THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 LOS ANGELES 
 
 EDVMNSTANTONFICKES 
 
 - HIS BOOK -S
 
 A HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 NOVA-SCOTIA, 
 
 OR 
 
 ACADI E. 
 
 BY 
 
 BEAMISH MURDOCH, ESQ., Q. C. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 HALIFAX, N. S. : 
 
 JAMES BARNES, PRINTER AND PUBLISHER. 
 1865.
 
 PROVINCE OF NOVA-SCOTIA : 
 
 BE IT REMEMBERED, That on this Thirteenth day of March, 1865, BEAMISH 
 MURDOCH, of the City of Halifax, Esquire, has deposited in this Office, the 
 title of a Book, the Copyright of which he claims in the words following : 
 " A HISTORY OF NOVA-SCOTIA OR ACADIE, BY BEAMISH MURDOCH, ESQ.,- 
 Q. C." 
 
 JAS. H. THORNE, Defuty Secretary.
 
 
 v, I 
 
 IN offering to public attention the first volume of this work, 
 I have to crave indulgence for many imperfections that I am 
 sensible cannot fail to occur in such an attempt. The great 
 amount of materials for history which the provincial assembly 
 have collected and preserved by means of the Record Com- 
 mission, were powerfully tempting to me, and my preposses- 
 sions as a Novascotian making strong impressions on my mind 
 of the value of my country and the interest of its early history, 
 I commenced, in 1860, the collection and arrangement of this 
 narrative. In its progress I have received the most friendly 
 aid and encouragement in every direction ; and having given 
 rny whole heart to the work ever since, I have every confi- 
 dence that it will prove useful as a record of the varying 
 events that have at length made Nova Scotia a happy, free 
 and intelligent province, progressive and prosperous, which 
 may she ever be. I am bound to express my thanks for sub- 
 stantial aid to the provincial government and assembly, and 
 individually to those who have furnished information, facilita- 
 ted my researches, and otherwise assisted my enterprise, 
 among whom I must name Thomas B. Akins, esquire, the 
 Commissioner of Records, The Hon. Joseph Howe, The Hon. 
 Dr. Charles Tupper, The Hon. W. A. Henry, The Hon. J. 
 McCully ; Henry C. D. Twining, esquire, clerk of Assembly ; 
 Hon. messrs. Ritchie, Shannon and McDonald ; Mr. Speaker 
 Wade ; Hiram Blanchard, esq. ; Rev. Mr. Rand, missionary
 
 iv Preface. 
 
 to the Micmacs ; Rev. Mr. Patterson, of Greenhill ; W. A, 
 Hendry, esq., of the Crown Land office ; W. J. Almon, M. D. r 
 and W. S. More, esq., Halifax ; C. Mand6 Melan^on, esq., 
 Clare ; C. B. Owen, esq., Yarmouth ; E. Rameau, Paris ; Rev, 
 Mr. Ballard, Brunswick, Maine ; Mr. W. Stevens and Messrs. 
 Compton, of Halifax ; Messrs. A. & W. McKinlay, Mr. Muir, 
 and Messrs. Hall & Beamish, Book-sellers, Halifax ; A. M, 
 Gidney, esq., of Bridgetown. From many others I have also 
 received friendly aid in this labor. The late Mr. Edward 
 Wallace, and the late Dr. Abraham Gesner, obliged me much 
 in my search for information, 
 
 I must apprize the reader that in the spelling of the names- 
 of places I have always followed the orthography of the book 
 or document from which I was at the moment preparing my 
 statements. There is, consequently, a frequent variation in 
 spelling the old Indian names of places, which is not to be 
 charged to negligence. The modes of spelling them have 
 varied at different periods. One of the most remarkable 
 instances of this is Canso, which has been spelt Campseau r 
 Canceaux, Cango, Canseau, &c. &c. Mines has been spelt 
 Menis and Minas, ana even Manis. Pisiguid, Pigiguit, Pizi- 
 quid, &c. Chignitou, Chignicto, Shickanectua. In extracts- 
 and quotations, I have generally adopted, as nearly as pos- 
 sible, the language, spelling, &c., of the time, not attempting 
 to correct or alter it, on the contrary desiring to preserve the 
 characteristic phrases and language of each period. 
 
 In the review of the people who inhabited Nova Scotia at 
 successive dates, the Micmacs, the French, and the English, 
 I have seen many shining and noble qualities displayed in 
 each successive age, both by leaders and followers. Some 
 faults they had some crimes were committed ; but we, who
 
 Preface. v 
 
 succeed them, may be happy if we can shew the courage, the 
 endurance and generosity that are the attributes of the early 
 adventurers and settlers of Acadie. Some periods of our 
 history afford but little matter for connected narrative. At 
 other times interesting transactions occur which do not form 
 part of the regular sequence of events. In such cases I have 
 preferred to place them in appendices to the chapters, instead 
 of omitting them entirely, as I am anxious to preserve every- 
 thing of genuine interest that I have found in my enquiries. 
 
 The leading idea with me has been to preserve from 
 oblivion the past occurrences in this province. The frequent 
 change of masters the misfortunes that have often retarded 
 its progress to civilization, and the varying effects that the 
 contests of two great and noble nations have had on its des- 
 tiny, will hereafter give scope for philosophical minds to 
 review, and for eloquent writers to expatiate on. 
 
 The task of collecting and reducing into annals facts of 
 interest, must naturally precede the more ambitious course of 
 history, just as the labor of the pioneers of this continent, in 
 clearing the forest, making roads and bridging streams, is an 
 essential requisite to lead eventually to cities, villas, and high 
 cultivation. If this work prove to be a useful preparation, as 
 a scaffolding for the erection of more diversified and elegant 
 structures, the labor I bestow on it will not have been useless.
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. P. I 12. 
 
 New France Acadie, its extent, climate and productions. Voyages of Dis- 
 covery. Visit of de la Roche to Sable island. DeMonts' patent. 
 
 CHAPTER II. P. 1324. 
 
 DeMonts voyage to Acadie in 1604. His survey of the coast towards New 
 England, Ste. Croix. Appendix DeMonts' commission from Henry 4. 
 
 CHAPTER III. P. 25 30. 
 Port Royal founded in 1605. De Monts visits it in 1606. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. P. 3142. 
 
 Poutrincourt his encounter with hostile Indians near cape Mallebarre. L'Es- 
 carbot his poetical turn. Champlain's order ' de bon temps' 1606. Member- 
 tou's war on the Armouchiquois. 1607. Poutrincourt returns to France. Appen- 
 dix Indian manners. Verses on the Indian names of places in Acadie. 
 
 CHAPTER V. P. 43 47. 
 
 Souriquois or Micmacs, Etchemins. Champlain begins his settlement at Q*t- 
 bec in 1608. Baptism of Indians in 1610. Biencourt visits France to seek aid 
 for the colony. Madame de 'Guercheville promotes a mission of Jesuits. The 
 English settle Newfoundland in 1610. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. P. 4852. 
 
 Voyage of the Jesuits. Discord as to burial place of Membertou. DeMonts 
 transfers his claims on Acadie to madame de Guercheville, 1611, 1612. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. P. 5363. 
 
 1613. Jesuits mission settle near Monts Deserts. They are attacked and cap- 
 tured by Argal, an English commander from Virginia. Argal erases and destroys 
 all monuments at Port Royal. Poutrincourt is killed in battle in France in 1615. 
 His epitaph. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. P. 5472. 
 
 Companies formed for fishery and trade. Sir William Alexander obtains a 
 grant of Nova Scotia from king James ist. His attempts at settlement. The 
 Scotch fort near Goat island. Baronets of Nova Scotia. Company of New 
 France formed in 1628. Kirk takes Port Royal in 1628, and Quebec in 1629. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. P. 7383. 
 
 Claude de la Tour, and Charles Amador, his son. Claude captured by Kirk. 
 Charles de la Tour commands at cape Sable. Claude marries a second wife. 
 Endeavors to lead his son to surrender his fort to the English. 1631. Charles 
 de la Tour made lieutenant general of Acadie.
 
 viii Table of Contents. 
 
 CHAPTER X. P. 74 gr. 
 
 Acadie restored to France in 1632. De Razilli sent there to take possession. 
 The Recollets return there in 1633. Grant to Latour. Jesuits' missions. Ap- 
 pendix 3d article of treaty of St. Germain, &c. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. P. 9297. 
 
 Discord between LaTour and D'aulnay after Razilli's death. 1638. Royal 
 letter to D'aulnay. Charles de la Tour visits Quebec in 1640. 1641. Royal let- 
 ter to arrest Latour. Latour seeks aid from Boston, 1642. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. P. 98108. 
 
 D'aulnay attacks Latour's fort at St. John in 1643. Charles Latour and his 
 wife escape to Boston. Debates there in consequence. Latour obtains aid, and 
 drives D'aulnay off from St. John. D'aulnay goes to France. Madame Latour 
 goes to Europe in 1644. Brings out three mercnant ships, with cargoes. Her 
 lawsuit in Boston, 1645. She defends St. John with success. Appendix Treaty 
 made by D'aulnay's agent with Massachusetts. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. P. 109116. 
 
 1646. D'aulnay's commissioners negociate at Boston. The sedan chair. 
 D'aulnay again besieges St. John. Madame la Tour capitulates. D'aulnay 
 hangs the garrison. Madame Latour dies. Latour's misfortunes. 1648. He 
 visits Quebec. 1650. D'aulnay dies. Appendix Abstract of D'aulnay's com- 
 mission. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. P. 117123. 
 
 1651. Latour restored to his authority as governor of Acadie, and receives 
 possession of the fort at St. John. 1652. Madame D'aulnay's compact with the 
 duke of Vendome. 1653. Marriage of Latour to D'aulnay's widow. Grant to 
 M. Denys of the gulf coast, from Canso to cap des Rosiers. Appendix Latour's 
 new commission abstracted. Contract of the duke of Vendome with madame 
 D'aulnay. Marriage contract between Latour and madame D'aulnay. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. P. 124132. 
 
 1654. Le Borgne's shipments and assumption of power as creditor of D'aul- 
 nay's estate. Adventures of Denis de Fronsac. He is made prisoner by le 
 Borgne. The English summon Latour, who surrendered. They besiege Port 
 Royal. Le Borgne capitulates. Laheve captured. Denys forced to give up 
 Chedabouctou to La Giraudiere. Returns to France, and is reinstated. A fire 
 ruins his commercial prospects. Appendix Articles of capitulation of Port 
 Royal in 1654. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. P. 133139. 
 
 1655. Treaty of Westminster between England and France. Acadie granted 
 by Cromwell, to Latour, Temple and Crowne. 1657. Sir Thomas Temple made 
 governor of Nova Scotia by Oliver Cromwell. Le Borgne commissioned by the 
 French king. 1658. Le Borgne made prisoner at La Heve by the English. 
 1663. Grant of the islands of Madelaine, &c., to Doublet. Earthquakes over 
 the continent. Sagadahock granted to the duke of York. 1664. Louis XIV 
 established the Compagnie des hides Occidentales. Appendix Abstract of patents 
 from Cromwell, &c.
 
 Table of Contents. ix 
 
 , 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. P. 140148. 
 
 1667. Treaty of Breda. Acadie restored to France. Temple ordered to sur- 
 render it. He objects to the boundaries claimed by the French. 1669. Peremp- 
 tory orders to give it up. 1670. He delivers possession. Appendix Descrip- 
 tion of the forts at Pentagoet and Gemisick given up. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. P. 149157. 
 
 1671. Grand-fontaine governor of Acadie. Proposes to re-establish the old 
 fort at St. John. Census of 1671. Settlement at Miramichi in 1672 or 1673. 
 1674. Death of Sir Thomas Temple. De Chambly succeeds Grand-fontaine. 
 Pentagoet taken by a pirate vessel. Indian wars in 1676 on borders of New Eng- 
 land. 1678. De Marson commands in Acadie, and is succeeded by M. de la 
 Valliere. Appendix Grants of Nachouac and Gemisick to Marson, and of 
 Chignictou to la Valliere, &c. A concession from Bellisle, as seigneur, on the 
 Annapolis river, to Martin and his son in 1679, given in full. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. P. 158163. 
 
 State of the province in 1680. The English take possession for the fifth time. 
 Grant to Bergier & Co.. for shore fishery. 1682. La Valliere still in command. 
 Bergier settles at Chedabouctou. Pirates seize the fishing craft of the people of 
 Port Royal. Misconduct of la Valliere. Appendix Grants of seigneuries on 
 the St. John river in 1684. 
 
 CHAPTER XX. P. 164172. 
 
 1684. Violence and oppression of La Valliere. He is superseded. M. Perrot 
 made governor. He proposes to fortify Laheve. 1686. De Meulles visits the 
 different settlements of Acadie, and prepares a very full census. Treaty of Lon- 
 don. Neutrality in America stipulated. Appendix Extracts from de Meulles' 
 census, &c. 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. P. 173182. 
 
 1687. De Menneval appointed governor. Instructions given to him. Garri- 
 son increased from 30 to 60 men. Governor to reside at Port Royal. Castin to 
 be checked. 1688. De Goutins appointed judge, $cc. His instructions. Marie 
 de Menou gives Port Royal to her half brothers and sisters the Latours. Castin 
 pillaged by governor Andros, of New England. Pirates on the Acadie coast 
 rob a Portuguese vessel. 1689. Capture of English fort at Pemaquid by the 
 Indians, Illicit trade between Port Royal and Boston. French vessels of war 
 seize English vessels for fishing and trading on the coast. 1690. Discords be- 
 tween governor de Menneval and the judge des Goutins. Appendix Certificate 
 respecting D'aulnay's improvements, buildings, &c., and his death. Grants of 
 Seignories in 1688 and 1699. Notice of de la Mothe Cadillac. 
 
 CHAPTFR XXII. P. 183193. 
 
 1690. Attack on English colonies from Canada. Phipps invades Acadie with 
 a squadron and 700 men from Boston. Menneval surrenders on terms. Phipps 
 violates the agreement, and, having pillaged Port Royal, abandons it. Neglect 
 of the French government to protect their settlements. Appendix Notice of 
 Sir Wm. Phipps. Canadian families of Bekancourt and Longueil. Phipps 
 attacks Quebec, and fails.
 
 x Table of Contents. 
 
 t * 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. P. 194207. 
 
 1690. Villebon arrives at Port Royal. Decides to occupy Jemsek, on the St. 
 John. Pirates pillage Placentia, Port Royal and Chedabouctou, and burn Port 
 Royal. They also capture the Union, the vessel which brought Villebon from 
 France. Villebon goes to Quebec, and thence to France. 1791. Returns as 
 Governor. Nelson and Tyng made prisoners. Appendix Acadie granted by 
 William and Mary to Massachusetts, in the charter of 1691.- Grants of 
 Seigneuries in Acadie in 1691-2-3. Marie de Menou's will. Notices of John 
 Nelson. His imprisonment in the Bastile, &c. Lahontan's remarks on Acadie. 
 Perrot's proposals. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. P. 208214. 
 
 1692. Expedition to capture Villebon's fort on the St. John fails to do any- 
 thing. Erection of English fort at Pemaquid. French vessels go there, but 
 withdraw. 1693. Villebon in command at Nachouac. 1694. Villieu leads 500 
 Indians against the frontier of New England, where they kill, pillage and burn. 
 Capt March violates a flag of truce. 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. P. 215225. 
 
 1695. Baptiste, in his privateer,makes prizes, resorting to the St. John river. 
 Villebon entertains Indian chiefs. 1696. Indians who came to Pemaquid to 
 treat of exchange of prisoners, killed by captain Chubb. Pemaquid is besieged 
 by French and Indians under d'Iberville and Bonaventure, assisted by Castin, 
 &c. Chubb surrenders. The fort is demolished. Cruel wars in Newfoundland. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. P. 226232. 
 
 Church's expedition to Chignecto. He burns, pillages, kills cattle, &c. New 
 England forces besiege Villebon in Nachouac, but, after hard fighting, withdraw. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. P. 233238. 
 
 1697. Villebon strengthens his fort Affairs of Indian frontier wars. An 
 English prisoner burnt alive, &c. &c. Appendix Treaty of Ryswick, (1697.) 
 Article of mutual restoration of territories between England and France. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. P. 239 245. 
 
 1698. Chapel built at Narantsouac, (Norridgewock), on the Kennebec, where 
 the priest Ralle was stationed. Fishermen placed at Chibouctou, (now Halifax 
 harbor), by the company. A pirate appeared off St. John. Famine. 1699. Bas- 
 set claimed as a British subject. Is sent to France. His offences are stated. 
 Account of the fishing station at Chibouctou. Appendix Fort at St. John. 
 Extracts from despatches in 1698 and 1699, from Villebon, Thury, &c. Pirates 
 visit cape Sable and fort Razoir, (now Shelburne.) Homespun made here. 
 Price of provisions, &c. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. P. 246254. 
 
 1700. Resolution to transfer garrison and government from the river St. John 
 to Port Royal. Villebon's death. Villieu acts as commander. 1701. Brouillan 
 appointed governor. Arrives at Chibouctou, and then goes to Port Royal. He 
 demolishes the fort at St John. Praises the site of the fort at Port Royal. 
 Wishes to be lieutenant general of Acadie. Proposes many improvements and 
 makes many requests. Appendix Notices of M. Brouillan from Lahontan, &c.
 
 Table of Contents. xi 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. P. 255260. 
 
 1702. Death of Wm. 3, and accession of Queen Anne. War declared against 
 France and Spain. Bostonians threaten to hang captain Baptiste, but Brouillan, 
 by threats of reprisal, saves him. Rumors of an attack by the English on Port 
 Royal in the ensuing spring. Brouillan's offer to take Boston. Complaints and 
 quarrels in the garrison at Port Royal. Brouillan's purchase of Hog island. His 
 building there. Accusations of immoral conduct against Brouillan and Bonaven- 
 ture. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. P. 261271. 
 
 Royal decree of 20 March, 1 703, settling disputes about the principal seigneu- 
 ries in Acadie, particularly the claims of the Latour family, and the division of 
 their grants ; also Pedigree of the Latours of Acadie. Marquis de Vaudreuil 
 made governor at Quebec, and Joseph Dudley in New England. Siege of Casco 
 by Indians under French leaders. Petty wars on frontiers and in Newfoundland 
 between English and French. Brouillan encourages privateers to resort to Port 
 Royal. Different charges against Brouillan. Affair of madame Freneuse and 
 Bonaventure. Appendix Singular letters of Cyprian Southack. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. P. 272277. 
 
 1704. Church again attacks Acadie. Destroys the dikes at Mines. His 
 squadron and army go to Port Royal. Skirmishes and retreats. He burns, des- 
 troys and pillages Chignecto again. Colonel Hilton destroys chapel and wig- 
 wams at Norridgewock. Brouillan goes to France. His defence against charges. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. P. 278282. 
 
 1705. Marriage of Duvivier. Madame Freneuse. BoflRventure in charge ot 
 the government. Brouillan returning from France, dies on board the Profond, 
 near Chibouctou. Interment of his heart near Port Royal. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV. P. 283 298. 
 
 1706. Exchange of prisoners between Boston and Port Royal. Penalties on 
 Rowse and others for trading with French enemy, inflicted by Assembly of Mas- 
 sachusetts, annulled by the Queen. Subercase governor of Acadie. Des Gou- 
 tins and Bonaventure acquitted of charges. 1707. Expedition from Boston to 
 besiege Port Royal. Besiegers, defeated by Subercase, retire. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXV. P. 299 308. 
 
 Subercase gives unfavorable opinion of the Indians. 1708. His correspon- 
 dence with Dudley. Affair of madame de Freneuse. Wars in Newfoundland. 
 Subercase employs privateers, who take many prisoners from the English. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVI. P. 309 319. 
 
 1710. Francis Nicholson commands land and sea forces that sail from Boston 
 to besiege Port Royal. Summons Subercase. English invest the place. Suber- 
 case surrenders. Agents sent to Canada to give notice of the capture. Nicholson 
 leaves a garrison there under colonel Vetch. Appendix Articles of capitula- 
 tion, &c.
 
 xii Table of Contents. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVII. P. 320 329. 
 
 1711. Complaints of inhabitants of Port Royal to the marquis de Vaudreuil. 
 Garrison of Annapolis reduced by sickness, &c. Massacre of English troops by 
 Indians at Bloody creek. The fort invested by French inhabitants and Indians. 
 Gaulin sends to Placentia for aid to subdue the place. Fort reinforced by 200 
 men of the New York levies. Canadian troops disbanded, and siege abandoned. 
 Expedition against Quebec from England under General Hill and admiral Walker. 
 Meet with shipwreck, and return. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVIII. P. 330 339. 
 
 1712. Controversy between Ralle and Boston missionary. Treaty of armistice 
 England and France. 1713. Treaty of Utrecht. Queen Anne's letter in favor 
 of the French inhabitants. Newfoundland given up by the French, and Louis- 
 bourg, in cape Breton, founded. Arguments as to the advantage of St. Anne. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIX. P. 340 346. 
 
 1714. Costabelle having surrendered Placentia to colonel Moody, becomes 
 governor of Cape Breton. Nicholson offers the Acadians the option to take the 
 oath, and become British subjects. They prove refractory. Death of queen 
 Anne. Appendix Census of persons who were transferred from Placentia to 
 Louisbourg. Census of Port Royal. 
 
 CHAPTER XL. P. 347 356. 
 
 1715. Nicholson's letter concerning Nova Scotia. Louis XIV dies. 1716. 
 Capt. Armstrong's report on the fort at Annapolis, &c. Conference at Arow- 
 sick. Indian claim to territory asserted by the missionary Ralle. Death of 
 colonel Church. Colonel Richard Philipps appointed Governor of Nova Scotia. 
 1718. Project of Coram to build a town at Chibouctou, &c. 
 
 CHAPTER XLI. P. 357361. 
 
 1719. Commission of colonel Philipps. He goes to Boston, and attempts to 
 get to Nova Scotia in vain. Spends the winter at Boston. Appendix Notices 
 of governor Philipps. 
 
 CHAPTER XLII. P. 362372. 
 
 1720. Governor Philipps arrived at Annapolis. The French unwilling to take 
 the oath of allegiance. Swears in ten councillors, and two subsequently. He 
 issues proclamations to the people, offering them the privileges of British sub- 
 jects, and directing them to choose deputies or representatives. Six deputies 
 chosen from Annapolis river. With Philipps' consent, the inhabitants send dele- 
 gates to M. St. Ovide de Brouillan, governor at Louisbourg. Reply of the people 
 of Mines to the governor's proclamation. Philipps' interview with the Indian 
 chief of the river Annapolis. His letters to Vaudreuil and to the Secretary 
 of State, &c. 
 
 CHAPTER XLIII. P. 373 385. 
 
 Visit of Indian chiefs from St. John at Annapolis. Indians attack and pillage 
 the English at Canso, (August, 1720.) Philipps writes to St. Ovide respecting 
 oath of allegiance. Indians rob Alden, a trader, of his goods at Mines. Troops 
 sent to Canso. Appendix Grant of the island of St. John. Letter of St. Ovide 
 and Demery to governor Philipps.
 
 Table of Contents. xiii 
 
 CHAPTER XLIV. P. 386397. 
 
 1721. Philipps claims the Kennebec as boundary of Nova Scotia. Number 
 of deputies increased for Cobequid and Mines. General court to sit four times a 
 year established. Lieut. Washington complained of by governor Philipps. Bad 
 state of the Fort. Conference intended at Arowsick island between Indian 
 chiefs and the governor of New England. Indians attended 200 armed ; Castin 
 and the Jesuit LaChasse with them. The governor of New England did not 
 appear. They left him a letter, stating outrageous terms. Philipps visits Canso. 
 Appendix Description of Annapolis, &c., by Mascarene. 
 
 CHAPTER XLV. P. 398 406. 
 
 1722. Indian war. Mr. Newton, and Mr. Adams, junior, captured, and after- 
 wards ransomed. The Indians capture many English vessels on the coast. Phi- 
 lipps sends out two vessels, who recapture most of the vessels and their crews. 
 Indians kill several persons at Canso. Death of the Regent Duke of Orleans in 
 1723- 
 
 CHAPTER XLVI. P. 407 421. 
 
 1724. Indian war continues on borders of New England. A party of Malecite 
 and Micmac Indians attack Annapolis. They kill two of the garrison. An 
 Indian hostage killed in retaliation. Father Charlemagne banished. Indians 
 attack and take a vessel at Mocodome, (Country harbor.) Indians assemble at 
 Mines, designing mischief. Over 200 men, under Harman and other officers, in 
 New England, march on Norridgewock, which they destroy, killing the priest 
 Ralle and many of the Indians. Appendix Examination of father Charlemagne 
 and others, of father Isidore, &c. &c. 
 
 CHAPTER XLVII. P. 422433. 
 
 1725. Cessation of arms agreed on between commissioners of Massachusetts 
 and Eastern Indian chiefs. Armstrong, lieut. governor, arrives at Canso from 
 England. Mascarene appointed Commissioner for Nova Scotia at intended 
 treaty. Newton and Bradstreet sent to Louisbourg to confer with St. Ovide on 
 grievances. Wreck of le Chameau near Louisbourg. Armstrong proposes to 
 make Canso the seat of Government. Dummer's treaty concluded with the 
 Indians. Death of Vaudreuil. Beauharnois succeeds him. Appendix Treaty 
 with the Indians made at Boston 15 Dec'r., 1725. Narrative of three French 
 gentlemen who came by land from Quebec. &c. &c. 
 
 CHAPTER XLVIII. P. 434 441. 
 
 1726. State of the garrison. Treaty ratified by Indian chiefs at Annapolis. 
 Armstrong yields to the desire of the French inhabitants, who accordingly take a 
 conditional oath of allegiance not to be obliged to bear arms, ever since which 
 they called themselves ' Neutral French.' Gaulin apologizes, and is pardoned. 
 Lieut, governor Doucett dies. Appendix Mangeant, who fled from Canada, 
 receives protection. Nicholes' sentence. List of Indians from New England to 
 St. John's river, &c.
 
 xiv Table of Contents. 
 
 CHAPTER XLIX. P. 442 449. 
 
 1727. Armstrong commissions some French inhabitants as public officers. 
 Complains of Gamble, &c. Trade forbidden with Mines, Chignecto, &c., as the 
 people refused to take the oath of allegiance. Death of George ist. Indians 
 murder Englishmen at Liscomb's harbor and Jedore. Ensign Wroth blamed for 
 his concessions at Mines and Chignecto, where he had been sent to proclaim 
 Geo. 2, and administer oaths of allegiance. Refusal of the inhabitants of Anna- 
 polis river to take the oaths. 
 
 CHAPTER L. P. 450456. 
 
 1728. Indians from Medoctec came to Annapolis to ratify Dummer's treaty. 
 David Dunbar made surveyor general of H. M. lands in Nova Scotia. Arm- 
 strong's misfortunes and suspicious temper. New commission of governor Phi- 
 lipps. 1 729. Armstrong complains of Breslay and Cosby. Philipps arrives at 
 Canso and at Annapolis, 
 
 CHAPTER LI. P. 457 469. 
 
 1730. Inhabitants of the Annapolis river all take the unconditional oath of 
 allegiance. Dunbar's settlement at fort Frederick at Pemaquid. His subsequent 
 career. Objections made by the lords of Trade to the form of oath of allegiance 
 administered by Philipps. The people of the bay of Fundy also swear allegiance. 
 The seigneurs' claims opposed by Philipps. Dunbar opposed by the Bostonians. 
 Appendix Notice of Robert Temple, &c. &c. 
 
 CHAPTER LII. P. 470 476. 
 
 1731. Philipps recalled to settle accounts of his regiment. Armstrong in 
 command as lieut. governor. Question of Cosby being made president of Coun- 
 cil. Armstrong suggests a house of Assembly. Appendix Boundaries of Nova 
 Scotia questioned by the French governor of Canada. Examination of O'Neale, 
 an Irish surgeon, who came hither from Louisbourg, &c. 
 
 CHAPTER LIII. P. 477 488. 
 
 1732. Litigation among the French inhabitants. Armstrong projects a bar- 
 rack at Mines, disguising his plan under the pretence of a granary. He again 
 proposes a house of assembly. Godalie ordered to leave the province. Claim of 
 the French to Canso. Revenue of Nova Scotia about .30 sterling. 
 
 CHAPTER LIV. P. 489 494. 
 
 Quit rents, &c., to be paid to a Receiver. Scale of fees for Secretary establish- 
 ed. Goat island granted to Mr. Vane. Inhabitants oppose survey. M. de Belle- 
 isle takes the oath of allegiance. (1733.) Whale fishery. Road stopped. 
 Parties punished. 
 
 CHAPTER LV. P. 495 504. 
 
 1734. Seigneural rents collected for the Crown. Survey on bay of Fundy 
 shores ordered. Bowling Green established. Singular trials and judgments. 
 Watch ordered to fire on those who did not answer them. Mrs. Campbell's bar- 
 gain with the Crown for the seigneuries.
 
 Table of Contents. xv 
 
 CHAPTER LVI. P. 505 511. 
 
 1636. Inhabitants, to distress garrison, put an exorbitant price on firewood. 
 Prevalence of litigation among the people. Armstrong visits Mines and Piziquid. 
 Is entertained at the latter place by M. Maufils, the cure. Patent for the isle 
 Haute opposed. St. John Indians send delegates to Annapolis. Duvivier's 
 memoire (of 1735) on the state of Acadie, and the prospect of recovering it for 
 France. 
 
 CHAPTER LVII. P. 512520. 
 
 1736. The case of the brigantine Baltimore, derelict at Chebogue, and the 
 story of Mrs. Buckler. Dispute between the government and messrs. St. Poncy 
 and Cheveraux. St. John's Indians hostility. Inhabitants of St. John. Mr. E. 
 Howe made a member of the Council. Evil of the missionaries in Nova Scotia 
 being pensioned by France. Grant of 50,000 acres at Chiconecto, and of 50,000 
 at Mines. Population of New France in 1 736. 
 
 CHAPTER LVIII. P. 521526. 
 
 Jones' vessel robbed by Indians in Piziguit river. (1737.) Case of arson at 
 Annapolis Royal. 1738. Four terms settled for trial of causes before Governor 
 and Council. Lemercier's petition for grant of isle of Sable. 
 
 CHAPTER LIX. P. 527532. 
 
 O'Neale's complaint. People of Mines refractory. Slater sent there with sol- 
 diers. Reprisals ordered by English gov't. against the Spaniards. Grant of a 
 township at Canso to E. How and others. Mr. Shirreff objects that the Council 
 had not approved it. State of the military and fort, &c. 1739. Suicide of lieut. 
 governor Armstrong. His character. Grants at Annapolis to Mr. Shirreff and 
 Otho Hamilton. Iron vane at Annapolis Royal, 1738. Ruins of old building. 
 Local antiquities. 
 
 List of authorities consulted, p. 533. 
 Micmac names of places, p. 534. 
 
 ADDENDA. 
 
 Extracts from Denys, p. 535 to 538. 
 
 ' " Diereville, p. 539 to 542. 
 
 " '" Customs, &c., of Micmakis and Maricheets, p. 542. 
 Corrections, p. 543.
 
 NOVA-SCOTIA. 
 
 CHAPTER L 
 
 THE provinces in North America, now held by Great Britain, 
 were originally occupied and settled by the French ; while 
 English colonies were established on the Atlantic coast of 
 what is now called the United States, extending from New 
 England to South Carolina, and afterwards to Georgia, embra- 
 cing under the authority of England the then provinces of 
 New England, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Virginia, 
 the Carolinas, &c. 
 
 The northern territory held by the Kings of France com- 
 prised the countries now known as Canada, New Brunswick, 
 Nova Scotia, and the islands Prince Edward and Cape Breton, 
 with part of Newfoundland. This whole extent received the 
 name of New France, the western portion of it, situate near 
 the river St. Lawrence and the Great Lakes being called 
 Canada, and having a royal governor and an intendant resident 
 at Quebec ; while the eastern part, embracing the present 
 provinces of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, and a consider- 
 able part of the present State of Maine, was called Acadie by 
 the French ; but by the English, who made claims to it by 
 discovery, it was named Nova Scotia. 
 
 Acadie was then bounded on the North by the gulf of Saint 
 Lawrence, on the East by the Atlantic, on the south by the.
 
 2 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 river Kennebec, and on the West by the province of Canada, 
 it's north westernmost boundary being in Gasp6 bay. Such 
 was the Acadie (or Nova Scotia) of the seventeenth century. 
 It extended from about 44 to 48 North Latitude, and be- 
 tween 60 and 70 West Longitude. It measured from East 
 to West about 700 miles, and from North to South about 275. 
 
 Acadie is much warmer in summer, and much colder in 
 winter than the countries in Europe lying under the same 
 parallels of latitude. The spring season is colder and the 
 autumn more agreeable, than those on the opposite side of 
 the Atlantic. Its climate is favorable to agriculture, its soil 
 generally fertile. The land is well watered by rivers, brooks 
 and lakes. The supply of timber for use and for exportation 
 may be considered as inexhaustible. The fisheries on the coasts 
 are abundant. The harbors are numerous and excellent. Wild 
 animals abound, among which are remarkable, the moose, 
 caribou and red deer. Wild fowl also are plenty. Extensive 
 tracts of alluvial land of great value are found on the Bay of 
 Fundy. These lands have a natural richness that dispenses 
 with all manuring ; all that is wanted to keep them in order is 
 spade work. As to cereals wheat, rye, oats, buckwheat, maize, 
 all prosper. The potato, the hop, flax and hemp are everywhere 
 prolific. The vegetables of the kitchen garden are success- 
 fully raised. Of fruit, there are many wild kinds, and the apple, 
 pear, plum and cherry, seem almost indigenous. The vine 
 thrives ; good grapes are often raised in the open air. It was 
 said by a French writer that Acadie produced readily every 
 thing that grew in old France, except the olive. 
 
 In the peninsula or Acadie proper, there is an abundance of 
 mineral wealth. Coal is found in Cumberland and Pictou. 
 Iron ore in Colchester and Annapolis counties. Gypsum in 
 Hants. Marble and limestone in different localities. Free- 
 stone, for building, at Remsheg and Pictou. Granite near 
 Halifax, Shelburne, &c. Brick clay in the counties of Halifax 
 and Annapolis. The amethyst of Parrsborough and its vici- 
 nity have been long celebrated, and pearls have been found 
 lately in the Annapolis river. The discovery of gold along the 
 whole Atlantic shore of the peninsula of Nova Scotia, has taken
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 3 
 
 place chiefly since I began this work in 1 860, and it now gives 
 steady remunerative employment to about 800 or 1000 labor- 
 ers, with every expectation of its expansion. 
 
 The wilderness trees of Acadie, most characteristic of its 
 forest scenery, are the pine, hemlock, spruce and hacmatac. 
 The oak, beech, birch and maple, are also abundant. The 
 cedar is also to be found. Of wild flowers, the most peculiar 
 is the Mayflower (Epigaea repens,) a little hardy plant that 
 flowers early, even before the snow banks have been all melted. 
 It has been long adopted as the emblem of Nova Scotia, as it 
 is hardly to be found elsewhere, and our native people have 
 chosen it as their chief ornament, with the motto, 
 
 " We bloom amidst the snows." 
 
 The " Linnaea Borealis," and the " Sarracenia," or Indian Cupv 
 are also remarkable flowers, probably peculiar to this region-.. 
 
 Many learned disquisitions have latterly appeared, intended' 
 to prove that this part of the world was visited by the vikings, 
 of Norway, long before the discovery of America by Columbus. 
 The voyage of Christopher Columbus in 1492 was followed 
 by that of Sebastian Cabot in 1497 to its Northern shores. 
 John Cabot is said to have sailed from Bristol, and to have 
 actually seen Newfoundland, to which he gave the name of 
 " Prima Vista" first seen. The Bre'tons and Normans are said 
 to have first discovered the Grand Banks and the island of 
 Newfoundland in 1504. Voyages du Sieur de Champlain, 
 Vol. I., p. n. Paris, 1830. Thomas Aubert, of Dieppe, sailed 
 thither in 1508, and John Denys, of Honfleur, in 1510. (See 
 Relations des Jesuites. 
 
 The first voyage to North America, with a view to settle- 
 ment, was that of the Baron de Lery et de Saint Just, in 
 1518. It seems that the Baron left a number of live cattle on 
 the Isle of Sable. ( English and French Commissaries, p. 104.^ 
 In 1534 Verazzani ranged the coast of this continent from 
 Florida to Newfoundland, and Jacques Cartier is said to have 
 visited the coast in the same year. The 2Oth April, 1534,. 
 Jacques Cartier, after having been sworn before Charles de 
 Moiiy, Sieur de la Meilleraye, vice admiral of France, sailed 
 from Saint Malo, and arrived at Newfoundland and in the
 
 4 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 gulph of Saint Lawrence, to take possession of the soil in 
 the name of the king of France, provided with a commission 
 of captain general of vessels. (Capitaine general des vais- 
 seaux.) He returned in i535> to continue his discoveries. 
 Leaving Saint Malo on the I9th of May, he arrived at the 
 mouth of the Saguenay on the ist of September. On the 
 1 3th he reached the river Ste Croix, now the Saint Charles, 
 with his three vessels, and on the 2nd October he visited 
 the Indian village of Hochelaga, near Mont Royal, now 
 Montreal. On the 3rd May, 1536, Cartier erected at Quebec, 
 (Stadacona,) with great pomp, a cross 35 feet high. On this 
 was an escutcheon bearing the arms of France, with these 
 words in Roman characters : Franciscus primus, dei gratia, 
 Francorum rex regnat. (Francis the first, by the grace of 
 God, king of the French, reigns.) [See l Champlain, p. 12. 
 Memoires et documents de la, Socittt historique de Montreal, 
 1859. 2.de livraison, pp. 98, &ca.] Cartier having spent the 
 winters of 1535, 1536, among the Indians of the river Saint 
 Lawrence, returned to France, arriving at Saint Malo on the 
 6th July, 1536, having, in the course of the two voyages, visi- 
 ted Newfoundland, Gasp6, and Labrador. Great part of his 
 people having died in Canada of scurvy, he (erroneously) 
 blamed the air of that region, and enterprize in that direction 
 ceased for some time. I Champ lain, 13, 14. 
 
 The next expedition to New France, of which we find men- 
 tion, is that of Roberval. Jean Frangois de la Rocque, (or 
 de la Roche,) Sieur de Roberval, a native of Picardie, pos- 
 sessed such an influence in that province, that Francis the 
 First called him the king of Vimeux. Roberval received 
 an order to continue the discoveries begun in New France, 
 and by letters patent of the date I5th January, 1540, he was 
 declared to be Lord of Norembegue, viceroy and lieutenant 
 general in Canada, Hochelaga, Saguenay, Terre Neuve, (New- 
 foundland,) Belleisle, Carpent, Labrador, the Great Bay, and 
 Baccalaos. (The name of Norembegue was given to the lands 
 on the Pentagoet or Penobscot, and near its mouth ;) and the 
 king gave 45,000 livres tournois for the expenses of the expe- 
 dition. [ Canada par Ferland 1 86 1 . Quebec, partie I ere, p. 3 8.]
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 5 
 
 Five vessels formed his squadron, under Cartier as pilot, which 
 sailed from France on the 23rd May, 1540. Cartier wintered 
 again in Canada. Roberval did not sail until April, 1541, 
 He put into St. John's, Newfoundland, and thence proceeded 
 to the Saint Lawrence, where he also spent a winter. 
 
 No permanent settlement ensued at this time in Canada. 
 It is stated, however, by French writers, that a settlement 
 was made in Cape Breton in 1541. For about thirty years 
 after this, the passion for discovery in America took other 
 directions. [A commission from Francis the First, dated i/th 
 October, 1540, in favor of Jacques Cartier, for the settlement 
 of Canada, is mentioned in the reports of the English, and 
 French Commissaries, p. 702. They refer to Lescarbot, p. 397.] 
 
 In 1578 Sir Humphrey Gilbert, brother by the mother's 
 side to Sir Walter Raleigh, obtained a grant from Queen 
 Elizabeth " of all remote, heathen and barbarous lands he 
 should discover and settle." On his first voyage, he lost a 
 vessel, and put back. His second voyage began nth June, 
 1583, from Cawsand bay, with five vessels, one of 200 tons, 
 one of 1 20, two of 40 each, and one of 10 tons. In these, 
 260 men were embarked. They visited Newfoundland in July, 
 and in August went to the Isle of Sable. One vessel was lost 
 there; and on the 3ist August they began their return to 
 England. On the 9th September the little craft of 10 tons 
 disappeared, supposed to have foundered, with Sir H. Gilbert 
 on board. The rest arrived in England. After the loss of 
 Gilbert, Sir Walter Raleigh obtained a similar patent from 
 the queen, and with the assistance of Sir Richard Greenville, 
 and others, he fitted out two ships, commanded respectively 
 by captains Philip Amidas and Arthur Barlow. They sailed 
 from the Thames April 24, 1584, and made the American 
 coast, in what is now North Carolina, on the second day of 
 July. Here they traded with the natives, two of whom they 
 brought with them to England, but they made no settlement 
 
 Several subsequent voyages were made by the English, but 
 no settlement was effected until 1606, when captain Smith 
 went to Virginia. London Magazine 1755, p.p. 307, 308. 
 In 1585, 1586 and 1587, colonies are said to have been sent
 
 6 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 from England to Virginia, under the guidance of Sir W. 
 Raleigh and Sir R. Greenville. In 1590, George White, who 
 was sent there, found none of the third colony living, and re- 
 turned to England. 
 
 In 1593, Henry May, an Englishman, returning from the 
 East Indies in a French ship, was wrecked on the island of 
 Bermudas. He found swine there, proving that some vessel 
 had been there before. The crew built a boat of cedar, caulked 
 it, and payed the seams with turtle's fat, and sailed in it to 
 Newfoundland, whence they got a passage to England. At 
 this period, the fishery on the banks of Newfoundland was 
 prosecuted by the French of Bretagne, the Basques and the 
 Portuguese. 
 
 We now come to the expedition of the marquis de la Roche, 
 the date of which is disputed. 
 
 Troilus du Mesgouez, marquis de la Roche, descended from 
 an ancient family in Bretagne, had been attached to the 
 French court from his youth, as a page of queen Catherine de 
 Medicis. Protected by the queen, he received numerous favors 
 from the kings Henry the second, Francis the second, and 
 Charles the ninth ; but whether these riches and honors were 
 insufficient to satisfy his ambition, or whether he cherished in 
 his mind, as a more elevated object, the aggrandizement of 
 French power, he solicited a commission, which he obtained 
 in 1578, 3 Jan'y., which authorized him to equip vessels, dis- 
 cover and take possession of new countries not belonging to 
 friendly powers. By this commission he was made governor, 
 lieutenant general and viceroy " in the said new lands, and 
 " countries occupied by barbarous people, which he shall take 
 and conquer." \Ferland, cours d'histoire du Canada, Quebec, 
 1861. Part I., p.p. 58, 59.] De la Roche set sail in a single 
 vessel, accompanied by an able pilot, named Chedotel, a Nor- 
 man. Besides his crew, he had on board about fifty convicts, 
 obtained from prisons in France. Making the Isle of Sable* 
 he landed the prisoners there, and went to reconnoitre the 
 shores of the main land. After some time spent in exploring, 
 he sailed for France, expecting to touch at the Isle of Sable 
 and take the prisoners on board again ; but a storm drove him
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 7 
 
 to the East, so fiercely, that in twelve days he made the French 
 coast. 
 
 The convicts who were left on the island are said to have 
 remained there seven years. Their subsistence is stated to 
 have been procured from the milk of cows they found there, 
 from the beef of these cows, from pork and fish. Some wri- 
 ters conjectured that they were bred from cattle left there by 
 de Lery in 1518. But Charlevoix says that these unfortunate 
 men met with the wrecks of Spanish ships that had been sent 
 to make settlements in Cape Breton, and while they used the 
 wrecks to build huts for themselves, they found sheep and 
 horned cattle on the .island, which had escaped from the 
 wrecks and multiplied on the isle ; but they were at last redu- 
 ced to such fish as they could catch as their sole dependance 
 for food. When their clothes wore out they replaced them 
 with seal skins. At the end of 5 or 7 years, (the term being 
 differently stated by different authors,) king Henry the Fourth 
 having heard of their adventures, compelled Chedotel, the pilot, 
 to go in quest of them. He found but twelve survivors out of 
 the forty-eight, the rest having perished from want and suffer- 
 ing. The king having expressed a wish to see them in their 
 singular dress, and having looked at them in their emaciated 
 condition, gave to each one a present of fifty crowns, and a free 
 pardon for past offences. Chedotel, having appropriated some 
 furs collected by them, they sued him and recovered the value. 
 E. and F. Commissaries, p. 106. I Charlevoix, 169. Lescar- 
 bot, c. 3,/. 1 8. i Belknap American Biography, 40. Lescarbot, 
 406, 407, 408. I Cliamplain, p. 42, who says the parliament of 
 Rouen adjudged Chedotel to bring them back. 
 
 In 1588 Jacques Noel and the sieur Chaton, nephews of 
 Jacques Cartier, obtained from Henry the 3rd. an exclusive 
 grant of the commerce of the gulph and river St. Lawrence ; 
 and a M. Ravaillon succeeded them in this monopoly in 1591. 
 
 In 1599 the sieur Chauvin, of Normandy, captaine pour le 
 roi en la marine, who was of the reformed religion, (i Champ- 
 lain, 44,) obtained a commission from his majesty, Henry the 
 4th. He came to Tadoussac to trade with the natives, for 
 furs ; but he did not succeed in founding a settlement. He
 
 8 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 had the same title and powers as the marquis de la Roche ; 
 but the enterprize was at his own cost and charges, while the 
 expedition of la Roche had taken place at the expence of the 
 State. Le Sieur du Pont grave", of Saint Malo, an experienced 
 seaman, was his lieutenant, (i Champlain, 44.) Chauvin 
 thought of nothing but commercial gain, and died without 
 having done anything for colonization, and without having ful- 
 filled his engagements. Chauvin made two voyages. In the 
 first he built a small dwelling, and left sixteen men at Tadous- 
 sac, who suffered much. The Sieur de Monts went with 
 Chauvin on this voyage, for his pleasure, (i Champlain, 46, 47.) 
 
 After the death of Chauvin, the commander de Chattes, 
 (called de Chaste by Champlain), governor of Dieppe, an old 
 man and faithful servant of the king, obtained a commission. 
 Pontgrave was in charge of the expedition as navigator, and 
 M. de Champlain, the founder and historian of Canada, made 
 his first voyage with him in 1603. The commission of de 
 Chattes appointed him lieutenant general of the king, and 
 governor in America, from the 4Oth to the 52nd degree of 
 North Latitude. De Chattes died before the voyage thus 
 commenced under his auspices was concluded. 
 
 After Cartier's visits to Canada, the French continued to 
 trade there for furs, as well as to fish on the banks of New- 
 foundland, Acadie and Cape Brecon, and they had become 
 well acquainted with many parts of the coasts, among others 
 with Canseau, already celebrated for the fishery. One Savalet 
 (or Savalette), an old mariner, who frequented that port, had 
 made no less than forty-two voyages to those parts previously 
 to 1605. i Belknap, American Biography, p. 320. Lescarbot's 
 New France, chapter 18. He lived at a port four leagues 
 from Canso, which Lescarbot named after him port Savalet. 
 
 Pierre de Guast, sieur de Monts, a native of Saintonge, 
 was gentleman in ordinary of the chamber, and governor of 
 Pons, in Saintonge. He was a Calvinist, and during all the 
 troubles of the league, had rendered important services to the 
 king Henry the Fourth, who reposed entire confidence in him. 
 [i Ferland, Canada, 62, 64. i Belknap Am. Biography, 320. 
 i Ckarlevoix> 173. i Champlain t 54.]
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 9 
 
 Demonts had made a voyage, for his pleasure, with the sieur 
 Chauvin in 1599, but the climate at Tadoussac appeared to 
 him so severe, that he formed the design of settling further 
 South, in some country where the air should be milder and 
 more agreeable. In accordance with this project, by an edict 
 of 8 November, 1603, Demonts was named lieutenant general 
 of the country of Cadie, from the 4Oth to the 46th degree of 
 North Latitude, " to people, cultivate, and cause to be inhabi- 
 " ted, the said lands the most speedily, to search for mines of 
 " gold, silver, &c., to build forts and towns, grant lands, &c." 
 The king, by letters patent dated 13 December, 1603, gran- 
 ted to DeMonts and his associates, who were merchants of 
 Rouen, Rochelle, and other places, the exclusive trade in furs 
 and other merchandize, from Cape deRaze to the 4<Dth degree 
 of North Latitude, comprehending all the coasts of Acadie, 
 land and cape Breton, bay of Saint Cler, of Chaleur, Isles 
 percees, Gaspay, Chichedec, Mesamichi, Lesquemin, Tadous- 
 sac, and the river of Canada, on both shores, and all the bays 
 and rivers on these coasts. \Laet. c. 21, p. 58.] 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I. 
 
 Ce furent les Bretons et les Normands, qui, en 1'an 1504, descouvrirent les pre- 
 miers des chrestiens, le grand Bane des Moluques, et les Isles de Terre Neufve, 
 ainsi qu'il se remarque dans les histoires de Niflat et d'Antoine Maginus. \Cham~ 
 plain, b. I c. 2. I vol. p. II. Paris, 1830. Voyages du Sieur de Champlain.] 
 (The Bretons and the Normans were the first Christians who ul"overed the 
 Grand Bank and the island of Newfoundland.) 
 
 (2.) 
 
 From Novus Orbis, 6-v., of Johannes de Laet, Antverp. Lugdun, Batav. apud 
 Elzevirios, Ao. 1633. Written in Latin (translated) p. 36. 
 
 " Furthermore, the island of Sable (so called by the French from its sands,) is 
 situated in 44 degrees N. Lon., about 30 leagues from the island of the Britons, 
 or of St. Lawrence, towards the South. It is about 15 leagues in circuit, much 
 longer than it is broad, the sea surrounding it being shallow and without harbors, 
 aud having a bad repute for shipwrecks. In the year 1518 the French, induced
 
 io History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 by the supposed convenience of the place, designed, under the auspices of the 
 baron de Lery, to establish a colony here, but arriving late in the year, the total 
 want of corn and fresh water compelled them to abandon the design ; but thej 
 left behind them cattle and swine, which increased but little there, owing to the 
 scarcity of food, as the greater portion of the island is nothing but pure sand. 
 The Portuguese afterwards made a similar attempt, but with no better results. 
 Finally, after it was long neglected by the Portuguese and other nations, the mar- 
 quis de la Roche, a Frenchman, attempted again to colonize it in the year 1598. 
 A few individuals were left in the island, who with difficulty supported life there, 
 clothing themselves with the skins of black foxes and seals, and living on fish and 
 wild animals. After five years abode, they were taken off. There is one small 
 pond, but no springs of water, in the island ; many thickets of bushes, very few 
 trees ; the soil naked, or but slightly covered with grass ; and the landing is 
 difficult. 
 
 (3-) 
 From the History of the British Empire in America. 
 
 In 1527, Messrs. Thorne & Elliot, of Bristol, made a voyage to Newfoundland. 
 Another voyage was made thither in the Triton & Minion, from Gravesend, in 
 April, 1536, with 130 persons on board. In 1579, a vessel went from England, of 
 300 tons, to fish on the Great Bank, Whitburn commander ; and in 1583 he went 
 thither again. Also in 1611. See post. In 1610, king James ist. granted part of 
 Newfoundland to 48 persons, at the head of the list is Henry, earl of Northamp- 
 ton. Among those names we find the celebrated Francis Bacon, then Sir Francis 
 Bacon, solicitor general. They were thereby incorporated under the name of 
 " The Treasurer and the Company of Adventurers and Planters of the city of 
 " London and Bristol, for the colony or plantation of Newfoundland." 
 
 The original grant is given in full in the history of the British Empire in Ame- 
 rica, p. 133 to 136, and is dated April 27, 1610. 
 
 They appear to have sent Whitburn there in 1610, 1611, 1613 and 1614. In 
 1613 they sent 54 men, 6 women and 2 children, who wintered in Newfoundland. 
 
 Sir George Calvert (afterwards Lord Baltimore) had a grant from James the 
 first, of that part of Newfoundland between the bay of Bulls in the East and St. 
 Mary's in the South, called the province of Avalon. In 1621 he sent a colony 
 there, under Capt. Wynn, and a settlement was formed at Ferryland. 
 
 (4-) 
 
 Letters patent from queen Elizabeth to Sir Humphrey Gilbert, of Compton, 
 Co. Devon, knight, dated n June, 2oth of her reign (1578,) to discover countries, 
 " heathen and barbarous, lands, countries and territories," " not actually posses- 
 sed of any Christian prince or people," " the same to have, hold, occupy and 
 enjoy to him, his heirs and assigns, for ever," " with all commodities, jurisdiction 
 and royalties, both by sea and by land," gives powers of granting land, &c., to 
 be under allegiance to the crown of England, paying one-fifth part of all ores of 
 gold and silver to the Crown, and doing homage, gives power to make war in 
 defence of these acquirements. 2 Hakluyfs Voyages, p.p. 677, 679. 
 
 On his first voyage he lost a vessel, and a gentleman, Miles Morgan, and put 
 back. Ibidem, 682.
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 1 1 
 
 His 2nd voyage was begun II June, 1583, leaving Causet bay in the two fol- 
 lowing vessels : I. The Delight, (alias) the George, 120 tons, admiral, in which 
 the general (Sir H. Gilbert) went, Wm. Winter, captain and part owner, Richard 
 Clearke, master. 2. The bark Rawley, set forth by Sir Walter Rawley. She was 
 vice admiral, M. Butler, captain, and Robert Davis, of Bristol, master. 200 tons. 
 3. The Golden Hinde, 40 tons, rear admiral. Edward Hayes, captain and owner, 
 and Wm. Coxe, of Limchouse, master. 4. The Swallow, 40 tons, Capt. Maurice 
 Browne. 5. The Squirrell, 10 tons, captain William Andrews, Cave, master. 
 
 There were 260 men in this squadron, including shipwrights, masons, carpen- 
 ters, smiths, mineral men and refinery, and musicians. After a few days, the 
 Rawley put back to England, owing to a contagious sickness on board. By the 
 28 June the squadron were in 41 N. L. On 30 July they made land in Lat. 51 N. 
 They visited several places on the coast of Newfoundland. 5 August, Sir H. 
 Gilbert assembled the merchants and masters of vessels at St. John's read his 
 commission publicly, and took possession of the country to the extent of 200 
 leagues in everyway from that in the name of the queen of England, and he enac- 
 ted these laws I. Declaring the Church of England established. 2. Making it 
 treason to interfere with her Majesty's possession of the territory. 3. To punish 
 any who should speak in dishonor of her Majesty, by losing his ears, and his ship 
 and goods be confiscated. They left St. John's Tuesday, 20 August, (47 40 N. 
 Lat.), their general, Sir H. Gilbert, being on board the Squirrell. Next evening 
 they made Cape Race, 46 25 N. Lat., whence they directed their course to the 
 Isle of Sable. 
 
 " Sable lieth to the seaward of Cape Britton, about 25 leagues, whither we " 
 " were determined to goe upon intelligence wee had of a Portingall, (during our " 
 " abode in St. John's), who was himself present when the Portingalls (above 30 " 
 " years past) did put into the same islande both neat and swine to breede, " 
 " which were since exceedingly multiplied." They sent men on shore in the bays 
 near Cape Race to view the soil. " They saw pease in great abundance every- " 
 " where. The distance between Cape Race and Cape Britton is 100 leagues, in " 
 " which navigation we spent 8 days, having many times the wind indifferent " 
 " good, yet could we never attain sight of any land all that time, seeing we were " 
 " hindered by the currant. At last we fel into such flats and dangers that hardly " 
 " any of us escaped : where neverthelesse we lost our Admiral, with all the men " 
 " and provision, not knowing certainly the place." Two sets of reckonings are 
 given, one giving 117 leagues, the other 121. Tuesday, 27 August, they had 
 soundings, white sand at 35 fathoms, in latitude about 44 N. There the Delight 
 was cast away and lost on the 29 August. 14 of the crew escaped in a pinnace, 
 of whom 12 lived to reach Newfoundland, and were carried to France afterwards. 
 31 August the remainder of the squadron began their return to England. On the 
 the night of Monday, 9 September, 1583, the Squirrel was lost, supposed foun- 
 dered at sea, with Sir Humphrey Gilbert on board. The Golden Hinde arrived at 
 Falmouth on Sunday, 22 Septr., 1583. From the narrative of Edward Hayes, 
 master of the Golden Hinde, in 2 Hackluyt, p.p. 679, 697. 
 
 (SO 
 
 The Portuguese and French carried on fishery on the Banks of Newfoundland 
 at that time. Sometimes 100 sail of vessels would be employed in it. 2 Hack- 
 tuyt, 685. 
 
 They found 36 sail in St. John's harbor 3 August, 1583. Ibidem^ 686.
 
 12 h istory of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 (6.) 
 
 The voyage of the marquis de la Roche is stated to have occurred in 1578. In 
 1588 he was engaged on the Royal side in the wars of the League in Bretagne. 
 He was captured at the town of Sable by order of the duke of Mercoeur, and sent 
 to the castle of Nantes, where he remained a prisoner until 1596, eight years. 
 Ferland, p.p. 59, 60. 
 
 M. Pol. de Courcy, in his biography of the marquis de la Roche, cites a com- 
 mission of Henry 3, date 1577, and conceives it was under his authority he made 
 the expedition to Sable Island ; while Charlevoix and subsequent writers quote a 
 commission from Henry the 4th, of 15 January, 1598, constituting de la Roche 
 lieutenant general for the king, in Canada, Hochelaga, Newfoundland, Labrador, 
 river of the great bay of Norembegue, &c., and assign 1 598 as the date of his 
 voyage. \Fr. <Sr* English Comm., 702. Lescarbot, p. 408.] 
 
 Aymar de Chaste, knight of Malta, commandeur de Lormeteau, lieutenant du 
 roi in the bailliage de Caux, governor of Dieppe, ambassador in England, grand 
 master of St. Lazare, and abbe of Fecamp, was the third son of Frangois, baron 
 de Chaste, and Paule de Joyeuse. He effected a great service to France in indu- 
 cing the people of Dieppe, from the 6th of August, to recognize Henry th 
 Fourth. M. de Chaste became vice admiral in France. His tomb is in the 
 church of St. Remi at Dieppe. Memoires et documents, <&v. Montreal, 1859, 
 2e, livraison, p. 104. Fir land's Canada, part I., p. 63.
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 13 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 HENRY the fourth, (of France,) was disposed in favor of ex~ 
 tending French enterprize in North America. His prime 
 minister, Sully, disapproved of this ; thinking the climate of 
 these regions too cold for settlement, and looking to the mines 
 and other natural wealth of the South, as promising better 
 returns to the kingdom. At this period many circumstances 
 combined to encourage the project of colonization in North 
 America. As early as 1504, the inhabitants of Bretagne and 
 Normandie had begun to fish and to trade on the shores of 
 Acadie and the coast and banks of Newfoundland. In 1534, 
 Cartier explored the great river of St. Lawrence. While the 
 French had been accustomed to the climate of North Ame- 
 rica, the native Indians had become in some measure familiar- 
 ized with traffic and intercourse with the Europeans. The 
 civil war that had so long distracted France had ended, and 
 the great Henry the fourth was on the throne. He had recon- 
 ciled the great majority of the Catholics to himself, by adopt- 
 ing their religion. Peace and good order were restored, by 
 the skill and talents of Sully. Warlike enterprizes being thus 
 suspended, the adventurous spirit of Frenchmen naturally 
 turned to pacific and commercial objects. At the same time, 
 the Protestants, being avowedly the weaker party, sought to 
 establish a refuge against possible persecution. Thus we see 
 that the merchants of Rochelle, and de Monts himself, (all 
 Protestants), were eager to form colonies in the New World, 
 free from ecclesiastical domination. It will, however, be seen, 
 that in the progress of the colony at Port Royal, but few Pro-
 
 14 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 testants came out as settlers. On the other hand, it happened 
 that the attempts of the Jesuits to found missions in Acadie, 
 entirely failed. The Franciscans, or Recollets were more suc- 
 cessful, as they not only supplied the cures of the province, 
 but they also converted the whole Micmac nation to the Chris- 
 tian faith. 
 
 It will appear through the course of events in the i/th cen- 
 tury, that no religious intolerance showed itself in any part of 
 the province. At the same time a jealousy and distrust gene- 
 rally existed between the French governors and authorities on 
 the one hand, and the priests and friars on the other. The 
 commission of de Monts authorized him to instruct the sava- 
 ges in the knowledge of God, and the light of the faith and 
 Christian religion. The powers of governing and trading 
 granted to him, extended as far North as 54 N. L., but the 
 property in the lands only to 46 N. L. The exclusive right 
 to the fur trade was given to him and acted on, though not in- 
 cluded in his commission as lieutenant general. [2 Jesuit 
 relations, p. 2.] M. de Monts was a very honest man. His 
 views were upright. He was zealous for the public good, and 
 he had all the capacity required for success in this undertaking. 
 He was, however, unfortunate, and almost always badly served. 
 The exclusive privilege in the fur trade granted to him, gave 
 rise to envy, which in the event caused his ruin. He had 
 kept up the association formed by his predecessor, de Chaste, 
 and added to it many merchants of the chief ports of France, 
 especially those of Rochelle, a great Protestant community. 
 The original company consisted of merchants of Rouen, and 
 of many men of quality, who joined them. [i Charlevoix, 
 172, 174] The united funds of the company enabled them to 
 fit out four vessels for this expedition. Part were at Dieppe, 
 and part at Havre de Grace. One vessel was intended to pro- 
 secute the fur trade at Tadoussac, in Canada. Pontgrave had 
 orders to take another to Canseau, and thence to go along the 
 narrow seas that separate Cape Breton and St. John's island 
 (now Prince Edward Island) from Nova Scotia, and to drive 
 away all those whom he might find interfering with the exclu- 
 sive privileges of de Monts in the fur trade. The other two
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 15 
 
 vessels were conducted by de Monts himself to Acadie. One 
 was of 1 20 tons burthen, and the other of 150. De Monts 
 was accompanied by many gentlemen, priests, ministers, and 
 by one hundred and twenty artizans and soldiers. Laet says 
 he had engaged 1 20 agriculturists, " centum viginti agricolis 
 conductis," c. 21, p. 58. They were of both religions, Catholic 
 and Protestant. Champlain, ever ready to take part in voy- 
 ages of discovery, received with joy the invitation to accom- 
 pany M. de Monts in this expedition. Samuel de Champlain 
 was a gentleman of Saintonge, a sea captain. He had the 
 reputation of being a brave, capable and experienced officer. 
 He had been two years and a half in the West Indies. He 
 had been with Pontgrave" at Tadoussac, in 1603, for de Chaste. 
 (Pontgrave was an able navigator, and was also one of the 
 principal merchants of St. Malo. He had made several voy- 
 ages to Tadoussac, and went to Canada along with Chauvin.) 
 Pontgrave" was de Mont's lieutenant the first year, and Poutrin- 
 court afterwards. Belknap's Am. B., 324. i Charlevoix, 179. 
 With de Mont's expedition there was a gentleman of Picardie, 
 Jean de Biencourt, baron de Poutrincourt, who was desirous 
 of settling his family in the new world, hoping to find there 
 more peace and tranquillity than in Europe. In this mixture 
 of Catholics and Huguenots, Champlain believed there was a 
 source of great difficulties for the new colony. I Ferland Ca- 
 nada, 67. Belknap A, B., 324. I Charlevoix, 179. 
 
 De Monts sailed from Havre de Grace on the 7 March, 1604, 
 (Laet says 7 April, 1604), in a vessel commanded by captain 
 Timothy, (of Havre de Grace) ; and her consort, commanded 
 by captain Morell, of Honfleur, sailed three days after. They 
 met on the voyage with banks of ice, and with contrary winds, 
 and they went to the southward of the Isle of Sable to avoid 
 ice. Champlain says they reached Cape de la Heve in one 
 month. In the harbor they first entered, de Monts found 
 a vessel engaged in the fur trade. In virtue of his exclu- 
 sive privilege, he confiscated the vessel, and gave to the 
 place the name of the master of the ship he had seized, which 
 was Rossignol. This harbor is now called Liverpool. (Laet 
 says they first landed at Port Mouton -portus ovium p. 58.
 
 1 6 History of Nova-Scotia* 
 
 Leaving Port Rossignol, they came to another place which they 
 called Port au Mouton, on account of a sheep being drowned 
 there. Here de Monts landed all his people, and they staid in 
 this place a month. M. de Champlain went meanwhile in a 
 shallop to seek a suitable position for a settlement. A party 
 of Indians was also detached with one of the crew, to find one 
 of the vessels commanded by Morell, who was to have met 
 de Monts at Canseau, which port the vessel de Monts was in 
 had missed. Morell's vessel contained provisions, implements 
 and materials of essential importance, and these were landed 
 near Canseau, and were brought to Port au Mouton, with the 
 aid of the Indians, while Morell's vessel proceeded to Tadous- 
 sac. M. de Monts then followed the coast to the South-west, 
 doubled Cape Sable, and at length anchored in St. Mary's bay. 
 Two or three days after their arrival at St. Mary's bay, one of 
 their priests, called Aubry, (of the city of Paris), got lost in the 
 woods, not being able to find his way back to the ship. He 
 remained there seventeen days, subsisting on a few herbs and 
 wild fruit. At the end of this time he had found his way to 
 the shores of the Bay of Fundy, (la baie Frangoise, so named 
 by de Monts.) One of the shallops of the expedition happened 
 to be near, and Aubry, having hoisted his hat upon a pole, 
 was descried by them and rescued from his melancholy situa- 
 tion ; and after a considerable time he recovered from the 
 debility brought on him by the want of food and shelter. 
 (i Ferland, 67.) He had gone on shore with others, and had 
 got parted from his companions, and lost his way in the woods 
 while seeking his sword, which he had left at a brook. They 
 waited for him several days, firing guns and sounding trumpets 
 to attract his attention, but in vain. A Protestant, who was 
 of the party on shore, was charged with having killed him, be- 
 cause they sometimes held warm arguments together about 
 religion. Concluding that he was dead, they left the bay after 
 sixteen days. In this bay they observed iron ore, and indica- 
 tions of silver. They then entered the Bay of Fundy, which 
 was then called la baie Franchise. On its eastern shore they 
 discovered a narrow strait, (now called Digby Gut), and pass- 
 ing through this into the spacious bason of Annapolis, they
 
 1604. History of Nova-Scotia. 17 
 
 came to the site of the present town of Annapolis Royal. To 
 this they gave the name of Port Royal. 
 
 The river, now called Annapolis river, was named then, or 
 subsequently, by the French, the river Dauphin, and they cal- 
 led the smaller stream the 1'Equille, which subsequently was 
 known as Allen's river or creek. (Champlain gives the place 
 the designation of Port Royal, and he mentions a river then 
 called the 1'Esquille, after the name of a little fish caught 
 there " de la grandeur d'un esplan." In a German dictionary, 
 equille is translated meer nadel, sea needle ; and in French 
 dictionaries, esquille is a splinter, or splint.) Poutrincourt was 
 so pleased with this place that he resolved on settling there, 
 and requested a grant of it from de Monts, which he obtained, 
 and afterwards the king confirmed it to him in 1607. i Cham- 
 plain, 130. From Port Royal, de Monts sailed up the Bay of 
 Fundy to Mines, since called Horton, and observed specimens 
 of copper, probably at Cape d'Or. The adventurers fancied 
 that they had found a mine of this metal. They also got spe- 
 cimens of a shining blue stone, most probably the amethyst. 
 Champdor, the pilot, having cut one of those blue stones out 
 of a rock, broke it in two, giving one part to de Monts and the 
 other to Poutrincourt. These they had set in gold. (On their 
 return to France, Poutrincourt gave his part to the king, and 
 de Monts to the queen. It is said that a goldsmith offered 
 fifteen crowns for Poutrincourt's jewel.) Crossing the bay,, 
 they entered the river called by the Indians the Ouigoudi, but 
 by the French the Saint John, they having discovered it oa 
 the 24th of June, the festival of Saint John the Baptist. They 
 went up the river until their further progress was prevented: 
 by the shallowness of the stream, and they were delighted and 
 astonished at the beauty of the islands and of the scenery at 
 the fish that swarmed in the waters, and the wild fruits that 
 grew on the river's banks. Coasting southwesterly from the 
 mouth of the St. John, de Monts arrived at an island twenty 
 leagues further, situated in the middle of a river. This island 
 and the river, below whose mouth lies the island surrounded 
 in fact by salt water, was named Sainte Croix. Its. position 
 has been the subject of controversy. The bay of Passama-
 
 1 8 h. istory of Nova-Scotia. 1 604. 
 
 quoddy, in which it lies, contains several islands, and there are 
 two rivers which fall into it. Champlain, who had left Port 
 Mouton to explore the coast, had been at this place. When 
 de Monts arrived there, he determined to build a fort on the 
 island. Lescarbot gives the following details on the subject : 
 " Leaving St. John's river, they came, following the coast " 
 " twenty leagues from that place, to a great river, which is " 
 " properly sea, where they fortified themselves in a little " 
 " island, seated in the midst of this river, which the said " 
 " Champlain had been to discover and view ; and seeing it " 
 " strong by nature, and of easy defence and keeping : besides " 
 " that the season began to slide away, and therefore it was " 
 " behoveful to provide of lodging without running any far- " 
 " ther, they resolved to make their abode there. Before we " 
 " speak of the ship's return to France, it is meet to tell you " 
 " how hard the isle of Sainte Croix is to be found out, to " 
 " them that never were there ; for there are so many isles " 
 " and great bays to go by (from St. John's) before one be at " 
 " it, that I wonder how one might ever pierce so far as to " 
 " find it. There are three or four mountains imminent above " 
 " the others, on the sides ; but on the north side, from " 
 " whence the river runneth down, there is but a sharp pointed " 
 " one, above two leagues distant. The woods of the main " 
 " land are fair and admirable high, and well grown, as in like " 
 " manner is the grass. There is right over against the island " 
 " fresh water brooks, very pleasant and agreeable : where " 
 " divers of M. de Mont's men did their business and builded " 
 " there certain cabbins. As for the nature of the ground, it " 
 " is most excellent, and most abundantly fruitful. For the " 
 "said mons. de Monts having caused there some piece of" 
 " ground to be tilled, and the same sowed with rye ; he was " 
 " not able to tarry for the maturity thereof to reap it ; and " 
 " notwithstanding the grain fallen hath grown and increased " 
 " so wonderfully, that two years afterwards we reaped and M 
 " did gather of it as fair, big and weighty as in France, " 
 " which the soil hath brought forth without any tillage ; and " 
 "yet at this present (1609) it doth continue still to multiply" 
 " every year. The said island containeth some half a league "
 
 1604. History of Nova-Scotia. 19 
 
 " in circuit, and at the end of it, on the sea side, there is a " 
 " mount or small hill, which is, as it were, a little isle, severed " 
 " from the other, where M. de Monts his cannon were placed. " 
 " There is also a little chapel, built after the savage fashion, " 
 " at the foot of which chapel there is such a store of muscles " 
 " as is wonderful, which may be gathered at low water, but " 
 " they are small. Now let us prepare and hoist sails. M. de " 
 " Poutrincourt made the voyage into these parts, with some " 
 " men of good sort, not to winter there ; but as it were to " 
 " seek -out his seat, and find out a land that might like him. " 
 " Which he having done, had no need to sojourn there any " 
 " longer. So then, the ships being ready for the return, he " 
 " shipped himself and those of his company in one of them. " 
 " During the foresaid navigation, M. de Monts his people " 
 " did work about the fort, which he seated at the end of the " 
 " island, opposite to the place where he had lodged his can- " 
 " non. Which was wisely considered, to the end to command " 
 " the river up and down. But there was an inconvenience ; " 
 " the said fort did lie towards the north, and without any " 
 " shelter, but of the trees that were on the isle shore, which " 
 " all about he commanded to be kept and not cut down. The " 
 " most urgent things being done, and hoary snowy father " 
 " being come, that is to say, Winter, then they were forced to " 
 " keep within doors, and to live every one at his own home. " 
 " During which time our men had three special discommodi- " 
 " ties in this island : want of wood, (for that which was in the " 
 " said isle was spent in buildings), lack of fresh water, and " 
 " the continual watch made by night, fearing some surprize " 
 " from the savages that had lodged themselves at the foot of " 
 " the said island, or some other enemy. For the malediction " 
 " and rage of many Christians is such, that one must take " 
 " heed of them much more than of infidels. When they had " 
 " need of water or wood, they were constrained to cross over " 
 " the river, which is thrice as broad of every side as the river " 
 " of Seine." [Lescarbot's New France, c. 6 ; translated in 
 Churchill's collection, vol. 2, p.p. 807, 808.] While the men 
 were cutting timber for the buildings at St. Croix island, 
 Champdore, one of the adventurers, accompanied by a min-
 
 2O History of Nova-Scotia. 1605. 
 
 eralogist, sailed for St. Mary's bay, and entered it by the 
 passage between Long Island and Digby Neck, called ' le petit 
 passage} intending to examine more minutely the iron ores 
 and the indications of silver, noticed in the previous visit to 
 the bay. One result of this voyage was the recovery of the 
 missing Aubry, who had wandered about the shores almost 
 starved, having but berries and roots to subsist on. The fort 
 on the island contained apartments for de Monts, fitted with 
 panel work. The royal standard of France was hoisted on it. 
 There was a storehouse erected and shingled ; and a chapel, 
 bower-wise, the roof being supported by the living trees. 
 Dwellings were put up for d'Orville, Champlain, and Champ- 
 dore, and the other gentlemen of the expedition ; and they had 
 a covered gallery for walking in bad weather. Between the fort 
 and the battery were vegetable gardens. The Indians of the 
 coast frequented the settlement, and were apparently pleased 
 and attached to the French, and evinced especial respect for 
 de Monts. 
 
