remains that many 
 of his fables teach such very general truths that it is sometimes difficult 
 to connect them even distantly with the neo-classic system. To this type 
 belongs the story of the drones who, ashamed of their idleness, organize 
 a fine funeral ceremony for a queen bee long since dead, thus rivaling 
 those writers who, unable to write themselves, impotently praise the 
 great men of the past. The value of pompous silence is illustrated by 
 the apologue of the Httle bell which by being tolled only on great oc- 
 casions won for itself as much respect as its mighty sister in the belfry 
 of the cathedral whose function it was to usher in only important feast 
 days. Again there is nothing strictly neo-classical in the fable attacking
 
 SPREAD OF NEO-CLASSIC DOCTRINES AMONG MIDDLE CLASS HI 
 
 the writers who style themselves such because of a few prefaces com- 
 posed about the works of others nor in the one in which the duck is 
 made to boast of his three modes of locomotion only to be sharply re- 
 minded by the snake that he excels in none. 
 
 These and many others illustrating the influence of nationality and 
 friendship in criticism, the errors of hyper-criticism, the incompatibiUty 
 of venality wath true talent are indeed so self-evident and so general in 
 the conclusions to which they point, that Iriarte's enemies did not fail 
 to make use of them to brand the whole collection of fables as altogether 
 futile and platitudinous. 
 
 On the other hand, some of Iriarte's apologues are so distinctly neo- 
 classical in the truth they wish to teach that passages paralleling them 
 can be found in regular neo-classic treatises. The fable of the hired 
 mule which starts at a rapid pace but soon becomes exhausted and being 
 urged by its rider tumbles ignominiously to the ground contains the well 
 known warning of Boileau against high sounding beginnings : 
 
 "N'allez pas des I'abord sur Pegase monte 
 Crier a vos lecteurs d'une voix de tonnerre 
 Je chante le vainqueur des vainqueurs de la terre." 
 
 Such a boisterous start bears the promise of a humiliating fall. Iriarte 
 sounds the same note of warning, and for the sake of those who might 
 not have grasped the allegorical meaning of the mule and its fall, he 
 adds: 
 
 "Despues de este lance en viendo 
 
 Que un autor ha principiado 
 
 Con altisonante estruendo 
 
 Al punto digo : '; Cuidado !' 
 
 i Tente hombre ! que te has de ver 
 
 En el vergonzoso estado 
 
 De la mula de alquiler." 
 
 Nearly the same idea recurs in the fable of the dog who gave up 
 a spit-wheel for a water-wheel hoping thus to obtain greater glory and 
 more food. 
 
 "Lo mismo he leido yo 
 En un tal Horacio Flacco 
 Que a un autor da por gran yerro 
 Cargar con lo que despues 
 No podra llevar ; esto es 
 Que no ande la noria el perro." 
 
 There is no treatise on the rules which does not urge the author to 
 keep before his mind some useful purpose which will give his work a 
 "raison d'etre." Iriarte preaches this dogma by means of his lively tale
 
 112 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 dealing with the squirrel and the colt. The rodent makes a loud boast 
 about his nimbleness, giving to understand that he is superior to the 
 colt. The latter who is being put through his paces stops just long 
 enough to remark that his activity is of service to his master whereas 
 the gyrations of the squirrel benefit no one. 
 
 "Conque algunos escritores 
 Ardillas tambien seran 
 Si en obras frivolas gastan 
 Todo el calor natural." 
 
 That perfection in art is attained only when the useful and the agree- 
 able are made to mingle goes back of course to Horace. Iriarte's version 
 of it is to be found in the fable which describes the sad predicament of a 
 gardener whose duty it was to water some flowers from a basin in which 
 lived some trout and in which there was so little water that drawing 
 any from it endangered the life of the fish. The master wanted the beauty 
 of the blossoms and the prospect of a good meal. Iriarte does not tell us 
 how the poor gardener avoided the horns of his dilemma but he concludes 
 bravely with these words : 
 
 "La Maxima es trillada 
 Mas repetirse debe. 
 Si al pleno acierto aspiras 
 Une la utilidad con el deleite." 
 
 This exhausts the unconditionally neo-classic teachings of the Fables. 
 A large number of them refer to conditions and ideas peculiar to Spain. 
 For instance the principle, old as the "Arte Nuevo de hacer comedias," 
 that the common people are to be the final judges, receives many a blow. A 
 trained bear after performing an awkward step asked the monkey what 
 he thought of it. "Yours was a wretched performance," replies the 
 monkey, but the hog, who was overhearing this conversation, bursts into 
 noisy praise of the bear's gracefulness. The latter, who was about to take 
 offense at the frankness of the monkey, now takes thought unto himself 
 and concludes : 
 
 "Cuando me desaprobaba 
 
 La mona llegue a dudar, 
 
 Mas ya que el cerdo me alaba 
 
 Muy mal debo de bailar. 
 
 Guarde para su regalo 
 
 Esta sentencia un autor 
 
 Si el sabio no aprueba j malo ! 
 
 Si el necio aplaude i peor !" 
 
 This very same idea, which is at once a refutation of Lope's principle 
 and an attack on Ramon de la Cruz, is to be found also in the apologue
 
 SPREAD OF NEO-CLASSIC DOCTRINES AMONG MIDDLE CLASS 113 
 
 of the donkey which was fed entirely on straw. "He eats it with relish," 
 said the master to excuse himself. "Give me grain," replied the abused 
 quadruped, "and you will see whether I eat it or not." 
 
 "Sepa quien para el publico trabaja 
 Que tal vez a la plebe culpa en vano 
 Pues si en dandole paja come paja 
 Siempre que la dan grano come grano." 
 
 "El burro flautista," who by accident blows into a flute in such a way 
 as to give a harmonious sound, the apologue of the flint and the steel, the 
 one about the tight-rope walker, who discarded his balancing pole, a fable 
 made popular in France by Florian, all are meant to prove that natural 
 talent without diligent application and knowledge of the rules is of no 
 avail ; this again is an attack against the school of Lope. 
 
 Gongorism is condemned in the rather long drawn out story of the 
 monkey who tried to exhibit stereopticon views without having thought of 
 lighting the lantern : 
 
 "iOs puedo yo decir con mejor modo 
 Que sin la claridad os falta todo ?" 
 
 Likewise the neo-classic pedants, the bad critics, the writers of 
 gallicized Castilian, all are dealt with in one or more apologues. 
 
 A few fables, in spite of the promise twice repeated in the first one 
 of the series, are either defenses of the author or personal attacks against 
 his enemies. When the turkey instead of flying a race with the crow, as 
 he had agreed to do, calls his opponent a black and disgusting carrion 
 feeder, Iriarte concludes : 
 
 "Cuando en las obras del sabio 
 No encuentra defectos 
 Contra la persona cargos 
 Suela hacer el necio." 
 
 and the reader can not but recall the many literary quarrels of the fabu- 
 list which ended so often in the basest personal insults. In the XXXIXth 
 fable Iriarte's intention is to reach Valdes who, in the opinion of the 
 critic, made too great a use of archaic terms.* The fable emphasizing the 
 need of relentless criticism, from time to time, may be an attempt at self- 
 justification for the author's treatment of Garcia de la Huerta, the brilliant 
 and unfortunate author of the "Raquel," who died while still young be- 
 cause of the combination of governmental persecutions and the satires of 
 Moratin, Iriarte and their group. 
 
 Such is the subject matter of the fables of Iriarte. By the cleverness 
 of the dialogues, the neatness of the expressions and the pleasant variety 
 - s
 
 114 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 of the rhythms employed they have won for their author a fame as wide- 
 spread as it is well deserved.* 
 
 Following close upon the publication of the fables, came the brutal 
 and unwarranted onslaught of Forner, together with the less blame- 
 worthy but equally unfair attack by the fabulist Samaniego in dealing 
 with whom Iriarte had not been sufficiently prudent.* As in the case of 
 the quarrel with Sedano, the best we can do is to pass rapidly over these 
 events which do not belong clearly to our field of study. Samaniego had 
 a purely French education, his attack on Iriarte was the result of personal 
 pique, and as for Forner, in whom Menendez y Pelayo would see a fear- 
 less defender of the purely Spanish ideals, it is but too clear, after the 
 study of these quarrels made by Cotarelo y Mori, that he was a barefaced 
 opportunist, a kind of literary "spadassin," a man ready to strike any one 
 at any time if there was any promise in these blows of either personal 
 advancement or the satisfaction of envy. The man who attacked at once 
 Iriarte, Garcia de la Huerta, Triego, and Valdes can not for a moment be 
 thought to have been a person of character and with an honest purpose. 
 Neither "El Asno Erudito" nor the libel entitled "Los Gramaticos — his- 
 toria chinesca" can be considered for a moment as fair representatives of 
 the spirit of loyal opposition to the neo-classic attitude of mind and there- 
 fore they have no place in this study. 
 
 Iriarte s Plays. — The honor of producing the first successful regular 
 play was to fall to Iriarte. In 1788 he gave to the public his comedy en- 
 titled "El Sefiorito Mimado." In a letter addressed to Enrique Ramos, dated 
 1779, Iriarte stated that he had completely given up going to the theatre. 
 "Esta diversion me esta rigurosamente prohibida por la religion de 
 Horacio que profeso . . . no se necesita ir a la luneta con peligro de que 
 se me acede la comida." . . . His religion of Horace caused him to 
 create the character of "El Seiiorito Mimado" and the play bearing such a 
 title succeeded before the Madrid public in spite of its rigorous observ- 
 ance of the unities, its clearly discernible moral purpose, its comparative 
 simplicity of plot and the qualities of verisimilitude illustrated in the de- 
 lineation of its characters. 
 
 The play had the good fortune of being represented by able actors 
 at the theatre of "La Cruz" and Iriarte scored a complete success. 
 
 Having shown the need of discipline in a young man's education, 
 Iriarte undertook to write a play which would be a criticism of a young 
 girl whose home training had been deficient. Through the lack of dis- 
 cipline in her bringing up, she becomes involved in a love affair with a 
 rascal ; her punishment comes about when she is made to recognize the 
 true character of her lover.
 
 SPREAD OF NEO-CLASSIC DOCTRINES AMONG MIDDLE CLASS 115 
 
 This comedy, like its predecessor, met with the hearty approval of 
 the critics but it had the misfortune of being entrusted to the company 
 of "El Principe," and the hostility of the mob together with the lack of 
 skill or the ill-will of the actors caused the partial failure of the play. It 
 lasted but a few days among the jeers and stormy interruptions of the 
 mob and then its place was taken by " *E1 buen hijo,' 'Aragon restaurado,' 
 'La Toma de Milan,' y otros monstruos y delirios dictados por la bar- 
 barie." 
 
 This comedy was the last widely known play of Iriarte, who died the 
 next year without having been able to publish his comedy "El Don de 
 Gentes," in which was depicted the character of a perfect young woman. 
 The "zarzuela" which was to follow the comedy, anticipated L.F.de Mora- 
 tin's "Don Eleuterio" in the person of the "Licenciado" who had com- 
 posed a tragedy, the title of which, quoted by Cotarelo y Mori, is worth 
 quoting again. It runs thus : 
 
 Leucomelania 
 la blanca del cuerpo negro 
 reina de Monomotapa, 
 por otro titulo : "Honor 
 amor, valor, y venganza ; 
 vivir muerta y morir viva 
 y escandalo de la Arabia." 
 Vale el titulo una escena. 
 
 By his solid scholarship, by his sound judgment and by his clearness 
 of thought, Tomas de Iriarte did more than any other man of his group 
 to give neo-classicism a firm foundation in Spain. He gave to the party 
 of regularity the authority which the more brilliant but less reliable qual- 
 ities of Moratin and Cadalso had supplied insufficiently. The thorough- 
 ness of his scholarship proved to be an antidote to the weakening of the 
 shallow criticism of journalists. Iriarte was the best representative of 
 the rules since Luzan and he prepared royally the road on which Moratin 
 the younger was to triumph. 
 
 NOTES TO CHAPTER V. 
 
 p. 96. Clavijo y Fajardo was born in 1730; he died in 1806. Beside being 
 editor of "El Pensador" he directed the publication of the "Mercurio de Madrid." 
 From 1785-1790 he translated Buffon's works. He is remembered especially for his 
 shameful conduct toward Beaumarchais's sister. Beaumarchais's "Eugenie" and 
 Goethe's "Clavijo" are based on this episode. 
 
 P. 98. Bourgoing. Nouv. Voyage, v. I, p. 230. Describes one of these, 
 "Le Theatre du Buen Retire est encore parfaitement conserve; la salle est petite
 
 116 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 mais dessinee avec art. Le Theatre qui est vaste s'ouvre dans le fond sur les 
 jardins du Palais avec lesquels il est de niveau, ce qui favorisait souvent la magie 
 theatrale, en etendant la perspective a perte de vue, en permettant le deploiement 
 de corps de troupes et meme quelques fois la marche de la cavalerie. Toutes ces 
 illusions se sont evanouies, la salle est deserte . . ." 
 
 P. 98. A list of French plays translated into Spanish and represented on 
 the royal stage of which Clavijo was director is given by Cotarelo y Mori, pp. 69- 
 70, and foot-notes. 
 
 P. 100. N. F. de Moratin's "Desengafios," etc., are clearly inspired by the fore- 
 word to the reader in Luzan's "Poetica." "Y primeramente te advierto que no des- 
 estimes como novedad las reglas . . . te aseguro que nada tienen que esso ; pues 
 ha mil aiios que estas mismas reglas (a lo menos en todo lo substancial y funda- 
 mental) ya estaban escritas por Aristoteles y luego successivemente epilogadas por 
 Horacio, comentadas por muchos sabios y eruditos Varones, divulgadas entre todas 
 las naciones cultas y generalmente aprobadas y seguidas. Mira, si tendras razon 
 para decir, que son opiniones nuevas las que peinan tantas canas. Anade, ahora 
 que en la practica y en la realidad aun les puedo dar mas antiguedad, siendome 
 muy facil de probar, que todo lo que se funda en razon es tan antiguo, como la 
 razon misma y siendo esta hija del discurso humano vendra a ser con poca dis- 
 tancia su coetanea." 
 
 P. 103. Eruditos a la Violeta, Supplemento al papel intitulado, etc., p. 115. 
 Also, V. Ill, p. 190. "Ocios de mi juventud. Al estilo magnifico de Don N. F. de 
 Moratin en sus composiciones heroicas." Again v. I. Eruditos, etc., p. 115. 
 Cadalso speaks of Moratin, "a quien estimo tanta como a poeta (y no a la violeta) 
 como quanto a amigo (tampoco a la violeta)." 
 
 P. 113. Juan Melendez Valdes, 1754-1817, friend of Jovellanos and the best 
 lyric poet of his time, head of the so-called "School of Salamanca." 
 
 P. 114. The "Mercurio Peruano" — published by the "Sociedad Academica de 
 Amantes de Lima," 1791 — shows how widely the fame of the fables extended. Its 
 various volumes are sprinkled with "Fabulas Literarias," notably v. IV, p. 59. 
 "Contra los que no entienden una Obra, critican la parte que la hace mas re- 
 comendable," p. 89. "Contra los Escritores que aparentando mucha pompa en los 
 frontispicios de sus obras no desemperian lo que prometen." 
 
 P. 114. Samaniego — Selections by Apraiz, p. 57. "Desde que el gran niimero 
 de obras buenas y la declinacion del mal gusto en algunas partes de la Europa han 
 inspirado a tantos escritores el proyecto de ser leidos a fuerza de extravagancias es 
 preciso confesar que nada se ha imaginado tan raro como el poner en fabulas el 
 Arte Poetica de Horacio. . . . Esta idea es, sobre poco mas 6 menos, la misma 
 que tuvo aquel buen hombre, que quiso poner en madrigales la Historia Romana."
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Leandro Fernandez de Moratin. His Contribution to the Neo- 
 Classic Movement. His Struggle with the Illiterate 
 
 Classes. 
 
 While Iriarte was still in his prime, the man who was to continue 
 his work and that of the literary group which we have been studying 
 had already attracted attention by a piece of writing dealing with neo- 
 classic criticism. In 1782 Leandro F. de Moratin had presented his 
 "Satire" to compete for the prize offered by the Academy. 
 
 The Natiij-e of L. F. de Moratin's Thought. — It may be well at this 
 point to state once for all that neither in this work nor in any other of 
 this author are we to find any new or original forms of thought. If it 
 was true that the elder Moratin could not have added any new principles 
 to those expounded by Luzan and by the Academy of Good Taste, it 
 was still more true of his son who came at a moment when these princi- 
 ples had just been stated for the third time. This inability to state any- 
 thing new however was not necessarily a source of weakness. Of the 
 countless commentators of Aristotle, which one had brought any new 
 element of thought to the close-knit system of dramatic rules since its 
 first detailed discussions by Scaliger and by Castelvetro? Originality 
 in such matters consists in the ability to state the well worn arguments 
 in a way vvhich will appeal to the public which they are meant to reach. 
 Luzan's exposition had been successful, since the "Poetica" had awakened 
 the interest of scholars in such matters; N. F. de Moratin, Cadalso and 
 Iriarte by using a more popular form had created among the middle 
 class a strong party in favor of the rules. The true glory of L. F. de 
 Moratin lies in the fact that not only did he complete the conversion of 
 the middle class, but that he succeeded in bringing to terms, at least for 
 a time, the very unruly third estate which filled the "patio" of the play- 
 houses. 
 
 Since his mission was to restate the principles which he had re- 
 ceived from others, it can not be said that there is any evolution in 
 Moratin's thought. The principles at the base of his writings had been 
 given him from the very start; he received them unquestioningly ; life 
 and success could not make him a firmer believer in their excellence. At 
 the same time, just as his predecessors had done, he did not permit 
 poorly informed foreigners to criticize the masterpieces of Spanish lit-
 
 118 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 erature. From the beginning to the end of his life, he urged his country- 
 men along lines of reason and good sense in literary matters and he de- 
 fended the better writers of his country against foreign criticism. A 
 sincere faith in the usefulness of his mission and resourcefulness in his 
 method of exposition were his main strength. The very nature of the 
 controversy which he carried on to a successful end militated against any 
 great development of his imagination, and his writings are praiseworthy 
 because of the intellectual poise they exhibit and because of their sym- 
 metry of form, but they lack variety of theme. 
 
 Moratin cast his thought in five different moulds. We have already 
 referred to his first important composition, his "Satire against the vices 
 introduced into Castilian poetry" presented to the Spanish Academy. 
 A survey of this work will introduce us to the main arguments which 
 Moratin was to repeat in his writings dealing with literary criticism.* 
 
 Moratin s Satire. — The satire takes the form of a long discourse 
 to one Fabius who, late in life and without having given signs of literary 
 ability, begins to compose verse.^^^ It would be better if he were to limit 
 his activities to the handling of the plough, the hoe or the weeding hook 
 but since he persists in his mistaken ambition and turns yellow with rage 
 at these introductory words, Moratin is going to show him how he may 
 succeed in writing something and he is going to describe the kind of com- 
 positions which are sure to come from his pen.^^'^ 
 
 First of all, by dint of hard work, he can surely write verse to his 
 Fills or to his Marfisa describing her charms in Gongoristic style. He 
 can tell her that her indifference is a snow which sets his heart on fire, 
 that her forehead is a resplendent plain, her brows a curved lute or sweet 
 bows piercing him with cruel arrows. If his own inventive power does 
 not suffice to describe the state of his enamored soul, let him say with 
 Ouevedo that restless it swims over seas of ardent and pure light amidst 
 a curly tempest of wavy gold.^''^ 
 
 It may be that the fair one will throw all these beautiful and striking 
 stanzas out of the window but such an act on her part will only serve to 
 give abundant opportunity for more Gongorism and for lengthy appeals 
 to nymphs and shepherds. 
 
 Let not his ambition stop there, however, for what will it avail him 
 to be able to write in the quiet of his study if he does not gain skill in 
 expressing himself extemporaneously? Let him pluck up courage and 
 heap pun on pun, extravagance on extravagance, mingling bitter satire 
 
 itia L. F. de M.," v. IV, p. 108. 
 "OL. F. de M., v. IV, p. 108. 
 "1 L. F. de M., V. IV, p. 108.
 
 LEANDRO FERNANDEZ DE MORATIN 119 
 
 with it all. Such nonsense when put into print will find favor with the 
 public who will eagerly buy the tomes containing it.^^^ 
 
 There are still other ways for the would-be lyric poet to insure suc- 
 cess. He may fall back on the rich mine of the mythological figures 
 of speech, he may turn to gallicized syntax or revert to archaisms. 
 
 The epic may be brought into his field as easily as lyric poetry. To 
 succeed in this genre let him break all narrow rules and, filled with 
 srcred fury, let his initial verses be so altisonant and horrible as to win 
 immediately the attention of the reader. What is to follow may be 
 written with a view to respecting faithfully historical truth. Let there 
 be dates, names of battles and plenty of them. 
 
 Such a course, however, will give the rage of critics plenty of 
 material on which to satisfy itself. It would undoubtedly be safer for 
 the writer to adopt the opposite course and let his imagination run riot, 
 to have heroic deeds, single combats, giants, enchanted armors, the whole 
 of history, millions of episodes, sorcerers, magic ointments, all the subject 
 matter of Ariosto and of the romances of chivalry including flying char- 
 iots taking the hero the w^orld over. Above all, do not forget the crystal 
 globe in which the hero's noble descendants appear, thus aflfording the 
 author a capital chance to flatter his literary patron.^®^ 
 
 It would be idle to hope that even such a course could check the evil 
 tongues of critics. They will exclaim: O! deplorable facility! Reason and 
 taste must control the imagination or else nothing worth while can be 
 accomplished. The country's reputation suffers from such irregularities. 
 Spain arrogantly disdained the humble simplicity of the Greeks and of 
 the Latins. She gave her comedy an emphatic and obscure style, she 
 disregarded moral teaching. Spain's plays bring together on the stage 
 all social classes from high Church dignitaries to buffoons ; the plots dealt 
 with cover centuries, have dozens of actions and carry the spectator from 
 Ghent to Florence to end finally in the sands of the Sahara or amidst the 
 fumes of Hell. 
 
 Thus speaking the raging critic pounds with his fists and leaves his 
 seat in an outburst of anger. "All this, Fabius, is pure jealousy; do not 
 heed such w^ords. No matter what critics may say, you are assured of 
 fame and wealth if you follow my methods. Be of good cheer. Write 
 forthwith seven comedies, have fifteen printed, plan nineteen more, give 
 your venal muse no rest. What the critics call faults are qualities which 
 will fill your purse and assure you a place on high Helicon." 
 
 "Only, Fabius, when Apollo in the presence of the nine muses 
 
 162 L. F. de M., V. IV, p. 111. 
 i«3 L. F. de M., V. IV, p. 122.
 
 120 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 crowns your brow with his sacred hands, remember your debt to me who 
 have directed your steps on the road to so much glory." ^"^ 
 
 From this synopsis it appears that the "Satire" contains only few 
 ideas. It attacks facility, it ridicules obscurity and bad taste in style, it 
 makes a plea for verisimilitude in the facts treated, simplicity in action 
 and morality in purpose. Variously combined and illustrated, these six 
 points are the skeleton of the poem. These same points are the founda- 
 tion of the literary arguments met with in the "Comedia Nueva," and 
 in the "Discourse on the Origins of the Drama in Spain." With additions 
 inspired by the writings of Samuel Johnson, they form the subject matter 
 of the notes to the translation of Hamlet.* They also appear, in part, in 
 his comedies not dealing exclusively with criticism and the "Derrota de 
 los Pedantes" is an attack against uncontrolled facility in writing. 
 