 The winter proved severe, and the people suffered so much 
 from the scurvy, (a disease incident to confinement and scar- 
 city of fresh water and fresh provisions), that out of those who 
 wintered there, thirty-six are stated to have died, leaving 
 thirty-six or forty still unwell, but who recovered in the spring. 
 It appears that during the winter the colony was early com- 
 pelled to subsist on salt meat, and that many of the men, to 
 save themselves the trouble of crossing to the main land for 
 supplies of fresh water, very imprudently drank melted snow. 
 i Charlevoix, 180. 
 
 1605. As soon as his men recovered, de Monts resolved to 
 seek a comfortable station in a warmer climate. Belknap Am. 
 B., 328. Having victualled and armed his pinnace, he sailed 
 along the coast to Norombega, a name which had been given 
 by some European adventurers to the bay of Pentagoet or 
 Penobscot. Thence he sailed to Kennebec, Casco, Saco, and 
 finally came to Malebarre, as Cape Cod was then called by the 
 French. In some of the places which he had passed, the 
 land was inviting, and particular notice was taken of the 
 grapes. It may perhaps be doubted if the French account
 
 1605. History of Nova-Scotia. 21 
 
 about grapes is accurate, as they mention them to have been 
 growing on the banks of the Saint John and elsewhere, where 
 if wild grapes exist they must be rare. The savages he met 
 appeared numerous, unfriendly and thievish ; and de Monts, 
 having but a small company with him, preferred safety to 
 pleasure, and returned to the island of St. Croix. Here he 
 was soon joined by Pontgrave, who came back from France. 
 They found this place in a very bad condition, and M. de 
 Monts was convinced of the necessity of removing. Pontgrave" 
 brought in his ship a reinforcement of forty men, and a quan- 
 tity of supplies. They crossed the bay to Port Royal, and de 
 Monts concluded to transfer the colonists to that place. The 
 stores remaining at Sainte Croix were brought over, while the 
 buildings were left standing. The care of this transportation 
 was taken by Pontgrave, whom M. de Monts appointed his 
 lieutenant or deputy. De Monts is said \Ferland part i,p. 68] 
 to have gone as far south this spring as 41 degrees north lati- 
 tude, (near to the present city of New York), and that at the 
 time there was not one European along the coast to Florida ; 
 and speaking of Annapolis, Ferland says : " Port Royal, now " 
 "Annapolis, founded in 1605, is the first durable settlement" 
 " formed by the French in North America, and the most " 
 " ancient town in this part of the world after St. Augustin." 
 De Monts appears to have returned to France in the latter 
 part of this year, 1605. [See de Lae't, c. 21, p. 58. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER II. 
 
 (2 Churchill's voyages, 796-798. Nova Francia.) 
 
 Henry, by the grace of God, king of France and Navarre. To our dear and 
 well beloved the lord of Monts, one of the ordinary gentlemen of our chamber, 
 greeting. As our greatest care and labour is, and always hath been, since our 
 coming to this crown, to maintain and conserve it in the ancient dignity, greatness 
 and splendor thereof, to extend and amplify, as much as lawfully may be done, the 
 bounds and limits of the same ; we being, of a long time, informed of the situation 
 and condition of the lands and territories of La Cadia, moved above all things,
 
 22 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 with a singular zeal, and devout and constant resolution, which we have taken, 
 with the help and assistance of God, author, distributor, and protector of all 
 kingdoms and estates, to cause the people, which do inhabit the country, men (at 
 this present time) barbarous atheists, without faith or religion, to be converted to 
 Christianity, and to the belief and profession of our faith and religion : and to 
 draw them from the ignorance and unbelief wherein they arc. Having also of a 
 long time known, by the relation of the sea captains, pilots, merchants and others, 
 who of long time have haunted, frequented, and trafficked with the people that 
 are found in the said places, how fruitful, commodious and profitable may be unto 
 us, to our estates and subjects, the dwelling, possession and habitation of these 
 countries, for the great and apparent profit which may be drawn by the greater 
 frequentation and habitude which may be had with the people that are found 
 there, and the traffick and commerce which may be, by that means, safely treated 
 and negotiated. We then, for these causes, fully trusting on your great wisdom, 
 and in the knowledge and experience that you have of the quality, condition and 
 situation of the said country of La Cadia ; for the divers and sundry navigations, 
 voyages and frequentations that you have made in those parts, and others near 
 and bordering upon it : assuring ourselves that this our resolution and intention, 
 being committed unto you, you will attentively, diligently, and no less courage- 
 ously and zealously, execute and bring to such perfection as we desire, have ex- 
 pressly appointed and established you, and by these presents, signed by our hands, 
 do commit, ordain, make, constitute and establish you, our lieutenant general, for 
 to represent our person in the countries, territories, coasts and confines of 
 La Cadia. To begin from the 4Oth degree to 46th ; and in the same distance, or 
 part of it, as far as may be done, to establish, extend, and make to be known, oar 
 name, might, and authority. And under the same to subject, submit, and bring 
 to obedience, all the people of the said land and the borderers thereof: and by 
 the means thereof, and all lawful ways, to call, make, instruct, provoke and incite 
 them to the knowledge of God, and to the light of the faith and Christian religion, 
 to establish it there : and in the exercise and profession of the same, keep and 
 conserve the said people, and all other inhabitants in the said places, and there to 
 command in peace, rest and tranquillity, as well by sea as by land : to ordain, 
 decide, and cause to be executed, all that which you shall judge fit and necessary 
 to be done for to maintain, keep and conserve, the said places under our power 
 and authority, by the forms, ways and means prescribed by our laws. And for to 
 have there a care of the same with you, to appoint, establish and constitute all 
 officers, as well in the aifairs of war as for justice and policy, for the first time ; and 
 from thenceforward to name and present them unto us ; for to be disposed by us, 
 and to give letters, titles, and such provisoes as shall be necessary : and, accord- 
 ing to the occurrences of affairs, yourself, with the advice of wise and capable men, 
 to prescribe under our good pleasure, laws, statutes and ordinances, conformable, 
 as much as may be possible, unto ours, especially in things and matters that are 
 not provided by them ; to treat and contract to the same effect, peace, alliance, 
 and confederacy, good amity, correspondency and communication with the said 
 people and their princes, or others, having power or command over them ; to 
 entertain, keep, and carefully to observe the treaties and alliances wherein you 
 shall covenant with them : upon condition that they themselves perform the same 
 of their part. And for want thereof to make open wars against them, to constrain 
 and bring them to such reason as you shall think needful, for the honour, obe-
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 23 
 
 dience and service of God, and the establishment, maintenance and conservation 
 of our said authority amongst them ; at least to haunt and frequent by you, and 
 all our subjects with them, in all assurance, liberty, frequentation and communi- 
 cation, there to negotiate and traffick lovingly and peaceably ; to give and grant 
 unto them favours and privileges, charges and honours. Which entire power 
 aforesaid, we will likewise and ordain, that you have over all our said sub- 
 jects that will go that voyage with you and inhabit there, traffick, negotiate and 
 remain in the said places, to retain, take, reserve and appropriate unto you what 
 you will and shall see to be most commodious for you and proper to your charge, 
 quality and use of the said lands, to distribute such parts and portions thereof, to 
 give and attribute unto them such titles, honors, rights, powers and faculties as 
 you shall see necessary, according to the qualities, conditions and merits of the 
 persons of the same country, or others : chiefly to populate, to manure, and to 
 make the said lands to be inhabited, as speedily, carefully and skilfully as time, 
 places and commodities may permit. To make thereof, or cause to be made to 
 that end, discovery and view along the maritime coasts and other countries of the 
 main land, which you shall order and prescribe in the aforesaid space of the 4Oth 
 degree to the 46th degree, or otherwise as much and as far as may be, along the 
 said coast, and in the firm land. To make carefully to be sought and marked all 
 sorts of mines of gold and of silver, copper, and other metals and minerals, to 
 make them to be digged, drawn from the earth, purified and refined, for to be con- 
 verted into use, to dispose according as we have prescribed by edicts and orders, 
 which we have made in this realm of the profit and benefit of them, by you or 
 them whom you shall establish to that effect, reserving unto us only the tenth 
 penny of that which shall issue from them of gold, silver, and copper, leaving 
 unto you that which we might take of the other said metals and minerals, for to 
 aid and ease you in the great expences that the aforesaid charge may bring unto 
 you. Willing, in the meanwhile, that as well for your security and commodity as 
 for the security and commodity of all our subjects, who will go, inhabit and traf- 
 fick in the said lands ; as generally of all others that will accommodate themselves 
 there under our power and authority, you may cause to be built and frame one or 
 many forts, places, towns, and all other houses, dwellings and habitations, ports, 
 havens, retiring places and lodgings, as you shall know to be fit, profitable and 
 necessary for the performing of the said enterprize. To establish garrisons and 
 soldiers for the keeping of them. To aid and serve you for the effects aforesaid 
 with the vagrant, idle persons and masterless, as well out of towns as of the coun- 
 try ; and with them that be condemned to perpetual banishment, or for three 
 years at least out of our realm ; provided always that it be done by the advice, 
 consent and authority of our officers. Over and besides that which is above 
 mentioned, (and that which is moreover prescribed, commanded and ordained 
 unto you by the conditions and powers which our most dear cousin the lord of 
 Ampuille, admiral of France, hath given unto you for that which concerneth the 
 affairs and the charge of the admiralty, in the exploit, expedition and executing of 
 the things abovesaid), to do generally whatsoever may make for the conquest, 
 peopling, inhabiting and preservation of the said land of La Cadia ; and of the 
 coasts, territories, adjoining, and of their appurtenances and dependencies, under 
 our name and authority, whatsoever ourselves would and might do if we were there 
 present in person, although that the case should require a more special order than 
 we prescribe unto you by these presents : to the contents whereof we command,
 
 24 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 ordain, and most expressly do enjoin all our justices, officers and subjects to eon- 
 form themselves ; and to obey and give attention unto you in all and every the 
 things aforesaid, their circumstances and dependencies. Also to give unto you 
 in the executing of them, all such aid and comfort, help and assistance, as you 
 shall have need of, and whereof they shall be by you required ; and this upon 
 pain of disobedience and rebellion. And, to the end, nobody may pretend cause 
 of ignorance of this our intention, and to busy himself in all, or in any part of the 
 charge, dignity and authority which we give unto you by these presents ; we have 
 of our certain knowledge, full power and regal authority, revoked, suppressed and 
 declared void, and of none effect hereafter, and from this present time, all other 
 powers and commission, letters and expeditions given and delivered to any per* 
 son soever, for to discover, people and inhabit in the foresaid extention of the 
 said lands, situated from the said 4Oth degree to the 46th, whatsoever they be. 
 And, furthermore, we command and ordain all our said officers, of what quality 
 and condition soever they be, that after these presents, or the duplicate of thenv 
 shall be duly examined by one of our beloved and trusty counsellors, notaries and 
 secretaries, or other notary-royal, they do upon your request, demand and suit, or 
 upon the suit of any of our attornies, cause the same to be read, published and 
 recorded in the records of their jurisdiction, powers and precincts, seeking, as 
 much as shall appertain unto them, to quiet and appease all troubles and hinder- 
 ances which may contradict the same ; for such is our pleasure. 
 
 Given at Fountainbleau, the eighth day of November, in the year of our Lord 
 1603, and of our reign the I5th. 
 
 Signed ' Henry,' and underneath, by the king * Potier,' and sealed upon single 
 label with yellow wax.
 
 1605. History of Nova-Scotia. 25 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 1605. A point of land situated near the head of the basin of 
 Port Royal was selected whereon to place the new settlement. 
 The chief river, (called the river of Port Royal, afterwards the 
 river Dauphin, and now the Annapolis river) was in front, and at 
 some distance in the rear there ran a smaller stream, then cal- 
 led the 1'Equille, subsequently the little river, and Allen's creek 
 or river. Buildings for residence and storehouses were erec- 
 ted. The Indians of the country, then called Souriquois, since 
 Micmacs, were friendly, and exchanged furs for European goods, 
 and everything for the time being was prosperous. Towards 
 autumn de Monts sailed for France, leaving Pontgrave", as his 
 lieutenant, with Champlain and Champdore to have charge of 
 any expeditions or explorings by land or water. 
 
 The basin of Annapolis is sheltered all round by high ground. 
 It extends in length about eighteen miles, and is three or four 
 miles wide. The water is deep and the bottom good. The 
 entrance from the bay of Fundy is narrow. The scenery of the 
 basin is beautiful, and the site of Port Royal, now Annapolis, is 
 delightful. The river is navigable for small vessels as far as 
 Bridgetown, fifteen miles higher up. The river has its source 
 in the Caribou bog in Aylesford. The climate here is mild, and 
 the summer it is thought sets in earlier than in most parts of 
 Nova-Scotia. Extensive alluvial grounds redeemed from the 
 sea, called (dyked marshes,) with good uplands, and plenty of 
 wood for fencing, fuel and building, unite to make this an agri- 
 cultural country of great value. The land is well wooded, as
 
 26 History of Nova-Scotia. 1605. 
 
 you recede from the cultivated farms. It must have been 
 abounding in game, birds and fish, when the French first came 
 to settle. Charlevoix says, (vol. I., p. 181), "The climate" 
 " there is temperate, the winter less rough than in many " 
 " other places of the coast, the game abundant, the country " 
 " charming, vast meadows environed by large forests, and " 
 " everywhere fertile lands." On the Southeastern shore of the 
 basin there are the Moose river, Bear river, and near Digby 
 the river Raquette. In the basin are Goat island and Bear 
 island. On the south side there is a remarkably pretty inlet 
 called the Joggin. Indeed among the soft and varied land- 
 scapes which Nova-Scotia presents in summer, none are more 
 diversified and agreeable than the views on the river and basin 
 of Annapolis. 
 
 Pontgrave" used every care and was active in making suita- 
 ble arrangements for the lodging and comfort of those who 
 stayed. With the arrival of winter, the Indians came from 
 distances to Port Royal, bringing the skins of the beaver, the 
 otter and the moose to barter. They also brought with them 
 fresh meat, and feasted merrily. Bread was abundant in the 
 settlement for the colonists and their Indian friends, but their 
 stock of wine was exhausted before the winter came to an end. 
 \Lescarbofs Neiv France, 2. Churchill 's Voyages.'] The dispo- 
 sition shewn by the Micmacs to a friendly intercourse with 
 the French may be attributed to two causes : I. That the 
 Micmacs, though called savages, were an intelligent, honest, 
 and kind race of men. 2. That for a century before, from 
 150410 1604, there had been dealings and acquaintance be- 
 tween them and fishermen from Bretagne, the Basques and 
 other French, who frequented these coasts. To what extent 
 this existed cannot, perhaps, be now ascertained ; but the facts 
 of Rossignol being found here with his vessel trading, and of 
 the many voyages of Savalette to Acadie, lead to the inference 
 that much commerce existed before 1605. One of the great- 
 est annoyances the settlers felt, was their being compelled to 
 grind up their grain in hand mills. The Indians declined to 
 assist in this severe labor, although half the meal ground was 
 offered them as recompense. Six of the settlers died this
 
 1605. History of Nova-Scotia. 27 
 
 winter, and Lescarbot thought this labor of grinding had con- 
 tributed to kill them. They had not cut trenches to carry off 
 surface water from their dwellings, so that they were damp 
 and unwholesome ; and he also blamed their drinking brook 
 water, instead of the water of some spring, for their ill health ; 
 but as he did not arrive at Port Royal until the next season, 
 he speaks by hearsay and conjecture. 1606. The winter being 
 past, and the sea navigable, monsieur du Pontgrave* fitted out 
 the barque which remained with him, in order to make another 
 voyage down the coast to cape Mallebarre, in search of a 
 milder climate for settlement, Port Royal being thought unfit, 
 though sheltered on the North and Northwest by high land. 
 The vessel was twice driven back by contrary winds, and on a 
 third attempt struck on the rocks near the entry of the port. 
 In fine, he gave up the project ; but while he waited for the 
 succor and supplies that M. de Monts, on leaving for France, 
 promised to send out in the following spring, he nevertheless 
 was prudent enough to build another barque and a shallop, 
 intending, if no supplies came, to seek with these vessels for 
 French ships in the Eastern parts, where the French were in 
 the habit of sojourning to dry their fish ; such as Campseau, 
 (Canso), English port, (Louisburg,) Miramichi, bay of Chaleur, 
 &c., and in case of finding them, to ship himself and his people 
 in them, and so to return to France. 
 
 M. de Monts, on his return to France, found great discou- 
 ragements. The heavy expense, and small return of his 
 adventure, set the minds of people at home against it. He 
 persevered, howsover, in his plans, and in the spring wrote to 
 Poutrincourt, soliciting his continued assistance. Poutrincourt 
 persuaded Marc L'Escarbot, an advocate of Paris, to go with 
 them. The complaints of the French fishermen induced the 
 king to revoke the exclusive privileges of the fur trade which 
 de Monts held. I Charlevoix, p. 1 84. Poutrincourt endeavor- 
 ed, but without success, to obtain at Paris some learned priest 
 to go out with him, to assist the only one who remained at 
 Port Royal. On this occasion, de Monts had the aid of two 
 respectable merchants of Rochelle, messieurs Macquin and 
 Georges. With their help, after long delays and difficulties, he
 
 28 History of Nova-Scotia. 1606. 
 
 fitted out the Jonas, of 150 tons, captain Foulques, at the port 
 of Rochelle. On the nth of May, 1606, de Monts, Poutrin- 
 court and Lescarbot being on board, the Jonas left Rochelle 
 harbor, and on Saturday, Whitsun eve, the 13 May, they 
 weighed anchor, and put out to sea. After a long voyage, 
 they sighted St. Pierre island, Newfoundland, and came near 
 enough to Canseau to meet and converse with Frenchmen 
 from St. Malo, in their fishing smacks, and Indians of the 
 coast. Here some of their men landed, intending to go along 
 the shore to Port Royal. July 23 they touched at port Mouton, 
 where seventeen men were landed. They found the cabins 
 that de Monts had made there in 1604 uninjured, and at this 
 place they took in wood and water. On the 25 July they pas- 
 sed near cape Sable, and on the 26th they cast anchor at the 
 mouth of Port Royal, firing two guns as a salute, the ebb tide 
 preventing their going in then. On Thursday, the 27th, they 
 got in with the flood tide. They displayed their white banner, 
 and were saluted from the fort by four guns, and returned it 
 from the ship with three. I Charlevoix 184. Thus ended a 
 voyage, on which the success of this settlement essentially 
 depended, for the long delay in the arrival of the Jonas, and 
 the scarcity of food, &c., induced Pontgrave to embark all his 
 people, except two men left in the fort ; and they had set sail, 
 and were on their way to France, when he met a shallop, by 
 which he learned that the Jonas had been spoken off Canseau, 
 and on this news he went back to Port Royal. There he found 
 that the Jonas had already got in, they having missed meeting 
 each other. It appears that de Mont's ship, coming from the 
 eastward, had gone outside of Brier island j while the vessels 
 of Pontgrave^ on leaving the basin of Port Royal, had gone 
 through the petit passage, between Long island and the main, 
 and thus they did not fall in with the Jonas. 
 
 When de Monts and his friends got to Port Royal, they 
 found there only the two men, named la Taille and Miquelet, 
 who had volunteered to remain in charge of the place and of 
 the stores left behind. Pontgrave" had but a barque and a 
 shallop. His design was to run down the Eastern coast with 
 these, in hopes to meet some French ship that should give
 
 1606. History of Nova-Scotia. 29 
 
 them a passage home. On friday, July 28, 1606, the day after 
 his landing, Poutrincourt set his people to work. Some to till 
 and manure the ground, others to clean the chambers, and 
 every one at some preparatory labor. Meantime some of the 
 men who had landed from the Jonas at Canseau, met with 
 Pontgrave" on the coast, and came on with him. Pontgrav6, 
 returning with his barque and shallop, got into Port Royal on 
 monday, 3ist July, where he remained until the 8th of August, 
 intending to go to France in the Jonas, as a passenger, and to 
 leave his barque and shallop for the benefit of the colony. 
 
 The reunion of the friends was the occasion of a time of fes- 
 tival. Poutrincourt opened a hogshead of his best wine, and 
 all who came were free to partake, until, as Lescarbot says, 
 some of them drunk until their caps turned round. Lescarbot, 
 after describing the obstacles that attended the fitting out the 
 Jonas, and the damages she sustained before sailing from 
 France, says, " Notwithstanding M. de Monts and his asso- " 
 " ciates did bear manfully the loss ; and I must needs be so " 
 " bold as to tell in this occurrence, that if ever that country " 
 " be inhabited with Christians and civil people, the first praise " 
 " thereof must of right be due to the authors of this voyage." 
 On his arrival at Port Royal, he says, " Finally, being in the " 
 " port, it was unto us a thing marvellous to see the fair dis- " 
 " tance and the largeness of it, and the mountains and hills " 
 " that invironed it, and I wondered how so fair a place did " 
 "remain desert, being all filled with woods, seeing that so." 
 "many pine away in the world which might make good of" 
 " this land, if only they had a chief governor to conduct them " 
 " thither. At the very beginning we were desirous to see " 
 " the country up the river, where we found meadows almost " 
 " continually above twelve leagues of ground, among which " 
 " brooks do run without number, which come from the hills " 
 " and mountains adjoining. The woods are very thick on " 
 " the water shores." Reverting to the abundance of brooks, he 
 says, " Yea, even in the passage to come forth from the said " 
 " fort, for to go to sea, there is a brook that falleth from the " 
 " high rocks down, and in falling disperseth itself into a small " 
 " rain, which is very delightful in summer," and he speaks of
 
 3O History of Nova-Scotia. 1606. 
 
 caves at the foot, and a rainbow when the sun shines there. 
 (The Jesuit relation, written in 1614, refers to the vast pastu- 
 rages and meadows in the bay of Chignecto (Cumberland, and 
 on the river of Port Royal and other parts of Acadie.) 
 
 1606. Lescarbot says of the marsh meadows, " Some might " 
 " marvel how those meadows are made, seeing that all the " 
 " ground in these places is covered with woods. For satisfac- " 
 ' tion whereof, let the curious reader know, that in high spring " 
 " tides, specially in March and September, the flood cover- " 
 " eth those shores, which hindereth the trees there to take " 
 " root. But everywhere, where the water overfloweth not, " 
 " there are woods." This alluvial land in different parts* of the 
 bay of Fundy has been greatly increased in extent and in 
 value, by dykes built to keep out the sea. The French began 
 this, and it has been carried on to a much greater extent by 
 their English successors. The land thus made available for 
 agriculture, and called dyked marsh, contains a great depth of 
 soil free entirely from stones. It consists of the finer portions 
 of earth washed down by the rains that have fallen during 
 unnumbered centuries from the higher grounds, and it contains 
 also much decayed vegetable matter. It is exceedingly rich 
 and productive, requiring no aid of artificial manure, it being 
 only necessary to till it to check the rapid growth of weeds. 
 Wheat and other grain, as well as grass, are cultivated profita- 
 bly on these marshes. When the surface has lost its fertility 
 by exhausting crops, its powers of production are renewed by 
 letting in the salt water for two or three seasons, whereby the 
 necessity of digging or ploughing is saved. Marshes of this 
 description are to be found in the counties of Annapolis, 
 Kings, Hants, Colchester and Cumberland, all lying on the 
 bay of Fundy.
 
 1606 History of Nova-Scoha 31 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 POUTRINCOURT having a fondness and esteem for agriculture, 
 proceeded, in fifteen days after his arrival, to sow a variety 
 of grain and vegetables, and within eight days he had the plea- 
 sure of seeing the beginning of their growth, on the 20 August. 
 Lescarbot says, " Poutrincourt caused an enclosure of ground " 
 " to be cultivated, with the aid of our apothecary, Louis " 
 " Hebert, a man who, besides the experience he had in his " 
 " art, took great pleasure in the cultivation of the earth." 
 Hebert was born in Paris, and afterwards went to Quebec, 
 where he obtained ten arpents of land in what is now the 
 haute ville, (Upper town). Many of the old families of Canada 
 trace their descent from him. I FerlancTs Canada, p. 180. 
 
 On the 25 August, 1606, they began to prepare the ship 
 Jonas and the barque for sea. Notwithstanding all the beauty 
 and fertility of Port Royal, M. de Monts still felt a desire to 
 find a better place at the Southward. He therefore prevailed 
 on Poutrincourt to make another voyage to cape Mallebarre ; 
 and so the latter resolved to employ the rest of the summer 
 in this expedition. On the 28 August, the ship and the barque 
 both sailed from Port Royal, each taking a different course. 
 In the ship, de Monts and Pontgrave" returned to France. 
 Poutrincourt went in the barque with M. de Champdore for 
 master and guide, taking his course first towards the isle of 
 St. Croix ; but from stress of weather, the barque being also 
 leaky, he was forced to put back again twice. Eventually 
 they reached Sfc Croix, where they found corn growing, and
 
 32 History of Nova-Scotia. 1606. 
 
 sent some of it to Port Royal. Lescarbot was requested to 
 stay, to look to the house, and keep the rest of the company in 
 concord. He employed himself there in preparing the ground 
 to make inclosures, and gardens for corn and vegetables. He 
 caused a ditch to be made all round the fort, to carry off the 
 water that had lodged among the fallen trees and roots, and 
 caused dampness. He says they had " store of joiners, car-" 
 " penters, masons, stone cutters, locksmiths, tailors, sawyers, " 
 " mariners, &c." They were called on to work only three 
 hours a day, they bestowed their spare hours on picking up 
 shell fish ; but one of M. de Monts' men supplied the table of 
 Lescarbot and his friends with wild geese and other birds in 
 plenty. Bread was abundant, and at first they had wine enough 
 to give three quarts a head per day. This, from their hospi- 
 tality, became afterwards scarcer, and they were reduced to a 
 pint each daily. The provisions brought out on this second 
 expedition were various and excellent, and they obtained stur- 
 geon, salmon, also moose and caribou meat from the Indians 
 in exchange for bread. The Indians were very friendly and 
 generous, making a free gift to the French of half the venison 
 they brought in, and selling the other half fairly and publickly, 
 taking bread in payment. Some of the masons became bakers, 
 and produced as good bread as that made in Paris, and one of 
 the sawyers set himself, to manufacture charcoal, with success. 
 Ferland (part i./. 70 ) says of Lescarbot, "Although a fron-" 
 "" deur, and little of a friend to the Jesuits, he was religious, " 
 " and well enough instructed in Christian truths to act as a " 
 " catechist for the Indians of the environs of Port Royal. He " 
 "" fulfilled the functions of this office with zeal, there being no " 
 "priests there; for those who had come in 1604 had left" 
 *' Acadie, and M. de Poutrincourt, in the hurry of his depar- " 
 " ture, had not been able to obtain any to accompany him. " 
 " Lescarbot, a man of mind, and endowed with great good M 
 41 sense, aided the success of the settlement by his gaiety and " 
 " his good advice." Meanwhile Poutrincourt pursued his coas- 
 ting voyage towards cape Mallebarre, (cape Cod), touching at 
 many harbors in his way. Near the cape, the shoals made the 
 navigation dangerous. The rudder of his vessel was broken,
 
 1606. History of Nova-Scotia. 33 
 
 and it cost him fifteen days delay to repair damages. Signs of 
 hostility and of treachery appearing on the part of the Indians, 
 Poutrincourt ordered all hands to leave the shore and go on 
 board. Five young men, who disobeyed this command, were 
 surprized by the savages, and several of them killed. On the 
 alarm being given, ten men went ashore in the shallop, inclu- 
 ding Poutrincourt himself, and his son ; a son of Pontgrave ; 
 Robert Grave ; Daniel Hay, the surgeon ; the apothecary and 
 the trumpeter. This party landed in haste, without arms, but 
 the Indians fled. The French found two of their men dead, 
 whom they buried on the spot ; a third man died on the shore, 
 and a fourth of his wounds at Port Royal. The fifth was 
 wounded, and survived then, but came to an ignominious end 
 in Canada not long afterwards. The report was that they had 
 fired two muskets at the Indians, because an Indian had stolen 
 a hatchet ; and that the surprize and murder were in revenge 
 for their conduct. After the French had returned to their 
 vessel, the Indians came at low water and tore down the cross 
 under which the men were buried, took up one of the bodies,, 
 and by their gestures insulted the French, who could not come 
 on shore. They had before yelled and danced in triumph, 
 while the funeral service was performed. When the tide ser- 
 ved, the French landed and replaced the cross and the body. 
 After this Poutrincourt tried to pass beyond the cape ; but 
 the weather being adverse, he put back, and, with continued 
 disasters, arrived at Port Royal on the I4th day of November, 
 1606. 
 
 M. Poutrincourt was joyfully received ; FEscarbot, who was 
 addicted to poetry, making French verses for the occasion, 
 and placing over the gate of the fort the arms of France, envi-> 
 roned with laurel crowns of native growth, with the king's 
 posy or motto, Duo protegit unus, and under, the arms of M. de 
 Monts, with this inscription, Dabit deus his quoque finem ; and 
 those of M. Poutrincourt, with this other inscription, Invia 
 virtuti nulla est via; both of these also environed with bays. 
 The public rejoicing being finished, M. de Poutrincourt had a 
 care to see his corn, the greatest part of which he had sowed 
 two leagues from the fort, up the river 1'Equille ; the rest 
 3
 
 34 History of Nova-Scotia. 1606. 
 
 near the fort. He found that which was first sown very for- 
 ward, but not the last, which had been sown the 6th and loth 
 November, but it continued to grow under the snow. Lescar- 
 bot notices the continuance of charcoal burning for the use of 
 the forge, and the use made of the compass as a guide in the 
 woods ; also the making of wood roads. He also describes an 
 arrangement, originated by Champlain, and established at the 
 table of M. Poutrincourt, called Vordre de bon temps, (the order 
 of happy times.) There were fifteen guests, each of whom, in 
 his turn, became steward and caterer of the day. At the din- 
 ner, the steward, with napkin on shoulder, staff of office in 
 hand, and the collar of the order round his neck, led the van. 
 The other guests in procession followed, each bearing a dish. 
 After grace in the evening, he resigned the insignia to his suc- 
 cessor, and they drank to each other in a cup of wine. It was 
 the steward's duty to look to supplies, and he would go hunt 
 or fish a day or two before his turn came, to add some dainty 
 to the ordinary fare. During this winter they had fowl and 
 game in abundance, supplied by the Indians and by their own 
 exertions. Those feasts were often attended by Indians of all 
 ages and both sexes, sometimes twenty or thirty being present. 
 The sagamore, or chief, Membertou, the greatest sagamore of 
 the land, and other chiefs, when there, were treated as guests 
 and equals. Ferland, Canada, part \.,p. 71, says, "A good" 
 " and joyous company of gentlemen was united about Pou- " 
 " trincourt, among whom were to be remarked his son, " 
 " the young Biencourt, Champlain, Lescarbot, Louis Hebert, " 
 " and probably Claude de la Tour, as well as his young son " 
 " Charles Amador de la Tour. Champlain established the " 
 " society de bon temps, whose members served as maftres " 
 " d'hdtel, each one his turn, and whose duty it was while they " 
 " filled this office, to watch over the wants and the amuse- " 
 " ments of the company. The fishing and hunting, which " 
 " were extremely abundant, furnished inexhaustible resources " 
 " to this public functionary." Although the settlers were thus 
 cheered up, and the winter was a fine one, yet four deaths 
 from disease occurred among them in February and March, 
 1607.
 
 1607. History of Nova-Scotia. 35 
 
 1607. The colonists were at work, early in the spring, sow- 
 ing their little garden plots. In order to avoid the severe 
 fatigue the men had experienced with the hand mills, M. Pou- 
 trincourt built a water mill. The millers employed their leisure 
 time in catching herrings and pilchards, which were of great 
 service for food ; and two hogsheads of herrings and one of 
 pilchards were salted and sent to France. He also built two 
 barques, and having no pitch, he collected the gum of the fir 
 trees, caused bricks to be made, contrived a furnace, also an 
 alembic made up of several kettles, and distilled this gum into 
 pitch. Through the period which had elapsed since de Monts 
 first landed in Acadie, whatever joys or sorrows the colonists 
 had felt, it would seem that they were destitute of the society 
 of woman, except of such Indian females as they might occa- 
 sionally see, as no mention is made of any white woman in the 
 accounts left us of their adventures. 
 
 The progress of the colony was at this time abruptly inter- 
 rupted. One morning after prayer had been said, and break- 
 fast distributed as usual there, the Indian chief, Membertou, 
 came to tell them that a vessel was getting up the basin 
 towards the fort. Poutrincourt, in his small barque, with 
 Champdore and Daniel Hay, went to meet her, and saluted 
 her with four discharges of cannon and twelve of his fauconets,. 
 which salute was returned. She proved to be a small barque* 
 under the charge of a young man of St. Malo, named Cheva- 
 lier. On his arrival at the fort, Chevalier delivered letters to 
 M. Poutrincourt, which were publicly read. They were to the 
 effect, " that for to help to save the charges of the voyage, " 
 " the ship, being yet the Jonas, should stay at Campseau port, '" 
 " there to fish for cods, by reason that the merchants associ- '" 
 " ate with mons. de Monts, knew not that there was any fish- '" 
 " ing further than that place ; notwithstanding, if it were '" 
 " necessary, he should cause the ship to come to Port Royal. '" 
 " Moreover that the society was broken,, because that, con- '" 
 " trary to the king's edict, the Hollanders,, conducted by a "" 
 " treacherous Frenchman called La Jeunesse, had, the year '" 
 " before, taken up the beavers and other furs, of the great '" 
 " river of Canada, a thing which did turn to the. great damage '"
 
 36 History of Nova-Scotia. 1607. 
 
 " of the society, which for that cause could no longer furnish " 
 " the charges of the inhabiting in these parts, and therefore " 
 " did send nobody to remain after us." It was the cause of 
 grief to many of the colonists to leave a place now so promis- 
 ing, with gardens and comforts gathering round them. 
 
 About this time, Membertou, who was a very old chief, went, 
 in the beginning of June, at the head of four hundred of his 
 people, to make war on the Armouchiquois tribe at Chouakoet, 
 which was about eight leagues distant from Port Royal, (called 
 by the Indians Shawmakotook, now called Saco. 2 Belknap 
 Am. B., 149.) Membertou remembered Cartier's visit in 1534, 
 being a married man with a family so far back, that is over 70 
 years previously, and yet he looked like a man not over fifty. 
 He was friendly to the French, and afterwards died a sincere 
 convert to the Christian faith. He had been an Autmoin, that 
 is, a juggler, prophet or medicine man. He had the talent of 
 telling stories, and amused and interested the French. The 
 chiefs of the Souriquois (Micmacs) are said by Denys to have 
 been great at telling of tales, and laughing. When the pipe 
 went round in company, the practised story teller began. The 
 bowl of the pipe was a lobster's claw, or else was made of a red 
 or green stone. The tube was worked with care, and was 
 decorated with porcupine quills. The tobacco was of a small 
 sized plant, which they raised themselves. Membertou was 
 tall in stature, and had a beard, which the Indians in general 
 have not. 
 
 Poutrincourt wished to delay his departure from Acadie 
 until his corn at Port Royal was ripe, accordingly he sent 
 Chevalier across the bay to Ouigoudi, (now St. John's river), 
 where he might buy beaver, and to Sainte Croix. Lescarbot 
 went with him, and describes an encampment or town of 
 Indians on the river. Many of them belonged to Gaspe, 
 whence there was, as they stated, a journey of only six days in 
 their canoes, using lakes and rivers, and carrying their canoes 
 over the portages or intervening necks of land. These Indians 
 had assembled on the St. John, to join Membertou in his war 
 against the Armouchiquois. Lescarbot speaks of steel dis- 
 covered there among the rocks, by Champdore and himself,
 
 1607. History of Nova-Scotia. 37 
 
 and molten by Poutrincourt, of which a knife was made, that 
 cut like a razor. After paying a visit to the isle of St. Croix, 
 where the former settlement had been made, they returned to 
 Port Royal. Poutrincourt had himself been to Mines, and 
 had got back. In consequence of the unfavorable despatches 
 they had received from the company in France, most of the 
 settlers embarked at Port Royal for Canseau, in two of their 
 small barques on the 30 July. That in which Lescarbot sailed 
 put into Laheve. There he found a mine of " marcasite of 
 copper." They next entered a small but good port, four leagues 
 short of Canseau, where they were received kindly by captain 
 Savalet, of St. Jean de Luz. Lescarbot says, " This good, " 
 " honest man told us that the same voyage was the forty- " 
 " second voyage that he had made into these parts, and " 
 " nevertheless, the Newfoundland men do make but one in a " 
 " year. He was marvellously pleased with his fishing, and " 
 " told us moreover, that he took every day fifty crowns worth " 
 " of fish, and that his voyage would be worth a thousand " 
 " pounds. He paid wages to sixteen men, and his vessel was " 
 " of eighty tons, which could carry 100,000 dry fishes." After 
 four days delay, they reached Canseau. Poutrincourt, finding 
 his grain ripe, pulled up specimens of it by the root, to carry 
 to the mother country, to shew the goodness of the soil and 
 climate. Membertou and m's men returned victorious, but 
 were grieved at the departure of their French friends, who 
 promised to send successors, and left them ten hogsheads of 
 meal. August 1 1, 1607, Poutrincourt, with eight men, left Port 
 Royal (uninhabited now) in a shallop for Canseau, and after 
 visiting captain Savalet's vessel, and being kindly entertained, 
 arrived at Canseau about the 26th August. On the 3rd Sep- 
 tember the colonists sailed from Canseau in the Jonas, for 
 France ; on the 26th they sighted the Land's end in Cornwall, 
 and on the 28th they entered Roscoif, in Lower Bretagne. 
 Poutrincourt, having arrived at Paris, exhibited his specimens 
 of corn to the king ; he also presented him with five wild geese, 
 which he had bred from the eggs, and they were sent to Fon- 
 tainebleau. [During this year 1607, the English are said to
 
 38 History of Nova-Scotia. 1608 
 
 have made a settlement at Sagadahock. I Williamson's His- 
 tory of Maine, p. 198.] 
 
 1608. De Monts, in March, 1608, sent out several families, 
 but whether they went to Port Royal, or to Canada, Lescarbot 
 does not say : pere Charlevoix says they went to the Saint 
 Lawrence, v. I., p. 88, but he adds that Champdore and others 
 had gone to Port Royal, and found the grain growing there 
 finely, and that they had been received with friendship by 
 Membertou. Lescarbot closes this part of his work by stating 
 M. Poutrincourt's determination to settle Port Royal, and to 
 take his family there. Lescarbot dates his work in 1609. 
 M. de Champlain began his settlement at Quebec in this year, 
 1608. M. de Monts had now turned his attention and devoted 
 his exertions to Canada. Champlain arrived at Quebec on 
 the 3rd July, 1608, and began at once to erect buildings and 
 clear land. Champlain says he was himself three years and a 
 half in Acadie, part of the time at Ste. Croix, and part at Port 
 Royal, -vol. \.,p. 61. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IV. 
 
 It is not to be supposed that the Indians who frequented the settlement at Port 
 Royal were the ignorant, naked savages some persons may have imagined. The 
 climate of the northern parts of America would never have permitted men to dis- 
 pense with clothing. There can be little doubt, that when these lands were first 
 visited by Europeans, the generality of the aborigines had supplies of clothing, 
 which the skins of animals taken in the chase, and those of the seal would furnish 
 in plenty. They had acquired the art of dressing these skins, and making them 
 pliable and soft. Independent ol the necessities of covering, the natural love of 
 ornament must have tended to care in the beauty of their dress. They have ever 
 displayed skill in making their wigwams or tents of bark in their canoes of the 
 same material, (the bark of the birch tree), so light for carriage, so beautiful, 
 framed with delicate pieces of elastic wood inside and securely fastened and made 
 water-tight in their bows and arrows their fish spear for salmon and for lob- 
 sters, and in the peculiar portable cradle for their infants, carried by the mother 
 on her back in their journeys. All these articles were peculiarly and skilfully 
 adapted to the necessities of frequent removal from place to place, as game or fish 
 became scarce. The shoe they wore (moccasin) displays great judgment and inge-
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 39 
 
 y, and when decorated, as is often the case, shows great taste. The snow shoe 
 or raquette is an instance of masterly adaptation to use, and has proved not only 
 valuable but indispensable to winter travelling in these regions. It is not so certain 
 that the basket work and ornamental porcupine quill work were acquired by them 
 before their intercourse with white men ; but it is most probable that they had 
 made such articles for use and show for centuries before, and that the art of dying 
 in many colors was known and practised among them long before the French first 
 settled in Acadie. Although they possessed no written alphabet or letters, yet 
 the structure of their language is so complex, and it is so musical and refined, as 
 to lead to the inference that they had long been a civilized and thinking race of 
 people. Around our larger towns and villages the remnants of Indian tribes, 
 often half casts, may be found in an indolent, miserable and beggarly condition, 
 many of whom are addicted to intemperate drinking habits, and our people are 
 apt to judge of the Micmac race by such unfortunate specimens, and in this way a 
 very low estimate of the Micmac is adopted. A fair and liberal review of the 
 position and conduct of this little nation would lead to more kindly aud favorable 
 conclusions. Bad men have in some instances been found among them, but as far 
 as our records can serve, it appears that they have usually been honest, frank, 
 brave and humane, and they exhibited these qualities as well before as since their 
 conversion to the Christian faith. 
 
 Their mode of warfare differed from ours, and in some cases their war resulted 
 in cruel and indiscriminate slaughter, without distinction of sex or age ; but on 
 actual investigation of the facts, it will not be found that this sanguinary theory 
 of severity was usually or generally carried into effect. If their hostilities were 
 in some cases cruel, the retaliation by the Europeans was often as bad, if not 
 worse. Very much of the mischief occasioned by Indian wars since the settlement 
 of these countries by the French and English, has been owing to the influence of 
 the Europeans being exerted to stimulate the Indian to destroy their rivals in 
 trade and settlement. (Mr. Catlin's work on the Indians of North America is 
 deserving of praise, and it shows how little the term " savage", which the French 
 applied, is a correct designation.) 
 
 Drake's Book of the Indians, book 2, p. 12, quoting from Mourt's relation, in 
 i Massachusetts Historical Collections, VIII, 218, 219., reads thus: 
 
 " As good as his word, Samoset came the next Sunday, and brought with him " 
 " five others, tall, proper men. They had every man a deer's skin on him, and " 
 " the principal of them had a wild cat's skin, or such like, on one arm. They " 
 41 had, most of them, long hosen up to their groins, close made ; and above their " 
 " groins to their waist, another leather ; they were altogether like the Irish " 
 " trowsers. They are of complexion like our English gipsies ; no hair or very " 
 " little on their faces ; on their heads long hair to their shoulders, only cut be- " 
 " fore, some trussed up before with a feather broadwise, like a fan ; another a " 
 " fox tail hanging out." This was in 1620, at the landing of the pilgrims near 
 cape Cod. In the " History of the British Empire in America," p. 79, 80, in the 
 description of the Indians of Hudson's bay, is the following : " How far decency " 
 " might cause these Indians to cloath themselves does not appear, but it might " 
 " be that and the nature of the climate ; for though the boys are permitted to go " 
 " almost naked until they are ten years old, or more, the girls wear a frock, " 
 " such as will be mentioned hereafter, quite from their infancy. To make their " 
 " cloaths of skins, was not only a thing plain and obvious in itself, as well as "
 
 4O History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 " suitable ; but, they are under a necessity of so doing, as those parts supplied'* 
 " nothing else which would answer the purpose ; and their industry taught them " 
 " to make the skins soft and pliable, and to be clear of that stiffness which would " 
 " make them in a manner unserviceable. This kind of clothing was in use " 
 " amongst all the nations in the earliest times, and they agreed with the Indians " 
 " not only in use, but also in the forms they made up the skins in. The Indians " 
 " have a large square outer coat, much like a blanket in shape and size, made T 
 " either of deer skins, or a parcel of beaver skins sewed together. It hangs >r 
 " loose from the shoulders, trailing along the ground, and is tied across the n 
 " breast with two strings. The part that is behind the neck and on the shoul- '* 
 " ders lay in rolls ; sometimes they set it up hollow like a cope ; at other times " 
 " it lies flat like a cope hanging part down each arm. It is painted on the '" 
 " leather side of the skin with strokes of red and black, like a border, near " 
 " to the edge or outer part of the coat, round the bottom, and some way up " 
 " the sides. This outer coat is all chipped or hanging in thongs, those at " 
 " the bottom about an inch wide, and three inches long, but those up the " 
 " sides and nearer the head, less ; some of which they also paint red. The " 
 " best dressed people among the Greeks and Romans, in the earliest times, " 
 " were those who wore the skins of beasts which they had taken amongst their " 
 " herds, or that they had killed in the chase. They were, a long time, the " 
 " Royal mantle of Princes, and the ornament of heroes. The Indians make a " 
 " frock of these skins, which they wear under their outer coat. This frock is of " 
 " deer or mouse (moose ?) skin, reaching to the knees, with a slit only at the " 
 " neck, for the easier getting it on, and a slit a little way up each thigh ; mostly " 
 " with sleeves that reach to the wrist, 'and are joined to the coat by a seam three '* 
 " inches down the arm. The lower part they paint with two red strokes, and " 
 " also clip the bottom to make it hang in small thongs like fringe, some of which '* 
 " they also paint red ; and at the part where the arms are sewed on or joined, " 
 " they usually ornament with fringes made of beads and brass tags, or with work '* 
 " which is of porcupine quills, after the manner of an embroidery, and is what " 
 " they call Nimmy Hogging " the woman's dress is like the man's, with only '* 
 " this difference, that the frock hath slits made under the arms, and generally " 
 " longer than the frock which the men wear ; under the frock, both sexes have '" 
 " skins which pass between their legs, and are fastened to a strip of deer's skin, " 
 " tied above the hips ; a man when in the tent will strip himself of all his clothes " 
 " but this ; the woman never undresses herself farther than her frock. The " 
 " stockings are of the same materials as the frocks, shaped according to the leg, " 
 " or as a spatterdash, leaving a border where they are sewed up on the side, of" 
 " about four fingers in breadth, which they scallop at the edges ; these stockings " 
 " reach quite to the thighs, and are made fast to the strip of deer skin round " 
 " their waist, gathered below the knee with garters made of porcupine quills " 
 " colored and deers' sinews, very neat. These stockings, as well as shoes, they " 
 " seldom wear in summer. Their shoes are of deer skin or mouse" (moose ?) 
 " skin, stripped of the hair, the sole and upper part the same, without heels, " 
 " and gathered round the instep as a purse. The shoes are often worked up the " 
 " front with porcupine quills, variously colored," &c. Such was the Indian 
 dress, but they have in general found it necessary to wear cloth clothing, since the 
 Europeans have settled on their lands. The Micmac usually wears an English 
 hat, a frock coat and leggings made up by the squaws. The color is dark blue,
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 41 
 
 with some red trimmings as borderings. His finer dress is similar, with bead 
 trimmings. He retains his moccasins, and frequently he wears a belt outside his 
 frock, and a pouch of skin to hold his money and tobacco. His gun, his squaw, 
 his little dog and his bark canoe, are his chief worldly properties. If he be a chief 
 or great captain, he will, on ceremonial occasions, when he goes to worship, or to 
 wait upon a provincial governor, take pains to be elegantly attired in scarlet or 
 blue clothes, made up in an antique pattern of a semi-military cut, derived proba- 
 bly from the French style of dress of the i6th and I7th centuries. He is also fond 
 of wearing silver medals, the gifts of governors and bishops to himself or his 
 parents. 
 
 While on this subject, I feel compelled to insert some verses anonymously pub- 
 lished not long since, on the Indian names of places in Acadie. They appear to 
 me as remarkable for good taste as for metrical sweetness and graceful versifica- 
 tion : 
 
 THE INDIAN NAMES OF ACADIA. 
 
 The memory of the Red Man, 
 
 How can it pass away, 
 While their names of music linger 
 
 On each mount, and stream, and bay ? 
 While MUSQUODOBOIT'S waters 
 
 Roll sparkling to the main ; 
 While falls the laughing sunbeam 
 
 On CHEGOGIN'S fields of grain. 
 
 While floats our country's banner 
 
 O'er CHEBUCTO'S glorious wave ; 
 And the frowning clifls of SCATARIE 
 
 The trembling surges brave ; 
 While breezy ASPOTOGON 
 
 Lifts high its summit blue, 
 And sparkles on its winding way 
 
 The gentle SISSIBOU. 
 
 While ESCASONI'S fountains 
 
 Pour down their crystal tide ; 
 While INGANISH'S mountains 
 
 Lift high their forms of pride ; 
 Or while on MABOU'S river 
 
 The boatman plies his oar, 
 Or the billows burst in thunder 
 
 On CHICKABEN'S rock-girt shore. 
 
 The memory of the Red Man, 
 
 It lingers like a spell 
 On many a storm-swept headland, 
 
 On many a leafy dell ;
 
 42 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 Where TUSKET'S thousand islets 
 
 Like emeralds stud the deep ; 
 Where BLOMIDON, a sentry grim, 
 
 His endless watch doth keep. 
 
 It dwells round CATALONE'S blue lake, 
 
 Mid leafy forests hid 
 Round fair DISCOUSE, and the rushing tides 
 
 Of the turbid PISIQUID. 
 And it lends, CHEBOGUE, a touching grace, 
 
 To thy softly flowing river, 
 As we sadly think of the gentle race 
 
 That has passed away forever. 
 
 G
 
 1608. History of Nova-Scotia. 43 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 HITHERTO our chief original authority for the events attending 
 on the settlement of Acadie, whether great or small, has been 
 the interesting and not unamusing work of Lescarbot, called 
 Nova Francia, as contained in an English translation, in the 
 2nd volume of Churchill's Collection, London, 1/45, in folio. 
 Lescarbot gives a full account of the productions, climate, 
 aborigines, &c., and will always have an attraction for those 
 who care to know anything of this land. Though evidently 
 written by a cheerful, sanguine person ; yet making allowance 
 for this, and for the passages in which he reports from the 
 observation of others, there is a spirit of truth and a sincerity 
 pervading his work. The same praise for simplicity and truth 
 is due to the Relation of the Jesuits. I have to rely chiefly on 
 the first volume of this work published at Quebec, in 1858, for 
 occurrences in Acadie from 1608 to 1613. The descriptions 
 it offers of the climate and country of persons and events, 
 are marked by high intelligence, good sense, and obvious 
 integrity. 
 
 It appears that, at this time, the aborigines of the peninsula 
 of Acadie were known to the French as the Souriquois, (in the 
 1 8th and iQth centuries called Micmacs,) and their total popu- 
 lation about the year 1610 was estimated at from 3000 to 3500 
 souls. The Indians of New Brunswick, (as it is now called), 
 were named the Etemenquois, or Etchemins ; and their num- 
 ber, reckoning as far as Pentagoet, (Penobscot), is set down 
 at 2500, including probably the same people that we call the 
 Malachites, or Mele^ites. From Pentagoet to Kinnibequi,
 
 44 History of Nova-Scotia. 1 609. 
 
 (Kennebec), and further south to Chouacouet, (Saco), there 
 was an Indian population of 3000, and there was yet another 
 tribe called the Montagnets, comprising 1000 souls. In all 
 there were about 10,000 or 12,000 Indians scattered among 
 those innumerable rivers, lakes, bays, woods and shores, and it 
 seems probable that all those of Gasp6, the bay of Chaleur, 
 cape Breton, and St. John's island, were included to make up 
 the amount of Indian population. 
 
 At the close of 1607, as we have seen, all the followers of 
 messieurs de Monts and Poutrincourt had returned to France, 
 and all New France, (Canada and Acadie), was for the time 
 without a French or other European inhabitant. In 1608 
 M. Champlain, appointed by de Monts as his lieutenant, was 
 sent on further discoveries in the St. Lawrence, and at that 
 time began the settlement of Quebec, a place since so impor- 
 tant and celebrated. He built dwellings there and cleared 
 land in 1608. \Champlain, v. i.,p. 151.] Poutrincourt (Jean 
 de Poutrincourt) having requested of de Monts, while they 
 were both in Acadie, to have a grant of Port Royal, obtained 
 his consent, upon condition that he should bring out and settle 
 several families there. Poutrincourt returning to France in 
 1607, petitioned king Henry the fourth to ratify this donation, 
 with which request his majesty complied. The king decided 
 that he would procure the services of the Jesuits in the conver- 
 sion of the Indians in Acadie, and accordingly applied, through 
 pere Coton, to the General of the order. The king offered to 
 allow 2000 livres (per annum ?) from that time for the expences 
 of the missionaries, [i Champlain, p, 130] Pere Pierre Biard, 
 a native of Grenoble, was first selected from a number who 
 offered to go, and he was sent to Bourdeaux from Lyon, where 
 he had been teaching theology. When he got to Bourdeaux, 
 about the end of the year, he found that the people were sur- 
 prised at his coming, as no news had arrived of the expedition 
 sent in the summer to Canada, but rumors of disaster pre- 
 vailed, and there was no idea then of sending out vessels. 
 
 1609. An inscription of the date 1609 is said to have been 
 found on a stone at the Scotch fort opposite to Goat island, in 
 Annapolis basin. We may conclude that M. Poutrincourt had
 
 i6io. History of Nova-Scotia. 45 
 
 been unable, as yet, to follow out his intention of re-settling 
 Port Royal, as we find that he came to Paris in the latter part 
 of the year 1609. Tbe king was surprised and vexed to find he 
 had not gone out to Port Royal the year before, having been 
 under the impression that he would do so immediately on the 
 ratification of his grant. Poutrincourt satisfied the king, pro- 
 mising to proceed as soon as possible with his settlement, and 
 father Coton offered Poutrincourt the assistance of any of the 
 members of his order. Poutrincourt said that this had better 
 be postponed, until he should go out to Acadie and make 
 arrangements at Port Royal ; and that he would send his son 
 back to France, who should carry out any missionaries the 
 king approved of. [i Champlain, 131.] After this, Poutrin- 
 court spent all the winter in making preparations for his voy- 
 age. Claude de la Tour is supposed to have come to Acadie 
 about 1606 or 1609, and his descendants averred that he held 
 a commission of governor and obtained large grants of land 
 from Louis 13, but the grants have not been produced. 
 
 1610. About the end of February, 1610, M. Poutrincourt set 
 sail, and did not reach Port Royal until the beginning of June, 
 perhaps touching at other places on his way, to trade or for 
 information. 
 
 On the 24 June, 1610, St. John's day, about 24 or 25 of the 
 Indians were baptized at Port Royal, by a priest called messire 
 Josse Flesche, surnamed the patriarch, (called Josue Fleche 
 by Champlain, v. I., p. 131,) all the Indians of the neighbor- 
 hood being there assembled. [The chief Membertou, of 100 
 years old, is said to have been then baptized. Laet,p, 59.] 
 M. Poutrincourt sent his son, M. Biencourt, who was about 
 nineteen years old, back to France, to carry the news of the 
 baptism of the Indians, and to bring out succors for the colony, 
 which was insufficiently provided to face the ensuing winter, 
 The means adopted by Biencourt on his arrival in France was a 
 partnership he formed with Thomas Robin, called de Coloignes, 
 a youth, whose father was in business. It was agreed between 
 them that de Coloignes should supply the settlement at Port 
 Royal for five years with all necessaries, and should provide 
 funds for the barter trade with the Indians, and should have
 
 46 History of Nova-Scotia. 1610. 
 
 certain specified profits and advantages in return. Coloignes 
 and Biencourt came to Paris in August, and the baptism of 
 the new Indian converts was made known at court. [Henry 
 the 4th was assassinated by Ravaillac 14 May, 1610.] 
 
 Madame la marquise de Guercheville, the wife of the sieur de 
 Liencourt, first esquire of his majesty, and governor of Paris, 
 actuated by religious zeal for the conversion of the Indians, 
 interested herself in forwarding the projected mission of Jesuits 
 to Port Royal. Father Pierre Biard, already mentioned, and 
 father Enemond Masse, (called Raimond Masse, i Champlain. 
 131), (who died at Sylleri in Canada in 1646, i Charlevoix, 416), 
 were appointed to go out, and having had a meeting personally 
 with messrs. Robin and Biencourt, an arrangement was made 
 for their being at Dieppe to embark for Acadie on the 24th of 
 October of the same year, 1610: for at that time they were 
 told every thing would be ready, wind and tide serving. In 
 consequence of this the queen, Marie de Medicis, directed five 
 hundred crowns to be paid to the Jesuit missionaries, (Cham- 
 plain says the 500 crowns were given by king Louis, having 
 been promised by his father), the marchioness de Vermeuil 
 presented them with suitable dresses and utensils for perform- 
 ing mass, madame de Sourdis furnished them with linen, 
 and madame de Guercheville with whatever else they required 
 for the voyage, [i Charlevoix, p. 190. Relations des Jesuites, 
 v. i., p. 27.] On the missionaries proceeding to the rendezvous 
 at Dieppe, at the time appointed, they found not only that the 
 vessel was not ready for sea, but that two traders, named du 
 Chesne and du Jardin, huguenots, who had made advances tor 
 her outfit and cargo, on behalf of Robin, insisted that no 
 Jesuits should embark in her, professing at the same time their 
 willingness that any other priests might go ; and Robin and 
 Biencourt were compelled to act in conformity with their 
 views, being dependant on them for part of their funds. The 
 queen, on hearing of this obstacle, ordered M. de Cigoigne, 
 the governor of Dieppe, to remove it, but in vain. So madame 
 de Guercheville, having ascertained that the advances of the 
 Dieppe traders did not exceed 4000 livres, set herself to work 
 to raise the amount by subscription among the chief princes
 
 i6io. History of Nova-Scotia. 47 
 
 and lords of the court, and speedily obtained the requisite 
 amount. Thus armed with the means, with the approval and 
 consent of Robin and Biencourt, she discharged the demands 
 of du Chesne and du Jardin, and thus the vessel was enabled 
 to sail. At the same time she bargained for an interest in 
 the profits of the goods and trade, such share in the profits to 
 belong to the Jesuits' mission, in proportion to the sum thus 
 advanced on behalf of the undertaking. 
 
 [In 1610 the English began a settlement in Newfoundland, 
 at Conception bay, and the same year Samuel Argal visited 
 Seal rock, near the mouth of Penobscot bay, in Lat. 43 44' 
 North. Sir George Somers also landed at Sagadahock in 
 September, 1610, and captain Edmund Harlow visited Mon- 
 hegan, and carried off two natives. I Williamsons History of 
 Maine, p. 207. The French king is said to have appointed 
 the count de Bourbon, governor of Canada, in this year, 1610.]
 
 48 History of Nova-Scotia. 1611. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 1611. The pecuniary difficulty having been removed, 
 court sailed with the two Jesuits on board, on the 26 January, 
 1611. On this voyage, which was of four months' duration, 
 they met M. Champlain, who was on his way to Quebec, 
 among the ice, about the end of April. It was fresh water ice, 
 which had been over a hundred leagues to sea from the St. 
 Lawrence. In some instances they saw icebergs floating, of 
 the height of thirty or forty fathoms, say from 180 to 240 feet 
 high, " as big as several castles joined together, or as the " 
 " church of Notre Dame of Paris, with part of the isle, houses " 
 " and palaces." At length they made the land at Canseau, 
 and after following the coast, and stopping at several places, 
 they arrived at Port Royal on Whitsunday, the 22 June, 1611. 
 The missionaries, by their devout and humble conduct on the 
 voyage, obtained the favor and esteem of the captain of the 
 vessel, Jean d'Aune, and of the pilot, David de Bruges, both of 
 the reformed religion, [i Champlain, 133.] The vessel was 
 small, not over 60 tons, and the crew and passengers amounted 
 to 36 in number. (Lae't gives a more unfavorable account of 
 the conduct of the Jesuits, p. 59.) Poutrincourt had with him 
 at Port Royal twenty-three persons, without sufficient means 
 to subsist them, and he had been forced to depend on aid from 
 the Indians to support them for some weeks. His joy was 
 therefore greater at the arrival of succor, on account of its 
 being so long delayed. He had now, however, fifty-nine 
 mouths at his daily table, besides the chief, Membertou, and 
 the chiefs daughter and train. This little vessel was not over-
 
 i6n. History of Nova-Scotia. 49 
 
 stocked with provisions, being fitted out more in the manner 
 ojf a fishing vessel than any other. He therefore deemed it 
 necessary to go in this, his own vessel, to the opposite coast for 
 further supplies, and father Biard went with him. They went 
 to a harbor called La pierre blanche, (the white stone), lying 
 twenty-two leagues due West from Port Royal. There they 
 found four French vessels, i. one belonging to M. de Monts. 
 2. a vessel of Rochelle. 3. a St. Malo vessel, belonging to du 
 Pontgrave, commanded by a relative of his, captain Lasalle. 
 4. a barque also from St. Malo. Poutrincourt called them one 
 by one before him, and made them recognize his son, Bien- 
 court, as vice admiral ; and he then requested them each to aid 
 him with supplies, promising to repay them in France, to 
 which they consented. On this occasion Biard reconciled 
 some differences that existed between M. de Poutrincourt and 
 the young Pontgrave, who was in refuge in that place among 
 the Indians, 
 
 Poutrincourt left Port Royal for France to obtain further 
 aid, in July, 1611, about the middle of the month, and got 
 home about the middle of August, leaving his son Biencourt 
 in command. Twenty-two persons in all, counting the two 
 Jesuits, remained at Port Royal at his departure. The mis- 
 sionaries were very anxious to learn the Indian language, 
 and set about it earnestly. In August, Biencourt heard that 
 a vessel from Honfleur was at Port aux Coquilles, twenty- 
 one leagues West from Port Royal, and taking father Biard 
 and a small party with him, he went thither, and also to Ste. 
 Croix, six leagues further. While they were away, Membertou, 
 who had been the first Indian convert baptized in Acadie, and 
 who had on that occasion received the name of Henry, in 
 honor probably of Henry the fourth, became ill of a dysentery, 
 and was brought in that condition from St. Mary's bay to Port 
 Royal, to seek advice and care. Father Masse nursed him 
 tenderly, but after Biard's return his case appeared fatal, and 
 the Indian expressed his wish to be buried with his forefathers, 
 Biard and Biencourt had a dispute on this subject ; the former 
 thinking that if the body of the chief were not interred in the 
 Christian burial ground, his tribe might be led to doubt the 
 4
 
 5O History of Nova-Scotia. 1611. 
 
 ' reality of his conversion, and that this idea would prove an 
 obstacle to their own : while Biencourt, who had promised the 
 old man previously to fulfil his desire, said that the Indian 
 burial place could be consecrated. Finally, the affair was set- 
 tled by Membertou's agreeing that father Biard should bury 
 him with the Christians. In October and November Bien- 
 court made a trip to the river St. John, and then to Kennebec 
 and the isle of Ste. Croix. During the last no one was left 
 at Port Royal, except father Enemond Masse, and a young 
 man from Paris, named Valentine Pageau. The snow began 
 this season on the 26th November, and with the snow came 
 short allowance to the colonists. The weekly food for each 
 individual consisted of about ten ounces of bread, half a pound 
 of lard, three dishfuls of peas or beans, and one dishful of 
 prunes. During this time of scarcity, their Indian friends, 
 (with the exception of the family of Membertou), did not bur- 
 then the fort with their attendance. Sometimes, but rarely, 
 the Membertou's called with a present of game, and thus made 
 a real festival for the French. On the third Sunday after 
 Christmas, father Biard having preached a sermon from the 
 text, " Vinum non habent," out of the gospel for the day, and 
 made a practical application of it to their distresses, after ser- 
 vice, suggested to M. Biencourt to give his people the little 
 wine he had left, saying that he had an inward feeling that 
 relief was nigh. Biencourt complied with this proposal, and 
 in reality a vessel arrived eight days after. 
 
 M. Poutrincourt having returned to France in August, 161 \, 
 applied to madame de Guercheville, who advanced a thousand 
 crowns for the purchase of a cargo, securing to herself a fur- 
 ther interest along with Robin and the Biencourts in the 
 returns to be made from the colony. Poutrincourt having 
 strictly reserved Port Royal to himself in the articles of agree- 
 ment, assuming to have property in the rest of the province ; 
 madame de Guercheville made enquiry and found that all the 
 province, except Port Royal, belonged to M. de Monts. She 
 then procured from de Monts a release of his rights, and from 
 Louis 13, a grant of the province to herself, excepting Port 
 Royal, which belonged to Poutrincourt. M. de Poutrincourt
 
 1 6 1 1 . History of Nova-Scotia. 5 1 
 
 put the control of the vessel and cargo in the hands of Simon 
 Imbert. Imbert was a servant of M. Poutrincourt, and had 
 previously been the keeper of a tavern at Paris, and he now 
 wished to place the sea between himself and certain creditors. 
 The master of the vessel was called Nicholas L'Abbe, of 
 Dieppe, a man of good sense and character. This vessel left 
 Dieppe on the 3ist December, 1611, and arrived safe at Port 
 Royal on the 23d January, 1612. Her coming was of course 
 grateful to the hungry settlers. 
 
 Soon after, dissensions arose between Biencourt and the 
 Jesuits. Gilbert du Thet, a member of that order, came out 
 passenger in L' Abbess vessel, and in presence of Biencourt 
 and Biard expressed his surprise that Imbert, having charge 
 of the embarkation, had brought no charter party or manifest, 
 nor any statement of the disbursement of the money advanced 
 by the marchioness, and alleged the sale of corn by Imbert at 
 Dieppe. Imbert, being told of this, accused the Jesuits of 
 contrivance with the marchioness to expel the Biencourts from 
 their seigneurie and possessions, but was obliged subsequently 
 to retract his assertions, and the disputes were finally pacified, 
 About this time, father Masse went to St. John's river, to take 
 up his abode with Louis Membertou and his family in the 
 Indian way of life, in order to extend his knowledge of the 
 Micmac language. Masse being at one time sick and in a 
 separate cabin, (or wigwam as we call it), Membertou found 
 him one day suffering great pain, and said, " Hear me, father : " 
 " you are going to die. I foresee it. Write then to Biencourt " 
 " and your brother, that you died of sickness, and that we " 
 " have not killed you." " I shall take good care not to do so, " 
 said father Enemond, " for it may be that after I have writ- " 
 " ten the letter you would kill me and carry back the letter " 
 " of innocence that you did not kill me." The Indian acknow- 
 ledged the propriety of his reply, and laughed, saying. " Well " 
 " then, pray to Jesus that you may not die, to the end that I " 
 " may not be accused of putting you to death." " So I shall " 
 " do," said Enemond ; " have no fear, I shall not die." 
 
 In the latter part of August, in this year, 1612, M. de Bien- 
 court went to Mines and Chinictou, (now called Horton and
 
 52 History of Nova-Scotia. 1612. 
 
 Cumberland), in a small shallop, having in her only eight days' 
 provisions. Father Biard accompanied him. At Chinictou he 
 saw very fine meadows reaching as far as he could see, (natural 
 salt march.) He states the Indians there to be altogether 
 sixty or eighty souls, and that they are less of wanderers than 
 other savages ; as he conjectures, from their retired situation 
 and the abundance of game there ; and he considered the land 
 would be very fertile, if cultivated. On their return they were 
 twice in great danger from tempests, and afterwards for want 
 of food. The winter of 1612- 1613 was passed by the little col- 
 ony with scanty store of provision. The Jesuits themselves 
 built a shallop, by aid of which, Biard, one Jean Baptiste Char- 
 pentier, and a servant of the priests, sailed up the river in quest 
 of roots and acorns, and afterwards used her to fish for her- 
 rings and a smaller fish caught there. Biencourt's vessels, 
 being three good shallops, which he had in the beginning of 
 the year, had been all ruined before this. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VI. 
 
 We find that at this time piracy was at a great height on the Atlantic. Tho 
 famous Peter Easton in 1612 commanded ten pirate ships, and in June of that 
 year took one hundred men from the fishing vessels about Newfoundland. 
 [i Williamson. History of Maine, p. 210, note.] Captain Richard Whitburn, of 
 Exmouth, in Devonshire, in 1579, was employed by Mr. John Cotton, in a ship of 
 300 tons burden, to fish on the Great bank lying to the eastward of Newfoundland. 
 In 1583 he again went to Newfoundland, in command of a vessel of 220 tons, 
 fitted out by Mr. Crook, and was present on the 5 August, 1583, when Sir Hum- 
 phrey Gilbert took formal possession of the country. (See ante 1583.) Whitburn 
 was also in Newfoundland in 1614 and 1615. In 1611 captain Whitburn went to 
 Newfoundland, and there met with " the famous pyrate Peter Easton, who then " 
 "' commanded ten sail of stout ships." He applied to captain Whitburn, to " 
 *' endeavor the procurement of a pardon for him in England, for his many pyra- " 
 ** cies. In expectation of this, he hovered for some time on the coast of Bar- " 
 " bary ; but his patience being at last tired out, by slow James and his peaceable " 
 " court, sailed through the straits of Gibraltar, and was taken into the service of" 
 " the duk of Savoy." History of the British empire in Amerva+f. 136.
 
 1613. History of Nova-Scotia. 53 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 1613. The poverty of the colony at Port Royal, exposing it 
 to the possible contempt of the uninformed Indians, the want 
 of concord between young Biencourt, (the acting governor), 
 and the Jesuit missionaries, and possibly her title to Acadie 
 recently acquired by the cession of de Monts and the grant of 
 Louis 13, apparently contributed to induce the marchioness 
 de Guercheville to form the project of a new settlement and 
 mission. Gilbert du Thet, the Jesuit, had returned to France, 
 and probably concurred in this plan. Poutrincourt, who had 
 remained in France in 1612, had got into a misunderstanding 
 with the marchioness, [i Charlevoix, 205], and although Cham- 
 plain urged her to unite her interests with de Monts in the 
 new colony of Quebec, and proposed that she should advance 
 3600 livres in that quarter ; her distrust of de Monts, groun- 
 ded solely on his being a huguenot, caused her to refuse, 
 although Champlain himself guaranteed the uprightness and 
 sincerity of his friend. 
 
 The marchioness obtained the sanction and aid of the queen 
 mother, Marie de Medicis, for her enterprize, and fitted out a 
 vessel of 100 tons at Honfleur. [i Champlain, 137.] She gave 
 the command of this expedition to M. de Saussaye, who was to 
 govern in Acadie in her name. The master of the ship was 
 Charles Flory de Hableville, a brave and judicious man. La 
 Saussaye took with him about thirty persons, who were to 
 winter in the country. Two Jesuits, Gilbert du Thet and 
 pere Quantin (or Quentin), were on board, intended to replace 
 the other two, Biard and Masse, if they should have perished,
 
 54 History of Nova-Scotia. 1613. 
 
 or otherwise to return to France. The whole party, crew and 
 passengers, amounted to forty-eight persons. The queen sup- 
 plied four tents and some ammunition. The vessel was very 
 fully provided with one year's allowance for the settlers, and 
 besides this live horses and goats were sent in her. Thus 
 liberally furnished, she set sail from Honfleur on the 12 March, 
 1613, and made land at cape La heve in Acadie on the 16 May, 
 1613. At La heve they said mass, and planted a cross, with 
 the arms of the marchioness affixed to it, as a mark of their 
 taking possession, and thence they sailed to Port Royal. 
 
 There they found but five persons, viz., Biard and Masse, 
 their servant, the apothecary Hebert, and one more ; Biencourt 
 and his people being scattered in different directions. To 
 Hebert, as representing the absent governor, they presented 
 the queen's letter, authorizing the departure of Biard and 
 Masse, [i. Champlain, 137], and taking these two Jesuits with 
 them, they departed after five days' detention, caused by a 
 contrary wind. Sailing with a north-west breeze, they made 
 for Pentagoet, intending to go to a place in that vicinity called 
 Kadesquit, where the new settlement was proposed ; but when 
 they came south east of the isle of Menano, (Grand Manan), 
 the weather became so thick that they had to lie to for two 
 days and nights, and they drove up and down until clear wea- 
 ther showed them the island of Monts deserts, called Pemetiq 
 by the Indians, and they made a harbor on the east side of the 
 island, which they named port Saint Sauveur. Having found 
 a very good site for settlement in Pentagoet, or Penobscot bay, 
 in the neighborhood of Mount-desert island, with a secure and 
 convenient harbor, where vessels may lie as safe as in a pond, 
 and the largest ship may approach the shore within a cables' 
 length, they gave up the first design of going to Kadesquit, 
 and began their labors here, erecting buildings and tilling 
 the ground. It appears, however, that there was a want of 
 concord among them. This settlement was in about 44 30' 
 N. L., and at or near the mouth of the river Penobscot : 
 (Douglas calls it Sagadahock.) All the people of the colony, 
 being about 25 or 30 in number, and the crew of the ship, 35 
 in number, who had engaged to remain three months with
 
 1613. History of Nova-Scotia. 55 
 
 them, set to work at buildings and clearing ground. There 
 was a gentleman, lieutenant of de la Saussaye, named Lamotte 
 le Vilin. 
 
 The English had been about seven years engaged in set- 
 tling in Virginia, and they were in the habit at this period of 
 coming annually to catch fish, as far north as Pemquit, which 
 Is about twenty-five leagues south of Penobscot. A squadron 
 of ten or eleven of these Virginian fishing craft, convoyed by an 
 armed vessel under the command of captain Samuel Argal, 
 came north in 1613. Some of the Indians of the coast, un- 
 aware of any hostility existing between the English and 
 French, informed Argal that the Normans, (for the Indians 
 called the French so then), were near Monts deserts, with a 
 vessel. Acting on this information, Argal attacked with mus- 
 quetry the French vessel which Lamotte Vilin commanded. 
 Champlain says the English had sixty soldiers and fourteen 
 pieces of artillery. During the battle, Gilbert du Thet took 
 the place of the absent gunner, and was himself mortally 
 wounded by the second discharge of the English muskets. 
 Captain Flory was wounded in the foot, and three others also 
 wounded. After this the French vessel surrendered. Besides 
 the wounded, two Frenchmen were drowned, one a youth of 
 Dieppe, called le Moine, and another of Beauvois, called 
 Neveu ; whose bodies were found nine days after and properly 
 Interred. Larnetz and four others escaped, [i Champlain, 
 139.] After the capture of the French vessel, the English 
 came ashore, and captain Argal requested to see de la Saus- 
 saye, stating that the territory they were in belonged to Vir- 
 ginia, and that they, the English, had attacked them in con- 
 sequence of their unauthorized intrusion there. He desired to 
 see the commissions of the French, saying that if they were 
 regular he would be favorably disposed towards them, on 
 account of the friendship of the two crowns. Argal, it is sta- 
 ted, privately opened de la Saussaye's chest, and abstracted 
 thence his commission and royal letters. Next day La Saus- 
 saye came back, and when required by Argal to show his 
 commission, looked for it in his chest, where it was no longer 
 to be found. Argal then accused him of being a freebooter
 
 56 History of Nova-Scotia. 1613. 
 
 and pirate, and then gave up the French ship and settlement 
 to pillage by his men. The pilot of the vessel (called by Char- 
 levoix, Lamets, and in the narrative of the Jesuits named 
 Le Bailleur of Rouen) took refuge in the woods. The English 
 surgeon, himself a Catholic, took every care of the wounded 
 French, who, at the request of Biard, were carried on shore, 
 where du Thet died. Biard and Masse waited on captain 
 Argal, on board his ship, and, after long argument and per- 
 suasion, induced him to adopt a friendly line of conduct to his 
 prisoners. The Jesuits' history describes Argal as " wise " 
 " and crafty, but yet a gentleman of noble courage," and he is 
 there stated also to have had a " noble heart." The Indians 
 generously offered to maintain the French, if they remained, 
 through the whole winter. Captain Argal, however, and his 
 lieutenant, William Turnel, entered into a discussion with de 
 la Saussaye as to the return of the French. It was decided at 
 length that part of the French should take a shallop they had 
 there, and that the rest, especially the mechanics, should go 
 with Argal to Jamestown, Virginia remain there one year 
 with free exercise of religion, and, if they would go back to 
 France, then be sent home. Fifteen of the settlers remained 
 with Argal to go in his ship to Jamestown, and fifteen went off 
 in the shallop with the seamen of the French vessel. Among 
 the party who went in Argal's ship were de la Motte, captain 
 Flory and father Biard, also the two Jesuits who had recently 
 come from France. (Q. Du Thet having been killed.) De la 
 Saussaye and father Masse went with the party in the shallop. 
 Their number was increased by the accession of the pilot, who 
 had hid in the woods, and now disguised as an Indian was for- 
 tunate enough to find the shallop going off. Thence they 
 went to Grand Manan, Long island, cap Fourchu, (Yarmouth), 
 and when off port au Mouton they were apprized of two French 
 ships of St. Malo, (Malouins), being on the coast ; one at 
 Sezambre, (Sambro), the other at Passepec, (Prospect.) One 
 of them was of fifty tons, belonging to Pontgrav^, and already 
 mentioned ; the other of one hundred tons, commanded by 
 captain Vible Bullot. Each of those vessels took half of the 
 shallop's party on board to carry them home. During this
 
 1613. History of Nova-Scotia. 57 
 
 coasting they fished successfully, found a store of salt left by 
 Biencourt on Long island, and received food and even bread 
 as presents from the Indians they met with. Those who went 
 in the small vessel (Pontgrave's) were exposed to much suffer- 
 ing by hunger and bad weather. Masse was in the larger 
 craft, called the Sauveur, and the pilot Alain Yeon and the 
 seamen showed them kindness, and they fared the best. Both 
 vessels arrived at St. Malo, at the same time ; where the bishop, 
 governor, magistrates, merchants and people generally, gave 
 them a kind and generous reception. The other party of fifteen 
 French, when they got to Virginia, were treated harshly as 
 pirates by the local authorities. Argal in vain urged the 
 promises he had given them, until he felt bound in honor to 
 produce de la Saussaye's commission and papers, and to state 
 how he had got them ; after which they were promised that 
 faith should be kept with them. 
 
 The Virginia government decided to send Argal back with 
 his three vessels, (his own and the two small prizes,) to destroy 
 all the French settlements and forts in Acadie, all which to 46 
 degrees north latitude they claimed ; and that he was to find 
 means to send back to France the settlers he had brought with 
 him into Virginia, and any other in Acadie who should surren- 
 der without resistance. Captain Argal therefore sailed north- 
 ward with the three vessels, but for some reason he did not 
 take with him all the French he had brought to Virginia. In 
 his own ship were captain Flory and four others. In that 
 commanded by lieutenant Turnel were Biard, the two other 
 Jesuits and a boy. He first visited St. Sauveur, where he burned 
 the buildings of the French, and pulled down a cross which 
 they had erected as a mark of possession of the country, 
 putting up one in its place, claiming the land as English. One 
 of the English was hanged at St. Sauveur, for mutiny. Argal 
 next visited the isle of St. Croix, where he found a quantity of 
 salt and removed it. At this place he also burned the build- 
 ings, and erased all marks of French dominion, in compliance 
 with the orders he had received. Compelling an Indian to act 
 as pilot, he then went to Port Royal, which he found deserted, 
 no person being in the fort and shoes and different goods
 
 58 History of Nova-Scotia. 1613. 
 
 being scattered about it, the French of the colony being at 
 this time dispersed in the woods. Biard, who himself wrote 
 the narrative, says, that a Frenchman at Port Royal represented 
 him, Biard, to captain Argal as a Spaniard, and a dangerous 
 person who had committed many offences, and procured five 
 or six other French to sign a paper to that effect ; and Argal 
 was pressed to put him on shore, where he probably would 
 have perished ; but he was too generous to follow such coun- 
 sels, and those false charges proved unavailing, although they 
 made an unfavorable impression on the mind of Turnel. M. 
 Biencourt returning to Port Royal from a distance, had a 
 conference with captain Argal in a meadow, a few of their 
 followers being present. [2 Belknap, Am. Biography, 53. 54.] 
 After an ineffectual assertion of rights equally claimed by both, 
 Biencourt proposed division of trade ; but it does not appear 
 that any arrangement was concluded. A native Indian came 
 up while they were engaged in this discussion, and expressed 
 his wonder that men who seemed of one race or nation should 
 make war on each other. 
 
 Argal destroyed the fort and all monuments and marks of 
 French power at Port Royal. He even caused the names of 
 De Monts, and other captains, and the fleurs de lys, to be 
 effaced with pick and chisel from a massive stone on which 
 they had been engraved ; but he is said to have spared the 
 mill and the barns up the river. Charlevoix states that before 
 this time a sum of upwards of one hundred thousand crowns 
 had been expended at Port Royal. A storm befel them on 
 their return. Argal got back to Virginia in safety, but one of 
 his vessels with six English on board was lost, and the prize 
 commanded by Turnel, in which the Jesuits were, was com- 
 pelled to seek shelter in the Azores, whence the priests got 
 to England and thence across the channel to their homes in 
 France. [Ste I, Champlain 145-146.] 
 
 Argal was a kinsman of Sir Thomas Smith, one of the 
 founders of the Virginia company, and he had the favor and 
 protection of the earl of Warwick, one of the chief rulers in 
 king James's court. In 1617, Argal was made deputy gover- 
 nor of Virginia under Lord Delaware, but was removed from
 
 1613. History of Nova-Scotia. 59 
 
 this office in 1619. In 1620 he commanded a ship of war in 
 an expedition against the Algerines, and in 1623 was knighted 
 by king James. It was under the government of Sir Thomas 
 Dale in Virginia, that Argal was sent to Acadie ; although Sir 
 William Keith in his history of Virginia, pp. 132-4, makes the 
 date of the affair 1618, five years later. 
 
 After this destruction of his settlement, M. de Poutrincourt 
 gave up all thoughts of American interests, and re-entered the 
 royal service, in which he distinguished himself, and died on 
 what is termed the bed of honor, having been killed at St. 
 Me'ry sur Seme, which he took for the king. Poutrincourt fell 
 in the moment of victory. He is stated to have been a sincere 
 Catholic, [i Charlevoix, p. 214, citing Jean de Laet] The 
 New York Historical Magazine for February, 1859, PP- 49 5> 
 says, " Poutrincourt, the founder of Port Royal, now Anna- " 
 " polis in Nova Scotia, on his return to France was ordered " 
 " by king Henry the Fourth" (Henry IV was assassinated in 
 1610) "to reduce the cities of Mery sur Seine and chateau " 
 " Thierry. He was killed at the former place, and the fol- " 
 " lowing epitaph is inscribed on his tomb at St. Just in " 
 " Champagne, as the marquis of Biencourt informs us :" 
 
 Aeternae memorise herois magni Potrincurtii, qui pacatis 
 olim Gallias bellis, in quibus prascipuam militias laudem conse- 
 quutus est, factioneque magna Enrici magni virtute repressa, 
 opus Christianum instaurandae Francise Novae aggressus, dum 
 illic monstra varia debellare conatus, occasione novi tumultus 
 Gallici a proposito avocatus, et Mericum oppidum in Tricassi 
 agro ad deditionem cogere a principe jussus ; voti compos, 
 militari glorias asmulatione multis vulneribus confossus, cata- 
 pulta pectori admota nefarie" a Pisandro interficitur, mense 
 Decembr, MDCXV. aetatis anno LVIII. 
 
 Ejusdem herois magni epitaphium in Novae Franciae oris 
 vulgatum et marmoribus atque arboribus incisum : 
 
 Chara deo soboles, neophyti mei 
 
 Novas Franciae incolse, 
 
 Christicolae 
 
 quos ego,
 
 60 History of Nova-Scotia. 1613. 
 
 Ille ego sum magnus Sagamo vaster 
 
 Potrincurtius 
 
 Super aethera natus 
 
 In quo olim spes vestrae 
 
 Vos si fefellit invidia 
 
 lugete, 
 
 Virtus mea me perdidit, vobis 
 gloriam meam alteri dare 
 
 nequivi. 
 Iterum lugete. H. D. C. 
 
 To the eternal memory of the great hero Poutrincourt, who, 
 after the former wars of France were terminated by peace, in 
 which he had obtained high military repute, and a great fac- 
 tion being put down by the courage of Henry the great, under- 
 took the Christian work of establishing New France. While he 
 was endeavoring there to overcome different monsters, being 
 recalled from his undertaking on occasion of a new insurrection 
 in France, and being ordered by his prince to compel the sur- 
 render of the town of St. Mery, in the Tricassian district, while 
 successful in his attempt, was, through his emulation of mili- 
 tary renown, covered with wounds, and slain by Pisander, who 
 wickedly moved a catapult and struck him on the breast, in 
 the month of December, 1615, in the 58th year of his age. 
 
 Epitaph of the same great hero, published on the coasts of 
 New France, and cut into the marble and the trees there : 
 
 Ye progeny dear to God, 
 
 inhabitants of New France, 
 
 worshippers of Christ, 
 
 whom I, 
 I am he your great Sachem, 
 
 Poutrincourt, 
 
 Born above the sky, 
 
 In whom was once your hope. 
 
 If envy deceived you, 
 
 bemoan me.
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 61 
 
 My courage destroyed me. 
 My glory is with yon. I could not 
 
 give it to another. 
 Again bewail me. H. D. C. 
 
 In 1613, 1614 and 1615 attempts at settlement in Newfound- 
 land were made by the English. In 1613, 54 men, 6 women, 
 and 3 children, wintered there. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VII. 
 (i.) 
 
 From " Johannes de Laet> nevus orbis. Lugdun, Batav. aptid Ehevirios, 1633, " 
 
 ' c. 14. Cadia, sive Acadia." Extract translated from the Latin of 
 
 the original. 
 
 Cadia, a part of the continent, is of triangular form. The base, which is the 
 longest, looks to the South, and between the harbor of Campseau and cape Four- 
 chu, (promontorium Furcatum), stretches from East to West. The other two 
 sides, after different windings and turnings, gradually approach each other until 
 they nearly meet between the upper end of the French bay, (bay of Fundy), on 
 the West, and the streights of St. Lunarius, (near bay Verte), on the East : 
 vrhich two bays, divided by a small space of land, make this province a peninsula, 
 The eastern side we have already mentioned : at the angle of the base (of the 
 triangle) lies Camseau, a celebrated harbor, enclosed in a manner by two islands, 
 somewhat difficult of access owing to rocks and shoals which the sea breaks over 
 (in rough weather.) It is distant from the island of St. Lawrence (cape Briton ) l 
 about eight miles ; from the Equator, 45 20. 
 
 From this harbor westwardly to the harbor of Savalette is reckoned six miles ; 
 from Savalette to the islands which are numerous along this shore divided by 
 narrow channels, four miles ; thence to Green island six or seven. Here is a 
 small river which takes its name from Green island. From that to the bay of all 
 islands six miles. In all this space the shore is beset with rocks, which extend a 
 mile to sea, and the water is agitated, (supra modumfervet.) Fourteen mile* 
 from this bay is the harbor of St. Helena, in Latitude 44 40. A small island is 
 adjacent, with a narrow channel, that can be passed over at low tide. From this 
 to Sesambre island is eight miles, a most extensive bay lying between, which, on 
 account of the salubrity of the air, is called by the French Baye Saine, (now Che- 
 bucto bay.) From Sesambre (Sambro) to the river of St. Margaret, (St. Marga* 
 raff bay), which is distant from the equator 44 25, and discharges itself into the 
 sea opposite the martyr's islands, is seven miles. Eight miles from this, cape 
 de la Heve makes into the sea, near which lies the port of the same name 44 05
 
 62 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 N. Lat., with safe anchorage. A small island is near, long but narrow, clothed 
 with trees, to the East of which the bay runs into the continent, embracing some 
 smaller woody islands in its bosom. Next lies the harbor of Rossignol (Liverpool) 
 almost shut in by an island. A small river flows into it from the N. W., which 
 measures about 25 miles from its source. Hence to port Mouton (portus Ovium) 
 in 44 N. Lat. it is reckoned seven miles. It is of a circular form, having a small 
 island at the mouth, forming two channels, the northern one of two fathoms, the 
 southern three or four. The harbor itself seven or eight deep. Six small islands 
 are scattered in it. It receives two small streams. Hence to port Negro, so 
 called from cape Negro, is ten miles. Opposite the cape are rocks which have a 
 resemblance, when seen at a distance, to a negro's head. 
 
 The shores so far are low, full of dwarf woods and bushes, and the countless 
 islands and rocks along the coast are full of all kinds of wild beasts. 
 
 Not far from this lies a sandy bay, a very convenient harbor, and two miles 
 West a promontory of sand, which is to be carefully avoided on account of the 
 shoals and rocks which extend beyond a mile into the sea, (cape Sable.) Hence 
 to the isle of Cormorants, (corvorum marinomm, sea crows), so called from their 
 abundance, is one league distance, and a bay of two or three miles extent, called 
 " La Baye Courante :" from which to the last promontory of this shore, called 
 "forked" (cap Fourchu), is two miles. Here are many islands extending into 
 the sea, four or five miles distant from the main land, and many rocks with break- 
 ing seas. Some of these islands, on account of the multitude of birds, are called 
 " Isles aux Tangueux ;" others are called " Seal islands," from the animal so cal- 
 led, in 40 30 North Latitude. 
 
 Chapter 15. Description of the shore of Acadie, which runs northward, and con- 
 cerning Port Royal. 
 
 Near cape Fourchu there is a harbor, which takes its name ftom the cape, 
 ( Yarmouth harbor), in its entrance deep enough for passage of vessels, and a 
 good station for shipping, but in its interior dry at low water, except in the chan- 
 nel of a small river, which, coming down through excellent meadows, terminates 
 here. From this place the shores incline gently towards the north for nine or ten 
 miles. In this distance there are no harbors for large vessels, 'but some coves and 
 shores with islets, rocks and shoals, as far as Long island, stretching out from the 
 Southwest to the North, to the French bay's mouth. Long island is six miles 
 long, by near one mile wide. It is covered with wood, and is difficult of approach 
 owing to rocks and shoals. The seais much disturbed here, (cestus his admodum 
 fervet), especially in the channel dividing Long island from the main land, (petit 
 passage,) which is called le passage courant, by the French. Between this island 
 and the main land is a bay very safe for shipping, three miles wide at the entrance, 
 now called St. Mary's bay. In entering it, on the right hand is the harbor of St. 
 Margaret in 44 30 n. latitude, in its entrance only 18 feet deep, within three 
 fathoms, surrounded by a smooth and fertile plain looking to the East, (possibly 
 Weymouth, otherwise Sissibott is here meant,) on the left side there is a small bay, 
 .\ (perhaps Sandy Cove,) near which some affirm that veins of silver were found. 
 A little further up is the river Brulay, and there is another stream at the head of 
 St. Mary's bay, between which and Port Royal there is but a small space of land. 
 Both these rivers are celebrated for iron mines, and their banks are rich in pas- 
 tures. The soil is there of a red color, almost of the color of blood. From Long 
 island the shore recedes in a northerly direction as far as Port Royal, situate in 45
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 degrees north latitude, a harbor inferior to no other, whether its amplitude or 
 excellence be considered. Its entrance measures 80 paces. The harbor itself is 
 two miles long and one mile wide. It will hold a thousand vessels, and is exceed- 
 ingly safe against all winds. Three rivers flow into it ; one of which, of some 
 amplitude is called the 1'Equille, from the plenty of a small kind of fish caught 
 there, coming down from the East through a long extent of ground. From the 
 mouth itself of the bay, which is a quarter of a mile wide, and which is divided 
 into two mouths by an island covered with trees and very agreeable, small vessels 
 can go up sixteen miles, where the channel is yet 60 paces wide and 18 feet deep, 
 with beech and ash trees on both banks. Another (river) called St. Anthony, 
 on the right hand in going up, is smaller and closed by an island. The shores of 
 it are covered with thick woods, which hinder intercourse between this and St. 
 Mary's bay. ( This is probably Sear river, called also Imbert.) The third (river) 
 on the same side, which is inaccessible to vessels, owing to shoals and rocks is 
 called ruisseau de la Roche, (or Rock brook, perhaps Moose river.) 
 
 The French settled here in 1605, as we shall state by and by. From Port 
 
 Royal the coast trends more northerly to Cape Poutrincourt n. lat. 45 40, where 
 the sea forms a bay of 20 miles extent, much longer than it is wide, which receives 
 a small river and some brooks. From cape Poutrincourt to the left of the bay 
 last mentioned, a port called port aux mines, (ab aeris metallis dictum,) called so 
 on account of copper mines, which are twice a day covered with the tides. And 
 here the mainland by a long and narrow path extends between two bays and a 
 cape called the cape of the two bays. The further bay called baye de Gennes, 
 (Chignecto bay ?) receives the sea through a mouth five miles wide, and has a 
 large extent within. Two rivers flow into it, one from the East and another from 
 the North, and reaches near the strait of St. Lunarius, the isthmus part of the 
 peninsula.
 
 64 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE materials hitherto accessible for the history of Acadie for 
 the period of several years after Argal's expedition in 1613 
 are very scanty indeed, leaving almost a perfect blank in the 
 narrative of about ten years. We have just seen that Poutrin- 
 court died in battle in 1615. His son Biencourt seems to 
 have remained in Acadie, and it is said that he was resident at 
 Port Royal in 1617, and that a small French colony still sub- 
 sisted there, [i Williamson, Maine, 211.} We are told in 
 Ferlands Canada, part i.,p. 204, that two associations of mer- 
 chants were organized 1619 to bring into use the resources of 
 Acadie. One company obtained permission to carry on there 
 the shore fishery, (la peche sedentaire), and the other the pri- 
 vilege of buying furs and trading with the savages. In order 
 to supply the religious wants of the persons in their employ- 
 ment, the associates sent to their establishments three Recol- 
 lets, who also undertook the care of some old inhabitants of 
 Port Royal, who had remained in the country with M. de 
 Biencourt. In 1623 one of these fathers, returning from the 
 mission at Miscou (on the gulph of St. Lawrence) to their 
 chief residence situated on the river St. John, died of hunger 
 and fatigue in the midst of the woods, a martyr to his charity 
 and zeal. These Recollets belonged to the province of 
 Aquitaine. That the English conceived they had some claim 
 probably from prior discovery, to the lands of Acadie, is testi- 
 fied by the proceedings of Argal under the orders of the 
 government of Virginia. The harsh course he pursued, and 
 the making war on the French, while the two crowns were in
 
 1620. History of Nova-Scotia. 65 
 
 amity, without previous notice, were acts unfortunately too 
 common in that age. The nations of Europe assumed a title 
 to all lands in the new world, of which they could obtain for- 
 cible possession. It was thought a sufficient pretext, that the 
 native races, whom they termed savages, were not Christians, 
 to justify any course of dispossession. The terms in which 
 the commissions are granted to adventurers shew, that the doc- 
 trine was held that heathens and infidels could be lawfully and 
 justly subdued, and their lands occupied without asking their 
 consent, and it was not until William Penn professed a different 
 sentiment that any doubt seems to have been entertained upon 
 this subject. It is also remarkable that all the French of the 
 seventeenth century, and great part of the eighteenth, seem 
 invariably to apply the term sauvages (savages) to the Indians 
 of North America, as well to the converted tribes as to the 
 others. The English have generally used the term " Indians" 
 in preference. 
 
 In accordance with this English claim, a charter was gran- 
 ted to the New England company, dated 3 November, 1620, 
 which included all the territory from the 4Oth to the 48th 
 degree of north latitude. Sir George Calvert, lord Baltimore* 
 procured a grant of that part of Newfoundland that lies be- 
 tween the bay of Bulls in the East and cape St. Mary's in the 
 South, which was called the province of Avalon, and made a 
 settlement at Ferryland. Lord Baltimore made his residence 
 there, but afterwards left this for his new possessions in Mary- 
 land. [Hist. British Empire in North America, pp. 138, 139.] 
 
 Sir William Alexander was born in 1580^ in Clackmannan- 
 shire. He was made gentleman usher to. prince Charles, 
 in 1613, viscount Stirling in 1630, and earl of Stirling in> 
 1633. He died in 1640, and his grandson succeeded him 1 ,, 
 Who in his turn was succeeded by an uncle named Henry.. 
 On the 10-20 September, 1641, king James the first of Eng- 
 land (James the 6th of Scotland), granted all Nova Scotia 
 (including what is now New Brunswick) to Sir William Alex- 
 ander. This grant gives the name of Nova Scotia; to the ter- 
 ritory, and a copy of it in the original Latin is in the memori- 
 als of the English and French commissaries. It was probably- 
 5
 
 66 History of Nova-Scotia. 1623. 
 
 issued under the great seal of Scotland. This grant was con- 
 firmed by another patent from Charles the first of England, 
 dated 12 July, 1625. In 1635 a grant was made to lord Stirling 
 of a district between Pemaquid and St. Croix, and also of Long 
 island, opposite to Connecticut (1621.) This last grant was 
 made by the Plymouth council. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and 
 captain John Mason, who were both active and interested 
 in the English colonization, and were anxious to secure 
 Acadie from the French, obtained a conveyance from the 
 council of the New England company to Sir William Alexan- 
 der of the territory included afterwards in his crown patent, 
 [i Williamsons, Maine. 562. 223.] (1622.) Sir William 
 Alexander sent out a ship with some settlers. Laet 62. 
 They wintered at St. John's Newfoundland, and putting to 
 sea again in 1623, they coasted along the shores of the 
 peninsula of Acadie ; and, according to the French author- 
 ities, they returned to England without having succeeded in 
 forming any settlement ; but the English commissaries alleged 
 in the boundary discussion at Paris in 175 1, that in consequence 
 of the grants he received in 1621 and 1625, Sir William Alex- 
 ander took possession of the country, made a settlement at Port 
 Royal, and built a fort there. They also state that he gave leave 
 to Claude de la Tour and his eldest son Charles, to improve lands 
 and build within the territory for their own advantage ; in 
 consequence whereof they made a settlement and built a strong 
 fort upon the river St. John, called fort de la Tour. -Charle- 
 voix, says that Sir William Alexander, in the year after his 
 first grant, (1622) sent out an officer to Acadie, to select a 
 place for settlement ; but that this envoy having left Europe 
 too late in the season, was obliged to spend the winter in the 
 port of St. John, in Newfoundland. (1623.) From that 
 place he went to Acadie, entered port au mouton, which he 
 re-named St. Luke's bay, and went to another harbor two 
 leagues off, which he called le JoH port, or the black port, 
 port noir, now known as port Joli ; and remaining no longer 
 there, he returned to Newfoundland and thence to England. 
 That after that the earl of Stirling took no steps to turn his 
 domains in Acadie to any account The French commissaries
 
 1624. History of Nova-Scotia. 67 
 
 allege that Sir William Alexander's people did not go beyond 
 cape Negro on their coasting voyage. Champlain states in 
 1631, that the English had ten or twelve years before taken 
 possession of the most noted places, and had even seized 
 on Port Royal, where they occupied the place at the time. 
 The English commissaries draw the inference that this occu- 
 pation occurred in 1621, the date of Sir William Alexander's 
 grant, and they add, " It is also remarkable that there remain" 
 "at this very day (1753) the ruins of a fort built at that time," 
 " at the entrance into the bason, which preserve the name" 
 " of the Scotch fort." The whole water from the entrance 
 at St. George's channel (Digby gut) up to the fort and 
 town of Port Royal, (Annapolis Royal), which is about 
 eighteen miles long, is usually called the Bason ; but this 
 name has been sometimes given to that portion of it which 
 lies between Goat island and the fort, which the French wri- 
 ters call 2 leagues (five miles) in length. Haliburton, vol. i., 
 /. 45, says that the Scotch settlement was on the West side of 
 the Bason, opposite Goat island, on the Granville shore that 
 the remains of it were still visible, (1827), and bore the tradi- 
 tionary name of the Scotch fort. On the other side it has been 
 urged that the French, and the Indians who were attached to 
 them, having possession of the country, the colonists sent out 
 by Sir William Alexander returned without having made an 
 attempt at settlement. [Douglas, v. i., /, 305. I Haliburton, 
 41, 42. i Ferland, Canada, 245.] Champlain, v. 2., p. 92, 
 speaks of Biencourt as still living in August, 1624, and that 
 during eighteen years he had resided in Acadie with the 
 Indians. After the death of his father, the young Biencourt 
 took the name of Poutrincourt, which became his as the head 
 of the family. He continued, however, to be called sometimes 
 Biencourt and sometimes Poutrincourt. Ferland says it is 
 very probable that Biencourt died in 1623, for a letter written 
 from the port of Lomeron, in Acadie, and bearing the date of 
 25 July, 1627, informs us that he died four years before. This 
 letter was addressed to the king by Charles Amador de la 
 Tour, then commandant in Acadie. [Monhegan is said to 
 have been settled by the English in 1622, and Saco in 1623.
 
 68 History of Nova-Scotia. 1625-26. 
 
 i Williamson, Maine, 226.] (1625.) Besides grants of Acadie, 
 Sir William Alexander obtained patents for parts of Canada, 
 fbr Anticosti, Martha's Vineyard, California, Nantucket, &c. 
 About this time (1625) the fort or settlement at Quebec, foun- 
 ded in 1608 by Champlain, having received accessions of inha- 
 bitants, began to assume the name and character of a town or 
 city; and in the same year (1625) Boston, in New England, 
 was founded. [Douglas.] (1626.) The order of baronets of 
 Nova Scotia was established on the principle that they should 
 assist the plantation of the province at their own charges. 
 This I infer was founded as an institution connected with the 
 kingdom of Scotland. King Charles the first, by his letter of 
 19 July, 1625, to the privy council of Scotland, conferred on 
 each knight baronet of Nova Scotia, a space of land three 
 miles wide and six miles long, in New Scotland. Some of the 
 knights had their manors assigned them, I believe, in the 
 genial and fertile soil of Anticosti. How far it was consistent 
 to make such grants after the whole country had been patent- 
 ed to Sir William Alexander, may be questioned ; but it is 
 possible that he had surrendered part of his grant of 1621 on 
 receiving the grant of confirmation in 1625. The complete 
 number of the knights was to be 150. The insignia of the 
 order to be the arms of Nova Scotia, Argent, " the ancient " 
 " arms of our said ancient kingdom of Scotland," on a blue 
 cross, commonly called a saltier azure, to be supported by the 
 unicorn on the right side, and a savage man on the left ; and 
 for the crest, a laurel branch and a thistle proceeding out of an 
 armed hand, and a naked (sword ?) conjoined, with this motto : 
 Munit hcec et altera vincit. 25 July, 1626. Charles R. 
 " Lieutenants and Barronets and every one of them and their 
 "heires male to weare and carrie about their neckes in all 
 " time coming ane orange tannie silk ribban, whereon shall 
 " being pendant in a scutcheon argent a saltaire azure thereon, 
 " ane inescutcheon of the armes of Scotland, with ane Impe- 
 " riall crowne above the scutcheon, and encircled with this 
 " motto : " Fax mentis honestae gloria." Many of these par- 
 ticulars respecting the order are taken from a modern work 
 respecting the claims of the pretended earl of Stirling. This
 
 1627-28. History of Nova-Scotia. 69 
 
 order is attached to certain ancient Scottish families, the 
 eldest son taking the rank, but it does not entitle him to the 
 designation * sir.' These baronets have held no connection 
 with the province. Some years since an application on their 
 behalf to the crown for lands in this country was made, with- 
 out success, grounded on the ancient gifts of land in their 
 patents of creation. 
 
 King James the first died 27 March, 1625, and his son and 
 successor, Charles the first, married the princess Henrietta 
 Maria, daughter of Henry the fourth, and sister of Louis the 
 thirteenth. It was said to have been stipulated in the treaty 
 of this marriage, that England should cede Acadie to France. 
 [i Williamson, Maine, 231. Douglas.] (1627.) In 162 7 Charles 
 the first made war against France. The duke of Bucking- 
 ham attempted, with one hundred ships, and seven thousand 
 soldiers, to conquer the isle of Rhe, on the coast of France, 
 but was defeated. (1628.) In 1628 he sent a fleet to relieve 
 Rochelle, in which the protestants were at that time besieged, 
 but the blockade was complete both by land and sea, and the 
 fleet was unable to accomplish anything for the benefit of the 
 town. A second expedition failed the same season, and the 
 town surrendered to the French king. (1629.) In April, 1629, 
 king Charles made peace with France. This treaty was nego- 
 ciated by the intervention of the republic of Venice, and the 
 articles were concluded at Suza, in Piedmont. No restitution 
 of prizes was to be made on either side, except what might be 
 taken two months after signature. By this exception, Charles 
 was obliged to restore the provinces of Canada and Acadie, in 
 North America, which a party of his subjects had reduced 
 several months after the conclusion of the peace ; but some 
 disputes arising, these restitutions were not completed until a 
 new treaty had been concluded in 1632. [6 Cootes history of 
 England, 151. 
 
 (1627.) Under the auspices of cardinal Richelieu a new 
 and powerful association was formed, called the company 
 of New France. It consisted of one hundred associates, of 
 whom Roquemont, Houel, Lataignant, Dablon, Duchesne and 
 Castillon, are named in the act, dated Paris, 29 April, 1627,
 
 7<D History of Nova-Scotia. 1627-28. 
 
 which constituted the company : and which is signed by 
 Armand, cardinal de Richelieu, De Roquemont, Houel for him- 
 self and for Duchesne and Lataignant, Dablon, Syndic of 
 Dieppe, and Castillon. They were to send out and settle 200 
 or 300 men, of all trades, in 1628, and within 15 years, say by 
 end of December, 1643, to augment the number to 4000 souls. 
 They were to be French catholic settlers only, and in each 
 place where they formed a settlement, the company were to 
 provide and maintain at least three ecclesiastics. Quebec and 
 all New France, (in which Acadie is included), Florida, New- 
 foundland, &c., were granted to them for simple homage ; all 
 mines to belong to the company, who were to have power to 
 erect duchies, marquisates, &c., with the king's confirmation. 
 The king was to give the company two ships of war. In the 
 acts of acceptance of 29 April and 4 May, 1627, and 6 August, 
 1628, the persons named are Armand, cardinal de Richelieu, 
 grand master, chief and superintendant general of the naviga- 
 tion and commerce of France. Claude de Roquemont, esquire, 
 sieur de Brison, noble homme master Louis Houel, sieur du 
 Petit Pre, counsellor of the king and controller general of salt 
 works in Brotiage, noble homme David Duchesne, coun- 
 sellor, echevin of the town of Havre de grace, noble homme 
 Gabriel de Lataignant, major of the town of Calais, noble 
 homme Simon Dablon, syndic of the town of Dieppe, honora- 
 rable homme Jacques Castillon, citizen (bourgeois) of Paris. 
 The confirmatory patent is dated at the camp before Rochelle, 
 6 May, 1628, (i8th year of his reign), by Louis 13, counter- 
 signed 'Portier.' Edits, &c., Quebec, 1803, pp. 1-16. This 
 company continued to exist until May, 1664, when Louis 14, 
 revoked their title and created the West India company. The 
 first vessels sent out by the company of New France in 1628 
 were captured by the English. 
 
 (1628.) David, Lewis, and Thomas Kirk, (called by the 
 French writers Kertk), were born at Dieppe. Their father 
 was a Scotchman, and their mother a Frenchwoman. They 
 were calvinists, and went to England. They had the repu- 
 tation of being bold and skilful navigators. Sir David Kirk 
 the eldest brother, with the help of his brothers and some
 
 1628. History of Nova-Scotia. 71 
 
 relatives he had in England, equipped several vessels at 
 a great expense. With these he captured in 1627 about 
 eighteen French ships, (wherein were found 135 pieces of 
 ordnance, designed for the relief of Port Royal and Quebec), 
 under the command of M. de Lockman, and took prisoner 
 M. de la Tour, (Claude de la Tour), the father of M. Charles 
 Amador de la Tour, and took him, with the prizes, to 
 England. Louis and Thomas Kirk accompanied Sir David 
 Kirk in this and in subsequent expeditions. His squadron 
 was, at first, composed of only three vessels, but was after- 
 wards increased to five, and as some writers say to eight- 
 een. His ships were well supplied with provisions and ammu- 
 nition of war, but were deficient in men. He acted under a 
 commission from the king of England. Besides his two 
 brothers, another French calvinist, named James Michel, was 
 with him. (Michel died in 1629, after the surrender of Que- 
 bec. 2 Champlain, 313.) In 1628, Kirk, with his squadron, 
 made himself master of Port Royal, entered the river St. Law- 
 rence with part of his forces, captured La Tour, senior (Claude), 
 who was going to Quebec, in a vessel of the new company, 
 commanded by one Norot. [2 Champlain, p. 191.] Kirk then 
 seized the settlement of Miscou, pillaged that of cape Torment 
 of cattle, and, approaching Quebec, summoned the sieur Cham- 
 plain, who commanded there, to surrender the place ; but 
 finding him resolved to defend it, he abandoned this first 
 attempt. Kirk sent a summons to Champlain, which he 
 signed ' David Quer' It is dated from on board the ' la 
 Vicaille,' 18 July, 1628. It states that he had a commission 
 from the king of Great Britain to take possession of Canada 
 and Acadie ; that he had set out with eighteen vessels, and 
 had taken Miscou and Tadoussac, in which last he then was, 
 and had captured all the pinnaces and shallops at both places ; 
 had taken also a vessel of the new company, commanded by 
 Norot, in which was M. de la Tour, and had seized all the cat- 
 tle at cape Tourmente. [2 Champlain, 190-193.] This letter 
 or summons was received at Quebec on the 10 July, 1628 
 at which time there was but fifty pounds of gunpowder at 
 Quebec.
 
 72 History of Nova-Scotia. 1629. 
 
 1629. Pentagoet and Sainte Croix appear to have been cap- 
 tured by the English in 1628 or 1629, as well as Port Royal, 
 but they were all restored to France in 1632. In the summer 
 of 1629 David, Louis and Thomas Kirk came again to Canada 
 to capture Quebec. David remained at Tadoussac. Louis and 
 Thomas summoned Quebec, and messieurs Champlain and 
 du Port capitulated 19 July, 1629. -The treaty was ratified by 
 David Kertk, at Tadoussac, 19 August, 1629. Louis Kertk 
 certifies, 21 July, 1629, that he found at Quebec, in the fort 
 and settlement, " 4 espoirs (small cannon) de fonte verte et 
 " une moyenne avec leur boites. 2 breteuils de fer dexSoo livres 
 " chacun, 7 pierriers avec leur boiste, double, 45 balles de fer 
 " pour les espois et 6 balles pour les dites breteuils, 40 livres 
 " de pouldre a canon, 30 livres de meche, 14 mousquets, un 
 " mousquet a croc, 2 grands arquebuzes a rouet de 6 a 7 pieds, 
 "2 autres meches de mesme longueur, 10 hallebardes, 12 
 " picques, 3 a 6 milliers de plomb, 50 corcelets sans brassarts, 
 " avec leur bourguinotes, 2 armes de gendarmes a 1'espreuve 
 " du pistolet, deux petarts de fonte verte, une vieille tente de 
 "guerre, et plusieurs ustancille, de mesnage et outils des 
 " ouvriers, qui esteoint en ce dit lieu de Quebec, ou commandoit 
 " le sieur de Champlain en 1'absence de monsieur le cardinal 
 " de Richelieu pour le service du roy de France et de Navarre." 
 Although the settlers had increased in numbers, the vessels 
 which should have brought provisions to Quebec were cap- 
 tured by the English, and the consequent want of provisions 
 contributed to its surrender. In the same year, 1629, a Scotch 
 gentleman, called James Stuart, brought out some vessels and 
 built a fort in cape Breton, at the port des baleines, (St. Anne ?) 
 Capt. Daniel, of Dieppe, arrived there in August, and captured 
 the place, leaving a garrison of 40 men to protect it. 2 Cham- 
 plain, 334. He carried off 42 English, whom he left at Fal- 
 mouth, and took 18 or 20, with James Stuart, to France. It 
 appears by a warrant of king Charles the first, dated 1 7 Nov., 
 1629, that Sir William Alexander had settled a colony in 
 Nova Scotia, where his son William was then residing. As to 
 Kirk, see 2 Champ lain, 334, I Douglas, 306, I Charlevoix, 256, 
 266, E. & F. Comm., 115, 256, 454, 570, I Ferland, 227, &c.
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 73 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Claude Turgis de Saint Etienne, sieur de la Tour, of the pro- 
 vince of Champagne, quitted Paris, taking with him his son 
 Charles Amador, then fourteen years old, to settle in Acadie, 
 near Poutrincourt, who was then engaged in founding Port 
 Royal. Some reverses of fortune are supposed to have led 
 him to this course, and indeed a person hostile to the family 
 alleged, long after, that Claude had been working as a mason 
 in Paris. When the French establishments were destroyed 
 by Argal in 1613, Charles de la Tour, the son, attached him- 
 self to Biencourt, who, with several other Frenchmen, took 
 refuge in the midst of the Souriquois, (Micmacs.) Clothed like 
 Indians, those two friends lived like them by hunting and fish- 
 ing, while they waited for succor from the mother country. 
 With the aid sent them from France, they were enabled to 
 maintain themselves in the country, and to preserve several 
 posts. Charles de la Tour was at first ensign, then lieutenant 
 of Biencourt, who, when dying, bequeathed to him his rights 
 in Port Royal, and named him his successor in command. 
 (1623.) During the four years following, he lived in oblivion, 
 in fort Saint Louis, at cape Sable. The harbor on which it 
 vas situated was called port Lomeron, or port Latour. About 
 this time, (1627,) the English of Kinibeki, (Kennebec), and 
 Chouacouet, (Saco), formed a design of chasing the French 
 out of Acadie, in order to deprive them of any participation in 
 the fisheries or the fur trade. This project may perhaps have 
 been connected with Sir William Alexander's plans of coloni- 
 zation. It was, however, simultaneous with the war commen-
 
 74 History of Nova-Scotia. 1630. 
 
 ced by Charles the first at the isle of Rh6, and the first naval 
 achievements of Kirk and his brothers. On this occasion 
 Charles de la Tour addressed a letter to king Louis 13, in 
 which he asked to be appointed commandant in all the coasts 
 of Acadie. He expressed his hope to defend himself, with his 
 little band of Frenchmen, and the warriors to be furnished by 
 a hundred Souriquois (Micmac) families, who were sincerely 
 attached to him. This letter was entrusted to Claude de la 
 Tour, who was to plead his son's cause before the king. Un- 
 happily, the blow prepared by the English against Acadie 
 took effect before the arrival of help from France. ( 1 628.) Kirk 
 leaving Europe in 1628 with a considerable fleet, took posses- 
 sion of Port Royal in the name of Sir William Alexander, and 
 is supposed to have left some Scotch families there.. Hurry- 
 ing on to capture Quebec on his own account, he did not stay 
 to attempt the reduction of the other posts in Acadie. 
 
 Claude de la Tour who was returning from France on board 
 of a vessel belonging to Roquemont, in order to re-join his son 
 in Acadie, was taken prisoner by Kirk and carried to England. 
 Latour, the father, was a huguenot. Meeting in London with 
 friends among those of his own creed, he was seduced from the 
 loyalty he owed to his native sovereign. While in England he 
 was married to a lady of high station. The dignity of Baronets 
 of Nova Scotia was conferred on both the Latours, father and 
 son. On the roll of these baronets is found "1629, Nov. 30, 
 " Sir Claude St. Etienne, seigneur de la Tour." " 1630, Sir 
 " Charles St. Etienne, seigneur de St. Deniscourt." The last 
 is termed Seigneur de Denniscourt et Baigneux in Hazard's 
 Collection, p. 298. Letters patent from Sir William Alexander 
 dated 3Oth April, 1630, a translation of which is in Hazard's 
 collection, state that, " out of the respect and amitie which " 
 " he beareth unto Sir Claude de Sainct Estienne, knight, lord " 
 " of La Tour and of Vuarre, and unto Charles de Sainct " 
 " Estienne, esq., lord of Sainct Denicourt, his sonne," " the " 
 " said Sir Claude de St. Etienne being present accepting, and " 
 " by these presents stipulating for his said sonne Charles " 
 " being absent, and for their heyres, and as well for the merit " 
 " of their persons, and for their assistance to the better dis- "
 
 1630. History of Nova-Scotia. 75 
 
 " covery of the said country, and upon other considerations," 
 he Sir William Alexander gives to the said knight Latour and 
 unto his said son and unto ' their heyres ' &c., " all the country " 
 " coasts and islands, from the cape and river of Ingogon, near " 
 " unto the cloven cape, (cap Fourchu ?) in the said New Scot- " 
 " land, called the coast and country of Accadye, following the " 
 " coast and island of the said countrey towards the East unto " 
 " the Port de la Tour, formerly named L'Omeroy, and further " 
 " beyond the said port following along the said coast unto " 
 " Mirliguesche, (Lunenburg ?) near unto and beyond the port " 
 " and cape of La neve, drawing forward fifteen leagues, within " 
 " the said lands towards the north," with power to build 
 towns, forts, &c., " erected and entitled by two baronies, " 
 " namely, the Barrony of Sainct Etienne, and the Barrony of" 
 "de la Tour, which may be limited and bounded equally" 
 " between the said knight de la Tour, and his said sonne if " 
 " they shall see cause, upon condition that the said knight de " 
 " la Tour, and his said sonne, as he hath promised, and for " 
 " his said sonne by these presents doth promise to be good " 
 " and faithful vassals of the Sovereign lord the king of Scot- " 
 " land, and their heires and successors, and to give unto him " 
 " all obedience and assistance to the reducing of the people " 
 " of the country, &c." Charlevoix v. 2, p. 92, says that about 
 this time the English had got possession of the forts in Acadie, 
 except fort Louis at cape Sable only, then commanded by 
 Charles de la Tour. 
 
 He says Claude de la Tour, while in London, married a maid 
 of honor of the Queen of England, Henrietta Maria. Ferland 
 conjectures that the lady may have been a near relation of Sir 
 Wm. Alexander. He (Charlevoix) also says that Latour was 
 made a Knight of the Garter. As his name is not to be found in 
 Rapin, or in Napier's history of these knights, I conclude it to be 
 an error originating in his being made a baronet of Nova Scotia. 
 He says Latour engaged to deliver to the English king the fort 
 which his son held for France in Acadie ; and that with that 
 object two men of war were fitted out for him, and that he 
 embarked with his new spouse accordingly. That having 
 arrived at cape Sable, he landed and went alone to hold an
 
 76 History of Nova-Scotia. 1630. 
 
 interview with his son. That he made a magnificent state- 
 ment of his credit at the court of London, and the advantages 
 derivable from it. He told his son that he should be made a 
 knight also, and be confirmed in his office as governor of the 
 place, under the English king, if he would declare for that side. 
 Charles at once told his father, that he was mistaken in 
 supposing him capable of giving up the place to the enemies 
 of the state. That he would preserve it for the king his mas- 
 ter, while he had a breath of life. That he esteemed highly 
 the dignities offered him by the English king, but should not 
 buy them at the price of treason. That the prince he served 
 was able to requite him ; and if not, that fidelity was its own 
 
 best recompense. The father, receiving this answer, so 
 
 different from his expectation, retired on board his vessel, 
 whence he wrote next day to his son in the most affectionate 
 and earnest language, but with no better success than he had 
 in oral application. He next tried the effect of menaces, but 
 without avail. This was followed by acts of hostility on the 
 part of the English ; but young Latour defended his post with 
 such intrepidity and success, that the English commanding 
 officer, who had not counted upon meeting any resistance, at 
 the end of two days, having lost several of his best soldiers in 
 the attack, informed Latour, senior, that he should abandon 
 the siege. [Ferland states that the English landed part 
 of their forces on two successive days, and had to retire 
 with loss. He also varies from the account given by Char- 
 levoix, as he states that Claude de la Tour, on the failure 
 of the English to reduce the fort, retired to Port Royal with 
 one hundred Scotch colonists.] The elder Latour was much 
 embarrassed ; he could not venture to return to England, 
 much less to France ; and the only course remaining was to 
 appeal to his son's clemency. He revealed his feelings to his 
 lady, telling her he had reckoned on assuring her happiness in 
 the new world ; but fortune had overturned his schemes, he 
 did not wish to compel her to live there in a state of misery, 
 and that he should give her free permission to return to her 
 family. The wife replied, that she had not married him to 
 abandon him. That wherever he should take her, and in
 
 1630. History of Nova-Scotia. 77 
 
 whatever condition he might be placed, she would always be 
 his faithful companion ; and that all her happiness would con- 
 sist in softening his grief, Latour, senior, charmed and affected 
 by her great generosity, made an application to his son to 
 permit him to reside in Acadie. The young man replied, that 
 he did not wish to expose his father to lose his head on the 
 block, by going back to England ; that he would willingly give 
 him an asylum, but that he could not allow either him or his 
 wife to come into the fort. Finally he gave his word that he 
 would not suffer them to want for any thing. The terms 
 seemed a little hard, but the father had no alternative : so, with 
 the leave of the English commander, Latour senior and his wife 
 disembarked with all their effects, two valets and two femmes 
 de chambre ; and the men of war both returned to England. 
 Latour caused a suitable dwelling house for his father and wife, 
 to be erected at some distance from the fort, on a fertile piece of 
 land, agreeably situated, and took care of their maintenance. 
 M. Denys relates that he found them there in 1635, and that 
 they were well off. (i Charlevoix, Nouvelle France 192-195.) 
 Ferland's narrative however, makes Claude Latour go off with 
 the Scotch colonists to Port Royal, on the failure of the Eng- 
 lish to take fort Louis ; and afterwards Charles Latour, on his 
 being appointed lieutenant general in Acadie, write to invite 
 his father from Port Royal, on which he came back with his 
 wife to cape Sable. 
 
 We find by Champlain's account (2 Champlain, 347.) that 
 the directors (of the company of New France,) equipped two 
 vessels for Cape Breton and to succor those who were settled 
 there, and two others which were fitted out at Bordeaux, to go 
 and make a settlement in Acadie. M. Tufet fitted out those of 
 Bourdeaux in 1630 laden with requisite stores for forming a set- 
 tlement on the coast of Acadie, in which he embarked workmen 
 and artisans, with three friars of the order viptres Recollets, the 
 whole under the conduct of captain Marot of St. Jean de Luz. 
 They encountered adverse weather, and the voyage was three 
 months long. They got at length to cape Sable. There they 
 found the son of La Tour who had some other French volun- 
 teers with him. Marot gay,e Charles La Tour a letter from M.
 
 78 History of Nova-Scotia. 1630. 
 
 Tufet, which enjoined him to remain stedfast in the king's 
 service, and not to adhere to the English, or submit to their 
 wishes, as many worthless Frenchmen had done, who had 
 ruined their honor and reputation in having acted against his 
 majesty's service ; that such conduct was not expected from 
 him who had until now acted firmly. That in this view, 
 provisions, refreshments, arms and men had been sent to 
 assist him, and to build a dwelling in such place as he should 
 judge most convenient, with other remarks of a similar ten- 
 dency. La Tour was glad to see what he could hardly have 
 hoped for. He nevertheless had withstood the persuasions 
 of his father who was along with the English, as he preferred 
 to die before descending to treachery and betraying his king. 
 The English were discontented with this as La Tour, the 
 father, had assured them his son would join him in doing them 
 every service. Charles La Tour and captain Marot were of 
 opinion that La Tour, the father, who was at Port Royal with 
 the English should be advised of all that had occurred, and be 
 urged to leave the English and come back, with the view of 
 learning from him the condition of the English and acting 
 accordingly. One Lestan was sent with a letter from La Tour 
 to his father : on reading which, he set out to go to his son, 
 having neither the means nor expectations of making a great 
 fortune among the English, in whose opinion he had been 
 much reduced. Arriving at cape Sable, he informed them 
 that it was the intention of the English to take their fort. He 
 also reported that of seventy Scotch who had wintered at Port 
 Royal, thirty had died. (This was attributable to the discom- 
 forts and want of care in their accommodation.) The La Tours 
 father and son, captain Marot, and the Recollets (friars) con- 
 sulted on their situation, and decided to form a settlement at 
 the river St. John, 14 leagues distant from Port Royal. Tufet's 
 smaller vessel was employed to go there, with men and 
 materials. Claude La Tour was to take the command at St. 
 John, and his son Charles to remain in command at cape Sable. 
 The presence of Claude de la Tour is said by Ferland (v. i., 
 p. 249), to have been a protection to the Scotch families in 
 Port Royal, and that when he left it they were beleaguered in
 
 1631. History of Nova-Scotia. 79 
 
 their fort by the Indians ; and, receiving no succor, they all 
 fell victims to the scurvy, or the savages, except one family, 
 which escaped by the assistance of Frenchmen, and eventu- 
 ally joined the colony of the commandeur de Razilly. [In 
 1635, La Mothe Cadillac saw at Port Royal two men of this 
 family, who had become Catholics and married French wives. 
 Their mother had retired to Boston, where she was then still 
 living, aged 90.] It is said that Claude La Tour had, in 1627, 
 obtained fro the French king a grant " of the river St. " 
 " John, and five leagues above and five below, and ten leagues " 
 " into the country." This is mentioned in Hutchinson's 
 Massachusetts, p. 127, on the authority of a list of grants 
 given by M. D'Entremont to governor Pownal. 
 
 It appears that Charles Amador de la Tour had been married 
 about 1625 or earlier. In the census of Acadie, made in 1686, 
 there is mention made of a lady named Jeanne de la Tour, aged 
 60, the wife of a gentleman called Martin d'Aprendistigue", of 
 70, resident on St. John river. In Ferland, I v., p. 497, note, is 
 this: "Jeanne de la Tour, born of the first marriage of" 
 " Charles Amador de la Tour, married le sieur Martin " 
 " d'Arpentigny and Asprentigny, sieur de Martignon, who, " 
 " after the restitution of Acadie to France, obtained posses- " 
 " sion of fort Latour, on the river St. John." Assuming the 
 accuracy of these authorities, madame de Martignon was born 
 in 1626. (1630), 4 September, Charles the first created sir 
 William Alexander, viscount Stirling, and lord Alexander, of 
 Tullibodie. [Trial of lord Stirling, appendix, xliv.j 
 
 1631. King Louis 13, granted a commission, dated n Feb- 
 ruary, 1631, constituting Charles de St. Etienne, sieur de la 
 Tour, to command in the quality of the king's lieutenant gen- 
 eral, including by name, Acadie, Fort Louis, port Latour and 
 dependencies. [Mss. from archives of the marine at Paris. 
 Copies of the mss. were obtained from Canada by the Record 
 Commissioners of Nova Scotia, and will be referred to herein 
 as Paris mssJ\ In April, 1631, the company of New France 
 equipped at Bourdeaux a vessel commanded by Laurent Fer- 
 chaud, with necssary succors for the fort and settlement of St. 
 Louis, at cape Sable. Latour was confirmed in his command
 
 8o History of Nova-Scotia. 1631. 
 
 there by order of the company, and the vessel brought back, 
 the sieur de Krainguille, the lieutenant of Latour, who repor- 
 ted that the Scotch were unwilling to quit Port Royal, and had 
 brought families and cattle there. Two vessels were sent out 
 by them (the company) to carry supplies to the settlement at 
 St. Anne's, in cape Breton, and to trade and fish at Miscou 
 and Tadoussac ; one commanded by Hubert Anselme, went to 
 Miscou ; a second, under captain Daniel, went to St. Anne. 
 There the commandant, named Gaude, had basely murdered 
 his lieutenant Martel. 2 Champlain, 366, &c. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX. 
 (i.) 
 
 Letter from king Charles the first to Sir William Alexander, then Viscount 
 Stirling : 
 
 Whereas there is a final agreement made betwixt us and our good brother, the 
 French king, and that among other particularities for perfecting thereof, we have 
 condescended that Port Royal shall be put into the state it was before the begin- 
 ning of the late war, that no partie may have any advantage there during the 
 continuance of the same, and without any derogation to any preceding right or 
 title, by virtue of any thing done, either then, or to be done, by the doing of that 
 which we command at this time ; it is our will and pleasure and we command you 
 hereby, that with all possible dilligence, you give order to Sir George Home, 
 knight, or any other having charge from you there, to demolish the Fort that was 
 builded by your son there, and to remove all the people, goods, ordnance, ammuni- 
 tion, cattle and other things, belonging unto that colonie, leaving the bounds 
 thereof altogether waste and unpeopled, as it was at the time your son landed 
 first to plant there, by virtue of our commission. And this you fail not to do, as 
 you will be answerable unto us. 
 
 Greenwich, 10 July, 1631. 
 
 (2.) 
 (Champlain, book 2, chapter I.) 
 
 Cape de la ffeve, is a place where there is a bay, where are several islands 
 covered with fir trees, and the main land with oaks, elms and birches. It is on 
 the shore of Acadie in 44 5' lat. (n.) and 16 5' declination of the magnet, 
 distant from Cape Breton (n.e.) 65 leagues. Seven leagues from this, is another
 
 1631. History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 called le Port au mouton, where are two small rivers in 44 minutes latitude. 
 The land is very stony, covered with underwood and bushes. There is a quantity 
 of rabbits and much game on account of the ponds there. Going along the 
 coast there is also a harbor very good for vessels, and the head of it a little river 
 which runs from a distance inland, which I named the port of cape Negre, on 
 account of a rock which at a distance resembles one, which is raised above the 
 water near a cape that we passed the same day, four leagues from it and ten to 
 port au mouton. This cape is very dangerous on account of the rocks around it. 
 The coasts thus far are very low, covered with the same kind of wood as cape dt 
 la ffeve, and the islands all full of game. Going further on we passed a night in 
 Sable bay where vessels can lie at anchor without any fear of danger. Cape 
 Sable, distant two full leagues from Sable bay, is also very dangerous for certain 
 rocks and reefs lying out a mile almost to sea. Thence one goes on the isle aux cor- 
 morants, a league distant, so called on account of the infinite number there of these 
 birds,with whose eggs we filled a cask, (barrique) and from this island making west- 
 wardly about six leagues, crossing a bay which runs in two or three leagues to the 
 northward, we meet several islands, two or three leagues to sea, which may contain 
 some two others three leagues and others less according to my judgment. They 
 are mostly very dangerous for large vessels to come close to, on account of the 
 great tides and rocks level with the water. These islands are filled with pine 
 trees, firs, birches, and aspens. A little further on are four others. In one there 
 is so great a quantity of birds called tangue^(x, that they may be easily knocked 
 down with a stick. In another there are seals. In two others there is such an 
 abundance of birds of different kinds, that without having seen them could not be. 
 imagined, such as cormorants, ducks of three kinds, geese, marmettcs, bustards,. 
 pcrroquets de mer, snipes, vultures, and other birds of prey, mauves, sea larks of: 
 two or three kinds, herons, goillants, curlews, sea gulls, divers, kites, appotls,. 
 crows, cranes, and other sorts, which make their nests there. I gave them the 
 name of the Seal islands, (isles aux loup marins.) They are in 43 yj (n.)' 
 latitude, distant from the main land or cape Sable four or five leagues. Thence 
 we go on to a cape which I called the port Fourchu, (Forked harbor) inasmuch as 
 its figure is so, being five or six leagues distant from Seal islands. This harbor 
 (Yarmouth ?) is very good for vessels in its entrance but further up it is almost 
 all dry at low tide with the exception of the course of a small river, all surrounded 
 by meadows which renders the place very agreeable. The codfishery is good 
 about this harbor. Running ten or twelve leagues northward you find: no harbor 
 for vessels, but many coves and fine bays, with land very suitable for culture. 
 The woods are fine, but pines and firs are scarce. This shore is very safe, without 
 islands, rocks, or sand banks, so that in my opinion vessels may go there in con- 
 fidence. (This seems to be the N. E. Shore of St. Mary's bay.) Being a quarter 
 of a league from the shore, I was at an island called Long Island, which lies N. 
 N. E., and S. S. W., which makes the passage to enter the great French Bay, so 
 named by the sieur de Monts (bay of Fundy.) This island is six leagues long and 
 is in some places near one league wide, and in others only a quarter of a league. 
 It is filled with quantities of woods, such as pines and birches. All its shore is 
 bordered with very dangerous rocks, and there is no place suitable for vessels, 
 but at the end of the island some little retreats for shallops, and three or four 
 rocky islets, where the savages catch plenty of seals. The tides cun strongly 
 there, and chiefly at the little passage of the island, which rs very dangerous for 
 
 6
 
 82 History of Nova-Scotia. 1631. 
 
 vessels that choose to risk its passage. From Long island passage, two leagues 
 N. E., there is a cove where vessels may anchor in safety, which is about a quar- 
 ter of a league in circuit. The bottom is mud, the land is bordered with high 
 rocks. In this place there is a mine of very good silver, according to a report of 
 a miner called master Simon, who was with me. Some leagues further on is also 
 a little river, named du Boulai, where the sea runs half a league inland, at the 
 entrance of which vessels of 100 tons may freely approach. A quarter of a league 
 from this there is a good harbor for vessels, where we found an iron mine, which 
 the miner judged would produce 50 per cent. Going three leagues further to the 
 N. E. there is another very good iron mine, near which is a river environed by 
 fine and agreeable meadows. The soil around is red as blood. Some leagues 
 further on there is yet another river, which is dry at low tide, except its course, 
 which is very small, which goes near Port Royal. At the upper end (fond) of 
 this bay, there is a channel which is dry at low water, around which are a number 
 of meadows and lands good for cultivation, always filled with a quantity of fine 
 trees of all the kinds I have mentioned above. This bay may have from Long 
 island to its head (fond] about six leagues. All the shore of the mines is pretty 
 high land, separated into capes, which appear round, projecting a little into the 
 sea. On the other side of the bay to the South-east, the lands are low and good, 
 where there is a very good harbor, and at its entrance a bar (or sand bank) which 
 must be passed, which has at low water one fathom and a half, which being pas- 
 sed, there is three fathoms with a good bottom. (Weymouth ?) Between the two 
 points of the harbor there is an islet of pebbles, covered over at full tide. This 
 harbor runs half a league inland. The tide falls there three fathoms, and there is 
 abundance of shell fish, such as muscles, coques ef bregaux. The soil is one of the 
 best I have seen, and I named the place le port Saincte Marguerite, All this south 
 east coast is lower than that of the mines, which are only one league and a half 
 from the coast of port Ste. Marguerite, the width of the bay, which is three 
 leagues wide at its entrance. I took the height (of the sun} at this place, and 
 found it 45 degrees and a half (should it be 44 30' ?) and a little over of (N.) Lati- 
 tude, and 17 16 declination of the compass. This bay was named la bait 
 Saincte Marie, (St. Mary's bay.) 
 
 CHAPTER 2, 
 
 .'From Long island passage, sailing to the north east (mettant le cap au nord est) 
 Six leagues, there is a cove where vessels can anchor in 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8 fathoms of 
 water. The bottom is sand. It is but a road. Continuing with the same wind 
 two leagues further, you enter one of the finest harbors to be found on these 
 coasts, where a great number of vessels could lie in safety. The entrance is 825 
 paces wide, and its depth two fathoms. It is two leagues long and one wide. I 
 named it Port Royal. Three rivers fall into it, one on the East, (tirant a VEst)^ 
 called the siver .de FEsquille, which is a little fish of the size of ' un esplan? which 
 are caught there in quantity ; also they catch plenty of herring, and several other 
 kinds of fish, .which are there in abundance in their seasons. This river is near a 
 quarter ot a league .wide at its entrance, where there is an island (Goat island) 
 which is about half a league in circumference, filled with wood like the rest of the 
 s.oil, as pines, firs., p.r.u<hes, birches, aspens, and some oaks which are in small 
 numbers among the qthej .trees. There are two entrances to the said river, one
 
 1631. History of Nova-Scotia. 83 
 
 on the North and the other on the South of the island. That on the north is the 
 best, where vessels can lie at anchor under shelter of the island in 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9 
 fathoms of water ; but care must be taken of some shoals attached to the island 
 and the main, which are very dangerous, if the channel be not noticed. I went 
 fourteen or fifteen leagues up, as far as the tide rises, and about as far as boats can 
 ascend. At this place the stream is sixty paces wide, and is about nine feet deep. 
 The soil of this river is full of plenty of oaks, ash trees, and other wood. From 
 the entrance of the river as far as this place, there are a number of meadows, but 
 they are overflowed in high tides, there being very many small brooks (creeks) 
 which cross from place to place, whereby shallops and boats may reach the full 
 sea. Within the port there is another island near two leagues distant from the 
 first, where there is another small river which goes some distance inland, and 
 which I named the river of Saint Anthony. Its entrance is distant from the upper 
 end of St. Mary's bay about four leagues across the woods. As to the other 
 river, it is only a brook filled with rocks, up which you cannot go for the want of 
 depth of water. This place lies in 45 (N.) Latitude, and the declination of the 
 needle is 17 2'. [He then describes a cape he calls the "cape of two bays," 
 and part of Mines, and mentions Tregate et Misamichy in the gulf of St. Law- 
 rence, (Tracadie and Miramichi), speaks of copper and iron mines ; mentions the 
 river of St. John, which he named so, because he arrived there on St. John's day. 
 The Indians call it Ouygoudy. He describes the harbor, the meadows, woods, 
 vines, &c., above the falls, and says it is 65 leagues from St. John river to 
 Tadoussac.] 
 
 Champlain, vol. I., p. 123. Book I, chapter 8. 
 
 From leaving cape de La fleve until you reach Sesambre, (Sambro), which is an 
 island so called by some Mallouins, fifteen leagues distant from La Heve, there 
 are to be found on the way a quantity of islands, which we have named " the 
 Martyrs," on account of some Frenchmen formerly killed by the Indians. These 
 islands are in general cul de sacs and bays, in one of which there is a river called 
 Sainte Margueritte, seven leagues distant from Sesambre, which is in 44 25' (N.) 
 Latitude, The islands and shores are full of pines, firs, birches, and other infe* 
 rior timber, (meschants bois.) The catch of fish there is abundant, and so is the 
 quantity of birds. From Sesambre we passed a very safe bay, (Chebucto ?) 
 ( UKC bate fort Saine), containing seven or eight leagues, where there are no islands 
 in the route except at the head of it, where there is a small river, and we came to 
 a port eight leagues distant from Sesambre, (steering N. E., \ E.,) good for ves- 
 sels from 100 to 120 tons. At its entrance is an island, which, at low water, is 
 fordable to the main land. We named this place the port of Saincte Heleine, in 
 44 40' (N.) Latitude. [He then mentions "/ baie de toutes isles;" (bay of 
 Islands), Green island river ; port Savalette, called after a Basque shipmaster ; 
 and Canseau. Mentions abundance of raspberries on the islands between port 
 Savalette and Canseau.]
 
 84 History of Nova-Scotia. 1632. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 1632. By the treaty of Saint Germain en Laye, signed 29, 
 March, 1632, Acadie and Cape Breton were restored by Charles 
 the first to the French king Louis 13. Commenting on this 
 event, Charlevoix (v. i.,p. 273) says, " The establishment we " 
 " had then in this island" (Cape Breton) " was of little impor- " 
 "tance. Nevertheless this post, the fort of Quebec, sur-" 
 "rounded by some inferior dwellings and sheds, two or" 
 " three cabins in the island of Montreal perhaps as many at " 
 " Tadoussac and other places on the river St. Lawrence, for " 
 " the convenience of fishery and trading, the beginning of a " 
 " settlement at Three Rivers, and the ruins of Port Royal, " 
 " in these consisted New France, and all the fruit of the " 
 " discoveries of Verazani, Jacques Cartier, Roberval, and " 
 " Champlain, of the great expences of the marquis de la " 
 " Roche and M. de Monts, and of the industry of a great " 
 " number of Frenchmen, which might have made there a " 
 " great establishment, if they had been well conducted." 
 