 Before undertaking the work just mentioned, Moratin had composed 
 his comedy entitled "El Viejo y la Nina." He tried in 1786 to have the 
 play staged but at that time "el Seiiorito Mimado" had not yet been rep- 
 resented, and the younger author discovered that his efforts, unaided, 
 were not sufficient to overcome the old prejudices against neo-classic 
 compositions. In none of the Madrid theatres could he find capable 
 actors willing to introduce a play so uneventful in plot and so simple in 
 diction. Furthermore he was unable to obtain the necessary permission 
 from the government. There was nothing for him to do but turn once 
 more to the field of criticism, since the times were not yet ripe for suc- 
 cessful presentation of regular plays. This disappointment was fol- 
 lowed by the writing of the "Derrota de los Pedantes." 
 
 This essay, as we stated above, was meant to ridicule especially that 
 deplorable facility in turning out large amounts of either prose or verse 
 which had grown enormously in a country where the rich national im- 
 agination had never been submitted to any discipline. 
 
 La Derrota de los Pedantes. — This work, by its setting, reminds one 
 slightly of Boileau's "Les Heros de Roman." As French novels were 
 castigated under the fiction of a rebellion of the infernal regions against 
 Pluto, so the Spanish author lashes the too prolific writers of his country 
 by having them attempt to storm the heights of Parnassus, thus com- 
 pelling Apollo to use force to repulse the unexpected onslaught. 
 
 An innumerable army composed of bad poets, bad critics, and, worst 
 of all, of writers of bad plays, has in spite of Luzan's efforts swarmed 
 into the court of Apollo's palace. ^°^ They are actually doing battle with 
 the elect of Parnassus who have been taken completely by surprise. 
 Apollo is aroused in all haste from his midday nap and Mercury tells 
 
 i«* L. F. de M., V. IV, pp. 125-134. 
 165 L. F. de M.. V. IV, p. 8.
 
 LEANDRO FERNANDEZ DE MORATIN 121 
 
 him that the rage of the mob comes from the fact that each one of its 
 members wants the honor of being chosen to sing the glories to come 
 of the incipient reign of Charles IV. 
 
 To obtain more accurate information about the nature of the dis- 
 turbance, Mercury flies over the mob of fighting authors, picks one up 
 at random and after a swift flight upwards locks him up in a small gar- 
 ret. Returning soon with orders from Apollo, Mercury finds that his 
 wretched prisoner has already composed two pastoral poems, a madrigal 
 and three sonnets, so much verse being needed to express his dismay at 
 his treatment at the hands of the messenger of the gods. 
 
 The captive poet is soon brought into the presence of Apollo. He 
 forthwith sets himself to relating with pride that he is the author of 
 twenty-three comedies, nine "fellas," five tragedies, two "loas," fifty "say- 
 netes," four hundred sonnets and three epic poems which are in themselves 
 complete encyclopedias. He adds that he has annotated Gongora and 
 translated Huerta's prologue.^*'^ 
 
 Apollo, enraged by such tiresome glibness, orders that the poet be 
 thrown into Tartarus. The nine muses, always tender-hearted, do their 
 best to pacify their angry ruler and this gives their protege the necessary 
 time to compose a poem intended to placate Tesifone, the least ill- 
 favored of the Furies. Temporarily pacified, Apollo orders him to state 
 what he expects to receive from him. The poet, after making a state- 
 ment concerning the deplorable condition of the members of his profes- 
 sion w^ho, in spite of their immense productivity, are allowed to starve, 
 begs the god to grant him a manner of diploma of poetic efficiency 
 which may once for all protect him and his compeers against the envious 
 attacks of critics. Such a request does not fail to arouse Apollo's ire 
 again. He deplores loudly the state of affairs in Spain where the ig- 
 norant are forever writing while the learned and the wise remain inactive, 
 where all things foreign are scorned with the exception of bad books 
 which find eager translators. 
 
 After this attack on the evils of the day, the god speaks regretfully 
 of the Golden Age and of its great authors, ending his tirade with a 
 statement to the effect that these men who have just attempted to storm 
 Parnassus are in no way qualified to sing the nation's hopes at the cor- 
 onation of a new ruler. Let them be gone and if they wish for mercy 
 after such a show of impudence, let them be silent, silent forevermore. 
 
 The spokesman of the pedants is hurled back to his own party and 
 Apollo harangues the unruly company. The gist of his discourse is that 
 men are in duty bound to work; tliat few are chosen who may attain 
 
 i«6L. F. de M., V. IV, p. 19.
 
 122 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 knowledge. Let them go back to their affairs and under no circum- 
 stance lay hand to pen or book. 
 
 Far from taking such sound advice in a spirit of meekness, the 
 pedants became infuriated and compel the gods to take violent measures 
 of repression. 
 
 Helped by Mendoza, Garcilaso, and all the other elects among Spanish 
 authors, the ruler of Parnassus succeeds in driving back the incapable 
 writers by hurling at them huge tomes of writings as wretched as their 
 own. A lull occurs in the battle and Mercury takes that opportunity 
 to advise the already weakened rebels to elect a few spokesmen who will 
 carry on such negotiations as may be wise. 
 
 This proposition is only a trick on the part of the wily messenger 
 of the gods for, no sooner have the poets proceeded to hold some form 
 of election than they come to blows. Each pedant wants to be elected. 
 Confusion is made complete by internal strife, and new volleys of mis- 
 siles are showered from the ranks of the enemy. Not books this time, 
 but tables, chairs, streams of hot water scatter the invaders once for all. 
 Of the few who are made prisoners, some are set free but most of them 
 are found to be so incurably insane that they have to be locked up in 
 cages where they are to remain naked and wretched. ^''^ 
 
 In 1790, the year following the publication of the "Derrota," Moratin 
 made one more effort to have his first comedy represented and this time 
 the gates which Iriarte had forced open two years before allowed Mora- 
 tin's comedy to pass through. In the preface of the play,^*^® the author 
 tells us that four years after his first attempt and subsequent failure 
 the censors could find only matter for praise in his comedy. They ap- 
 plauded its moral purpose, the regularity of its plot, the realistic render- 
 ing of the characters, its style of versification, everying in short. 
 
 The play was given on the 22d of May, 1790, and the public received 
 it graciously. 
 
 This success scored by Moratin did not mean however that the 
 struggle for the recognition of neo-classicism had resulted in a final 
 victory for the reforming party. Though the resistance of the middle 
 class had practicall)^ ceased, the fate of plays still lay in the hands of the 
 opposition, for no censor's Hcense could protect a work against the whims 
 of the majority of the public, that is to say against the common people 
 who filled the pit and were, after all, the only serious financial backers 
 of the Spanish theatres in the eighteenth century.^^® We saw how "La 
 Senorita mal criada" had fallen before those plebeian judges who, with 
 
 167 L. F. de M., V. IV, p. 32. 
 
 i«8L. F. de M., V. II, pp. 4 flf. 
 
 i«»L. F. de M., Prologue to v. II, p. xiii.
 
 LEANDRO FERNANDEZ DE MORATIN 123 
 
 much more reason, had brought about the downfall of the plays attempt- 
 ed by N. F. de Moratin and by Cadalso.* 
 
 Mob Rule and the Stage. — These relentless foes of neo-classicism 
 had been established in their noisy and destructive prerogatives by long- 
 years of undisputed control over theatrical matters. Two hundred 
 years of adulation by playwrights had made them firm believers in the 
 soundness of their own literary judgment. To quote L. F. de Moratin, 
 "Genius and no rules" ^""^ had become their motto and we know to what 
 form of intellectual depravity they had come to apply the term genius.* 
 
 We have seen at the beginning of this study that the court of Philip 
 V had had no influence on the Spanish stage and we must remember that 
 the reign of Philip V lasted nearly half a century. Ferdinand VI did have a 
 playhouse at court but it had been devoted entirely to the presentation of 
 elaborate operas performed by Italians. 
 
 It is true that at various times under Philip V attempts had been 
 made to improve the material conditions of the stage in Madrid. In 1738 
 Elizabeth Farnese had directed that the playhouse called "De los Cafios 
 del Peral" should be redecorated. In 1743 and 1745 some improvements 
 had been made to the theatre of '*La Cruz" and to that of "El Principe." 
 Such slight material improvements in no way affected the kind of plays 
 staged and the buildings continued to be rather crude affairs consisting 
 of a stage in an open court surrounded by wooden galleries so located 
 as to leave an ample pit.^^^ 
 
 We have already seen how, under Charles III, Aranda had instituted 
 reforms of a more serious character. Thanks to his patronage, plays 
 that were not purely Spanish in character had been performed in spite of 
 popular opposition. Finally opposition had weakened and a time had 
 come when the Madrid mob was fairly willing to hear either translation'^ 
 of neo-classic plays or neo-classic adaptations of old Spanish "comedias." 
 This unprecedented graciousness on the part of the mob was only skin- 
 deep. We saw that Iriarte's second play fell because it did not satis f}1 
 the dramatic ideals of the audience in the "patio." Tricgo* and \''aldes, 
 as formerly the elder Moratin and Cadalso, were condemned by the same 
 judges. After Aranda, as before his day, the mob held the fate of plays 
 in its hands. At times, as in the case of the "Hormesinda," it displayed a 
 great deal of good sense while more often its judgments arose directly 
 from ignorance or from national prejudice. In spite of the growing 
 willingness of censors to grant printing and playing permits, the "Chor- 
 izos" at the "Principe" and "Polacos" at the "Cruz" still held the future 
 
 170 L. F. de M., v. II, p. xiv. 
 "1 L. F. de M., V. II, p. xiii.
 
 124 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 of all plays in their power. They were more lenient to be sure than they 
 had been before the days of Aranda but the fact remained that they 
 still were the only all-powerful authority on matters of dramatic excel- 
 lence. That power could not be wrested from them since, as we have 
 already remarked, the financial success of theatrical companies depended 
 on them alone. What could be done was to attempt to educate them just 
 as their social betters had been educated. Moratin, with keen insight 
 into the nature of the conditions surrounding the stage, came to the con- 
 clusion that satire, couched in language easily understood by the people 
 and so illustrated as to reach the popular imagination, could do a great 
 deal towards undermining the popularity of the Comedia. After his first 
 theatrical success, Moratin came to realize that the writing of more di- 
 dactic or satirical verse was the veriest carrying of coals to Newcastle. 
 He saw clearly that what could be obtained from the middle class of 
 Spanish society was already obtained and that the urgent problem before 
 him was the more complete conversion of the pit which had already fallen 
 away from patronizing plays of an exclusively Spanish character.* 
 
 L. F. de Moratin's La Comedia Nueva. — It was to attain this pur- 
 pose that Moratin composed his ''Comedia Nueva," ^''^ which is a sweep- 
 ing condemnation of the Comedia, not of course in its best form, but 
 conceived as it was by the weak imitators of Lope and Calderon. The 
 author states in his preface to the Parma edition that "The Siege of Vi- 
 enna," the play under fire, does not represent any one particular "comedia." 
 It is a symbol of all bad comedies of the day containing the faults in 
 taste and common sense that were current in the new compositions pre- 
 sented to the public. 
 
 D. Antonio in his conversation with Pipi tells us at the very start 
 that the comedy to be presented that day has not any connection with 
 the rules. Soon Don Pedro enters. His attitude of "bon bourru," his un- 
 compromising stand on the question of telling the truth, establishes him 
 once for all as the man of the play whose judgments are going to count 
 and whose character is above suspicion. He is a strong contrast to the 
 sly Don Antonio who, for the sake of amusement, is willing to be of 
 everybody's opinion. 
 
 As a copy of the play which is to be given in a little while is at hand, 
 Don Antonio proceeds to read snatches from the first act. The "Siege 
 of Vienna" begins by a pageant in which appear the Emperor Leopold, 
 the King of Poland and the Seneschal Frederic followed by a brilHant 
 company of ladies and gentlemen whom a troop of mounted hussars 
 escort. We soon learn that the action has been going on two years and 
 
 1^3 L. F. de M., V. II, p. 183. The Comedia Nueva begins on p. 188.
 
 LEANDRO FERNANDEZ DE MORATIN 125 
 
 a half and that, in spite of the brilliant appearance of the chiefs, the 
 population is in a state of starvation. They are now in a condition where 
 to sustain life, rats, toads and filthy insects have to be eaten. ^'* This 
 most indecorous horror is brought to a climax when the lady whom the 
 Vizir, to satisfy his thirst for vengeance, has deprived of food for six 
 days, appears on the stage. She is in a pitiful state of emaciation and 
 she dies before the public after having exposed the cruelty of her perse- 
 cutor in no measured terms. As Don Antonio is going to read her last 
 speech, giving us a foretaste of its virulence by his ironical exclama- 
 tions, Don Pedro, about to stop up his ears with his hands, begs of him 
 to desist. Don Antonio respects his wish for the moment but soon starts 
 again, reading this time the final verses of the first act where for six 
 lines the Emperor, the wicked Vizir, and the Seneschal mingle their un- 
 connected remarks. The first two recite each a line to its last word 
 exclusively, waiting for the completion of their statement until the third 
 one has also made a similar incomplete statement. Then, each in his 
 turn adds his final word and the following three lines are pronounced by 
 the three persons simultaneously, forming a kind of recited chorus.^ '^ 
 
 Don Pedro is of course fairly maddened by this last exhibition of 
 stupendous nonsense and he deeply ofi:ends the author, Don Eleuterio, 
 who defends himself by claiming that such devices are employed daily 
 in comedies and always meet with the approval of those competent to 
 pass judgment. 
 
 A very unequal literary struggle is about to start between the poor 
 author and the champion of taste and good sense when a diversion is 
 created by the entrance of D. Hermogenes. This person is also a critic, 
 a man w^ho knows the rules and who has read much but he is the type 
 of critic whom Moratin had in mind when he wrote the ''Derrota de los 
 Pedantes." He is a man who, though he has a considerable fund of 
 information, lacks judgment and good faith. 
 
 This personification of the ineffective side of neo-classic criticism 
 is appealed to by Don Pedro and by the author to pass judgment on the 
 merits of the comedy question. 
 
 The poor pedant is now in hard straits for he knows the weakness 
 of the play but, as he is also the future husband of the author's daughter, 
 his only escape out of the difficulty is to make a bewildering show of his 
 shallow erudition. He shows himself to be one of the late eighteenth 
 century wits whose knowledge was drawn from encyclopedias, and who. 
 
 "4 Com. N., Act I, sc. 3. 
 
 1^5 L. F. de M., V. II, p. 213, Act I, sc. 3. Same in Lobo's Dialogo de Elena 
 y Paris. B. A. E., v. LXI, pp. 21 and 30, but Lobo's dialogue was to be sung, not 
 recited.
 
 -4 
 
 126 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 as a matter of fact, believed themselves to be the equals of the French 
 "philosophes" and "encyclopedistes." 
 
 This critic "a la violeta" launches forth on an Aristotelian quotation 
 in Latin, then turns to Greek for the sake of greater clearness. He men- 
 tions Scaligcr, V^ossius, Dacier and Heinsius, and an interminable list of 
 Greek authors. ^^*^ 
 
 When he has exhausted his stock of proper names he makes the 
 illuminating statement that all authors agree in this ; namely, that the 
 protasis must precede the catastrophe. This argument, reminding one 
 strongly of the reasons adduced by Sganarelle ^' ' to explain the dumb- 
 ness of his young patient, is topped by the sudden assertion that the 
 comedy of D. Eleuterio is an excellent one. 
 
 Don Pedro's cup is filled to overflowing; he speaks his mind with 
 the greatest frankness to the wretched critic, he goes from the room in 
 an outburst of temper and leaves his two victims to philosophize on the 
 way envy thrives by the side of success. 
 
 The beginning of the second act gives us more details on the comedy 
 entitled "The Siege of Vienna." In addition to the fascinating features 
 mentioned above, the play has an episode where daggers are exchanged, 
 another where the Emperor has a prophetic dream and one scene repre- 
 sents incantations to idols. 
 
 This second act is in the spirit of "Les Femmes Savantes." * The 
 author's wife has literary ambitions and her heart is in her husband's 
 work. She predicts that the comedy is going to be a great success ; how 
 could it be otherwise, are there not nine different climaxes offered to the 
 public? Are there not represented a duel on horseback, three battles, 
 two tempests, a funeral procession, a masked ball, the burning of a city, 
 the destruction of a bridge together with much firing of guns? There 
 is also the execution of a criminal. What more brilliant spectacles could 
 be imagined and how could the people be otherwise than delighted ? "^ 
 
 To all this the untutored but level-headed daughter of the authoi 
 replies that, to her way of thinking, such a play ought to be presented 
 in the bull ring. 
 
 As the author and his family realize suddenly that they have already 
 missed the first act because of these heated discussions they hasten away. 
 Don Pedro and Don Antonio reappear on the stage. The scene which 
 follows, the fifth of the second act, is purely and simply a lecture on the 
 faults of plays which do not conform to the rules. These two gentlemen 
 
 i'^8 Comedia Nueva, Act I, sc. 5. 
 
 1^''^ Le Medecin Malgre Lui, Act II, sc. 6. 
 
 "8 Act II, sc. 1.
 
 LEANDRO FERNANDEZ DE MORATIN 127 
 
 discuss the first act.^^^ They know that Don Eleuterio's comedy is doomed 
 and the conversation in which they engage, except for the dialogue form, 
 might just as well be a selection from the "Derrota de los Pedantes," or 
 from some one of the many discourses and prefaces of jNIoratin. While 
 Don Eleuterio and his family are at the play there may be said to be an 
 interruption in the real comedy during which a discourse on neo-classic 
 theories is delivered to the audience. 
 
 Don Antonio first remarks that the accumulation of stupidities which 
 it has been their lot to hear is more amusing than annoying. Don Pedro, 
 faithful to his truth-loving character, consistently blunt and frank, starts 
 on a speech which is a resume of all Moratin had to say and ever did 
 say on the subject of the irregular drama. Let us quote him; the princi- 
 ples are not new but they are stated with rigor and sincerity. Even 
 without the last sentence we should know that Don Pedro, besides being 
 an intelligent man, is a patriotic Spaniard. 
 
 "No Sefior, menos me enfada cualquiera de nuestras comedias an- 
 tiguas, por malas que sean. Estan desarregladas, tienen disparates ; pero 
 aquellos disparates y aquel desarreglo son hijos del genio y no de la estu- 
 pidez. Tienen defectos enormes es verdad, pero entre estos defectos se 
 hallan cosas que por vida mia, tal vez suspenden y conmueven al espec- 
 tador en terminos de hacerle olvidar 6 disculpar cuantos desaciertos han 
 precedido." Don Pedro has made the usual defense of the old Spanish 
 stage. Now he turns to the condemnation of the eighteenth century 
 Comedia as represented by the work of Don Eleuterio. "Ahi no hay mas 
 que un hacinamiento confuso de especies, una accion informe, lances 
 inverisimiles, episodios inconexos, caracteres mal expresados 6 mal esco- 
 jidos; en vez de artificio, embrollo; en vez de situaciones comicas, ma- 
 marrachadas de linterna magica. No hay conocimiento de historia ni de 
 costumbres, no hay objeto moral, no hay lenguage, ni estilo, ni versifica- 
 cion, ni gusto, ni sentido comun. En suma es tan mala y peor que las 
 otras con que nos regalan todos los dias." To these statements express- 
 ing ideas only too familiar to us, Don Antonio replies that no improve- 
 ment is to be hoped for. As long as the stage continues in its present 
 state of abasement, instead of being the mirror of virtue and the temple 
 of good taste, it will continue to be the school of error and of extrav- 
 agance. 
 
 By his next speech Don Pedro completes this "Poetica"' destined for 
 the common people. "Pero no es fatalitad que despues de tanto conio 
 se ha escrito por los hombres mas doctos de la nacion sobre la necesi- 
 
 1^9 Don Pedro has seen the performance of the first act while the others were 
 forgetting the play in the heat of discussion.
 
 128 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 dad de su reforma, se han de ver todavia en nuestra escena espectaculos 
 tan infelices. iQue pensaran de nuestra escuela los extranjeros que vean 
 la comedia de esta tarde? iQue diran cuando vean las que se imprimen 
 continuamente?" When Don Antonio suggests once more that there is 
 no remedy and that the wise had better make light of the whole matter, 
 Don Pedro exclaims in a fine burst of patriotic indignation, "Los pro- 
 gresos de la literatura, Senor Don Antonio, interesan mucho al poder, a 
 la gloria, y a la conservacion de los imperios ; el teatro influye inmediata- 
 mente en la cultura nacional ; el nuestro esta perdido y yo soy muy 
 espanol !" ^^^ 
 
 The didactic purpose of Moratin is now fulfilled. The rules them- 
 selves, in what they have of true value, have been declaimed from the 
 stage and directly to those who are still making a determined stand 
 against them. The rest of the comedy need not be any longer than is 
 required for an effective ending. It is in these final scenes that Moratin 
 displays great diplomatic skill. 
 
 The pit has just heard a discourse full of ideas antagonistic to its 
 own. The author must not force the note, or the attention which he has 
 won so far is going to be lost in a storm of whistles and jeers. Clearly 
 it will take but little more to drive the pit to some destructive outburst. 
 The return of Dofia Agustina, the wife of the author, brings about the 
 needed relief. The poor lady is in a state of collapse, and her condition 
 saves the day by making a strong appeal to the sympathy of the emotional 
 audience which, for the moment, forgets its literary prejudices. 
 
 The scene which follows is a testimony to the heretofore unsuspected 
 excellence of judgment of the mob. This is a surprise. So far we had 
 been led to believe that there was no such thing as common sense among 
 the members of the pit, that their judgment was of the worst. But lo 
 and behold ! the daughter, Margarita, while her mother is being revived, 
 tells us that the illiterate spectators, angered by the accumulation of non- 
 sense in the comedy of Don Eleuterio, rose against it in their wrath. 
 The good sense of the pit had been so deeply shocked by the irregularity 
 of the play that its m.embers had been driven to manifest their indigna- 
 tion with unusual intensity. 
 
 The audience in the "patio" had countenanced the tempest and the 
 council of war. They had endured the masked ball and the funeral pro- 
 cession. But when the wretched mother and the still more wretched 
 son appeared on the stage calling on Demogorgon and Cancerberus for 
 vengeance in tones not at all weakened by their six days of starvation, 
 the good audience in the pit had found that its patience was exhausted. 
 
 180 Act II, sc. 5.
 
 LEANDRO FERNANDEZ DE MORATIn 129 
 
 A riot of hisses and jeers had broken out, the curtain had to be lowered 
 and the exits speedily thrown open.^^^ 
 
 It was at this display of purely righteous anger that poor Lady 
 Agustina fainted, seeing her hopes of fame and wealth thus ruthlessly 
 swept away. She was brought back in haste to the inn by her mortified 
 family who are now busying themselves to revive her. 
 
 Notice the consummate skill with which Moratin has escaped the 
 fate of the author of "The Siege of Vienna." The pit was about to 
 manifest its discontent after Don Pedro's literary sermon but, before it 
 has had time to think up insults or lay fingers to lips, it is confronted first 
 with a stirring rush of actors on the stage and then with a most flattering 
 picture of itself. The astounded musketeers find that the pit agrees with 
 Don Pedro, that it feels the necessity of the rules broken by the play in 
 question and that the said play is altogether unbearable. 
 
 After being shown an imaginary mob possessed of such excellent 
 literary sense, how could its counterpart of flesh and blood, which was 
 witnessing the real play, do otherwise than agree with what was repre- 
 sented as its own good judgment? How could it consistently hiss, stamp 
 and threaten violence when it had just seen its own image inflict such 
 treatment on a play condemned at every turn by the one to which they 
 were listening? 
 
 Moratin by this skilful fiction of the judicious mob put his own 
 enemies in contradiction with themselves, thus disarming them. His 
 psychological insight had been truly wonderful and had safeguarded him 
 in such a perilous conjuncture. He had fairly hypnotized the pit into 
 thinking itself the very opposite of what it was. 
 
 This was indeed a very great victory, but matters were not at an 
 end. The fact remained that there were bad comedies. It was clear 
 that the middle class was not responsible for their existence. Moratin 
 had just proved that the generous proletariat judged such performances 
 with very good sense. What then? Who was responsible for the in- 
 ferior type of plays which was continually forced on the public? The 
 crime must be laid at some one's door. 
 
 Moratin discharged the whole weight of the responsibility on the 
 weak shoulders of poor Don Hermogenes, the pedant. 
 
 This representative of a class which had developed in proportion 
 as the neo-classic school progressed and which represented its less intel- 
 lectual or less sincere members reappears on the scene at the end of the 
 play. Don Pedro immediately pounces upon him. The wretch, seeing 
 his peril, tries to leave the room, but his enemy is upon him and will not 
 
 181 Act II, sc. 7.
 
 130 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 let him go. He must first own up, not only that the comedy, "The Siege 
 of Vienna," was a detestable piece of work, but that he always consid- 
 ered it as such. He confesses that he had praised it only to please Don 
 Eleuterio. 
 
 This admission is quickly interpreted in less gracious terms. The 
 rascal tried to flatter Don Eleuterio because he had in mind the daugh- 
 ter's hand together with a share of the profits which would have come 
 from the comedy had not the pit shown superior judgment. 
 
 Don Hermogenes is therefore driven away in great shame by all 
 present. Such as he, wretched critics and pedants, are responsible for 
 the condition of the stage in Spain. They flatter authors or else astonish 
 the public with imbecile displays of shallow erudition, but they never 
 teach. 
 
 We are rather surprised at seeing the poor pedant assume suddenly 
 such proportions in wickedness. Let us not question the situation too 
 closely, he is doing useful work in this very humble way. The pit may 
 now say — "Indeed we have been deceived in the past by just such un- 
 scrupulous fellows" — and it was greatly to the advantage of Moratin 
 and to that of his cause that the indignation of the illiterate public should 
 be made to gather on the heads of anonymous pedants. 
 
 After this point had been reached there was only one thing more 
 to be attained. The anger which was so well directed could in turn 
 be appeased. Thus it is that the last scene of the Comedia Nueva savors 
 strongly of the "Comedie larmoyante." Don Pedro suddenly discovers 
 that poor Don Eleuterio has written his nonsensical comedy only as a 
 desperate effort to supply the bare necessities of life to his family. He 
 had no regular work. He had put his last hope in this creation of his 
 pen and now, since that last hope had vanished, he and his family must 
 face starvation. 
 
 Don Pedro, who until that moment had used all his energy reiterat- 
 ing that the comedy was the worst imaginable, and that the uneducated 
 have no business to write, now feels moved. He too has had children ; 
 he is a blunt man but he has a kind heart. "(Aparte, con ternura.) 
 i Que lastima ! . . . infeliz . . . se lo que es el corazon de un padre. No 
 acompafio con lagrimas esteriles las desgracias de mis semejantes^®- 
 . . . ." and in the midst of the growing emotion and subsequent disappear- 
 ance of all rancor, Don Pedro offers his former enemy a remunerative 
 position as assistant overseer of his estate. In addition he reassures 
 Margarita, who since the flight of Don Hermogenes is obsessed with 
 the fear of never finding a suitable husband. The play ends with dis- 
 
 182 Act II, sc. 8.
 
 LEANDRO FERNANDEZ DE MORATIN 131 
 
 creet tears of gratitude. The last lines are words of praise pronounced 
 by Don Pedro to compliment Don Eleuterio for his good fortune and his 
 good sense which have led him to become enlightened. "Vd. amigo ha 
 vivido enganado ; su amor propio, la necesidad, el ejemplo, y la falta de 
 instruccion le han hecho escribir disparates. El pueblo le ha dado una/ 
 leccion muy dura pero muy util, puesto que por ella se conoce y se enmi- 
 enda. Ojala los que hoy tiranizan y corrompen el teatro por el maldito 
 furor de ser autores ya que desatinan como Vd. le imitaran en desen- 
 ganarse." 
 
 No play could boast of a more skilful coating of the bitter pill with 
 the Horatian sugar. Unless they wished to claim intellectual kinship 
 with Don Hermogenes, those who on the 7th of February, 1792, wit- 
 nessed the first representation of the "Comedia Nueva" must have gone 
 to their homes feeling convinced that plays written according to the 
 rules were the only ones suited to the needs of an intelUgent audience. 
 
 NOTES TO CHAPTER VI. 
 
 p. 118. Leccion Poetica. Satira contra los vicios introducidos en la Poesia 
 Castellana. Presented in competition for the Academy's prize in 1782. Won sec- 
 ond prize (Forner won the first). V. IV of complete works of L. F. de Moratin 
 published by the Academy in 1830. Exact title "Obras de Don Leandro Fernan- 
 dez de Moratin dadas a la luz por la Real Academia de la Historia. 4 vols. 
 Madrid, 1830-31. 
 
 P. 120. L. F. de M., v. Ill, p. 205. Introduction to Translation of Hamlet. 
 Very severe neo-classic criticism. Evident satisfaction in proving that impossible 
 plays are to be found outside of Spain. The play is not moral — "divide el interes 
 y hace dudosa la existencia de una providencia justa al ver sacrificados a sus 
 venganzas en horrenda catastrofe el amor incestuoso y el puro y filial, la amistad, 
 la tirania, la adulacion, la perfidia y la sinceridad generosa y noble. Todo es culpa, 
 todo se confunde en igual destrozo." (pp. 205-211.) Also many notes; ghost comes 
 up too soon, a climax in Act I ; p. 483. Stupid of him to waste his time scaring senti- 
 nels, p. 484. On — "Frailty, thy name is woman" — "^A que fin usar de circunloquios 
 falsos y pueriles para exprimir idea tan sencilla." p. 485 (11). Shakespeare — "igno- 
 raba el arte y no sabia borrar." p. 486 (12). Polonius is a comedy character, p. 487 
 (22). Insanity of Ophelia most impressive but utterly useless to the plot. pp. 508-9 
 (8). On grave digger's scene, "El pueblo ingles gusta de horrores y bufonadas 
 . . . entierros . . . brujas, etc.," p. 513 (1). "Esto agrada al vulgo y en todas las 
 naciones le hay y quienes adulen su ignorancia y le aturdan sin ensenarle," p. 516 
 (6). Moratin quotes Washburton, Hammon and S. Johnson. 
 
 P. 123 Several of the neo-classic authors refer to the turbulent public who 
 stood in the "patio." Samaniego, "Carta Sobre el Teatro," quoted by Apraiz, p. 102, 
 speaks of "los chisperos, gente baladi, pero temible, que silban y aplauden por 
 interes y en quienes la inclinacion 6 el odio, el aplauso 6 el vituperio, no son un 
 oficio de la razon sino del capricho, . . . cargue Vd. la mano contra aquellos in-
 
 132 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 discretes que se les parecen ; que gritan y se alborotan sin motive . . . que no 
 saben disimular los descuidos, ni celebrar los aciertos . . . se echan de bruces, 
 vuelven las espaldas, entran y salen, hablan, silban, tararean . . . que ni respetan 
 al Publico ni quieren que el Publico les tenga por atentos y bien criados." 
 
 P. 123. Casiano Pellicer in his "Tratado Historico sobre el origen y pro- 
 gresos de la Comedia y Histrionismo en Espana," Madrid, 1804, quotes Nicolas 
 Antonio, Bib. real, Est. c. Cod, p. 141, folio 1786: "Este (el patio) era el sitio que 
 ocupaba el pueblo baxo y la gente del bronco que por su bullicio y griteria fueron 
 llamados mosqueteros con alusion al genio inquieto, desentonado y turbulento de 
 los soldados gregarios 6 rasos de aquellos tiempos llamados mosqueteros." 
 
 P. 123. Triego's play was entitled "Los Menestrales" and that of Valdes 
 was "Las Bodas de Camacho," an adaptation of the episode in Don Quijote which 
 bears that name. 
 
 P. 124. A complete didactic statement of neo-classic rules as understood 
 by L. F. de Moratin forms the end (pp. 49 ff.) of the preface to v. IL This 
 statement was partly supplied and completed for the 1830 edition from notes left 
 by Moratin, so that this prologue is more complete than the one printed with the 
 second edition of 1825. It has the same three aims which we met in Montiano's 
 discourses: 1. Statement of rules, resting on the great neo-classic authorities. 
 2. Condemnation of Spanish irregularities in literary production. 3. A defense of 
 the Spanish stage against foreigners who attack it from ignorance or prejudice. 
 We should learn nothing new from a careful analysis of this lucid essay. It is a 
 synopsis of all ideas found in the works of Moratin which we take up in this paper. 
 
 P. 126. Dofia Agustina has the pretensions of Philamente, and Mariquita 
 exhibits the type of common sense that we find in Henriette.
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Acute Stages in the Neo-Classic Controversy at Home and Abroad. 
 
 By studying the "Comedia Nueva," we have completed the review 
 of that series of documents which presented to each of the various classes 
 composing Spanish society, if not the actual dogma, at least the spirit of 
 neo-classicism. 
 
 The "Comedia Nueva" played in 1791 completed the work begun 
 by Luzan in 1737. It was the popular form of the didactic "Arte 
 Poetica," and the logical result of its teaching. 
 
 The Influence of the Comedia Nueva. — We have just said that neo- 
 classicism had been presented to the nation at large and we do not mean 
 to say more than what the verb we have used strictly signifies. 
 
 To show the Spanish people systematically converted to neo-classic- 
 ism, — the aristocracy by Luzan, the bourgeoisie by N. F. de Moratin's lit- 
 erary group and the common people by the "Comedia Nueva" — would be 
 a most tempting "these." It would lend itself to fascinating developments 
 and to stirring generalizations, but it would have the defect of being alto- 
 gether inaccurate. As a matter of fact, it is the boast of Spanish students 
 of literary history to be able to say truthfully that at no moment did the 
 Spanish people as a whole accept the spirit of neo-classicism, to say noth- 
 ing of its dogma. And we can see for ourselves how true that statement 
 is. Luzan was not praised without reserve by those of his own party, 
 that is, by the critics who wrote for the "Diario de los Literatos." Tliat 
 review itself, in spite of its initial moderation, fell under the repeated 
 attacks of the blind devotees of the literary system which had been 
 Spain's glory during the previous centuries. The more serious minded 
 members of the Academy of Good Taste had had to face the open hos- 
 tility of Villaroel and to overlook the temporary lapses from grace of 
 Porcel, while Montiano, their chief, saw himself subjected to the abuse 
 of Doms and to the no less disconcerting praise of Padre Isla. 
 
 Coming to the group centered about the Tertulia de San Sebastian, 
 we saw that N. F. de Moratin and Cadalso, though leaders in the neo- 
 classic movement, proved to be time and again, if not hostile, at least very 
 ironical in their attitude towards the new literary cult, while the efforts 
 of the government along lines of stage reform aroused the strongest pop- 
 ular opposition. Iriarte, the stoutest champion of neo-classicism, was
 
 134 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 oi)posed by Sedano among others and he was to die brooding over the 
 venomous shafts of Forner's libel, the "Asno Erudito." 
 
 When an opposition arose so consistently in the better educated 
 classes against a system based on reason, it would be most futile to expect 
 that one or any number of regular plays could have converted to neo- 
 classicism that portion of society which of all classes loved most ardently 
 the literature based on unbridled fancy. 
 
 The advantages gained by neo-classicism through the success scored 
 by the "Comedia Nueva" were then extremely relative. What followed 
 Moratin's victory was that neo-classic plays were no longer to be mobbed 
 merely because of the principles underlying their composition; if they 
 were not to be greeted enthusiastically by audiences freshly converted to 
 the dogma of reason, they were to be tolerated first, and then judged on 
 their own merits. The occupants of the "patio" still held plays at their 
 mercy, but somehow they had lost in part the stout faith in their critical 
 ability which had made them so powerful in the past. Plays were still 
 hissed out of existence but such demonstrations occurred at less frequent 
 intervals and with decreasing violence. To sum up, the right to judge 
 had left in part the class of society in whose power it had been exclu- 
 sively vested ever since the good old days of Lope and it had taken its 
 abode among the more intellectual bourgeoisie. The reception given to 
 the "Comedia Nueva" merely symbolized the partial yet profound change 
 which had taken place in the literary life of Spain.* 
 
 Such writers as Cotarelo y Mori who suffer intensely at the thought 
 that anything foreign could really have taken a firm footing in Spain, 
 repeat, as often as they can bring about an opportunity to do so, that 
 the "Comedia Nueva" enjoyed the merest "succes d'estime," that its pale 
 and insipid charms were received with patience and charity but that it 
 never scored and never could score a real triumph.* 
 
 No one will claim that little comedy to be one of the masterpieces 
 of the world's literature. What can not be denied is that it is the only 
 first-class production of its genre given by Spain during the whole of the 
 eighteenth century, and that it is the direct result of those theories which 
 had been introduced by Spaniards into their country with the hope of 
 raising again the literature of the nation to the honorable place it had 
 once held among European letters. 
 
 This desire to ignore facts and this consistent attempt to minimize 
 the already modest results of the neo-classic movement are found in many 
 Spanish writers of our own day. 
 
 This tendency to narrowness can be forgiven since, after all, it is 
 based on a principle which is distinctly respectable, namely, patriotism.
 
 ACUTE STAGES IN THE NEO-CLASSIC CONTROVERSY 135 
 
 Their spirit is that which actuated the heroes of the anti-neo-classic 
 struggle from Villaroel to Forner. It represents the bhnd patriotism 
 which feels that admission of a national weakness is akin to high treason 
 and it is the counterpart of the attitude of the members of the neo-classic 
 movement who grieved at being compelled to admit any national weak- 
 ness but who were filled with the hope that time and well directed energy 
 could bring about the necessary remedy. 
 
 The Attitude of Foreigners Towards Spain During the N eo-Classic 
 Controversy. — It is only fair to admit that the attitude of foreigners in 
 the majority of cases was not one calculated to draw from patriotic 
 Spaniards any candid confession of literary inferiority. The lines of Boi- 
 leau condemning the Spanish drama were fairly typical of the attitude 
 of arrogance of the neo-classicists of Europe towards the nation which was 
 still outside the rational fold. Montiano had good grounds for attacking, 
 if not the very words, at least the supercilious attitude of Du Perron. 
 
 As the century wore on, the interest of foreigners in Spanish matters 
 kept increasing and the judgment emitted contained, quite consistently, 
 pity for Spain's literary folly in the past and, in a protecting tone, hopes 
 for a prompt regeneration. 
 
 We recall that after Du Perron, Hermilly had shown his zeal for 
 Spanish literature by translating the prologues and the tragedies of Mon- 
 tiano, making possible the premature enthusiasm of Lessing and helping 
 Dieze of Gottingen in his painstaking research on Spanish subjects. 
 Above all, the Jesuits by means of the Journal de Trevoux kept inform- 
 ing their readers of the progress of literature in Spain. Finally the din 
 arising from the neo-classic controversy waxed so in volume as to become 
 perceptible to foreign ears across the Pyrenees and to awake an echo over 
 the sea among Italian "litterateurs." 
 
 /. F. de Bourgoing. — The most intelligent and the fairest account of 
 conditions in Spain written by a Frenchman is to be found in the "Nou- 
 veau voyage en Espagne" published in 1789 by Baron Jean Franqois de 
 Bourgoing. This gentleman has left us an impartial judgment of the 
 condition of the drama at the Spanish capital towards the end of the 
 century.^^3 It is clear from his account that he possessed an unusually 
 broad judgment for, as we shall be able to see presently, his criticisms 
 are based not on narrow considerations of adherence or non-adherence 
 to a few Aristotelian rules, but they derive altogether from the much 
 deeper standards arising from good taste and sound common sense. 
 
 What keen power of observation and analysis the French traveler 
 
 i83Nouveau voyage en Espagne ou Tableau de I'Etat Actuel de cette 
 Monarchic, 1789, by Jean Frangois, baron de Bourgoing. 3 vols.
 
 136 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 possessed may be deduced from the following lines in which he explains 
 to his countrymen the reasons why the literature in favor in France can 
 never become popular in Spain: "Leur imagination bardie jusqu'a 
 I'extravagance, pour laquelle la boursoufflure n'est que de I'enthousiasme, 
 trouve nos conceptions froides et timides. Accoutumes a I'exageration 
 et a la redondance, ils ne peuvent apprecier le merite de la justesse et de 
 la precision de nos expressions. Les fines nuances du tableau de nos 
 ridicules et de nos moeurs echappent a leurs yeux trop exerces sur des 
 caricatures, et quant aux formes de notre style, leur oreille gatee par 
 la brillante prosodie de leurs phrases cadencees, par le retour frequent et 
 affecte de leurs mots sonores, ne peut trouver de grace a des mots sou- 
 vent sourds, qui parlent plus a I'ame qu'aux sens, et la rondeur de leurs 
 elegantes periodes est perdue pour elle."^^* A little farther, Bourgoing 
 passes adverse criticism on the too great complexity of plot in the 
 Comedia, but he remarks with admiration on the wide-awake audiences 
 who manage never to lose the thread of an action no matter how complex 
 it may be. He condemns the "Gracioso," "un insipide bouffon," but he adds 
 that "le theatre espagnol pourrait encore etre pour nous une source abon- 
 dante de richesse, a present sur tout que notre imagination, beaucoup 
 moins feconde que celle de nos allies parait s'etre epuisee et que notre 
 gout plus epure, plus sur qu'il n'etait du temps de Corneille, saurait mieux 
 extraire de cette mine les tresors qu'elle recele." ^^^ 
 
 What Bourgoing can not comprehend is the admiration of intelligent 
 Spaniards for the punning and quibbling propensities of their authors : 
 "J'ai souvent remarque avec etonnement qu'ils honoraient du nom de 
 traits ingenieux, qu'ils applaudissaient avec une sorte de ravissement des 
 plaisanteries que nous releguerions au rang de pitoyables calembours." ^^^ 
 Furthermore Bourgoing was rather disgusted with the supremacy of the 
 "patio" which is as noisy and hard to suit as if it had the right to have a 
 voice in the matter. The cautiousness with which players and play- 
 wrights cater to its least whims reminds him of the worship paid by In- 
 dians to the Devil or of the cake thrown by the Sybil into the jaws of 
 Cerberus. Equally repulsive to Bourgoing was the deliberate choice of 
 an inferior ideal by the better classes of society. He was shocked to see 
 people of quality seeking eagerly to have it said of them "II a bien I'air 
 d'un Majo," or "On la prendrait pour une Maja."* 
 
 Yet in spite of all these reservations and this undisguised scorn for 
 a turn of mind which had hitched its wagon to the low-lying star of the 
 
 "4 Bourgoing, v. I, p. 321. 
 
 185 Bourgoing, v. I, p. 331. 
 
 186 Bourgoing, v. I, p. 333.
 
 ACUTE STAGES IN THE NEO-CLASSIC CONTROVERSY 137 
 
 "rude populaire," we can find nowhere a more noble tribute to the excel- 
 lent qualities of the better representatives of the Spanish dramatic genres. 
 
 On certain "saynetes" he exclaims "Ce n'est pas une imitation, c'est la 
 chose meme !" and in at least one instance he is not afraid to compare 
 favorably the Spanish drama with that of his own country. These are 
 his words : 
 
 "Les Espagnols, nos predecesseurs sinon nos maitres, nos guides 
 sinon nos modeles dans la carriere dramatique ont ete moins timides, 
 moins exclusifs que nous en la parcourant. lis ont dans leurs anciennes 
 comedies des exemples attachants de toutes les vertus qu'on pent precher 
 a un peuple, de loyaute, de fermete, de justice, de bienfaisance surtout. 
 On a beau dire, malgre les extravagances qui servent de canevas au 
 Poete, malgre I'exageration des traits de son tableau, on sort de pareilles 
 representations plus dispose a I'exercice de ces vertus, qu'on ne le serait 
 au sortir des meilleures pieces tout a fait comiques ou Ton se borne a tirer 
 une suite de situations plaisantes du fond d'un caractere bien trace ou 
 I'on prend des legons de malignite plutot que des legons de bonte." ^®^ 
 
 Had all foreign critics been as impartial and as well informed as 
 Bourgoing, only the most extreme Gallophobes could have taken excep- 
 tion to their statements. He condemned in the Spanish drama only 
 those points which, near the end of the neo-classic controversy, had been 
 abandoned by so many good Spaniards of the better or more educated 
 classes. Unfortunately Bourgoing is a rather isolated representative of 
 justice and good sense among the foreign writers who interested them- 
 selves in the literature of Spain and it is no wonder that the champions 
 of the anti-neo-classic movement were soon obliged to turn such weapons 
 as they had against the cocksure and snobbish foreigners who, with little 
 learning and no greater amount of good sense, undertook to judge Span- 
 ish literature and Spanish civilization. The most shocking instance of 
 this combination of ignorance and prejudice was the article prepared for 
 the "Nouvelle Encyclopedic" by an author now altogether forgotten, who 
 exclaimed arrogantly in the essay on Spain : "Que doit-on a I'Es- 
 pagne?" concluding that no one had ever owed anything to Spain, a 
 country whose contribution to civilization was, to all intents and pur- 
 poses, nihil. 
 
 What with the natural sensitiveness of Castilian pride exasperated 
 by the brutality of such a statement and what with the pin pricks caused 
 by reservations made by fairer and more intelligent critics, Spanish 
 writers, for a time, found themselves involved in a hot literary contro- 
 versy with foreigners. As it often happens in such cases, those who 
 
 187 Bourgoing, v. I, p. 351.
 
 138 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 after all were the least guilty received the heaviest blame. The Italians, 
 one of whom, Signorelli, we have already mentioned, and two others, 
 Bettinelli and Tiraboschi, had each written a treatise on the history of 
 Spanish literature. Each had been guilty of heaping at least a minimum 
 of neo-classic maledictions on the Spanish stage. 
 
 The book of Signorelli is still a highly respectable piece of work 
 and, at the time of its publication, it stood head and shoulders above 
 any other compilation of its kind published in Spain. Ticknor mentions 
 it as being still able to yield valuable information on the field it aimed to 
 cover. But, as we have already hinted, it viewed the subject of the 
 drama from the standpoint of the reforming party. Its publication was 
 followed by renewed indignation on the part of the antagonists of the 
 reform movement who saw just one thing; namely, that whereas, up to 
 that date, the dispute over neo-classicism had been "en famille," so to 
 speak, now the shame of Spain had become the public property of all the 
 enemies of the nation. 
 