 In this arrangement of restitution, it is said that an indemnity 
 in money was promised to Sir David Kirk, the captor of Quebec 
 and Port Royal. Williamson, in his history of Maine, v. i., 
 p. 247, says the ministry promised ^5000, and that it was 
 never paid. Another authority speaks of 5000 livres to be 
 paid by the French king. Isaac de Razili, a knight of Malta, 
 commandeur of the isle Bouchard, and commodore of Bretagne, 
 was selected to take possession of Acadie from the English. 
 [Garneau, v. i., /. 167.] De Razilly entered into an agree- 
 ment to proceed to Acadie in a vessel to be furnished by the
 
 1632. History of Nova-Scotia. 85 
 
 crown. He was to receive 10,000 livres ; and, without further 
 charge to the king, to take possession of Port Royal on behalf 
 of the company of New France. This agreement is dated 27, 
 March, 1632, two days previous to the date of the treaty be- 
 tween the two crowns. A commission from the king to him, 
 dated 10 May, 1632, authorized him to cause the Scotch and 
 other subjects of Great Britain to withdraw from the country. 
 The company of New France gave him a grant at Sainte 
 Croix of 12 leagues by 20 in extent, comprising the river and 
 bay. Cardinal Richelieu had fitted out a squadron of six ves- 
 sels of war and four pinnaces, in order to take possession of 
 New France, and de Razilly, a man of judgment and energy, 
 had charge of conducting it to Quebec. On the news of this 
 intended expedition reaching London, the king of England 
 was thereby induced to agree to the terms of restitution alrea- 
 dy mentioned. The family of de Razilly was allied to that of 
 Richelieu, and its members were often employed by the cardi- 
 nal-minister. Claude de Razilly, son of Francis, seigneur de 
 Razilly, des Eaux mesles et Cuon, en Anjou, was a captain in 
 the French royal navy, and became subsequently commandant 
 in the isle d'Oleron, chef d' Es cadre, and finally vice admiral, 
 Isaac de Razilly, knight commander of St. John of Jerusalem, 
 [i Ferland, Canada, p. 261.] He was also a captain in the 
 navy, and distinguished himself under the orders of admiral de 
 St. Luc, at Rochelle, in 1621. He was made chef d'Escadre 
 in Br^tagne in 1629. 
 
 The Recollets, (friars), of the province of Aquitaine, who had 
 been driven from Acadie five years before by the English, 
 were invited by de Razilly to return to their old mission, 
 which they did in 1633. When de Razilly came out to Acadie 
 it is to be presumed that he took formal possession of the 
 country, but we have no details on this subject. He had, it is 
 supposed, under him as lieutenants or commandants, I. Charles 
 de Menou, seigneur d ' Aulnay de Charnisay, who was his rela- 
 tion ; and, 2. Charles Amador de la Tour, who, having declined 
 the temptations of land and rank offered on behalf of Sir Wil- 
 liam Alexander, had preserved only his fief of cape Sable. 
 
 We find that about this period the French, no longer assail-
 
 86 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 ed, appear to have suddenly become the assailants. Thus in 
 
 1631 the French sent a vessel to Penobscot, where the people 
 of New Plymouth had set up a trading house in 1627; and in 
 
 1632 another French vessel went there and pillaged the tra- 
 ding house of effects to the value of $oo. That on another 
 occasion they visited the same place, having " a false Scot" as 
 he is called, on board, and, after taking arms, left a message 
 for the chiefs of the establishment who were absent, " that 
 " the visit had been made by gentlemen of the isle of Rhe," and 
 in the same year, 1632, a French man of war, sent by the com- 
 mander of a French fort at Laheve, called Rossillon, (Razilly), 
 went to Penobscot, (Pentagoet), and took possession of the 
 trading house and all the goods. Two of the English were 
 killed. The French gave bills for the goods, and sent away 
 the men. The commander notified the governor of Plymouth 
 that he had orders to displace the English as far as Pemaquid. 
 The French fortified the place at Penobscot, (Pentagoet), beat 
 off an attack, and held it until 1654, (or 1664.) [i Hutchin- 
 soris Massachusetts, pp. 28, 29, 30, 46, 128. As the French 
 claimed at this time as far as the river Kennebec, as part of 
 Acadie, it is probable that de Razilly would not hesitate to 
 adopt force in regaining possession ; and if the dates are cor- 
 rect, then de Razilly had gone to Laheve to form a settlement 
 and erect a fort in 1632, in the first year of his residence. 
 
 In 1634, the company of New France granted (15 January), 
 to Claude de Razilly, brother of the commandeur, the fort and 
 settlement of Port Royal in Acadie, the isle of Sable, and the 
 fort and settlement of Laheve. [Paris mss. & i Ferland, 251.] 
 Isaac de Razilly, who commanded in chief, as lieutenant gene- 
 ral for the king, fixed his residence at Laheve, established a 
 company to carry on the fisheries, brought out settlers, and 
 gave them lands in that region. At the time of his death, 
 which appears to have occurred in 1636, he is said to 
 have already settled forty families of cultivators there. In 
 1635, a crew of Connecticut mariners, who had been wrecked 
 on the isle of Sable, were treated with great humanity 
 by de Razilly, who then resided at Laheve, and who got 
 them conveyance to their homes, [i Williamson^ Maine, /.
 
 1 63 5. History of Nova-Scotia. 87 
 
 263.] It was about this time that captain Girling, with the 
 Hope of Ipswich, a ship of some force, and another vessel, 
 attacked the French at Penobscot, but without success. 
 D'aulnay, who commanded there, having received the wrecked 
 Englishmen sent by Razilly from Laheve, said he would keep 
 them there, unless Girling departed, and thus induced Girling 
 to remove his vessels. The French held Penobscot until 1664. 
 [i Williamson, Maine, 263, 264.] Razilly is said to have ap- 
 pointed d'Aulnay his commandant in the west of Acadie, and 
 Latour in the east, [i Hutchinson, Mass., 128.] Nicolas 
 Denys, who was afterwards in 1654 made governor in the gulph 
 of St. Lawrence and the islands from cape Canseau to cape 
 Rosiers, came here in the suite of the commandeur de Razilly, 
 with his brother Denys de Vitr6. Nicolas Denys was a man of 
 enterprize. In partnership with de Razilly and a merchant of 
 Auray, in Bretagne, he established a shore fishery at port 
 Rossignol, now Liverpool, Nova Scotia. 
 
 15 January, 1635. The company of New France made a 
 grant to Charles de Saint Etienne, sieur de la Tour, lieutenant 
 general for the king on the coasts of Acadie, in New France, 
 stating that they had been apprized of his zeal for the catholic, 
 apostolic and Roman religion, and for the service of his ma- 
 jesty. They accordingly grant to him " the fort and habita- " 
 " tion of Latour, situate on the river of St. John, in New " 
 " France, between the 45th and 46th degrees of latitude, " 
 " with the lands next adjacent thereto in the extent of five " 
 " leagues below along the said river, by ten leagues in depth " 
 " inland, the whole according to the bounds which shall be " 
 " assigned." This grant was in full property, justice and seig- 
 neurie, held of Quebec, &c. The tenure is perpetual, in nearly 
 the same terms as the grant of Ste. Croix in 1632 to de Razilly. 
 It contains a clause against alienation for ten years, unless 
 with consent of the company. After that period it may be 
 conveyed to any persons capable, and professing the catholic, 
 apostolic and Roman faith. It would seem that Charles Latour 
 at this time was considered as reconciled to Rome. 
 
 The Jesuits are said to have established a mission at Ste. 
 Anne, cape Breton, and another at St. Charles, Miscou, in
 
 88 History of Nova-Scotia. 1636. 
 
 1634. [i Ferland,p. 267.] De Razilly built a fort at Laheve, 
 on a hillock of land of three or four acres, surrounded by two 
 rivers and the fond du port de la Hh?e, (head of the harbor.) 
 
 25 January, 1636, a grant was made to of the habi- 
 tation called " le vieux logis" the old dwelling, at Pentacouet, 
 to the extent of ten leagues in width by ten leagues deep, 
 inland. [This grant is mentioned in the arret du conseil 
 d'6tat, in 1703, Paris mss., but the grantee is not named ; but 
 in an abstract, or mfrnoire, he is said to be Claude de St. 
 Etienne, the father of Claude de la Tour. Possibly Claude de 
 Razilly was the grantee. As Pentagoet was in the posses- 
 sion of d'Aulnay after Isaac de Razilly was dead and the 
 English were expelled, one might suppose it had been granted 
 to Razilly. It has occurred to me that there might have been 
 conflicting claims between d'Aulnay and the Latours as to the 
 ownership of Pentagoet, and this would account for their ori- 
 ginal quarrel, and for Latour's asking aid from Boston to 
 remove d'Aulnay from that place.] 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER X. 
 
 I. Treaty of St. Germain en Laye, 29 March, 1632, Article 3. De la part de sa 
 majeste de la Grande Bretagne, le dit sieur ambassadeur en vertu du pouvoir 
 qu'il a, lequel sera insere a la fin de ces presentes, a promis et promet pour et au 
 nom de sa dite majeste de rendre et restituer tons les lieux occupees en la Nouvelle 
 France, la Cadie, et Canada, par les sujets de sa majeste de la Grande Bretagne, 
 ceux faire retirer des dits lieux ; Et pour cet effet, le dit sieur ambassadeur 
 delivera, lors de la passation et signature des presentes, aux commissaires du 
 roi tres Chretien, en bonne forme, le pouvoir qu'il a de sa majeste de la Grande 
 Bretagne pour la restitution des dits lieux ensemble les commandemens de sa dite 
 majeste a tous ceux, qui commandent dans le Port Royal, Fort de Quebec, et 
 cap Breton, pour etre les dites places et fort rendus et remis es mains de ceux 
 qu'il plaira a sa Majeste Chretienne ordonner, &c. Article 3. The said Mr. 
 ambassador on the part of his Majesty of Great Britain, by virtue of the power, 
 which he has, which shall be inserted at the end of these presents, has promised 
 and does promise for and in the name of his said Majesty to give up and restore 
 all the places in New France, La Cadie and Canada, occupied by the subjects of 
 his Majesty of Great Britain, and to make them withdraw from the said places ;
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 89 
 
 and for this purpose, the said Mr. Ambassador shall deliver, on the passing and 
 signing of these presents, to the commissaries of the most Christian king, in 
 good form, the power which he has from his majesty of Great Britain for the 
 restitution of the said places, together with the orders of his said majesty to all 
 those who command in Port Royal, the fort of Quebec and cape Breton, for the 
 giving up and surrendering of the said places and fort in the hands of those whom 
 it shall please his Christian majesty to appoint, &c. 
 
 2. Acadie, Samedi, 27 Mars, 1632. Convention avec le Sieur de Razilly pour 
 aller recevoir la restitution des mains des Anglois, et en mettre en possession la 
 compagnie de la nouvelle France, acte passe au chateau de St. Germain en Laye. 
 Messire Isaac de Razilly, commandeur de 1'ordre de St. Jean, de Jerusalem, charge* 
 d'aller recevoir la restitution qui n'a pas encore faite du pays de la nouvelle France, 
 dit Canada, nommement le Port Royal, cote de 1' Acadie, usurpe par les Anglois 
 et Ecossais depuis le traite de Suze, et ou le Roi veut etablir la compagnie, formee 
 par son ordre. Le cardinal fera delivrer dans le 20 du mois d'Avril prochain au 
 port de Morbihan, le vaisseau nomme 1'Esperance en dieu, franc, cinglant, pret 
 a recevoir sa charge, arme de ses canons, pierriers, poudre et boulets, et le 
 somme de dix milles livres comptant, au moyen de quoi, sans qu'il en coute autre 
 chose au Roi, le sieur de Razilly mettra en possession du dit Port Royal la dite 
 compagnie de la Nouvelle France, equipera avec la dite vaisseau une patache du 
 port au moins de cent tonneaux armee a ses frais, et fera aussi a ses frais toute la 
 depense, tant de la solde, que victuailles des hommes de 1'equipage des dits vais- 
 seaux, sur lesquels il passera trois capucins et le nombre d'hommes que lui et la 
 dite compagnie de la Nouvelle France jugeront & propos, avec les victuailles et les 
 munitions que la dite compagnie estimera necessaires, a condition qu'il renverra 
 cette annee le dit vaisseau de 1'Esperance en Dieu, dans le port de Brest avec les 
 autres vaisseaux du Roi. Car ainsi promettant et s'obligeant et renoncant, &c. 
 
 Acadie, Saturday, 27 March, 1632. Agreement with M. de Razilly, to go and 
 receive restitution at the hands of the English, and put the company of New 
 France in possession of it. Act passed at the castle of St. Germain en Laye. 
 Messire Isaac de Razilly, commander of the order of St. John of Jerusalem, 
 employed to go and to receive the restitution, 'which has not yet been made of the 
 country of New France, called Canada, particularly Port Royal, coast of Acadie, 
 usurped by the English and Scotch since the treaty of Suza, and where the king 
 wishes to establish the company, formed by his order. The Cardinal shall cause 
 to be delivered on the 2Oth of the month of April next, at the port of Morbihan, 
 the vessel called the " L'esperance en dieu " (the hope in God,) free and in sailing 
 order, ready to receive her cargo, armed with her guns, swivels, powder and shot, 
 and the sum of 10,000 livres in ready money ; by means whereof, without its cost- 
 ing the king any thing further, the sieur de Razilly shall put the said company of 
 New France in possession of Port Royal, shall equip with the said vessel a pin- 
 nace of the burthen of at least 100 tons, armed at his own expense, and shall 
 defray at his own expense, all the expense as well of the pay as of the provisions 
 for the men forming the crews of the said vessel, on which (vessels) he shall carry 
 out three capuchins and such a number of men as he and the said company of 
 New France shall judge to be proper, with the provisions and ammunition which 
 the said company shall esteem necessary : on condition that he shall send back 
 this year the said vessel the " L'esperance en dieu " to the port of Brest, with the 
 other vessels of the king. For thus promising, binding himself, renouncing, &c.
 
 go History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 3. Commission du Sr. de Razilly, 10 Mai, 1632. Sur ce qu'il a ete accorde 
 entre les commissaires deputes par Louis XIII. et le sieur Wake, ambassadeur de 
 son tres cher et tres ami bon frere et beau frere, cousin et ancien allie le roi de la 
 tres grande Bretagne, que les places de Quebec, Port Royal et cap Breton, pris 
 par les Anglais et Ecossais sur les sujets de Roi Louis XIII. depuis le traite de 
 paix fait entre lui et le roi d'Angleterre le 24. Avril 1629, seroient restitutees, 
 commet le Sr. de Razilly, pour faire retirer les Ecossais et autres sujets de la 
 Grande Bretagne. Donne a St. Germain en Laye, 1'an 1632, de son regne le 
 23. Scelle de cire jaune. Par le Roi, Bouthillier. 
 
 Commission of le Sr. de Razilly, 10 May, 1632. It having been agreed on 
 between the commissaries (or commissioners) deputed by Louis 13, and Mr. Wake, 
 ambassador of his very dear and very friend, brother and brother-in-law, cousin 
 and ancient ally, the king of the very great Britain, that the places of Quebec, 
 Port Royal and cape Breton, taken by the English and Scotch from the subjects 
 of king Louis 13, since the treaty of peace made between him and the king of 
 England the 24th April 1629, shall be restored, commissions le Sr. de Razilly to 
 make the Scotch and other subjects of Great Britain withdraw. Given at St. 
 Germain en Laye, the year 1632, of his reign the 23d. (Sealed with yellow wax.) 
 By the king. Bouthillier. 
 
 4. La Sr. de Razilly qu'en outre de sa commission Mgr. Bouthillier lui on a 
 delivre une autre de pareille teneur, le nom en blanc, en cas qui'l ne put aller lui 
 meme executer ce qui lui est ordonne. II fera alors remplir le blanc du nom 
 d'une personne agreable a sa Majeste et capable. Fait a Paris, le 12 me de Mai 
 1632. Signe, le commandeur de Razilly. 
 
 Monseigneur Bouthillier had delivered to M. de Razilly, besides his commission, 
 another of like tenor, the name left blank. In case he cannot go himself to exe- 
 cute what he is ordered, he will then fill up the blank with the name of a person 
 agreeable to his Majesty and capable. Done at Paris, the I2th of May, 1632. 
 Signed, " the commander de Razilly. 
 
 5. 22 Aout 1632. Mgr. Bouthillier, conseiller, secretaire d'etat et des com- 
 mandements du Roy a remis au chevalier de Razilly pour prendre possession du 
 Port Royal en Acadie. i. Une lettre patente du Roi de la Grande Bretagne en 
 latin du 4, du mois de Juillet 1631, sous le cachet de 1'Encosse pour la restitution 
 du Port Royal en 1'etat qu'il etait lors de la prise d'icelui. 2. Un commande- 
 ment du dit Roy a ses sujets etant dans le Port Royal pour la demolition et 
 delaissement de la place. 3. Et une lettre du chevalier Alexandre au capitaine 
 Andros Forrester commandant au dit Port Royal, tendante a meme fin. 
 
 22d August, 1632. Monseigneur Bouthillier, secretary of state, and of the 
 king's commands, has sent tofthe chevalier de Razilly, for taking possession of 
 Port Royal, in Acadie. ist. Letters patent of the king of Great Britain, in Latin, 
 of 4 July, 1631, under the seal of Scotland, for the restitution of Port Royal, in 
 the state it was in at the time of its capture. 2nd. An order of the said king to 
 his subjects being in Port Royal, for the demolition and abandonment of the 
 place. 3rd. And a letter of the chevalier Alexandre to captain Andros Forrester, 
 commander at said Port Royal, tending to the same end. 
 
 6. In the report of the English and French commissaries, p. 707, is a grant 
 from the company of New France, dated 19 May, 1632, " to monsieur comman- " 
 " deur de Razilly, lieutenant general for the king in New France." By this docu- 
 ment the company granted to Razilly " the extent of the lands and countries "
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 91 
 
 ' following, that is to say, the river and bay Sainte Croix, the islands therein " 
 " contained, and the adjacent lands on each side, in New France, to the extent " 
 "of twelve leagues in width, taking the middle point of the isle of St. Croix, " 
 " where the sieur de Monts wintered, and twenty leagues in depth from the " 
 " port aux Coquilles, which is one of the islands of the mouth of the river and " 
 " bay of Sainte Croix, each league to be of 4000 livres" (fathoms) " long, to " 
 " enjoy the said places by the said sieur Razilly, and his successors having " 
 " cause, in all property, justice and seigneurie for ever, as fully and with the same " 
 " rights as the king has pleased to grant to the said company of New France." 
 The tenure is faith and homage only at the fort of St. Louis, at Quebec, or else- 
 where, as the company may appoint, with an ounce of gold, and one year's reser- 
 ved rent on each change of ownership. The appeals from any judge appointed by 
 the seigneur to be to St. Louis, or elsewhere, &c. 
 
 7. 14 June, 1633, viscount Stirling (sir William Alexander) was created, by 
 Charles the first, earl of Stirling, viscount of Canada, &c. 
 
 De Montmagny was appointed governor of Canada in 1636,
 
 92 History of Nova-Scotia. 1638. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 1638. After the death of the commandeur Isaac de Razilly, 
 which is supposed to have occurred in 1636, his property 
 devolved on his brother Claude de Razilly, captain in the 
 French navy, who subsequently, in 1642, transferred all 
 the estates of his late brother, and those held by himself, in 
 Acadie, to M. d'Aulnay Charnisay. [i Charlevoix, 196, and 
 Paris mss.] In 1637, Charles de la Tour and dAulnay Char- 
 nisay were both holders of large interests in Acadie. The 
 former held fort Louis at cape Sable, fort Latour on the river 
 St. John, &c., while d'Aulnay probably had already bargained 
 for Port Royal, Laheve, and St. Croix, with his connection 
 Claude de Razilly. Both Latour and d'Aulnay were in some 
 measure royal governors. Latour under his commission in 
 1631, which does not seem to have been revoked, and d'Aul- 
 nay as successor to Isaac de Razilly, who had employed him 
 as commandant in Western Acadie, and Latour in the Eastern 
 parts. Discords now arose between d'Aulnay and Latour. 
 The former seems to have been a connection and dependant 
 of the great cardinal Richelieu, who was then in the zenith of 
 his power and prosperity, and of whom it was said that after 
 his death, (which took place 4 Dec., 1642), the court was as 
 submissive to his wishes as it had been during his life : his 
 relations and creatures enjoying all the dignities and all the 
 favors he had procured for them. Rochefoucault mem. cited 
 i. de Larrey, hist. 16. It will be seen that Latour proved the 
 least successful in these contests, his adversary not only pos- 
 sessing energy and many resources, but being supported by 
 such powerful influences in France.
 
 1638. History of Nova-Scotia. 93 
 
 Their differences having been under the consideration of 
 the French government, a royal letter was addressed to M. 
 d'Aulnay, dated 10 February, 1638, as follows: "Monsieur" 
 " d'Aulnay Charnisay. Wishing that there should be a good " 
 " understanding between you and the sieur de la Tour, and " 
 " that the limits of the places where you have each to com- " 
 " mand may not be a subject of controversy between you, I " 
 " have'thought fit to inform you particularly of my intentions " 
 " respecting the extent of those places, which is under the " 
 " authority which I have given to my cousin the cardinal " 
 " duke of Richelieu, over all the lands lately discovered by " 
 "means of navigation, of which he is superintendant. You" 
 " shall be my lieutenant general on the. coast of Etchemins, " 
 " beginning from the middle of the terra firma of the French " 
 " bay, (probably Chignecto), " thence towards Virginia, and " 
 " governor of Pentagoet, and that the charge of the sieur de " 
 " la Tour, my lieutenant general on the coast of Acadie, shall " 
 " be from the middle of the French bay to the strait of Can- " 
 " seau. So you are not empowered to change any arrange- " 
 " ments in the settlement on the river St. John, made by the " 
 " said sieur de la Tour, who will direct his economy and his " 
 " people according to his judgment : and the said sieur de la " 
 " Tour shall not attempt to change any thing in the settle- " 
 " ments of Laheve and Port Royal, nor in the ports thereto " 
 " belonging. As to the trade of truck or barter, the same " 
 " course shall be continued as was in the lifetime of comman- " 
 " deur de Razilly. You will redouble your care for the pre- " 
 " servation of the places within the bounds of your authority, " 
 " and especially to take exact care that no foreigners shall " 
 " settle within the countries and coasts of New France, " 
 " whereof the kings, my predecessors, have taken possession " 
 " in their own names. You shall give me an account, as " 
 " soon as possible, of the state of affairs there, and particu- " 
 " larly under what pretext, and with what avowed purpose, " 
 " and under what commissions, certain foreigners have intro- " 
 " duced themselves, and formed settlements on the said " 
 " coasts, in order that I may provide for and send you the " 
 " necessary orders on this subject by the first vessels that "
 
 94 History of Nova-Scotia. 1639-40. 
 
 " shall go to your quarters. Wherefore I pray God may have " 
 " you, monsieur d'Aulnay Charnisay, in his holy keeping. " 
 "Written at St. Germain en Laye, 10 Feb'y., 1638." Signed 
 "Louis," and below " Bouthillier." Directed to "monsieur" 
 " d'Aulnay Charnisay, commandant of the forts of Laheve, " 
 " Port Royal, Pentagoet, and the coasts of the Etchemins, in " 
 " New France." The French original of the foregoing letter 
 is printed by the English and French commissaries, in their 
 memorials, pp. 711, 712. At this period it would appear that 
 Latour was permanently settled at the mouth of the river St. 
 John. As it was decided in 1630 to form an establishment 
 there, to be under command of Latour the elder, while Charles 
 was to command still at cape Sable, while Claude was said 
 by Denys to be at the latter place in 1635, we may suppose 
 the St. John settlement was now deemed the more important 
 one, and that Charles de la Tour made it his principal resi- 
 dence. It is said that he raised fortifications there on the west 
 side of the harbor, near the part of the city now called Carle- 
 ton. This was called fort Latour. Latour's government 
 then comprised the peninsula of Acadie. Charles de Menou, 
 sieur d'Aulnay Charnisay, was settled at Pentagoet, (at a 
 place now known as major Biguyduce point, in Castine), 
 and his government comprised the shores of New Brunswick 
 and Maine, from Chignecto (in Cumberland) to Pemaquid, on 
 the Kennebec. [ I Williamson, Maine, 308.] The settlements 
 of Port Royal and Laheve, possessed by d'Aulnay, were within 
 the government of Latour, while Latour's settlement and fort 
 on the St. John came within the limits of d'Aulnay's govern- 
 ment. 
 
 In this year, 1638, earthquakes were felt throughout New 
 England from the ist to the 2ist June. In Canada an earth- 
 quake was observed nth June. At this time Boston was a 
 village of about 20 or 30 houses. I Ferland's Canada, p. 293. 
 
 1639. The alleged charter of novodamtts, in favor of lord 
 Stirling, giving the title and estates to his heirs general, (which 
 was deemed a forgery by the tribunals), bears date 7 Decem- 
 ber, 1639. 
 
 1640. Charles de la Tour visited Quebec in 1640, as is
 
 1641. History of Nova-Scotia. 95 
 
 ascertained by his then becoming sponsor for a boy called 
 Charles Atnador Martin. Abraham Martin, dit rEcossais, 
 (called the Scotchman), a pilot of the river St. Lawrence, was 
 owner of the plains of Abraham. He had a son, Eustache, 
 whose baptism is the earliest on the registry at Quebec in 
 1621. Charles Amador Martin was the only son who survived 
 Abraham, and became remarkable for his happy disposition 
 and for musical talents. He was the second Canadian ordained 
 a priest was a member of the seminary of Foreign missions 
 at Quebec, and a canon of the cathedral. 
 
 1641. The differences between d'Aulnay and Latour con- 
 tinued, and it appears that the former made his cause appear 
 the better one at court, where he succeeded in obtaining the 
 following order, which is printed in French in the memorials 
 of the English and French commissaries, pp. 712, 713 : 
 
 " 13 February, 1641." 
 " Monsieur d'Aulnay Charnisay." 
 
 " I send an order to the sieur de la Tour, by an express " 
 " letter, to embark and come to me as soon as he receives it, " 
 " which if he should fail to obey, I order you to seize his per- " 
 " son, and to make a faithful inventory of all that belongs to " 
 " him, a copy of which you will send here. For this purpose " 
 " you will employ all the means and forces you can, and you " 
 " will put the forts that are in his hands in those of persons " 
 " faithful and well disposed to my service, who may answer " 
 " for the same. This letter having no further object, I pray " 
 " God, monsieur d'Aulnay Charnisay, to have you in his holy " 
 "keeping. Written at St. Germain en Laye, the I3th Feb-" 
 "ruary, 1641. Signed "Louis;" lower down " Bouthillier ; " 
 endorsed " To monsieur d'Aulnay Charnisay." On the 23rd 
 February, 1641, the king in council revoked the commission 
 of governor held by Charles de la Tour, dated 1 1 February, 
 1631, on the ground of alleged misconduct ; and 28 Feb. 1641, 
 an order was made for Latour to come home to France to 
 answer for his proceedings. On the 16 August, 1641, Mathieu 
 Capon, commis au greffe de la justice et police du pays d'Aca- 
 die, (clerk in the office of secretary of justice and police of 
 Acadie), by authority of sieur d'Aulnay Charnisay, informs
 
 g6 History of Nova-Scotia. 1641-42. 
 
 against Latour, on complaints of inhabitants of Port Royal. 
 Returns of the date 22 August, 1641, testify that Eatour had 
 refused to embark in the St. Francis, sent out express to bring 
 him home. Paris mss. Latour attributed the order for his 
 arrest to false reports against him, and retired to his fort at 
 St. John, resolved to defend himself there with energy. Having 
 been brought up in the country by a huguenot father, and in 
 the midst of the aborigines, he sought for and found friends and 
 support among the Souriquois, (Micmacs), among the protest- 
 ants of Rochelle, and even among the puritans of New England, 
 [i Ferland, 342.] Latour is said to have had some partnership 
 or interests in trade, by which he was connected with major 
 Gibbons, of Boston, and looking for assistance in that direction 
 in November, 1641, he sent M. Rochette, (or Rochet), a pro- 
 testant of Rochelle, to the town of Boston, to propose to the 
 English of that province to unite with him in attacking d'Aul- 
 nay in his fort at Pentagoet, his chief trading settlement, where 
 he had retired at that time. He also proposed that a free 
 trade should be carried on between New England and Acadie, 
 but as Rochette did not exhibit such credentials as were 
 deemed necessary, the governor and council at Boston decli- 
 ned to enter into any treaty, and Rochette retired, [i Hutch., 
 128. I Ferlarid, 348.] 
 
 1642. An order passed Feb. 21, 1642, directing d'Aulnay 
 to seize Latour's forts, &c. About the same time d'Aulnay 
 obtained a transfer in his favor of all the estates of the former 
 governor the commandeur Isaac de Razilly, deceased, within 
 the province of Acadie, by deeds from Claude de Razilly, the 
 brother and heir of Isaac, dated 16 January, 1642, by which 
 all his right in the company of New France, and all the pro- 
 perty his brother held in Acadie, were conveyed to d'Aulnay, 
 the latter binding himself to pay 14,000 livres as the price, 
 within seven years. [Paris mss., i Garneau, 167.] D'Aulnay 
 was in France this year, as we find in the Paris mss. that 
 " Charles de Menou, seigneur d'Aulnay Charnizay, governor " 
 " and lieutenant general for the king in all the coasts of" 
 " Acadie, &c., being present at Paris, lodging in the house of" 
 " M. de Charnizay, his father, 16 rue de Crenelle, in the house "
 
 1 64 1 -4 2. History of Nova-Scotia. 97 
 
 " which has for a sign the fleur de lys, near the olive tree, " 
 makes and constitutes his father " messire Ren de Menou, " 
 " chevalier, seigneur de Charnizay, councillor of the king in " 
 "his state and private councils," attorney for his property, 
 real and personal, &c. &c., before messieurs Platrier and 
 Chappelain, notaries, date 8 March, 1642 ; and on the 27 July, 
 1642, the said sieur Rene" substitutes M. Louis Adam, advo- 
 cate in parliament, as procurator fiscal of the lands of the said 
 sieur d'Aulnay. The chevalier Rene" de Charnizay is said to 
 have been a powerful protector at court for his son. 
 
 On the 6 October, 1642, there came to Boston a shallop sent 
 by Latour, with his lieutenant and fourteen men, and letters full 
 of compliments, desiring aid to remove d'Aulnay from Penta- 
 goet, and renewing his former proposal for a free trade. They 
 returned without any assurance of the aid requested ; but 
 some merchants of Boston sent a pinnace after them to trade 
 with Latour at the river St. John. On their return they 
 brought letters to the governor at Boston, in which full state- 
 ments were contained of the controversy between d'Aulnay 
 and Latour. On their way they stopped at Pemaquid, and 
 found d'Aulnay there on a visit. He also wrote by them to 
 the governor at Boston, and sent him a printed copy of an 
 arret (judgment) he had obtained from France against Latour, 
 and threatened to capture any vessels that should go to Latour. 
 [i Hutchinson, Mass., 128]
 
 98 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 1643. Hitherto the only hostilities we have noticed in this 
 part of New France had their origin in the jealous rivalry of 
 the two nations, whose old contests in Europe were continued 
 on a smaller scale in America. We have now to observe two 
 distinguished chiefs, of French birth, engage in a relentless, 
 cruel and mischievous conflict for power in a land as yet, ex- 
 cept in a few isolated spots, an unreclaimed wilderness. While 
 in Canada, French courage was displayed in defence against 
 the most hostile and dangerous of the savage nations, and occa- 
 sionally in resistance to the English, the wilds of Acadie wit- 
 nessed the fratricidal disputes of Frenchman with Frenchman. 
 The circumstances which gave rise to the quarrel of Latour and 
 d'Aulnay, and the causes which embittered their struggle, are 
 not sufficiently explained to us by the records that remain, to 
 enable us safely to measure out to each of these combatants 
 his just allotment of praise or of censure. The loyalty of 
 Charles Latour in 1630, when he resisted the persuasions of a 
 beloved father and the alluring temptations of power and rank, 
 remaining so truly faithful to his nation and its sovereign, give 
 us a high opinion of his original qualities of heart and intel- 
 lect His perseverance in adhering to the country in the most 
 discouraging period after Argal's raids and Kirk's invasion 
 living among the native Indians, and afterwards succeeding in 
 founding forts and settlements, his services under Razilly 
 after 1632, and indeed all the facts to the time of the discord in 
 1638 convey impressions in his favor. Then we find him sud- 
 denly condemned to arrest and spoliation on some charges made
 
 1643- History of Nova-Scotia. 99 
 
 against him, which we may conclude had small foundation, as 
 no specific offence is once mentioned. The presumption seems 
 strong that the influence of d' Aulnay at court turned the scale 
 against Latour, and not the weight of his offences. The losses 
 and sufferings which Latour afterwards underwent also incline 
 our sympathies in his favor. 
 
 [Louis 13 died 14 May, 1643 J Louis 14 born in 1638, being 
 then 4 years and 8 months old.] But to return to the narra- 
 tive of events in the province. 
 
 1643. Early in the spring of 1643, d' Aulnay, with two ships 
 and four small craft, and with five hundred men, attacked and 
 blockaded Latour's fort and settlement at the river St. John. 
 Latour and his garrison were thus reduced to a very difficult 
 position. To aggravate their distress, a ship, laden with suc- 
 cors, which they had expected, and for want of which they 
 were then suffering, arrived off the harbor. She had 140 
 emigrants on board, among whom were two friars. Her mas- 
 ter and crew belonged to Rochelle. Latour perceived that 
 she could not pass the blockading squadron. He therefore 
 resolved to leave the garrison himself, and entrust the defence 
 of the place to his companions. Accordingly, he and his wife, 
 in the night of June 12, 1643, escaped to the ship and pro- 
 ceeded in her to Boston, [i Hutch^ 129.] They took a pilot 
 out of a Boston vessel they met on the passage. On entering 
 Boston harbor they saw a boat, in which were the lady and 
 family of Mr. Gibbons, who were going by water to his farm. 
 One of the Frenchmen who had been entertained at her 
 house, recognized the lady ; and a boat having been manned, 
 with the intention of inviting her to come on board of the 
 French vessel, she became alarmed and fled to Governor's 
 island. The Frenchmen followed her thither, and at the island 
 they found the governor Winthrop and his family, who were 
 all greatly surprised, and so was the whole English colony 
 when they heard the news. The town of Boston was so 
 alarmed, that they all immediately armed themselves, and 
 three shallops, filled with armed men, were sent to guard the 
 governor home. Had Latour been an enemy, he might not 
 only have secured the governor's person, but also have taken
 
 ioo History of Nova-Scotia. 1643. 
 
 possession of the castle, which was opposite to the island, 
 there not being a single man there at the time to defend it. 
 
 Latour had so far cleared up his conduct at the French 
 court, that he had obtained a permission in writing, under the 
 hands of the vice admiral of France, the great prior, &c., by 
 which this ship was allowed to bring him out supplies. In 
 this document he was called the king's lieutenant general in 
 Acadie. He also produced letters from the agent of the com- 
 pany in France, advising him to look to himself, and to guard 
 against the designs of d' Aulnay. 
 
 Governor Winthrop called together such of the magistrates 
 and deputies as were near Boston, and laid before them the 
 request of Latour. The colony had entered into an agreement 
 with the neighboring English provinces, which put it out of 
 their power to grant aid as a government, unless with the 
 advice of the other governments : but as they conceived they 
 were not bound to hinder any individuals who were willing 
 to be hired to aid Latour, from fulfilling such engagement. 
 Latour was very thankful for this decision : but some of the 
 English being displeased at this concession, the governor 
 called a second meeting, where, on a more full debate, the first 
 opinion was adhered to, and a permission given to Latour to 
 trade, and to hire such vessels and men as he stood in need of. 
 The remonstrants stated " that they should expose their " 
 " trade to the ravages of d' Aulnay, and perhaps the whole " 
 " colony to the resentment of the French king, who would " 
 " not be imposed upon by the distinction of permitting and " 
 " commanding force to assist Latour ; that they had no suf- " 
 " ficient evidence of the justice of his cause, and in causa " 
 " dubia bellum non est suscipiendum. That Latour was a " 
 " papist, attended by priests, friars, &c., and that they were in " 
 " the case of Jehoshaphat, who joined with Ahab, an idolater, " 
 " which act was expressly condemned in scripture." Latour's 
 wife is said to have been considered by the Boston authorities, 
 as justly esteemed, for her sourtd Protestant sentiments and 
 excellent virtues, while his character was attacked by some as 
 doubtful and hypocritical. [ I Williamson, Maine, 311]. Latour 
 was accused of acts of violence, which he rebutted, and shewed
 
 1643* History of Nova-Scotia. 101 
 
 by living witnesses that he had done many acts of kindness to 
 Englishmen, who had been thrown on his compassion by dis- 
 asters at sea. The rulers of Massachusetts at this time viewed 
 d'Aulnay as an ambitious and dangerous neighbor. This con- 
 sideration, and the risk of losing the debts which Latour owed 
 to business men in Boston, had weight in producing the deci- 
 sion. Mr. Endicott wrote to governor Winthrop, " igth of" 
 " the 4th month," which date corresponds to the 30 June, (new 
 style), 1643, dissuading him from giving aid to Latour, he says, 
 " His father and himself, as I am informed, have shed the " 
 " blood of some English already, and taken away a pinnace " 
 " and goods from Mr. Allerton," wishes enquiry about this 
 before Latour should be let go, complains of soldiers being let 
 come on shore and being trained, &c. \Hutchinsoris Collec- 
 tions, 173.] Thomas Gorges, the deputy governor of Maine, 
 wrote on this occasion to governor Winthrop, from his resi- 
 dence at Kittery point, as follows : 
 
 Piscataqua, 28 June, 1643. 
 
 Right worthy sir. I understand by Mr. Parker you have 
 written me by Mr. Shurt, which, as yet, I have not received. 
 It cannot be unknown to you the fears we are in, since 
 Latour' s promise of aid from you. For my part I thought fit 
 to certify so much unto you, for I suppose not only these parts 
 which are naked, but all North East, will find d'Aulnay a 
 scourge. He hath long waited, with the expense of near ^800 
 a month, for an opportunity of taking supplies from his foe ; 
 and should all his hopes be frustrated through your aid, you 
 may conceive where he will seek for satisfaction. If a tho- 
 rough work could be made, and he be utterly extirpated, I 
 should like it well : otherwise it cannot be thought but that a 
 soldier and a gentleman will seek to revenge himself ; having 
 500 men, two ships, a galley and pinnaces, well provided. 
 Besides you may please conceive in what manner he now 
 besieges Latour. His ships lie on the South west part of the 
 island, at the entrance of St. John's river, within which is only 
 an entrance for ships, and on the North-east lie his pinnaces. 
 It cannot be conceived but he will fortify the island, which
 
 IO2 History of Nova-Scotia. ^4 3. 
 
 will debar the entrance of any of your ships, and force 
 them back, shewing the will, having not the power, to hurt 
 him. I suppose I shall sail for England in this ship. I am 
 not yet certain, which makes me forbear to enlarge this time, 
 or to desire your commands thither. Thus in haste I rest, 
 your honoring friend and servant, 
 
 THOMAS GORGES. 
 
 Winthrop, in his memoirs, states that Latour saluted the 
 castle in going past, and the salute was not returned, as no one 
 was there to do it. That it had been abandoned by order of 
 the last general court, and part of the ramparts had fallen. 
 That Latour might have carried off the cannon from it, and 
 having many men with him, have put Boston to a ransom, and 
 carried off, without resistance, the two vessels that were in the 
 harbor, if he had been actuated by hostile feelings. Latour, 
 while at Boston, lodged with major Gibbons. Ferland informs 
 us (v. i., p. 348 & s.) that Charles de la Tour was a catholic, 
 although almost all the persons in his employment were pro- 
 testants. That many of the more zealous preachers in Bos- 
 ton, &c., condemned in their sermons the negotiations held 
 with him. Winthrop, in his reply to Gorges, reasons at some 
 length to justify the course he took in this business. Both 
 letters are in Hutchinson's Collection, p. 115 to 132 ; and the 
 substance of the debates at Boston on the same subject is in 
 Winthrop's memoirs, in which various occurrences in Jewish 
 history are quoted and discussed as bearing on this affair. 
 
 Latour, having official permission, on the 30 June, 1643, 
 chartered of Edward Gibbons and Thomas Hawkins, at ^320 
 for each of the two succeeding months, the ships Seabridge, 
 Philip & Mary, Increase, and Greyhound, furnished with fifty 
 men and thirty-eight pieces of ordnance. He also enlisted 
 ninety-two soldiers, at the charge of forty pounds per month, 
 whom he put on board ; the whole being armed, victualled and 
 paid at his own expense. Gibbons was gay, young and weal- 
 thy. He was a magistrate in 1650. To secure the ship- 
 owners and purveyors, Latour mortgaged to them his fort at 
 St. John, his cannon, and all his other property, real and per-
 
 1 643. History of Nova-Scotia. 103 
 
 sonal, in Acadie. All being prepared, the squadron, pre- 
 ceded by Latour's own ship, the Clement, sailed from Boston 
 14 July, 1643, and on arriving at St. John commenced their 
 attack upon d'Aulnay's vessels immediately. D'Aulnay took 
 to flight, and was chased as far as Pentagoet, where he ran his 
 two ships and a small vessel aground. An engagement also 
 occurred at a mill of d'Aulnay's, not far from the fort at Pen- 
 tagoet, in which thirty New Englandmen took part with 
 Latour's own people, and three Frenchmen were killed on 
 each side. After this the commander of the Massachusetts 
 auxiliaries declined any further operations. Within the time 
 limited by the charter party, the hired vessels from Boston got 
 home to their own port, without the loss of a man ; and they 
 brought with them their share of the booty of furs, taken in a 
 
 vessel of d'Aulnay's captured by the combined forces. 
 
 Hutchinson, who is the chief authority for the events of Acadie 
 in 1643, makes Pentagoet (now Penobscot) the place to which 
 d'Aulnay fled from St. John harbor ; but Winthrop, whom 
 Ferland follows on this point as being a contemporaneous 
 writer, fixes the place to which he fled and the mill where the 
 combat took place, at Port Royal, which is most probably the 
 true place. Ferland says that d'Aulnay had removed the 
 thirty or forty families which had been at Laheve to Port 
 Royal, and that they were the beginning of the French Aca- 
 dian race. D'Aulnay, after this disaster, went to France, 
 
 announcing his intention to come back the next year with 
 such forces as should command respect. 
 
 One cannot help admiring the activity and capacity display- 
 ed by Charles de la Tour in this instance. Hemmed in by 
 superior forces, he sees and seizes on a mode of extrication 
 which calls into play his eloquence, reasoning and persuasion. 
 Preserving a calm and dignified attitude, in a foreign town, 
 amid conflicting sentiments and interests, he over-rules the 
 scruples, distrust and caution of the English of Boston, and 
 obtains powerful reinforcement there ; and having so far suc- 
 ceeded, his rapid movements, as the soldier and the man of 
 business, enable him to turn his force to account without dan- 
 gerous delays. But a month had elapsed from his arrival in
 
 IO4 History of Nova-Scotia. 1644. 
 
 Boston with but one vessel, until he leaves it with an arma- 
 ment of five, and a valuable land force besides. His removing 
 his lady from the beleaguered fort, where her presence would 
 probably have been of no avail to the defenders, if not a hin- 
 drance, and where she would have been exposed to many dan- 
 gers, and transferring her to Boston, where she could exercise 
 an influence most favorable to his projects, is also deserving of 
 great commendation. 
 
 1644. D'Aulnay returned from France to Acadie in the 
 spring of 1644, and intimated to the governor at Boston that 
 he had received orders from the king of France to live in 
 peace and cultivate a good understanding with the English ; 
 that he would willingly obey his sovereign in this respect, as 
 far as the interest of the public service would permit, and that 
 he would soon send persons to him appointed to regulate mat- 
 ters between them, [i Ferland, 352.] Latour also about this 
 time paid another visit to Boston. Endicot was then gover- 
 nor, and lived at Salem. All that Latour obtained was a letter 
 of remonstrance from the authorities there to d' Aulnay, com- 
 plaining of his having captured Penobscot, (Pentagoet), and 
 taken men and goods (English) at the isle of Sable, and inti- 
 mating their intention to protect the trade they had with M. 
 de la Tour, [i Hutch., Mass., 131.] 
 
 In the summer of this year, 1644, messrs. Vines, of Saco, 
 Shurt, of Pemaquid, and Warneston (called Warnerton, Waver- 
 ton and Wanneston, also in different authors), going from Saco 
 to collect debts from Latour ; and putting into Penobscot on 
 their way, were for some days detained as prisoners, but relea- 
 sed for the sake of Mr. Shurt, who was well known to d' Aul- 
 nay. Latour afterwards prevailed on Thomas Warneston, who 
 had been an assistant to the governor of Portsmouth, in New 
 Hampshire, [i Belknap, N. H., 52], to attempt, with about 
 twenty of Latour's men, to take Penobscot. [i Hutch., 131, 
 132.] They first went to a farm house of d'Aulnay's, about six 
 miles from the fort. They burned the house and killed the 
 cattle. It ended, however, in the assailants being defeated. 
 Warneston was killed, one of his companions wounded, and a 
 French resident killed. This led to menaces on the part of
 
 1 644. History of Nova-Scotia. 105 
 
 d'Aulnay to capture all vessels of the English colony found 
 east of Penobscot, but on a remonstrance from the governor 
 at Boston, he withdrew his threats. 
 
 Meantime madame de la Tour had gone to Europe to obtain 
 relief and resources for her husband's garrison and settlement 
 at St. John, and had sailed from London in an English vessel 
 which had been chartered to carry her and her supplies direct 
 to St. John, and had left Europe early in the spring. Instead, 
 however, of fulfilling his contract, the master, named Bayley, 
 had made a six months voyage, going up the St. Lawrence, in 
 order to trade with the Indians, in spite of the remonstrances 
 of his fair passenger. In the course of this devious wander- 
 ing, while off cape Sable, they were met by the vessels of 
 d'Aulnay, and only escaped capture by concealing madame 
 Latour and her people, whom they hid in the hold of the ship. 
 They at length arrived at Boston in September, 1644. Latour 
 himself had only left that place for St. John a few days before. 
 The lady commenced a suit at law against the master of the 
 ship, Bayley, for taking her to Boston, instead of St. John, as 
 agreed upon. At the same time she sued Berkley on the 
 charter party, the deviation having been made for his own tra- 
 ding purposes. The trials lasted four days, and the jury gave 
 her two thousand pounds damages. With the proceeds she 
 chartered three London ships in Boston, and went with them 
 to St. John, carrying thither the provisions and merchandize 
 she had collected. October 4, 1644, d'Aulnay sent a commis- 
 sioner, monsieur Marie, with ten men, to Boston, with creden- 
 tials, a commission under the great seal of France, and copies 
 of some late proceedings against Latour, who was therein pro- 
 scribed as a rebel and traitor, having fled out of France against 
 special order, [i Williamson, M., 316.] Though M. Marie 
 wore the dress of a layman, he was suspected to be a friar. 
 He appeared well informed, and spoke Latin with great facil- 
 ity. In fact he was supposed to be one of the capuchins settled 
 near M. d'Aulnay, at Pentagoet. Winthrop was no longer 
 governor, but in his place Endicott had been appointed. To 
 him M. Marie exhibited his papers, among which is said to 
 have been an order to arrest hoth Latour and his wife. The
 
 io6 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 magistrates of Boston interceded for madame Latour, but 
 Marie charged her with being the first cause of her husband's 
 revolt. 
 
 On the 8th of October an agreement was concluded with 
 M. Marie, the Latin original of which is in Hutchinson's Col- 
 lections, p. 146, and the English version in I H. Mass., 132, 
 
 133- 
 
 1645. Latour being on a cruise in the bay of Fundy, and 
 having left but fifty men in his fort at St. John, d'Aulnay 
 learned the state of the garrison, and proceeded thither early 
 in the spring of 1645. Meeting off the coast with a New 
 England vessel, laden with supplies for Latour, he made a 
 prize of her, turning the crew ashore on a desolate island, 
 without fireworks, gun or compass. There they sheltered 
 themselves in a wigwam, amidst deep snow, and they were 
 even without their usual clothes, a part of which were carried 
 off by the captors. In this act d'Aulnay had no regard to the 
 treaty made on his behalf by M. Marie, which legalized all 
 trade between the French and English. D'Aulnay arriving at 
 St. John, moored his ship near the fort, and fired at it with 
 some effect. Madame LaTour defended it with valor. Twenty 
 of d'Aulnay's men were killed and thirteen wounded in this 
 siege, and his ship was so much shattered and disabled that 
 he was forced to warp her off, under the shelter of a bluff, to 
 save her from sinking. On his return he took off the New 
 Englanders from the island where they had been suffering for 
 ten days, and sent them home in an old shallop, ill provided. 
 On this occurrence, remonstrances passed between d'Aulnay 
 and the authorities at Boston. D'Aulnay declined to ratify 
 the treaty made with his emissary M. Marie. He promised, 
 however, in haughty language, to abstain from actual hostili- 
 ties against the New England people until the next spring, 
 and demanded their excuse for helping his enemy Latour, and 
 other hostile acts, [i Hutch., Mass., 134.] 
 
 During this year d'Aulnay again visited France, and ob- 
 tained a letter from the queen regent, dated 27 September, 
 1645, acknowledging his zeal in opposing Latour in his " bad 
 designs" and intelligence with foreigners, to the injury of the
 
 1645. History of Nova-Scotia. 107 
 
 king's authority in Acadie, and stating that the king had 
 ordered a vessel to be equipped for d'Aulnay, to take him out ; 
 
 and a letter of king Louis 14 (then about 7 years old) to 
 
 the same effect ; in the last of which Latour is said to 
 
 have intended to deliver up the fort he commanded to some 
 foreigners. Probably the mortgage on the fort, &c., to his 
 Boston creditors was here alluded to. 
 
 When the commissioners of the united colonies of New 
 England met at Boston in September, 1645, they ratified the 
 treaty made 8 October, 1644, with M. Marie, and they sent 
 captain Bridges to d'Aulnay to request him to confirm it by 
 his own signature. He used the messenger courteously, but 
 refused to sign, alleging subsequent differences as his excuse. 
 On this result being known, the general court resolved to send 
 the deputy governor Mr. Dudley, major Denison, and captain 
 Hawthorne, with full powers to treat and determine, and wrote 
 to d'Aulnay informing him of this resolution, and proposing 
 Pentagoet as the place of conference. D'Aulnay replied in 
 pacific language, but stated that he would instead of this send 
 two or three of his people to Boston in August next, (1646), 
 with full powers to negotiate. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XII. 
 (i.) 
 
 The agreement between John Endicott, governor of Massachusetts, in New 
 England, and the rest of the magistrates there, and monsieur Marie, commissioner 
 of monsieur d'Aulnay, knt., governor and lieutenant general of his majesty the 
 king of France,, in Acadie, a province of New France, made and ratified at Boston, 
 in the Massachusetts aforesaid, October 8, 1644. The lord governor, and all the 
 rest of the magistrates, do promise to the said mr. Marie, that they and all the 
 rest of the English within the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, In New England, 
 shall observe and keep firm peace with monsieur d'Aulnay, governor, &c, and 
 all the French under his command in Acadie, &c. ; and likewise the said M. 
 Marie doth promise, in the behalf of mons. d'Aulnay, that he and all his people 
 shall also keep firm peace with the governor and magistrates aforesaid, and with 
 all the inhabitants of the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts aforesaid ; and that it
 
 io8 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 shall be lawful for all men, both the French and the English, to trade with each 
 other, so that if any occasion of offence shall happen, neither part shall attempt 
 anything against the others in hostile manner, until the wrong be first declared 
 and complained of, and due satisfaction not given. Provided always the governor 
 and magistrates aforesaid be not bound to restrain their merchants from trading 
 with their ships with any persons, whether French or others, wheresoever they 
 dwell. Provided also that a full ratification and conclusion of this agreement be 
 referred to the next meeting of the commissioners of the united colonies of New 
 England, for the continuation or abrogation, and in the meantime to remain firm 
 and inviolable, [ffutchinson, Mass., 132, 133.] This treaty was ratified afterwards 
 by the commissioners of the united colonies, at Boston, 3 Sept,, O. S., 1645. 
 
 (2.) 
 
 In 1645 the rights of the " Compagnie de la Nouvelle France" respecting the 
 fur trade, were defined, agreeably to a bargain they made with the " depute des 
 " habitans de la Nouvelle France." by arret of the king, dated 6 March, 1645. 
 Edits, &c., Quebec, 1803.
 
 1646. History of Nova-Scotia. 109 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 1646. In August, 1646, messieurs Marie and Louis, together 
 with d'Aulnay's secretary, came in a small pinnace to Boston 
 to discuss grievances with the governor and council of Massa- 
 chusetts. They were received by major Gibbons with a guard 
 of musketeers ; and after several days, during which they 
 dined in public, and were escorted with great ceremony, an 
 amnesty was agreed on. One captain Cromwell had taken in 
 the West Indies a sedan chair, made for the viceroy of Mexico, 
 (Ferland says for the use of the viceroy's sister), which he gave 
 to Mr. Winthrop. This was accepted by the commissioners, 
 and transmitted as a present to d'Aulnay, who had set up 
 claims for damages against the colony. The treaty was re- 
 newed, and all things amicably settled between d'Aulnay and 
 the people at Boston, [i Hutch., Mass., 134, 135,] D'Aul- 
 nay, by assuming a high tone, gained his real object, which 
 was to deprive Latour of aid from the Bostonians. William- 
 son says that M. Marie declined to grant permission to 
 madame Latour to go to St. John during this treaty, but this 
 refusal seems to belong to the former negotiations in 1664. 
 Marie at this time was, as previously, thought to be a friar. 
 He and Louis spent one Sunday in Boston. The governor 
 informed them, that on this day every one was expected either 
 to attend the public worship or to remain quiet at home. He 
 invited them to pass the day at his house ; and it was obser- 
 ved that they spent the time from morning to evening in 
 walking in his garden, or turning over the pages of Latin 
 books. [Winthrop's New England, quoted by Ferland.] The
 
 no History of Nova-Scotia. 1647. 
 
 latter says that Marie and Louis lodged with major Gibbons, 
 whom he calls the friend of Frenchmen. He also hints that 
 Louis might have been suspected of being a friar on better 
 grounds than Marie had been. About this time an event 
 occurred which appeared to destroy all Latour's prospects, 
 and which drove him from his home an exile and a wanderer. 
 This was the capture of St. John by d'Aulnay. There are 
 difficulties in assigning its true date. Ferland places it in 
 April, 1645, while Williamson mentions April, 1647, which is 
 perhaps more accurate. D'Aulnay, having ascertained from 
 some party, that Latour had quitted his fort at St. John with 
 part of his men, either trading or seeking supplies, came with 
 his vessels and forces and besieged it again. Madame de la 
 Tour was in the fort ; and though surprized, and having but a 
 small number of soldiers, she resolved to defend herself to the 
 last extremity ; which she did with so much courage during 
 three days, that she compelled the besiegers to draw off their 
 forces ; but on the fourth day, which was Easter Sunday, she 
 was betrayed by a Swiss, who stood sentry, whom d'Aulnay 
 had found means to corrupt. She still did not give up ; but 
 when she learned that the enemy was scaling the wall, she 
 came forward to defend it, at the head of her little garrison. 
 D'Aulnay, imagining that the garrison must be stronger than 
 he at first supposed, and fearing the disgrace of a repulse, pro- 
 posed to the lady that she should capitulate ; and she agreed 
 on it, to save the lives of the handful of brave men who had 
 supported her so courageously. D'Aulnay, however, as soon 
 as he entered the fort, was ashamed at his having made terms 
 with a woman, who had nothing but her own courage and so 
 few men to oppose him. He complained that he had been 
 deceived, and thought himself freed from observing the capitu- 
 lation. He caused madame Latour's people to be hung, ex- 
 cept one man, to whom he granted his life, on condition of his 
 being executioner of the rest, and even compelled the lady to 
 be present at this execution, with a rope round her neck. 
 (This account is from Charlevoix, who quotes Denys as his 
 authority, and remarks that the date is not given. I have not 
 seen Denys' work.) The amount of plunder on this occasion
 
 1647* History of Nova-Scotia. in 
 
 in guns, stores, goods and plate, was estimated at ; 10,000. 
 [i. Htitch., 153.] Madame de la Tour is said to have 
 died of grief within three weeks after her surrender, leaving a 
 young child, that was sent to France under the care of &femme 
 de chambre, [Williamson, Maine, v. I, pp. 320, 321,] The 
 mental and physical energies displayed by this lady on repeat- 
 ed occasions ; while they so often carried her beyond the usual 
 boundaries, which nature and custom seemed to have prescri- 
 bed for the fair sex, do not seem in her character to indicate 
 anything unfeminine. She was not like the fabled Amazons, 
 fascinated by the savage joys of combat, or like Joan of Arc, 
 or the maid of Saragossa, infatuated by fanaticism or ven- 
 geance. The love of her husband, and a desire to protect him 
 and her family, and even the humbler soldiers and settlers who 
 followed their fortunes, inspired her with resolution and heroic 
 fortitude ; and the same feelings must have rendered the des- 
 truction of her home and downfal of her hopes doubly bitter. 
 Latour, on this disaster happening, was no longer in a con- 
 dition to resist his adversary. So he retired to Boston, and 
 thence went in the summer to Newfoundland, where sir David 
 Kirk was governor, in hopes of receiving assistance, but did 
 not succeed, although received kindly and courteously. Re- 
 visiting Boston, he obtained a vessel and cargo of about ^500 
 value, for a trading voyage on the shores of Acadie. He was 
 accused of acting ungratefully and unfairly upon this voyage, 
 in sending away the English part of the crew, and in not 
 accounting for the goods. [i Hutch., M, 135.] Major 
 Gibbons is said to have lost ^2500, a debt due him by Latour 
 at this time. Williamson says that Latour sailed about the 
 middle of winter for the peninsula of Acadie ; that his vessel 
 was manned by Englishmen and Frenchmen, and the master 
 was neither ; that the goods were for the Indian trade ; that 
 near cape Sable, Latour conspired with the master and five of 
 the French to drive the Englishmen ashore, and went off with 
 the vessel and cargo ; that the English were fifteen days wan- 
 dering on the coast and suffering greatly, but were eventually 
 relieved by the Micmacs, who fed and took care of them, and 
 lent them a shallop, in which they got back to Boston in the
 
 H2 History of Nova-Scotia. 1648. 
 
 spring of 1648. These changes had probably but slight foun- 
 dation in fact, originating probably in the tales told by a few 
 refractory sailors to justify their desertion of duty, and listened 
 to by those who are ready to attribute evil to the victims of 
 misfortune or poverty. 
 
 (1648.) Latour, giving up the idea of trading, made sail for 
 Quebec, where he arrived on the evening of the 8th August. 
 Here he was received with honor salutes being fired on his 
 arrival and on his landing. He was lodged in the fort, and 
 the governor the first day gave him precedence of himself, 
 which he then accepted, but afterwards declined. We are 
 without any information respecting Latour from this time 
 until the year 1651, except that he is said to have gone to 
 Hudson's bay 
 
 The character of Charles de la Tour has been rudely han- 
 dled by several of the New England writers. It appears that 
 Claude de la Tour was a huguenot, and that his son Charles 
 had been brought up in that creed, but had become a catholic 
 about 1632, being then about thirty-eight or forty years of age. 
 His first wife, who displayed so much courage and firmness of 
 character, apparently lived and died a protestant. His appli- 
 cations to the Bostonians for assistance, his trading with New 
 England, and his connection with the huguenots (French pro- 
 testants) as settlers, soldiers and servants in his establishment, 
 exposed him to suspicion and distrust with the French govern- 
 ment, which was managed by cardinal Richelieu, and after 
 1642 by cardinal Mazarin ; and without doubt these transac- 
 tions were represented to his prejudice at the French court 
 by his adversary d'Aulnay. At the same time his position as 
 a French governor must have restricted him in fulfilling the 
 wishes of his friends in Boston, who possibly looked for more 
 support to English claims and protestant interests in Acadie, 
 than a French gentleman, professing the catholic religion, and 
 responsible to the French crown, could consistently grant. 
 The liberal and enlightened views that induced Latour to pro- 
 mote commerce and settlement, as well as his natural ambition 
 to hold a footing in a land, with which he was so closely con- 
 nected from its first occupation, (he having been brought to
 
 1650. History of Nova-Scotia. 113 
 
 Port Royal by his father at the age of fourteen), and the neces- 
 sity he felt of obtaining support from merchants and capital- 
 ists, all conspired to draw him into connection with the Eng- 
 lish of Boston and the huguenots of Rochelle. All his pro- 
 ceedings of this kind were metamorphosed by his jealous and 
 hostile rival into treason, or at least disaffection to the French 
 crown ; while at Boston some persons distrusted him, and 
 charged him with hypocrisy and injustice. 
 
 As to his change of creed, it should be considered that the 
 example of the great king Henry the fourth was calculated to 
 have a great effect, in that age, to induce Frenchmen to attach 
 themselves to the faith of the great majority of the nation. 
 The character of Charles de la Tour stands in the most distin- 
 guished rank in the affair of 1630, when he evinced his entire 
 loyalty and good faith in refusing to surrender his command to 
 the English, although urged by his father. While the great 
 calamities that befel him, especially the loss of his first wife, 
 command our sympathy, his perseverance, activity and talents, 
 are remarkable in every part of his career. His misfortunes 
 were severe, and in the subsequent events of his life he had! 
 fresh pecuniary difficulties, unavoidable in the great attempts, 
 at settlement he was engaged in. The over-cautious conduct, 
 of the Massachusetts in forming a treaty 8 October, 1644 withi 
 d'Aulnay, proved the cause of Latour's ruin, as it cut off his, 
 only prospect of aid in his greatest distress. As to the charge: 
 of sending the Englishmen ashore, and carrying off. the goods. 
 in the small vessel, it seems more like the malice that would; 
 pursue the unfortunate, than a well grounded accusation. 
 
 1650. Monsieur d'Aulnay died in 1650, [Ejtglish & French 
 Commissaries, p. 118], having enjoyed the advantages of his 
 success for a brief period. He is said to have been twice 
 married, and to have left children by both wives. He is stated 
 to have left seven children, whom his widow took home to 
 France. His sons were all slain in the, service of the king of 
 France, the last being a major of the regiment of la Fert6, kil- 
 led at the siege of Luxembourg ; and his inheritance devolved 
 on his daughters. He is said to have spent seventeen years in 
 Acadie, to have built five fortresses,, churches, two seminaries, 
 8
 
 H4 History of Nova-Scotia. 1650. 
 
 established a mission, and cleared lands, and to have expended 
 800,000 livres. Ferland says, " D'Aulnay stopped the pro- " 
 "gress of colonization in Acadie by the conduct'he pursued. " 
 " He appears to have been of a hard and haughty character, " 
 " while Latour knew how to make friends for himself among " 
 " the Indians of Acadie, the French of Quebec, and the Eng- " 
 " lish of Boston." M. Denys says " M. Razilly only wished " 
 " to make known the goodness of the country, and to cause " 
 " it to be peopled. D'Aulnay, on the contrary, was afraid of" 
 " its being inhabited, and so he brought out no settlers. He " 
 " carried off all the inhabitants of Laheve to Port Royal, " 
 " holding them in the condition of slaves, and not allowing " 
 " them to make any profit. His conduct was always to ill- " 
 " treat those whom he thought capable of causing the coun- " 
 " try to be peopled." 
 
 Some overtures for a commercial treaty having been made 
 by the English of Massachusetts to the French of Canada, in 
 the years 1647, 1648 and 1649. indirectly : le pere Dreuillettes 
 was sent to negotiate. He had been settled as a missionary 
 near the Kennebec in 1646, and made two journeys to Boston 
 to treat in favor of the Canibas and Abenaquis. [i Maine 
 Historical Society s Collections, p. 327.) He left Quebec I Sep- 
 tember, 1650, in company with Noel Ne"gamabat, chief of the 
 Christian Algonquins of Sillery, and Jean Gue*rin, attached to 
 the service of the missionaries. By the river Chaudiere the 
 envoys reached the sources of the Kinibequi, which river 
 they descended as far as Narantsouak, (Norridgewock), the 
 first town of the Abenaquis. Fifteen leagues further they 
 came to Koussinoc, (Takonnock), a settlement of English tra- 
 ders. The colony of Plymouth had taken possession of the 
 Kinibequi and the neighboring lands, and had authorized a 
 company of merchants to trade there with the Indians. The 
 chief clerk of this settlement was Mr. John Winslow, a man of 
 consideration in New England personally, and for the services 
 of his family. Winslow shewed great good will to the Jesuit 
 ambassador, and conducted him to Boston, where he was 
 received kindly, and lodged with major general Gibbons. His 
 character of envoy from the governor of New France was res-
 
 1650. History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 pected, although a severe law existed in Massachusetts (passed 
 in 1647) against the Jesuit order, who were to be banished if 
 found there, and on return from banishment, to suffer death. 
 Dreuillettes was conducted by Winslow and Gibbons to Rox- 
 bury, where Governor Dudley resided. Major Gibbons was a 
 man of importance in Boston. Although engaged in com- 
 merce, he was usually entrusted with the management of 
 military affairs. He held the office of major general of the 
 colony from 1649 to 1654, the year of his death. Pere Dreu- 
 illettes says of him, " He gave me the key of a room in his " 
 *' house, where I could with perfect freedom pray and per- " 
 " form the duties of my religion, and begged me not to take " 
 *' another lodging while I remained at Boston." Dreuillettes 
 presented his credentials to the governor, he was afterwards 
 entertained at dinner by the council, and had a formal audience 
 on the 13 December, 1650. He found that the 'united colo- 
 nies of New England' alone could enter into the arrangements 
 intended. Dreuillettes spent a night in friendly converse with 
 Eliot, the protestant apostle of the Indians ; and spending the 
 winter among the Abenaquis, returned to Quebec 4 June, 
 
 1651. Dreuillettes was again sent to New England in 1651 
 along with M. Jean Paul Godefroy, to negociate ; but the sen- 
 timents of the New English were then unfavorable. The object 
 of Canada was a league against the Iroquois, who obstructed 
 trade and murdered the Sakokies (Souriquois or Micmacs ?) 
 and Abenaquis, allies and friends of England, [i Ferland, 
 39i 392.] 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XIIL 
 
 I. In the month of February, 1647-8, letters patent of the king of France, 
 Louis XIV., (then about 9 years old,) issued in favor of his " dear and well " 
 "beloved Charles de Menou, chevalieur d'Aulnay Charnisay, instituted and" 
 " established by the late king of most happy memory, our most honored lord " 
 *' and father, (whom God absolve), governor and our lieutenant general in the " 
 " country and coast of 1'Acadie, in New France," who had for fourteen years 
 been employed in the conversion of the Indians, the establishing of the Royal
 
 n6 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 authority there, built a seminary, " carried out capuchins to teach Indian chil- " 
 " dren, driven sectarian foreigners from the fort of Pentagoet, of which they had " 
 " taken possession, to the prejudice of the rights and authority of our crown, " 
 " and by our express command, recovered by force of arms and replaced under " 
 " our obedience the fort of the river St. John, which Charles de St. Etienne, " 
 K sieur de la Tour had occupied, and by open rebellion was striving to retain " 
 ** against our will, and in contempt of the decrees of our council, by the help and " 
 " favor of foreign sectaries, with whom he was allied for that purpose," going 
 on to notice that d'Aulnay had formed a French colony in the country, had built 
 four forts there, and put soldiers in them, and sixty pieces of cannon, &c., that 
 he had thus been at great expense, and had to raise loans from private persons ; 
 and it proceeds, by advice of the queen-mother and regent, to appoint d'Aulnay 
 Charnisay.governor and lieutenant general of the king in all Acadie from the Saint 
 Lawrence to Virginia, with exclusive privileges of the fur trade in these countries, 
 and mines and minerals to him and his heirs. [This patent is given in full, in the 
 original French, in the memorials of the E. & F. Commissaries, pp. 573, 576, 
 copy received from M. Nelson, nephew and executor of Sir Thomas Temple, by 
 Francis Nicholson. 
 2. M. d'Aillebout was appointed governor of Canada in 1647.
 
 1651. History of Nova-Scotia. 117 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 1651. In the beginning of the year 1651, Latour had appa- 
 rently surmounted the chief difficulties that had oppressed 
 him. He obtained an acquittal of the charges that had been 
 preferred against him, from the French government, on the 
 16 February, (1650?) and on the 25th Feb'y., 1651, he receiv- 
 ed a new commission of governor and lieutenant general of 
 Acadie, by the king's letters patent, with larger powers and 
 privileges than he held before. We have seen that d'Aulnay 
 died in 1650, and it would seem that Claude de la Tour, the 
 father of Charles, died also in 1650 or 1651. Ferland states 
 that Charles went to France on the death of d'Aulnay, and it 
 is also said that Charles was the heir of his father Claude. 
 We have nothing certain, however, on which to rest a conjec- 
 ture as to the means whereby Charles Latour retrieved his 
 shattered fortunes. In June, 1651, (1650?) the French king 
 issued a commission to sieur de la Fosse, to act as governor 
 and lieutenant general in Acadie, " on account of the death " 
 " of the said sieur d'Aulnay, and of the sieur de Charnisay, " 
 " his father, until the children of the said sieur d'Aulnay ** 
 " shall be of age." 
 
 On the 23 September, 1651, a transaction passed between 
 Latour and the widow of d'Aulnay, by which she restored to 
 him the fort of the river St. John. 
 
 1652. Madame d'Aulnay, the widow, having claims incon- 
 sistent with the pretensions of Latour to jurisdiction and pro- 
 perty in Acadie, entered into a compact with the duke of 
 Vendome, who now held the office of superintendant of navi-
 
 1. 1 8 History of Nova-Scotia. 1653, 
 
 gation and commerce of France. The duke and the widow 
 were to be partners and co-seigneurs of Acadie. One Eman- 
 uel le Borgne, a merchant of Rochelle, shipped goods of the 
 value of 65,090 livres for the colony on the duke's account. 
 D'Aulnay, by an account adjusted 9 Nov., 1650, owed this le 
 Borgne 260,000 livres. 
 
 1653. In this year, 1653, an event occurred that was suited 
 to terminate discords and to reconcile conflicting interests in 
 this country. This was the marriage of Charles, de la Tour 
 with the widow of M. d'Aulnay. The marriage contract is 
 dated 24 February, 1653. 
 