 If the true patriots found Signorelli's work objectionable they had a 
 still better cause for indignation in the books of Tiraboschi and of Bet- 
 tinelli who, by the hackneyed dogmatic condemnation of free fancy 
 sought to avenge their own country from the slurs cast on it by Valazquez 
 some forty years before. They felt that it was time to show the world that 
 Italy was not responsible for Spain's deplorable literary taste. To make 
 sure of their point, they went farther than to deny Italy's guilt and laid 
 the responsibility for such errors as might be picked in Italian literature 
 at the door of Spain, quite turning the tables on their long-deceased 
 opponent. With great solemnity these two worthies enlarged on the 
 baneful influence of Spain, a country much given to bombast and inca- 
 pable, because of the very nature of its climate, of producing great ora- 
 tors and great poets ! 
 
 This misdirected and not altogether well-meaning interest displayed 
 by Italians called forth a seven-volume rejoinder from one of the Jesuit 
 Fathers who after the expulsion of their order from Spain in 1776 had 
 taken up their abode in Italy.* 
 
 Father Lampillas. — Father Lampillas,^®® in spite of his exile and the 
 cruel treatment which he had shared with the other members of his 
 order at the hands of the government of Charles III, had lost none of his 
 love for the fatherland. 
 
 He gave a powerful proof of his love of country when he under- 
 took to refute, in seven volumes, as we have just said, the combined 
 attacks of Bettinelli and Tiraboschi, making in addition such slight incur- 
 
 ^88 The more correct and less popular spelling of this name is Llampillas.
 
 ACUTE STAGES IN THE NEO-CLASSIC CONTROVERSY 139 
 
 sions against the book of Signorelli as seemed to him advisable. In 
 1789 the whole of Lampillas' work was translated by Dona Josepha Amor 
 y Borbon who undertook this heavy task, as she tells us, in the foreword, 
 to facilitate the defense of the good name of Spain. 
 
 The work of Lampillas, although it is at once an apology and a refu- 
 tation, is not at all indignant in its tone. Its author knew that the attack 
 of the Italian writers was justified to some extent and that whatever 
 was unfair in it rested on arguments so flimsy that only the strongest 
 prejudice or bad faith could find in them anything conclusive.* Lampil- 
 las admitted that Tiraboschi and Bettinelli had praised Spanish Litera- 
 ture as often as they had been able to base their approval on what seemed 
 to them solid reasons. What he objected to was the small number of 
 times that the two Italians had felt justified in dispensing praise. Ac- 
 cording to them, the history of Spanish literature was comparable to a 
 long night of bad taste broken into only at rare intervals by faint glim- 
 mers of common sense. Furthermore, twice in the history of Italian let- 
 ters had Spanish influence proved deleterious. It had brought about the 
 decadence of letters which followed the Augustan age and it had intro- 
 duced its Gongorism into Italy at the end of the sixteenth century. 
 
 It may very well be that this heavy responsibility laid on Spanish lit- 
 erature was only a way on the part of the Italian writers in question to 
 strike back at Velazquez who, as we have seen, had claimed that Gon- 
 gorism was of Italian origin. 
 
 This did not occur to Lampillas, for he reproaches Bettinelli and 
 Tiraboschi for having made use neither of Antonio's monumental work 
 on Spanish literature nor of the little treatise of Velazquez. ^®® 
 
 Whether or not the works of the two Italian writers contained a 
 refutation of the theories of Velazquez, their main attacks on Spanish 
 literature were based on the commonplaces of neo-classic criticism which 
 we have enumerated so often in the course of this study that we may well 
 be spared the task of restating them at this point. 
 
 In just one instance did the Italian critics introduce a new element 
 into their discussion, and that element was of such a nature as to amuse 
 the reader rather than to convince him. Both these writers had become 
 imbued with the theories of Father Du Bos concerning the influence 
 of climate on national character. This had caused them to make, per- 
 haps quite independently, the same remark on the real cause for the 
 presence of elements of extravagance in Spanish letters. Spaniards, 
 said Tiraboschi, have a natural tendency to over-subtlety and this arises 
 directly from the nature of their country's climate. In the quality of 
 
 189 Lampillas, v. I, p. 27.
 
 140 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 Spain's climate lies the cause which has brought it about that the penin- 
 sula, while rich in scholastic philosophers, has produced so few great 
 poets or great orators. Bettinelli made a statement bearing a similar 
 meaning, but neither writer attempted to trace the mysterious relation- 
 ship which they felt existed between Castilian climate and Castilian love 
 for brilliancy and exaggeration in art.* 
 
 As climate is after all a pretty consistent factor in any formula, 
 these statements amounted to saying that Spain had never been free 
 from the Gongoristic blight in the past and that, short of some great 
 natural cataclysm, the future would bring no marked improvement. 
 
 Lampillas took the matter quite seriously, combated it by minimiz- 
 ing as well as he could the harm done by the excessive ingenuity of 
 Spanish authors, and then proceeded to carry war into the enemy's camp 
 by discussing the weak points of Italian literature. 
 
 Italians, said Lampillas, are willing to admit that the founders and 
 the models of their literature are Dante, Petrarch and Boccaccio ; this 
 is as much as confessing that poetry is the only genre of importance in 
 Italian Hterature and that solidarity of thought is consistently sacrificed 
 to harmony, grace and polish.^^*' 
 
 This judgment is natural enough in an ecclesiastic who would con- 
 sider a literature as good only in so far as it gave evidence of an avowed 
 moral purpose. The neo-classic movement advocating a simple and di- 
 rect style and preferring to deal with rationalistic ideas seemed to Lam- 
 pillas to deserve the same treatment as poetry. Like the other forms of 
 polite letters, it dealt with puny subjects and Spain might well be said 
 to be decadent since it had abandoned the leadership of its great mystic 
 writers to follow the footsteps of shallow philosophers and scientists. 
 What are the modern investigators compared to the great Church 
 Fathers? "i Porque ha de ser una empresa tan grande indagar el movi- 
 mento de los cuerpos por las leyes de la atraccion y no ha de ser igual — 
 reflexionar con San Augustin y otros Padres como atrae la gracia nuestro 
 corazon? Mas este es el modo de pensar del siglo presente." ^^^ 
 
 If we were to add to these remarks specific judgments passed by 
 Lampillas on Italian literature we should see that he had no very clear 
 idea of the nature and function of polite letters since he confuses their 
 purpose with that of theology or at least would limit their usefulness to 
 the expression of religious faith. 
 
 The one instance in which Lampillas breaks away from the custom- 
 ary judgments of his party or of his profession is in dealing with the 
 Comedia. He does not limit himself, like the majority of the apolo- 
 
 190 V. Ill, pp. 1 ff. 
 
 y . xxa, pp. i 
 
 "1 V. Ill, p. 35.
 
 ACUTE STAGES IN THE NEO-CLASSIC CONTROVERSY 141 
 
 gists of the genre, to singing the praises of the style and dramatic in- 
 genuity of the authors of the old school. Lampillas, while recognizing 
 these qualities, went deeper into the matter and founded his favorable, 
 judgment of the Comedia on the fact that it described with admirable 
 fidelity a certain phase in the development of Spanish society. What 
 Lampillas found to admire in the Comedia was not so much its intri- 
 cacies and its lyricism but its realism. 
 
 Just how original this way of judging the Comedia was with him 
 is difficult to say. He expounds it with clearness but, in so doing, he 
 makes use mainly of quotations drawn from authors who had expressed 
 a similar idea in connection with some other form of literature. Whether 
 his opinion happened to coincide with those of other critics or whether 
 he merely derived his from theirs we can not say. Even in the latter case 
 he would have shown some originality in applying to a Spanish genre 
 the kind of thought which was obtaining more and more partisans in the 
 rest of Europe. 
 
 From Fontenelle's "Life of Corneille" Lampillas quoted the follow- 
 ing lines: "Para hacer recto juicio de una obra, basta considerarla en 
 si misma, mas por juzgar bien del merito de un autor, es preciso atender 
 al siglo en que escribio." ^^^ Then taking the second half of the state- 
 ment as being true, not only in the case of the author of a "comedia" but 
 also in that of his work, he aims to show that it is unreasonable to judge 
 such a play without a knowledge of the ideals of the society for which 
 it was composed.^^^ 
 
 This plea for the admission, in criticism, of the element of relativity 
 is followed by an attack on the French drama which quite anticipates 
 the criticisms of Schlegel and of his disciples, the critics of the Romantic 
 school: "Peor que hacer Rodomonte y Penthesileas a los Caballeros y 
 Damas Espanolas, es presentarnos al inflexible Regulo cortejando y teni- 
 endo siempre a su lado a su querida como dice Dorat del Regulo de 
 Pradon y el representar a Achiles suspirando de su Dama ; aquel Achiles 
 que segun Horacio deberia pintarse ; 
 
 Impiger, iracundus, inexorabilis, acer ^^* 
 Jura neget sibi nata, nihil non arroget armis." 
 
 Those who write plays so far removed from reality are the ones who 
 yield to unworthy ideals. Of these are the French authors who have 
 weakly bowed before "el imperio popular y mugeril." "" 
 
 i92v. VI, p. 239. 
 193 V. VII, p. 239. 
 i«* V. VII, p. 242. 
 196 V. VII, p. 269. 
 
 195
 
 142 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 To complete his argument he quotes again, this time from Goldoni : 
 "No obstante yo crco que mas escrupulosamente que algunos preceptos de 
 Aristoteles 6 de Horacio se deben guardar las leyes del pueblo en su 
 espetaculo destinado a su instruccion per medio de su entretenimiento 
 y deleite." ^«« 
 
 While Lampillas was adopting this new and efficient argument to 
 defend his country among foreigners, Garcia de la Huerta was giving 
 utterance, at home, to the pent-up indignation of that class of Spanish 
 society which had not become reconciled with the theories of the neo- 
 classic school or with the efforts at applying these theories. 
 
 Garcia de la Huerta. — With the usual desire of vindicating the 
 Spanish drama, Garcia de la Huerta had pubHshed a collection of Span- 
 ish "comedias" under the title of "Teatro Hespanol." ^^'' The bad selec- 
 tion of the plays and the strange spelling of the title were to bring upon 
 the compiler a flood of ridicule while the introduction, by its virulence, 
 was to make him many bitter enemies in and out of Spain. 
 
 It is this introduction which interests us now. It contains an expres- 
 sion of all the exasperation which had been fermenting in certain un- 
 compromising Castilian hearts ever since the neo-classic movement had 
 begun and more so than ever since Spain's literary civil war had come 
 to the notice of unsympathetic foreigners. 
 
 In his prologue, then, we find that Huerta not only defended the 
 Spanish drama and attacked the neo-classic school generally but we see 
 him making eft'orts to convict SignoreUi of ignorance, Voltaire of bad 
 faith, Du Perron of impertinence and Linguet * of stupidity. Not satis- 
 fied with having humiUated to his own satisfaction those foreigners who 
 had dared meddle with Spanish literature, he made a sweeping condem- 
 nation of the French drama, then turned on those Spanish authors who 
 had had the misfortune of being praised by foreigners. Cervantes, for 
 instance, is dealt with mercilessly in this attempt to lay low everything 
 neo-classic in and out of Spain. This severity was due to the theory ex- 
 pounded by Nasarre concerning the hidden meaning of the great Span- 
 iard's "comedias" and also to the neo-classic turn of the forty-eighth 
 chapter of the Quijote.* 
 
 As a whole, this essay of Huerta is a chaotic piece of writing 
 abounding in contradictions and paradoxes expressed in a style which has 
 the merit of keeping the reader either stirred or amused. 
 
 SignoreUi is the first individual executed by Huerta who has found 
 colossal blunders in his work on Spanish literature. SignoreUi, it would 
 
 196 V. VII, p. 273. 
 
 13^ La escena Hespanola Defendida en el Prologo del Theatre Hespanol de D. 
 Vicente Garcia de la Huerta. Madrid, 1786.
 
 ACUTE STAGES IN THE NEO-CLASSIC CONTROVERSY 143 
 
 seem, had stated that no autos had been written before Lope and he had 
 made the amazing announcement that the great dramatist had written 
 his "Arte Nuevo" to placate the Spanish Academy. What Spanish Acad- 
 emy? exclaims Huerta. There was no society known by that name in 
 the days of Lope. The Italian author must have meant to refer to the 
 unofficial "Academia de Madrid." If only he would try to state facts cor- 
 rectly instead of digressing at every moment into criticisms of his own 
 making, his work might hope to have some value. As a matter of fact 
 he is so poorly informed that he does not know the origin of the terms 
 "Polacos" and "Chorizos." Instead of trying to investigate the matter, he 
 prefers to cry out against the actions of these worthy representatives of 
 popular taste who, as a matter of fact, behave neither better nor worse 
 than the theatre-loving mob of any other country. Barring a few fist cuffs 
 now and then they form an eminently respectable part in a theatrical 
 audience.^**" 
 
 Passing brusquely from Signorelli's work to some French transla- 
 tions of Spanish "comedias" published in 1780 by an anonymous author, 
 he reviles the latter for having compared the auto to the French "mys- 
 teres" and then eagerly grasps this opportunity to denounce in neo-classic 
 style, the absurdity of the French medieval genre. "Comedias" at their 
 worst never exhibited such extravagant and absurd plots as were found 
 currently in the early dramatic productions of France. Furthermore the 
 unknown author was not up-to-date when he wrote the introduction to his 
 translations. He simply followed Voltaire and for that reason committed 
 the blunder of speaking of the autos as if they were still to be seen on 
 the Spanish stage. Huerta did not let such a mistake pass by unchal- 
 lenged and, as the poor ignoramus was unwise enough to add insult to 
 injury by making ironical remarks on the great productivity of certain 
 Spanish authors, he drew on his own nation a raging harangue the pur- 
 pose of which was to leave it stripped of every shred of honor or glory. 
 In one paragraph, Huerta tried to take revenge on France for all the 
 slights lavished on Spain by her since the insulting attitude of the Jesuits 
 before the foundation of the "Diario" to the infamous interpretation of 
 Du Bos' theory by Bettinelli and Tiraboschi at the other end of the 
 century. 
 
 It is no wonder, exclaims Huerta, tliat our dramatic field seems too 
 rich and too rugged to the flabby intellects of men living in a country of 
 swampy lands, lacking totally "in sulphur and substances" and so inade- 
 quately visited by the sun's rays that plants never can thrive unless sup- 
 ported and trained in all kinds of artificial ways. To this gloomy, damp, 
 
 200 First twenty pages of Huerta's Prologo.
 
 144 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 and spiritless land, the mentality of the nation corresponds well enough. 
 The flaccid intellects of a people living in this country of the midnight 
 sun can never hope to produce anything except works of the most medi- 
 ocre type.* 
 
 No wonder that the splendid genius of Spanish literature should daz- 
 zle those who are accustomed to see in the ignorant plagiarizer, Corneille, 
 and in the weakling, Racine, the highest conceivable form of art ; Racine 
 who tried to hide his absence of inspiration under an insipid Hellenism, 
 and Corneille who became great only after he had written a poor imitation 
 of a poor play by one of Spain's most insignificant authors. 
 
 This rather amusing tirade shows Huerta in his bitterest mood, when, 
 with the hope of humiliating foreign authors, he is willing to undermine 
 the claims to glory of even the best writers of his country. 
 
 Voltaire who had translated "En esta vida todo es verdad, todo men- 
 tira" offered to Huerta more legitimate opportunities for criticism. His 
 knowledge of CastiHan was not very thorough and, besides, it probably 
 did not lie within the power of any human being to express adequately 
 the generous bombast and vivacity of a Spanish "comedia" in terms of 
 neo-classic diction. Voltaire did his best to give formal and elegant para- 
 phrases of those "agudezas" which he understood. As for the others, 
 which were many, he was compelled to confess his inability to make them 
 yield any sense, saying in all such cases "On ne congoit rien a ce dis- 
 cours." 
 
 Paraphrases and admissions of ignorance were commented on by 
 Huerta in no measured terms. The latter gave him a particularly fine 
 chance to brand his victim with epithets denoting ignorance and to ex- 
 claim "Debio aver puesto la misma nota al principio de ella diciendo 'Yo 
 no intiendo nada de esta Comedia.' Asi se hubiese escusado los vergonzo- 
 sos y repetidos errores que incurre en su 'Famosa Comedia.' " * 
 
 The use of this adjective "Famosa"' had given Huerta a fine oppor- 
 tunity to attack Voltaire at the very start. Our translator did not know 
 that the "Famosa" prefixed to a title was merely a convention and did 
 not represent an estimate of the play. In his misapprehension, he had 
 the adjective printed with the title as if to single out ironically that par- 
 ticular play from less glorious ones, and Huerta lost no time in turning 
 the joke on the joker. 
 
 As Huerta's criticism spared the humble no more than the great, we 
 find in this same essay, pretty severe judgments passed on Linguet who had 
 published, in 1770, a collection of fifteen comedies and five "entremeses" 
 translated into French. Though "El Alcalde de Zalamea" figured in these 
 French translations, Huerta exclaims at length on the bad taste of Lin- 
 guet and then proceeds to pick to pieces the fine metaphors by means of
 
 ACUTE STAGES IN THE NEO-CLASSIC CONTROVERSY 145 
 
 which Linguet, after heroic efforts, had managed as Voltaire before him 
 to render CastiUan puns and quibbles. These had proved as much of a 
 stumbUng block to him as to the agile wit of Voltaire. Huerta concludes 
 disdainfully by saying that Linguet was well meaning but quite stupid 
 and quite ignorant of the language which he was trying to turn to 
 French.^"^ 
 
 This criticism of Voltaire and Linguet was surely better founded than 
 the wholesale reviling of French literature based on climatological rea- 
 sons and the lack of sulphur in French loam, but we must admit that this 
 essay as a whole is the creation of a most undisciplined imagination. The 
 majority of the judgments it contains are in no way critical but arise di- 
 rectly from an unbridled hatred of foreigners. Yet here and there, in 
 this paper and perhaps more frequently in another directed against 
 Samaniego, Huerta seems to have had lucid intervals during which he 
 saw clearly the real points at issue. In such cases he was able to say 
 tersely and adequately the few things which it was eminently the right of 
 those of his party to say. For instance, after mentioning the optimistic 
 attitude of Nasarre who still hoped to discover regular plays in Spanish 
 literature, he remarked with evident good sense : "No quedaria su pro- 
 posicion tan sujeta a la nota de jactancia si se redujese a afirmar que se 
 puede presentar a los Estranjeros un extraordinario numero de Piezas 
 Hespaiiolas que, sin embargo de algunas irregularidades, envuelven mas 
 ingenio, mas invencion, mas gracia y generalmente mejor poesia que 
 todos sus Theatros correctos y arreglados." -°' 
 
 Again in the answer to "Cosme Damian," where his line of argument 
 has compelled Huerta to class the plays of Cervantes among the worst 
 ever written in the Spanish tongue and to accuse their author of having 
 taken up neo-classic theorizing only out of spite against Lope, he ex- 
 claims : "Vease quan abstrusas deben ser unas reglas que a los diez anos 
 sabia ya Lope y en qualquiera estudio de Gramatica Latina se dan como 
 las de la Retorica por apendice de ella." -°^ In this one phrase he lays 
 bare the whole of the pedantic side of neo-classicism, the principles of 
 which appeared mysterious only when certain of their supporters ex- 
 pressed them by means of a barbaric vocabulary and with involved diction. 
 
 In spite of the statement quoted above to the effect that the thing for 
 Spaniards to do is to show the good qualities of the Comedia and not to 
 search for problematical tragedies of the regular school, Huerta in his 
 attack on Samaniego takes up the well-worn arguments to prove the an- 
 tiquity of regular plays in Spain. The cause for such contradictions as 
 
 2^. IV, p. 124. 
 
 202Pr61ogo, p. 148. 
 
 203 Answer to Cosme Damian, p. xxxii. 
 
 10
 
 146 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 this, is, as we have said, that Huerta has only one principle in mind — to hit 
 back at impertinent foreigners who have misjudged or insulted his country. 
 Criticism has nothing to do with his arguments. As a matter of fact he is 
 so free from dogmatic prejudice that there are times when he does not 
 hesitate to adopt all the tenets of neo-classicism if through them he can 
 harass his opponents. Thus he gives us quite solemnly and with a sen- 
 tentiousness worthy of a member of an Aristotelian Academy, an analysis 
 of the "Numancia Destruida" of Cervantes, condemning it because of its 
 infraction of the rules of good taste. The reading of such a passage, if 
 taken out of its true relation to the rest of the essay, might cause an un- 
 wary reader to classify Huerta with Luzan.* 
 
 One might think that this attitude of respect towards the rules so 
 unexpectedly exhibited by Huerta was merely ironical. But such is not 
 the case. Huerta seems to be able to argue sincerely on both sides of 
 the question. He believes that the arguments which he brings against 
 Cervantes are unanswerable, being founded on logic, and yet he refuses 
 absolutely to detect any irregularity in the "comedias" of Lope. To ruin 
 the reputation of Cervantes, whom he hates as a "preceptista," he ad- 
 mits the wisdom of the rules and in the next paragraph, with perfect 
 composure he assures his reader that there is nothing unreasonable in 
 Lope. Moreover he gives as specimens of rational literature the erratic 
 compositions found in his "Theatro Hespanol." * 
 
 Assertions without proofs, paradoxes and contradictions of all 
 kinds, all made to fit into arguments intended to prop up 
 Spain's dramatic glory, give but a poor opinion of Huerta's 
 intellectual powers. If it were not for the flashes of understanding 
 shown here and there, these essays would not be worth reading ex- 
 cept as curiosities. Of this redeeming type is the last paragraph in 
 the attack on Samaniego where again Huerta summarizes the whole 
 situation by saying that what is now expected from neo-classicists is 
 not endless theorizing but good dramatic composition "Siendo la ver- 
 dadera impugnacion en estos casos y la menos sospechosa el presentar 
 modelos perfectos : porque ladrar trivialidades que nadie ignora arguye 
 mas espiritu de venganza y malignidad que suficiencia.^"* 
 
 Signorelli. — Signorelli who had spent eighteen years of his Hfe in 
 Spain 2**^ in the most friendly intercourse with the leaders of the "Ter- 
 tulia de San Sebastian" was very much disturbed by the attacks directed 
 against him by Lampillas and by Huerta.* 
 
 2°* Cosme, D., p. xxxii. 
 
 ^o"* Signorelli, v. IV, p. 81, tells us that he left Spain in 1783, one year before 
 the appearance of Huerta's "Gran Prologo," and that his total residence in Spain 
 had lasted eighteen years.
 
 ACUTE STAGES IN THE NEO-CLASSIC CONTROVERSY 147 
 
 The prologue to the "Theatro Hespanol" was written a year after 
 Signorelli had returned to Italy and that author in self-defense published, 
 in Italian, a second edition of his history of the drama in Spain in which 
 he strove to combat, by foot-notes and by paragraphs inserted in the 
 body of the work, the accusation of ignorance and bad faith made 
 against him by his Spanish opponents. To make his victory more cer- 
 tain, Signorelli proceeded to review the blunders of the main Spanish 
 critics who had dealt with the drama since the beginning of the century. 
 He took a cruel pleasure in showing where Montiano's knowledge of 
 literary history was inadequate, wherein Nasarre made himself ridicu- 
 lous* and where Velazquez failed to convince his reader. Of course he 
 passed from irony to anger when coming to the writings of Huerta and 
 proved rather harsh against Lampillas whose quarrel after all had been 
 mainly with Bettinelli and with Tiraboschi, and not with Signorelli. 
 
 There is no doubt that Signorelli was better informed and more 
 capable as a literary historian than any of his competitors and detractors. 
 The confidence which he felt in his superiority is shown in the assured 
 and calm way with which he states his arguments particularly in the 
 case of the old, old question concerning the existence of regular plays 
 in the peninsula. They could have been found in Sa de Miranda but 
 attempts to make the foundation of the Spanish stage antedate that of 
 any other in Europe are frivolous. Referring to the argument generally 
 brought forward to this effect, Signorelli says "Non si avvidero questi 
 eruditi che un 'puo essere' in buona logica non mai produce per conse- 
 guenza un e." ^°^ 
 
 In spite of the controversial elements it contained, this new edition 
 of Signorelli's work retained in the main its original tone and the criti- 
 cisms of Spanish plays, while following the rules of good taste, give 
 evidence of a friendly spirit. His indignation against the treatment he 
 had received from Huerta did not blind him to the extent of making 
 him reverse his opinions. The closing lines of the work, coming after 
 Signorelli has spent his thunder against his opponents, form a sane and 
 sympathetic statement of the good qualities of Spanish "comedias" : "Ma 
 non lasciamo di dire che se essi al loro sale nativo, alia vivacita e fecon- 
 dita deir immaginazione, alia predilezione che hanno pel teatro accopiato 
 avessero un prudente timore di offendere la verisimiglianza e si fossero 
 appigliati ad uno stile piu conveniente al genere, avrebbero forse in tal 
 carriera superati i loro vicini e i lontani." -°^ 
 
 By this we see that Signorelli and Bourgoing, who represent the 
 
 206 Storia Critica De' Teatri Antichi e Moderni di Pietro Signorelli. In 
 Napoli, 1789, v. IV, p. 83. 
 
 207 Signorelli, v. IV, p. 281.
 
 148 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 higher class of foreign critics interested in the neo-classic controversy, 
 had just about the same opinions, consisting in a liberal part of admira- 
 tion for Spanish genius to which they added the expression of their dis- 
 appointment at the thought that no adequate discipline ever guided such 
 brilliant qualities. 
 
 Since we have undertaken to review, in this section of our study, 
 the main facts of the international aspect of the neo-classic struggle in 
 Spain, we may well, for the sake of completeness, mention two or three 
 more authors who undertook the defense of their country against the 
 attack directed against it by badly informed foreigners. 
 
 We have already alluded to the gratuitous insult flung at Spain by 
 a Frenchman bearing the name of Masson who contributed to the "Nou- 
 velle Encyclopedic" an article on the land of Lope and Cervantes. "Que 
 doit-on a I'Espagne?" exclaimed that gentleman in his essay, "et depuis 
 deux siecles, depuis quatre, depuis dix qu'a-t-elle fait pour I'Europe?'' 
 This absurd prologue was enough to exasperate all true Spaniards who 
 felt, and rightly enough, that their country had been insulted in the 
 face of all Europe. 
 
 The scandal caused by the article of the tactless Frenchman had its 
 echo even in Germany where an Italian priest residing at the court of 
 Frederic the Great read in 1786, on the King's birthday, a discourse 
 intended to rehabilitate Spain in the eyes of Europe. 
 
 Father Denina. — In his address Father Denina did not hesitate to 
 admit the relative inferiority of contemporary Spain when compared 
 to her neighbors but he grew indignant at the thought that the glorious 
 past of that country should have been ignored by a citizen of the one 
 nation who owed most to that past.* Denina set out to make a rapid re- 
 view of Spanish civilization mentioning first that nation's unquestioned 
 leadership in religious matters and then opposing to the names of the 
 most important scholars and authors of Europe Spanish thinkers equally 
 prominent in the same branches. Convarrucio preceded Cujas, medicine 
 flourished in Spain (through the Arabs) when the rest of Europe knew 
 none of its principles, and it was under the Spanish rule that anatomical 
 studies were most flourishing in the Low Countries. Descartes was a 
 great genius but he owed much to Pereira Gomez. When France boasted 
 of Bude, and Flanders of Erasmus, Spain had the philosopher Luis 
 Yives.* 
 
 In purely literary matters, Spain held her rank even more easily than 
 in other forms of intellectual activity. 
 
 Who could deny the superiority of either Villena or Santillana over 
 Charles d'Orleans, or that of Boscan and Garcilaso over the poets of the
 
 ACUTE STAGES IN THE NEO-CLASSIC CONTROVERSY 149 
 
 Pleiade ? Besides, according to Denina, France had never possessed any 
 epic poems, whereas the genre had flourished in Spain. 
 
 At least as strange as the remark just reported was the way Denina 
 accounted for the interest shown by Francis I in intellectual and artistic 
 matters. That monarch, he claims, harbored his new ideals during his 
 enforced stay in Madrid and thus the French Renaissance would have 
 been in part of Spanish origin !* 
 
 On the matter of the Spanish drama, Denina gave nearly the argu- 
 ments already expounded by Lampillas and which seem to have found 
 frequent utterance towards the end of the century : "Quand on reproche 
 aux Espagnols I'irregularite de leurs pieces de Theatre" said Denina "on 
 devrait faire une reflexion qui les excuse. Les moeurs ont prodigieuse- 
 ment change . . . ces unites tant inculquees ne sont plus soutenables et 
 les Espagnols ont cru que Ton pourrait plaire et instruire sans se gener a 
 ce point." ^°^ 
 
 The fame of this discourse traveled from Germany to Spain and 
 Pablo Forner saw one more opportunity to cry out against science and the 
 rest of Europe by composing an apology of Denina's discourse. 
 
 This work of Forner is not literary but religious and moral. As 
 must have become evident to the reader of this study, the time had come 
 when the neo-classic movement in the course of its evolution had passed 
 out of the literary field, in which it had started, to extend to nearly all the 
 other fields of intellectual activity as well as to matters of religion. By 
 gradually leaving the discussion of the good and bad points of the three 
 unities it had taken the road followed by the French "philosophes." By 
 slow degrees it had become the weapon of those who wished to reform 
 the state and the church. If we quote from Forner's apology it is only 
 because we are thus enabled to illustrate the last stages in the evolution 
 which we have just mentioned.* 
 
 Voltaire had said somewhere that in Spain "no one thought" and 
 Forner, taking that "boutade" as a fair equivalent of the spirit of Masson's 
 article, had indignantly developed it as follows : "No se piensa en Espana, 
 asi es ; no se piensa en derribar las aras que la humana necesidad, guiada 
 por una infalible revelacion, ha levantado al Arbitro del universo." ^''^ He 
 warns Spaniards against the imposture of science, the fraud underlying 
 the apparent truths taught by mathematics; and feeling that his argu- 
 ment contains too many negatives, he concludes with these words de- 
 
 208 Denina, p. 35. 
 
 209 Oracion Apologetica Por la Espana y su Merito Literario. Para que sirva 
 de exornacion al Discurso leido por el Abate Denina, etc. Por Don Juan Pablo 
 Forner, 1786, p. 19.
 
 150 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 scribing Spain as "Una nacion, cuya nautica y arte militar ha dado a 
 Europa, en vez de un sofiado y arido mundo Cartesiano, un mundo real 
 y efectivo, manantial perenne de riqnezas." ^'^ 
 
 Denina's essay was not received with praise by all Spaniards. It was 
 reviewed by the "Censor" in its CXIIIth article and treated very severely 
 by the representatives of those Spaniards who felt that the only way to 
 prepare for the regeneration of Spain was first to let all the truth 
 be known no matter how dark a picture was to be the result. Arguments 
 like those offered by Denina, though they showed the good intention of 
 that author, were untimely and dangerous. Spaniards must know and 
 admit the worst. Only a complete realization of their extreme weakness 
 will drive them to making efforts necessary to regain the glory which they 
 lost through vanity and sloth. The editors of the "Censor" spoke bitterly 
 of "una cierta teologia, una cierta moral, una cierta jurisprudencia, y una 
 cierta politica que nos han hecho ignorantes y nos tienen pobres."* 
 
 To all this, Forner retorted with the argument that Spain was none 
 the less the most faithful daughter of Rome. When the "Censor" men- 
 tioned the poverty of Spain, Forner exclaimed : "Look on our spiritual 
 leadership, Spain is still the land of St. Augustine." 
 
 Truly these matters have taken us far afield. We are a long way 
 from literary criticism. In part to return to our field of study, in part to 
 conclude our review of those foreigners who expressed opinions on the 
 literary struggle which was going on among their Spanish neighbors, we 
 may well conclude with a quotation from the one Frenchman who seems 
 to have always looked on Spain with an eye of love. We refer to the 
 fabulist Florian, the imitator of Iriarte. The following lines in praise of 
 the ill-fated play "Los Menestrales" composed by the poet Trigueros 
 show that Florian did not realize the importance of the resistance offered 
 to the neo-classic movement by the popular party in Spain. 
 
 The fact that we know how relative and precarious was the progress 
 of the disciples of Luzan will make the quotation only the more interest- 
 ing to us. In addition it is pleasant to be able to finish this review of 
 vvorks which contained so much bitterness and irony with words breath- 
 ing good will and optimism. These were the lines in which Florian ex- 
 pressed his naive faith in Spain's classicism : 
 
 Entrez dans ces Academies 
 
 Dont les lumieres reunies 
 
 Dirigent les naissants auteurs. 
 
 Feuilletez leurs litterateurs. 
 
 Deja I'art dramatique a franchi son aurore: 
 
 210 Ibid., p. 74.
 
 ACUTE STAGES IN THE NEO-CLASSIC CONTROVERSY 151 
 
 Un plat bouffon n'est plus au nombre des acteurs. 
 
 Leur langue grave, energique, sonore 
 
 N'admet plus dans les vers Tobscure metaphore 
 
 L'enflure gigantesque et le faux colons. 
 
 L'invention a prete a chaque personnage 
 
 Des traits divers, mais propres et precis ; 
 
 L'interet n'est plus I'assemblage 
 
 Du concours prodigue d'incidents inouis. 
 
 Et des trois unites le precepte si sage 
 
 Meprise trop longtemps a gagne le suffrage 
 
 Des gens de goiit, des beaux esprits. 
 
 Oeuvres de Trigueros, vous m'en etes un gage. 
 
 Vous honneur du Toscan rivage, 
 
 A nos recents auteurs qui ravissez le prix, 
 
 Goldoni, Zeno, Metastase, 
 
 Un rival vous est ne sur les bords du Betis. 
 
 C'est dans ce cristal pur que s'abreuve Pegase : 
 
 Et par dela ces monts, emules du Caucase, 
 
 Va succeder au siecle de Louis 
 
 Le siecle de son Petit Fils.^^^ 
 
 Even though expressed in pretty wretched verse so much enthusiasm 
 for the supposed greatness of Spain and such a naive faith in her future 
 ought to atone at least in part for the insulting tone of Masson's article 
 in "La Nouvelle Encyclopedic." 
 
 NOTES TO CHAPTER VIL 
 
 p. 134. L. F. de Moratin's play. "El Baron." played in 1803. was nearly run 
 off the stage by the mob at first, the rest of the audience regaining control after a 
 time. "La Mogigata" was rather well received in 1804, while "El Si de las Ninas" 
 in 1806 thoroughly pleased the people. (These details can be found in the prefaces 
 of the plays in the edition of 1830.) 
 
 P. 134. For instance, in "Iriarte y su Epoca." p. 399: "asi es que dos anos 
 despues se presento 'El Cafe,' el publico hallo tan insufrible como nosotros hoy 
 su Don Pedro de Aguilar que no cesa de predicarlos"— (the N. C. precepts). Also 
 cf. the author's monograph on Maria Ladevenant. In work on "La Tirana," 
 Cotarelo y Mori says that the "Comedia Nueva" had no influence, but refers to it 
 as "la admirable satira dramatica," p. 240. 
 
 P. 136. Bourgoing. v. I. p. 347. Samanicgo mi;kes about the same remarks, 
 p. 90 of ed. by Apraiz. He feels that the "sainetes" emphasize too much the low 
 ideals of certain classes— "Quien duda que a estos modelos se debe tambien aquel 
 resabio de 'majismo' que afectan hasta las personas mas ilustres de la corte?" 
 
 P. 138. Ensayo Historico— Apologetico de la Literatura Espanola contra las 
 opiniones preocupadas de Algunos escritores modernos Italianos. Disertaciones 
 
 211 Cited by Sempere y Guarinos. Ensayo de una Biblioteca, etc., v. VL PP- 
 100-102. The last two lines do not seem to have been quoted correctly.
 
 152 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 del Abate Don Xavier Lampillas. Traducido del Italiano por Dona Josefa Amor 
 y Borbon. Madrid 1789. 7 vols. 
 
 P. 139. Lampillas, Prologue, v. I. — "Igualmcnte es reprehensible querer que 
 todo lo nuestro sea lo mejor y que por mantener esta necia quimera se ban de 
 sucitar frequentes disputas, y turbar las conversaciones si alguno la contradice, 
 mas quando se ofende a la nacion entera, quando se quiere creer universal la igno- 
 rancia y la barbarie, quando se atribuye a efectos del clima la corrupcion de las 
 ciencias ; en este caso no puede ser notado de parcial ni preocupado el que toma 
 la defensa de la patria; antes bien lo contrario seria cobardia digna de castigo y 
 el silencio una confirmacion del concepto errado en que estaban los contrarios." 
 
 P. 140. These statements are quoted by Lampillas, v. H, p. 194, from Tira- 
 boschi : "Esta ingeniosa nacion . . . estoy por decir que tiene una propension casi 
 natural, y como procedida del clima, a las sutilezas, por lo que ha tenido tantos 
 escolaticos famosos y tan pocos oradores y poetas." Bettinelli is quoted, v. I, p. 4: 
 "Espana es naturalmente inclinada casi por influxo del clima a la sutileza ; lo qual 
 es causa de que haya tenido pocos poetas y oradores celebres." It looks very much 
 as if one of these authors had merely copied the other. 
 
 P. 142. Linguet, Simon Nicolas Henri, 1736-1794. Famous lawyer who op- 
 posed the encyclopedists, defended the Jesuits, tried to play a part in the Revolution 
 and was executed. When in the service of the prince of Beauveau he went to 
 Spain (1762 or 1763) and became so enthusiastic over the works of Lope and Cal- 
 deron that he translated some of their comedies. 
 
 P. 142. Samaniego in his reply to Cosme Damian used as his text these 
 words of Cervantes, Quijote, Part I, ch. xlviii — "Porque los extranjeros, que con 
 mucha punctualidad guarden las leyes de la comedia nos tienen por barbaros € 
 ignorantes viendo los disparates y absurdos de las que hacemos." 
 
 P. 144. "iY como es facil por otra parte que este divino fuego acompane 
 los espiritus de unas gentes criadas en tierras flojas, pantanosas, faltas de azufre, 
 sales y substancia y tan poco favorecidas del calor de Phebo, que a penas 
 madurarian en muchas de ellas sus frutos, si la industria no les levantase del suelo 
 disponiendolos de modo que puedan recibir mas de lleno los rayos y calor del sol 
 que en no pocas de las Provincias de la Francia, si acaso se descubren tal qual 
 vez, no tienen la bastante fuerza, para fomentar ni dar sazon a la mayor parte de 
 las plantas? 
 
 "De este principio y causa natural proviene aquella mediocridad que se observa 
 en las mas Obras de ingenio de los Franceses quienes seguramente jamas alcan- 
 zaron en la Poesia y Eloquencia mas que aquella mediania correcta propia de 
 ingenios debiles y poco vigorosos." Prologo, pp. 52-53. 
 
 P. 144. Huerta, Pr61ogo, p. 105. The linguistic limitations of Voltaire in 
 Spanish and in other tongues are commented upon in no measured terms by 
 Giuseppe Baretti in the "Frusta letteraria," No. 8, v. I of "Opere," p. 249: — "Vol- 
 taire ha voluto trinciarla da gran sultano in lingua toscana, sentenziando assai 
 volte ora in favore e ora contro di noi. Ma quelle sue sentenze ... o in favore 
 o contro che ne fossero . . . provano molto evidentemente, che Voltaire sa poco 
 piij toscano di quel que basti para capire che Gerusalemme Liberata vuol dir Jerusa- 
 lem Delivree . . . Voltaire sa la lingua italiana a un dipresso come sa la giapponese. 
 La poca fedelta di Voltaire nel tradurre un passo tratto dall' 'Araucana' d'Ercilla, 
 e r invocazione alle Ninfe del Tago da esso fatta di propria invenzione, e quindi 
 supposta a Camoens, mi sono, come dissi gia, convicentissime prove, ch' egli intende
 
 ACUTE STAGES IN THE NEO-CLASSIC CONTROVERSY 153 
 
 lo spagnuolo e il portoghese quanto gli elefanti del gran Mogollo." Continues to 
 prove that Voltaire's knowledge of English was equally uncertain. Quoted by 
 D'Ancona e Bacci. V. IV, p. 375. 
 
 P. 146. Answer to Cosme Damian. Note to page xxx. On "La Numancia" 
 . . . "mezcla de personas reales y alegoricas que mancomuna en la accion. Los 
 personages con nombre propio ascienden al numero de 20 sin contar un Muerto que 
 sale de su sepultura y despues de decir treinta y dos endecasilabos se vuelve a 
 embocar en ella" . . . ambassadors, governors — ("los que hablan mucho mas") 2 
 priests, 4 women, etc., etc. 
 
 P. 146. Ibid., p. xi. "No apruebo las Comedias desatinadas, esto es aquellas 
 en que se hallan las monstruosidades que Cervantes censura; las comedias de mi 
 Coleccion no tienen ni tendran semejantes absurdos." 
 
 P. 146. Huerta, in addition to the slur cast at Signorelli which we have 
 already quoted, had said when dealing with the antiquity of the Spanish stage: 
 "pero yo no habiendo jamas dudado que nuestro Theatro fue el primero que 
 apareco mas correcto en Europa despues del restablecimiento de las letras y no 
 habiendo ya ningiin preocupado Frances ni Italiano (que es mas) que no confiese 
 esta verdad a pesar de las garrulidades con que el Doctor Signorelli quiso sostener 
 la negativa en algiin tiempo." (Cosme Damian, p. xvi.) 
 
 P. 147. Signorelli, p. 65. . . . "io stimo che non mai quest' erudito da buon 
 senno presto fede egli stesso a quel che si sforzo di persuadere agli altri." 
 
 P. 148. Reponse a la Question "Que doit-on a I'Espagne." Discours lu a 
 I'Academie de Berlin dans I'Assemblee publique du 26 Janvier 1786 pour le jour de 
 I'Anniversaire du Roi. Par Mr. L'Abbe Denina. Printed in Madrid, pp. 1-19. 
 
 P. 148. Denina, p. 20. "Mais n'est-ce pas apres son retour de Madrid qu'il 
 s'attacha a faire fleurir ces arts, soit qu'il les ait trouves deja plus avances en 
 Espagne, soit que les reflexions qu'il eut le loisir de faire aient dij le porter a 
 chercher la gloire dans les arts pacifiques plutot que dans les entreprises militaires?" 
 
 P. 149. Reponse a la question, etc., Part XI, p. 82. "La ciencia legitima debe 
 consistir en saber que debe a su animo, que a su cuerpo ; 6 lo que es lo mismo, 
 como ha de mantener la recta constitucion de su ser, etc." Religion and morals 
 are the perfecting powers of man; Spain is in these supreme, hence is supreme in 
 science. 
 
 P. 150. El Censor — Obra Periodica. Aladrid, 1781. Defends rationalism in 
 Literature, then uses rationalism to preach political doctrines distinctly socialistic 
 and revolutionary. French "encyclopedisme" and "esprit philosophique" quite un- 
 diluted.
 
 CHAPTER VIIL 
 
 The Last Stages of the Neo-Classic Movement. 
 
 JOVELLANOS AND SaMANIEGO. 
 
 Our study of the literary skirmishing which the misdirected interest 
 of certain foreigners brought about as soon as it came to the notice of 
 jingoistic Spaniards has made us deal with a series of men none of 
 whom were endowed with talents which could raise them very much 
 above mediocrity. These men of small parts easily resolved themselves 
 into two classes. One of these may be typified by Garcia de la Huerta, 
 for whom neo-classicism was a foreign thing, and, as such, intolerable. 
 The other class was made up of journalists of the type of Clavijo y 
 Fajardo who viewed all artistic matters through the peep hole of pure 
 reason and for whom, naturally, what was not neo-classic in literature 
 was bad. 
 
 While this uncompromising attitude was always more marked among 
 the lesser lights engaged in the neo-classic controversy it will not do to 
 make it typical of them alone. To be sure, at the beginning of that 
 literary quarrel, and also in its advanced stages, during the reign of 
 Charles III, we have met over and over again with marked examples 
 of liberality and freedom from dogmatism in the leaders of the neo- 
 classic movement. 
 
 As the end of the century drew nearer and as the higher class of 
 Spaniards became more and more cosmopolitan, this tendency to literary 
 liberalism waned perceptibly. The leaders of the movement lost more 
 and more their sympathy towards the old Castilian literary genres, grow- 
 ing proportionately more rigid in the application of the neo-classic tenets. 
 
 As a matter of fact, the men who led the movement during the 
 last few years of the century exhibited a narrow-mindedness as great as 
 that shown by the least sympathetic foreigners who had, at an earlier 
 date, undertaken to show to enlightened Europe the deplorable state of 
 literature in the peninsula. 
 
 Among these leaders who lay prone before the Goddess Reason 
 were men of such unquestionable superiority as Jovellanos and 
 Samaniego. 
 
 Jovellanos. — Jovellanos has remained as the most perfect type of 
 "philosophe" produced by Spain. As a writer of tragic plays, as a phil- 
 anthropist, as a practical man of science and as a statesman with strong
 
 156 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 tendencies to liberalism, he personified the best and most advanced forms 
 of the various intellectual movements which had modified Spanish life 
 gradually throughout the eighteenth century. His advanced views in 
 social and political matters did not prevent his being a most patriotic 
 Spaniard, and his extremely severe attitude toward the literary past of 
 his country was simply a form of his patriotism. 
 
 Though consistently patriotic, the views of Jovellanos had not been 
 consistently extreme throughout his career. While still a young man he 
 had been led to make the customary defense of the Spanish drama be- 
 cause it fell to his lot to meet personally with the impertinence of a typi- 
 cal French critic of that period. 
 
 This occurred in 1777 and arose from the correspondence which 
 Jovellanos had with one Valcrestien who had translated into French his 
 "Delincuente Honrado." Valcrestien felt that the character of Don 
 Simon, in the play of Jovellanos, was not sufficiently consistent with 
 itself, and that the last act was too slow in its development. He had 
 graciously mended these slight defects and in his letter to the author, to 
 pour oil on the wounds possibly caused by his action, he had said in a 
 patronizing tone "votre piece est trop bonne pour lui laisser aucun de- 
 faut." * 
 
 This done, the Frenchman who had visited Spain at an earlier 
 period proceeded to pass the usual condemnations on the Spanish stage 
 in terms which showed but too clearly his inability to understand the 
 truly great qualities of the Spanish dramatic genius. 
 