 May 4, the sieur de la Tour, as governor and lieutenant 
 general of Acadie, makes a commission, appointing his major, 
 le sieur d'Antremont, to command in his absence. June 13, he 
 grants leave to his said major to withdraw whither he saw fit. 
 August 1 6, he commissions the said d'Antremont to interrogate 
 the accomplices of the carrying off the pinnace called the St. 
 Gabriel. [Pans mss.] 
 
 The company of New France in this year granted to Nicolas 
 Denis all the lands and islands situated from cape de Canceaux 
 to cape des Rosters. This was confirmed to him by the king's 
 letters patent of 30 January, 1654, and afterwards 9 November, 
 1667, by a re-grant from the compagnie des Indes occidentales, 
 established by edict in May, 1664. England had, in 1651, 
 entered into a war with Holland. This led to jealousies be- 
 tween the English of New England and the Dutch of Manha- 
 does, (now New York.) Rumors of Indian hostility grew up, 
 and also jealousy of the French of Acadie, so that in 1653 the 
 general court (general assembly) of Massachusetts prohibited! 
 the transportation of provisions, either to the French or Dutch,, 
 under penalty of forfeiting both vessel and cargo. Latour 
 remonstrated, and the prohibition was so far relaxed in his 
 favor, that a small vessel was permitted to be freighted with 
 flour, and other provisions, for his relief, [i Williamson,, 
 Maine, 359* 360. I Hutch.,. Mass.,
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 1 1 9 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 (i) 
 
 Latour's new patent is dated 25 Feb'y., 1651. It is printed in the original 
 French in the memorials of E. & F.^Commissaries, pp. 576, 579. It recites that 
 he had been appointed and established governor of Acadie by Louis 13, and had 
 for forty-two years there ' devoted and usefully employed all his cares, as well ' 
 ' for the conversion of the savages of the said country to the faith and Christian ' 
 ' religion, as in the establishment of our authority in the whole extent of the said ' 
 ' country ; having constructed two forts, and contributed to the extent of his ' 
 ' power to the instruction of the children of these savages, and by his courage ' 
 ' and valor driven the foreign sectaries from said forts of which they had taken ' 
 ' possession to the prejudice of the rights and authority of our crown ; which he ' 
 ' would have continued to do, if he had not been hindered by Charles de Menou, ' 
 ' sieur d'Aulnay Charnisay, who favored his enemies in the accusations and pre- ' 
 ' tences which they had not been able to verify, and of which the said de Saint ' 
 ' Etienne has been absolved on the I5th of February last.' The commission pro- 
 ceeds to confirm him in his government over Acadie, with power to appoint offi- 
 cers, to make laws and ordinances, make peace and war. It confirms to him 
 all lands before granted to him. Gives him powers over mines and minerals, 
 reserving only to the crown the tenth denier of gold, silver and copper only. 
 Grants to Latour the exclusive right to trade for furs with the Indians in Acadie, 
 and the right to confiscate to his own use all vessels, merchandize, &c. of those 
 who infringe this privilege, and to arrest such offenders, &c. This commission is 
 much like that given de Monts. 
 
 (2.) 
 
 18 February, 1652. M. Cesar, the duke of Vendome, grand master and super- 
 tendant of the navigation and commerce of France, entered into a contract of 
 association with dame Jeane Motin, widow of Charles de Menou, seigneur d'Aul- 
 nay. The duke and the widow were to be co-seigneurs of the lands and countries 
 of Acadie, &c., she acting also as tutrice of the minor children of the defunct sieur 
 d'Aulnay. The king confirmed this agreement by a document dated December, 
 1652, in which it is stated "that certain individuals, among whom are Charles" 
 " de Turgis de Saint Etienne de la Tour, Simon and Nicholas Denis, brothers, " 
 " and Maillet, have usurped upon our dear and well beloved dame Jeanne Motin, * 
 " widow of Charles Menou, who when living was seigneur d'Aulnay, (to whom " 
 " and his children, by our letters patent of the month of February, in the year " 
 " 1647, we gave the perpetual government and the property of the whole extent" 
 " of the countries, coasts of Acadie, and islands adjacent of New France, in " 
 " North America,") different forts and considerable places in the said country. It 
 states that she, the widow, feared losing the whole, and had recourse to the duke 
 on account of his rank, &c. That she has agreed, in consideration of the expence 
 the duke must incur in recovering her forts, &c. ; that he and his heirs and assigns 
 shall be co-seigneurs of Acadie, with her and her children. The king confirms this 
 arrangement, and accepts the duke and his heirs as co-seigneurs of Acadie accor- 
 dingly.
 
 I2O History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 In connection with this agreement of copartnership, we find an invoice of 
 goods, stated at 65,090 Hvres, shipped for Acadie, at Rochelle, by LeBorgne, 
 25 March, 1654, on board of the Chateaufort, Paul Bertran, master, on account 
 and by order of his highness M. the duke of Vendome. There is also a commis- 
 sion from the widow d'Aulnay, dated 21 April, 1653, empowering Jean Lorent dje 
 la Pradelle to examine the state of her stores. The amount due Emmanuel 
 LeBorgne, merchant of Rochelle, by M. d'Aulnay, was settled 9 November, 1650, 
 at 260,000 livres ; and an account adjusted between him and the widow d'Aulnay 
 30 August, 1653, states the balance at 239,412 livres. The transaction of 9 Nov., 
 1650, was confirmed by an arret (judgment) of the parliament of Paris, 27 July, 
 1658. LeBorgne alleged that d'Aulnay had built (?) the fort of St. John. In 
 1 700, the then duke of Vendome claimed to be joint seigneur and owner of Acadie. 
 in right of the late duke Cesar. It does not appear that the duke had paid any- 
 thing under his agreement, and his claims were dismissed by the arrtt du cwtseil 
 of 1703. 
 
 (3-) 
 
 Marriage contract between LaTour and madame d'Aulnay, 1653. A copy of 
 the marriage settlement in French was published in the 3rd volume of the Tran- 
 sactions of the Literary Society at Quebec, from a paper communicated by A. W. 
 Cochran, esq., 7 December, 1831. The original Mr. Cochran stated to be in the 
 possession of Benoni Dentremont, of Pubnico, N. S., and sent to Canada to be 
 decyphered and translated. Mr. Cochran was son of the Rev. Wm. Cochran, of 
 Windsor college, in Nova Scotia, was born in N. S., but settled in Canada, 
 ARTICLES OF MARRIAGE agreed on between monsieur Charles de St. Etienne, seig- 
 where he attained distinction. Subjoined is an English version of the document, 
 neur de la Tour, knight of the king's orders, and his lieutenant general in Acadie, 
 a country of New France, of the one part, and the lady Jeane Motin, widow of 
 the late monsieur Charles de Menou, knight, seigneur d'Aulnay, in his lifetime 
 also lieutenant general for the king, in all the said country of Acadie, of the other 
 part : Firstly, tbe said seigneur chevalier de la Tour shall take for his wife and 
 lawful spouse, madame d'Aulnay, with all her rights and effects, which rights the 
 said seigneur, the future husband, consents shall be separated from their future 
 community, among messieurs, the minor children of the said lady his future wife, 
 the seminary, and the said lady, as was the case before the intended marriage, 
 until the entire payment of the debts created in the lifetime of the said late seig- 
 neur d'Aulnay, and since his decease until the present hour, as also of those which 
 he shall agree to create hereafter for the benefit and advantage of the society 
 among the said seigneurs minors, the seminary, and the said lady, after which 
 payment and the last sou of all the debts, she shall take her part of the property 
 of the association at zpro rata of that which shall belong to her, and which she 
 shall have thereto contributed of her rights and pretensions, which shall then 
 come into their said tuture community. A general inventory and division with 
 the associates shall be made, without disturbance, however, of any funds, but 
 for the making clear the rights and claims of the said associates ; after which a 
 manager shall be appointed by consent of parties, to administer the effects of the 
 said society, who shall have care of and be bound annually to render an account 
 of the rents and profits thereof. Monsieur de la Tour now declares that he will
 
 1 65 3. History of Nova-Scotia. 121 
 
 not receive, or interfere with anything of the said rights and property of the said 
 madame d'Aulnay, his future wife, until the full payment of the general debts of 
 the society. Also the said seigneur de la Tour shall not be charged with any of 
 the said loans and obligations of the company, nor even shall the benefit and 
 advantages which he gives the said lady, his future spouse, in view of their mar- 
 riage (be so charged) which he wishes to belong to her, and be preserved free and 
 acquitted from all troubles and obligations. The said seigneur de la Tour givei 
 to the said dame d'Aulnay, his future wife, in consideration of the love he bears 
 her, the sum of 30,000 livres tournois, whereof 20,000 livres shall remain the pro- 
 perty of the said lady and her relations of her own side and line, to receive and 
 take the same on the fort and habitation of the river St. John, its appurtenances 
 and dependencies, and tbe remaining 10,000 livres shall enter into the said future 
 community. The said seigneur de la Tour has endowed, and does endow the 
 said lady, his future spouse, for her lifetime only, with the property of the said 
 fort and habitation of the river St. John, in all its extent, all as the said seigneur 
 the future husband possesses it, without reserving or diminishing anything, with 
 all the rights of trading, fruits, revenues, emoluments thence proceeding, as well 
 within the said river as from the islands and shores adjacent, which the said seig- 
 neur promises to improve. With respect to messieurs, the minor children of the 
 first marriage of the said seigneur de la Tour, he will leave them for their sub- 
 sistence cape Sable, with all its appurtenances, and also all and singular the 
 property which may come to and belong to him by succession in old France. 
 [This is the only notice of his having had sons by his first marriage.] In case 
 of the decease of the said seigneur, the future husband, before that of the said lady, 
 his future wife, the said seigneur de la Tour, the future husband, declares that 
 it is his will and intention that all and singular the goods, moveables, arms, pro- 
 visions, and all merchandizes of trade and furs which shall be found at the time 
 of his death, in his stores and other places, whether in New or Old France, 
 are to belong and do belong to the said lady, his future wife, as being the property 
 of their community, cares and labors, whereunto he now makes a pure and simple 
 donation thereof, all the debts of their said future community being previously 
 paid, without prejudice to the article above contained of her dower. And to 
 change a clause which was necessary for the security of the said lady for the afore- 
 said articles, the said seigneur de la Tour has desired to provide for such security 
 in manner hereinafter contained, that is to say, that in case of contravention, and 
 that any obstacle should arise on the part of the children or heirs of the said seig- 
 neur the future husband, to the said lady his future wife, in the receipt of the said 
 rents and profits, duties, and other revenues and emoluments to her hereinbefore 
 accorded by donation for her dower, the said seigneur de la Tour, persevering and 
 absolutely wishing that the said lady should really enjoy the effects of these mar- 
 riage articles, and in punishment of those who contravene the same, declares from 
 this time forward that he gives her, to her and her relations, the property, purely 
 and fully, of the fort, habitation and river of Saint John, in all its extent and privi- 
 lege, according to his grants ; and he desires, as far as in him lies, that the said 
 lady should avail herself thereof by all judicial modes. 
 
 If it should happen that on the part of any strangers, hindrance should occur to 
 the said lady, his future wife, in the execution and enjoyment of the aforesaid arti- 
 cles, the said seigneur, the future husband, to take away all umbrage and occasion 
 for misunderstanding, wishes that the children or heirs should unite in suit with
 
 122 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 the said lady to obtain the enjoyment thereof for her. after being by her called 
 upon so to do ; which, if they resist and refuse, he deprives them as above of the 
 said inheritance, capital and revenue of the river St. John, and cedes the whole to 
 the said lady and her relations. 
 
 Touching the wages and salaries of the officers, soldiers, sailors, servants and 
 domestics actually in the service, their yearly payment and satisfaction shall be 
 provided for ; wherefore the said lady, in case of the death of her said future hus- 
 band, promises and obliges herself to pay the salaries and wages of the then cur- 
 rent year, without binding her further, and this is to be done out of the merchan- 
 dizes and furs which are to be found in the stores at the day of the decease of the 
 said seigneur, her future husband. 
 
 The said seigneur de la Tour, the future husband, promises and obliges himself 
 to support and preserve, to the extent of his power, messieurs the minor children 
 of the said lady, in the possession of all and singular their rights and grants, in 
 conformity with the titles and patents which they have thereof, which shall be 
 exhibited and copies given to the said seigneur de la Tour, as the said seigneur de 
 la Tour shall do with his own title deeds, (giving copies thereof,) to the said dame 
 d'Aulnay, his future wife, for the security oi the above conditions. As for mes- 
 sieurs, the minor infants, as well on one side as on the other, it has been agreed, 
 that those of monsieur de la Tour shall be fed and maintained at the expense of 
 the future community, during their minority ; and in case of the decease of the said 
 seigneur de la Tour, the said lady promises that (she enjoying peaceably and 
 tranquilly her said dower, donation and other rights) to assist, according to her 
 power and in the best way possible for her, the said minor children of her future 
 husband during their minority : and those of the said lady, the future spouse, 
 shall also be fed and maintained during their minority, whether in this country of 
 New France or in Old France, at the expense and out of the revenue and funds 
 of the society subsisting between the seminary, the said lady their mother, and 
 the said seigneurs minors ; the whole gratuitously, without the said dame d'Aul- 
 nay, their mother, making or causing to be made any demand on them for the v 
 same. Whereunto the very reverend father Leonard de Chartres, vice prefect 
 and custos of the mission, joined with the very reverend fathers and brothers, mis- 
 sionaries, all together undertaking for the very reverend father of the province of 
 Paris, has consented and does consent for the interest of the said seminary, in 
 consideration and for the respect he entertains for the memory of the late mon- 
 sieur d'Aulnay, as also for the love and particular good will he cherishes towards 
 his minor children. 
 
 It shall be lawful for the said dame d'Aulnay to retain near her and with her 
 such and such number of her children as she pleases, on condition that they are 
 fed and maintained during their stay at the expense of the future community, of 
 the said seigneur de la Tour and the said lady. 
 
 Any children that shall be born ot the said marriage shall divide equally with 
 those of the first marriage of the said seigneur de la Tour, as well the river St. 
 John, and cape Sable, as the other property which may belong to the said seig- 
 neur de la Tour, whether in New or Old France, by succession, donation, or 
 otherwise, and respectively on the part of the said lady, the future spouse, accord- 
 ing to the custom and vicomte of Paris. 
 
 The said seigneur de la Tour and the said dame d'Aulnay, his future spouse, to 
 attain the ends and principal design of their intended marriage, which is the peace
 
 1 65 3. History of Nova-Scotia. 123 
 
 and tranquillity of the country, and concord and union between the two families, 
 wish and desire as much as lies with them, that in the future their children should 
 contract a new alliance of marriage together. 
 
 Done and passed at the fort of Port Royal, the twenty-fourth day of Febru- 
 ary, one thousand, six hundred and fifty-three, in presence of the par- 
 ties and witnesses, who have signed the minute of these presents. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 CHARLES DE ST. ETIENNE, 
 
 et JEANNE DE MOTJN. 
 
 ST. LEONARD DE CHARTRES, Vice Prefet, 
 
 et custode de la mission. 
 FRERE JEAN DESNOUSE, St. Fransoise Marie. 
 J. JACQUELIN, Prevost de St. Martin. 
 LA VERDURE ET BOURGEOIS, Temoins.
 
 124 History of Nova-Scotia. 1654. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 1654. We have seen that Emmanuel le Borgne, a merchant 
 of Rochelle, was a creditor of M. d'Aulnay in 1650 to the 
 extent of 260,000 livres (the livre or franc is worth lod. sterling,) 
 and he had obtained some judgment in his favor for this 
 demand in France. Armed with this authority, he came out 
 to Acadie to take possession of all the estates of the deceased 
 d'Aulnay. He had also connected himself with the duke of 
 Vendome, having shipped in the name of his highness, for 
 Acadie, goods to the value of 65,090 livres in March, 1654. 
 The exact date of his coming out to take possession does not 
 appear. He is said to have assumed the character of seigneur 
 or lord of Acadie, most likely as possessed under his judgment 
 of the deceased d' Aulnay's patents, and he undertook in ear- 
 nest to drive both Latour and Denys out of the country by 
 forcible means. [2 Charlevoix, 198.] 
 
 Nicolas Denys, sieur de Fronsac, had come to America, 
 with the commandeur Isaac de Razilly, in 1632. So had his 
 brother Denys de Vitr6, (probably the Simon Denis named in 
 the Royal patent of 1632.) On the death of Razilli, (1636), 
 Nicolas Denys was appointed governor in the whole extent of 
 the great bay of St. Lawrence, and the isles adjacent, from 
 cape Canseau to cape Rosiers, by the nomination of the com- 
 pany of New France. He then formed two settlements, the 
 one at Chedabouctou, (now Guysborough), and the other at St. 
 Pierre. (St. Peter's), in the island of cape Ere" ton. [i FerlancL, 
 495-1 The strait of Fronsac (now gut of Canseau), was called 
 after him. LeBorgne began with an attempt to dislodge
 
 1 6 54. History of Nova-Scotia. 125 
 
 M. Denys. Having ascertained that the latter had arrived 
 [2 Charlevoix, 198 to 204] at the isle Royale (cape Breton) with 
 authority to settle inhabitants there, LeBorgne sent on sixty 
 men, with orders to seize and carry him off. The commander 
 of this detachment, in disembarking, learned that M. Denys, 
 after having put all his people on shore to go to work at clear- 
 ing land, was gone to visit the port of Ste. Anne. He thought 
 this a favorable occasion for destroying the new settlement 
 without risking anything. He surprised the workmen, who 
 were unprepared for hostilities made them all prisoners, and 
 took possession of the vessel which had brought them thither, 
 the cargo of which was estimated at 50,000 livres. He then 
 sent twenty-five men, well armed, on the road which M. Denys 
 must take in returning from Ste. Anne, and commanded them 
 to prepare an ambush for him on the way. Denys, who had 
 no apprehensions, found himself most unexpectedly surroun- 
 ded, and was carried as a prisoner to Port Royal, where he 
 was shut up like a criminal in a dungeon, with his feet in 
 irons. The mischief did not end here. The party of Le 
 Borgne's men who carried off M. Denys, in passing by Laheve, 
 (which had been settled again after d'Aulnay removed the 
 inhabitants from it to Port Royal), set fire to all the buildings 
 there by LeBorgne's orders, not even sparing the chapel ; and 
 the destruction of property at that place was estimated at 
 100,000 francs. Some time after, Denys recovered his personal 
 liberty, and went to France, to carry his complaints to the 
 king and the company of New France. They were favorably 
 heard, and he obtained from the company a new commission, 
 which was confirmed by letters patent from the king, re-esta- 
 blishing him in all his rights. Fortified with his new autho- 
 rity, Denys embarked for Acadie, and on his arrival at cape 
 Brecon, the person in command at fort St. Pierre, who had 
 been placed there on the expulsion of Denys, surrendered the 
 fort to him. LeBorgne was informed of this, at the time when 
 he was making preparations to surprise M. de la Tour in the 
 river St. John, under pretext of carrying him provisions, of 
 which he knew that Latour was absolutely destitute. He 
 thought it best to postpone this design to another time, altho'
 
 126 History of Nova-Scotia. 1654. 
 
 he was already on his way, and so he returned to Port Royal. 
 His project now was to carry off all the papers of the person 
 sent to notify him of the commission of M. Denys, and of the 
 king's commands, in order that he might go and fall upon 
 Denys, whom he hoped to find unprepared and without appre- 
 hension of an attack. 
 
 But LeBorgne had not yet got back to Port Royal, when 
 the English appeared in sight of fort Latour, on the river St. 
 John, and summoned M. de la Tour to surrender it into their 
 hands. [2 Charlevoix, p. 200.] The apprehensions felt in 
 Massachusetts respecting their Dutch, Indian and French 
 neighbors, were communicated in 1653 to Oliver Cromwell, 
 the lord protector of England. He, in consequence, put three 
 or four ships in requisition for an expedition against the Dutch 
 colony of Manhadoes, (or Manhattan, now New York), and 
 he called on the province of Massachusetts for aid in this 
 enterprize. Great delays took place in the sending out these 
 vessels, so that they did not arrive at Boston until June, 1654. 
 On the 9 June the general court passed resolutions for enlist- 
 ing five hundred men, to be commanded by major Robert 
 Sedgewick, of Charlestown, a man of popular manners and 
 military talents, who had once been a member of the artillery 
 company of London, and captain John Leverett, of Boston. 
 However, before these forces were ready to embark, news arri- 
 ved on the 23 June that articles of peace had been signed on 
 the 5 April, and that consequently all hostilities between the 
 English and Dutch colonies must cease, [i Hutch, Mass., 182. 
 I Williamson, Maine, 360.] 
 
 The restoration of Acadie to France in 1632 had not been 
 agreeable to the republicans in old or in new England. Ac- 
 cordingly, although it was a period of profound peace between 
 England, ruled by Oliver, and France governed by cardinal 
 Mazarin : the former gave secret, informal orders to the cap- 
 tains of the ships he sent out, that when they had reduced the 
 Dutch colony they should attack and conquer Nova Scotia. 
 So on hearing of the Dutch treaty, it was determined in Bos- 
 ton to go on against Acadie. The English ships appear 
 
 to have met with no great resistance in this affair. Latour was
 
 1 65 4. History of Nova-Scotia. 127 
 
 destitute of provisions, and wholly unprepared to contend with 
 such a force, and the other settlements were still less capable 
 of offering any opposition. Port Royal capitulated in August. 
 The places taken possession of, at this time, by the English, 
 are said to have been Pentagoet, St. John, Port Royal, Laheve, 
 cape Sable, and cape Fourchu. 
 
 LeBorgne, having possession of Port Royal, when the Eng- 
 lish summoned it, replied haughtily at first. [2 Charlevoix, 
 2OO.] The English then landed three hundred men to attack 
 him. He sent against them his sergeant and part of his men. 
 An engagement ensued, in which the French fought well ; 
 but on the sergeant being killed, all his men took to flight and 
 re-entered the fort in disorder. LeBorgne then found himself 
 much embarrassed. He had still with him one hundred and 
 fifty men, inclusive of the inhabitants ; but he had not one 
 who was capable of commanding. He possessed neither 
 knowledge nor experience in war himself. Thus, with a good 
 garrison, and provisions and military stores in plenty, in a 
 place which the enemy was not in a condition to take by force, 
 he deemed it expedient to capitulate. The English promised 
 him much, and in the end mocked him, not thinking them- 
 selves, as they said, bound to keep to their word with people 
 who had exhibited so little courage. [The French were requi- 
 red to give up Nova Scotia, as " being anciently a part of the " 
 " English dominion to which the French had no just title." 
 Crowne's statement, E. & F. Comrs.. p. 580.] The forty or 
 fifty families who had houses and lands at Port Royal, having 
 nothing to hope for in France, preferred to remain in the 
 country, in confidence that it would soon be restored to 
 France, [i Ferland, 496.] Pentagoet soon had the same fate 
 as St. John and Port Royal. Thus the English were again 
 masters of Acadie for the third time. 
 
 Some time after, the son of LeBorgne returned to Acadie, 
 with a trader of Rochelle, named Guilbaut, who was associated 
 in business with him. He entered the harbor of Laheve, and 
 there constructed a fort of timber, (pieux, pickets or staves, 
 probably a blockhouse.) As soon as they were apprized of 
 this, the English came to Laheve to dislodge the French. At
 
 ia8 History of Nova-Scotia. 1654. 
 
 their approach, LeBorgne, as little of a warrior as his father, 
 took refuge in the woods with some of his men, but Gilbaut 
 nevertheless defended his position vigorously. Many English 
 were killed in the first attacks, their commander fell also, and 
 thus the survivors were induced to draw off. They were pre- 
 paring again to return to the charge, when Guilbaut, who had 
 no interest in Laheve but that of his goods, proposed an 
 accommodation, which they accepted. Guilbaut proposed to 
 surrender the fort, on condition that all that belonged to him 
 and his men should be given them, which was fulfilled. He 
 contended that his partner should be included in the benefit 
 of the terms of the surrender ; but the English, not having 
 found LeBorgne in his fort, were stubborn in excluding him 
 from the capitulation. As hunger soon drove him out of his 
 retreat, he was constrained to put himself in the hands of the 
 victors, who carried him off prisoner to Boston, (always called 
 Baston in the old French books and mss.) There he was de- 
 tained a good while, but was subsequently released on terms. 
 His release seems to have happened in 1658. M. Denys. 
 after he was freed from the persecution of LeBorgne, senior, 
 had settled himself quietly in a fort that he had built at Che- 
 dabouctou, on the eastern shore of the Acadian peninsula. 
 [2 Charlevoix, 202.] One la Giraudiere, upon a false state- 
 ment, had obtained from the company of New France a grant 
 of the port of Canseau, (called Camceaux in Charlevoix), and 
 arrived at that harbor, where he was informed that a vessel 
 laden with provisions for M. Denys was expected immediately. 
 This vessel having got there, la Giraudiere exhibited his 
 commission to the captain who commanded it, and forbade 
 him to deliver anything to M. Denys. He also sent to sum- 
 mon Denys to surrender Chedabouctou to him, with all the 
 latter possessed as far as cape St. Louis, as being comprised 
 within his new grant. M. Denys replied to him that the com- 
 pany had been imposed on, and that it was not probable that 
 they would give away to another that which they had already 
 sold to him. La Giraudiere answered that he was furnished 
 with a patent in due form, and that if he did not yield up the 
 fort willingly, he possessed means to compel him. At the
 
 1654* History of Nova-Scotia. 129 
 
 same time one hundred and twenty men, who were with sieur 
 Denys, knowing that his vessel had been seized, and seeing 
 that they were thereby on the eve of a failure of provisions, 
 asked him for their discharge. He told them, he did not pre- 
 tend to retain them by force ; but he induced them, by his 
 good manners, to finish the works they had begun ; and when 
 he saw he was in a condition not to fear la Giraudiere, he had 
 these men carried to the island of cape Breton, except twelve 
 of their number, who would not leave him. As soon as 
 la Giraudiere was informed of their departure, he set himself 
 to the task of taking Chedabouctou, but he was much surprized 
 to find the governor well intrenched with cannon and swivels. 
 Still he repeated his summons to surrender the place, and told 
 him he would not act wisely in risking his life, in defence of a 
 post that he could not hope to preserve. M. Denys made 
 answer that his risk in attacking it would be greater, and that 
 the justice of his cause would combat in his favor. La Girau- 
 diere, who had now been joined by his brother named de Bay, 
 remained three days in sight of the fort, doing nothing but 
 going around it to discover some weak point, by which he 
 might safely attack it, and failing in this he withdrew. Some 
 time after de Bay went alone to Chedabouctou, and requested 
 to speak with the governor. He told him that his brother was 
 master of fort St. Pierre, in the isle Royale (cape Breton), and 
 proposed terras of accommodation, which, after some argument, 
 were adopted. [2 Charlevoix, 204.] The conditions were that 
 the fort of St. Pierre should be delivered by M. la Giraudiere 
 to M. Denys, who, in his part, should give up Chedabouctou 
 and proceed to France, where their interests and mutual pre- 
 tences should be referred to the decision of the company. M. 
 Denys accepted this proposal, and the company declared that 
 they had been imposed on, and consequently revoked and 
 annulled their grant to la Giraudiere, and re-established M. 
 Denys in all his rights. But he received no compensation for 
 all the injury this transaction had caused him, amounting to 
 15,000 ecus. To crown his misfortunes, after he had returned 
 to his fort St. Pierre, designing to repair his losses by the fur 
 trade, at a period when, by the arrival of a great number of 
 9
 
 130 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 Indians, he saw himself an the point of making- great profits, 
 a conflagration completed the ruin of his interests. After this 
 calamity he was no longer able to undertake anything of im- 
 portance ; by which the country lost, in a great measure, the 
 advantages of a commander of the greatest capacity and appli- 
 cation to business ; although we find him publishing his voy- 
 ages in 1672, and still holding his extensive government and 
 grants in 1677 and 1685. M. Denys retired to Miramichi, where 
 his son was established in 1690. {Paris mss.~] See the grant 
 of Miramichi, 1687, confirmed in 1690, post, by which Denys 
 seems to have been still living. One cannot avoid reflecting 
 at this era, upon the singular changes and reverses of fortune 
 that attend on the b'est concerted "efforts of man. Here we 
 see three individuals, each possessing remarkable qualities as 
 eminent leaders of men, viz., d'Aulnay, Latour and Denys. 
 They had all three been officers of Razilly on his taking pos- 
 session of Acadie in 1632. D'Aulnay, after a brief career of 
 ambition, characterized by a haughty, fierce and vindictive dis- 
 position, had been cut off suddenly, and his widow had trans- 
 ferred herself and his possessions to his rival. Denys had 
 been victimized by the rapacity and injustice of men wholly his 
 inferiors in ability and character; and Latour, after a short period 
 of prosperity, was suddenly checked in his career by the English 
 invasion of 1654. Both Latour and Denys, however, lived 
 for years after, probably in affluence and comfort, though 
 deprived, in a great degree, of the power of advancing their 
 own fortunes or promoting the settlement of the coun- 
 try, the objects for which they had both assiduously labored. 
 Latour appears to have died about 1666, the year before the 
 treaty of Breda, while Denys survived him many years. La- 
 tour, who had shewn on former occasions great vigor in resist- 
 ing military attacks, was now compelled to bend to the storm, 
 and, by his prudence, retained his property and much of his 
 influence during the twelve ensuing years while the English 
 held the control of the country.
 
 1654- History of Nova-Scotia. 131 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XV. 
 
 (i.) 
 
 Lae't, p. 37, published in 1633, describes cape Breton. Speaking of the Indians 
 there, he says, " Their chiefs wear a cloak of wild beasts' skin over their shoul- " 
 " ders and breast. They have black dogs, whom they train up for hunting with " 
 " great care. The Portuguese brought a colony here formerly, but, tiring of the " 
 " inclemency of the winter's sky, the cold and the frequent storms, they soon " 
 " abandoned the design." He mentions ' English harbor' (now Louisbourg), 
 " so called because they are used to resort thither frequently to fish," Newport 
 and Cibo, " where such abundance of crabs and lobsters is found as almost " 
 " passes belief." Ninganis on the N. shore, where the Portuguese had settled and 
 deserted it. The name of cape Breton is by some supposed to have been deri- 
 red from cap Breton, a town in thp election of Landes, in Gascony, near Bay- 
 onne. 
 
 (2.) 
 
 The zd commission of M. Nicolas Denys is printed in the E. & F. Comm'es., 
 p. 719, 723. It mentions that Denys had been made governor in the bay of St, 
 Lawrence, and isles adjacent, by the company of New France, from cape Canseau 
 to cape Rosiers, and had acted there for nine or ten years, built two forts, &c. ;. 
 that he was hindered by d'Aulnay, who, by force, had seized forts and ruined the 
 settlers, &c., seized goods. It then makes Denys the king's governor and lieu- 
 tenant general " in all the country, territory, coasts and confines of the great "' 
 " bay of St. Lawrence, beginning from cape Canseau unto cape Rosiers, the " 
 " islands of Newfoundland, islands of cape Breton, of St. John, and other islands " 
 "adjacent. &c.," gives him powers similar to Latour's commission of 1651. The 
 widow and heirs of d'Aulnay are to indemnify him, and he has power to form a 
 company for the shore fishery on the shores of his government and on the coasts 
 of Acadie. 
 
 (3-) 
 
 Capitulation of Port Royal, 16 August, 1654. This is printed in E. &F. Com- 
 missaries, p. 723, 726. 
 
 Result of all the articles presented by M. de la Verdure,* as well in quality of 
 captain commandant in Port Royal for the king, as that of surrogate tutor (sub- 
 roge tuteur) of the minor children of the defunct monsieur d'Aulnay to Mr. 
 Robert Sedgewick, general of the squadron, and commander-in-chief on all the 
 coasts of New England in America, under the authority of his highness Oliver, 
 protector of the republic of England, Scotland and Ireland, and by virtue of a 
 commission from his said Highness, dated 8th February, 1653, and again with 
 
 * See the name of LaVerdure to the marriage articles of 1653. See also post 
 M. de Barillon's letters of 21 Oct., 1702, and 29 Nov., 1703. In 1723, by a 
 deed, it appears there was a Fra^ois le Claire, dit LaVerdure and Magdalen 
 Corporon his wife, living at the cape at Annapolis Royal. See also census of 
 1686.
 
 132 History of Nova-Scotia. 1654. 
 
 the commission of the general council of the Navy, dated Qth February, in the 
 same year, 1653, old style of England ; all which articles ought to be promptly 
 and faithfully observed, without any reserved explanation. 
 
 ABRIDGMENT OF THE TERMS. 
 
 I. The first article was settled that LaVerdure, with the soldiers and domes- 
 tics, should leave the fort with their arms, drums beating, flags displayed, fusil 
 on shoulder, ball in mouth, &c. ; also have their baggage and passage provided 
 to France, &c. 2. The property of the minor children (of d'Aulnay) was to be 
 left in charge of LaVerdure for their use. 3. Liberty to inhabitants to remain 
 unmolested or to go back to France. Liberty of conscience allowed the rev. 
 Capuchins, missionaries, to remain in their new house, or take passage to France, 
 &c. 4. LeBorgne's vessel, the Chateaufort, and his goods, to be inventoried and 
 left to the generosity of the English general. It was concluded on board the 
 admiral ship the Augustin, anchored in the river, and before the fort of Port 
 Royal ; " and for greater security of the contents of the above articles, the said " 
 " sieur de la Verdure has left for hostage M. Jacques Bourgeois, his brother-in- " 
 " law, and liejitenant of the place, bearer of his procuration for the present " 
 ' treaty, and the sieur Emanuel le Borgne, the son, until the completion of the " 
 " present agreement, which was begun at the first sitting held yesterday and con- " 
 "eluded to day, i6th August, 1654, stile of France," (thus signed), 
 
 BOURGEOIS. 
 
 ROBERT SEDGWICKE. 
 
 ROBERT SALEM. 
 
 MARKE HARRISON. 
 
 RICHARD MORS. 
 (And below is written), 
 
 " Since this present treaty, the same has been read over to the reverend " 
 " fathers, Leonard de Chartres, vice prefect and custos of the mission, for the " 
 "interest of the mission ; Mre. Guillaume Troum, sindic of the inhabitants and" 
 " for their interest, and the sieur le Borgne, for his own interest ; all of whom " 
 " have agreed to and approved of the said treaty. Done and passed, the day " 
 " and year above," (and they have signed thus), 
 
 EMANUEL LE BORGNE. 
 GUILLAUME TROUM. 
 
 FR. LEONARD DE CHARTRES, vice prefet 
 pour 1'interet de la mission. 
 
 (4-) 
 
 " During the usurpation in England, Cromwell, in the year 1654, sent Sir David 
 " Kirk, (see 1647, ante), who seized the settlement of Lord Baltimore, and drove 
 " out the people who would not submit to their new taskmasters ; however, Kirk 
 " afterwards entered into treaty with Lord Baltimore for the purchase of his plan- 
 ' tation, but without success, notwithstanding which, Sir David lived there upon 
 " his lands for several years, gave his name to a Sound on the Western shore, and 
 " his children and grand children dwelt there after him, the latter being reduced 
 "to the mean condition of the most ordinary inhabitants." History of the British 
 Empire in N. America, p. 139.
 
 1 65 5. History of Nova-Scotia. 133 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 1655. Mr. Edward Winslow, who had been several years 
 governor of Plymouth colony in New England, was sent to 
 England as agent for Massachusetts. Cromwell appointed 
 him one of his commissioners to accompany an expedition he 
 sent to Hispaniola. He died at sea on board of a vessel of the 
 fleet, May 8, 1655. [i Hutch., 137.] The commander of the 
 ships was admiral Penn, and general Venables was head of 
 the land forces. They failed to take Hispaniola, but succeeded 
 in conquering Jamaica, which island the English have retained 
 ever since. Mr. Leverett, who had been employed in the ex- 
 pedition against Port Royal, was appointed agent in England 
 instead of Winslow. The commission to captain John Lever- 
 ett was dated Boston, 23 November, 1655, and the fourth 
 clause in his instructions is thus : " 4. If a peace be conclu- " 
 " ded betwixt England and France, and the French forts in " 
 " these parts included therein, and that you find a propensitie " 
 " in his Highness to gratifie New England with the same, " 
 " that you improve your best interest and opportunitie for " 
 " the obtayning thereof, provided they be free from charges " 
 " and other ingagements." (The highness here referred to 
 was Oliver Cromwell, then lord Protector.) The treaty of 
 Westminster was this year concluded between England and 
 France, and it was published 23 October, o. s., (2 November, 
 new style.) The restitution of Acadie, which the French de- 
 sired, was not then effected ; but it was postponed, and did 
 not take place until after the treaty of Breda, twelve years 
 later. By the 25th article of the treaty of Westminster, the
 
 134 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 claim of France to Pentagoet, St. John, Port Royal, and 
 Laheve, was referred to a proposed commission, but nothing 
 was done in consequence. In 1662, the question was revived 
 by M. Estrades, the French ambassador, and commissaries 
 were appointed, but nothing further was effected. 
 
 Peace being thus restored between the two governments of 
 England and France, and the former remaining in peaceable 
 possession of the whole or at least the greater part of Acadie, 
 Latour, wearied by the frequent changes of fortune he had ex- 
 perienced, and the fatigues and exertions he had undergone, 
 appears to have been glad to acquiesce in any arrangement 
 that would permit him to enjoy domestic tranquillity, espe- 
 cially as he was no longer young, being about the age of sixty. 
 We find, accordingly, that a grant was made by Oliver Crom- 
 well, the lord protector, in favor of Latour, Sir Thomas 
 Temple and William Crowne, conveying to them Acadie, from 
 Merliguesche to the bounds of New England. (Crowne is said 
 to have been a writer of plays.) 
 
 1657. In this year colonel Sir Thomas Temple arrived in 
 New England, and took charge of Acadie, as governor. 
 Temple received a commission as governor of Nova Scotia 
 from Cromwell, and a similar commission from king Charles 
 the second. Le Borgne was appointed governor of Acadie 
 by the king of France ; he was also sent to England to 
 negotiate for a restoration of the places in the province 
 which had been seized by the English in 1654. He also 
 obtained an extensive grant of land in this country. 2Oth 
 November, 1657. By a grant of this date, the company 
 of New France conveyed to le Borgne the property in the 
 lands situated in Acadie, from the entrance of the river of 
 the isle Verte to New England, except what had been granted 
 to the sieur de la Tour. (10 December, 1657, a commission 
 from the king of France issued, appointing le Borgne governor 
 and lieutenant general in Acadie from Canseau to New Eng- 
 land.) 
 
 In this year, 1657, viscount d'Argenson was appointed gov- 
 ernor of Canada. 
 
 1658. This year LeBorgne sent two captains and fifty men
 
 1 659. History of Nova-Scotia. 135 
 
 in February, to Acadie ; and going out himself, he was made 
 prisoner, at Laheve, by the English, and was sent with other 
 prisoners to London. Joseph de Menou, aged 22 years, prays 
 for a grant to himself as hereditary governor in Acadie, and 
 to confirm his titles, he being the eldest son of d'Aulnay. 
 22 March, 1658, an arret was issued, forbidding any of the inha- 
 bitants of New France to leave it without permission or pass- 
 port, or to carry off furs or goods which should be lodged in 
 the public stores at Quebec. [Paris mss.] 
 
 1659. At this time the English had possession of the coast 
 of Acadie, from cape Canso to New England. The French 
 retained yet all the shore of the gulph of St. Lawrence, and 
 the island of cape Breton, in which M. Denys was in com- 
 mand of the chief settlement. In the second volume 
 of the Jesuits' ' relations,' is the following passage : " Aca- " 
 " die is that part of New France which faces the sea, and " 
 " which extends from New England as far as Gaspe, in pro- " 
 " perty, until it meets the entrance of the great river St. " 
 4( Lawrence," (This description of Acadie is opposed to the 
 claims of Sir Thomas Temple, in 1668, and those of the 
 French commissaries in 1751, who alike wished to restrict the 
 limits of Acadie to a portion of the peninsula only.) " This " 
 " extent of country, which extends three hundred leagues " 
 " fully, bears one name, and has but one language. The " 
 " English have usurped all the East coast, from Canseau as " 
 " far as New England. They have left the French the coasts " 
 " on the North, the principal names of which Miscou, Rigi- " 
 " bouctou, and cape Breton. The district of Miscou is the " 
 " most populous, the best disposed, and where there is the " 
 " most Christians. It comprehends the savages of Gaspe, " 
 " those of Miramichi, and those of Nepigiguit. Rigibouctou " 
 " is a fine river, important for the trade it has with the sava- " 
 " ges of St. John river. Cape Breton is one of the finest" 
 " islands one meets in coming from France. It is well " 
 " enough peopled with savages for its size. Monsieur Denys " 
 " commands the principal settlement which the French have " 
 " in these quarters. This is the country our fathers have cul- " 
 " vated since 1629, and where now labor Andr6 Richard,"
 
 136 History of Nova-Scotia. 1660-61-63. 
 
 " father Martin Lionne, and father Jacques Fremin." [Denys 
 wrote " Description geographique et historique des c6tes de 
 rAmerique Septentrionale, par le S. Denys, Paris, 1672. 2 
 tomes en 12."] 
 
 1660. In a letter dated Villy, 13 October, 1660, from the 
 sieur de la Verdure to the Demoiselle de Charnisay, he gives 
 the particulars of the furs carried away on account of Emanuel 
 le Borgne, which he estimates at 387,000 livres value. 
 
 1 66 1. Baron 1'Avengour was appointed governor of Canada. 
 At this period the materials for our history prove to be very 
 
 scanty and fragmentary, and all we can do is to arrange under 
 the order of dates the few disconnected matters having any 
 reference to the province. 
 
 1663. January 19. The company of New France, assem- 
 bled with that of Miscou, grant to the sieur Doublet, capitaine 
 de navire, (captain of a ship), the isles of Madelaine, St, John, 
 Birds island and Brion, in full property, subject to an annual 
 rent to the company of fifty livres. \_E. & F. Com., 726.] The 
 St. John here mentioned may have been Prince Edward 
 island, or possibly one of the groupe of the Magdalens. 
 
 On the 26th and 28th January, 1663, corresponding with 
 the 5th and 7th February, new style, earthquakes occurred in 
 New England, New York, Canada, and in Acadie. At Que- 
 bec a great earthquake was felt, and over an extent of three 
 hundred leagues from East to West, and one hundred and 
 fifty leagues from North to South. The sea and rivers were 
 perceptibly agitated. The isle aux Coudres was enlarged by 
 its effects. No lives were lost. Earthquakes occurred in 
 North America in 1638, 1658, 1663, 1727 and 1755. [2 Char- 
 levoix, 125, 134. Rel. of Jesuits, v. 2. I Ferland, 487.] 
 
 In February, 1663, the company of New France surrendered 
 and abandoned all their rights and property in New France to 
 the king, [i v. Edits, Quebec, i8o3,/. 19.] On the 21 March, 
 1663, the king of France, by an edict, revoked all grants made 
 by the company of New France of lands which had not been 
 cleared and should remain uncleared for six months after that 
 
 date. Edicts. &c., I v,, p. 24. M. de Mesey was appointed 
 
 governor of Canada in 1663. In April, 1663, the king created
 
 1664. History of Nova-Scotia. 137 
 
 the superior council (conseil superieur) of Quebec, to consist of 
 the governor, the bishop, five members chosen by them, and a 
 procureur royal (king's attorney general.) [2 Edits, p. 21.] 
 This council was to be a supreme court for the country, and 
 as far as possible to be conformable to the parliament of Paris. 
 The part of Nova Scotia, or Acadie, extending from the Ken- 
 nebec to the Ste. Croix, was granted in 1663 or 1664, by king 
 Charles the second to his brother the duke of York. It ob- 
 tained the name of " the duke's territory," and after his ascen- 
 ding the throne as James the second, it was called " the king's 
 territory." It was also sometimes called ' the province of 
 Sagadahock,' and became an appendage of Massachusetts. 
 \History of the British Empire in America, pp. 1 72, 171.] The 
 patent of king Charles 2, is dated 12 March, 1664, in which he 
 grants to his brother James, the province of New York ; also 
 the territory between the Ste. Croix and the Kennebec, &c. 
 
 1664. On the ist February, 1664, an agreement of partner- 
 ship, signed at Rouen, in triplicate, was entered into between 
 Francois Gon, sieur de Guime, Claude de Landemare and Fran- 
 ^ois Doublet. (Doublet had, as we have seen, obtained a 
 grant of the Magdalen islands, &c., in 1663.) The St. Francis, 
 of 150 tons, and the St. Michel, of 300 tons, both then at 
 Honfleur, were to be employed on joint account in the fish- 
 eries at the Magdalen islands. Gon was to have one quarter 
 of the islands in Doublet's grant, the remaining three-fourths 
 to belong to Landemare and Doublet. The vessels were to 
 take in three hundred hogsheads of salt at Rochelle. The 
 first green codfish caught was to be brought back to France 
 in the St. Francis, to Honfleur, by the 15 July, and the vessel 
 to be sent back for more green fish. The dry fish was to be 
 
 sent to Bilboa, in Spain, for sale.- The sum of 2500 livres 
 
 was to be advanced to the officers and men of the vessels, at 
 27 livres, 2 sous, per cent. To insure a blessing, one hundred 
 
 codfish were to be sold for the use of the poor. M. Denys 
 
 is mentioned in this document as being then in New France. 
 
 Louis 14, by an edict of May, 1664, established "la com- 
 pagnie des Indes Occidentales," (the company of the West 
 Indies.) [i Edits, Quebec, i8o3,/. 29.] An edict of the same
 
 138 History of Nova-Scotia. 1664. 
 
 monarch, in December, 1674, suppressed this last company, 
 and re-united its possessions to the crown of France. [2 Char- 
 levoix, 149. E. & F. Comes., 703.] 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XVI. 
 (i.) 
 
 Patent from Oliver Cromwell to Latour, Temple and Crowne, of Acadie, in 1656, 
 printed in the E. & F. Commissaries, pp. 727 to 732, in French. It is dated 
 Westminster, 9 August, 1656. Cromwell grants to Charles de St. Etienne, sieur 
 de la Tour, Thomas Temple and William Crowne, " the country and territory " 
 " called Acadie, and part of the country called New France, from Merliguesche " 
 " on the Eastern coast, as far as the port and cape of Laheve, following the sea " 
 " coast as far as cape Sable, and thence to a certain port called port Latour, at " 
 " present named port 1'Esmeron, and thence following the coasts and islands " 
 " as far as cape Fourchu, and thence to the cape and river Ste. Marie, following " 
 " the sea coasts as far as Port Royal, and thence following the coasts to the " 
 " head of the Bay, and thence along the Bay to fort St. John, and thence follow- " 
 " ing all the coast as far as Pentagoet, and the river Saint George in Mescou- " 
 " rus, situate on the borders of New England, on the West coast, and within the " 
 " lands along the said coasts to one hundred leagues in depth, and further on to " 
 " the first habitation made by the Flemings or French, or by the English of New " 
 " England, and all and singular the lands, islands, seas and rivers, lakes, forts " 
 " and fortresses, woods and underwoods, and all places of fishery, and privi- " 
 " leges of all kinds there and within 13 leagues to sea, are granted. New Eng- " 
 " land grants are reserved. The grantees, their heirs and assigns for ever, to " 
 " have the land, &c. Rent reserved of 20 beaver skins and 20 mouse (sourit) " 
 " skins, (moose ?) payable annually on 29 September. All others forbidden to " 
 " trade there. The grantees may confiscate all vessels and goods found there " 
 " without their permission. They may appoint governors of forts, &c., and a " 
 " governor of the country, on death vacancy, subject to the Protector's approval. " 
 " No one is to reside in the country but Protestants." 
 
 (2.) 
 
 On the 18 September, 1656, Cromwell made an order dated at Whitehall, ad- 
 dressed to captain John Leverett, to deliver to colonel Thomas Temple, on his 
 arrival in Acadie, commonly called Nova Scotia, possession of the forts of St. 
 John and Pentagoet, with the magazines, powder, vessels, ammunition, &c. Tem- 
 ple is to be governor of these forts. 
 
 (3-) 
 
 The king of France wrote to M. de Bourdeaux, his ambassador in London, 
 30 January, 1658, [Parts mss.,] stating that the company of New France had
 
 1664. History of Nova-Scotia. 139 
 
 sent M. le Borgne to England, to solicit the restitution of the forts of the river 
 " St. John, Port Royal, and Pentacoit, in the province of Acadie, dependent on " 
 " New France," taken by force by the English in 1654, and recommends the 
 claim to the ambassador's support. 31 January, the company write to M. de 
 Bourdeaux. 7 October, 1658, the king writes to him again on the subject. 
 
 (4-) 
 
 In a letter from Mr. John Leverett to Governor Endecott, dated London, 27 
 April, 1658 : 
 
 " These are to accompany a letter from his Highness and councell to you, im- 
 " powering of you to examine the accounts kept by Mr. Tho. Lake, and presented 
 " by me, of disbursements and receipts for the carrying on his Highness service 
 " at the forts taken from the French in America, a hint whereof I gave you by my 
 "last of the i6th current. In the letter you are required to call Col. Temple, or 
 " give him notice thereof : by whose occasion, it is as I suppose, that I meet with 
 "this trouble ; and if he have 'nothing of desygne but the gayning of time upon 
 " the state for his payment according to his engagements (the which some of his 
 " instruments hath confessed to me was aymed at by him), I know not why he 
 " should found his accommodation upon my real prejudize at present, though I 
 " know the Lord can turne it to advantage." 
 
 (5-) 
 
 A letter on the affairs of New England, 1663 or 1664 : t 
 
 Sir, I have been divers times with Col. Temple, at his lodgings, whom I 
 found to be a reall cordial gentleman, for poor N. E. who hath not wanted for 
 foes, for I will tell you, sir, what not only I, but a ten or a dozen besides myself 
 can testify, which I doubt not is writ by other hands to N. E. Sir, the first day 
 that Col. Temple came to the Exchange after he had been at Court, he went off 
 to the Sunne to Dummer, (i) and I think most of N. E. was there, amongst the 
 rest was Mr. Mavericke ; Col. Temple was then pleased to tell us what he had 
 said to the king in the behalf of N. E., which was very much, and speake merrylie, 
 as you know his manner is, and said for all those affidavies or oaths that are given 
 in against the country, yet I will hold 6 to 4 N. E. hath their liberty contrary to 
 expectation. Mr. Mavericke thought to have found him far otherwise, and of his 
 judgment : Mr. Mavericke said before all the company that N. E. were all rebels, 
 and he would prove them so, and that he had given in to the council so, but I 
 think he will be shamed of it. 
 
 To-morrow morning N. E. business is to be heard at the council table, and we 
 intend to be there. Sir, you need not fear but N. E. will enjoy their libertys as 
 ever, and concerning the Quakers, I tell you what Col. Temple saith, that in the 
 letters that he delivered of the country to the council in presence of the king, 
 they writ they should observe his Majesty's commands in all things, and that 
 they had given the Quakers liberty, the king hearing this clapt his hand on his 
 breast, said that he intended not soe, but that they should not hurry them, while 
 further orders. 
 
 J. CURWINE. 
 
 t Maine Historical Society's Collections, vol r., p. 301. 
 
 (i) Jeremiah Dummer, agent for Massachusetts, and Samuel Mavericke, after- 
 wards one of the Commissioners to New England.
 
 140 History of Nova-Scotia. 1667. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 1667. The treaty of Breda was concluded between the king 
 of England, Charles the second, and the king of France, Louis 
 the fourteenth, on the 21-31 July, 1667. The tenth article of 
 this treaty is as follows : " 10. The before named lord, the " 
 " king of Great Britain, shall restore and give up unto the " 
 " above named lord, the most Christian king, or to those who " 
 " shall have charge and authority on his part, sealed in good " 
 " form with the great seal of France, the country called " 
 " Acadie, situated in North America, which the most Chris- " 
 " tian king has formerly enjoyed ; and to execute this resti- " 
 " tution, the above named king of Great Britain, immediately " 
 " after the ratification of the present treaty, shall furnish to " 
 " the above named most Christian king all the acts and " 
 " authorities, expedited duly and in good form, necessary to " 
 "that effect, or shall cause them to be furnished to those of" 
 "his ministers or officers who shall be delegated by him." 
 (M. de Courcelles was appointed governor of Canada in 1666.) 
 Charles de la Tour is supposed to have died before the treaty 
 of Breda. His youngest surviving child appears to have been 
 born in 1665, (census of 1686.) He is said to have come to 
 Acadie with Claude de la Tour, his father in 1606, being then 
 fourteen years old. Jeanne, his daughter by his first marriage, 
 was born about 1626. In 1627 he was in command of port 
 Lomeron. In 1646 his fort at St. John was taken by d'Aul- 
 nay. In 1651, after dAulnay's death, he was made governor. 
 In 1653 he married the widow d'Aulnay. In 1654 he had to 
 yield to the English. In 1656 he was named first grantee in
 
 1667. History of Nova-Scotia. 141 
 
 Cromwell's patent, along with Temple and Crowne. He was 
 born about 1592, and he was about 60 years of age at the time 
 of his marriage with madame d' Aulnay, and about 74 at the 
 time of his decease. It was about the date of the treaty of 
 Breda, 1667, that mons. Jean Vincent de St. Castine, a French 
 baron de St. Castine, settled near Pentagouet, at the peninsula 
 now called Castine. He was born in Oleron, near the Pyrenees. 
 He had been a colonel in the king's body guards ; he after- 
 wards commanded the regiment de Carignan Salieres, and 
 went with them in 1665 to Quebec. At the disbanding of the 
 corps, at the peace, he went to live among the Indians. He 
 married an Indian wife (or wives), and carried on an extensive 
 and lucrative trade with the natives. He finally returned to 
 France, in 1708, leaving young Castine, his half breed son, 
 behind. In 1722, the young baron went to France to obtain 
 his father's inheritance, but was again in Acadie in 1731. The 
 elder Castine was son in law of Madockawando, chief sachem 
 of the Eastern Indians. [i Williamson, Maine, 471, 472. 
 Rameau, pp. 26, 27. Collections of Maine Historical Society, 
 v. 3,/. 124.] 
 
 The company of New France, in 1653, granted to Nicolas 
 Denys, esquire, all the lands and islands situated from cap de 
 Canceaux to cap des Rosiers. This was confirmed by royal 
 patent 30 January, 1654. Denys being in Paris 9 November, 
 1667, requests a grant of confirmation from the new company, 
 La Compagnie des Indes Occidentals. They therefore re- 
 grant to him the same territories in full property and seig- 
 neurie, on condition of his sending thither fifty emigrants 
 annually (male and female) for ten years. 17 December, 1667. 
 The new company, "Des Indes Occidentals" grant to Le 
 Borgne the lands from the entry of the isle Verte to the river 
 des Mines, with ten leagues in depth, from the sea coast, 
 annulling the former grant he held as too extensive. 
 
 31 December, 1667, king Charles the second wrote a letter 
 to Sir Thomas Temple to surrender the country of Acadie, 
 which was delivered to him on the 20 October, 1668, at Bos- 
 ton, by monsieur Morillon du Bourg, deputed by the most
 
 142 History of Nova-Scotia. 1668. 
 
 Christian king, under the great seal of France, to receive the 
 same. 
 
 17 February, 1667-8, king Charles the 2d makes a formal 
 cession by letters patent of this date, of all Acadie, naming 
 expressly " the forts and habitations of Pentagoet, St. John, " 
 " Port Royal and Cape Sable," to the king of France. {Mem- 
 orials of E. & F. Commissaries, p. 580, 587.] 
 
 9 October, 1668, the sieur de Morillon du Bourg transferred 
 all his authority to the Sr. de Belleisle ; and 10 October, 1668, 
 gave him a deed of all his interest in certain grants in Acadie. 
 20 October, 1668, Morillon du Bourg delivered king Charles' 
 letters to Sir Thomas Temple, at Boston. Sir Thomas Tem- 
 ple's reply of the date 6-16 November, 1668, objects that 
 some of the places named in the order are in Nova Scotia but 
 not in Acadie, and that no mention is made of Nova Scotia in 
 the treaty. 2. That St. Christophers has not been, delivered 
 which, by the treaty, was to precede the restitution of Acadie. 
 3. That monsieur LeBorgne had invaded Nova Scotia in a 
 hostile manner, and had been left commander-in-chief in Port 
 Royal by the sieur du Bourg, contrary to the articles of the 
 treaty. He declines acting under the king's order " until his " 
 " majesty's pleasure be further known, both as to the bounds " 
 " and limits of Acadie and Nova Scotia, there being no pla- " 
 " ces mentioned in my order, but la Heve and cape Sable, " 
 ' that belong to Acadie ; and the rest of the places mention- " 
 " ed, viz. : Pentagoet, St. John's and Port Royal, are in Nova " 
 " Scotia, bordering upon New England, containing the whole " 
 " country under my command : together with the irregular " 
 " invading of the said country before mentioned in hostile " 
 " manner, &c." On the 10 November, 1668, Temple received 
 a letter from the king Charles the 2nd, dated the ist August, 
 commanding him not to deliver up the country until his fur- 
 ther pleasure was known. This he shewed to M. du Bourg, 
 and on the 19-29 November, 1668, sent to him a written 
 notice accordingly of same date. 
 
 On the 24 November, 1668, Sir Thomas Temple wrote to 
 the lords of the council, giving them an account of these 
 things, from which are the following extracts : " I thought "
 
 1 668. History of Nova-Scotia. 143 
 
 " fit also to let your lordships know that those ports and " 
 " places named in my first order were a part of one of the " 
 " colonies of New England, viz. : Pentagoet, belonging to " 
 " New Plymouth, which has given the magistrates here great " 
 " cause of fear and apprehensions of so potent a neighbor " 
 " which may be of dangerous consequence to his majesty's " 
 " service and subjects, the Carribbee islands having most of" 
 " their provisions from these parts, and that mons. de Bourg " 
 " informs me that the most Christian king intended to plant " 
 ' a colony at Pentagoet, and make a passage by land to Oue- " 
 " bee, his greatest town in Canada, being but three days " 
 
 "journey distant." "that Acadia is but a small" 
 
 " part of Nova Scotia," " a country that might " 
 
 " be of infinite advantage to his majesty and his subjects, " 
 " were it improved, abounding in good harbors, rivers, good " 
 " land, mines, excellent timber of all sorts, especially for ship- " 
 
 " ping, and the seas abounding with cod fish." " The " 
 
 " only revenue at present (it being unpeopled) is made by " 
 "furs and elk* skins, to the value of ^900 per annum, of" 
 " which Mr. Elliot receives ;6oo." He mentions his plans 
 for a fishery, his expenses in defending the country from 
 attacks of French neighbors, the colony being ^5000 in debt 
 to merchants, having received no aid from the English king, 
 his own old age and poverty, refers to papers enclosed, and 
 prays for relief. He says that " Nova Scotia is the first " 
 "colony which England has possessed in all America, of" 
 " which the limits have been fixed, being bounded on the " 
 " North by the great river of Canada, and on the West by " 
 " New England, it contains the two great provinces of Alex- " 
 " andria and Caledonia, established and confirmed by divers " 
 " acts of the parliament of Scotland, and annexed to that " 
 " crown, the records whereof are kept in the castle of Edin- " 
 " burgh to this day." [Memorials of the English and French 
 Commissaries, pp. 588 to 691.] 
 
 From Sir Thomas Temple's letter of December, 1668, to 
 the earl of Arlington, [Memorials of E. & F. Commissaries, 
 
 * Moose.
 
 144 History of Nova-Scotia. 1668. 
 
 pp. 595 to 599.] "His majesty's letter of the ist August, by 
 " the ketch Portsmouth, I received of captain John Wyburn, 
 "here in Boston, the loth of November, 1668. Port Royal, 
 " whither I have sent his majesty's ketch and two vessels of 
 " my own, with men, ammunitions and provisions, though with 
 " great charge and difficulty, being the depth of winter, and 
 " the coast very rude ; but I make no doubt, by God's bles- 
 " sing, to reduce the place, and put things into the same pos- 
 " ture they were before monsieur du Bourg, the French king's 
 " deputy, came, of which I never heard anything, nor of his 
 " majesty's orders, till he delivered them unto me. He acted 
 " with great subtilty, coming all along the coasts of Acadie 
 " and Nova Scotia, leaving a governor at Port Royal ; and 
 " here menacing me with no less thon the loss of my head, if 
 " I refused to deliver up all the country ; which not prevail- 
 " ing, he is gone for St. Christophers, as he informed me. At 
 " his departure, he intreated me to convey this inclosed letter 
 " to the French ambassador in England, which, in civility, I 
 " could not well deny, nor know how better to perform, than, 
 " with your pardon, by your lordship's hand. He was a per- 
 " son of singular address, and much versed in business of this 
 " nature ; and the threat he mentioned was behind my back, 
 " to some gentlemen. I sent to him to demand caution that 
 "le Borgne, he left governor in Port Royal, should return 
 " peaceably. He much feared that I would have used means 
 " to have detained him here, and sent a letter to le Borgne, a 
 " copy of which I have here inclosed. I used him, for his 
 " majesty's honor, with great respect and courtesy ; and so did 
 " the magistrates here, with which he was much satisfied ; and 
 " seemed to be most astonished at the flourishing growth of 
 " this city, and the strength of it, especially in so short a time. 
 " His answer for le Borgne being left at Port Royal, was that 
 " le Borgne had a particular commission from the French king, 
 " which I found to be true." 
 
 From Morillon du Bourg's letter to the French West India 
 company, dated Baston, 9 November, 1668. {Memorials of 
 E. & F. Commissaries, p. 599.] " I have followed all the coast 
 " of Acadie, with M. de Belleisle, to see the places marked in
 
 1669. History of Nova-Scotia. 145 
 
 " my instructions, but as there was no probability of settling 
 " myself there until I should have previously conferred with 
 41 M. le chevalier Temple, I have come to Boston to deliver to 
 " him the letter of his Britannic majesty, and the articles of the 
 " treaty of Breda, which he received very well, and whereto he 
 *' says he is willing to conform : meanwhile he makes a very 
 ** great difference between Acadie and Nova Scotia, which he 
 " says is his own property, and which he makes to consist 
 " from Mirliguesche as far as Pentagoet, and stretching from 
 " the coast of cape Breton as far as the river of Quebec. 
 " Thus, gentlemen, one is misunderstood, and you see thereby 
 " that Pentagoet, SL John, Port Royal, cape Sable and la Heve, 
 " specified in the orders, are not in Acadie, but in Nova 
 " Scotia." ." Besides, M. le chevalier Temple says that M. le 
 *' Belleisle ought not to have remained at Port Royal, (which 
 " he did, not wishing to go further with me), until our inter- 
 ** view shall previously have taken place. He also complains 
 *' of some violence committed by him " {Belleisle) " a short 
 "time since on some of his" (Temple's) "people." "And" 
 *' then returning to the general treaty, he maintains that we 
 " ought to have given up the islands of Saint Christopher's, 
 y< Antigua and Montserrat." 
 
 1669. Charles 2, wrote to Colonel Temple, under date 
 of 8th March, 1668-9, referring to his former letters of 31 
 December, 1667, and to that of I August, 1668, and direct* 
 him now to obey the former directions, and to give up posses- 
 sion. In this order Acadie is named, and the same forts as- 
 in the first order. In a final order, dated 6 August, 1669, the 
 king refers to the scruples already made by Temple, and' 
 directs most positively the unconditional delivery of Acadie,, 
 and by name of the several forts of Pentagoet, St. John, Port 
 Royal, Laheve and cape Sable. The two letters are in the 
 E. & F, Com'es,, pp. 743 & 601. Temple was said to have- 
 derived 80,000 livres rent, in the shape of duties on the fish- 
 eries, &c., paid by the English trading to Acadie, &c. [2 
 Ckarlevoix, N. F., 205.} 
 
 On the 6 July, 1670, at Boston, in New England, Hubert 
 d'Andigny, chevalier de Grand-fontaine, delivered to Sir Tho- 
 10
 
 146 History of Nova-Scotia. 1670. 
 
 mas Temple the order from king Charles the second, date 
 
 6 August, 1669, and at the same time exhibited to him a com- 
 mission from the French king, dated 22 July, 1669, under the 
 great seal of France, empowering Grand-fontaine to receive pos- 
 session of Acadie. (Charlevoix says the commission, by vir- 
 tue of which Grand-fontaine took possession of Pentagoet, was 
 dated 6 March, 1670, and that it marks the bounds of his 
 government from the Quinibequi to the river St. Lawrence, 
 and taken possession by Razilly in 1630, v. 2, p. 205.) Tem- 
 ple (he is said to have been sick at the time, Hist. B. Empire 
 in America, p. 74) accordingly executed a written order, dated 
 
 7 July, 1670, addressed to " captain Richard Walker, my " 
 " deputy governor of the said parts, actually upon the place. " 
 In this order Temple styles himself " Sir Thomas Temple, " 
 " knight baronet, lieutenant for his majesty of Great Britain, " 
 " of the countries of Nova Scotia and Acadie," and he directs 
 Walker, and all officers under his (Temple's) command, to 
 .deliver Acadie and the forts of Pentagoet, St. John, Port Royal, 
 Laheve and cape Sable, to M. Grand-fontaine. He restores 
 the country in terms, and alleges bodily sickness for transfer- 
 ring to his deputy the actual delivery, and mentions that 
 Grand-fontaine is to remain commandant for his most Christian 
 majesty. (See original in E. & F. Commissaries, pp. 604-606,) 
 See also 2 Charlevoix, pp. 204-205. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 The acts setting out the surrender of the forts are given also in the E. & F. 
 Commissaries, pp. 606 to 613, and are at this day very curious. 
 
 (I) 
 
 The first is the surrender of the fort of Pentagoet. The date is 5 August, 
 1670. It is signed by the chevalier de Grand-fontaine, Jean Maillard, Richard 
 Walker, Isaac Garner, and by Marshal, secretary. In this instrument, Walker, 
 the deputy governor, is said to be accompanied by Isaac Garden, gentleman, and 
 Jean Maillard is called the king's scriviner (ecrivain du Roi) in the ship of hi* 
 majesty called the St. Sebastian, commanded by M. de la Clocheterie.
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 147 
 
 ** First at the entering in of the said fort upon the left hand, we found* a court " 
 ** of guard of about fifteen paces long and ten broad, having upon the right hand " 
 " a house of the like length and breadth, built with hewen stone, and covered " 
 *' with shingles, and .above them there is a chapel .of about six paces long and " 
 "* four paces broad, covered with shingles, and built with terras, upon which " 
 *' there is a small turret, wherein there is a little bell weighing about eighteen " 
 " pounds." " More, upon the left hand as we entered into the court, there is a " 
 <( magazine" (storehouse) " having two stories, built with stone, and covered " 
 " with shingles, being in length about thirty-six paces long and ten in breadth, " 
 *' which magazine is very old and wanted much reparation, under which " 
 " there is a little cellar, wherein there is a well. And upon the other side " 
 " of the said court, being on the right hand, as we enter into the said court, " 
 *' there is a house of the same length and breadth as the magazine is, being " 
 "' half covered with shingles, and the rest uncovered, and wanted much repara- " 
 *' tion ; these we have exactly viewed and taken notice of." The cannon on the 
 ramparts are stated as 3 guns, 6 pounders, 2 four-pounders and culverins, 2 three- 
 pounders, and on a little platform adjoining the sea, outside of the fort, 2 eight- 
 pounders, 'in all twelve iron guns, weighing 21,122 Ibs. ; and also in the fort 
 two murtherers (pierriers) without chambers, weighing 1200 Ibs. The wheels 
 and carriages are specified, some as new, others old. 200 iron bullets, from 3 to 
 8 Ibs. " Lastly, about 30 or 40 paces from the said fort there is a small out- " 
 *' house," being about 20 paces in length and 8 in breadth, built with planks !> 
 *' and half covered with shingles, which do" {does) ** not serve for any use but " 
 " to house cattle." " More, about 50 paces from the said outhouse, there is a " 
 *' square garden, inclosed with rails, (pieux), in which .garden there are 50 or 60 " 
 ** trees, bearing fruit." It is stated at the end that particulars are given, in order 
 that the value may be made good to Sir Thomas Temple, his heirs or assigns, &c. 
 
 The next is tfee precis verbal of the surrender of fort Gemiskk, on the St. John 
 river, 27 August, 1670. The parties who signed this were Pierre de Joibert, 
 ecuyer, seigneur de Soulanges et Marson, lieutenant of M. le chevalier de 
 Grand-fontaine, commandant for the king in the county of Acadie, deputy gover- 
 nor captain Richard Walker, and Isaac Garner, gentleman. The fort of Gemisick 
 is stated to be 25 leagues up the river St. John, to be forty paces long by 30 wide. 
 enclosed all round by new stakes (perches) of 1 8 feet high, connected by two 
 cross pieces fastened with two nails (deux clous de fiche) to each stake. The 
 gate is new, of three thicknesses of plank. Pickets of nine feet high are leant 
 inside against the stakes. Three platforms and three angles of the fort are made 
 of new plank. There are four iron guns mounted, weighing respectively 427, 
 427, 625, 300, Ibs., and a 5th iron gun, not yet mounted, of 350 Ibs. weight. A 
 house 20 paces by 10, two chimnies and two sheds, a forge, a ton of coals, a 
 table with drawers, and two wooden chairs. There is also a store house, in 
 which is a large closet for goods. 
 
 *" Trouve dans la cour un corps de garde," (French copy), found in the court a 
 guard house.
 
 148 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 (3-) 
 
 The surrender of Port Royal was made on the 2nd September, 1670, by Walker 
 and Garner, to M. de Soulanges, by an announcement to that effect made pub- 
 licly and aloud, in presence of all the inhabitants assembled for that purpose. 
 This is certified by de Soulanges, under the same date. He also states that 
 Walker had sent an order to the sieur de Rinedon, commandant of fort Latour, 
 (on the river St John, in St. John's harbour or port Latour ?) to deliver it up also, 
 This document gives no particulars of the state of either fort. 
 
 Williamson, in his history of Maine, vol. i., pp. 363, 428, speaks of a pnrchas* 
 made by Temple of Latoor's title, and a regular conveyance made. He says 
 Temple was humane, generous and disinterested He also mentions a promise 
 made him by the crown, of 16,200, as an indemnification for the loss of his grant 
 and property, and for money he had expended in fortifications and otherwise in 
 Acadie. We will find some particulars of his death in 1674. It would seem that 
 Grand-fontaine, on assuming the command of Acadie, took up his residence at 
 Pentagoet.
 
 1671. History of Nova-Scotia. 149 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 1671. The chevalier de Grand-fontaine, governor of Acadie, 
 in writing to the minister at Paris, in 1671, states That the 
 vessel called 1'Oranger had arrived, having on board sixty 
 passengers, among whom were four girls and one woman. He 
 transmits a list of the things he is in need of to M. Terron ; 
 also of the articles in store. He says he is going to send his 
 ensign to the river St John, to establish the old fort that is at 
 the mouth, to guard it until the cannon be brought there from 
 the fort 25 leagues inland, (Jemseg.) On the margin of his 
 despatch is written, " This ensign will also attempt the road " 
 " to Quebec, will pass over to Port Royal, and tell those who " 
 " are there what they ought to do to live in peace, until " 
 " messrs. de Courcelles and Talon have sent them some one '* 
 " to command them," (Courcelles was governor of Canada, and 
 Talon intendant at the time,) "he, Grand-fontaine, having" 
 " forbidden the inhabitants to acknowledge the person called '* 
 41 Ic Borgne, unless as a simple inhabitant, considering the " 
 " complaints against him, also against a cordelier, performing " 
 " the functions of cure, having caused a negro to he hung " 
 " without any formalities, killed an Indian, and banished " 
 " three inhabitants." He says he has bought a ketch from 
 colonel Temple, to carry the inhabitants and provisions to Port 
 Royal, and to put a stop to the fur trade which the English 
 are carrying on there. He says that he must send to seek a 
 carpenter in New England, to construct some little vessel ; 
 it being necessary to send one there ; also that little funds are 
 wanted to meet this kind of expenses. He complains of the
 
 150 History of Nova-Scotia. 1671. 
 
 conduct of sieur de Marson, his lieutenant, whom he had sent 
 to Boston on the subject of a vessel arrested, and of the trade, 
 with the letters of M. Talon. Marson returned, and did not 
 report to Grand-fontaine, who put him imder arrest in conse- 
 quence. That he had sent to M. Talon to facilitate the com- 
 munication with Acadie ; and while awaiting his reply, would 
 have new colonists sent to the great rapid of Kediscuit, by 
 which the intended road should pass. (There is a place called 
 Keduskig, on the map published by the E. & F. Commissaries 
 with their reports, about fifty miles up the Penobscot.) For 
 wani of a person fit to command at fort Latour, he has not 
 been able to begin the shore fishery, (peche sedentaire), or 
 that of seals. He asks for some half-pay officers, (officiers 
 reformes), or persons capable of taking command, and that the 
 colonists to be sent should be seafaring men. He requests 
 some little salary for the storekeeper, with whom he is pleased. 
 He proposes that those sent out should leave in March, to 
 give them time to make clearings for their dwellings during 
 the summer. Sends a list of all the inhabitants of Acadie, 
 which will be much greater next year, all his soldiers wishing 
 to settle there ; and he remarks that the air is very good. He 
 sends a. description of the river and fort of Pentagoet, and con- 
 ceives it to be necessary to occupy the river St. George, which 
 bounds the English settlements. He recommends that the 
 king should get the duke of York to restore Quenebeguy and 
 Pamcouet, (Kennebec and Pemaquid), the inhabitants of which 
 do not wish to recognize Boston, and would only demand the 
 liberty of religion, and that his majesty would profit by the 
 fishery and coasting trade, which would prove of great utility. 
 [Paris mss.] 
 
 M. Rameau, the author of a work entitled " La France 
 aux Colonies, Paris, 1859," visited Nova Scotia in 1860 to 
 seek information personally on the spot respecting the 
 ancient French settlements. I had the pleasure of conversing 
 with him at Halifax at that time, and subsequently, of peru- 
 sing his excellent book. At pages 124 to 127 he gives the 
 particulars of a census of the inhabitants of Port Royal, &c., 
 in 1671, drawn up by Laurent Molin, religieux cordelier.
 
 1671. History of Nvva-Scotm. 151 
 
 There appeared to be at that time at Port Royal, 361 souls. 
 At Poboncom, near the Tousquet isles, ) 
 
 (now called Pubnico), J ' 
 
 At cape Negro, 7 
 
 At riviere aux Rochelois, 3 
 
 Total, 378 
 
 (At page 129 he calls the total 394. He also mentions a pre- 
 vious undated census of Port Royal, returning 92 souls.) The 
 
 largest family is that of Francis Gauterot, numbering 13. 
 
 Among the people at Port Royal were a surgeon, a weaver, 
 four coopers, a farrier, two armourers, a mason, and a maker 
 of edge tools. The number of families there was 66. The 
 surnames were Aucoin, Babin, Belon, Bellineau (Belliveau ?), 
 Baiols, Blanchard, Boure, Boudrot, Bertrand, Bourgeois, Brot, 
 Brun, Commeaux, Connie", Corperon, D'aigre, Doucet, Dupeux, 
 DeForet, Gaudet, Gauterot, Grang6, Guillebaut, Girouard, 
 Gougeon, Hebert, Knessy, Labathe, Landry, LeBland, Lanoue, 
 Martin, Melanson, Morin, Pelerin, Petitpas, Poirie, Pitre, 
 Richard, Rimbaut, Robichaut, Scavoye, Sire, Terriau, Thibau- 
 deau, Trahan, Vincent At Poboncom there was Phillippe 
 Mius, ecuyer, sieur de Landremont, or de Dantremont, aged 
 62 ; his wife, Madeleine Elie ; sons Abraham, 13, Philip ir, 
 another 17, and two daughters. At cape Negro lived Armand 
 
 Lalloue, ecuyer, sieur de , aged 58 ; his wife, Elizabeth 
 
 Nicolas ; children, Jacques 24 ; Armand 14 ; Arnault 12, and 
 two girls. At riviere aux Rochelois lived Guillaume Poulet, 
 wife, and one child. 
 
 The number of horned cattle in Port Royal 
 
 settlement, 580 
 
 sheep, 406 
 
 " arpents, (acres), cultivated 
 
 land, do., 364 1-2 
 
 At Pobomcoup the sieur Dantremont had 20 horned cattle, 
 25 sheep, and 6 arpents of cultivated land. At cape Negro, 
 M. Lalloue had one arpent of land under cultivation. At 
 riviere aux Rochelois were two arpents of cultivated land. 
 The oldest person mentioned is Jean Gaudet, 96 years. Mat-
 
 152 History of Nova-Scotia. 1672-73. 
 
 thew Martin, the same person, I suppose, who afterwards 
 obtained a grant of Cobequid from the governor and intendant 
 of New France, (Denonville and Champigny), date 28 March, 
 1689. See post. It is said that he was the first white person 
 born in the colony, and that this circumstance was recited in 
 his grant. See under dates 1686, 1689 and 1731, post. In 
 the census of 1671 he is mentioned as being 35 years old, 
 unmarried, and a weaver, owner of four horned cattle and 
 three sheep. In the census of 1686 he is called 47 years old, 
 owner of one gun and eight arpents of land. Disputes about 
 his will arose in 1731. 
 
 M. Rameau proves that this small population was of an old 
 date in the country, by the intermarriages which had taken 
 place among them before 1671, specifying that Michael Bou- 
 drot and Fran9ois Girouard had each married a daughter of 
 the Aucoins, twenty-five or thirty years previously. There 
 appears no mention in this census of LeBorgne, or his family, 
 or of any of the Latours, or of any governor, nobleman or 
 priest, except the cordelier friar, as resident in the settlement 
 of Port Royal, at this time. 
 
 1672-3. Some time in 1672 or 1673, six years after the 
 treaty of Breda, a number of French families emigrated from 
 St. Malo, in Old France, to the river Miramichi, and commen- 
 ced a settlement at baie des Vents. [Cooney, N. B., 30-33. 
 Gesner, N. B., 43-44.] At this time, the French, who had 
 taken possession of the country, appear to have kept up but 
 two forts, viz., that of Pentagoet, where the chevalier Grand- 
 fontaine, the governor or commandant, resided, and that of 
 the river St. John, where his lieutenant M. de Marson held 
 command. It is also stated that M. Talon, intendant of 
 Canada, who had requested leave to return to France, was 
 directed by a letter of M. Colbert, dated 4 June, 1672, to take 
 Acadie in his way, as he had proposed. He had orders to 
 negociate with Sir Thomas Temple, who had desired leave to 
 retire into French territory, and to assure him that the French 
 king would give him letters of naturalization, and other favors. 
 From some cause, which is not explained, this proposal led to 
 no result. [2 Ckarlevoix, p. 255.]
 
 1 6 74. History of Nova-Scotia. 153 
 
 On the 5 May, 1673, an order, signed by king Louis 14, and 
 by his minister Colbert, issued, dated at Peronne, [Paris ntss.,] 
 which recites that Grand-fontaine wished to return to France, 
 to have leisure for his private business, and directs the ap- 
 pointment of the sieur de Chambly to command in Acadie in 
 his stead. 
 
 1674. The compagnie des Indes Occidentals ; established by 
 edict of May, 1664, w ^h exclusive privileges of trade for forty 
 years, was revoked by edict of December, 1674, which remit- 
 ted the territories, &c., to the Crown, and gave free trade to 
 all his majesty's subjects. Canada, Acadie, Newfoundland, 
 Virginia, Florida, and the African coasts, were included. 
 [Edits, &c., Quebec, i8o3,/. 63, &s.] 
 
 In this year, 1674, Sir Thomas Temple died. In a letter 
 from Mr. J. Collins to governor Leverett, of Massachusetts, 
 dated London, April 10, 1674, is the following passage. [Htitch. 
 Mass. Collections, p. 445.] " Since my last, it has pleased " 
 " God to remove by death Mr. Lodor, Mr. Yenning, and " 
 " some other ministers of the presbiterian perswasion, holy " 
 " men, and much lamented ; as alsoe lately Sir Thomas Tern- " 
 " pie, whom melancholy and griefe hath killed by his hard " 
 " usage from Mr. Elliott, but especially the occasion given of" 
 " scandall, by his lodging at his old Mrs., her house, Mrs. " 
 " Martin, which having heard the echo of again from New " 
 " England, from the letters that some too uncharitably wrote " 
 " did sit deep upon his spirit, and hastened his end. He " 
 " sent for me, and I was with him severall houres, before he " 
 " dyed a week, and he layed open his soul ; it was a mere " 
 "accident : yea, great necessity, I judge afterward, that cast" 
 " him at that wretches house." Sir Thomas Temple is said to 
 have appointed Mr. John Nelson his heir to this province, 
 [Hist, of B. Empire in America, p. 174], and it there stated 
 that the government promised him , 16,200 sterling, as an 
 indemnity for his losses in respect of Nova Scotia, which was 
 never paid. 
 
 The chevalier Grand-fontaine was succeeded in his command 
 at Pentagoet, which seems to have been at this time the 
 French headquarters in Acadie, by M. de Chambly, probably
 
 154 History of Nova-Scotia. 1676. 
 
 in 1673. In the following year, 1674, an Englishman gained 
 access to the fort in disguise, and remained there for four 
 days. Having thus obtained the information he wished, he 
 withdrew, and in a short time came back with the crew of a 
 Flemish corsair to attack the place. This adventurer, whose 
 name is not given, had one hundred and ten men under his 
 orders, while M. de Chambly had but thirty. As the two 
 crowns of England and France were in peace with each other, 
 no idea of an attack from any quarter had been entertained, 
 and the garrison was wholly unprepared for a defence, and 
 taken by surprise. Chambly nevertheless defended himself 
 with much valor, but after an hour's fighting he received a 
 musket shot in the body, which forced him to retire. On this 
 event, his ensign and soldiers, who were badly armed, and, it 
 is said, worse disposed, surrendered at discretion. The enemy 
 at once sent off a detachment to fort Gemesic, (Jemseg), on 
 the St. John river, where M. de Marson was in command, to 
 carry him off, and this they accomplished without resistance, 
 The author of this hostile proceeding had no commission, and 
 was disavowed by the English, though it is stated that he had 
 obtained an English pilot from Boston, and the English there 
 were suspected of having encouraged the affair from jealousy 
 of the neighborhood of the French at Pentagoet. Williamson, 
 the historian of Maine, dates this occurrence in 1676, but it is 
 stated to have happened in 1674 both by Charlevoix and by 
 the recitals in a grant of land made in 1676 by count Fronte- 
 nac to M. de Marson. Williamson also attributes the attack 
 to the Dutch, and adds that these corsairs were driven out of 
 their conquest by two or three vessels sent from Boston. The 
 grant of 1676 also calls the assailants Hollanders. The baron 
 Castine after this took possession of the now vacant fort of 
 Pentagoet, which he repaired and occupied. 
 
 1676. The Indians who lived eastward of New England 
 made war on the English settlers, killed many, and drove 
 others by terror from the Kennebec, and did much mischief 
 at Casco and other places in that vicinity. Their head chief 
 in this war was Mugg, and they conducted it in more con-
 
 1 6 7 7 7 8- History of Nova-Scotia. 155 
 
 formity with civilized usages than was customary with the 
 Indians. 
 
 On the 13 November, 1676, the Tarrateens or Eastern 
 Indians made a treaty at Boston with the English, which was 
 entered into by Mugg, in behalf of Madockawando (the father- 
 in-law of Castine), and Cheberrina, sachems of Penobscot. 
 [i Hutch., Mass., 346, 347.] A commission, dated 20 May, 
 1676, appointed M. de Chambly to the command of Acadie, 
 subject to the governor of Canada. He is directed to defend 
 the fort and the country, and to protect trade. [Paris mss.] 
 It does not clearly appear how he was to carry out these 
 injunctions, having such small means of defence supplied him. 
 
 1677. The Eastern Indians committed further aggressions 
 on the frontiers of New England. Major Andros, who held a 
 commission from the duke of York, placed forces at Pemaquid, 
 and forced them to make peace again. \Hiitch : ubi supra.] 
 The coal mines of cape Breton began at this time to attract 
 attention. Duchesneau, the intendant of New France, issued 
 an ordonnance, dated 21 August, 1677, which recognizes and 
 establishes the right of M. Denis to exact a duty from all per- 
 sons who took coal from cape Breton, or plaister from the 
 straits of Canceaux, as grantee of the land by patent in 1654, 
 governor, &c. This document fixes the duty at 30 sous 
 for each ton of plaister (gypsum), and 20 sous for each ton of 
 coal. Persons also who trade in furs within the limits of 
 Denis' grants and government, which embraced the islands of 
 St. John and cape Breton, and the whole gulph shore from 
 Canso to cape Rosiers, are declared liable to confiscation of 
 their goods employed, and to a fine of 200 livres, unless they 
 have license from Denis. 
 
 1678. M. de Marson had taken command in Acadie by 
 order of M. de la Barre, Chambly being absent ; and on 16 
 July, 1678, count Frontenac appointed the sieur de la Valliere 
 to this command.
 
 156 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XVIII. 
 (i.) 
 
 An edict of the king of France, dated from the camp of Luting, near Namur, 
 directs all grants of land in New France, which had been left uncleared, to be 
 reduced to one-half. The retrenched half to be granted to actual settlers. [Edits, 
 Quebec, 1803, v. I,/. 71. 
 
 (2.) 
 
 In a letter of 28 January 1686, Grand Fontaine states that he left the treaty he 
 made with Temple, and his own instructions from M. Perron, with Chambly, who 
 relieved him in the government ; but as Chambly was afterwards captured and 
 robbed by a corsair, he thinks the papers were lost. He says his own papers were 
 left with his host at Rochelle, when he went out to Tobago, but on his return they 
 were missing. [Paris mss.} 
 
 (3-) 
 
 An edict of Louis 14, dated from the camp at Heurtebise, near Valenciennes, 
 20 May 1676, authorizes count Frontenac, governor, and Duchesneau, intendant, 
 to grant lands in New France, on condition of clearing them within six years. 
 Such grants to be presented to the king for confirmation within the year they bear 
 date, &c. In 1667 and 1668, edicts forbade the settlers going to hunt among the 
 savages more than one league from the settlement. [Edits, &c., Quebec, 1803, -vol. 
 
 I-/- 93-1 
 
 Grants made in Acadia by count Frontenac, governor, and Duchesneau, inten- 
 dant : 
 
 I. 12 Oct. 1676, to the Sieur Pierre de Joibert, ecuyer, Sieur de Soulangcs et de 
 Afarson, major of Pentagoet and commandant of the forts of Gemisick and the 
 river St. John, a seignory, called Nachouac, to be hereafter called Soulanges, 1 5 
 leagues from Gemisick, 2 leagues front on each side of the St John river and 2 
 leagues deep inland, &c. 2. 16 Oct., 1676, a similar grant to de Mar son of the 
 fort or house of Gemisick, with a league on each side of the fort, making two leagues 
 front on the river. 3. 24 Oct., 1676, a similar grant to Michel le Neuf, ecuyer, 
 sieur de la Valliere, " of ten leagues of land in front, which are on the South side " 
 " between Cape Breton and the isle Percee, beginning from the river Kigiskoua- " 
 ' bouguet, comprizing the same, to another river called Kimontgouiche, also " 
 " comprized, with ten leagues in depth inland, whereof the bay of Chinigtou " 
 " and cape Tormentin are part." These grants are in perpetuity, as Seigneuries, 
 held by homage, &c., at the chateau of St. Louis at Quebec. 
 
 (4-) 
 
 Translation of a document, or conveyance in 1679 : 
 
 Before Jacques Courand, procurator fiscal and notary, settled at Port Royal, for 
 the lord of said place, was present in person the nobleman Alex. LeBorgne, Sieur 
 deBellisle, in stead and place of Monsieur Emanuel leBorgne, his father, Sieur
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 157 
 
 duCoudray, knight of the order of St. Michael, lord and part owner of Acadie. 
 Which said Sieur de Bellisle in the said name has voluntarily acknowledged to 
 have granted, surrendered and transferred, as in fact he grants, surrenders and 
 transfers by these presents from henceforth forever to Pierre Martin and Mathieu 
 Martin his son, (the said Mathieu at this time stipulating and accepting for them 
 their heirs and assigns.) To wit. It is a piece of land and meadow by them in 
 part improved, and on which they reside, bounding on the east side on the great 
 tneadow, on the west side on the brook Domanchin, on the south side on the 
 river Dauphin ( now Annapolis river), and on the north side on the mountain, for 
 the said Martins, father and son, their heirs and assigns to enjoy and dispose of 
 the said land as belonging to their own property. For and in consideration 
 whereof they bind themselves and shall be held to deliver and pay to the said lord 
 or others for him, one denier Tournois of quit rent, one capon, and one bushel of 
 wheat, annual, perpetual and irredeemable ground rent to the said lord on account 
 of his fief and seigneurial manor of Port Royal aforesaid. Payable the said denier 
 of quit rent, the said capon and bushel of wheat of rent, every year the first day 
 of January in his manor house at Port Royal aforesaid. Bearing the said quit 
 tent, lots et ventes, seizin and amends, if the case should occur for every sale 
 made and not notified in twenty days from the date of the contract. All which 
 above stated have the said parties so willed and agreed, promising in every place 
 to keep and observe the same, under the obligation and hypothecation of all and 
 singular their present and future property. Renouncing all things contrary to 
 these presents, which they desire to be observed and kept according to their form 
 and tenor. Done at Port Royal at the domicile of the said lord, the ninth day of 
 August one thousand six hundred and seventy-nine. Present, Jacques de la Tour, 
 Pierre Mellanson. 
 
 (Thus signed in the minute.) BELLISLE, 
 
 MATTHEW MARTIN, 
 
 JACQUES DELATOUR, 
 
 PIERRE MELLANSON, 
 
 et COURAND. 
 
 COURAND, pr. fiscal et notaire. 
 
 February 14, 1737. Reg'd pr. me, W. SHIREFF, Secy. 
 
 (N. B. The French copy is in the Register Book of Deeds, kept at Annapolia 
 during the time it was the residence of the British governor.)
 
 158 History of Nova-Scotia. 1680-82. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 1680. Charlevoix informs us (v. 2, p. 273) that Acadie, fort 
 Latour on the St. John, and Pentagoet had been restored by 
 the English to the French for the fourth time in or previously 
 to the year 1680. That M. de Chambly had been named gov- 
 ernor, neither he nor Grand Fontaine having before held any 
 higher title than commandant. That by this time, a little 
 village had been formed at Port Royal, which then became the 
 capital of their government. That the government included, 
 besides the peninsula, all the southern coasts of New France, 
 always however subordinate to the governor at Quebec, That 
 meanwhile the English had built a good fort at Pemkuit (Pem- 
 aquid,) between Pentagoet and the Kinibeki, and by an alliance 
 with the Illinois (Mohawks,) had compelled the Abenaquis to 
 make peace. That M. de Chambly had left Acadie to go to 
 Grenada, where he was appointed governor, and no one was 
 named in his stead. That the English consequently took 
 possession of Pentagoet, and fort Latour, without resistance ; 
 and that the inhabitants of Port Royal, seeing the storm ready 
 to fall upon them, made terms with the English ; M. de la 
 Valliere, who held only a simple commission from M. de Fron- 
 tenac, having no power to hinder them ; and that thus the 
 English for the fifth time became masters of the country. 
 
 1682. It would seem that this occupation of the English 
 was of short duration, as in 1682, we find the count de Fron- 
 tenac, writing to M. de la Valliere as in command of Acadie. 
 He wrote at the same time to the English governor at Boston, 
 pointing out that the English (under the administration of the
 
 1683-84. History of Nova-Scotia. 159 
 
 former governors of Canada,) had not liberty to fish or trade 
 in Acadie, unless by express permission and agreement as to 
 what each vessel should pay for the privilege. The last day 
 of February 1680, the king of France granted to the sieur 
 Bergier, of Rochelle, Gautier, Boucher and de Mantes, bour- 
 geois of Paris, " the lands which they shall find suitable along " 
 " the coast of Acadie, and of the river St. John, to make there " 
 " the establishment of a shore fishery, (une peche sedentaire,) " 
 " in the extent of six leagues, to the environs of the habita- " 
 " tation they shall make," &c., for the fishery and all other 
 trade. 
 
 M. Lefevre de la Barre was appointed governor of Canada 
 in 1682. 
 
 1683. The Sieur de la Barre wrote to Valliere, that he 
 should not suffer the English to continue to trade and to fish, 
 on the coast of Acadie, as they had done under count Fron- 
 tenac, until the king's intentions should be ascertained, and 
 that they should not take any coals without his receiving the 
 accustomed dues. In this year the population of Acadie 
 amounted to 600, according to a Canadian list. Rameau, p. 19. 
 
 1684. M. de la Barre, the governor of Canada, granted a 
 commission to M. de la Valliere to command in Acadie, in 
 consequence of the previous appointment made by Frontenac, 
 also of an instruction from the king, dated in May 1682, 
 directing him to report on the merit and capacity of la Valliere, 
 with the design of sending him a commission. On the first 
 May 1684, M. de la Barre writes to M. de laValliere, that by a 
 royal despatch of 5 August, his Majesty had chosen him as 
 governor, with a salary of 1 800 livres, and that the patent, not 
 yet signed, would be sent by the first opportunity. Letters 
 are also mentioned both from Frontenac and de la Barre, to la 
 Valliere, testifying their satisfaction with him, and their con- 
 fidence in his services. 
 
 Bergier and his associates who had obtained a grant in 1682, 
 complained that LaValliere had granted licenses to the Eng- 
 lish to fish on the coast and use the harbors of Acadie. On 
 his second visit to the coast Bergier arrived at Chedabouctou, 
 on the 2 March 168-, There he sowed wheat, rye and barley
 
 160 History of Nova-Scotia. 1684. 
 
 upon land that his people had previously cleared. This was 
 done on the 22nd May. On the 2ist September he reaped the 
 harvest and brought the produce to France for exhibition. 
 He also brought out vines and all sorts of fruit trees from 
 France, which he planted, and they appear to take root and 
 prosper. Flax, hemp, peas, beans and all sorts of vegetables, 
 were asserted to grow there as well as they did in the neigh- 
 borhood of Paris. It only wanted good laborers to make the 
 land prosper, it being incomparably superior to Quebec. The 
 land was said to be more fertile, and the climate as good as 
 that of Rochelle. 
 
 The inhabitants of Port Royal, having been encouraged by 
 Bergier, fitted out six small craft for the fishery. One Carter, 
 of Salem, who had been licensed by M. de la Valliere, for 50 
 livres, the year before, induced some English buccaneers to 
 capture the six fishing vessels of Port Royal, which deprived 
 the people of that settlement of any opportunity of carrying on 
 the fishery, unless they went to Canso for the purpose. Car- 
 ter, playing the part of a fisherman, came to Canso along with 
 the buccaneers ; and having been entertained at dinner at 
 Chedabouctou by M. Bergier, he requested his permission to 
 fish on the coast of Acadie. This request Bergier refused to 
 grant. Carter then asked leave to pay a visit to the captains 
 of four French vessels in the port, whom he had known the 
 year before ; which Bergier agreed to, not distrusting any- 
 thing. The buccaneers found the French fort and vessels on 
 the alert, and they withdrew under cover of night. Bergier 
 sent a vessel to Boston to complain to the governor there of 
 Carter, as the author of the capture of the six fishing vessels 
 of Port Royal, and of the capture of the dwelling of the sieur 
 de la Castine at Pentagoet. Meanwhile Bergier discovered an 
 Englishman named Gemer Tailer, (Jemmy Tailer ?) of Boston, 
 an accomplice of the buccaneers, who had been with them at 
 the capture of the six fishing vessels of Port Royal, acting for 
 them as their pilot, as was authenticated by the attestations of 
 the owners of the fishing vessels. This man, Tailer, had been 
 kept in irons by Bergier in his fort since the 27 July last, until 
 he could send him to Quebec, to be tried by de la Barre, the
 
 1684. History of Nova-Scotia. 161 
 
 governor general, and DeMeules, the intendant. The buccan- 
 eers threatened to return and give no quarter, if anything 
 were done to the English. Bergier had left his two boys in 
 charge of the fort, and had gone back to France to request the 
 assistance of some small man-of-war. If the king will give 
 them a small frigate of ten or twelve guns to cruise on the 
 coast, Bergier and his associates offer to furnish all sailors, 
 provisions and expenses, for four years, without calling on 
 government for anything. As this will be expensive, Bergier, 
 on behalf of his company, asks for authority to capture and 
 confiscate all English vessels trading, fishing or taking coal 
 on the coasts of Acadie, or the alternative of imposing a tax 
 or duty on them, as Valliere has done. The day before he 
 left, there were six English vessels in Canso, four going to 
 fish, and two about to go to the Magdalen islands, to build 
 and settle there, whom he forbade, and sent on people to hin- 
 der them. He says La Valliere, for whom the commission of 
 governor of Acadie has been requested, is a poor man who 
 has a settlement of eight or ten persons, and who gave up the 
 country to the English for wherewithal to subsist on, and has 
 not power to carry out the king's orders, while the company 
 is powerful, &c. This representation is among the Paris 
 manuscripts. 
 
 In another memorial of this period it is said that la Valliere 
 has but a small settlement of eight or ten men near the river 
 
 St. John, that he encouraged the English to fish on the 
 
 coasts, that he was hated by the Indians, whom he con- 
 stantly robbed, and who are disposed to assassinate him, and 
 
 would have done so last summer, but for Bergier, that 
 
 la Valliere has no power to enforce the king's authority, and; 
 he has shown great jealousy of the company's operations. 
 The Indians, and the merchants and shipmasters of Rochelle,. 
 have petitioned against him. The advantages of Chedabouc- 
 tou, as a centre of trade and fishery, are pointed out. The Eng- 
 lish are said to injure the fishery by throwing the heads and 
 entrails of fish overboard, which the French carefully avoid 
 doing. Good timber and masts can be obtained in the coun- 
 try. Elsewhere Valliere is said to receive five piastres per 
 ii
 
 1 62 History of Nova-Scotia. 1684. 
 
 yacht from the English for a license to fish. He is said also 
 to threaten the Indians that he will hang them, and that he 
 imposes on them. Bergier's company ask for the frigate 
 la Friponne, of 1 30 tons, to guard the coast, and offer to pay 
 her expenses. They also offer to carry on trade with the 
 West Indies. Quebec traders could call there. It is 200 
 leagues nearer to France than Quebec is. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XIX. 
 (i.) 
 
 The effect of the representations of Bergier is seen in a Royal order 10 April, 
 1684, forbidding LaValliere to act as commandant in Acadie, or to grant fishing 
 licenses to foreigners, under 3000 livres fine and damages to Bergier's association. 
 Bergier is commissioned as lieutenant da Roi, in Acadie, under sfeur Perrot the 
 governor, 14 April, 1684. This is registered at Rochelle, and also at Port Royal. 
 Bergier writes an order, dated Laheve, 15 July, 1684, directed to Michel Boudrot, 
 lieutenant civil et criminel (judge) at Port Royal, and to Mius, sieur d'Entremont, 
 proc'ureur du roi, (attorney general), there to register it. Claude Petitpas, greffier, 
 {secretary), certifies, 20 July, 1684. [Paris mss.] 
 
 (2.) 
 
 29 Nov., 1684, a commission as counsellor and lieutenant general, pour la siege 
 ordinaire de T Acadie, in favor of M. Desgoutin, is registered, (judge's commission,) 
 ' Edits, &-V., Quebec, 1803, v. 2. /. 31, table. 
 
 (3-) 
 
 A grant was made by de laBarre, governor, and de Meoles, intendant of Can- 
 ada, to Jean Martel, of the place called Mageas (Machias) 23 leagues from Port 
 Royal, 2 leagues in front and three leagues in depth, with the isles, &c. 
 
 (4-) 
 
 April 1684, the king grants by patent, at Versailles, to Bergier, Gautier, &c., all 
 the lands and islands on the coasts of Acadie from Cape Canceau to the bay of 
 All Islands. 
 
 (5-) 
 
 From Ferland's Canada, v. i, p. 280. " Several families came a little while " 
 M after M. de Montmagny, among them were those of the Sieurs de Repentigny " 
 " and de la Potherie, both numerous and to be of influence in the future."
 
 1684. History of Nova-Scotia. 163 
 
 Relation of 1636. " These two noble families of Normandy included 45 persons. " 
 " Pierre 1 Gardeur de Repentigny brought with him his wife, his mother, his " 
 ' brother Charles le Gardeur de Tilly, his sisters, and several children. They " 
 "' were of Thury sur Orne. The sieur le Neuf de la Potherie had also with him " 
 " his mother, and his brother the Sieur Michel le Neuf du Herisson. The " 
 " family of le Neuf was of Caen. Some of the descendants of the Sieur de la " 
 " Potkerie served in Acadie, under the names of la Valliere and Beaubassin." 
 
 (6.) 
 
 I. Graitt date 20 Sept., 1684, by de la Barre and de Meules, to Louis d' Amours, 
 sieur des Chauffeurs, of the river Richibouctou, one league of land on the s. w. 
 side and as far as three leagues beyond the rivers Chibouctouche, on the other 
 side, with the isles adjacent, &c., in fief and seigneurie, to be called de Chauffeurs. 
 2. Grant of same date to Rene d' Amours, Sieur de Clignancourt, on the river 
 St. John, from Medoctec to the longue saull, two leagues in depth on each side, 
 fief et Seigneurie of de Clignancourt. 3. -Grant 28 June, 1684, to Jean Sarreau 
 de St. Aubin, of five leagues in front, on the sea shore, and 5 leagues in depth in 
 land at a place called PaGcomady, .(Passamaquoddi ?) and its environs, with the 
 asles and islets in front of that extent, also an islet of rocks about 6 leagues off 
 for seal fishery, also the island called Archimagan, and the islets for two leagues 
 round -it. 4. Grant to Mathieu d' Amours, esquire, in 1684, of the land along 
 the river St. John, between Gemisick and Nachouac, two leagues deep on each 
 .side of the river, &c.
 
 164 History of Nova-Scotia. 1685 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 IN 1685, the fort and dwelling of St. Louis, at Chedabouctou, 
 consisted of two buildings, sixty feet in front by twenty feet in 
 depth. There were thirty-three persons resident, having pro- 
 visions for a year. They had four cannon, besides fusils, pis- 
 tols and halberts ; 80 minots, equal to 240 bushels, of salt ; a 
 bark of 30 tons ; fifteen shallops, and every thing requisite for 
 the fishery. The Bergier company ask now for a frigate for 
 two years, and a grant of the islands of cape Breton, St. John, 
 and the Magdalens. [Pans mss.] 
 
 The government of La Valliere now draws to a close. Ber- 
 gier des Hormeaux sent a written complaint against him. 
 Bergier shews that he having gone to the island of cape Breton 
 with three men, to receive there from several savages different 
 furs which they owed to the company, and having received 
 part of them, Beaubassin, La Valliere' s son, entered his cabin 
 at 3 o'clock in the morning, accompanied by six men, armed 
 with fusils, with drawn swords and pistols cocked, crying, 
 " kill, kill," and after having seized him and his people, who 
 
 were lying down, he told them they were prisoners. That 
 
 having asked for his authority, he replied that he acted upon 
 an order of M. de la Barre, which his father, La Valliere, held. 
 That having also asked for the reading of the order, he refu- 
 sed it, threatening with frightful oaths to tie him and maltreat 
 him, if he insisted further. Bergier, on this, sent off Beaure- 
 gard, one of his three men who accompanied him, to go to M. 
 de la Valliere, and tell him that he should complain of such 
 treatment ; but seeing that this man did not come back, and
 
 1685. History of Nova-Scotia. 165 
 
 that they carried off everything he had in his cabin, without 
 inventory or any form of process, he made his escape out of 
 the hands of Beaubassin, with one of his men, and embarked 
 in an Indian canoe, which he found near his cabin, in which 
 he came to Chedabouctou, and concludes by stating what 
 Beaubassin took from him. There is another statement made 
 by an Indian captain named Negascouet, dated 22 May, 1685. 
 He says that coming from Neguedchecouniedoche, his usual 
 residence, to bring to Chedabouctou what he owes to the 
 company of sedentary fishery of Acadie, he was met by the 
 sieur de la Valliere, who took from him, by violence, seventy 
 moose skins, (peaux cTorignaux), sixty martins, four beaver, 
 and two otter, without giving him any payment, or making 
 any acknowledgment, and that this is not the first time the 
 said La Valliere has acted so by him, and by several other 
 Indians. [Pans mss.~\ 
 
 M. Perrot, who had been governor of Montreal since 1670, 
 was, in 1684, transferred to Acadie, to be governor there. He 
 had been originally nominated to the government of Montreal 
 by the seminary of St. Sulpice there, he, Perrot, having mar- 
 ried a niece of M. Talon, intendant of Canada. This office 
 was confirmed to him by the king, but having got into discord 
 with the seminary, he was removed to Acadie, where we find 
 him in office in 1685. 2 Charlevoix, 190, 321. Writing to 
 the minister in France, Perrot asks for himself the grant of 
 Laheve, as a seigneurie, with a frontage of twelve leagues on 
 the sea coast, beginning at port Rossignol, (Liverpool), on the 
 west, and ten leagues in depth inland, with high, middle and 
 low justice, all rights of fishing, trading and hunting, under 
 the quit rent of a gold crown on each change of property. He 
 also asks for fifty soldiers, (including fifteen seamen), with the 
 thirty who were then in garrison, maintained at the king's 
 expense ; a corvette of ten guns, (eight and twelve pounders), 
 a coast pilot and a missionary to be also supported. The 
 cannon to be supplied for the fort, with the requisite ammuni- 
 tion and utensils of war ; tools, to rebuild the fort ; twelve 
 barrels of tar, and 300 blocks, or pulleys, of all sizes. He 
 requests permission to collect vagrants, and compel them to
 
 1 66 History of Nova-Scotia. 1685-86. 
 
 settle in the country ; and that the soldiers be allowed to 
 marry, giving them, as in Canada, fifty livres, or an equivalent. 
 On these conditions, he offers to put the fort of Laheve in a 
 state of defence, to build there a dwelling house, storehouses, 
 cazernes and a guard house ; to erect a mill, settle a village, 
 and collect inhabitants for the shore fishing by the advances 
 he will make them. He will also take care that the inhabi- 
 tants shall build a church. This place, he says, is most con- 
 venient for his purpose. It is within three days' communica- 
 tion with Port Royal and Mines, the most populous places in 
 the country. He will buy the corn they raise, in order to 
 excite them to the culture of the land. The fishery will pro- 
 duce great advantages to them. As the English of Boston 
 cannot yet be dispensed with, he says it will not do to exclude 
 them at once. They should be allowed to dry their fish on 
 the French shores free of duty. It will only be necessary to 
 oblige them to sell their fish on the spot for French goods, 
 fixing the price of merchantable fish at six livres a quintal, 
 and the refuse at three livres, or three livres ten sous. {Paris 
 mss.] About this time Bergier's company reiterate their re- 
 quests for a grant of the Magdalens, St. John and cape Brecon 
 islands, for 20 years, to carry on the seal fishery. 
 
 1686. In May, 1686, the French king granted all these 
 islands by patent to Gabriel Gautier, who seems to have been 
 one of the partners. 
 
 M. de Meulles Jacques de Meulles, knt, seigneur de la 
 Source, the intendant of New France, visited Acadie in 1685 
 and 1686. He found all the French settlements there in a 
 neglected and desolate state. On his return to Quebec, he 
 wrote to the minister that the most useful establishment his 
 majesty could make in America, was that of Acadie. While 
 on this tour, he visited each of the settlements in person, and 
 he caused a census to be prepared in the beginning of 1686, 
 (a copy of which is among the Paris mss.) In this census the 
 name, age and residence of every settler is to be found the 
 sex and number of his children the quantity of cleared land 
 he held the number of his cattle, and the guns in each fami- 
 ly's possession. The total population was 915, including 30
 
 1 686. History of Nova-Scotia. 167 
 
 who were soldiers ; fusils, 222 ; horned cattle, 986 ; sheep, 
 759 >* swine, 608 ; cleared land, 896 arpens. 
 
 In this year, 1686, the daughters of M. d'Aulnay, who, by 
 the death of their brother, killed in the king's service, were 
 the heiresses of the father, petitioned the king for compensa- 
 tion. They stated that their father had spent seventeen years 
 in Acadie built there five fortresses, churches, two semina- 
 ries, established a mission, cleared land, sustained war against 
 foreign sectaries, and expended 800,000 livres. 
 
 At this time there was at Ste. Croix a settlement of twenty 
 persons. The baron St. Castine lived at Pentagoet, and tra- 
 ded with the Indians and with the English. The fort at 
 Laheve had been long abandoned, and so had that of Penta- 
 goet. It was urged on the government to build a tower and 
 redoubt at the entrance of Port Royal basin, the cost estima- 
 ted at 2000 crowns ; and to put up a redoubt, with palissades, 
 at Port Royal itself; to enclose the governor's lodgings, part 
 of the barracks, storehouses, &c. Port Royal seems to have 
 been now the only place in Acadie having the shadow of 
 defence, the governor and thirty soldiers being resident there. 
 
 A treaty of peace between France and England was conclu- 
 ded at London 16 November, 1686, for North and South 
 America. It contained 19 articles, among which 'was one 
 that, though the two crowns should break their friendship in 
 Europe, their respective colonies and subjects in America 
 should remain in peace and neutrality. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Bergier in July and August 1684, being on the Acadie coast in his vessel the St 
 Liouis, arrested eight English barks, called, the Mary, the Adventure, the Swallow, 
 the Rose, the Industry, the Lark, the Friendship, and the Industry, for fishing 
 and trading within the limits of his patent. He took out the fish and furs, and 
 carried the masters to Rochelle, where they were interrogated by the officers of 
 the Admiralty. Two were acquitted, having held licenses to fish from LaValliere,
 
 1 68 History of Nova-Scotia. 1686. 
 
 and Bergier was adjudged to take them back and indemnify them : the other six 
 were confiscated. \E. and F, Commissaries, pp. 614-615.] 
 
 (2.) 
 
 13 August, 1685. Richard Denis, as lieutenant for his father, Nicolas Denis, 
 governor, &c., grants to the ecclesiastics of the Episcopal Seminary of foreign 
 missions at Quebec, 3 leagues of land in front at Ristigouche, three leagues on 
 the river Ste Croix, and three other leagues in the island of Cape Breton, each to 
 be also three leagues in depth, reserving right of building a store house and 
 trading with the savages. The seminary is bound to have a mission, a church or 
 chapel and a resident priest at each place, maintained at their expense. The 
 exact location to be determined within ten years, to suit the convenience of the 
 savages. 
 
 (3-) 
 
 In a petition of the " Compagnie de la peche sedentaire de 1'Acadie," without 
 date, they ask for. 
 
 I. A grant of the Magdalen Islands, and the islands of St. John and Cape Bre- 
 ton, for 20 years, to carry on the seal fishery. All vessels interfering to be con- 
 fiscated and to pay 3000 livres penalty, half to the chapel of the Fort at Cheda- 
 bouctou and half to the company. 2. An order to governor Perrot and lieutenant 
 du roi Boulaye, to compel la Valliere, his son Beaubassin, his brother-in-law 
 Richard Denis, and their consorts, to make restitution of goods and furs robbed 
 by them from Bergier's son and the Indian captain Negascoet ; and if they disobey 
 to send them prisoners to France, to answer for their conduct. 3. An order of 
 reprisals on the L'Hirondelle, and her cargo of fish (or the proceeds) in the hands 
 of Mr. Stukey, merchant at Rochelle, being English property owned by Boston 
 merchants, for the barque Marie and cargo, belonging to the company, taken by 
 the English at Cape Breton. 4. The restitution of duty on beaver improperly 
 exacted. [Parts mss.] In May 1686, letters patent were granted at Versailles by 
 which the king gave to Gabriel Gautier, the island of Cape Breton, the island of 
 St. John, and the Magdalen islands. [So it is recited in the arrft du conseti d'etat 
 du Roy, of 20 May 1703.] 
 
 (4-) 
 
 Extracts from the census of M. de Meulles in 1686 : 
 
 At Port Royal, 95 families adults 197, boys 218, girls 177, total, 592 
 Thirty soldiers maintained there by the king, 30 
 
 622 
 
 Guns 75 ; horned cattle, 643 ; sheep, 627 ; swine, 351 ; cultivated lands 377 
 arpens, (arpent is nearly an acre.) 
 
 At Cape Sable, 15 souls ; 7 acres tilled ; 17 horned cattle ; 16 guns. 
 
 At Laheve and Mirliguaiche, 19 souls ; 3 acres tilled ; I pig ; 9 fusils. 
 
 At Bay of Mines, 57 souls ; 83 acres tilled ; 90 horned cattle ; 21 sheep ; 67 
 swine; 20 guns. 
 
 River St. John, Pesmonquady, Megays and Pentagoet, 16 souls ; domestics not 
 included.
 
 1 686. History of Nova-Scotia. 169 
 
 Chignitou, called Beaubassin, 127 souls; 102 fusils; 426 acres tilled; 236 
 horned cattle ; in sheep ; 189 swine. 
 
 Miramichy, Chedabouctou, Nepisiguit and Isle Percee, 52 souls. 
 General summary of census of Acadie in 1686, settlers, 885 ; soldiers, 30 ; total 
 souls, 915 ; fusils, 222; horned cattle, 986 ; sheep, 759; swine, 608; cleared land, 
 896 arpens. 
 
 At Port Royal, among others, are these families : I. Le sieur Alexandre le 
 Borgne, seigneur du lieu, (lord of the place) age de 43 ans, (aged 43 years,) 
 
 Born in 1643. 
 
 D'lle. Marie de St. Etienne, his wife, aged 32, " 1654. 
 
 Children, Emmanuel, " n, " 1675. 
 
 " Marie, ' 9, " 1677. 
 
 " Alexandre, " 7, " 1679. 
 
 " Jeanne, " 5, " 1681. 
 
 Domestic, Etienne Aucher, " 73, " 1613. 
 
 (The ages of each are given in the census. I have added the years in which each 
 person was born. This gentleman, Alexander le Borgne, was called M. de Belle- 
 isle. He was son of Emmanuel le Borgne, and his wife was the eldest daughter 
 of Latour by madame D'aulnay. Belleisle was left as governor at Port Royal in 
 1668, by M. Grand-fontaine.) 
 
 2. Michel Boudrot, lieutenant-general of the jurisdiction of Port Royal, (which 
 was a judicial, not a military office,) aged 85, Born in 1601. 
 
 Michel Aucoin, his wife, " 65, " 1621. 
 
 Children, Michel, " 26, " 1660. 
 
 " Francois, " 20, " 1666. 
 
 3. Philippe Mius, the sieur D'antremont, procureur dui Roi, (attorney-general,) 
 aged 77 years, native of Normandy, died about 1700, the same gentleman who 
 was major and deputy for Latour in 1653 
 
 Born in 1609. 
 
 His children, Philip, aged 24, " 1662. 
 
 " Madelaine, " 16, " 1670. 
 
 4. Claude Petitpas, sieur de laFleur, greffier (sec'y,) aged 60, " 1626. 
 
 Catherine Bugaret, his wife, aged 46, " 1640. 
 
 Children, Claude, " 23, " 1663. 
 
 " Jacques, " 19, " 1667. 
 
 " Marie, " 18, " 1668. 
 
 " Henriette, " 12, " 1674. 
 
 Paul, " 11, " 1675. 
 
 " Charles, " 10, " 1676. 
 
 " Martin, " 9, " 1677. 
 
 Pierre, " 5, " 1681. 
 
 " Anne, " 2, " 1684. 
 
 Mathieu Martin, 47 years. The same named in the census of 1671, as 35 
 years old, also in the deed of M. Belleisle in 1679, probably the same person who 
 obtained in 1689 the grant of Cobequid, said to have been the first white person 
 born in the colony. Born therefore in 1636 or in 1639. 
 
 The following are the surnames of the inhabitants of Port Royal, at this time : 
 Arsenault, Babin, Barillost, Bastarache, Bertran, Benoit, Brossard, Brun, Boure, 
 Blanchard, Leblanc, le Borgne, Bourgeois, Boudrot, Bellivault, Brien, Commeaux,
 
 170 History of Nova-Scotia. 1686. 
 
 Colson, Como, Corberon, Dupeux, Douaron, Dugas, Doucet, DeForest, Fardel, 
 Gaudet, Garault, Guilbault, Guillaume, Goho, Girouard, Godet, Godin, Granger, 
 Hebert, Henry, Lavoye, Landry, Lort, Leuron, Martin, Margery, Melansou, Muis, 
 Pitre, Peltiet, Prijean, Pellerin, LePrince, LaPerriere, Petitpas, Rembault, Rich- 
 ard, Robichaud, (Marie Sale, 86 years years) Savoye, Terio, Toan, Tourangeau, 
 Thibaudeau, Vincent. 
 
 We find by this census, at cape Sable : 
 
 Jacques la Tour, sieur de Etienne, aged 25, Born in 1661 
 Marie Melan9on, his wife, " 18, " 1668 
 
 Charles de la Tour, " 22, " 1664 
 
 Jacques* Mius, sieur de Poubomcou, " 27, " 1659 
 
 Anne de St. Etienne, his wife, " 22, " 1664 
 
 Children three boys. 
 Abraham Muis, dit Plemarch, " 24. " 1662 
 
 (called also Pleinmarais), 
 
 Marguerite de St. Etienne, his wife, " 21, " 1655 
 
 Children Marguerite. " 5, " 1681 
 
 Charles, " 3, " 1683 
 
 Abraham Dugas, " 23, " 1663 
 
 Jeanne Guilbaude, his wife, " 18, " 1668 
 
 La Liberte, le neigre. 
 
 Sum. 15 souls, 1 6 fusils, 7 acres tilled, 17 horned cattle. 
 [Marie Muis, apparently daughter of either Poubomcou, or Pleinmarais, was 
 the wife of M. Duvivier, married in 1705. See Bonaventure's letter in that year ; 
 also deed from Francois du Vivier, enseigne du vaisseau, et capitaine d'une 
 franche compagnie, &c., in 1707, in the register book of grants, deeds and wills, 
 kept at Annapolis from 1731 to 1749. . See also memorial of M. Duvivier in 1735 
 at that date.] 
 
 At LaPfeve and Mirliguaiche. 
 
 Surnames : Provost, Labal, at Petite riviere, Vesin, Martin le Jeune, and his 
 wife Jeanne, an Indian woman, and two children. Michel, Gourdeaux, La Ver- 
 dure, Petitpas. Sum. : 19 souls, 9 fusils, 3 acres tilled, and I pig. 
 
 Bay of Mines. 
 
 Pierre Melangon.t called La Verdure, aged 54, Born in 1632 
 Marie Muis d'Antremon, his wife, " 36, " 1650 
 
 (probably married in 1685). 
 And nine children, from 20 years to one day old. 
 
 Surnames : Aucoin, de la Boue, la Roche, Pinet, Terio, Rivet, Boudrot, Hebert, 
 Landry. 
 
 Sum. : 57 souls, 20 guns, 83 acres tilled, horned cattle 90, sheep 21, swine 67. 
 
 * He had in 1707 four sons and five daughters. See de Goutin's letter. He 
 was son of major Philippe D'Antremont. 
 
 t Mentioned in December, 1705, as very poor, owing to the English invasion, 
 &c. See the name of La Verdure in the marriage settlement of 1653, and surren- 
 der of 1654. Also in M. de Brouillan's letters, 1702 & 1703. In 1723 a deed 
 from Fran9ois le Claire dit La Verdure, of Annapolis, registered there.
 
 1 6 86. History of Nova-Scotia. 171 
 
 River St. John, Pesmonquady, Megays and Pentagoet. 
 Martin d'Aprenclistigue, aged 70, Born in 1616. 
 
 Jeanne de laTour, his wife " 60, " 1626. 
 
 (said to be a daughter of Charles de laTour.) 
 Le sieur Louis d' Amours de Chauffours, aged 32, " 1654. 
 Marguerite Guyon, his wife. 
 
 Le sieur Mathieu d' Amours de Freneuse, " 28, " 1658. 
 Louise Guyon, his wife. 
 Rene d'Amours de Cllignancourt. 
 
 Bernard d'Amours de Plenne received a grant of the river Kanibecachiche 
 20 June, 1695. He was married to Jeanne le Borgne ; and his son, Alexander 
 Francis was born 28 Oct. 1702 ; baptized by F. Felix Pain, Recollet, at Port 
 Royal. 
 
 (The d'Amours were originally from Bretagne. \Rameau, p. 145.] Louis 
 d'Amours, from Paris, is among the immigrants to Canada, between 1641 and 
 1666. [l Ferland, Canada, p. 511.] 
 
 Megays (Machias) Martel, Dubreuil. and some domestics. 
 Pentagoet, la sieur de St. C as tin, and several valets. 
 
 Sum. : along all this coast, without counting the domestics of each of those 
 seigneurs, there are 16 souls. 
 
 (There was a fort and dwelling at Pentagoet, first erected by M. d'Aulnay de 
 Charnisay. Grand-fontaine and Chambly were afterwards there, and all was 
 abandoned after the invasion of 1665.] 
 
 Chignitou, called Beaubassin. 
 Michel le Neuf, sieur de la Valliere, seigneur of Beaubassin, aged 45, 
 
 Born in 1641 
 
 His children : Age. Born. His domestics : Age. Born. 
 
 Alexander, 20 1666 Fran9ois Leger, 55 1631 
 
 Jacques, 17 1669 Gabriel, 20 1666 
 
 Marie Joseph, 15 1671 Michel 1'Arche, 22 1664 
 
 Jean Baptiste, 12 1674 Marie Lagasse, 16 1670 
 
 Judith, 10 1676 M, Pertuis, armourer. 
 
 Michel, 8 1678 Fusils 70, tilled acres 60. 
 
 Marguerite, 6 1680 Horned Cattle, 19. 
 
 Barbe, 4 1682 Sheep 22, swine 12. 
 
 Surnames at Chignitou : 
 
 Mirande, LaBarre, Girouer, Morin, Mignault, Bourgeois, Cochin, Poirier, 
 Cottard, Mercier, Quessy, Lavalle, Lagasse, Blon, Cormier. 
 
 Sum of Beaubassin : 127 souls, 102 fusils, 426 acres tilled, 236 horned cattle, 
 ill sheep, 189 swine. 
 
 Miramichy : 
 
 The sieur Richard Denis de Fronsac, seigneur of Miramichy, and four or five 
 
 valets. 
 
 Chedabouctou : 
 
 The sieur de la Boulais, lieutenant du Roi, and in a fort which is at the inner 
 extremity (fond) of the bay, with fifteen or twenty domestics. In this place there 
 are three or four inhabitants who have cleared land.
 
 172 History of Nova-Scotia. 1686. 
 
 Nepisiguy : 
 
 Enaud, aged 35 ; his wife, who is a squaw, and three or four valets. He has 
 turned the land to account, and raised cattle. 
 
 [Cooney, History of New Brunswick, pp. 30, 168, calls him Jean Jacques 
 Enaud, a native of les Basques, near the Pyrenees, but thinks he came here in 
 1638 or 1644. He says he had a seigneurie in (what is now) Gloucester county, 
 New Brunswick ; that he married a Mohawk woman of distinction, and was 
 murdered by one of her brothers. That he was opulent, and lived in Absnaboo, 
 or Coal Point, at the mouth of the Nipisiguit river.] 
 
 Isle Percee : 
 
 Boissel, wife and 8 children. 
 
 Lamotte, do. and 4 do. 
 
 Lepine, do. and 4 do. 
 
 Le Garfon and wife. 
 
 Sum. : 52 souls. 
 
 The English acre contains 160 square poles, at 16 1-2 feet each pole's length, 
 or 43,560 square feet. The Norman acre 77,440 square feet, or 160 square 
 perches of 22 feet long. The small arpent, formerly in use about Paris, contained 
 100 square perches, each perch being 18 feet long, or 32,400 royal feet square 
 measure. The middling arpent contained 100 square perches, of 20 feet long, or 
 40,000 square feet. The great arpent, 100 perches of 22 feet long, or 48,400 
 square feet. 
 
 (5-) 
 
 A shipmaster from Piscataqua had carried a cargo of wine to Penobscot, and 
 landed it there, conceiving it to be French territory. Palmer and West, being at 
 the fort of Pemaquid, forcibly seized the wines, as if the country were under 
 their jurisdiction. This act offended not only the French, but also the people of 
 New England ; and the Boston government issued a circular to the fishermen and 
 people of Maine and New Hampshire, warning them not to venture on the East- 
 ern coasts in consequence. Barillon, the French ambassador, requested that one 
 Phillippe Syuret, master of a vessel called the Jeanne, having sailed from Malaga 
 for New France, with a cargo of merchandize on account of messrs. Nelson, 
 Watkins and associates, and having delivered them according to the bills of 
 lading to the sieur Vincent de Castine, merchant, settled at Pentagoet, situate in 
 the province of Acadie ; the judge of Peniguide (Pemaquid), sent a vessel and 
 seized the cargo of wine as contraband. On this claim of the ambassador, the 
 wines were released. [See Paris mss., and I Hutckinson, Mass., 370.]
 
 1687. History of Nova-Scotia. 173 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 1687. In 1687, the French fishing company had a fort and 
 settlement at Chedabouctou, consisting of 150 residents, of 
 whom 80 were fishermen. 
 
 M. Denonville was appointed governor of Canada in 1687. 
 
 M. de Menneval was appointed governor in place of M. 
 Perrot. The king's instructions to Menneval are dated 5th 
 April, 1687, and are to the following effect. The king blames 
 previous governors for the slow progress of Acadie, and ap- 
 points Menneval in place of Perrot. His government is to 
 extend from cape Gasp6 to the river Kennebec. The chris- 
 tianising of the Indians is the king's chief object. He refers 
 him to M. de St. Vallier, bishop of Quebec. The governor is 
 to support relig'ion and morals among the settlers. Litigation 
 exists. A blank commission is given, which Menneval is to 
 fill up with an honest judge. He is also empowered to ap- 
 point a procureur dtt roi, and a greffier, (attorney general and 
 clerk of court.) The people are not to be allowed to go into 
 the woods trading. The Indians are to be dealt with in trade, 
 kindly and honestly. Special licenses, however, may be given 
 for such trading expeditions. The disorderly conduct of par- 
 ties claiming large grants is referred to. Menneval is to 
 repress this, and may send the offenders to France. Idleness 
 and debauchery are to be discountenanced. The fishery com- 
 pany at Chedabouctou are to be looked after, that they may 
 deal fairly with the fishermen. Foreigners are to be prevented 
 from fishing and trading with the French or Indians. Refers 
 to treaty of Breda of 31 July, 1667, and the treaty of neutrality
 
 1 74 lfi\tory of Nova-Scotia. 1687-68. 
 
 of London of 16 November, i6B6, article 9, and forbidding 
 such trade. The liberty of fishing, granted to the English by 
 former governor*, ha* been injurious. Mcnncval is not to 
 uffcr it, nor the *alc of fur* to the English, He is to prevent 
 the English from encroaching beyond the Kcnncbec. The 
 king has ordered the frigate ' la Friponne/ Jlfauregard com- 
 mander, to enforce this and the treaty of Breda. All foreign 
 vessels coming on the coast to fish, after proclamation, to be 
 confiscated. Thirty soldiers to be sent out in addition to 
 iitirty previously sent, to be commanded by the sieur Durs de 
 Houlaye, lieutenant du roi, under governor Mcnncval He is 
 td ' ' '.i hack to France. Menneval is to reside at 
 Port Royal. The fort at Port Royal is to be rebuilt ; four 
 thousand livres i sent by M, Gorgas, ecrivain principal, for 
 that purpose. Tools, &c., are sent in the Friponne. The 
 f-.ii i. i, MI to be revetted with masonry, but to be an earth 
 (-.if, with fascines and turf. Soldiers and inhabitants to be 
 employed on the fort. Menneval may change the site of the 
 fort, if necessary. He is to take great care of the arms, pow- 
 der, ammunition and tools. Castine is to be coerced from 
 
 his vagabond life and trade with the Indians, &c., and his 
 illicit trade wit I. ,;.#sh, which he alone follows, and to 
 
 be urged to pursue a line of conduct more becoming a noble- 
 man. 
 
 I, Sieur de Gotitins, appointed by the king, judge, and 
 ccrivam du roi in Acadie, had hi* instructions dated 10 April, 
 1688. He was to prevent law suits as far as possible to act 
 in concert with governor Menneval to settle all differences 
 amicably, not to pass sentence* unle** where it was necessary 
 to the safety and peace of families, and to discourage appeals 
 to Quebec, as ruinoa* to suitors. He, de Goutins, i* to relieve 
 M. de Garga* as ecrivain principal. Gargas is to hand him 
 his account of money received for pay of troops and for fortifi- 
 cations. This account is to be examined in presence of Men- 
 neval before Gargas leaves. De Goutins, as ecrivain, is to sec 
 that economy is used, and that the contracts for works arc 
 duly fulfilled. He is to inquire and report on the nature of 
 the lands, fishery, &c. He is annually to send exact accounts
 
 l688. l/i-.fory <>/ Nn'ixi '.intia. /'/', 
 
 of the pay of ili: i/ooj/, in. 'I 1 1,'-, coif of foitifioation*. He ii 
 alo to prepare and transmit ;innu;.lly a cenu 
 of which a model if giv< /; him. 
 
 30 Ap;il, l6S8, tli<: ' >. M;//i<: de Menou, d;n;; 
 
 and heire** of M. d'AuJn;iy de ' barni*ay, and CftflOflti 
 
 Pouiay, made a donation of 1'o/t J'oy.-.i to ),<< bof:. 
 and fitter*, before Tardiv .-./, notary, which gift wan <on 
 firmed by her lat will rn;i<lc in 1^91. 'J'li<: Itfatalm i 
 her half hrof.herf and i*ter, rhil'Jr:n of J^iiour 
 in,vJ;i.iH<: d'Aulnay. About thin tine-, l/;if/n Catine wa -- 
 fic'J by th<: ^ov<:/nm < r Penta- 
 
 gott, and wrote to Denonrille, th' =-','> J")y, 
 
 / complaining of hi* ponifion. I/j Mar<,h or April, 
 Sir Edmond Andro#, the governor of NV// .L 
 
 at Pema/jiii'l, in fh: fii^ate Ro, caj.' .;..-. r /- pffi , ,'in 
 
 along the coaat, arrived at Pentagon, (\'<-M<>\> -.< / , AH *oon 
 a* the frigate wa co -Uy anchorc'l in th/-. harbor, near 
 
 the old fort and the dwelling of Canting tJjc \i<:ni<:n:n>i wa# 
 ent ahore by captain George, an 'I bvi a convc/viiion with 
 the baron. Caatine, : of tjje governor** ^omin^, re- 
 
 tired with all hi* people, and left hi* hou*e *hut up, po*ibly 
 for hi* peraonal liberty, \ffutck. Collections, $62,] The ; 
 crnor landed with other gent party, '1 bey went 
 
 in, to Ca#tine' houe, and found a *mall altar in i 
 room ; which altar and ome picture*, and ordinary ornament*, 
 they left uninjured, but they took away all hi* arm*, powder, 
 hot, iron kettle* and *ome trucking cloath, and hi* chair* ; 
 which were put on board the frigate, and laid up, in order to a 
 condemnation for trading, in the fort at Pemaquid. Notice 
 was verbally given to an /ndian achem, that if Ca*tine would 
 a*k for hi* good* at J'e/n^uid, and come under obedience to 
 the king of //ould be re*tored. Andro* had 
 
 with him carpenter*, and board*, nail*, and all nece**ary *tore* 
 to repair the old fort, an/J fit it to receive a garrUon ; but find- 
 ing that it had originally been built for the mo#t part of fc 1 
 and turf, and wa* quite a ruin, h< :ed to do nothing to 
 
 to it, and abandoned it, Ca*tine naturally re*ented the pillage 
 of his place ; and a* he had great influence among the Indian*,
 
 176 History of Nova-Scotia. 1688-89. 
 
 it was supposed to be owing to him, that the eastern Indians 
 killed some of the inhabitants, as asserted, and destroyed their 
 cattle. In retaliation, Andros raised seven or eight hundred 
 men by impressment, and pursued the Indians in the first part 
 of the winter, but without avail. Having built two small forts 
 on the boundaries at Pejypscot falls, and Sheepscote, he re- 
 turned to Boston, [i Hutch., Mass., 371.] 
 
 There were two brothers, both missionaries, named Bigot ; 
 their family were barons Bigot. Vincent Bigot was the elder 
 and James Bigot the younger. Vincent, the elder brother, 
 resided in a wigwam at the village of St. Frangois, in Canada, 
 and often went among the Abenakis. In 1688 Vincent was at 
 Penobscot, for the purpose of gathering the savages into a 
 new village on the lands of the king of France, and to guard 
 them against the efforts of the governor Andros to draw them 
 to the English. M. Denonville, in a memoir addressed to the 
 minister of marine, says that he owed to the missionaries, par- 
 ticularly to the two fathers Bigot, the good intelligence he had 
 preserved with the Abenakis, and the success they had met 
 with in their expedition against the English. [ I Maine His- 
 torical Society's Collections, pp. 328, 329.] 
 
 During this year, 1688, a Portuguese vessel was taken by 
 pirates. They robbed her of above 3700 Spanish hides, threw 
 the men and ^2000 worth of goods overboard, and went 
 into port a Bear, (between Liverpool and Shelburne), on the 
 coast of Nova Scotia. One Glanville, in a ketch, carried 
 thence the hides to Boston. [See Randolph's letters, May, 
 1689.] 
 
 1689. The revolution in England deprived James the 2d 
 of the throne of the British islands, and placed his daughter 
 Mary, and her husband William the third, the Prince of 
 Orange, in his stead as king and queen. This led to a new 
 war between the crowns of France and England. The war 
 was declared in England 7 May, 1689, and at Boston 7 Decem- 
 ber, 1689. [* Williamson, Maine, 595.] The Bostonians 
 arrested Sir Edmund Andros the governor, and several of his 
 chief councillors and officers, [i Hutch., Mass., 372.] At this 
 time the whole population of New France amounted to 1 1,249
 
 1689. History of Nova-Scotia. 177 
 
 souls, Acadie is stated in a census of this year at 803. The 
 Indians were not counted in these early enumerations. 
 
 It is a subject of grave reflection, that after 84 years had elap- 
 sed from the founding of Port Royal in 1605, and notwithstan- 
 ding the expense of money and all the exertions of DeMonts, 
 Poutrincourt, Latour, Denis, and others, men highly qualified 
 for the task of colonization, the results should be so trifling. 
 Many of the settlements were now desolate and abandoned, 
 and none of them prosperous. Nearly forty years before, d'Aul- 
 nay had besieged St. John with a flotilla and 500 men, and 
 the defenders had been probably numerous. The contests and 
 discords of ambitious leaders contributed doubtless to this 
 unfavorable state of things, but the incessant interferences and 
 invasions which the English at Boston carried on, must be 
 considered as the chief causes of retarding the progress of 
 French settlement in Acadie. 
 
 In August, 1689, the English fort at Pemaquid, then garri- 
 soned by fifteen men only, under captain Weems, was taken 
 by the Indians, who spared the lives of the captain and six 
 men. There was a large rock near this fort, from which the 
 Indians galled the garrison so much as to compel them to- 
 capitulate. The Indians have been charged with breaking 
 faith in killing and making prisoners of the men after the sur- 
 render. Thury, a Jesuit missionary, is said to have excited 
 the Indians to this attack, by a harangue he made them at his 
 chapel. Matakawando was engaged in this affair. The work 
 was afterwards extended, so as to take in this rock and remedy 
 the defect, [i Hutch., Mass., 396. I Williamson, Maine, 612. 
 I Maine Hist. Soc. Collections, 330. Paris mss.] 
 
 M. des Goutins, who acted in the two capacities of a judge 
 and of ^crivain du rot, which latter office gave him charge of 
 military stores and monies, &c., wrote a letter to the minister, 
 dated 2 Sept., 1689. In this he refers to his former letters of 
 23 September, 1688, by the frigate la Fripanne. He com- 
 plains of the governor, Menneval ; accuses, him of diverting 
 litigant parties from his tribunal, and sending them for justice 
 to Canada. Says that five or six families have been thus 
 ruined by the expenses. Champigny, the. intendant, wrote to 
 
 12
 
 178 History of Nova-Scotia. 1689. 
 
 disapprove of this, but Menneval persisted, and told the inha- 
 bitants not to recognize des Goutins as judge. He, Men- 
 neval, threatened the people had them beaten, and impris- 
 oned in a cellar half full of water, on slight pretences. He 
 charges Menneval and the priests with encouraging the Eng- 
 lish to come trading to Port Royal. That he got letters 
 written to the English on his behalf, by du Breuil, whom he 
 had made procureur du Roi, who was here in the service of 
 messrs. Perrot and Villebon, and who is now his man of busi- 
 ness. The English now trade here openly. They come 
 ashore with goods at night, and the sentinels are forbidden to 
 cry " Qui va la," (who goes there ?) The goods are carried 
 to the dwellings of the priests. After a while, Menneval got 
 the people to sign a request to him to admit the English to 
 trade, on the ground of the necessities of the country. Mena- 
 ces, tricks and cajolery were used to procure signatures. On 
 des Goutin's remonstrating, Menneval gave him bad language 
 
 too bad to be written to my lord. Five English vessels 
 
 had arrived on 14 Nov., 1688, 18 Feb'y., 9 April, 10 May, and 
 13 June, 1689, respectively, and if duly proceeded against for 
 illicit trading, 40,000 livres would have been realized by their 
 confiscation. The priests have great correspondence with 
 Boston. Menneval and they profit by this. The Bostonians 
 will take nothing in payment but French money, except bea- 
 ver and other furs. He complains of Trouv6, a priest, having 
 caused the banishment of a family of nineteen persons, 
 and of Menneval having ordered him to pay two cadets, 
 u sons of the sieur de la Valliere, one of whom had a quarrel " 
 " with a drummer of the garrison, and in a duel with him, " 
 " Fronsac, one of these cadets received a sword wound in " 
 " the body." At this time the sieur de la Mothe Cadillac prays 
 for a confirmation of his grant in Acadie, proposing to make a 
 considerable settlement. 
 
 From a letter of M. de Menneval to the marquis de 
 Seignelay, (minister of the marine and colonies), dated /th 
 September, 1689. The king's ships 1' Ambuscade and le 
 Fourgon arrived at Port Royal 5th October, 1688, with 
 the company's ship laden with goods and provisions. These
 
 1689. History of Nova-Scotia. 179 
 
 vessels captured six ketches and an English brigantine be- 
 tween Canseau and Port Royal, which were fishing and tra- 
 ding. Two of these were carried away by M. de la Cafftniere, 
 commander of the ships, to serve in his expedition ; another 
 was given to the crews of all the ketches, (40 sailors), to take 
 them back to Boston ; the rest to remain in port, to abide 
 
 orders. The count de Frontenac sent an order to M. de 
 
 Villebon, captain of one of the companies, to embark witfr de 
 la Caffiniere. His lieutenant, Portneuf, (his brother), has not 
 yet come from Quebec, and the other (lieutenant) being at 
 Chedabouctou, Menneval is without any officer, and is himself 
 
 incommoded with the gout. In another letter he says that 
 
 the English had been some time in the bay of Fundy with 
 four vessels, but the fogs prevented their landing. He expres- 
 ses his fear of being taken. The fort is all open, and there are 
 no cannon. Asks for more soldiers. He has only seventy at 
 Port Royal, and twenty elsewhere in Acadie. He complains 
 sf des Goutins, the judge, for bad conduct. (The ministerial 
 note on this passage suggests the recal of des Goutins, and 
 names Dubreuil, procureur du roi, to be judge in his place.) 
 Menneval says his pay as governor is only 1000 livres, (^50 
 currency), and his pay as captain of one of the companies has 
 never been sent him. His provisions have been captured ; 
 one year by pirates, (forbans), and the next by privateers, 
 (corsaires.) He asks leave to go to France for the winter, and 
 to leave Villebon in charge. In the abstract, mention is made 
 of de la Mothe Cadillac as a poor gentleman, who had been in 
 the king's service, and had settled in Acadie, where he has a 
 wife and children. Having especial knowledge of the coasts 
 of North America, he had been taken in the squadron, and had 
 come to France. He seeks some compensation for these ser- 
 vices, and the means of returning to Acadie. 
 
 27 November, 1689, Lyman Bradstreet, governor at Boston, 
 writes to Jacob Leisler, New York, that some New England 
 people had been captured on the coast of Acadie by two 
 French men-of-war, who reported that a squadron of twelve 
 others intended to take Boston by surprise. 
 
 1690. De Menneval, in a mtmoire of 1690, says he has to
 
 180 History of Nova-Scotia. 1690. 
 
 oppose des Goutins in improper, self-interested proceedings, 
 and that this led the latter to cabal against him, cross him in 
 every thing, and act seditiously. That la Mothe Cadillac had 
 helped to set him on. That des Goutins had been recommen- 
 ded by M. de Chevry, having been secretary to that noble- 
 man's father, and that de Chevry is now sorry for it. That 
 des Goutins married a paysanne, (countrywoman), in Acadie, 
 and connected himself with la course et le commerce dans les 
 bois, (the hunting and trading in the woods), with his father- 
 in-law and two brothers-in-law, and in fomenting litigation. 
 
 Dubreuil, the procureur du Roi, is 45 years old, is of Paris, 
 and an advocate. His mother has promised him 10,000 /cus, 
 if he makes a respectable marriage in Acadie. Menneval 
 recommends him as judge. La Mothe Cadillac is called an 
 adventurer, but his talents and capacity are praised. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXI. 
 (i.) 
 
 The commission of Menneval, as governor of Acadie, is dated I March. 1687, 
 It is to be found in the 2d vol. Edits, &c., Quebec, 1803, p. 347. 
 