 Jovellanos, without losing his temper under the pressure of such an 
 accumulation of impertinences, replied with modesty on the points touch- 
 ing his play and with marked impartiality on the general subject of the 
 Spanish stage. Had the worthy foreigner asked the help of those who 
 were qualified to guide him in his literary investigation, he would have 
 been directed to the best works of Calderon, Moreto, Zamora, and Cafii- 
 zares. Instead he merely attended the public theatres of the day and 
 looked for the Spanish form of "bon gout" from those who did not pos- 
 sess the elements of it, that is from the vulgar and the kind of drama 
 that satisfied it. "Del buen, 6 mal gusto de una nacion no deben decidir 
 las ideas del vulgo sino las de las personas cultas y literatas. En todas 
 partes el vulgo es ciego y mal estimador de las cosas que no conoce: y 
 yo juzgo que la diferencia entre una nacion generalmente culta y otra 
 que no lo es del todo no consiste en que la primera tenga buen gusto, y 
 la segunda no, sino que en la una el buen gusto este mas propagado 
 que en la otra; 6 lo que viene a ser lo mismo, que en una haya mas 
 vulgo y en otra menos." ^^^ 
 
 212 Jovellanos, v. VII, p. 111.
 
 THE LAST STAGES OF THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT 157 
 
 Thus Jovellanos defends his country and, at the same time, admits 
 the truth of the traditional accusations made against its Hterature. His 
 state of mind does not differ materially from that of many of the neo- 
 classic leaders whom we have considered so far. Wherein he does show 
 some originality is in his exposing without any reservations the detri- 
 mental effect on Spanish letters of the prominence given to the lower 
 classes in the field of literary criticism. The intellectual lower class is still 
 numerous and active ; it is more than a match for the few partisans 
 of good taste. Still the day is coming when the trained and thought- 
 ful classes will make their standards prevail over the enthusiastic but mis- 
 guided judgments of the present rulers of the Spanish Parnassus. "Son 
 mas en numero, estan bien hallados con el, (el mal gusto) se burlan de los 
 que piensan de otro modo y los sefialan con el dedo. En fin, entre Vds. 
 quien combate las preocupaciones comunes es un hombre celoso, entre 
 nosotros suele pasar por entusiasta. Pero esto pasara. La luz de la ilus- 
 tracion no tiene un movimiento tan rapido como la del sol; pero cuando 
 una vez ha rayado sobre algun hemisferio, se difunde, aunque lentamente, 
 hasta llenar los mas lejanos horizontes; y 6 yo conozco mal mi nacion, 6 
 este fenomeno va ya apareciendo en ella." ^^^ 
 
 This optimism of Jovellanos, who in 1777 was ready to defend at 
 least parts of the national drama, seems to have received some severe 
 blows during the two decades that foUow^ed. 
 
 In the semi-ofiicial document in which in 1790 he had studied the 
 possibility of a legal and governmental control of the dramatic activities 
 of the city of Madrid, we find that Jovellanos has been compelled, by the 
 logic of the situation, to accept conclusions which he surely would not 
 have countenanced when his faith in pure reason was not yet fully de- 
 veloped. 
 
 As a matter of fact, in this "Memoria"* we are rather amazed to find 
 that Jovellanos, whose theories seemed quite reasonable in 1777, has been 
 driven by logical deductions from his premises to a position of incredible 
 narrowness. Had Jovellanos simply stated his lack of sympathy with the 
 ideals of the illiterate or uneducated classes, no intelligent person could 
 have found fault with an attitude which merely resolved itself into a pref- 
 erence for higher as against lower standards of art. But the minute that 
 Jovellanos passed from theoretical discussions to an attempt to apply his 
 principles we find that he became very narrow and exhibited a tendency 
 to real tyranny. 
 
 From the reading of the "Memoria," it becomes evident that Jovella- 
 nos had at that date reached conclusions similar to the opinions of the 
 
 213 Jovellanos, v. VII, p. 111. Letter dated Sept. 13, 1777. Sevilla.
 
 158 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 opponents of the Abbe Denina who felt that, while there was much in 
 Spanish civilization that deserved praise, praise was not what the emer- 
 gency of the moment demanded. What was needed was blame, severe 
 and unrestricted. 
 
 To Jovellanos then, the enumeration of the good qualities of great 
 Spanish writers only served to strengthen the faith of the common people 
 in the excellence of the inferior authors whom they admired, while criti- 
 cism of their faults passed absolutely unnoticed. In dealing with minds 
 who, out of a fair argument, picked out only those parts which favored 
 their position, quite ignoring the others, reasonable and fair as they might 
 be, the only method of procedure was to adopt an attitude equally unfair. 
 Thus in the "Memoria" we have an attack on the Spanish drama more 
 complete and more relentless than any other which we have met so far. 
 Jovellanos, like the editors of the "Diario," found it impossible to keep to 
 a moderate course as soon as he passed from theory to practice. In an 
 eloquent passage preceding the discussion of practical methods of control 
 over the theatres, Jovellanos brands the Spanish stage of the sixteenth 
 century as a school of immorality and folly, exclaiming at the end of his 
 arraignment : "Confesemoslo de buena fe,un teatro tal es una peste publica, 
 y el Gobierno no tiene mas alternativa que reformarle, 6 proscribirle para 
 siempre !* . . ." "Es por lo mismo necesario," he adds later, "sustituir a 
 estos dramas otros capaces de deleitar, instruir, presentando ejemplos y 
 documentos que perfeccionen el espiritu y el corazon. . . . He aqui el 
 grande objeto de la legislacion. Perfeccionar en todas sus partes este 
 espectaculo, formando un teatro donde puedan verse continuos y heroicos 
 ejemplos de reverencia al ser supremo, y a la religion de nuestros padres, 
 de amor a la patria. . . . Los medios no son dificiles . . . establezcanse 
 dos premios anuales de cien doblones, y una medalla de oro." -^* . . . 
 Now we have it ! This is the lowest ebb to which pitiless logic could drag 
 the neo-classic ideas. The state, legislation, wise counselors, all the sanc- 
 timonious apparatus of paternalism, the surest methods to throttle art, are 
 called up to the rescue of Spain. 
 
 Luzan had already hinted at the advisability of governmental inter- 
 ference in literary matters pure and simple. This tendency had reap- 
 peared with N. F. de Moratin, who had brought about the abolishing of a 
 whole genre by law. It reached its full development in the plan of Jovella- 
 nos who, in his turn, called on the government to reinstate art by ordi- 
 nances and by offering rewards to those writers who would follow the 
 paths proved by reason and authority to be the proper ones. 
 
 This attempt to prop up the neo-classic reforms, not by persuasion 
 
 214 Jovellanos, v. IV, p. 83.
 
 THE LAST STAGES OF THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT 159 
 
 and gradual education, but by way of governmental interference, discred- 
 its the whole movement in our own eyes. We may well imagine how 
 disastrous to its success was the effect on contemporaries. Neo-classicism 
 became synonymous with petty tyranny and the basest form of adminis- 
 trative prosiness. Its natural opponents who had attacked it merely be- 
 cause of its foreign origin had at last a mighty weapon to wield against 
 it. Their party gained in dignity in proportion as neo-classicism was be- 
 littled by this mention of governmental tutelage. 
 
 Yet many of the reforms suggested by Jovellanos were most reason- 
 able and most necessary. For instance, we can not but praise him for 
 hinting that if the spectators who had to stand by the hour in the "patio" 
 were provided with decent seats, the rowdyism which prevailed so often 
 in that part of the audience would naturally disappear.* His attack on 
 scenery was but the echo of the complaint on the subject begun by Monti- 
 ano and was undoubtedly warranted. His plan to make playhouses finan- 
 cially independent can not but receive the highest praise. But how 
 unfortunate to have relied so much on the government and to have sug- 
 gested that the glorious drama of Spain could be replaced by the works 
 of authors in whom inspiration could be awakened by offers of medals 
 and of purses of gold ! 
 
 There is apparently an amazing contradiction in the essay of Jovella- 
 nos. Before coming to the enumeration of the many ways by means of 
 which the stage ought to be checked and controlled by the government. 
 he had described vividly the depressing effect on the common people 
 caused by an excess of police regulations. 
 
 While dealing with the general subject of amusements, he had 
 pointed out that in certain rural districts, holidays were turned into days 
 of gloom by needless ordinances which interfered with the peasants' right 
 to gather in groups, to dance or to sing in public. Just for that reason, 
 said Jovellanos, many of the most important feast days were spent unat- 
 tended by any real jollity. "En los dias solemnes en vez de alegria y 
 bullicio que debieran anunciar el contento de sus moradores, reina en las 
 calles y plazas una perezosa inaccion, un triste silencio, que no se pueden 
 advertir sin admiracion ni lastima. Si algunas personas salen de sus casas, 
 no parece sino que el tedio y la ociosidad las echan fuera de ellas, y las 
 arrastran al ejido, al humilladero, a la plaza 6 al portico de la iglesia. 
 donde, embozados en sus capas, 6 al arrimo de alguna esquina, 6 sentados, 
 6 vagando aca y acuUa sin objeto ni proposito determinado pasan triste- 
 mente las horas y las tardes enteras sin espaciarse ni divertirse." ^^" 
 
 In describing these solemn feasts which remind one vaguely of the 
 
 2« Jovellanos, v. IV, p. 60.
 
 160 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 old-fashioned New England Sunday, Jovellanos does not seem to have 
 realized that he was describing in a masterly way the state of mind of the 
 men and women who would gather before the footlights of his ideal gov- 
 ernment-regulated theatre. 
 
 In his pity for the brow-beaten rustics, he had exclaimed: "No ha 
 nienester que el Gobierno le divierta, pero si que le deje divertirse." ^^* 
 
 This contradiction, however, is only apparent. Jovellanos had come 
 to the conclusion that theatrical performances were not a fitting form of 
 amusement for the common people. Dramatic performances require too 
 much time from those who are to earn their living with their own hands. 
 Let their amusements be dancing and singing in the open, amusements 
 which need imply no prolonged idleness and which cost nothing. If the 
 common people insist on going to plays, it will be the best thing for them 
 in the last analysis if they are made as uncomfortable as possible. More- 
 over, if the price of admission were raised, many would be kept away 
 from a form of entertainment which was harmful to them and which they 
 helped to degrade by their actions : "Yo no pretendo cerrar a nadie sus 
 puertas : esten enhorabuena abiertas a todo el mundo, pero conviene difi- 
 cultar indirectamente la entrada a la gente pobre que vive de su trabajo, 
 para la cual el tiempo es dinero y el teatro mas casto y depurado una 
 distraccion perniciosa. He dicho que el pueblo no necesita espectaculos ; 
 ahora digo que le son daiiosos, sin esceptuar siquiera el de la Corte. . . . 
 Quiza vendra un dia de tanta perfeccion para nuestra escena que pueda 
 presentar hasta en el genero infimo y grosero, no solo una diversion ino- 
 cente y sencilla, sino tambien instructiva y provechosa. Entonces acaso 
 convendra establecer teatros baratos y vastisimos para divertir en dias 
 festivos al pueblo de las grandes capitales. Pero este momento esta muy 
 distante de nosotros, y el acelerarle puede ser muy arriesgado ; quedense 
 pues las esperanzas y bienes deseados." ^^^ 
 
 In such words as these Jovellanos reveals to us one of the character- 
 istics of the neo-classic movement which so far had been kept pretty well 
 out of sight. We refer to its intrinsically^^stQCjratic nature. It was pri- 
 marily the quarrel of the few who had had special educational advantages 
 against the many who had remained in ignorance. The movement in its 
 theoretical stages did not show any scorn of the common people. Quite 
 to the contrary, neo-classic critics loved to enlarge on the unmatched 
 opportunity which the drama offered to rulers for the moral teaching of 
 the masses. Good plays were fountains of wisdom and virtue from which 
 humanity in its entirety could drink deep inspiration. But again on pass- 
 
 2^^ Jovellanos, v. IV, p. 60. 
 2" Jovellanos, v. IV, p. 93.
 
 THE LAST STAGES OF THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT 161 
 
 ing from theory to practice, the leaders of the movement found themselves 
 compelled to establish a number of "distinguos" which ended by sharply 
 dividing humanity into those who could and those who could not benefit 
 by the higher forms of art even when they were made to express the 
 purest moral teachings.* 
 
 Thus in the last analysis, with superior men like Jovellanos as with the 
 small fry of the neo-classic system of criticism, society was bound to be 
 divided off into the fit and the unfit, the chosen few and the common herd, 
 and it is no wonder that the common herd, what with its hatred of foreign 
 things and what with its intuition of the slight which the system was 
 bound to inflict upon it, stubbornly refused to countenance neo-classicism. 
 The common people realized well enough that the more they accepted its 
 tenets, the more they put themselves in a condition of inferiority towards 
 the rest of society. 
 
 Samaniego. — In the critical writings of Samaniego ^^^ we find ex- 
 pressed with equal vim the ideas professed by Jovellanos. The fabulist, 
 however, did not have the same reasons for believing in the efficiency of 
 legislation as did the statesman and we find that Samaniego relies in his 
 campaign mainly on irony, the classical weapon of literary reformers in 
 Spain. 
 
 How bitter and cutting Samaniego's irony could be, poor Iriarte, 
 who had offended him in the preface to the first edition of his fables, had 
 found out at his own expense. This dangerous gift of his Samaniego used 
 in the neo-classic controversy to reply to Huerta's strange prologue, to 
 undermine the hope still cherished by some that Spanish literature con- 
 tained undiscovered treasures of regular plays and finally to ridicule the 
 enormous display of clap-trap and machinery required by the contempor- 
 ary Comedia. 
 
 In poking fun at the childish parallel made by Huerta between the 
 sulphurless soil of France and that nation's insipid literature, Samaniego 
 seems to have hit on the main fallacy of all arguments which tend to ex- 
 plain away differences in temperament by purely physical causes. After a 
 mock-heroic passage in which he extols the virtues of the Spanish soil 
 and the Spanish sun and in which he shows how Spaniards may become 
 full of genius merely by breathing the nutritious air of their country and 
 allowing its sunlight to shine on their pates, Samaniego exclaims: 
 •'iEntonces, entonces ! si que los frutos del ingenio, considerados (por 
 decirlo asi) fisicamente, pues que en ellos solo contariamos con la influ- 
 encia del clima ; entonces, vuelvo a decir una y mil veces, entonces si que 
 
 218 Obras criticas de Don Felix Maria de Samaniego. Precedidas de unos 
 Estudios Preliminares escritos por Julian Apraiz. Bilbao, 1898. 
 
 n
 
 162 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 las producciones de nuestra imaginacion serian garrafaies ! La misma 
 diferencia habria de una comedia francesa a otra espanola que la que va 
 de un melon de Valencia a otro melon de Burdeos, 6 de un cuerno de Me- 
 dellin a otro cuerno de Oloron." ^^" 
 
 Although Samaniego is not as openly aristocratic as Jovellanos, we 
 find in him the same spirit which caused Cadalso to ridicule the angel 
 Gabriel and his wooden retainers, and this spirit is merely the ironical 
 attitude arising in the man of the world where he happens to be witness- 
 ing the simple amusements of the "menu peuple." Says Samaniego. 
 speaking of the average popular "comedia" : "El crujir de las cuerdas, el 
 golpeo de los contrapesos, el ruido de las ruedas y poleas, y toda la faena 
 de los diestros maquinistas se perciben por lo menos desde las cuatro 
 calles. Asi se logra que hasta los papanes de Mahodres conozcan como se 
 hacen estas diabluras ; y reducido el arte a principios faciles y sencillos 
 vivimos seguros de que nunca nos faltan tramoyistas, y lo que es mas, de 
 que la Inquisicion se puede meter con ellos." ^^° 
 
 On the more serious side of the question, we find that Samaniego 
 summarizes in an unusually full way the various points of the neo-classic 
 controversy which had been thrashed out during the century. "iQue 
 literato no conocera que nada hay comparable en el teatro frances, ni aun 
 en el griego, a la viveza de colorido y la expression de la verdad con que 
 se hallan retratados en nuestras comedias de figuron algunos de los 
 diferentes caracteres ridiculos y extravagantes de los hombres? Seamos 
 pues, sinceros: confesemos las ventajas y desventajas de nuestro teatro: 
 hagamos saber al mundo ilustrado, que en Espana no todos hacemos 
 apologias del error y del disparate." ^^^ 
 
 The only original contribution made by Samaniego to the argu- 
 ments pro and con which we have had to repeat so often in the course of 
 this study is the one that an attack on bad Comedia, far from being an 
 attack on the Spanish mind, is really a way to redeem its reputation. 
 "Los dramas mejores, absolutamente hablando, son siempre los que mas 
 divierten; y es hacer una horrenda injuria a nuestro pueblo el asegurar 
 que solo se puede divertir con representaciones torpcs, groseras o 
 ridiculas." ^^^ 
 
 Other quotations could be brought forth to prove how completely 
 the critical ideas of Samaniego summed up the neo-classic system consid- 
 
 218 Samaniego, etc., p. 7Z. Quoted from Continuacion de las Memorias 
 Criticas por Cosme Damian. 
 
 220 Samaniego, p. 95. Quoted from Carta sobre el Teatro in "Censor," t. 
 XCII. Madrid, 1786, p. 95. 
 
 221 Ibid., p. 75. Cosme Damian. 
 
 222 Samaniego. Carta Sobre el Teatro, p. 86.
 
 THE LAST STAGES OF THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT 163 
 
 ered in the complete state of development which it had reached towards 
 the end of the eighteenth century. One passage of the letter written by 
 the fabulist to "El Censor" in 1786 is probably the source used by L. F. de 
 Moratin for the lines of the "Comedia Nueva" in which Don Pedro sol- 
 emnly warns his audience of the close connection existing between the real 
 greatness of a nation and that of its literature.* In the "Continuacion de 
 las Memorias Criticas por Cosme Damian" we find a sketch of the argu- 
 ments drawn by N. F. de Moratin from Luzan to the effect that the rules 
 are universal and immortal and that neither imagination nor fancy can 
 rightly prevail against them. Again in another instance, we find Saman- 
 iego repeating the type of praise of Spanish literature which we met in the 
 "ArtePoetica" and in the "Diario" and which we have read in Bourgoing's 
 account of the Spanish drama. In brief, as we have seen that every neo- 
 classic critic since Luzan had echoed the ideas of that leader first of all, 
 then had tried rather feebly to say something new, so we find that Saman- 
 iego is primarily a faithful echo of the whole movement as it stood at 
 the end of the century.* 
 
 If he does add a new element besides the one mentioned above, it is 
 along the line already defined by Jovellanos, that is, along the line of 
 dividing the Spanish public into an aristocratic group into whom good 
 taste had already been inculcated and a popular group which had every- 
 thing to learn in such matters. 
 
 Moral teaching, according to the early leaders of the neo-classic 
 movement, was to be the aim of literature and particularly of the drama. 
 Its possibilities as a social force and as a source of refinement and poUsh 
 had not been considered very seriously at first. 
 
 Samaniego, who as an admirer and an imitator of the "Philoso- 
 phes," was not above suspicion in his attitude towards religion, was willing 
 to put the social and esthetic role of the drama on a par with its duty to 
 teach or safeguard morality. "No baste que el teatro instruya, es menester 
 tambien que pula y que cultive." ^^^ 
 
 As we have been approaching the end of the eighteenth century we 
 have found that evidences of the wide spread of neo-classicism grew 
 enormously in number. 
 
 To deal only with the important names, we might add to Jovellanos 
 and Samaniego, Quintana and the whole poetical school (so-called) of 
 Valencia. Had we aimed to compile a catalogue of quotations from argu- 
 ments in favor of neo-classicism, we could have filled portfolios with 
 excerpts from "El Pensador," "El Censor," "El Memorial Literario." 
 
 Nothing could have been more futile than such a course. The nco- 
 
 223 Samaniego, p. 86.
 
 164 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 classicists whom we shall not study differed in no way from those who 
 have been the object of our investigation, and we know but too well how 
 uniform and monotonous the majority of these gentlemen have proved to 
 be in their trains of thought and in their arguments. 
 
 We might faithfully analyze the "Poetica" of Quintana and receive 
 no greater reward for our troubles than if we had studied his regular 
 tragedies.* 
 
 Likewise to attempt to give an account of the journalistic debates 
 in the eighties and nineties in a way that could command the interest 
 of even the most generous reader is a feat which we feel in no way 
 capable of accomplishing. The only feeling that such a piece of drudgery 
 could awaken would be one of amazement at the infinite capacity of cer- 
 tain individuals for repeating, as if they had discovered them, truths or 
 principles which have long been classified as platitudes.* 
 
 As a matter of fact, so far as the important and useful elements of 
 our study are concerned, we have come to the end of our labors. We have 
 followed the spread of the neo-classic spirit from its start to the time 
 when it had been disseminated among all classes of Spanish society as 
 broadly as it lay in its nature to be disseminated. 
 
 An attempt to present more in detail the documents and the argu- 
 ments of this final dissemination would compel us to enter into a series of 
 repetitions which in irksomeness would quite eclipse those which it has 
 been our lot to commit in the course of this study. 
 
 Rather than lose ourselves in a mass of petty and inconclusive de- 
 tails, let us be satisfied in indicating briefly and in broad lines the develop- 
 ment of the neo-classic movement from the end of the eighteenth century 
 to the beginning of the Romantic movement. 
 
 First of all let us deal with the trend of ideas in the field of literary 
 criticism. 
 
 The Evolution of the Neo-Classic Opposition. — Neo-classicism, as 
 we have said, had reached the end of its development with the end of the 
 century. It had been stated completely and all classes of society had been 
 made acquainted with its tenets. The purely theoretical writings of L. F. 
 de Aloratin, of Martinez de la Rosa, and of Quintana testify once for all 
 to this condition of complete development. They prove with equal con- 
 clusiveness the fundamental incompatibility which separated the popular 
 mind in Spain from the aristocratic ideals of neo-classicism. In them- 
 selves, these works ofifer no interest. It was by the reaction that so much 
 dogma aroused that these last great neo-classic documents came to have 
 an influence on literary criticism. 
 
 We have seen in the course of our study how at each new develop-
 
 THE LAST STAGES OF THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT 165 
 
 ment of the neo-classic propaganda there arose a number of writers who 
 stood against it, not so much in the name of art as in that of patriotism. 
 
 At first this opposition was merely an outburst of anger against a 
 party which put foreign ideals above those of the mother country. The 
 opposition to neo-classicism was then emotional in its nature and con- 
 spicuously lacked soUdity. As the fight progressed, the emotional ele- 
 ment continued preeminent but the opponents of neo-classicism perceived 
 at last that, even from a purely rational standpoint, the position of their 
 enemies was not unassailable. Instead of indulging exclusively in denun- 
 ciations of the innovators they gradually set themselves to introducing 
 elements of rationality in their arguments. 
 
 To be sure, Garcia de la Huerta was mainly vituperative, yet we saw 
 that he made use of neo-classicism in his attack against Cervantes and 
 that he delighted in inventing a parallel between the literature of France 
 and that country's climate. Lampillas, by attempting to view Spanish 
 literature from a comparative standpoint, made a dignified defense of the 
 Spanish stage a possibility. To be brief, in proportion as the neo-classic 
 critics grew smug and self-satisfied, their opponents grew in experience 
 and in capacity. 
 