 (2.) 
 
 (Translated from the French original.) 
 
 We, Michael Boadrot, lieutenant general in Acadie, with the ancient inhabi- 
 tants of the country, do certify, that the late M. d'Aulnay Charnisay, formerly 
 governor for the king in the coast of Acadie, caused to be built three forts on 
 said coast, the first at Pentagoet, the second at the river St. John, and the third 
 at Port Royal, which forts were well furnished with all the necessary cannon and 
 ammunition, with three hundred men ordinarily to defend the aforesaid forts. We 
 also certify that the said late sieur d'Aulnay Charnisay caused to be built two 
 mills, one a watermill and the other a windmill ; and the said late sieur caused to 
 be constructed at Port Royal, five pinnaces and several shallops, and two small 
 ressels of about 70 tons each, with two farms or manors, and the necessary build- 
 ings, as well dwelling houses as grange and cow houses ; and also the late said 
 sieur brought out from France, at his expense, several families, the most part ot 
 whom yet remain, whom he settled and forwarded at his own charge. We also 
 likewise certify that the said late sieur undertook several other settlements, as
 
 1690. History of Nova-Scotia. 181 
 
 Laheve, Miscou, St. Anne, which enterprizes were begun and sustained for seve- 
 ral years by the said late sieur d'Aulnay de Charnisay, at great expense and ex- 
 cessive charges, as appears yet at this day, although subsequently the English 
 ruined the forts, took away the cannon, pillaged several of the inhabitants, having 
 reduced the children of the said sieur de Charnisay and their mother to beggary, 
 obliging them to retire to France without any succor, the late sieur de Gharnisay 
 having been drowned four years before in the river of Port Royal. All which is 
 above we certify to be true, we having seen it. In faith of which we have signed 
 at Port Royal, the fifth of October, one thousand six hundred and eighty-seven, in 
 presence of M. de Menneval, governor for the king of all Acadie, and of M. 
 Petit, grand vicar of his lordship (the Bishop) of Quebec, and Cure (rector) of the 
 said place of Port Royal. 
 Thus signed : 
 
 M. BOUDROT, lieutenant-general. 
 FRANCOIS GAUNIZOT. 
 BOURGEOIS. 
 PIERRE MARTIN. 
 MATHIEU MARTIN. 
 CLAUDE TERIOT. 
 D'ENTREMONT, procureur du Roi. 
 With the marks of 
 
 ANTOINE LE BOURG, 
 PIERRE BOUET, 
 DENIS LE BLANC, and 
 ABRAHAM DUGAST. 
 And lower down is written : 
 
 I certify that the inhabitants who have signed above, are inhabitants of Port 
 Royal, the day and year as above. 
 
 Signed at the end, DE MENNEVAL. 
 
 And lower down, PETIT, missionary priest, 
 
 Performing the functions of Cure at Port Royal. 
 
 Collated with the original document just now exhibited, by the undersigned 
 counsellors of the king, notaries at the Chatelet of Paris, this day, the 27 Decem- 
 ber, 1688. 
 
 Signed, HUCHE' & TARDIVEAU. 
 
 (3-) 
 
 A grant, dated 23 July, 1688, was issued by Denonville de Brizay, governor, and 
 de Champigny, intendant of New France, to the sieur de la Mothe Cadillac, of 
 the place called Donaquek, near Megeis, (Machias), of two leagues in front on 
 the sea, and two leagues deep inland, the island of Monts Deserts, and other 
 isles, &c., in front. The river which equally divides the depth of the tract, is not 
 included. Copy of brevet of confirmation, dated 24 May, 1689. 
 
 Extract from the New York Historical Magazine, November, 1860, page 341. 
 
 Antoine de la Mothe Cadillac, lord of Bouaquat, (Donaquek), and Mount 
 Desert, in Maine, was a native of Gascony. He held a commission of captain of 
 marines, and had served in France before coming to Canada. Having resided
 
 1 82 History of Nova-Scotia. 1690. 
 
 some time in Acadia, he returned to France in 1689, and obtained in 1691,* from 
 Louis XIV., a grant of territory, from which he subsequently took his titles. On 
 coming to Canada a second time, he succeeded M. de Louvigny in 1694 as com- 
 mandant of Michilimackinac, which post he filled till 1697. In 1701 he was sent 
 to lay the foundation of fort Pontchartrain, In the present city of Detroit, where 
 he remained with his lady until 1 706, when he left for Quebec. He returned to 
 Detroit in the fall of the same year, and in 1 707 marched against the Miamis, and 
 reduced them to terms. In 1712 he was appointed governor of Louisiana, and 
 arrived there in the month of June of the following year. He administered the 
 government of Louisiana until the gth March, 1717, when he returned to France. 
 In 1691* he obtained a grant from Louis XIV. of Mount Desert Island, and of a 
 large tract of land at Frenchman's bay, in the present State of Maine. In 1 785 
 Madame Gregoire, his grand daughter, claimed the island, and she and her hus- 
 band got a grant of it, (100 acres, settled, excepted), being about 80,000 acres, but 
 seem to have profited little by it. 
 
 (4-) 
 
 On the 7 January, 1689, a grant was made by the sieur Marquis Denonville 
 (de .Brizay), governor, and Champigny, intendant, of New France, to Pierre 
 Chesnet, ecuyer, sieur du Breuil, of two leagues in front on the river St. John, in 
 the place called Kanibecachiche, and little Nakchouac, which is the middle of the 
 grant, with the isles and islets in front, and three leagues in depth. 
 
 Signed, J. R. DE BRISAY DE DENONVILLE. 
 
 J. BOCHART CHAMPIGNY. 
 DE FREDIN. 
 
 Du BREUIL, procureur du roi, (mentioned in 
 Meneval's letter of 7 Sept., 1689, and 
 memoir of 1690, recommending him 
 for Judge.) 
 
 Collated by the notary, Hoppinot, 1699. Q. Loppinot ? 
 This grant is in full, in French, in the K & F. Commissaries, pp. 769, 770. 
 
 (S-) 
 
 Grant confirmed by king Louis XIV., in Council, at Versailles, 14 July, 1690. 
 See the decree confirming several grants, published in papers of Legislative 
 Council of Canada, vol. XL, for 1852-3. 
 
 On the 28 March, 1689, Denonville and Champigny grant to sieur Mathieu 
 Martin the place called Cocobeguy, (Cobequid ?) which comprises all the head of 
 the basin of Mines, two leagues deep on each side inland, to begin opposite the 
 mouth of the river Chicabenacadi, (Shubenacadie ?) on the south side of the river 
 crossing to the west-north-west. Confirmed by royal brevet, 16 March, 1691. 
 
 (The count de Frontenac returned to Canada as governor this year, 1689.) 
 
 * This must be an error, as the grant was in 1688, confirmed in 1689.
 
 1690. History of Nova-Scotia. 183 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 1690. Sir William Phips, who had been in England in 1688, 
 returned to England in 1689, and was selected to command 
 the expedition prepared at Boston to attack Port Royal. 
 This squadron, which left Boston harbor on the 28 April, 
 1690, o. s., 9 May, n. s., consisted of a frigate of 40 guns, two 
 sloops, one of 16 guns, the other of 8, and four ketches. The 
 forces embarked consisted of 700 men and some boys. 
 
 Before describing the capture of Port Royal by this arma- 
 ment, we will go back to mention three parties sent out by count 
 Frontenac in this year 1690 to make inroads upon the English 
 settlements. For the account of these we are chiefly indebted 
 to Charlevoix, vol. 3, pp. 63-79. l - The first was collected at 
 Montreal, and consisted of one hundred and ten men, French 
 and Indians, under the command of messieurs d'Aillebout de 
 Mantet, and Le Moyne de Sainte Helene, both lieutenants ; 
 under whom messrs. de Repentigny, d'Iberville, de Bonrepos, 
 de la Brosse, and de Montigni, served as volunteers. This 
 party, after many days' march in severe winter weather, sur- 
 prized a village in the province of New York, called Corlar or 
 Schenectady. The attack took place on the 81 h of February, 
 1690, at night, and much slaughter and destruction occurred. 
 2. The second party was formed at Trois Rivieres, and con- 
 sisted of fifty-two men, of whom twenty-five were Indians. 
 Monsieur Hertel commanded, and he had with him three of 
 his sons and two nephews, viz., le sieur Crevier, seigneur of 
 St. Francis, and the sieur Gatineau. They left on 28 January, 
 and found their way, 18 March, to Salmon falls, called Newich- 
 awannock, or Berwick, a settlement on the river which divides
 
 184 History of Nova-Scotia. 1690. 
 
 New Hampshire from Maine. The Indians were under Hoop- 
 hood, a noted warrior. The attack was made at daybreak. 
 Thirty of the villagers were killed, and fifty-two made prison- 
 ers. The place was burnt and the cattle destroyed. 3. The 
 third party came from Quebec, under the command of M. 
 Portneuf, a lieutenant, third son of the baron de Bekancourt. 
 (Menneval, the governor of Acadie, was captain.) This com- 
 pany, which had been in Acadie, was placed under Portneuf, 
 together with some Canadians, and sixty Abenaquis of the 
 sault de la Chaudiere. Tilli de Courtemanche served as lieu- 
 tenant to Portneuf. This party left Quebec the same day that 
 Hertel's party left Trois Rivieres, viz., 28 January. The scar- 
 city of provisions at Quebec prevented this party from carry- 
 ing much food, so they had to subsist on the produce of the 
 chace in their route ; and this caused much delay, so that they 
 did not arrive near the English settlements until late in May. 
 Castine and Mockawando commanded the Indians, and Hertel 
 and his party joined Portneuf. The united force attacked the 
 fort and settlement of the English, called Falmouth, at Casco 
 bay. Besides Loyal fort, which had eight guns, there were 
 three smaller forts or redoubts, and the garrison sent out fifty 
 men to combat the besiegers, but without success. Trenches 
 were dug, tar barrels prepared to set fire to the wooden build- 
 ings and palissades, and the Indians scaled the fort. At 
 length, after a severe struggle on both sides, on the 28th May, 
 the garrison surrendered as prisoners, of war, to the number 
 of seventy men, besides the women and children. Four ves- 
 sels, coming to relieve the place, arrived too late. The guns 
 were carried off, and the houses burned for two leagues around. 
 The cruelties and horrors which attended this warfare are 
 conspicuous in the histories of Charlevoix and Williamson, 
 and some striking instances of savage torture are given in 
 Belknap's New Hampshire, v. i., p. 259. In these wars be- 
 tween the French and English, the Indians played an impor- 
 tant part as allies or principals. The mischiefs of war were 
 thus increased, and the national hatred and prejudice were con- 
 stantly kept alive from 1660 to 1760. It is to be observed 
 that much fighting occurred in North America while the two
 
 1690. History of Nova-Scotia. 185 
 
 crowns were at peace, perhaps as much as when they were in 
 open war. In such cases the Indians in the French interest 
 ostensibly acted against the English, but they were excited 
 and assisted by the French in their attacks, and French offi- 
 cers from Canada used to put on the Indian dress and fight 
 with them. Independently, therefore, of the capture of the 
 seven English vessels by la Caffiniere in 1689, which Menne- 
 val apprehended might bring on attack upon Port Royal, the 
 three expeditions which had been fitted out with such exer- 
 tions in Canada, followed by devastations on the New England 
 frontiers, and accompanied by the terrors of Indian border 
 wars, were more than sufficient to call into activity the best 
 powers of the English settlers, against neighbors who had so 
 palpably violated the treaty of neutrality. The heroism of the 
 young Canadian officers and gentlemen unfortunately led them 
 to take part, in surprizes and night attacks of isolated settle- 
 ments and dwellings, or of the small forts and blockhouses, 
 erected chiefly to protect the outlying settlers against the 
 Indian enemy ; and however gallant their marches in winter 
 over the desolate wildernesses, with deficient supplies of pro- 
 visions, and their other achievements in border warfare may 
 have been thought, their tendency was to impress on the 
 minds of the English in America, a permanent and fixed dis- 
 like and a deeply seated resentment, which, in the course of 
 time, brought to pass the final destruction of the French 
 power on this continent. 
 
 At the time that the squadron commanded by Sir William 
 Phips was sent to Port Royal, that is in April and May, 1690, 
 M. de Menneval, the governor of Acadie, was resident there, 
 having with him a garrison of eighty-six men. There were 
 also eighteen cannon, but they were not placed in battery. 
 The fortifications were insignificant and unfinished, and the 
 place was wanting in almost every thing requisite to its de- 
 fence. M. Perrot, the late governor, was yet in the 
 
 country, attending to his private affairs. A soldier and 
 two inhabitants who were on guard at the entrance of the 
 basin of Port Royal, perceived the English vessels under full 
 sail, making in. They immediately fired off a small mortar,
 
 1 86 History of Nova-Scotia. 1690. 
 
 (boete), which was the appointed signal to apprize the gover- 
 nor, and they then embarked quickly in a canoe. They arri- 
 ved at the fort about eleven o'clock at night, and upon hearing 
 their report, M. de Menneval at once ordered a cannon to be 
 discharged to notify th e inhabitants that they were to come in 
 to his aid. On the 2Oth May, the English squadron anchored 
 within half a league of Port Royal ; and Phips sent one of his 
 sloops to the fort, with a trumpeter, to summon the governor 
 to surrender the place to him, with all that was in it, without 
 any capitulation. Menneval retained the trumpeter ; and, for 
 want of an officer, sent M. Petit (a priest of the seminary of 
 Quebec, who acted as his almoner, and whose name is signed 
 in 1687 as acting cur6 of Port Royal) to the English comman- 
 der, to endeavor to obtain at least tolerable conditions ; for he 
 at once understood how useless it would be to attempt a 
 defence with so small a garrison, without a single officer, and 
 not being able to depend upon the inhabitants, three of whom 
 only had come in upon his signal. Besides he had absolutely 
 no one to mount his guns or to work them. He had himself 
 been for two months past severely afflicted with gout, and he 
 was assured that the enemy had eight hundred men they 
 could land. 
 
 Sir William Phips at first insisted that the governor, garri- 
 son and inhabitants should yield at his discretion, and Petit 
 replied that de Menneval would die first, rather than so act 
 the coward. Phips then inquired what terms were sought for. 
 Petit proposed : i. That the governor and soldiers should go 
 out with their arms and baggage, and be sent to Quebec by 
 water. 2. That the inhabitants should remain in peaceable 
 possession of their property, and that the honor of the females 
 should be protected. 3. That they should have the free ex- 
 ercise of the Roman Catholic religion, and that the church 
 should not be injured. Sir William Phips readily agreed to 
 these conditions ; but the priest having requested that they 
 should be committed to writing, he refused to do so, saying 
 that his word passed as general was worth more than all the 
 writings in the world. Petit urged his request, but in vain, 
 and had to return with these offers. Menneval, in conse-
 
 1690. History of Nova-Scotia. 187 
 
 quence, wrote to Sir William Phips, saying that he acquiesced 
 in what had been agreed on, and that if Sir William would 
 send his sloop next day, he would give him a convincing proof 
 of the frankness of his dealings, by going on board the English 
 ship himself. Menneval went on board accordingly, and the 
 terms of capitulation were confirmed orally, in the presence 
 of the sieur des Goutins, farivain du Roy, holding the office of 
 commissaire ordinateur at Port Royal. The English comman- 
 der added that he left it to the choice of M. de Menneval to be 
 taken with all his garrison to France or to Quebec. The gov- 
 ernor stated that he would prefer going to France, and Phips 
 promised to have him sent there. All being thus settled, 
 Menneval and Phips landed, and the former delivered to the 
 latter the keys of the fort. At sight of the state of the place, 
 Phips appeared much surprized, and he was sorry he had 
 granted terms so honorable to people who were so little able 
 to make a defence ; but he concealed his discontent, until he 
 could find a pretext for violating a capitulation, which he con- 
 ceived had been unfairly obtained. 
 
 Accordingly, having learned, that while the governor was 
 on board his vessel, some soldiers and inhabitants, who were 
 intoxicated, had taken some articles out of a storehouse be- 
 longing to M. Perrot, the late governor, he declared that the 
 property removed, being now that of the king, his master, he 
 conceived the capitulation was broken, and he was no longer 
 bound by its engagements. He began by disarming the 
 French soldiers, and he shut them up in the church. He 
 even demanded their swords from messrs. de Menneval and 
 des Goutins, which, however, he returned to them immediately, 
 giving them notice, however, that they were prisoners. He 
 gave de Menneval his own lodgings for his prison, and placed 
 a sentry over him. He even took from him his money and 
 effects. Next he allowed the pillage of -the settlement, as he 
 said the inhabitants had hid their best articles. Even the 
 priest's dwelling and the church were not spared. [3 Charle- 
 voix, 96 to 100.] 
 
 Sir William Phips remained at Port Royal about ten or 
 twelve days after. the surrender. Before he left, he assembled
 
 1 88 History of Nova-Scotia. 1690. 
 
 such of the inhabitants as he could get together, and made 
 them take an oath of fidelity to William and Mary, then the 
 sovereigns of England. He appointed his first serjeant, whose 
 name was Chevalier, to be commandant of Port Royal, and he 
 named six of the principal inhabitants councillors, to execute 
 justice. Phips carried off as prisoners, M. de Menneval, the 
 governor, one serjeant and thirty-eight soldiers ; also messrs. 
 Petit and Trouve, ecclesiastics. He also brought back with 
 him to Boston a quantity of plunder. Encouraged by this 
 success, the New Englanders sent Sir William Phips to Que- 
 bec, with thirty vessels and two thousand men, where he arri- 
 ved in autumn, but wholly failed in his attempts at conquest 
 there. 
 
 At the time of Phips' visit to Port Royal, M. Perrot, who 
 had been governor before Menneval, and had remained in the 
 province in a private capacity, was absent from the place, 
 being, with M. Duclos, his clerk, on a trading voyage along 
 the coast in a small vessel or ketch. On the 27 May, as they 
 were on their way coming back to Port Royal, and not aware 
 of the English having taken it, they were detained at the 
 entrance of the bay by an adverse wind. Perrot missing the 
 sentinel usually posted there, felt doubts if all were right, and 
 he got into a canoe with M. d' Amours, a gentleman from 
 Canada, having an Indian along with them, in order to learn 
 what had occurred. After going three leagues up, he got sight 
 of an English ship anchored in the river on which the town is 
 built, and heard the firing of cannon and musketry. Perrot 
 thought there must be fighting going on, so he concealed the 
 canoe in the wood, and went by land to the nearest house and 
 found it abandoned. Withdrawing promptly, he got into the 
 canoe again, to reach his ketch, which he met in the basin. 
 Two Englishmen had been sent to watch for this vessel, as her 
 return from the coast had been expected, and they caught 
 sight of her, and went in chase of her in a shallop ; but as it 
 was ebb tide, the shallop, being too close in shore, grounded, 
 and Perrot, though pursued again by another canoe, succeeded 
 in reaching his ketch in safety, and, setting her sails, got 
 out of the basin. The English ship which he had seen at
 
 1 690. History of Nova-Scotia. 1 89 
 
 anchor in the river got under weigh to pursue him, but per- 
 ceiving it would be useless, she returned to her former posi- 
 tion. In the meantime M. Perrot got safe into Mines. 
 
 It seems at first, on being made acquainted with the small 
 pains that were taken, and the very trifling expenditure allow- 
 ed, for the protection of the French colonies in North Ame- 
 rica, that there was some strange and unaccountable want of 
 information or culpable negligence attributable to the govern- 
 ment of the grand monarque, Louis XIV., in thus leaving his 
 transatlantic possessions to be overrun so often by a mere 
 handful of New England colonists. It was the opinion of 
 well informed persons that if Phips had proceeded without 
 delay to attack Quebec on his arrival there with 2000 men, it 
 must have fallen into his hands, and with it, of course, all 
 Canada. The repeated captures of Port Royal, and other 
 posts, by the expeditions from Boston, and the want of men 
 and materials of defence against these raids, both before and 
 after 1690, are very distinctly recorded in our old documents. 
 All this was not owing to ignorance on the part of the minis- 
 try at Paris, as we find constant information on the geography, 
 products and trade of the country regularly transmitted from 
 these countries, by governors, officers and adventurers. The 
 resources of the French c.rown were enormous at that period, 
 as is evident from the grandeur and magnitude of the wars in 
 Flanders, Germany and Italy, conducted at the expense of 
 France, and from the magnificence and sumptuousness of the 
 palaces and public edifices, as well as fortresses, that sprang 
 up by a regal magic to illustrate and commemorate the reign 
 of Louis le grand, and from the costly aid his government 
 gave to art, science and literature. Why, then, we may well 
 enquire, were the French colonists in America left so destitute 
 of protection, when a few regiments and some few thousand 
 crowns would have ensured them a life of peace and tranquil- 
 lity, and enabled them to develope the great resources of the 
 land and water that nature has bestowed on these regions. 
 Observation and reflection will inform us that neglect of 
 colonial interests was not peculiar in that age to the Freuch 
 nation. Colonies were regarded as valuable only in pro-
 
 190 History of Nova-Scotia. 1690 
 
 portion to the immediate commercial profits that attended 
 them. England gave little direct encouragement to her set- 
 tlements in New England. They had no armies in those 
 days but those composed of settlers, who left their farm work 
 temporarily. In Canada the population was much smaller, 
 and the efforts at cultivation less than in New England, but 
 the dominant idea of all the white population of that country 
 was to engross the fur trade, and keep the English from par- 
 ticipating in it. With this view, the friendship of the Indian 
 tribes was sought by every means, and the French Canadian 
 gentlemen hunted with them, and joined them in their forays 
 upon the frontier settlements of the English. The govern- 
 ments in Europe the merchants, whether of London or of 
 Rochelle the functionaries, civil and military, sent out to the 
 colonies, were not disposed to expend money or exertions for 
 so distant an object as the eventual cultivation and growth of 
 American lands and population. Their joint efforts were 
 directed with the distinct aim of increasing the returns to 
 Europe in the shape of furs and fish. We now know that the 
 nation which shall found colonies, and see them safe and pros- 
 perous, and filled with an intelligent and free population, will 
 be richly rewarded in the great increase of her exports and 
 manufactures, for which a permanent demand is thus created. 
 But in the i/th century no such opinions or views as yet 
 existed ; and what little was done for defence by the respect- 
 tive mother countries, where it is not to be accounted for by 
 the wish to protect commerce, will be found to have been 
 owing to national jealousies and angry passions, rather than 
 to a just and lasting propensity to provide for and protect 
 their fellow citizens in a distant portion of the globe. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXII. 
 (i.) 
 
 Sir William Phips was born 2 Feb'y., 1650, at Woolwich, upon the Sheepscote 
 river, (in the present state of Maine.) His father was James Phips, of Bristol, 
 gunsmith. His mother had 26 children, of whom 21 were sons. He was one of
 
 1690. History of Nova-Scotia. 191 
 
 the youngest. His father died while he was yet a child. He remained with his 
 mother until he was 18 years old, keeping sheep, it is said. He was thence an 
 apprentice to a ship carpenter for four years. After this he set up trade on his 
 own account, and built a ship at Sheepscote. He had very small instruction in 
 learning. He is said to have been taught to read and write at Boston. He was 
 esteemed honest, but his temper was hasty. The Indian parties are said to have 
 driven him away from the Sheepscote, and he then adopted a seafaring life. In 
 some of his voyages he heard that a Spanish ship, laden with silver, had been 
 wrecked and sunk half a century before, not far from the Bahama islands. Hav- 
 ing communicated this information to the duke of Albermarle, who was governor 
 of Jamaica in 1687, they entered into an agreement for the purpose of recovering 
 the lost treasure. (Phips is said to have been sent in 1683 in the English king's 
 frigate, the ' Algier Rose,' fitted out for the discovery of another Spanish wreck 
 near Port de la Plata, in Hispaniola, but to have returned to England unsuccess- 
 ful.) In this voyage of 1687, Phips, after indefatigable efforts, found the Bahama 
 wreck between 40 and 50 feet under water, and took from it the immense trea- 
 sure of 34 tons of silver, besides gold, pearls and jewels. The value is stated at 
 .300,000, and Phips' share of it at ^16,000. Besides this, a golden cup, worth 
 .1000, was presented to Phips' wife by the duke, his partner and patron. He 
 was knighted on the occasion by king James 2. He was also named to be 
 high sheriff of New England, but as he did not concur in political sentiments 
 with Andros, then governor, he declined to act. Sir William Phips married a 
 daughter of Roger Spencer, of Saco, a young widow. Her first husband was 
 John Hull, merchant of Boston. Phips had no child. Spencer Phips was 
 his nephew, and adopted son and heir, taking his name, afterwards lieutenant 
 governor of Massachusetts. Sir William Phips was baptised in Boston in 
 March, 1690, at the age of 40. He went to England after his return from 
 Quebec in the latter part of the year 1690. He was made governor of Massa- 
 chusetts in 1692, and returned to Boston with the new charter. He was impru- 
 dent enough to use personal violence to the collector of the customs at Boston, 
 named Brenton, and captain Short, of the Nonsuch, frigate, and was recalled to 
 England to answer for his conduct. He embarked for London 17 Nov., 1694, 
 and died there 18 Feb'y., 1695, and was buried in St. Mary, Woolnoth church, 
 London. It is said that his namesake, Sir Constantine Phips, was employed as 
 his counsel in England to defend his conduct as governor. [Cotton Mather's Mag- 
 nalia, London, 1702, pp. 36-73. I Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, 396, 
 397, note. I Williamson 's History of Maine, 596, 597- Douglas 1 Summary, 475.] 
 
 (2.) 
 
 Menneval, Portneuf, Villebon, Neuvillette des Isles, (Tinville ?) appear to have 
 belonged to the same family, being sons of the baron de Bekancourt, and to have 
 been Canadians by birth. Many of them occupied a distinguished position in 
 the military events of Acadie. M. de Longueil, M. de Maricourt, d'Iberville, 
 Serigny, Chateaugue, St. Helene and Bienville, appear also to have been brothers 
 and Canadians, sons of M. le Moyne. [3 Charlevoix, izmo., pp. 75, 100, 216, 
 268, 278, 301, 378, years 1690 & 1694.] There is much difficulty in tracing such 
 connections, as in noble families each son seems to have taken a different sur- 
 name after some estate of the family.
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 1690. 
 
 (3-) 
 
 Captain Sylvanus Davis, (the commander of the fort at Falmouth taken by the 
 Canadians and Indians, 29 May, 1690), the two daughters of his lieutenant who 
 was killed in the siege, and several officers, were conducted to Quebec. They 
 left the fort on the last of May, and reached Quebec by land 23 June. The other 
 prisoners were left in the hands of the Indians. The French are stated to have 
 had none killed on their side, and only two wounded, [3 Charlevoix, 63-79. 
 I Williamson, Maine, 618, 623. I Belknafs New Hampshire, 257, &>s.] 
 
 (40 
 
 Sir William Phips sailed for Quebec from Boston 9 August, 1690, o. s., 19 Aug., 
 n. s., and reached Quebec 5 Oct., o. s., 15 Oct., n, s. He had 32 ships and ten- 
 ders. The chief or admiral ship was called the Six Friends, of 44 guns and 200 
 men, Gregor Sugars, commander. Above 2000 men were on board this fleet. 
 They were unpiloted, and having adverse winds, were three weeks after entering 
 the river before they reached the island of Orleans. General Winthrop, who 
 commanded the troops sent inland to co-operate with Phips, got no further than 
 Wood Creek, near the southerly end of lake Champlain, when, being disappoin- 
 ted in supplies and means of transport, and also in the small number of his Indian 
 allies, Iroquois, who joined him, he decided to return. When Phips arrived at 
 Quebec, the general of the French was at -Montreal, and according to Lahontan, 
 who was in Canada at the time, " if the English admiral," (as he calls Phips), 
 " had made his descent before our arrival at Quebec, or even two days after, he " 
 " had carried the place without striking a blow, for at that time there was not " 
 " 200 French in the city, which lay open and exposed on all hands ; but instead " 
 " of doing that, he cast anchor towards the point of the island of Orleans, and " 
 " lost three days in consulting with the captains of the ships, before they came " 
 " to a resolution. He took the sieur Joliet, with his lady and his mother-in- " 
 " law, in a barque in the river of Saint Lawrence. Three merchantmen from " 
 " France, and one laden with beaver skins from Hudson's bay, entered the " 
 " river ot Saguenay, by the way of Tadoussac, where they skulked, and, after " 
 " hauling their gans on shore, raised very good batteries. To be short, the offi- " 
 " cers of the enemy's fleet came to a resolution, after the loss of three or four " 
 " days useless consultations, during which time we were joyn'd on all hands " 
 " by great numbers of inhabitants and soldiers." Phips summoned the place in 
 due form, but Frontenac having now made it safe, rejected the demand with 
 scorn, treating Phips and his troops as rebels to king James 2. The English 
 landed 1400 men, under General Walley, 8 Oct., o. s., bnt they were attacked by 
 Canadians and Indians, who lay ambushed in copses. The English lost 150 of 
 their number, while of their opponents only 16 were killed. (By this time the 
 small pox had got into the fleet.) Subsequently the English landed four field pieces 
 and fought bravely, but unsuccessfully, and lost many of their soldiers. On the 
 18 and 19 October Phips tried to cannonade the town with four of his ships, but 
 without much effect The marshy and broken nature of the ground on which 
 the fighting took place, and the cover of trees and bushes, gave the French and 
 Indians very great advantages, of which Frontenac skilfully availed himself. A 
 third action, in which the French were successful, decided Phips to give up his
 
 History of N-ova-Scotia. 193 
 
 undertaking. It rained heavily on the night between the 21 and 22 October, and 
 the English left Beauport and went back to theirships. On the 23d and 24th the 
 English fleet began to drop down the river, and an exchange of prisoners took 
 place. Among others, M. Trouve. M. Grandville, and mesdames Joliet and de 
 la Lande, recovered their freedom. The English fleet met with great disasters in 
 Its return, and Sir Williana Phips did not himself reach Boston until the 19-29 
 November, 1690, whence he soon after sailed for England. l Hutchinson. 
 3 Charlevoix. Magnalia.] 
 
 (5.) 
 
 From a letter of M. de Lagny : 
 
 Paris, 21 February, 1690. 
 
 In waiting my lord's pleasure to regulate the affairs of Acadie, it seems neces- 
 sary that the company should send, without delay, a vessel which it is preparing 
 for Port Royal, with a part of the merchandizes, flour and bacon (desfarines et afu 
 lard), for the subsistence of the soldiers, &c. My lord will also be good enough 
 to give an order to the sieur de Villebon, captain of one of the two companies of 
 infantry of Acadie, to take passage in this vessel, to go to the Canibats, (Indians 
 of the Kennebec), and put himself at their head, if necessary, to oblige them to 
 continue the war against the English of New England, as they did last year by 
 the capture of Pemkuit, aud by this means to make a diversion which may pre- 
 vent the invasion of Port Royal, which is defenceless. My lord has had the good- 
 ness to cause a present to be made last year to the chiefs of these Canibats, 
 which has cost 441 livres, and which has had a very good effect. It was thought 
 necessary to send them yet the value of 500 to 6co livres. As they have need of 
 powder and lead, which they can only procure from the French at present, being 
 at war with the English, the company might be obliged to send about 1 500 livres, 
 making them furnish the king's stores, paying thereby for their trading with the 
 Canibats. My lord ordered last year the sending of 50 fusils to Acadie, which has 
 has not been executed. Most of the soldiers are without arms. I could find 
 guns if my lord wishes to send them. There are ten soldiers, dead or married, to 
 replace. They might be delivered and sent in this vessel, (the recruits), in wait- 
 ing until my lord takes the resolution to send the succors that h can give this 
 country, which appears to need them. 
 
 DE LAGNY.
 
 194 History of Nova-Scotia. 1690. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 1690. On the 14 June, 1690, the chevalier de Villebon arrived 
 at Port Royal from France. He found there M. Perrot and 
 M. de Goutins, and by them was made acquainted with the 
 occurrences of the previous month of May. Villebon was 
 placed in an anxious situation. He had brought with him the 
 sieur Saccardie, an engineer officer. He now held council 
 with Perrot, des Goutins and Saccardie, as to what had best 
 be done to save the remains of a colony of which he was in 
 charge, and to secure the property of the crown, which he had 
 brought with him from France. The most difficult point was 
 that the English, at that time, were no further off than at 
 Laheve, and in three days they might hear of his arrival, and 
 he had not means to resist them if they should come back. 
 They decided, unanimously, that they would withdraw to the 
 river St. John, where the chevalier Grand-fontaine had occu- 
 pied a fort at a place called Jemsek. That they would carry 
 there all effects of the crown, and those of the company, and 
 collect all the soldiers they could ; some of those having esca- 
 ped from the English, and others had not been made prisoners. 
 That they would send to M. de Montorgueil, lieutenant of 
 Villebon's company, who was at Chedabouctou with a detach- 
 ment of fourteen soldiers, to come and join his captain at 
 Jemsek. Next they would build a fort of stone at Jemsek, 
 and thence send to the Indians for aid, and encourage them to 
 keep alive the war against the English. The order was sent 
 to Montorgueil to evacuate Chedabouctou, and bury all his 
 canoes that he could not bring away with him ; but Phips had
 
 1690. History of Nova-Scotia. 195 
 
 previously besieged the little detachment, and they had capit- 
 ulated on honorable terms, and been sent to the French fort 
 at Placentia, (which had been robbed by English freebooters 
 in February previous.) The loss of the French company, by 
 the pillage and destruction at Port Royal and Chedabouctou, 
 was stated at 50,000 e'cus. [3 Charlevoix, 101-108.] Two 
 pirate vessels, with ninety men on board, pillaged the island of 
 Mariegalante, in the West Indies, and brought off nine of the 
 inhabitants. After this they came to Port Royal, where they 
 landed their prisoners. They then burned all the houses near 
 the fort killed some of the cattle hung two of the inhabi- 
 tants, and burned a woman and her children in her own house. 
 After Villebon had landed at St. John and gone up the river 
 to Jemsek, the same pirates captured the vessel called the 
 Union, in which he had come out. M. Perrot was then made 
 prisoner, but he was afterwards retaken by a French vessel, 
 and we may infer that he got safe home to old France, as 
 Charlevoix says he found sufficient in the wreck of his for- 
 tunes to establish his family advantageously, an$ that he left 
 two daughters, the countess de la Roche Allard, and the pre"si- 
 dente de Luber. M. Saccardie, the engineer, was also captur- 
 ed. In a m6moire of 5 February, 1691, it is stated that the 
 English had burned twenty-eight houses in Port Royal, and 
 the church, sparing the mills and farm houses up the river. 
 It seems most likely that this mischief was the work of the 
 pirates. Charlevoix does not say that Phips destroyed any 
 buildings in Port Royal ; but he calls the pirate ships English. 
 Villebon, after vain efforts to recover what had been thus, 
 lost, and to destroy the pirates, returned to Jemsek. There 
 he gathered the Indians together, and explained to them the 
 loss of the presents the French monarch had sent them, and 
 which had fallen into the hands of the robbers, by the capture 
 of the Union. He further begged them to make prisoners of 
 the English, to be exchanged for the French now in their 
 hands. He said he should go to Quebec, and thence to 
 France, and would bring out fresh presents for them, and 
 prayed them to be, without fail, down the river in the coming 
 spring. They promised him they would send out one hun-
 
 1 96 History of Nova-Scotia. 1 69 1 
 
 dred and fifty warriors to carry out his object. After this 
 conference he set out for Quebec, to which place he carried 
 the first news of the invasion of Acadie, and the imprisonment 
 of M. de Menneval, the governor. 
 
 1691. Villebon accordingly went to Quebec, and from that 
 place went to France, where he urged on the minister the 
 importance of preventing the English from establishing them- 
 selves in Acadie, and undertook to hinder them with the help 
 of the Abenaquis alone, if he was authorized to put himself at 
 their head. His representations were favorably received, and 
 M. de Pont-chartrain obtained for him a commission from the 
 king to command in Acadie, and ordered him to embark, in 
 the month of June, 1691, for Quebec, where he would receive 
 the orders of count Frontenac. He was also authorized to 
 assure the Indians that the ammunition, &c., promised them 
 should be sent and delivered to them in their abodes, instead 
 of their having to go to Quebec to receive them ; and that 
 Villebon, his brother Portneuf, who was lieutenant of his com- 
 pany, and some other officers, Canadians, to be selected by 
 the governor general, should command them. Villebon went 
 to Quebec, in the Soleil d'Afrique, the best sailor of the age, 
 said to make 7 leagues (17 1-2 miles) an hour, and arrived 
 there in the beginning of July ; but from an apprehension of 
 another attack on Quebec, by the English, Frontenac detained 
 the vessel until the 6th September, when she set sail for Port 
 Royal, Bonaventure, commander, and on her way she captured 
 an English (New England) vessel, in which were John Nelson 
 and Mr. Tyng. Nelson was on a trading voyage to Nova 
 Scotia, and Tyng had been named governor of Nova Scotia 
 by the authorities of Boston, who considered Acadie as their 
 own conquest and property. (Tyng was a colonel and a coun- 
 cillor in Maine.) [i Williamson, 695.] 
 
 Villebon did not arrive at Port Royal until the 26th Novem- 
 ber, from which we may conjecture that he had visited some 
 of the ports on the eastern coast, or in cape Breton, in his 
 way, or else had spent his time at the St. John river. As 
 soon as the vessel was anchored at Port Royal, he armed a 
 sloop and went in it, with fifty soldiers, and two swivels,
 
 1691. History of Nova-Scotia. 197 
 
 (pierriers.) He went as far as the dwellings of the inhabi- 
 tants, and there saw the English flag flying, but found no 
 Englishmen left to guard it. On the day following, he assem- 
 bled the inhabitants, and, in their presence, he took formal 
 possession of Port Royal and of all Acadie, in the name of the 
 French king. The sieur des Goutins, who had come with 
 Villebon to exercise again the office of commissaire ordonna- 
 teur, informed the chevalier that he had buried a sum of 1300 
 livres which remained in his charge when Phips made himself 
 master of the place ; and this money was found in the same 
 state in which he had left it. This money, of which des Gou- 
 tins alone knew, he employed in part to pay arrears of an 
 officer's salary, and placed the balance in the king's chest. 
 (His honest conduct in this instance proved of use to him in 
 years afterwards, when he was charged with malversation, 
 being accepted as settling the case in his favor with govern- 
 ment.) [3 C/iarlevoix, 158, 162.] 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXIII. 
 (i.) 
 
 The government of Massachusetts, after Phips' capture of Port Royal in 1690, 
 considered Acadie as a dependency of that province, by right of conquest. In the 
 charter of William and Mary tp Massachusetts, dated 7 October, 1691, and 
 brought out to Boston by Sir William Phips, n May. 1692, "the territory" 
 " called Accada, or Nova Scotia," is united to and incorporated in the province of 
 " The Massachusetts Bay in New England," and the patent grants " unto our " 
 " good subjects the inhabitants of our said province or territory of the Massa- " 
 " chusetts Bay, and their successors." the territories of Massachusetts, New Ply- 
 mouth, Main, which are severally described, " and also the lands and heredita- " 
 ' ments lying and being in the country or territory commonly called Accada or " 
 " Nova Scotia, and all those lands and hereditaments lying and extending be- " 
 " tween the said country or territory of Nova Scotia and the said river of Saga- " 
 " dehook, or any part thereof; and all lands, grounds, places, soils, woods and " 
 " wood grounds, havens, ports, rivers, waters, and other hereditaments and " 
 " premises whatsoever, lying within the said bounds or limits aforesaid, and " 
 " every part and parcel thereof ; and also all islands and islets lying within ten " 
 " leagues directly opposite the main land within the said bounds ; and all "
 
 198 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 " mines and minerals, as well royal mines of gold and silver, as other mines " 
 ' and minerals whatsoever in the said lands and premises, or any part thereof." 
 The habendum is to the inhabitants of the province of Massachusetts bay and 
 
 their successors, for their own "only proper use and behoof for evermore." 
 
 " to be holden of us, our heirs and successors, as of our mannor of East Green- " 
 " wich, in the county of Kent, by fealty only, in free and common sockage." (In 
 1696, the province of Massachusetts prayed the crown to garrison Port Royal and 
 St. John, thus, as some thought, virtually abandoning their grant of the territory.) 
 
 (2.) 
 
 1. A royal brevet, dated Versailles, 16 March, 1691, confirms a grant made in 
 1690, by Frontenac, governor, and Champigny, intendant, '' to the sieur Nicolas " 
 " Denis de Fronsac, in Acadie, at the place called Miramichi, regulated and " 
 " limited by arret of the council of the loth April, 1687, to fifteen leagues of" 
 " front by fifteen leagues in depth, reckoning from the Trout river, including the " 
 " same, running one league to the South East, and the other fourteen leagues " 
 " to the North West, with the points, islands and islets for fifteen leagues dis- " 
 " tance in front, to be enjoyed by him, his heirs and assigns," (ayans cause), as 
 their own property, &c. &c., on the conditions contained in the regulations of 
 1 8 April, 1690. 
 
 2. Similar brevet of a grant same date and in same terms, confirms a grant 
 from Frontenac and de Champigny, to sieur Gobin, merchant at Quebec, of a 
 space of land of twelve leagues in front by two in depth, in the bay of Chaleurs, 
 in Acadie, comprising the rivers that may be found in said extent, measuring 
 the said twelve leagues from the boundary of the grant of sieur de Fronsac, regu- 
 lated by the ordonnance of the 18 April last, on the north west course, (tirant an 
 nord attest), with the points, islands and islets, and flats (battures), which are in 
 front thereof, to said sieur Gobin, his heirs and assigns for ever, &e., as a fief and 
 seigneurie, as granted 26 May, 1690. 
 
 3. Similar grant confirmed to sieur Lemoine d'Hyberville, of a space of land 
 of twelve leagues front by ten leagues in depth, in the bay of Chaleurs, in Acadie, 
 comprising the rivers to be found within that extent, measuring said twelve 
 leagues from the boundary of Sr. Gobin's grant on the north west course in part, 
 and the other part on the east south east, the river of Ristigouche included, 
 with the points, islands, islets and flats in the front, to be enjoyed by the said 
 sieur LeMoine d'hyberville, his heirs and assigns, for ever, as their own property, 
 with title of fief and seigneurie, high, middle and low justice, &c. 
 
 (The above three warrants or brevets were found among the papers of the gov- 
 ernment at Halifax, being official copies from the registry at Quebec, made in 
 1764, certified by H. T. Cramahe, judge advocate, The description in these 
 grants locates the rivers Miramichi, Ristigouche, &c., in Acadie expressly, and 
 would have been strong testimony in 1751 in favor of the English claim to extend 
 the bounds of Acadie.) 
 
 4. 2 March. 1691. The king confirmed a grant made in 1691 by count Fron- 
 tenac and the sieur de Champigny, to the sieur Frangois Genaple de Bellefond, 
 notary royal at Quebec, of a lot of land situate on the river St. John, in Acadie,
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 1 99 
 
 between Medoktek and Nacchouak, which joins the land of Jemsec, to wit, the 
 place called the Longues Veiies, commencing at the river called Skoutespskek, as 
 far as the place and river called Neckouygack, (Nercaioioutquek), by two leagues 
 in depth running inland, on each side of the said river St. John, together with the 
 isles, islets, &c. [Legislative Council of Canada. Session papers, vol. u., 1852, 
 I853-] 
 
 5. A grant, dated 23 March, 1691, was made by count Frontenac and the sieur 
 Bochard de Champigny, intendant of New France, to dame Marie Frangoise 
 Chartier, widow of the sieur de Marson, of an extent of land at the river St. John, 
 of four leagues front on said river and two leagues depth, on the other side and 
 opposite to the grant of M. de Chauffeurs, (called Jemsek), the centre of which 
 four leagues will be opposite the house of Jemsek. Brevet, i March, 1692, regis- 
 tered Quebec, 26 Oct., 1693. 
 
 6. A brevet du roi, of 18 January, 1692, confirms to the sieur des Goutins a 
 grant from Frontenac and Champigny, of the 4 August, 1690,* of a tract of land 
 of two leagues front, at a place called Mascondabouet, (Musquodoboit), viz., one 
 league above said river and one league below it, by two leagues in depth in going 
 up the river, and along it, (et le long cTicelle), with the islands and islets that are 
 before the two leagues of front. Registered in the Sovereign Council of Que- 
 bec, 10 September, 1692. 
 
 (3-) 
 
 Marie de Menou, canoness of Poussay, a child of d'Aulnay by his last marriage, 
 and the last survivor of his sons and daughters, was educated in France, and in 
 1691 made her will, giving all her property to her half brothers and sisters, the 
 children of her mother, d'Aulnay's widow, by her subsequent marriage with 
 Latour. [Paris mss., and I Ferland, 495.] This will was deposited 22 Feb'y., 
 1693, with Dupuis, notary, at Paris. 
 
 (4-) 
 
 Messrs. Nelsont and Tyng, who had been captured by M. Bonaventure, were 
 
 * 1691 in Leg. Council papers of Canada, vol. II., 1852-3. 
 
 t John Nelson was nephew of Sir Thomas Temple, and also was by his will 
 made heir to whatever rights Sir Thomas had in Acadie, for the property and 
 outlay he had made there. The earliest mention I find of him is in April, 1689, 
 on the occasion of the people of Boston taking the government from Sir Edmund 
 Andros, the governor commissioned by James the second. Hutchinson says, 
 (vol. I., p. 376. note), " Mr. John Nelson, a young gentleman of Boston, at the " 
 " head of the soldiers, demanded the fort the second time, and then the gover- " 
 " nor came down and surrendered himself and the fort." (P. 378) we find Nelson 
 signing the address to Andros, dated 18 April, 1689, which was headed by the 
 former governor Bradstreet, then 87 years old. Hutchinson says that notwith- 
 standing Nelson's zeal and services, he was not allowed any share in the adminis- 
 tration after it was settled, in Boston, and gives as reasons for his exclusion that 
 Nelson was an " Episcopalian," aud of " a gay, free temper." Perhaps he was 
 not ambitious of office, and besides he may have not been connected much with 
 the Puritan families.
 
 2OO History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 some time after sent to Quebec, where M. de Frontenac received them kindly. 
 This general paid attention to Nelson, (whom Charlevoix calls the chevalier Nel- 
 son), not only from gratitude for good treatment Nelson had exercised towards 
 Frenchmen on several occasions, but also on account of Nelson possessing much 
 influence in Boston. Lahontan (vol. I., p. 176) says, " a gentleman of New " 
 " England called Nelson, was brought prisoner to Quebec, who was taken in the " 
 " river Kenebeki, upon the coast of Acadie, together with three ships belonging " 
 " to him ; and because he was a very gallant man, M. Frontenac gave him a " 
 " lodging at his own house, and treated him with all manner of civility ;" and in 
 page 275, speaking of a young French captain in the army, he says, " However, " 
 " he was obliged to be present at a treat that Mr. Nelson, the English gentle- " 
 " man I spoke of in my 23d letter, gave to the two lovers, as well as the gover- " 
 " nor, the intendant, the bishop, and some other persons of note : and this " 
 " generous English gentleman, having a kindness for the young lady's father " 
 " and her brethren, upon the score of their trading with one another, made an " 
 " offer of a thousand crowns, to be paid on the wedding day, which, added to a " 
 " thousand that the Bishop offered, and a thousand more that she had of her own, ' r 
 " besides seven or eight thousand that M. de Frontenac offered in licenses, not " 
 " to mention the certain prospect of preferment, all these items, I say, made ' r 
 " the marriage very advantageous to the captain." It appears, however, that the 
 officer thought differently, as he declined the proposals. 
 
 However kindly and courteously Mr. Nelson was treated at Quebec, he found 
 that his release would not be granted, as he was too intimately acquainted with 
 the affairs of America, and was considered a dangerous adversary on that account, 
 although so much the friend of Frenchmen, yet a resolute and able supporter of 
 British rights and interests. Finding his case to be thus exceptional, he appears 
 to have thought that the indulgence by which his captivity was, in some measure, 
 lightened, lay him under no special obligations to his French friends, who, by 
 refusing to suffer his being exchanged or ransomed, kept him at a distance 
 from his family and his business. He therefore held himself at liberty to gather 
 such intelligence as might be of use to his country, and to communicate such in- 
 formation to the authorities at Boston. Thus actuated, he wrote the following 
 letter, given in i Hutchinson's Mass., 378 : 
 
 " August 26, 1692." 
 
 " About 14 days ago arrived two men-of-war and six merchant ships, from 
 France, which came furnished with recruits of provision, ammunition, 30 more 
 great guns, 24 pateraroes, one mortar and 20 shells. A little before the arrival of 
 these ships, Madockawando, the Penobscot sachem, came here, who made and 
 received divers compliments, presented the governor with five English captives, 
 and received from him presents, encouraging him and the rest to continue the 
 war, but all gave but little satisfaction to the Indians, who expected greater 
 recompense. They would often discourse their discontent to some of us who 
 understand their language. I was in hopes to make some improvement of their 
 discontent, by proposing the settlement of a trading house up Penobscot river, at 
 Negas. They were glad of the proposal, and it is the only means of recovering 
 our interest with these Eastern Indians. I promised to send my thoughts thereon 
 to yourselves, of which I would have you to consider, &c. Madockawando gave 
 dil7 advice of all their results. He is certainly well affected towards us. Two
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 201 
 
 days ago he was dispatched from hence, with orders to get together all the Indians 
 he can. They make account of two or three hundred. They are to remain at 
 Penobscot until the two men-of-war join them, who are preparing themselves as 
 well as they can, adding to their number 200 Canadians, so that, in all, they will 
 have above 400, who, with the Indians, are to assault Wells, Isle of Shoals, and 
 Piscataqua. The design is dangerous if you should be unprovided. I have 
 therefore improved my utmost endeavors to give you this intelligence. By money 
 and a promise of good reward from yourselves, I have corrupted two Frenchmen, 
 viz., Arnaud Du Vignon and Francis Albert, to be bearers of this letter, and also 
 to be guides to two Dutchmen and to two Englishmen, who promise to be with 
 you tn 22 days. I pray that they may be contented. I have furnished them with 
 13 French crowns, which it is just should be allowed to my wife. My charge is 
 otherwise great here, there being so many of my poor countrymen to relieve, &c. 
 The two men-of-war, which come from hence, are the one a great Dutch square 
 stern ship of about 500 tons, takes in six guns from hence, so that she will 
 have in all 38 guns, &c. ; the other is a French frigate of 34 guns, who is the 
 admiral. They take at Port Royal and along the coast all the small vessels, shal- 
 lops, boats, &c., to land their men. You will do well to prepare for their recep- 
 tion a good fire ship, and other means necessary, according as your prudence 
 shall direct. I recommend myself unto your prayers, and remain, gentlemen, 
 your humble servant, 
 
 J. NELSON. 
 
 August 27th. The ships of war go from hence in 12 or 15 days. Their voyage 
 probably to St. John's and Penobscot will cost them a month's time more, so that 
 you may expect them in about six or seven weeks hence. After their attempt 
 upon your coast they are to cruise for about a month, &c., so that all concerned 
 in shipping must take care to their affairs. Let no public talk be made of this 
 letter, for by the escape of some prisoners the report will come hither greatly to 
 
 my damage Excuse my broken manner of writing. I am forced to do it as 
 
 I can get opportunity, and that is in my bed, because of the often coming in and 
 out of the man that attends me, who once surprized me and took from me my ink- 
 horn, but in all things else I am well treated. So are all the rest, according as 
 the country affords, &c." " The letters came to Springfield the 23d of Septem- 
 ber, and a day or two after to Boston. The Frenchmen, not long after, by some 
 means or other, were retaken and carried to Canada, where they were punished 
 as deserters. Before their execution, they confessed the whole. Mr. Nelson was 
 carried with them, in expectation of the same fate. They were shot before his 
 eyes. He was sent back to prison, and soon after to France,* but on his passage 
 prevailed with a fellow passenger to convey intelligence of a second design of 12 
 men-of-war and 2000 troops, which were every day expected at Canada to make 
 a descent upon the English colonies from Piscataqua to Carolina. He was con- 
 fined in France in a small hole for two years, without opportunity of seeing any 
 person but a servant who brought his victuals to a grate. A gentleman, who 
 had taken notice of the person who had carried the victuals from day to day, had 
 the curiosity to enquire what prisoner was there, and to speak to him at the 
 
 * In 1693. See 4 New York State Documents, in the editor, doctor O'Callag- 
 han's note.
 
 2O2 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 grate, and to ask if he could do him any service. Mr. Nelson desired no other 
 favor than to have a letter sent to England to inform Sir Purbeck Temple of his 
 condition, which was done, and soon after a demand was made for his release or 
 exchange. He was then looked upon as a person of some importance. He was 
 sent to the Bastile, and just before the peace of Ryswick was allowed to go to 
 England, upon his parole, and security given by a French gentleman for his 
 return. The peace being concluded, and he intending to return, was forbad to 
 do it by king William ; but to prevent any trouble to his friend, he -went con- 
 trary to order, and surrendered himself. Being discharged, upon his return to 
 England he was brought into trouble there for going back to France contrary to 
 the king's order, but at length returned to his family after ten or eleven years 
 absence." [*l Hutch., Mass., 389. note.]. (In 1706, M. Bonaventure, in a letter 
 to the minister, defends himself from a charge of illicit trade with the English, by 
 stating that Mr. Nelson, merchant of Boston, was indebted to him in 5000 livres, 
 which he had lent him at the time of his imprisonment in France, and wishing to 
 pay it, had sent him by the packet 1300 livres, in goods, viz., stuffs, scythes and 
 pots.) When he was removed from Angoulesme to the Bastile, the marquis de 
 Chevry, and monsieur de Lagny, intendant general of the commerce and foreign 
 affairs of France, were sent to him, and held discourse on peace being possible, 
 and to be made by the governors in America. Afterwards the Canada company 
 petitioned for his detention, as a person dangerous to their .authority. He was 
 afterwards told that the idea of a neutrality in America must be abandoned. The 
 inhuman wars of the Indians was the topic in which Nelson and the French 
 ministry agreed, but the influence of Canada trade overbore it 
 
 From the English and French Commissaries, p, 617. 
 The petition of John Nelson to the Lords Justices, 1697 : 
 " To their Excellencies the Lords Justices of England." Humbly sheweth : 
 " That the said Sir Thomas Temple long since did purchase from one monsieur 
 " Charles de la Tour the inheritance of Nova Scotia, and part of the countries 
 " called Acadia, and all the forts, plantations and trade thereof, to him and his 
 " heirs, &c., which said countries were first discovered and planted by Sir William 
 " Alexander, afterwards earl of Stirling, and others of the Scottish nation, in the 
 " time of king James the first, and by the authority of that crown, the government 
 " and propriety thereof was granted unto the said earl and his heirs, &c., and by 
 " him afterwards conveyed unto the aforesaid mons. Charles de la Tour, to hold 
 " under crown of Scotland, and by him quietly enjoyed, until the then common- 
 " wealth of England did, in the year 1654, possess themselves of it, being in the 
 " hands of a Frenchman, who thereupon coming into England, and making out 
 " his title from under the said earl of Stirling and the crown of Scotland, his right 
 " was allowed and he restored, and thereon conveyed his said right unto Sir T. 
 " Temple, as aforesaid, who enjoyed the same until the treaty of Breda, did build 
 " divers forts for the defence thereof, and made other improvements, which cost 
 " over ,16000, notwithstanding which, upon some false suggestions of the French 
 
 * The copy of d'Aulnay's commission as governor of Acadie, dated February, 
 1647, inserted in the E. & F. Commissaries, pp. 571, 576, has a memo, signed by 
 Francis Nicholson, as a copy from the original, received from M. Nelson, esquire, 
 nephew and executor to Sir Thos. Temple, bart., of N. S.
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 203 
 
 " ministers, that it did formerly belong unto the crown of France, his late majesty 
 " king Charles the second did, without any examination or notice given unto the 
 " parties concerned, at the aforesaid treaty, restore the same unto France, and by 
 .' several orders of council required the delivery thereof unto monsieur de Grand- 
 " fontaine, a person sent by the French king, which was accordingly complied with. 
 " That the said Sir Thos. Temple dying, did, by his last will, devise all his right 
 " and title of the premises unto your petitioner, who, during this present war with 
 " France, hath hazarded both his person and estate in the recovery thereof, where, 
 " thro' misfortune falling into their hands, has been kept a prisoner in France for 
 " these five years last past, and does yet so continue under caution, (bail ;) and in 
 " the meantime the said countries being for the most part regained by the English, 
 " the same hath been by surprise included in the patent of the government of the 
 " Massachusetts' Bay in New England, &c. This being the true state of the case, 
 " and your petitioner being informed of a treaty now on foot between England and 
 " France, and fearing that his majesty, for want of information, should be surprized 
 " in this affair, by neglecting or acquitting so considerable a part of his dominions 
 " and trade, as well as the propriety of the petitioner, &c. Your petitioner hum- 
 " bly prays that your Excellencies will be pleased to make a timely representation 
 " of this affair unto his majesty, that such due care and consideration may be had 
 " thereof, as to his majesty in his great wisdom shall seem just and expedient," 
 
 In a paper addressed to the Board of Trade by Mr. Nelson, in 1696, 24 Sept., 
 (at which time we suppose he was in England, on bail), he says : " For space 
 " of 26 years I have been continually conversant with the French in the coun- 
 " tries of Nova Scotia, Accadie and Canada, for which reason I was, in the year 
 " 1691, made choice of by the governor and council in New England to settle and 
 " establish one Coll. Edward Tyng in the command of Port Royal, a place that 
 " had been newly subjected to the crown of England, in which enterprize I had the 
 " misfortune to be taken by the French, who, notwithstanding the acquaintance 
 " and interest I had with them, did, (to prevent the information they thought me 
 " capable of giving unto the court of England about their countries and affaires in 
 " those parts), see cause to make an exception unto my release, whereby I have 
 " actually suffered above four years and a half s imprisonment. In which space 
 " of time I have continually endeavour'd to discover what I thought might be of 
 " use to our interests, and accordingly have sometimes opportunity, both in 
 " Canada and in France, to give such information as if due notice had been 
 " taken, would have been of good effect, as by some instances I could well note, 
 " were it not to avoid too much prolixity, &c. The improvement I would make 
 " hereon serves only to pray an enquiry whom I am, that soe you may be the 
 " better confirmed in the truth of my informations, in which, as I seek not any 
 ' particular advantage or interest, so I trust the readier beliefe and credit may 
 " be given unto what I shall here expose, &c." He thinks that, unless prevented, 
 the French may destroy the English colonies. The English colonies depend on 
 improving the lands, &c. The French of Canada, on their trade of furs and 
 peltry with the Indians, consequently their whole study and contrivance is to 
 maintain their interest and reputation with the Indians, " Which has been " 
 " much augmented by that late foolish and unhappy expedition from New Eng- " 
 " land by Sr. William Phips, as also for want of due care of settlement in the " 
 ' countrie of Nova Scotia, after the taking of Port Royal."
 
 2O4 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 (50 
 
 There are some remarks and statements of baron de Lahontan which appear 
 to belong to this period, and to be worthy of attention. He is a gay, witty and 
 intelligent writer, although not devoid of prejudices. His writings are lively 
 and graphic. The charges he makes against the French governors are harsh, and 
 if not entirely untrue, appear much exaggerated. His serious quarrel with M. 
 Brouillan, when the latter was governor of Placenlia, rendered him unfit to judge 
 with impartiality in such cases. He had, according to Charlevoix,* been a half- 
 pay captain, and was sent about this time from Quebec to Placentia. His me- 
 moirs, that author says, were dictated by a spirit of irreligion, and by spite for 
 having been sent out of the service. I fear there is some truth in both charges, 
 yet there are several passages in his work that cannot well be omitted if we wish 
 to obtain information of the history of these countries about the close of the 
 seventeenth century. In vol. I., p. 220, &c., he says, "The coast of Acadia ex- 
 tends from Kenebeki, on the frontiers of New England, to Isle Percee, near the 
 
 mouth of the river St. Lawrence." " It has a great many little rivers, the 
 
 mouths of which are deep and clean enough for the greatest ships." After dilat- 
 ing upon the plenty of salmon and cod that frequent these shores, he says. "Two 
 " gentlemen, of the name of Amour, of Quebec, have a settlement for beaver- 
 " hunting, upon the river of St. John, which is a very pleasant river, and adorned 
 with fields that are very fertile in grain. 'Tis navigable for 12 leagues up from 
 its mouth." He says the channel between Acadie and Cape Breton is deep 
 enough to carry the greatest ship in France. " Most of the countries of Acadia 
 " abound with corn, pease, fruit and pulse, and have a plain distinction of 
 " the four seasons of the year, notwithstanding that 'tis extream cold for 
 " three months in winter. Several places of Acadia afford masts as strong as 
 " those we have from Norway ; and if there were occasion, all sorts of ships 
 " might be built there. For if you'll believe the carpenters, the oak of that 
 ' country is better than ours in Europe. In a word, it is a very fine country 
 " the air is pure and wholsome the waters clear and light, and there's good 
 accommodation for hunting, shooting and fishing." 
 
 The French neglect nothing to secure the Indians, giving some notable ones 
 pay as a lieutenant or ensign, and giving them rewards for mischief to the English 
 or to the Indians in the English interest, paying them for scalps, sending the 
 Canadian youth with them and giving them commissions taking Indians to 
 Europe to shew them the glories of the French court and armies. There are 
 now at Versailles 6 sagamores or chiefs from Canada, Hudson's Bay and Nova 
 Scotia, all soliciting aid against the English. Great destruction done in Maine 
 and New Hampshire. Timber and fisheries ruined there. The French, zealous 
 in sending missionaries among the Indians, the English neglect to give them 
 religious instruction. He mentions the great achievements of Skyler, (Schuyler), 
 of Albany, in 1691, who came near taking Montreal. Evils from division of the 
 English into so many little, divided, and disunited governments. If united, the 
 English would be ten to one of the French. Speaks of the great value of the 
 fur trade. " The knowledge I have of that country makes me foresee that " 
 
 * 3 Charlevoix, 172.
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 205 
 
 " the English will be masters of it some time or other.* I could give very " 
 " plausible reasons for the prophecy." " They have already begun to ruine the 
 " commerce that the French had with the savages, and in a short time they'll 
 " compass its intire destruction. The French they will prize their goods too 
 " high, though they are not so good as those of the English^ and yet the English 
 
 " sell their commodities cheaper." " The French governors, they act with 
 
 " the same view as many of those who are imploy'd in posts beyond the sea. 
 " They look upon their place as a gold-mine given 'em, in order to enrich them- 
 " selves ; so that the public good must always march behind private interest. 
 " M. de Menneval suffer 'd the English to possess themselves of Port Royal, be- 
 " cause that place was covered with nothing but single palissado's. But why 
 " was it not better fortified ? I can tell you the reason ; he thought he had time 
 " enough to fill his pockets before the English would attack it. This governor 
 " succeeded to M. Perrot, who was broke with disgrace for having made it his 
 " chief business to inrich himself; and after returning to France, went back again 
 " with several ships laden with goods, in order to set up for a private merchant 
 " in the country. While M. Perrot was governor, he suffered the English to 
 " possess themselves of several advantageous posts, without offering to stir. His 
 " chief business was to go in barques from river to river, in order to traffic with 
 " the savages ; and after he was disgraced, he was not contented with a commerce 
 " upon the coasts of Acadia, but would needs extend it to the English planta- 
 " tation ; but it cost him dear, for some py rates fell in with him, and, after seizing 
 " his barques, ducked himself, upon which he died immediately." (sed quaere.) 
 
 " The three principal savage nations that live upon the coasts of Acadia, are 
 " the Abenakis, the Mikemak, and the Canibas." " The baron of St. Casteins, " 
 " a gentleman of Oleron, in Beam, having lived among the Abenakis, after the " 
 " savage way, for above twenty years, is so much respected by the savages " 
 " that they look upon him as their tutelar god. He was formerly an officer in " 
 " the Carignan regiment in Canada, and upon the breaking of that regiment " 
 " threw himself among the savages, whose language he had learned. He mar- " 
 ried among 'em after their fashion, and prefer'd the forrests of Acadia to " 
 " the Pyrenean mountains that encompass the place of his nativity ; for the " 
 ' first years of his abode with the savages he behav'd himself so, as to draw an " 
 " inexpressible esteem from them. They made him their great chief or leader, " 
 " who is in a manner the sovereign of the nation ; and by degrees he has work'd " 
 " himself into such a fortune, which any man but he would have made such use " 
 " of as to draw out of that country above two or three hundred thousand crowns, " 
 " which he has now in his pocket in good dry gold. But all the use he makes " 
 " of it is f.o buy up goods for presents to his fellow savages, who, upon their " 
 " return from hunting, present him with beaver skins to a treble value." " The 
 " governors general of Canada keep in with him, and the governors of New 
 " England are afraid of him. He has several daughters, who are all of 'em mar- 
 " ried very handsomely to Frenchmen, and had good dowries. He has never 
 " changed his wife, by which means he mean'd to give the savages to understand 
 " that God does not love inconstant folks," &c. 
 
 " Port Royal, the capital, or the only city of Acadia, is in effect no more than a 
 
 * La Hontan was in North America from 1683 to 1694, and his book is printed 
 in 1703.
 
 206 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 " little paltry town, that is somewhat enlarged since the war broke out in 1689 
 " by the accession of the inhabitants that lived near Boston, the metropolitan of 
 " New England.* A great many of these people retired to Port Royal upon the 
 " apprehension that the English would pillage them and carry 'em into their 
 " country. There's excellent anchorage all over the Basin,t and at the bottom of 
 " it there's a cape or point of land that parts two rivers, at which the tide rises ten 
 " or twelve feet. These rivers are bounded by pleasant meads, which in spring 
 " and autumn are covered with all sorts of water-fowl. In fine, Port Royal is 
 " only a handful of houses, two story high, and has but few inhabitants of any 
 " note. It subsists upon the traffic of the skins which the savages bring thither 
 " to truck for European goods. In former times the Farmers' company had 
 " magazines in this place, which were under the care of the governor." 
 
 (6.) 
 
 A census undated, but probably of this period, gives 854 inhabitants to Acadie. 
 
 There is a memorial dated 5 February, 1691, apparently addressed to the 
 French government, and from internal evidence it seems to proceed from 
 M. Perrot, the same who had been governor before Menneval. It begins by 
 noticing that the English had burnt 28 houses, and the church at Port Royal, 
 but that the mills and many houses escaped, and that they had not meddled with 
 Mines or Beaubassin. It estimates the population of the three settlements 
 named at 1000 or noo French. Says the English left none of their nation in 
 command, but a French sergeant, with a council of inhabitants. 
 
 Proposes : I. To collect 60 French soldiers who are scattered in the pro- 
 vince, and suggests M. , a former governor, as most capable and interested 
 
 in the couutry. to be in command. 2. To give the commandant a lieutenant, 
 and send out arms, &c., and provisions and clothing for the 60 soldiers. 3. Pick- 
 axes and tools, for fortifying Port Royal. 4. Ten guns 4 of 12 pounders, 4 of 8 
 and 4 of 4 Ibs., with ammunition, ball, &c., and a gunner. 5. A surgeon, with a 
 medicine chest. 6. To dismiss M. Petit, the cure, blaming him and Trouve for 
 the misfortune of the last capitulation. 7. To transfer the site of the fort and 
 garrison to la pre ronde,\ two leagues up the river, at the head of all the settle- 
 ment, as a safer place. 8. To build a fort there of timber (pieux), capable of lodg- 
 ing 100 men, in which the captain, lieutenant, and the 60 men are to reside. 
 Planks, nails and iron to be supplied ; or in lieu, a small sum of money, as plank 
 and shingles can be found in the country. 9. To give them two batteaux, in 
 pieces, with the rigging and utensils requisite. 10. To send a captain, lieuten- 
 ant, and 3 or 4 half-pay officers, to command the Canibas and Abenaquis near 
 the river St. John, who are to be under command of the governor at Port Royal. 
 The latter is to let them have some of his soldiers when he can spare them, to 
 unite with the Indians against the English. One batteau can carry over 20 sol- 
 diers, being only 12 leagues distance. 
 
 * I suppose he means French settlers on the shores of that part of Acadie 
 which was nearest to New England, 
 t Of Port Royal. 
 t Round hill, formerly Lovet's farm, is probably meant, up the river.
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 207 
 
 A frigate of 28 or 30 guns is to take out all that is required. Economy is poin- 
 ted out, that instead of ninety soldiers, as formerly, sixty will do. That instead 
 of a governor with 3000 livres, as before, M. P will be content as comman- 
 dant with 2000 livres salary. In lieu of five priests costing the king 1500 livres, 
 and four friars penitents at 800 livres, the last four will be sufficient, as they are 
 men who attend to spiritual things and do not meddle with temporal. And that 
 the lieutenant general of Port Royal may be reduced to 300 livres. Recommends 
 that the frigate call at Chedabouctou for relief of sixty inhabitants there, and that 
 she should pick up any craft she finds along the coast, for the benefit of Port 
 Royal, and finally visit the Indians on the river St. John.
 
 208 History of Nova-Scotia. 1692. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 1692. In this year, 1692, governor Sir William Phips sent a 
 ship of 48 guns and two brigantines, with eighty soldiers on 
 board, to capture Villebon in his fort up the St. John river, 
 (Nachouac ?) where he was awaiting for help from France, 
 which he looked for to establish himself at Port Royal. Ville- 
 bon sent a small detachment of French and Indians down the 
 river to watch the enemy's movements in landing. The sight 
 of the French alarmed and disconcerted the invaders, who had 
 probably calculated that they would surprize the French gov- 
 ernor, and they gave up the project. [3 Charlevoix, 176.] 
 During this summer, Phips, under special instructions from 
 the English government, began the erection of fort William 
 Henry, at Pemaquid, north of the Kennebec. [2 Hutch., Mass., 
 68.] The place selected was twenty rods from high water 
 mark, on the east side of the river, the tide rising there from 
 fourteen to sixteen feet. The walls were of stone, cemented 
 in lime mortar, the height on the south side facing the sea 22 
 feet, on the west 18, on the north 10, and on the east 12 feet. 
 The round tower at the S. W. corner was 29 feet high. Eight 
 feet from the ground, where the walls were 6 feet in thickness, 
 there was a tier of 28 port holes. The place was completed 
 in a few months. Two thousand cart loads of stone are said 
 to have been used in this building. The fort was a quadrangle 
 in compass 747 feet, and the interior 108 feet across. The 
 cost is stated at ;2O,ooo. Late in the autumn from 14 to 18 
 cannon were mounted in the fort, six of which were eighteen 
 pounders, and it was manned by sixty men. Phips at this
 
 1692. History of Nova-Scotia. 209 
 
 time sent colonel Church, who had been celebrated in king 
 Philip's war, to Penobscot and Kennebec. 
 