 The Romantic opposition which, as Menendez y Pelayo points out, 
 had with more or less success stood out at all times against the neo- 
 classic movement, had gained steadily in strength. By the beginning of 
 the nineteenth century it had become a force to be reckoned with. It 
 presented no longer a form of explosive indignation but a body of clear 
 ideas infinitely more intelligent and far-sighted than those which made up 
 the bulk of the neo-classic argumentation. This so-called Romantic op- 
 position had become a manner of compromise in which reason held an im- 
 portant place while national traits received due consideration. 
 
 Menendez y Pelayo has given a careful account of the works of the 
 main exponents of this growing school of criticism. It is only for the 
 sake of completeness that we shall mention briefly here the more impor- 
 tant names which are treated quite fully in the sixth volume of the 
 "Ideas Esteticas." 
 
 Eximeneo, for instance, attacked the three unities in a very able and 
 rational way. He felt certain that, had England weighed down the gen- 
 ius of its writers with these conventions, there would have been no 
 Shakespeare, and that with such shackles the greatness of Lope would 
 never have made itself known. ^^^ This critic, to be sure, had no love for 
 Calderon's diction, and his opinions, if we omit those dealing with the 
 unities, were after all not far from those of Luzan. 
 
 22* Ideas Esteticas, v. VI, p. 34.
 
 166 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 Much less conventional in their judgments and more typical of this 
 new Spanish school of good sense were the two writers, Berguizas and 
 Estala. 
 
 Berguizas, who wrote about at the time when La Harpe lectured, 
 was a true classicist. He dared attack periphrasis and outlined the argu- 
 ments in favor of taking into consideration the times, the country and the 
 race in arriving at literary judgments. To quote Menendez y Pelayo : 
 "Sostiene que ni en hebreo ni en griego fueron nunca bajas las expresi- 
 ones, 'asno fuerte, mi asta 6 mi cuerno, el ombligo de la tierra' . . . ni 
 debe parecer disonancia el que se compare a una mujer hermosa con una 
 yegua." ^^' 
 
 Estala saw before Schlegel that the ancient and the modern tragedy 
 had nothing in common. Instead of breaking into wordy rhapsodies on 
 the neglected beauties of Lope and Calderon, he makes a straightforward 
 attack on the theories of "illusion" and of "imitation," that is, he pro- 
 ceeds to pull down the very keynote of the neo-classic arch. To quote 
 again from "Las Ideas Esteticas" : "A fuerza de analizar, y de querer 
 reducir las imitaciones a los originales, aniquilan las bellas artes . . . y 
 ri que ha resultado de este principio tan absurdo ? De el ha nacido aquella 
 voz insensata y quimerica de ilusion : se pretende hallar ilusion en la 
 pintura, ilusion en la escultura y mil ilusiones en la dramatica . . . 
 Ningiin espectador sensato puede padecer ilusion, ni por un momento, en 
 el teatro : sabe que ha ido a ver una representacion, no un hecho ver- 
 dadero; lo material del edificio, los mismos espectadores le estan con- 
 tinuamente advirtiendo esta vertad . . . ; la imitacion es absolutamente 
 distinta de la verdad ... las bellas artes ni aspiran, ni deben, ni pueden 
 aspirar a causar ilusion, siendo la ilusion una quimera, un parto mon- 
 struoso de la mas profunda ignorancia de los principios, un absurdo de 
 que no se halla rastro en la antigiiedad y un manantial fecundo de er- 
 rores." "« 
 
 From such quotations as the foregoing we see that the clash between 
 the two literary factions had resulted in giving rise to ideas on literary 
 criticism which were in no way contemptible. As a matter of fact the 
 modern reader is amazed more than once to meet in the writings of these 
 Spaniards, statements of ideas of which he had been accustomed to think 
 as having arisen only with the Schlegel brothers and the other early 
 Romantic critics. 
 
 Though the final result of these discussions helped to start in Spain 
 a trend towards modern criticism, neither the neo-classic party nor that 
 
 225 Ideas Esteticas, v. VI, p. 73. 
 22« Ideas Esteticas, v. VI, p. 80.
 
 THE LAST STAGES OF THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT 167 
 
 standing for national traits was able to pull Spain out of the slough of 
 artistic impotence in which it had been floundering since the beginning 
 of the eighteenth century. 
 
 The aristocratic tendencies, which we saw so distinctly in the works 
 of Jovellanos, at last united with the desire for governmental interfer- 
 ence, which is pretty sure to spring up in the hearts of reformers when 
 they come to realize that their propaganda is not making much headway. 
 
 First a censorship of the stage had been established, then a board 
 to replace the municipal control of playhouses was organized. No one 
 will ever know just why it was that a military officer was made president 
 of this organization, which had absolute sway not only over the business 
 part of theatrical administration, but also over the personnel of com- 
 panies and the kind of plays which should or should not be presented to 
 the public. Moratin, who had just been made director of the board, could 
 not get along with his warrior chief and resigned, only to be made "cor- 
 rector" of comedies. His duty was to modify those plays of the old 
 Spanish repertoire which, with a few alterations, could be made present- 
 able to an audience composed of representatives of the "honnete homme" 
 species of the genus homo. 
 
 As a result of so much official activity, over six hundred "comedias," 
 some of them the very flower of the classic stage of Spain, were con- 
 demned as unfit to be presented to the public."^ Translators of foreign 
 plays were so stimulated that the playhouses were fairly flooded with 
 tragedies from all over Europe. A few old plays were successfully mod- 
 ified and acted. ^^® Yet, in spite of such a wealthy repertoire, actors and 
 public uttered loud protests. The former plied their trade only when on 
 the verge of starvation and, as there was no adequate way of driving audi- 
 ences into the theatres, these soon ran into debt and, before long, the 
 Junta had to resign to avoid greater financial calamities. 
 
 Certain Spanish writers have taken very much to heart this tyrannical 
 sway brought on the playhouses of Madrid by the fanaticism of the neo- 
 classicists. 
 
 The Junta was most certainly an incredibly stupid form of govern- 
 mental meddling but, on the other hand, it did no harm to dramatic art 
 smce such art did not exist. 
 
 Before the Junta, as during and after its brief reign, the repertoire of 
 the Madrid theatres remained just about the same. With some of the 
 
 227 Among them "La Vida es Sueno," "El Principe Constante," "El Majico 
 Prodigioso," "El Tejedor de Segovia," "El Convidado de Piedra." 
 
 228 Especially "La Estrella de Sevilla," modified by Trigueros in 1800. (Re- 
 vista de Archives — Julio — Agosto, 1912, article entitled : Menendez y Pelayo y la 
 Dramatica Nacional.)
 
 168 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 popular productions of the great writers of the seventeenth century there 
 was played a multitude of plebeian abortions coming from the pens of 
 such impossible writers as Cornelia, and foreign translations abounded. 
 
 As a matter of fact, the neo-classic drama, throughout the end of the 
 eighteenth century and through the first quarter of the nineteenth had 
 every possible opportunity to show whether or no it was able to com- 
 mand the interest of Spanish audiences. Its utter failure to do so is not 
 surprising to us if we only stop to read the names of the foreign authors 
 whose works were set forth as models of the dramatic art. They explain 
 easily enough the stubborn resistance of both players and public to this 
 foreign invasion. 
 
 To be sure, all such importations were not French. Among their 
 numbers figure some of the works of Shakespeare, Metastasio, Goldoni 
 and Alfieri, but Shakespeare was known only through the adaptation of 
 Ducis which gained nothing in being translated into Spanish. As for the 
 Italian plays, what their translators saw in them was first of all their 
 regularity. 
 
 The small fry of the decadent French classicism together with Vol- 
 taire supplied by far the larger part of the plays intended to take the place 
 of the extravagant as well as of the admirable productions of the Spanish 
 drama. 
 
 In the frequent mentions of such plays made by Cotarelo y Mori in 
 his various works on the dramatic art of the period we meet such names 
 as Andrieux, Lemercier, Arnaud, Brifaut, and even such a writer as Pixe- 
 recourt found translators. 
 
 The name of Brifaut gains fame in this connection. That writer is 
 of course remembered mainly for the facility with which, upon recom- 
 mendation by the government, he changed his Spanish tragedy "Don 
 Sanche" to an Oriental play. The operation was a simple one, consist- 
 ing mainly in modifying the names of the characters and in placing the 
 scene on eastern instead of western shores of the Mediterranean. 
 
 "Don Sanche" under its new title, "Ninus II.," was translated and 
 slightly condensed by a capable Spaniard.^^^ The play which under its 
 first name might have strained the diplomatic relations between France 
 and Spain was under its disguise heartily received by the latter. As a 
 matter of fact it scored a tremendous success and brought some consola- 
 tion to the neo-classic partisans. "La obra tuvo exito fabuloso con 
 grandes entradas," says Cotarelo y Mori, who feels that the Spanish ver- 
 sion of Brifaut's play is still in our days a most readable tragedy. 
 
 22® Cotarelo y Mori, Isidore Maiquez, p. 436. The translator of Brifaut's play 
 was Jose Joaquin de Mora.
 
 THE LAST STAGES OF THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT 169 
 
 In spite of occasional successes scored by the supporters of this 
 wholesale literary importation and in spite of Moratin's comedies, the 
 average run of plays given in these days of literary chaos is depressingly 
 low. 
 
 It is clear enough to us who have the advantage of proper perspec- 
 tive, that when it came to a matter of practical application, the neo-classic- 
 ists and their opponents were merely rivals in impotence. 
 
 The mob in the "patio" might well express its indignation quite unin- 
 terruptedly and, from the very nature of the existing conditions, its judg- 
 ments could not very well help being correct. 
 
 If in the general confusion it hissed Moratin's "El Baron" off the 
 stage we can not really blame it very seriously. We are rather filled with 
 admiration at the discrimination it showed in the case of the "Mogigata" 
 which it treated kindly and in that of the "Si de las Nifias" which it 
 greeted with genuine enthusiasm. 
 
 But we are now distinctly beyond the limits of our subject. These 
 matters belong to the literary history of the nineteenth century and since, 
 except for the literary criticism of the opposition, our movement has 
 ended in sterility on the one hand and in chaos on the other, we may well 
 consider our task completed. Let us therefore turn our attention to the 
 neo-classic movement as a whole. 
 
 It may be that a retrospective view of our field of study may lend it 
 a dignity which from a purely esthetic standpoint it certainly does not 
 possess. 
 
 NOTES TO CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 p. 156. Coleccion de varias obras en Prosa y Verso del Ex'mo Senor Don 
 Caspar Melchor de Jovellanos. (Adicionada con algunas notas por D. Ramon 
 Marcia Canedo.) Madrid, 1830. 7 vols. V. VII, p. 107. 
 
 P. 157. Memoria para el arreglo de la Policia de los espectaculos y diver- 
 siones publicas, y sobre su origen en Espana. V. IV of edition cited. 
 
 P. 158. Jovellanos, v. IV, p. 57. "iComo es posible alucinarse sobre una 
 cuestion de hecho, en la cual la asistencia de una semana al teatro vale mas que 
 todos los miserables argumentos empleados en su favor, y aun mas tambien que 
 las vagas declamaciones y el fastidioso farrago de centones y lugares comunes 
 con que los moralistas ban combatido lo que no conocieron?" . . . Speaks of the 
 good work done by the criticism of "Cervantes, Luzan, Nasarre, Valdefiores 
 (Velazquez), Pensador, Censor, Memorial Literario, La Espigadera y otros muchos 
 que como filosofos, como criticos 6 como politicos, trataron este punto. . . . Por 
 lo que a mi toca no hay prueba tan decisiva de la corrupcion de nuestro gusto, y 
 de la depravacion de nuestras ideas, como la fria indiferencia con que dejamos 
 representar unos dramas en que el pudor, la caridad, la buena fe, la decencia, y
 
 170 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 todas las maximas re noble y buena educacion, son abiertamente conculcadas. i Si 
 se cree por ventura que la inocente puericia, la ardiente juventud, la ociosa y 
 regalada nobleza, el ignorante vulgo pueden ver sin peligro tantos ejemplos de 
 impudencia y groseria, de unfania y necio pundonor, dc desacato a la justicia y a 
 las leyes, de infidelidad a las obligaciones piiblicas y domesticas, puestos en accion, 
 pintados con colores mas vivos y animados con el encanto de la ilusion, y con las 
 gracias de la poesia y de la miisica? Confesesmolo de buena fe, etc." Again, p. 
 77 : "La reforma de nuestro teatro debe empezar por el destierro de casi todos los 
 dramas que estan sobre la escena." Not merely the modern senseless productions, 
 "hablo tambien de aquellas justamente celebradas entre nostros, que algun dia 
 sirvieron de modelo a otras naciones, y que la porcion mas cuerda e ilustrada de la 
 nuestra ha visto siempre y ve todavia con entusiasmo y delicia. Sere siempre el 
 primero a confesar sus bellezas inimitables, la novedad de su invencion, la belleza 
 de su estilo, la fluidez y naturalidad de su dialogo, etc., etc. ^Pero que importa, 
 si estos mismos dramas mirados a la luz de los preceptos y principalmente a la sana 
 razon, estan plagados de vicios y defectos que la moral y la politica no pueden 
 tolerar?" 
 
 P. 159. Jovellanos, v. IV, p. 90. Seating everybody will bring about the dis- 
 appearance of the shameful "diferencia que la situacion establece entre los espec- 
 tadores; todos estaran sentados, todos a gusto, todos de buen humor; no habra 
 pues que temer el menor desorden." 
 
 P. 161. Jovellanos, like nearly all the other writers of his school, gave his 
 treatise on the rules of Aristotle. It can be found in v. VI of his works, p. 65, 
 and in his essay entitled "Rudimento de Gramatica General 6 sea Introduccion 
 al estudio de las Lenguas." Admits that the unities may be stretched at times 
 but that the closer they are adhered to the nearer will the author come to per- 
 fection. 
 
 P. 163. P. 83: "Sin embargo ningun objeto es mas importante, mas digno 
 de censura, ni mas necesitado de ella. El credito y a caso la felicidad de la Nacion, 
 las ideas, los usos, las costumbres de sus individuos : la honestidad, la humanidad, 
 la solida piedad, la verdadera gloria, el honor, el patriotismo, todas las virtudes 
 naturales, morales y civiles se interesan en su reforma y claman altamente por ella. 
 No hay condicion, estado, edad, ni sexo que no le frecuente, que no reciba en el 
 lecciones y que no pueda beber en esta fuente 6 la ponzona del error 6 las aguas 
 de la buena y saludable doctrina." 
 
 P. 163. Samaniego, pp. 70-74; "Estas leyes son eternas, universales, propias 
 de todos los tiempos y paises, de que ninguno tiene, a lo menos hasta ahora el 
 privilegio de dispensarse; y que finalmente, el plan, el interes y la invencion de 
 cualquiera de estas composiciones deben sujetarse a los principios invariables ya 
 senalados, quedando solo al autor la libertad en la distribucion de los adornos de 
 cada parte, segun las circunstancias particulares del objeto que se propone y de 
 caracter que aquellos a quienes se dirige." And p. 74: "iQue literato no conocera 
 que nada hay comparable en el teatro frances, ni aun en el griego a la viveza de 
 colorido y la expresion de la verdad con que se hallen retratados en nuestras come- 
 dias de figuron algunos de los diferentes caracteres ridiculos y extravagantes 
 de los hombres?" 
 
 P. 164. Menendez y Pelayo in his Heterodoxos, v. Ill, on the XVIII Cen- 
 tury, ch. iii, div. 5. El Enciclopedismo en las letras humanas — sees in Quintana's 
 "Poetica" a very dangerous liberal and humanitarian trend. "Quintana en su Ensayo
 
 THE LAST STAGES OF THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT 171 
 
 didactico sobre las reglas del drama — no encuentra elogio bastante para el teatro de 
 Voltaire — porque se propiiso destruir la supersticion en Mahoma y dar lecciones de 
 humanidad en Elzira." 
 
 P. 164. To the discussions of El Censor, El Pensador, we could add the 
 writings of Marujan, Molina, and Zavaleta, who preceded them and represent the 
 school of Garcia de la Huerta. Marujan to save the Comedia started the practice 
 of condemning Cervantes. (Menendez y Pelayo, Ideas, v. Ill, pp. 214-222.)
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 The eighteenth century in Spain is a period of that country's history 
 which its scholars find great difficulty in viewing sympathetically. 
 
 There is nothing astonishing in this. There are two good reasons 
 why the eighteenth century should seem unattractive or rather repulsive 
 to patriotic Spaniards. First, without mentioning the irreligious char- 
 acter of the period, and for many that matter forms a very powerful 
 third reason, the eighteenth century was almost uninterruptedly barren 
 from either the artistic or the intellectual point of view. Secondly, that 
 barrenness became evident to the leading thinkers of the rest of Europe 
 who, throughout the period, indulged in comparisons as flattering to their 
 own countries as they were humiliating to the Spanish nation. 
 
 The neo-classic movement was at its origin a confession of inferior- 
 ity on the part of a minority of public-spirited Spaniards. By the dis- 
 cussion it promoted it did much to make patent to the rest of Europe the 
 intellectual stagnation of the peninsula. It is, therefore, perfectly natural 
 that modern Spaniards should look upon it with disfavor. It seems to 
 them to embody the spirit of a period when love of country was at a very 
 low ebb. 
 
 The many expressions of superiority uttered by self-satisfied French- 
 men and Italians, particularly towards the end of the century, might by 
 themselves warrant this attitude of hostihty on the part of Spaniards. If 
 now we reflect upon the fact that, after many years of pin pricks in- 
 flicted by disdainful neighbors, there came suddenly a time when foreign 
 influence took the form of foreign invasion, or if we stop to think that 
 to many Spaniards the neo-classic movement culminated in armed inter- 
 ference and the shedding of Spain's best blood, then we find it impossible 
 to wonder at the hostility which we meet so consistently in the works of 
 those scholars who have studied the eighteenth century. 
 
 To be sure, neo-classicism was not responsible for this tragic climax, 
 but when national humiliation comes from the very quarters which had 
 been promising intellectual greatness and renewed national prosperity it 
 would be asking too much from the victims of a brutal onslaught to dis- 
 tinguish the current of useful thought from the tyranny which used it as 
 a cloak. 
 
 Spaniards in our own days have adopted as their own the quarrel of 
 their forefathers. Viewed from the standpoint of what Spain had to
 
 174 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 bear first and last from those who claimed to possess light for all nations, 
 this hostility is highly honorable. It is an assurance that, whatever may 
 have been the state of discouragement of Spaniards during certain parts 
 of the eighteenth century, patriotism in that nation is again very strong 
 and uncompromising. To be sure, it seems to us that not infrequently its 
 very strength warps the judgments of certain writers but who is not 
 ready to overlook prejudice arising from the bitter grief which national 
 disaster has caused to spring up in the hearts of patriotic men ? 
 
 Unfortunately, hostility to neo-classicism does not always arise from 
 causes as honorable as the ones which we have just been discussing. 
 
 We have seen that each new exponent of neo-classicism during the 
 long drawn out period which we have surveyed, saw rising before him 
 antagonists who attacked him passionately without having taken the 
 trouble to study the real merits of the thought advocated. 
 
 Perhaps the most flagrant illustration of this is supplied by the case 
 of the "Diario de los Literates." The editors of that periodical started 
 in all sincerity and praiseworthy moderation to tell what they felt was the 
 truth and what actually was the truth. They fell before the blind rage 
 of opponents whose strength came from their perfect ignorance of the 
 case in hand. In the name of patriotism, they drowned out with their 
 angry protests the perfectly sensible advice which was being given them 
 by their more thoughtful compatriots. To the shout of "my country right 
 or wrong" they violently repulsed a form of thought which, with all its 
 superficial weaknesses, contained elements capable of reinstilling vigor 
 into the nearly defunct intellectual life of the nation. 
 
 This chauvinism was the fountain head of that under-current of 
 "romanticism" which, as Menendez y Pelayo proudly points out, never 
 for a moment ceased opposing neo-classicism. An under-current repre- 
 senting a protest of Spanish art against the foreign importation would 
 have been eminently honorable. Such was not primarily the opposition 
 which neo-classicism had to contend with. We do not mean to say that 
 such an element did not enter into the opposing current, but it did so 
 only subconsciously and, at first at least, to a very small degree. It gath- 
 ered its real strength not from seeing Spain's art ignored but from an 
 instinctive impulse and an impassioned desire to repulse a thing foreign. 
 To a large extent, the opposition to the neo-classic movement was merely 
 the result of an irrational refusal to face conditions as they were and to 
 admit that the decadent present had but little in common with the glo- 
 rious past. 
 
 Such an attitude is of course not an isolated instance. We may 
 recall for the sake of illustration the quarrel between Castillejo and the
 
 CONCLUSION 175 
 
 Italian school. Castillejo compared Boscan to Luther and we know what 
 such a comparison implies in a country as faithful to the Catholic Church 
 as was Spain in those days. Neither do we need to confine our illustra- 
 tions to the history of Spanish literature. What a long war did not 
 Goldoni have to wage against those who felt that in attacking the 
 "commedia dell'arte" he was committing an unpatriotic act ? In our own 
 days when a French literary critic eulogizes under the all-covering epithet 
 of "style plantureux" the least defensible excesses of some hopelessly 
 neurotic and decadent author, he is often merely waving the red flag of 
 the "esprit gaulois" to show his independence of Anglo-Saxon preju- 
 dice. 
 
 To return to our main topic, irreverent as it may sound at first, there 
 is just a little of that narrow patriotism evident in the works of some of 
 the best scholars who have devoted part of their energies to a study of 
 the eighteenth century in Spain. They themselves are, unconsciously 
 perhaps, continuing, in an attenuated form, the gallophobic traditions of 
 the neo-classic opposition which throughout the eighteenth century, for 
 better or for worse, never ceased to be active. 
 
 That spirit is not strong enough as a rule to bring out epithets of out 
 and out condemnation. It makes itself felt, however, by creating an at- 
 mosphere of sympathy about every name connected with the neo-classic 
 opposition and by casting the chill of its tacit disapproval over the mem- 
 ory of those who favored the foreign importation. 
 
 As a matter of fact, it is interesting to make a study of the kind of 
 adjectives which naturally cluster about the names of the leaders of the 
 two camps. 
 
 The most humble exponents of the opposition see flocking about their 
 names the many vocables which in the rich Castilian tongue indicate qual- 
 ities of brilliancy, dash, valor, boldness, haughty independence. 
 
 It is often as difficult for the humble intellects who opposed neo- 
 classicism to bear this burden of glorious epithets as it is for the reader 
 to observe with composure how all possible synonyms for frigidity and 
 impotence gather automatically about the names of the best men pro- 
 duced by Spain during the eighteenth century. 
 
 To be specific, a writer who, like Forner, produced nothing of lasting 
 value, is treated more sympathetically than his enemy Iriarte or his 
 friend L. F. de Moratin. 
 
 It is only just to add that eminently fair-minded critics, men of the 
 type of Menendez y Pelayo for instance, hit on a happy compromise. 
 When they discuss neo-classicism as a whole, they make their dislike of 
 it quite evident, but when they deal with the stronger exponents of that
 
 176 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 movement, as individuals, they generously point out the good qualities of 
 their characters and of their literary productions. 
 
 This mild form of antagonism to foreign influences "per se" is very 
 interesting. It often stamps a critic's style with a quaint, half-avowed 
 aggressiveness which is not without charm. To be sure, there are times 
 when it involves an author in slight self-contradictions but the reader can 
 not help being pleased in recognizing a turn of mind which will undoubt- 
 edly exist as long as there are Spaniards in Spain. 
 
 In the course of this study we have become convinced that the neo- 
 classic movement was not as unimportant as the slimness of the literary 
 production derived directly from it would at first seem to indicate. We 
 can not do better in closing than state briefly what seems to us to be 
 Spain's indebtedness to neo-classicism. 
 
 First of all, we may well be forgiven for restating a point which is 
 so frequently lost sight of, namely, that neo-classicism was primarily a 
 reform movement started by Spaniards and exclusively by Spaniards. 
 Not a single foreign name is associated with any one of the important 
 stages in the development of what was primarily a rationalistic propa- 
 ganda. The leaders of the movement were at all times men of superior 
 capacity who saw clearly the need of a radical change in the intellectual 
 policy of their nation. They perceived that Spanish thought had relied 
 altogether too much in the past on unchecked intuition and they delib- 
 erately set themselves to bring about the necessary change. 
 
 Not only were these leaders Spanish born, they were in all cases 
 intensely patriotic Spaniards. 
 
 Their opponents, for the most part, men of inferior intellectual worth, 
 did not, as they supposed, hold the monopoly of patriotism in Spain. It 
 is difficult to understand how it is that so much doubt has gathered about 
 the quality of the neo-classic leaders' faithfulness to the fatherland when 
 their works and often their whole lives abound in unmistakable proofs of 
 their enthusiastic love of country. 
 
 As a matter of fact, intense love of country and deep concern for its 
 fair name were the causes which brought the neo-classic movement into 
 being. 
 
 Luzan wrote his "Poetica" primarily to put his country on a par intel- 
 lectually with the rest of Europe. The editors of the "Diario" started on 
 their campaign because of the slight which contemporary Spanish litera- 
 ture had received from the Jesuits and from the "Academic des Sciences." 
 Montiano undertook the great labor of drawing up an outline of the his- 
 tory of the drama in Spain with the sole purpose of refuting an imper- 
 tinent and poorly informed Frenchman. If he undertook a second task
 
 CONCLUSION 177 
 
 which must have proved even more irksome than the first, namely, the 
 composing of two regular tragedies, it was only because he wished to 
 refute his foreign opponent more completely still and because he was 
 eager to give encouragement to his countrymen. 
 
 Some will say that to be ashamed of one's country before foreigners 
 is a strange way to show one's patriotism. We shall feel free to reply to 
 this that there is such a thing as blind patriotism which, besides being 
 stupid, is harmful to the fatherland. 
 
 The neo-classicists were consistently enlightened patriots, patriots 
 of the highest kind. Their opponents were patriots also, sincere indeed, 
 but, for the most part, narrow-minded and in many cases quite poorly edu- 
 cated. Excellent as were their intentions, such men, because of their lack 
 of application and the narrow range of their vision, would never have 
 done anything of themselves to pull Spain out of the state of decadence 
 into which it had fallen during the reign of Charles II. 
 
 To take up again the names of the most important leaders of the 
 reform party, how can there be any doubt as to the faithfulness to Castil- 
 ian ideals of a man such as the author of the "Fiesta de Toros en Madrid" 
 or the creator of the Spanish fable literature ? Who would for a moment 
 suspect the patriotism of Cadalso who, if he did say bitter things regarding 
 certain Spanish foibles, was more bitter still in his criticism of the weak- 
 nesses of French literature and who finally sealed his loyalty with his blood 
 before the English trenches at Gibraltar ? 
 
 Menendez y Pelayo in his "Ideas Esteticas" has paid such an honor- 
 able tribute to the memory of the younger Moratin that he should never 
 require further rehabilitation. As for Jovellanos, what country can 
 boast of a patriotic figure blending more perfectly zeal for the welfare 
 of the fatherland and keen insight into its needs ? 
 
 The evident loyalty to national ideals of these reformers must not 
 make us lose sight of the fact that there was perhaps not one of them 
 who, at one time or another, did not pass an unnecessarily harsh judg- 
 ment on some of the great authors of the Spanish golden age. It would 
 be also unfair not to point out that their method of piesenting their 
 thought was didactic in the extreme, that it made for narrowness and 
 emphasized clearness at the expense of poetic inspiration. 
 
 Such weaknesses made the contemporaries of neo-classicism lose 
 sight of the true character of the movement. 
 
 As it happens so often in controversies, what was at first secondary 
 in importance or merely incidental assumed in the heat of passion the 
 importance which belonged to the real issues. Luzan and his literary 
 descendants meant first of all to deal with the present and not with the 
 
 18
 
 178 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 past. What had aroused those men was the Hterary production of their 
 own day and generation. If they used the name of Lope or of Calderon 
 it was merely for purposes of argumentation. What they criticized in 
 these writers is what anybody in our day still finds worthy of criticism, 
 and in all cases the sum total of blame was less than that of praise. At 
 any rate they never went as far as some of their opponents who, for the 
 sake of argument, were willing to deny genius to Cervantes and would 
 have put Guillen de Castro among the third-raters of the dramatic field 
 of the Golden Age. 
 
 With Luzan, with the earlier issues of the "Diario," with Cadalso 
 and with the younger Moratin it requires an unusual understanding of 
 the extreme sensitiveness of Castilian pride in literary matters to under- 
 stand why it was that the judgments passed produced such outbursts of 
 indignation. 
 
 It redounds to the glory of the neo-classicists to have seen that theirs 
 was not a time for adulation. With the evidence of decadence patent on 
 every hand they realized that it was high time for men of judgment and 
 and of courage to stand and fearlessly point out just how the decadence 
 had come about. If they showed undue severity towards men of real 
 genius, who by the way were great enough not to suffer from such in- 
 justice, they also caused the scales of ignorance to fall from the eyes of 
 many of their contemporaries. What injustice they committed was paid 
 for a hundred-fold by the service they rendered to Spanish letters in 
 showing to how low an artistic and rational level they had fallen. 
 
 That, in spite of the great names dragged into the controversy, the 
 fight was really directed against the literature of the day has been recog- 
 nized by Menendez .y Pelayo, who makes the following statement con- 
 cerning the "Comedia Nueva": "Los dramaturgos a quienes en la 
 Comedia Nueva se persigue y flagela no son, de ninguna suerte, los 
 gloriosos dramaturgos del siglo XVII, ni siquiera sus ultimos y debiles 
 imitadores los Canizares y Zamoras, ni tampoco los poetas populares 
 como don Ramon de la Cruz, sino una turba^ji£L:ifandalps, un ejambre de 
 escritores famelicos y proletarios, que ninguna escuela podia reclamar 
 por suyos y que juntaban en torpe mezcolanza los vicios de todas: el 
 desarreglo novelesco de los antiguos, el prosaismo ramplon y casero del 
 siglo XVIII, los absurdos del melodrama frances, las ternezas de la comedia 
 iacrimatoria, sin que tampoco siguiesen rumbo fijo en cuanto a los llama- 
 dos preceptos clasicos, puesto que unas veces los conculcaban y otras 
 (que no eran las menos) hacian gala de observarlos, especialmente el de 
 ^las unidades, con un estupido servilisimo, que no hacia ni mejores ni 
 peores sus desatinadas farsas. Tal era la escuela que Moratin no llego
 
 CONCLUSION 179 
 
 a enterrar, porque escribio muy poco para el teatro, y porque casi nadie 
 le siguio : escuela que en una forma u otra se prolongo hasta muy aden- 
 tro del reinado de Fernando VII., y no se puede decir definitivamente 
 enterrada con el mismo Comella, que murio en 1814. Tal era el teatro 
 de los Moncines, Valladares, Conchas, Zavalas y Zamoras, y, sobre todo, 
 de aquel infatig-able dramaturgo de Vich, que inundo la patria escena de 
 Marias Teresas, Catalinas, Federicos Segundos, Cecilias, Jacobas, negros 
 sensibles y Czares de Moscovia, pudiendo saborear en vida algo que se 
 parecia a la gloria, puesto que sus informcs abortos ocuparon las tablas 
 de los teatros de Italia y quiza de otras naciones de Europa, como el 
 mismo Moratin testifica. Todos estos infelices poetastros eran mucho 
 menos espaiioles que Moratin, como no quiera entenderse por espafiol el 
 ser barbaro, ignorante y desatinado." -"*' 
 
 What was true at the time of the "Comedia Nueva" had been true 
 pretty nearly throughout the century. Let us say it again, the neo-classic 
 movement was not a theoretical discussion on the merits of Spanish liter- 
 ature in the past. It was a determined attack on the evils which, at the 
 time, sapped the intellectual life of Spain. 
 
 The fact remains, however, that, in the literary field, the neo-classic 
 movement was anything but an unqualified success. When one has 
 pointed out the good intentions of the party and indicated the evils which 
 it aimed to check or crush, one has done about all that can be done in its 
 favor. 
 
 The successes of Iriarte and of the younger Moratin, great as they 
 were, did not fulfill the promises made by the reforming party since its 
 beginnings in 1737. Some good poems and a few first-class comedies 
 could not satisfy an expectation kept alive by a hundred years or so of 
 propaganda announcing a literary revival. 
 
 In the light of these slim results, the fuss and the display of logic 
 made by the reforming party and its too frequent appeal to the govern- 
 ment for help against its enemies make it appear a trifle ridiculous. 
 The modern reader can not help but be strongly reminded by all this of 
 the fable of the mountain that gave birth to a mouse. 
 
 It is a far cry from this to accusing the neo-classic movement of being 
 the cause of the sterility of the Spanish mind during the eighteenth cen- 
 tury. Cotarelo y Mori opens the first chapter of his book on "La Tirana" 
 as follows : "Una de las causas, y no de las menos cficaces, de que du- 
 rante la mayor parte del siglo pasado no se hubiesen compuesto buenos 
 dramas y comedias fue la cruzada, la guerra sin cuartel que el elemento 
 mas ilustrado de nuestros compatriotas, ciego por el deseo de novedades 
 
 23oideas Esteticas, v. VI, pp. 133-134. 2d ed. Madrid, 1904. 
 
 13
 
 180 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 y el espiritu irreflexivo de imitacion extranjera, hizo al gran teatro na- 
 cional del siglo XVII." 
 
 Nothing can be more unfair than a statement of this type. During 
 the whole of the eighteenth century Spain suffered from the reaction 
 which naturally followed its immense artistic output of the preceding 
 period. As Quintana pointed out, the eighteenth century was infinitely 
 less poetic than its predecessor. It is futile to attempt to make a few 
 men responsible for a state of depression which afflicted the whole nation. 
 Moreover it might be claimed with a fair degree of reason that neo- 
 classicism, which created nothing, at least carefully husbanded what 
 talent there was. Thanks to its discipline the few gifted writers which 
 the nation possessed in those sterile days were kept from wasting the 
 little flame of their genius in an inefficient and quickly extinguished blaze. 
 
 To close the topic of the relation of neo-classicism to Spanish litera- 
 ture, we may point out two more matters of importance. The first is that, 
 as the movement contained certain aristocratic elements, it tended to take 
 away from the common people the absolute sway which they had held 
 for a long time over the dramatic field. The lovers of popular literature 
 will not consider this change otherwise than in the Hght of a calamity. 
 All we can say is that from the information which we have gained by the 
 reading which this essay has necessitated we believe sincerely that it was 
 a good thing for Spanish letters to have the fate of plays pass from the 
 jurisdiction of the "Polacos" and the "Chorizos" to that of the more intel- 
 lectual middle class. 
 
 The second point, at which we shall merely hint, is that neo-classicism 
 drove out of the field of literature a mass of amorphous material which 
 had remained in it through the agency of the degenerated autos and 
 "comedias." We refer to the vast amount of indigestible lore of medieval 
 origin which, after having been driven out of polite letters by Cervantes, 
 had taken refuge in the decadent drama. In this connection, neo-classic- 
 ism may well be considered a last and much belated stage of the renais- 
 sance. 
 
 •But so far we have been dealing only with the negative results of the 
 reform. A controversy carried on with vigor and sincerity by two parties 
 can not fail to be productive of certain positive results. It is along lines 
 other than those of creative literature that the positive services of the 
 neo-classic quarrel become apparent. 
 
 Prominent among these positive results is the renewal of interest on 
 the part of Spaniards in the literary history of their country. To gather 
 arguments with which to strengthen their cause and to show to foreign 
 critics how poorly founded their opinions were, the neo-classicists ran-
 
 CONCLUSION 181 
 
 sacked the dramatic and poetical archives of the nation. With the very 
 same purposes in mind their antagonists studied the field of Spanish letters 
 with a zeal proportionate to the keenness of the controversy. 
 
 We saw that Luzan had preceded his technical discussion of poets by 
 outlining the development of Spanish poetry. Soon after, Montiano gath- 
 ered all of his knowledge of the drama in Spain into an incomplete yet 
 useful compendium of the history of the genre. Velazquez, with equally 
 good intentions but less good fortune, outlined the history of Castilian 
 lyric poetry. 
 
 These various attempts were not scholarly if we compare them with 
 the results of modern scholarship. They were very praiseworthy never- 
 theless since their authors were pioneers in their respective fields. They 
 rendered accessible to all Spaniards what heretofore was to be obtained 
 only from such rather inaccessible sources as the Latin works of Nicolas 
 Antonio. Furthermore, these works came at the time when they were 
 most needed. Montiano's "Discursos" and Velazquez's study on lyric 
 poetry became known abroad just at the moment when the curiosity of 
 foreigners concerning Spanish topics was beginning to awaken. The 
 translations of these works which came into the hands of Lessing and of 
 Dietze may well be credited with having started among Germans the 
 tradition of research in the Spanish field which we now associate with the 
 names of Wolf, Schack and so many other noted scholars. 
 
 At home, the labors of these Spanish pioneers proved also very fruit- 
 ful. This is shown by the long list of works on literary history, of anthol- 
 ogies, of collections of "comedias" which, with or without prologues, fill 
 the literary annals of Spain during the second half of the century. Some, 
 like the "Parnasso Espaiiol" of Sedano, the "Cajon de Sastre" of Nipho 
 or the "Theatro Hespafiol" of Garcia de la Huerta contained glaring de- 
 fects, but they all led to Moratin's scholarly and elegant "Origines del 
 Teatro Espafiol" and form a part of the long tradition which was to cul- 
 minate in the publication of the "Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles." 
 
 In the field of historical research, then, it is impossible to deny a place 
 of great importance to the neo-classic movement. Through the intel- 
 lectual activity which it stimulated in one way or in another, it brought 
 about an awakening of interest in precise scholarship which resulted in 
 the shedding of much light on the past glories of Spanish literature. 
 Thanks to the neo-classic movement, the Spaniards were at last able to 
 see with precision the real value of their art. and foreigners, after a century 
 of disdainful indifference, began to realize the true greatness of their 
 neighbor.
 
 182 THE'NEO-CLASSIC movement in SPAIN 
 
 In another way still neo-classicism was productive of great results. 
 In Spain as in France, neo-classicism, being an application of the ration- 
 alistic method, tended to prepare the way for what is termed "I'csprit philo- 
 sophique." As a matter of fact, we have already pointed out that neo- 
 classic criticism was eagerly adopted by certain Spaniards mainly because 
 it happened to be an unobjectionable form of the thought which directed 
 the activities of the encyclopedists and the physiocrats. A man of the 
 stamp of Clavijo y Fajardo harped on the unities and on decorum mainly 
 because it was a harmless way of playing with the goddess Reason. 
 
 In studying the journalistic literature of the last third of the century, 
 one becomes aware of a most interesting evolution.* At first writers the- 
 orize "ad nauseam" on imitation, decorum and the sacro-sanct topic of the 
 iinities. Gradually they pass from such abstract topics to discussing rather 
 gingerly possible modifications in the administration of Church and State. 
 Finally, reason having won enough of a constituency to ensure the per- 
 sonal safety of the writers, we come upon violent, then upon vitupera- 
 tive attacks against the friars, against the principles of government then 
 in vogue and against the theory of property. 
 
 These attacks are fairly reeking with the destructive spirit of Vol- 
 taire and the lachrymose individualism of Rousseau. In fact, we cannot 
 escape the conclusion that Voltaire and Rousseau found their way into 
 Spain mainly because the cult of Reason applied to literary criticism had 
 paved the way for them. 
 
 Whether the result was as good or bad as contemporary factions 
 believed, is stih a matter of uncertainty. No one, however, will deny that 
 the spirit of free discussion which was thus promoted was infinitely better 
 for the intellectual and economic development of Spain than the state of 
 intellectual stagnation which reigned all but supreme in the earlier years 
 of the century. Little did the first exponents of neo-classicism realize the 
 ultimate results of their efforts when to bad taste in literature they op- 
 posed the dogma of Aristotle. 
 
 To summarize our conclusions : neo-classicism with all its petty fea- 
 tures and comparative sterility marked a period of retrospection and in- 
 trospection which proved deeply beneficial to Spanish thought even though 
 its good effects were subsequently diminished by national calamities. 
 
 When the air had cleared, after this long and stubborn controversy, 
 Spaniards discovered that they had attained to a degree of intellectual 
 maturity unequaled since the Golden Age and that there was in the na- 
 tional thought a European orientation which at last enabled them to join 
 in the great movements of modern civilization.
 
 CONCLUSION 183 
 
 NOTES TO CONCLUSION. 
 
 P. 182. El Censor. Obra Periodica. Madrid, 1781. In the preface the 
 "Censor" discusses his own character and temperament. He is quick tempered, 
 always on the "qui vive" for novelties and a firm believer in the almighty power 
 of Reason. V. I, p. 19: "En la mas tierna edad me ofendia todo, todo me daba 
 en rostro ; tenia ya el atrevimiento de oponerme a los hombres hechos y las canas 
 mas respetables no eran poderosas para contenerme. 
 
 "Apenas sabia leer corrientemente, cuando haviendome caido en las manos la 
 Historia de las Guerras Civiles de Francia, que escribio Enrico Davila, me acuerdo 
 que me costo muy buenas bofetadas al sostener contra el dictamen de un tio muy 
 rico, y a quien por tanto era precise creer, que el Duque de Guisa y el Cardenal de 
 Lorena habian sido unos grandes picaros . . . y mas que las bofetadas sentia yo la 
 injusticia que en mi dictamen hacia mi tio a aquellos seiiores que no eran de la 
 Liga. . . ." 
 
 Then again, p. 20: "era el escandalo de mis condiscipulos el atrevimiento con 
 que me oian decir que una cosa que habia dicho Aristoteles era un disparate. Yo 
 mismo me formaba mis opiniones, yo solo era todo mi partido. En fin andando 
 el tiempo llego la cosa a tal punto que vine a ser un martir de mi razon. Seme- 
 jante a una vista delicada que ofende qualquiera exceso de luz, todo lo que se 
 aparta un poco de la razon me lastima, el mas pequeiio extravio de la regla y del 
 orden me causa un tedio mortal. . . . No puedo asistir a una comedia sin riesgo de 
 que se me forme una apostema por lo que callo. . . . Ninguna autoridad humana, 
 ni la costumbre mas antigua, ni la moda mas general, es capaz de pcrsuadirme lo 
 que mi razon repugna ... en todas partes hallo cosas que me lastiman. En las 
 tertulias, en los paseos, en los teatros, hasta en los templos misnios hallo en que 
 tiopezar." 
 
 The influence of Rousseau is noticeable in v. I, Disc. Ill, p. 56: "Historia 
 tragica de un jornalero y reflexiones sobre la suerte de estos infelices." Also 
 Discursos IX and X on the "Idle Rich" and on "Idleness." P. 133 : What right 
 does Calixto have to hold so much property? "iNo los ha adquirido en algiin 
 tiempo por su trabajo, por su industria, por su merito . . . ? Pues Calixto que 
 en este caso seria solamente inutil ahora me temo mucho que no sea injusto po- 
 seedor de esos fondos. Todas las cosas que la naturaleza ha criado fuera de 
 nosotros, las ha hecho comunes a todos los hombres." 
 
 In the next article (X) care is taken to explain that one rendering unusual 
 service to the community may hold more property than the average person, p. 157 : 
 "Seria menester en fin ser tan impio como Baile para creer que la perfeccion 
 Christiana es opuesta al florecimiento de una Repiiblica." 
 
 Disc. XX. To prove that all the misfortunes of Spain come from the fact 
 that the peasants do not own their land. This was preceded by two letters in Galli- 
 cized Spanish (Disc. XIV) intended, of course, to poke fun at those who did not 
 preserve the purity of their mother tongue. Disc. XVII is a description of a 
 "parfait honnete homme." 
 
 From these extracts it may be seen that the "Censor" expresses opinions 
 either advanced or foreign on all kinds of subjects from literary criticism to polit- 
 ical economy.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY. 
 
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 1889. 
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 Cotarelo y Mori, Emilio : Maria Ladvenant y Quirate. Madrid, 1896. 
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 Isidoro Maiquez y el teatro de su tiempo. Madrid, 1902. 
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 Cueto, Augusto de : Bosquejo Critico de la Poesia Castellana en el siglo 
 
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 de Ripperda. Paris, 1896. 
 
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 Cadahalso, Jose : Obras de Cadahalso. 3 vols. Madrid, 1818. 
 
 Censor, El: Obra Periodica. Madrid, 1781. 
 
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 Des Ursins : Lettres de la princesse des Ursins — collectionnees par Louis 
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 Diario de Los Literatos de Espana; en que se reducen a Compendio lo$ 
 Escritos de los Autores Espaiioles y se hace juicio de sus Obrat 
 desde el aiio 1737-1741. 7 vols.
 
 186 THE NEO-CLASSIC MOVEMENT IN SPAIN 
 
 Doms, Jaime : Carta escrita por Don Jaime Doms contra el discurso 
 
 sobre las Tragedias Espafiolas y la Virginia de el Sefior Don Agus- 
 
 tino de Montiano y Luyando. 
 Examen de la Carta que supone impresa en Barcelona y escrita por 
 
 Don Jaime Doms, etc., le ofrece a! juicio de los Inteligentes y des- 
 
 apasionados. D. Domingo Luis de Guevara. 
 Crisis de un Folleto cuyo Titulo es examen de la Carta, etc. Su 
 
 autor Don Faustino de Quevedo Salamanca, 1754. 
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 el Prologo del Teatro Hespanol. Madrid, 1786. 
 Leccion Critica. A los lectores de la Memoria de Cosme Damian sobre 
 
 el Theatre Hespafiol. 1786. 
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 Don Caspar Melchor de Jovellanos. (Adicionada con algunas notas 
 
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 Italianos. Disertaciones del Abate Don Xavier Lampillas. Tra- 
 
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 Lessing, Gotthold Ephraim : Samtliche Schriften hrsg. von Karl Lack- 
 
 mann. Stuttgart, 1894. Vols. VI and X. 
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 Sus Principales Especies. Zaragosa, 1737. Discurso Apolo- 
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 reparos de los seiiores diaristas sobre la Poetica de Don Ignacio 
 
 de Luzan. En Pamplona, no date. 
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 por su hijo. B. A. E. V. LXI. 
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 Madrid, 1749. 
 Noailles : Memoires de Noailles par I'abbe Millot. Paris, 1776. 
 
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 Samaniego, Felix Maria: Obras criticas de Don Felix Maria de Sama- 
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 BIBLIOGRAPHY 187 
 
 Semanario Erudito : Ticknor Library. 
 
 Sempere y Guarinos : Biblioteca de los mejores escritores del reinado de 
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 Signorelli : Storia Critica De' Teatri Antichi e Modern! di Pietro Signo- 
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