 M. d'Iberville had left France with the design to attack 
 port Nelson, in Hudson's bay, and had express orders from 
 the court to that effect He had embarked on board of the 
 Envieux^ a king's ship, commanded by M. de Bonaventure, 
 and he was to find the Poli at Quebec, of which he was to 
 take command himself; besides which the compagnie du nord 
 had engaged to furnish two other vessels for the expedition. 
 It was the king's intention that after taking Port Nelson, 
 d'Iberville was to remain in charge of it, and send the Poli 
 back to France, under her lieutenant. But the Envieux left 
 Rochelle so late in the season, and experienced such contrary 
 winds on her voyage out, that she did not cast anchor before 
 Quebec until the 18 October. This was much too late to 
 attempt any enterprise in Hudson's bay ; and as it was thought 
 a pity the vessels should lie idle, it was proposed to messieurs 
 d'Iberville and de Bonaventure to undertake the siege of Pem- 
 aquid. This project they accepted joyfully, and made sail 
 without delay for Acadie. There they met the chevalier Vil- 
 lebon, and it was resolved that the two king's ships should 
 besiege the place by water, while the chevalier, at the head of 
 the Indians, should attack it by land. This arrangement hav- 
 ing been made, the Poli and the Envieux set sail for Pema- 
 quid ; but the two commanders having found an English 
 vessel at anchor under the guns of the fort, and being desti- 
 tute of any pilot acquainted with the coast, thought it unsafe 
 to pursue their project any further. Whether they had neg- 
 lected to seek such a pilot, or had been unable to find one, is 
 left in doubt. The Indians had collected in great numbers, 
 and were much discontented at the result, as they had reck- 
 oned on ridding themselves of so powerful and inconvenient a 
 neighbor as the fort was considered by them. It was after- 
 wards ascertained that the commander of the fort had been 
 put on his guard respecting this visit, by the information Mr.. 
 Nelson had sent from Quebec by the two deserters. D'Iber- 
 ville was spoken against by envious persons, for not pressing 
 the siege ; but it seems his chief hope of success lay in find- 
 14
 
 2io History of Nova-Scotia. 1693-94. 
 
 ing the garrison unprepared, and that he acted judiciously in 
 retiring. [3 Ckarlevoix, 177, 179.] In the same year Sir 
 Francis Wheeler came with an English fleet of 24 sail to Pla- 
 centia, but effected very little, and withdrew. [Hist. British 
 Empire in America, 140, 144.] 
 
 1693. Fifteen English men-of-war arrived at Boston, from 
 an attack on Martinique. The ships were in bad condition, 
 and the men sick and in quarantine. Villebon understood 
 from two Frenchmen who had escaped from prison in Boston, 
 that Sir William Phips proposed to attack him with some of 
 those forces, 800 men being mentioned as the intended party. 
 Villebon was in no condition to resist them, but no such 
 movement took place. 
 
 Villieu, a French officer, had distinguished himself at the 
 siege of Quebec in 1690. Being then on half pay, he headed 
 a body of volunteers. [3 Ckarlevoix, 125.] Being now ap- 
 pointed to a command at Pentagoet, he left Quebec in Octo- 
 ber, 1693, and spent the winter at the fort of Nachouac, on 
 the St. John, where Villebon commanded. He was nominally 
 in command of the company of the detachment of the marines 
 employed in Acadie. 
 
 Major Convers marched with 400 or 500 English on Tacon- 
 nick, on the Kennebec, this year, against the Indians, some of 
 whom he surprized near Wells. In his return he built a stone 
 fort, (pentagon), on the Saco river. M. Thury, the missionary 
 at Pentagoet, endeavored to oppose this, but the Indians sub- 
 mitted, and made a treaty with the English, (August nth, at 
 Pemaquid), and gave hostages to secure it. [2 Hutch., Mass., 
 73. Magnalia, 65, 85, 86.] 
 
 1694. April the 8. The king's ship, la Brttonne, with a 
 corvette, sailed for Acadie. The company embarked 20,000 
 livres of goods. She arrived at St. John river, and left it the 
 2 July cruised on the coast of Acadie visited Placentia, and 
 convoyed the fishing vessels thence home The sieur Baptiste, 
 privateer, took five English ketches on the coast of Acadie, and 
 three other prizes. M. Bonaventure commanded the king's 
 vessels on this coast for four years, ending in 1694. (There
 
 1 694. History of Nova-Scotia. 211 
 
 is reason to think that Bonaventure was of the family of Nicolas 
 Denis Sr. de Fronsac.) 
 
 May i, M. Villieu left Nachouac for Pentagoet, to endeavor to 
 put a stop to the negociations for peace, which the Indians were 
 carrying on in their talks with the English. May 3, he got to 
 Medoctec, where he conferred with the chiefs of that place. 
 
 9 May he had an interview with Taxous, a chief of the Aben- 
 aquis. He met Bigot, a Jesuit priest, and held festivals with 
 the Indians in several places. May 22, Villieu came back to 
 Nachouac, with some Indians, to ask for soldiers. Villebon 
 would only give him two men. They started again 25 May, 
 and on the 2/th reached Medoctec. There the two French 
 soldiers left him, and went back to the fort So he had no 
 one but Indians with him, and had no provisions, Villebon 
 having refused to give any. 3 June they arrived at Pentagoet. 
 Matakondo brought news that the Boston governor would 
 give up their prisoners on the 5 July. Thury helped Villieu, 
 who had great difficulty to bring the Indians round, as their 
 children were hostages at Boston, or in England. Taxous and 
 Bigot were for war. Villieu stopped some days at Castine's 
 house, and then went up stream in a canoe upset, and hit his 
 head against a rock. Villebon and father Simon stopped 
 many Indians from joining him. On the 2/th June he 
 had un festin de chien, (dog feast), when all the Indians 
 sang, except thirty of Matakando's party, but they and 
 Matakando himself were all gained over by presents. On 
 the 30 June, Villebon, Thury, a French interpreter, and 
 500 Indians, went down the river Kennebec, to get the Cani- 
 bats to join them. He reconnoitred Pemquit fort in disguise. 
 
 10 July. Forty Canibats joined him ; on the i ith, thirty more, 
 and on the i6th, forty more. 27 July. They fell on the Eng- 
 lish settlements by surprize. They were almost starved to 
 death themselves before this. They captured two ungarrisoned 
 forts killed 104 persons made 27 prisoners pillaged and 
 burned 60 houses, and by the end of July the party got back 
 to their homes. Villieu, after this affair, went to Canada. In 
 his letter, date 7 September, 1694, de Ville Marie, (Montreal), 
 he says, " The Indians, (les sauvages), at whose head you "
 
 212 History of Nova-Scotia. 1694. 
 
 " ordered me to place myself to go against the English, have " 
 " concluded a treaty of peace with Intane Philps," (sic) (gov'r. 
 Sir W. Phips), " at the fort of Pemakuit last year, and left " 
 " hostages. The Englishman was to give up, on the 15 July, " 
 " the Indian prisoners he held, and at the same time to con- " 
 " firm this peace with all the nations, who were to assemble " 
 " for that purpose. Such was the state of affairs, my lord, " 
 " which I found on my arrival at Pentagoet, in May last, " 
 " when I went there alone to go against the enemy. But as " 
 " this peace had been concluded by only two chiefs, accom- " 
 " panied by some of their nations, who had even proposed to " 
 " sell their lands to the English, and receive the price, I ac- " 
 " quainted other chiefs and their nations who had not taken " 
 " part in the treaty, that I was surprized at this conduct, and " 
 " that I did not think that they would be willing to submit " 
 " to have a thing of such consequence transacted without " 
 " their participation ; and having at the same lime excited " 
 " their jealousy of the two other chiefs, and their distrust of" 
 " the English, for their having directed their assembling " 
 " together, with the design, perhaps, of getting rid of them " 
 " all in one day, I urged on them their duty to the king, and " 
 " the presents they got from him last year, and the benefit of *' 
 " his protection, and told them of the orders I had to go with " 
 " them to war. This induced them to decide to march with " 
 " me, and those who had concluded the peace did the same " 
 " thing one day after. So that all these designs were over- " 
 '* turned, and our enterprize has succeeded. Two small forts " 
 " and 50 or 60 houses have been captured and burnt, and " 
 " 130 English killed or made prisoners. A more particular" 
 " statement, of all which I take the liberty to send you. I " 
 " have come to Montreal to report to M. de Frontenac. I " 
 " hope, my lord, you will be satisfied, as I have nothing so " 
 " much at heart as to please you, and to merit, by my servi- " 
 " ces, the continuance of your protection. I am going back " 
 " to my post at the fort of Natchouac, in Acadie, to winter " 
 " there, and receive your orders next year. I beg you will " 
 " have the goodness to take into consideration the loss I sus- " 
 " tained in the shipwreck of a vessel " (charroi) " which "
 
 1694- History of Nova-Scotia. 213 
 
 " brought me last autumn, with all my family, to Acadie, " 
 " and which exceeds 1000 crowns. I hope you will do me " 
 " the favor of granting four tons of freight in the vessel " 
 " which will be sent to Acadie next year, to bring me from " 
 '* France my provisions and necessaries, not being able to " 
 " get things from Quebec without extraordinary expenses, " 
 " and not often having an opportunity to do that. I am, " 
 " &c. &c., VILLIEU." Villieu and his Indian followers des- 
 troyed Dover, in New Hampshire went to Piscataqua, and 
 at Spruce creek, York and Kittery killed several persons, 
 and scalped a girl. Micmacs, Malecites and Abenaquis were 
 concerned in this slaughter. Villieu took the Indian chiefs 
 with him to Canada, to present the English scalps to count 
 Frontenac. [i Williamson, Maine, 640. 2 Hutch., Mass., 
 82, 83.] 
 
 In this year, 1694, the sieur Robineau corsaire de Nantes, 
 (privateer), had made considerable prizes was forced to burn 
 his vessel in the harbor of St. John, where he was attacked by 
 an English ship, and to defend himself on shore. 17 Septem- 
 ber, Montigny, an officer of Villebon's garrison, went from 
 Nachouac to Medoctec, to join a party of 39 Indians. They 
 went on to Pentagoet, but were sent back on account of a 
 contagion that had killed many of them. In November, 1694, 
 Bomazeen, an Indian chief, with ten or twelve Indians, went 
 to Pemaquid, with a flag of truce, which captain March, the 
 commander of the fort, violated, on the pretext that they who 
 had become friends by treaty could not come as enemies with 
 a white flag, and he made Bomazeen and his party prisoners, 
 and sent them to Boston, where they were confined in a very 
 bad prison. [2 Hutch,, 83, 87, 88.] 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXIV. 
 (i.) 
 
 The English began first in the attack on Placentia with five men-of-war, the 
 St. Albans, a third rate of 66 guns, being commodore. They entered the harbor 
 of Placentia the I5th September, 1691, and came to an anchor in the road the
 
 214 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 1 6th. At this time the French governor was in great perplexity, having but 50 
 soldiers in the fort, and but a small stock of ammunition. Besides the fort was 
 commanded by a mountain, from whece he was afraid the English would gall 
 him. Not being able to spare any men from the fort, they marched 50 fishermen 
 to prevent their landing, which made them alter their course, and land else- 
 where. The English commodore sent out a small sloop, with a white flag, 
 towards the fort, which was met by another on the same errand. The commo- 
 dore desired the governor to send an officer on board him, who immediately 
 complied, and sent the baron La Hontan and M. Castabella, (Costabelle ?) who 
 were received with great civility, and well entertained. [Paris mss.] 
 
 (2.) 
 
 9 November. 1692, Jacques Petitpas, and Charles de Loreau, sienr de St. 
 Aubin, inhabitants of Archiroayan, in Acadie, were taken by the English, and, 
 with their families, sent to Boston. The governor of New England sent them 
 with two French deserters to capture M. St Castin, keeping their families as 
 hostages. They revealed the design for which they were sent, and gave up the 
 two deserters. Villebon, the commandant of Acadie, d'Iberville and Bonaven- 
 ture, gave them out of public funds, 554 livres, to assist them in getting back to 
 their families, &c. 
 
 (3-) 
 
 A grant made 17 August, 1693, by Frontenac, (governor), and Champigny, 
 (intendant), to the sieur Philipes Esnault, an inhabitant of Nipisiguit, in Acadie, 
 of the river de Pocmouche, and four leagues of land in front on each side of the 
 same, with as many in depth, including one league of land in front, heretofore 
 conceded to one deGrais, who has withdrawn among the English, to hold to the 
 said sieur Esnault, his heirs and assigns, for ever, as their own property, as a 
 fief, &c. &c. Confirmed by Royal brevet, at Versailles, 15 April, 1694. ^Leg- 
 Council papers, v. ii.] 
 
 (4-) 
 
 From Villebon's letter to M. de Lagny of 2 September, 1694 : 
 
 " There are three Indian nations in Acadie, the Canibas, the Malicites, and 
 " the Micmacs, each having a different language. The Micmacs occupy from 
 " Isle Percee, and even higher up the river on the way to Quebec, and extend- 
 " ing through the bay des Chaleurs, Ristigouche, Richibouctou, Bay Verte, Cape 
 " Breton, Campseaux, and all along the coast to cape Sable, Port Royal, Mines 
 " and Beaubassin. They look on all these places as their settlements at all 
 " times. The Malicites begin at the river St. John, and inland as far as la 
 " Riviere du Loup, and along the sea shore, occupying Pesmonquadis, Majais, 
 " les Monts Deserts and Pentagoet, and all the rivers along the coast. At Pen- 
 " tagoe't, among the Malicites, are many of the Kennebec Indians. Taxous* 
 " was the principal chief of the river Kinibeguy, but having married a woman 
 " of Pentagoet, he settled there with her relations. As to Matakando, he is a 
 " Malicite. The Canibas are those settled on the river Kinibeguy. "t 
 
 * Taxous was the adopted brother of M. de Villebon, as stated in another 
 letter. 
 
 t Whence they derive their name. There is a mission of this tribe two leagues 
 from Quebec, conducted by Jesuit fathers.
 
 1695* History of Nova-Scotia. 215 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 1695. It was proposed in 1695 to fortify St. John, at the 
 mouth of the river. The old fort of four bastions so far exist- 
 ed, that the excavations were almost entire. It wanted deep- 
 ening the ditches, raising the parapets, and putting in new 
 palissades. It was supposed that 150 men would serve to 
 protect both this and the fort at Nachouat, (called Nachouac, 
 Naxoat, and now Nashwaak.) The fort of St. John would 
 protect French privateers and French commerce. We find 
 by Villebon's journal, kept by him at Nachouac, where he 
 commanded, January 17, 1695, Baptiste (who was captain of a 
 French privateer) had taken an English West Indiaman. On 
 the 24th he brings part of his crew up the river, having secu- 
 red his corvette. April 27, Baptiste went off on a cruise. 
 May 3, Villebon sent a canoe to Boston, with the letters Mon- 
 tigny brought back, (probably from Frontenac, at Quebec, 
 respecting exchange of prisoners.) May 15, Baptiste arrived 
 with another prize. May 31, news that Baptiste was taken by 
 an English vessel of 36 guns, and an armed sloop. In 24 
 hours after, the English frigate ran ashore, and had to give up 
 her prizes to a Canadian privateer. In June, Villebon enter- 
 tained a body of Indians and chiefs from Kennebec, Pentagoet, 
 Medoctec and Madawaska. Long conferences are related in 
 his journal. A tariff of goods was settled, and afterwards the 
 chiefs were entertained at supper. In the same month an 
 English frigate and sloop arrive at Menagoniche, (now called 
 Manawagoniche), on business of ransom. Messages are ex- 
 changed with Nachouac. Eight prisoners are given up. The
 
 216 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 English captain expressed a wish to meet governor Villebon, 
 and drink with him, or to see captain Baptiste, whom he called 
 a brave man ; but these overtures were declined. In Bap- 
 tiste's last engagement, the English had three men killed and 
 thirteen wounded ; and the rigging of the frigate was much 
 injured. The corvette La Bonne sunk 48 hours after. They 
 also lost their chief pilot and eight sailors, besides a brigantine 
 and sloop, prizes, which were also sunk. August 1 2, Villebon 
 heard that the Micmacs at cape Sable attacked an English 
 fisherman, but did not take her ; they killed one Englishman 
 and wounded one. 10 September. This evening. Francis 
 Guyon, privateer, arrived at the fort. He tells me (Villebon) 
 that he has taken nine fishermen prizes, viz., seven open shal- 
 lops and two decked vessels. He ransomed five for 1500 
 livres gave one up, and has brought three in. I Octr., 1695, 
 in a letter to the minister, Villebon states that his brother 
 des Isles is away with the Indians on an expedition against 
 the English. That Bonaventure has had a battle with an 
 English frigate of 40 guns, and that 10 English were killed. 
 He says, " I have been surprized, my lord, at what you say, " 
 " that I had refused soldiers to M. de Villieu. How can that " 
 be likely, when I, myself, proposed the expedition, and" 
 " gave him every thing necessary ?" He accuses Villieu of 
 imposing on his lordship, and says, " I do not think an offi- " 
 "cer so difficult and unaccommodating can be found." He 
 complains of the brothers d' Amours. " They are four in " 
 " number, living on the St. John river. There are given up " 
 " to licentiousness and independance for ten or twelve years " 
 " they have been here. They are disobedient and seditious, " 
 " and require to be watched." (In another m/moire it is sta- 
 ted of the d' Amours, that though they have vast grants in the 
 finest parts of the country, they have hardly a place to lodge 
 in. They carry on no tillage, keep no cattle, but live in trad- 
 ing with the Indians, and debauch among them, making large 
 profits thereby, but injuring the public good. In another 
 statement they are called " soi disants gentil homines?} Vil- 
 lebon says preparations are making for the intended attack in 
 the spring on Pemaquid fort, and for securing Nachouac.
 
 1695-9^- History of Nova-Scotia. 217 
 
 2000 palissades, 2000 /raises, and 600 madriers are getting 
 made. (Platforms for guns to run on were made of planks, 
 called madriers^) One of the Indian hostages kept at Boston 
 since the treaty of 1693, was sent as a mediator to his people. 
 In consequence of this visit, fifty canoes of Indians came to 
 Pemaquid on the 20 May, 1695, bringing in eight captives. 
 A truce of thirty days was made, and soon after the English 
 commissioners met the Indian delegates at Pemaquid. The 
 English refused to enter into any treaty until all the English 
 in the hands of the Indians should be first given up, on which 
 the conference broke up, and Bomazeen and other Indians 
 remained prisoners in Boston. [2 Hutch., 88.] 
 
 1696. In February, Egeremet, a chief from Machias, Toxus, 
 a chief from Norridgewock, (Narantsouac), Abenquid, a saga- 
 more of the same tribe, and several other Indians, came to 
 Pemaquid fort, to treat of exchange of prisoners. Chubb, 
 who commanded there, and some of his garrison, fell on them 
 unawares, murdered Egeremet, Abenquid, and two others. 
 Toxus escaped. One Indian was taken, and was found in 
 irons in the fort when the French entered it. [2 Hutch., 94.] 
 
 At this time the French government resolved on an attack 
 to capture Fort William Henry, at Pemaquid, (or Pemkuit), 
 chiefly with the view of confirming the French influence over 
 the Abenaquis, and other Indian nations in that quarter. 
 
 The conduct of this enterprize was given to messietirs. 
 d'Iberville and Bonaventure. They arrived at the bate des 
 Espagnols, in cape Breton, (Spanish bay, now Sydney), on the 
 26 June, 1696. [3 Charlevoix, 261. Mss. journal of Sr. Bau- 
 douin, missionary. Paris mss.] There they found thirty 
 Indians waiting for them, with their families. They all con- 
 fessed to the priest Baudouin, who baptized some of them and 
 married others. Their comrades had already gone to war. 
 These poor people had to pay so dear for everything, that, 
 although they were free from drunkenness, they were but 
 scantily clothed, after having killed five hundred moose this 
 winter. They also found Frenchmen there, who brought 
 them letters from M. de Villebon, informing them that three 
 English ships, the Sorlings, captain Eames, the Newport,
 
 2 1 8 History of Nova-Scotia. 1 696. 
 
 captain Paxen, and the province Tender, were waiting for 
 them at the mouth of the river St. John. On the 4 July they 
 set sail, the Indians embarking with them. The French ships 
 were the Profond and the Envieux, and had two companies of 
 soldiers on board. They met fogs on the voyage, and when 
 near cape Sable they heard the report of cannon, which they 
 supposed were fired by the enemy's ships as signals to prevent 
 separation. On the 14 July the French ships cast anchor in 
 the fog, at the distance of five leagues from the river St. John. 
 The weather clearing up at 2, p. M., they perceived the three 
 English vessels to windward, bearing directly for the river 
 St. John. When they were one league off, they observed the 
 French vessels, and bore down on them. The Profond mask- 
 ed her warlike character, keeping her ports closed until within 
 musket shot Two of the English vessels came pretty near, 
 and the small one fired at the Profond, and the other at the 
 Envieux. The enemy seeing the Profond open her ports, kept 
 to windward, (tiennent le vent), and not being able to resist 
 the musquetry, endeavored to escape. The Profond tried to 
 gain the wind on them, and the Envieux followed, contending 
 with stormy weather. M. d'Iberville, in the Envieux, dismasted 
 the smaller English vessel, which proved to be the Newport, 
 of 24 guns. The prize falling astern, came almost aboard the 
 bows of the Envieux, and lowered her flag. M. d'Iberville 
 left her to be manned by M. de Bonaventure, who gave her to 
 Baptiste to take her to the river St John, at which place he 
 was near losing her among the rocks where she run aground. 
 The Envieux continued to chase the other ship, which was 
 the largest, mounting 34 guns. The shot of the French ship 
 passed beyond the chase, but night and fog closed their com- 
 bat, which had lasted three hours, and the English ship esca- 
 ped. According to Baudouin, who gives these details, there 
 was no one in the French ships injured even by a wound, and 
 he says that the Indians on board behaved well. The next 
 day, 1 5 July, the French vessels arrived at the river St. John, 
 where they found M. de Villebon and father Simon, with fifty 
 Indians. They landed the effects which belonged to the king, 
 being stores for the use of the fort at Nachouac, which had
 
 1696. History of Nova-Scotia. 219 
 
 been substituted for that of Jemsek. The fifty Indians who 
 accompanied Villebon, and who were of the same nation with 
 those who came from cape Brecon with d'Iberville, that is 
 Micmacs, embarked on board the Profond, commanded by M. 
 de Bonaventure, with father Simon, before the ship sailed. 
 
 It having been stated that one Alden, a Boston trader, was 
 then at Port Royal, engaged in traffic, M. Dugue", a lieutenant 
 of d'Iberville, was sent to that place in a vessel, with thirty 
 men. Father Baudouin went with them, delighted, as he says, 
 with the opportunity of meeting M. de Mandoux, (the cure"), 
 who was resident there since the departure of M. Petit. 
 Alden, however, had left Port Royal before they got there. 
 Baudouin pitied the inhabitants of Port Royal, as they were 
 forbidden to deal with the English, while the French did not 
 supply one quarter of the articles they stood in need of. 
 
 On the 2nd August the French ships left St. John, and on 
 the 7th they arrived at Pentagoet, where they found M. de 
 Thury and M. de St. Castin, with 130 Indians, waiting for 
 them. M. d'Iberville gave an entertainment to about 300 
 Indians, the rest having already gone off to make war. He 
 distributed the king's presents among them, to the value of 
 4000 livres, and told them he was going to attack Pemquit. 
 They replied they would join his party with pleasure. On the 
 1 3th August, St. Castin and the Indians, M. Thury and father 
 Simon, with messieurs, de Villieu and de Montigny, and 25 
 soldiers of Villieu's company, embarqued in canoes to besiege 
 Pemaquid. On the I4th they arrived and invested fort Wil- 
 liam Henry. The Profond and the Envieux arrived the same 
 day, and two mortars, two cannons, with bombs and shot, were 
 landed half a league from the fort. These having been got on 
 shore, a summons was sent at 5, P. M., to the fort to surrender. 
 [3 Charlevoix, 262.] Captain Chubb commanded the fort. 
 He had 15 guns mounted, 95 soldiers, and plenty of ammuni- 
 tion and provisions. His reply to this summons was that 
 " though the sea were covered with French vessels, and the " 
 " land with Indians, he should not surrender unless forced to " 
 " do so." On this reply, the Indians commenced firing. The 
 fort also made a pretty good discharge of musquetry and some
 
 22O History of Nova-Scotia. 1696. 
 
 cannon shot. The French and Indians slept around the fort 
 that night. On the I5th August, Assumption day, M. d'lber- 
 ville landed two hours before day, (about 2, A. M.,) and after 
 mass was said, the guns and mortars were placed in battery 
 within half cannon shot of the fort, before mid-day. " M. de " 
 " Thury et le pere Simon la parerent belle, chacun travaillant " 
 a qui mieux mieux" Thury and father Simon assisting in fit- 
 ting up with alacrity. After dinner the fort was again sum- 
 moned. While the French were preparing their battery, they 
 were fired on from the fort ; but about 3, p. M., all being ready, 
 the French battery discharged five bombs against the defend- 
 ers, at which the latter were visibly alarmed. St. Castin, who 
 noticed this, went again to summon the English, and advised 
 them to surrender, without which they could not be safe in 
 case the place was taken by assault ; as the Indians would 
 give them no quarter, in revenge for their brethren having 
 been killed and made prisoners, (as they asserted), in a peace- 
 ful conference held with the English ; and that for this reason 
 the Indians had been opposed even to summoning the fort. 
 It seems that in the previous February, seven Abenaquis had 
 gone with a flag of truce to Pemaquid, to apply to captain 
 Chubb for an exchange of prisoners. Of these seven, four 
 were slain by the English, and three taken to Boston as pri- 
 soners. [3 Charlevoix, 233.] This story, whether well found- 
 ed or not, was evidently believed by the French and the 
 Indians, and must have naturally exasperated the latter, espe- 
 cially those of the same tribe with the sufferers. The menaces 
 implied in the advice of baron St. Castin took effect, and the 
 soldiers of the garrison insisted that Chubb should capitulate. 
 The terms he demanded were that no person should be des- 
 poiled ; that the captain and his garrison should be sent to 
 Boston, and exchanged for the French and Indian prisoners 
 detained there ; and that they should be guaranteed against 
 the fury of the Indians. All which being assented to, the fort 
 surrendered at 5, P. M., and Chubb, with his garrison, marched 
 out unarmed. Villieu entered the fort with sixty Frenchmen, 
 and took possession. The garrison were carried in shallops 
 to an islaad near which the French man-of-war lay, in order
 
 1696. History of Nova-Scotia. 221 
 
 that they should be protected from the revenge of the Indians. 
 Father Baudouin went into the fort with the victors. Within 
 was found a Canibat Indian in irons, half dead. It took the 
 good father nearly two hours to file off the fetters of this poor 
 captive, who was then carried to the French camp. Among 
 the papers of the governor, a recent order was found, received 
 from Boston, directing him to hang this Indian. 
 
 The fort was situated at the mouth of a river, on the shore 
 of the sea. At high tide it was almost surrounded by water. 
 Its form was that of a quadrangle, with four very fine towers. 
 It had a gunpowder magazine, hollowed out of the natural 
 rock, and a very fine place cCarmes (parade ground) in the 
 middle of the fortress. This fortress was very well built of 
 good stone. The wall was 12 feet high, with a gallery above 
 12 1-2 feet thick. It had 16 cannon, from 12 to 8 pounders. 
 (See description ante, 1692.) Hutchinson says (2 vol., p. 93) 
 that there were no casemates or shelter for the men. The 
 fort was not as strong as it appearance indicated. It was 
 thought to have been capable of a longer defence. The maga- 
 zine was protected by a rock, and only a small part of it was 
 vulnerable by bombs. The lodgings for the garrison were 
 excellent. It was well manned, provisioned and supplied with 
 military stores. It is said to have been built and supported 
 from 1692 at the cost of the province of Massachusetts. [3 
 Charlevoix, 263. I Williamson, Maine, 642.] 
 
 Agreeably to the capitulation, d'Iberville sent the prisoners 
 to Boston, in a vessel of M. des Chaufours, that he had brought 
 from the St. John river, and demanded of the council at Bos- 
 ton that they should send back to him Guyon and his people, 
 and the Indians who had been captured by treachery, if they 
 wished him to return the prisoners he had made in the taking 
 of the Newport. The i/th and i8th August were employed 
 in ruining the fort. On the 2Oth, the French sailed for Monts 
 deserts, leaving Montigny, with three men, at Pemkuit, to 
 await the return of their people from Boston. Montigny was 
 directed to bring them on to Monts-d6serts. The fort of 
 Pemkuit having been demolished, its destruction was comple- 
 ted by fire. On the voyage to Monts-de"serts, a young garde-
 
 222 History of Nova-Scotia. 1696. 
 
 marine, called Dutast, an officer of the French, died of a pleu- 
 risy contracted in dragging up their mortars and guns at the 
 siege, and his body was buried at sea. On the 22d August 
 they reached Monts-de"serts. Here d'Iberville, tired of the 
 delay, and finding provisions running short, sent one hundred 
 prisoners in a barque to Boston, reserving some of the more 
 important captives, whom he landed under charge of M. de 
 Villieu and twenty soldiers. On the 3 September the French 
 sailed from Monts-de"serts, but had hardly got out when they 
 became aware of seven English vessels standing along the 
 coasts. Night intervening, the French escaped, and d'Iber- 
 ville went to cape Bre'ton, where he landed the Indians, and 
 thence went to Placentia ; but Villebon, who was going back 
 to the river St. John with some of the Indians, was captured 
 by the English squadron. On the I2th September, 1696, 
 d'Iberville arrived at Placentia, and during the period between 
 that and May, 1697, parties of 120 Canadians, under d'Iber- 
 ville, who had royal orders to go there and carry on war, and 
 a detachment from Placentia, under Brouillan, the governor of 
 that place, captured all the English settlements, killed about 
 200 English and made 700 prisoners, burned St. John's, &c. 
 Baudouin says also that many of the English were born in 
 Newfoundland. He describes them as irreligious and immo- 
 ral, and asserts that there was not one minister of any kind in 
 all the English settlements in Newfoundland. He gives de- 
 tails of population, &c., in each settlement. The sum of all is : 
 Captured English settlements men, 1971 ; houses, 291 ; 
 shallops, 442 ; codfish, 228,800. He also describes discord 
 between Brouillan and d'Iberville, and charges the former 
 with avarice and injustice. 
 
 On the 26 July, before the French vessels, the Profond and 
 the Envieux, had left the river St. John, M. de Villebon wrote 
 to the minister, dating du has la riviere S. Jean, (lower part 
 of the river St. John.) He says : 
 
 " My lord. M. d'Iberville having delivered me your gran- 
 " deur's letter, in which you do me the honor to write, princi- 
 " pally on the subject of rebuilding the fort at the lower part of 
 " the river, to go on steadily with that work with the forty
 
 1696. History of Nova-Scotia. 223 
 
 " soldiers and the sixty men of augmentation which his majesty 
 " has pleased to send. It was my belief that I could not 
 " undertake, with this small number of soldiers, a work which, 
 " though easy to repair, could not be effected as quickly as the 
 " enemy could get ready to oppose it. Messrs d'Iberville and 
 " de Bonaventure having orders, my lord, as you inform me, to 
 " go to Placentia at once after the expedition to Pemquit, I 
 " could not even reckon on the greater part of the soldiers 
 " who have come here under the command of M. de Falaise. 
 " There are among them good men, and many young people, 
 " from whom one cannot obtain much work ; besides which, 
 " by your lordship's orders, I am giving the twenty best sol- 
 " diers of the two companies to M. de Villieu, who are to em- 
 
 " bark with him in M. d'Iberville's vessel." The king's 
 
 ships should have arrived early to protect the work. The 
 English frigates are expected out as convoy to the English 
 
 ships loading with masts at Peskataoue*. " I had last fall 
 
 " commissioned le Sr. Dubreuil, a settler at Port Royal, to 
 " have 6000 feet of thick plank (madriers) made at a saw mill, 
 11 and this as if on his own account. The two English frigates, 
 " which came there in the end of June, wished to know for 
 " what purpose the inhabitants required so much of this plank, 
 " and having some suspicions about it, they caused it to be 
 " burned. This has not prevented me going on with this 
 " work, as I have caused more to be made this winter near my 
 
 " fort." He recommends the granting of fishing licenses 
 
 for the coast of Acadie to the English, at 100 livres per vessel. 
 He thinks it will produce 10,000 livres. Although he has 
 taken great pains with them, not above eight or ten of his sol- 
 diers have learned to manage a canoe. Thinks it better to 
 send them a la course, (privateering ?) and thus make them 
 sailors. He says he offered d'Iberville to go as a volunteer to 
 Pemaquid with his Indians. Found it did not please d'Iber- 
 ville, and gave it up reluctantly. Is pleased with the return 
 of M. Baudouin, the missionary, and is contented with the 
 other missionaries. 
 
 " I have no more reason, my lord, to be satisfied with the 
 " sieurs d' Amour than I previously had. The one who has
 
 224 History of Nova-Scotia* 1696. 
 
 " come from France has not pleased me more than the other 
 " two. Their minds are wholly spoiled by long licentiousness 
 " and the manners they have acquired among the Indians ; 
 " and they must be watched closely, as I had the honor to 
 " state to you last year." He says also that famine prevails at 
 Boston, and he has been assured that many families there 
 have not eaten bread for more than four months past. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 I. A grant made by Frontenac, governor, and Champigny intendant to the sieur 
 Michel Chartier, an inhabitant residing in Acadie, of half a league of land in 
 front on each side of the river Descoudet, in the said country, by half a league in 
 depth, with the adjacent islands, commencing on the south-west side of the land 
 of the sieur de Sainct Aubin, descending the said river, and on the north-east 
 side at the unconceded lands opposite to the concession of the sieur Dubourche- 
 min, to hold to the said sieur Michel Chartier, his heirs and assigns for ever, as a 
 fief and seigniory, with superior, mean and inferior jurisdiction, and the right of 
 hunting, fishing and trading with Indians, &c. Confirmed by royal brevet, at 
 Versailles 19 May 1696. 2. A grant the same year to sieur Jacques Fran9ois du 
 Bourchemin, ecuyer, sieur de 1'Hermittiere, lieutenant of a company of th 
 marine forces, of lands on the river Oumaska. 3. Grant dated 20 June 1695, from 
 Frontenac and Champigny to Bernard 1' Amours de Plenne, of the river called 
 Kanibecachiche (now written Kennebecasis) flowing into the St. John, with a 
 league and a half on each side of said river, by two leagues in depth and the 
 islands and islets adjacent. 4. Grant 20 June 1695, from Frontenac and de Cham- 
 pigny to the sieur Pierre Tibauteau, of the river of Kouakagouche, between the 
 Monts-deserts, and Mejais (Machias) and of one league on each side of said river, 
 by two leagues in depth, reckoning from its mouth, with the islands and islets 
 adjacent, confirmed by brevit du rot, 9 May 1696. 
 
 (2.) 
 
 M. de Frontenac to M. de Lagny 12 Nov. 1695, informs him that' Bonaventure 
 in the Envieux, left the presents for the Indians at Pentagoet, and going to St. 
 John, met an English frigate, had a battle ; all his rigging was shot away, and 
 none to repair with. He left supplies at the river for Nachouac. He tried to 
 accommodate the disputes between Villebon and his officers, Villieu and Montigni. 
 He blames them all, but Villebon the least. He hopes he has brought them to a 
 good understanding. " M. de Chevry has done an act of justice in assuming the "
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 225 
 
 protection of M. deVillebon, and he had need of his support, being attacked " 
 " by more powerful people than these two officers, and those whose credit and " 
 " intrigues are redoubtable." " P. S. I recommended to you, sir, in past years " 
 " the person named Baptiste, upon the good testimonials of M. deVillebon, but " 
 " have learned recently of language used by him, a little before he went to " 
 " France, which showed bad signs." " They tell me he is a man married in w 
 ' many places in France, and in Holland, besides the wife he has now in Port " 
 " Royal. M. deVaudreuil assures me he knows the one he has in France, and " 
 " that she lived near him in Languedoc. I thought I ought to inform you, as well " 
 " as M. de Chevry, that he may not impose on you, as he says he is gone to " 
 " France, to ask for another vessel in place of the one he has lost, that he may " 
 " more easily carry his wife and effects from Port Royal, to Holland or some " 
 " other enemy's country." 
 
 (3-) 
 
 The French in September 1696, with 6 ships of war, the Pelican, the Diamond, 
 the Count de Thoulouse, the Vendange, the Philip, and the Harcourt, with five 
 ships and other vessels attacked the several harbours, &c., near cape Spear, met 
 with the Sapphire, an English man-of-war, commanded by captain Cleasby, to 
 whom they gave chase, but he got safely into the bay of Bulls, where he landed 
 and fortified the place in the best manner the short time would allow of. The 
 English who lived in the bay came to his assistance, but on the approach of the 
 French they all ran away. On the nth of Sept. the whole French squadron came 
 down upon the Sapphire and fired with the utmost fury. Capt. Cleasby made a 
 gallant defence for some hours, having placed all his guns on the side of the ship 
 next the enemy. The French at the same time made a descent, and having 
 driven the men that were ashore into the woods, attacked the Sapphire on all 
 sides. The captain finding it was impossible to maintain the ship any longer, 
 retired with his officers and thirty-five men into the woods and set her on fire. Forty 
 Frenchmen boarded her, thinking to extinguish it, but were all blown up, by the fire 
 reaching the powder room. One hundred more of the Sapphire's crew getting 
 ashore, made the best of their way to Ferryland, but were intercepted by the 
 enemy, and all taken prisoners. Captain Cleasby and his company gained the 
 harbor where he did his utmost to defend the place against the enemy, who now 
 came to attack it. The 2ist September they landed 600 men. After some firing 
 the English surrendered. The French destroyed all the English settlements 
 except St. John, Carbonear and Bonavista. [History of the British Empire in 
 America, pp. 141-142.]
 
 226 History of Nova-Scotia 1696, 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 BENJAMIN Church had been a partizan commander in the 
 war in 1675, in New England, called king Philip's war, 
 and was after that engaged in a similar manner in the bor- 
 der fighting with the French and their Indian allies. Full 
 details of his proceedings are given in a work written by 
 himself, and which has been printed more than once. In 
 his account of what he terms his fourth expedition East, 
 he gives his commission from lieutenant governor Stough- 
 ton, appointing him as major, to command English and In- 
 dians, sent against the French and Indian enemy, by order 
 of the Assembly of Massachusetts of 27 May, 1696. This 
 commission is dated 3rd August, and the instructions on I2th 
 August, in which last captain John Gorham is referred to as 
 his adviser and assistant. A shallop brought some prisoners 
 to Boston, and the news of the capture of the Newport, and 
 the fall of fort William Henry. Church, being ready at this 
 time, embarked with his men, at Boston, on the i$th August, 
 (25 August, new style), and sailed for Piscataqua, where he 
 was to receive an addition to his numbers. His whole force 
 is stated at four or five hundred men. They appear to have 
 followed the coast in open sloops and whale boats. They 
 visited several places at Piscataqua, Penobscot and Kennebec, 
 without meeting with any enemies but a few stray Indians. 
 It was then resolved to proceed to Chignecto. Charlevoix, 
 v. 3, 265, makes the English squadron of seven vessels from 
 which the French men-of-war got off, to be the same that cap- 
 tured Villebon, and afterwards attacked Chignecto or Beau-
 
 1696. History of Nova-Scotia. 227 
 
 bassin, but it seems hardly probable the two frigates would 
 have avoided Church's boats. As to Villebon's capture, it 
 appears he shortly after got to his fort of Nachouac. Charle- 
 voix says he was released on shewing a regular passport. 
 However that may be, Charlevoix informs us that the 
 English who went to Chignecto, or Beaubassin, landed 400 
 men, of whom fifty were Indians. That one Bourgeois, 
 an inhabitant, went in a shallop to the vessel of the English 
 commander, and shewed him a writing whereby all the inha- 
 bitants of Beaubassin had engaged at the time Acadie was 
 conquered by Sir William Phips to remain faithful to king 
 William, and had been received under his protection. Church 
 appeared to respect this document, and coming on shore, went 
 to Bourgeois' house ; but his men treated the place as if it 
 were an enemy's country. Many of the people hid their 
 effects, and fled to the woods for safety. At the end of nine 
 days most of the houses were destroyed by Church and his 
 men. His Indians were the most merciful. Pillage was gen- 
 eral, and a placard respecting trade, signed by count Fronte- 
 nac, having been found outside the church, it was likewise 
 burnt down. Having made many of them sign a new paper 
 of allegiance to king William, Church reimbarked his men 
 and their booty, and, steering for the St. John river on the 
 29 September, arrived there the same day. (Church calls 
 it 2Oth September, i. e. 3Oth, n. s.) Church himself admits 
 that he made prisoners of the people of Beaubassin, and 
 that their " cattle, sheep, hogs and dogs" were " lying dead " 
 "' about their houses, chopped and hacked with hatchets," 
 although he says this was done without order from him. 
 Church arrived first at a place a little north of St, John, which 
 he calls Monogenest, (probably Manawagoniche or Mahogany.) 
 After visiting the mouth of the St. John river, and taking a 
 stray French soldier or two prisoners, Church found by infor- 
 mation from one of them that 1 2 cannon were buried in the 
 beach. These he obtained, and leaving St. John he met a 
 squadron (Sept. 28, Oct. 8, n. s..) at Passamaquoddy, consist- 
 ing of the Arundel, captain Higgins, and the Province Galley, 
 captain Southwick, (Southack ?) and a transport. Here he
 
 228 History of Nova-Scotia. 1696 
 
 was superseded in the chief command by colonel Hathorne, 
 one of the council. The expedition now went up the river to 
 Nachouac, and besieged Villebon in his fort on the 7 October, 
 (17 Oct., n. s.) Villebon, after his return to his post at 
 Nachouac, had sent an ensign named Chevalier, with three or 
 four men, to keep watch at the mouth of the river. Chevalier 
 was first alarmed by the appearance of a brigantine of about 
 60 tons, and the next day was attacked by some English, who 
 had landed without his observation. On this he took to the 
 woods, and went to notify Villebon of the enemy's arrival. 
 Two days after, returning to the shore with two men, he fell 
 into an ambuscade laid for him by some Indians of the Eng- 
 lish party, when Chevalier was killed and his two soldiers 
 made prisoners. It was by them that the hiding places of the 
 French were betrayed to Church, whose party was thus aug- 
 mented by a new commander, three vessels and 200 men. 
 On the 1 2th October, n. s., M. de Villebon received the 
 news by his brother M. de Neuvillette, the youngest son 
 of the baron de Bekancourt, whom he had sent down the 
 river for intelligence, of Chevalier. Villebon wrote to 
 father Simon, a Recollet, who governed an Indian mission 
 not far off, to get as many of his neophytes as he could 
 prevail on to join the garrison, and on the 14 October the 
 friar v brought in 36 warriors. Next day Villebon sent his 
 brother Neuvillette again down towards the sea, and on the 
 1 6th he came back and reported that he had seen the enemy 
 in great force about a league and a half below Jemsek, that is 
 to say about half way from the mouth of the river to Nachouac. 
 M. de Villebon had already put his fort in a good posture of 
 defence. He proceeded, however, the rest of that day to 
 throw up new entrenchments, in which he was fully seconded 
 by his brother, by M. de Gannes, one of his officers, the sieur 
 de la C6te, ecrivain du Roy, and by the sieur Tiberge, agent of 
 the company of Acadie.* On the evening of the 1 7 October 
 he caused the generate to be beat, (drum beat to collect 
 troops), and all his garrison being under arms, he addressed 
 
 * The garrison of Naxoat at this time had been augmented to IOO men in all, 
 in order to carry on the works of the fort.
 
 169-6. History of Nova-Scotia. 229 
 
 * 
 
 them in moving terms, dwelling on the superiority of French 
 troops, before whom an enemy usually gave way, and ended 
 by pledging his honor that if any of them should be maimed 
 in the combat, his majesty would provide for him during life. 
 This speech was received with loud cries of Vive le roy, and 
 just then the sieurs de Clignancourt and Baptiste arrived at the 
 fort with ten Frenchmen, who had their dwellings below 
 Nachouac, (Naxoat.) Villebon assigned to them the duty of 
 heading the Indians and opposing the landing of the English, 
 and enjoined them to send some one to him every day for 
 orders. Things being thus arranged, every one went to his 
 post ; and as the barking of the dogs gave notice of the ene- 
 my's drawing near, every one passed that night under arms. 
 On the 1 8th October, between eight and nine o'clock in the 
 morning, while the commandant was attending mass, he was 
 informed that a sloop (chaloupe) had made her appearance, 
 and that she was full of armed men. He immediately caused 
 an alarm gun to be fired, and in an instant every one was at 
 his post again. Two other sloops, armed like the first, followed 
 shortly. They were suffered to approach within half the dis- 
 tance of a cannon shot, when they were fired on, and obliged 
 to take shelter behind a point of land, where they put their 
 men on shore. It was not possible to prevent this landing,- 
 though it took place almost within the range of musket shot, 
 because the river was between the opposite parties. The 
 English were heard directly cheering, and the French cheered 
 in return. The English marched at once to a spot opposite to 
 the fort, where the width of the river* did not exceed a pistol 
 shot At this place they encamped, and began without delay 
 to work upon a demi-bastion (e"paulement) to protect them- 
 selves from the fire of the fort. They then erected a battery 
 of two field guns, which were ready to fire at the end of three 
 hours. Then they hoisted the Royal standard, (le pavilion 
 royal d'Angleterre), and in the evening they mounted a third 
 gun, of a larger size than the two others, and nearer to the 
 fort, but not being sheltered it was not muc h used. The two 
 
 * Naxoat is placed on the eastern side of the river St. John, in the map given 
 in the E. & F. Commissaries' book, and so is Jemsek.
 
 230 History of Nova-Scotia. 1696. 
 
 first guns were well served, but those of the fort better still. 
 The firing of musketry was heavy on both sides, and the 
 Indians of the two parties, being a little in advance on the 
 river shores, contended with each other bravely. The coming 
 on of night put an end to the engagement, and the Chevalier de 
 Villebon, seeing the enemy preparing to light fires, as the 
 weather was very cold, caused several alarms to be given in 
 order to check them. Finding this did not answer, he had a 
 gun loaded with grape shot, on the first discharge of which 
 the English put out all their fires. Thus they passed a rough 
 night, and at the break of day on the I9th the musketry of the 
 fort began to fire on them. This fire was not returned until 
 8 or 9, A. M., and then only from the two field guns. La Cote, 
 who had distinguished himself greatly in the evening before 
 by firing rapidly and accurately, soon dismounted one of the 
 field guns, and kept up such a severe fire upon the other that 
 it was also abandoned in a little while. At noon the sieur 
 de Falaise arrived from Quebec, using extreme diligence 
 to take part in the defence of Nachouac, having on his way 
 heard of the siege. A post of duty was accordingly assigned 
 him. During the rest of the day the firing from the fort was 
 well kept up. In the evening, the English lighted fires over 
 a considerable extent of ground, and it was not doubted that 
 they would decamp, and at a later hour they could be seen 
 reembarking. Villebon proposed to the Indians who were 
 under the command of Clignancourt and Baptiste that they 
 should cross the river below the fort, and fall upon the retreat- 
 ing forces, but for some reason, not stated, they declined this 
 service. On the morning of the 2Oth October the camp of 
 the besiegers was found empty. Neuvillette was then detach- 
 ed to follow them ; but after he had gone three leagues, he 
 found them embarked in four vessels of about 60 tons, and 
 going down the river with a favorable wind. He fired at them, 
 to lead them to suppose that they were followed by the 
 Indians, after doing which he returned to the fort. 
 
 The French loss at this siege is stated to have been one 
 soldier killed, a second having his legs carried off by one of 
 the French cannon, and a third injured by his fusil bursting
 
 1696. History of Nova-Scotia. 231 
 
 in his hands. (In this account of the siege taken from 3 Char- 
 levoix, 268, 272, the English loss is not stated ; but Villebon, 
 ms. journal, May, 1697, says he was informed there were 20 or 
 25 killed and wounded ; and in a letter dated i October, 1697, 
 he says he has ascertained that the English loss in the attack 
 on Nachouac, was 5 officers wounded, 8 soldiers killed and 
 1 2 wounded ; and in their voyage back, 80 men of the crews 
 died of sickness.) Hutchinson, Mass., v. 2, pp. 98, 99, gives a 
 brief account of this siege. He says four of the small vessels 
 went up the river and landed their men near the fort Octo- 
 ber 7, (17, n. s. ;) he also says, " Nor is any sufficient reason " 
 " given for relinquishing the design so suddenly. It is pro- " 
 " bable that the forces were not provided with tents nor " 
 " clothing sufficient to defend them from cold, which they " 
 " had reason to expect to increase every day, and it is certain " 
 " that old colonel Church was offended at being superseded " 
 " in command." After the departure of the English, Villebon 
 took the greatest pains to secure himself against further 
 attack. He wrote* to M. Thury, and to a Jesuit missionary 
 of Pentagoet and Kenebeki, informing them of the events of 
 the siege, requesting them to animate the Indians, and to 
 induce them to act against the English in the spring. In 
 November, Bourgeoisf and Arsenault, inhabitants of Beau- 
 bassin, left the fort of Nachouac to go home, and Villebon in- 
 structed Bourgeois to notify the Indians of cape Breton to 
 come to Nachouac in the ensuing spring. He also wrote, by 
 M. Baptiste, who was going across the bay of Fundy, to the 
 French at Mines and Port Royal, to send a supply of provi- 
 sions. At the same time he sent over three invalid soldiers, 
 to be fed at Mines, in order to spare his provisions. On the 
 23d November, Bellefontaine returned from Quebec, whither 
 he had taken dispatches from the French court 
 
 On the ist December, at midnight, Villebon's house caught 
 fire, but no great damage occurred. On the 4 December they 
 began to cut pickets, to form a new enclosure for the fort, so 
 as to place it in safety from 12 pounders. On the 10 Decem- 
 
 * Villebon's ms. journal. 
 
 t He is called Germain Bourgeois in another place.
 
 232 History of Nova-Scotia. 1696 
 
 her, Villebon sent off two Indians to Quebec, with a report of 
 the occurrences at the fort, and the capture of Villieu and his 
 detachment, and requesting that their number should be re- 
 placed in the spring, as well as three officers required, expect- 
 ing a new attack. On the 28th, a vessel with provisions arri- 
 ved from Port Royal, with information that M. Baptiste had 
 raised men to go on a cruise. There were two pirogues the 
 English left on the coast, which he intended to employ. This 
 whole month was devoted at Nachouac to cutting and bring- 
 ing in pickets, in which, for some cause, they could not use 
 the oxen they had, and hand-labor came hard on the soldiers.
 
 1 69 7. History of Nova-Scotia. 233 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 1697. Villebon, the governor of Acadie, having succeeded 
 in the defence of the fort of Nachouac, continued during 
 the ensuing year, 1697, to strengthen his position, with great 
 care and assiduity. In January the work of cutting and 
 drawing pickets (pietix) went on incessantly until the 22nd. 
 On the 23d, the first of them was put in the ground with in- 
 credible trouble, on account of the severe cold of the season 
 and the earth being hard frozen. This work was carried on 
 to the end of the month, on every fine day. On the 2d Feb- 
 ruary, four flibustiers, (privateersmen), who were some of those 
 Baptiste had raised in Mines, arrived at fort Nachouac. Bap- 
 tiste could not come up the river himself, owing to the fatigues 
 he had undergone. He had been 58 days in coming from 
 Mines to the mouth of the St. John, which is only 25 leagues 
 distant. Villebon says " He required a commission from me " 
 " to go on a cruise with the two pirogues (a kind of canoes), " 
 " left by the English, and twenty-one men of his crew. They " 
 " took four men whom I sent him, with an order to give no " 
 " quarter, except to women and children, and to burn every- " 
 " where he went. The rest of this month I made them put " 
 " down pickets. On the 24th, the two Indians I had sent to " 
 " Quebec on the ice arrived with despatches from monsieur " 
 " le comte de Frontenac who expressed his satisfaction at the " 
 " manner in which we had repelled the English, and that he " 
 " would not fail, on the melting of the ice, to send twenty " 
 " good soldiers, to replace those who had been taken with M. " 
 " de Villieu, and two officers from Canada," Villebon's official
 
 234 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 journal, which is our authority at this period, is dated " Au 
 fort de Natchouat, le 2 .October, 1697," and is among the Paris 
 mss. The diligence and capacity of this officer are very appa- 
 rent. He says : " The two Indians had left, fifteen leagues " 
 " from here, two Frenchmen," (of the three I had sent in the 
 autumn to carry the news of the retreat of the English), 
 " scarcely able to walk from hunger. I sent a man to carry " 
 " them provisions, and they arrived here on the 26th, in the " 
 " evening." In March, he went on with picketing his fort. 
 He had generally 15 or 16 sick out of his small garrison, 
 through this winter. Baptiste had captured 6 fishing shal- 
 lops (English) within three leagues from Casco bay. Famine 
 prevailing in New England, he found no provisions, except 
 fish on board them. The Bostonians threatened to capture 
 and remove all the French from Acadie in retaliation for the 
 French proceedings in Newfoundland in the previous autumn. 
 New York, fearing an attack from Canada, had refused aid to 
 Boston in the famine. Forty vessels from Virginia and Caro- 
 lina, with provisions, were expected at Boston. Villebon 
 wrote to the commandant at Boston, (April 21), demanding 
 the release of Villieu and his soldiers, as captured in breach of 
 good faith. April 29. He had finished the exterior defences 
 of his fort of Nachouac. May 26, the sieurs de Becancourt, 
 de Portneuf, and Robineau, three brothers of the chevalier 
 Villebon, with a sergeant and 12 men, arrived (apparently from 
 Canada) as a reinforcement to the garrison of Nachouac, and 
 met their brother the governor on the 29th, when he returned 
 from the mouth of the river, whither he had gone on the 24th. 
 On the 2 1 June, M. de St. Cosme, cure 1 of Mines, had brought 
 fifty Indians of his mission to St. John, and went to the fort at 
 Nachouac, where he received instructions from Villebon for 
 taking them on to Pentagoet, dated 25 June, 1697. These 
 instructions relate to the rations of the men, &c. July 10. Two 
 canoes full of Micmacs arrived, and Villebon gave them pow- 
 der, lead and rations, to go on to Pentagoet. July 1 7. Twenty- 
 one Micmacs came, and were entertained and supplied like 
 the others. July 26. He sent off seventy-two Indians of St. 
 John's river, with the Recollet father, their missionary, to join
 
 1 69 7. History of Nova-Scotia. 235 
 
 the others at Pentagoet, and ordered them to capture the 
 people at Passamaquoddy, and other places in their way. He 
 says, " These savages departed in a good disposition, and " 
 " with the intention of giving no quarter in the enemy's " 
 " places where they should pass ; and I gave them 100 Ibs. " 
 " powder and 500 Ibs. lead, for hunting on the sea shore in " 
 "going to Pentagoet. August nth. I sent the sieurs Port-" 
 " neuf and Clignancourt to Pentagoet, and wrote to sieur " 
 " St. Cosme, and father Simon the Recollet, who had gone to " 
 " conduct the bay of Fundi Indians to the number of two '' 
 " hundred, or thereabouts. I sent them the news I had from " 
 " France, in order to tell the Indians and to exhort them not " 
 " to grow tired, (ennuyer.) I sent them some tobacco, to " 
 " make a feast and divert them a little. August 24. M. de " 
 " Thury confirms to me the report I already had received of " 
 " four small parties of our Indians having killed fifteen or " 
 " sixteen English, and burnt one of them alive, on account of" 
 " one of their chiefs being slain." (It seems that the Indians 
 were to have met a French man-of-war at Pentagoet, and in 
 this were disappointed ; so, whatever was intended, the enter- 
 prize failed.) On the 9th September, two Micmacs came to 
 the fort, and reported that seventy of their people had gone 
 home from Pentagoet for lack of provisions, and the Recollet 
 missionary had also returned home. 21 September. " Three " 
 " Micmac savages arrived from Pentagoet, who had been of" 
 " the last party, (where they had burned an Englishman), " 
 " who brought me a scalp, and a letter from M. Thury, dated " 
 " the 14 September, stating that seventy canoes had left, " 
 " including Micmacs, Malecites and Pentagouet Indians, and " 
 " meeting at Kennebec, they counted three hundred men, " 
 " who intended to make at the English villages, and on their " 
 " return would bring me some prisoners." Sept. 25. Becan- 
 court, lieutenant des troupes de la Marine, left his brother's 
 fort of Nachouac for Quebec. 
 
 Letter of M. des Chambault, priest, dated at Panawanskek, 
 the 24th September, 1697 : 
 
 Sir. Having accompanied, as I have done, the party which 
 has been made up from here, agreeably to your expressed
 
 236 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 wishes, I have thought it was my duty to render you an ac- 
 count myself of the success that it has had, which I shall 
 always do with brevity, the reverend father Simon going him- 
 self to carry you the news of it at greater length. We left this 
 the 13 September, to the number of one hundred and twenty 
 men, without counting myself as one. The design of our 
 Indians was to go firstly to join those of Kanibekki, in order 
 to form, all together, a large party, which might strike a con- 
 siderable blow at the enemy. But arriving at Pemkuit, we 
 perceived at a distance five English vessels that were coming 
 under sail. It was already sunset, and we did not believe 
 that they could then discover us, being at first hidden behind 
 a large island, outside of which " (au large de la quelle)" they 
 were passing. We sent during the night a canoe on the look 
 out, which returned shortly and reported to us that the ships 
 were anchored quite close to where we were, and were already 
 landing their people. This made us think, that having dis- 
 covered us, they had the intention of coming to attack us 
 early in the morning. Our people on their side being prepa- 
 red, went on first and attacked them, and at the commence- 
 ment put their vanguard to flight ; but coming up to the main 
 body of the enemy, were soon obliged to fly in their turn, and 
 entrench themselves on high ground, where they held firm, 
 until, being nearly surrounded, they withdrew further, and 
 they fought thus at other advantageous positions, until, being 
 forced by the enemy to retreat as far as the spot where they 
 had left their canoes, they were all obliged to embark, though 
 in full numbers, and without being compelled to abandon any 
 of our baggage. In this engagement, which lasted at least 
 three hours, we lost a young man, namely, the son of Renauld 
 and we had six wounded. The true number of the enemy 
 killed cannot be stated ; but from all the marks we noticed of 
 it, and by those that were seen dead, we think the number 
 amounts at least to forty-five or fifty men, English and Indians, 
 among whom were three or four of mark. We reckon the 
 whole number of the enemy, as well on shore as in the vessels, 
 at four hundred. They had brought on shore two horses, on 
 which were mounted two persons of consideration. Those
 
 1697- History of Nova-Scotia. 237 
 
 who were fighting had a trumpet, which was played during 
 the combat. When we had re-embarked, the ships came down 
 on us under sail, and fired from their cannon at us ; but they 
 presently gave up the pursuit, and stopped opposite the place 
 where the battle occurred. We are much embarrassed to 
 imagine what object the enemy had in this expedition, for the 
 canoe which we left there to watch their proceedings has re- 
 ported to us, that after having taken on board again all their 
 people, which they did the same day, they almost immediately 
 set sail to return home. 
 
 M. de Villebon, writing to the minister, 9 October, 1697, 
 says that d'Iberville neglected to come from Placentia 
 to the river St. John, as he should have done, preferring 
 a fishing business there, in which he employed the English 
 prisoners. He says he lost his best soldiers and his best 
 canoe men when Villieu was taken. That he has sent M. de 
 Falaise to command at Port Royal, where an officer was much 
 required. He is of opinion that it would not be judicious to 
 attempt to rebuild the fort at the mouth of the St. John river, 
 unless he had more men and the support of ships of war. The 
 garrison was insufficient. In this year, peace was established 
 between France and England, by the treaty of Ryswick, rati- 
 fied by king William 3, on 25 September, 1697. Acadie was 
 again admitted to be French territory, and the boundaries were 
 to be settled by commissioners. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXVII. 
 (i.) 
 
 In this year 1697, a French fleet under the marquis of Nesmond was sent out 
 to attack the English in Newfoundland and in New England, but they arrived late 
 in the season from Brest at Placentia, on the ayth July, and abandoned the design. 
 Charlevoix, 2 Hutch. Mass. 102-104. 
 
 (2.) 
 
 Governor Bradstreet of Massachusetts died at Salem 27 March, 1697, aged 94 
 or 95. He was 76 when first made governor. [2 Hutch, m. 105.]
 
 238 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 (3.) 
 
 A squadron of men-of-war under admiral Neville, with 1500 land forces under 
 command of Sir John Gibson, were sent to Newfoundland in 1697, and the French 
 withdrew from the places on he south coast they had captured. Gibson in 1698, 
 built a fort at St. John harbor, calling it Fort William, and left colonel Handaside 
 there as commandant with one hundred men. Handaside was soon made governor 
 of Jamaica, and captain Wm. Lilburn succeeded him. In 1701 he resigned. 
 Captain Humphrey Haven, captain John Powell, and colonel Michael Richards 
 successively commanded there till 1703, when capt. Thomas Lloyd was appointed. 
 He was succeeded in 1 704, by captain John Moody, who was succeeded by colonel 
 Phillips about 1717. [History of the British Empire in America^ pp. 143-144.] In 
 1719, colonel Gledhill was made lieut. -governor of Placentia in place of Moody, 
 who had been appointed when Costabelle surrendered the place. 
 
 (4-) 
 
 Grant 23rd April 1697, from Frontenac and Champigny to the sieur Genaple de 
 Villeneuve, of the space of land containing a league and a half front by two in 
 depth, to bound from the seigneurie of Naxcouak, to the river of Skoutecpkek, 
 with the islands, islets and flats within that extent. 
 
 (5-) 
 
 Treaty of Ryswick, September 20, 1697. Article 7. Restituet dominus rex 
 christianissimus domino regi Magnae Britanniae, omnes regiones, insulas, arces et 
 colonias ubivis locorum sitas, quas possidebant Angli ante hujus praesentis belli 
 declarationem : et vice versa dominus rex Magnae Britanniae restituet domino regi 
 Christianissimo omnes regiones, insulas, arces, et colonias ubivis locorum sitas 
 quas possidebant Galli ante dictam ejusdem belli declarationem. 
 
 The lord the most Christian king shall restore to the lord the king of Great 
 Britain all the regions, islands, citadels and colonies, wheresoever situated, which 
 the English held possession of before the present war was declared, and vice versA 
 the lord king of Great Britain shall restore to the lord the most Christian king all 
 the regions, islands, citadels and colonies, wheresoever situated, which the French 
 possessed before the present war was declared. N. B. The territory between 
 the Kennebec, and the St. Croix river, was now claimed by France, as part of New 
 France, and by Massachusetts, as included in her charter. This treaty was pro* 
 claimed in Boston Mass. 10 December, 1697.
 
 1698. History of Nova-Scotia. 239 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 1698. In February, 1698, Andover, about 25 miles from 
 Boston, was surprized by the Indian enemy. Seven inhabi- 
 tants were killed others captured, and many houses burned. 
 Among the slain was captain Chubb, who had been comman- 
 der of the fort of Pemaquid. [i Hutch., Mass., 106.] 20 July. 
 M. de Bonaventure arrived with despatches to governor Ville- 
 bon, and the treaty of peace. In the summer of 1698, a 
 French frigate, on her passage from France to Port Royal, 
 meeting with an English colonial fishing vessel near cape 
 Sable, gave the master a translation of an order of the French 
 king, directing the seizure of all English vessels found fishing 
 on the coasts of Acadie, and the fisherman was told to notify 
 others. M. de Bonaventure, in the Envieux, also boarded 
 several other fishing vessels, and ordered them away. Sep- 
 tember 5, 1698, Villebon wrote, by order of the king of 
 France, to lieutenant governor Stoughton, of Massachusetts, 
 asserting the right of the French to all the country to the 
 Kennebec, which they claimed as their boundary, the river to 
 be free to both nations, and threatening to sei2e all eflects of 
 the English trading or fishing east of that limit. The French 
 this year built a chapel at Narantsouac, on the river Kenne- 
 bec, (called Norridgewock by the English.) Here the celebra- 
 ted father" Ralle was stationed as missionary to the Canibats 
 and other neighboring Indians. [2 Hutch., Mass., in.] The 
 English at this time designed to rebuild the fort of Pemaquid, 
 and to settle on both banks of the Kennebec ; and Villebon,
 
 240 History of Nova-Scotia. 1699. 
 
 not able to oppose them by open force, sought to prevent it by 
 the agency of the Indians. 
 
 At Port Royal, M. de Belleisle, (le Borgne), claiming 
 to be seigneur of the country from Mines (now Horton) 
 to isle Verte, (near St. Mary's bay, on the eastern coast), 
 collected a duty of 50 tens from each English vessel that 
 resorted for trade to Acadie ; and Mandoux, the priest at 
 Port Royal, and other missionaries, encouraged a trade with 
 the English. The inhabitants at Port Royal wrote letters to 
 the governors of New England, and to lord Bellamont, reques- 
 ting the benefits of free trade. Mr. John Nelson arrived 24th 
 Sept. at Nachouac. Alden, an Englishman, was five weeks 
 trading with the Indians at Pentagoet, and they sold him all 
 their furs. Villebon thought the presents to the Indians in 
 time of peace, to be unnecessary. At this time the fort at the 
 mouth of the St. John was rebuilding. Fishermen sent out 
 by the company were placed at Chibouctou, (now Halifax har- 
 bor.) Villebon recommended their being employed in the 
 seal fishery in the winter. The French soldiers under Ville- 
 bon at this period were only 70 in number. A pirate appeared 
 off St. John, and the fort then rebuilding was placed in a pos- 
 ture of defence. The population of Port Royal and Beaubas- 
 ain was 753. \Rameau, p. 129.] In the autumn of 1698, fam- 
 ine existed in Acadie. One-third of the people had to live on 
 shell fish ; and Villebon, receiving no supplies of provisions, 
 had to get Indian corn and meal from Boston. 
 
 1699. Villebon, writing from fort St. John, in Acadie, 27th 
 June, 1699, says he had written to lord Bellamont about the 
 boundaries and the trading of the English on the coast, and 
 to demand that some French fishermen who had run away 
 with a vessel and goods to Boston should be sent back. Lord 
 Bellamont replied that the two kings having appointed com- 
 missioners to settle the boundaries, they must await their de- 
 cision. He demanded the liberation of one David Basset, an 
 English subject, kept prisoner in Acadie. Villebon says that 
 the English continue to fish on the coast, but do not dry their 
 fish on the shores, and their passports from the governor at 
 Boston enjoin them not to trade. He visited the harbors on
 
 1699* History of Nova-Scotia. 241 
 
 the eastern coast he found several English fishermen. He 
 spoke three of these vessels, and told them to withdraw, and 
 if he found them there on his return he would take them. 
 Having been at Chibouctou, where the company had estab- 
 lished fishermen, he ascertained that great part of them had 
 withdrawn to Boston, because they were of the (Protestant) 
 religion, and recommends that such be as little employed as 
 possible. He says, that during all this year there has not 
 appeared any pirate on the shores of Acadie, .but that New 
 England has suffered by a pirate of 42 guns and 250 men, 
 which has withdrawn to the east of Newfoundland, where it 
 ruined and burned the village of Fromouse, and four fishing 
 vessels, and carried off a frigate of 24 guns. He says, in 
 reference to the commerce and fishery of Acadie, that if rightly 
 managed, this province is a Peru. He sends Basset to France 
 in Courbon's ship. He says he is a dangerous man. In 1689 
 the sieur Para, governor of Placentia, sent him prisoner (as a 
 sectary) religionnaire, to Bayonne. That on arrival he was 
 ordered to be tried. That the sieur de la Boulaye, being com- 
 missaire, (judge.) Basset having friends, got a pardon, on 
 condition of making abjurations, and settled with all his family 
 at Port Royal ; one Jouglas, a merchant of Bayonne, becoming 
 his security in 1000 livres. Basset was afterwards at Rochelle, 
 and took a cargo for government to Placentia and Port Royal. 
 At Port Royal he obtained from governor Menneval permis- 
 sion to go to Boston, to bring his family thence ; but when 
 there, he staid. That in 1690 he went with the Boston squad- 
 ron which captured Port Royal, and was guilty of great dis- 
 order there and insolence in the church, and robbed the shores 
 in a vessel he commanded. Thence he went to Laheve, where 
 he robbed and cruelly treated a family still living there. He 
 took Chedabouctou, entirely ruined that post, and used every- 
 where more cruelty than the English themselves. In 1691 he 
 was in the river of Canada, where he took a vessel belonging 
 to the sieur de la Chesnay robbed and burned three or four 
 dwelling houses in the bay des Chaleurs, and afterwards he 
 went along with \hQJlibustiers, until 1697, when, coming to 
 cape Sable to trade there, he was taken by captain Baptiste, 
 16
 
 242 History of Nova-Scotia. 1699. 
 
 and brought to the fort of Naxoat, (Nachouac.) Villebon, 
 having been ordered to collect experienced pilots, thought he 
 ought to treat Basset gently. Basset promised to do his best, 
 saying that the English had forced him to undertake with 
 them the ruin of the coasts of Acadie ; and in 1698, Villebon 
 permitted him to go to Boston, on condition of coming back 
 with his family and effects. He was notified by Mr. Nelson 
 on the 22 September, 1698, that Basset had deceived him, and 
 that he would not return ; but on the 8 December last, Basset 
 having arrived from Boston with merchandize, he has been 
 arrested. Villebon says also that he had been at Chibouctou, 
 to see the state of the company's affairs after the desertion of 
 Paquinet and Daubre", who left but eight men and a surgeon, 
 who has since been drowned. That M. de la Ronde had pre- 
 viously made an inventory of the effects left by the deserters. 
 That the eight men who remained there, of whom three were 
 Irishmen, had taken but 25 quintals of dry fish, alleging there 
 was none at Chibouctou, and expressing a wish to go to Pla- 
 centia to fish, which he did not approve. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 (i.) 
 
 The river St. George, about half way between Pentagoet and the Kennebec 
 began to be spoken of as the boundary about this time. Charlevoix, 348, 349. 
 
 (2.) 
 
 Villebon, Bonaventure and L'hermite had agreed (1698), upon apian of the fort 
 at the mouth of the river St. John. 3000 livres had been granted. He, Villebon, was 
 paying workmen 30 sous a day, labourers 20 sous, and the soldiers who work at it 
 4 sous a day over their pay, and a weekly allowance of i qr, Ib. tobacco. The 
 fort can only hold 200 men, but 100 are sufficient for its defence. There are 24 
 pounders on the bastions, and 36 pounders could be placed there, three on each 
 bastion. Villebon sends home a mast as a specimen, 82 feet long, 31 inches dia- 
 ameter at one end and 21 at the other. 
 
 (3-) 
 
 4 Oct. 1698, Villebon says the English were trading in the spring in all the set- 
 tlements. They take the beaver at 3 livres and 3!. IDS. for the pound English of
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 243 
 
 14 ounces, and 55 sous a pound for winter beaver. Alden traded at Pentagoet, 
 bought furs and sold goods to a son-in-law of St. Castin, and three other French- 
 men. He has prayed M. Deschambault missionary at Pentagoet to drive away 
 the English. LeBorgne and his brother-in-law de Pleine, play seigneurs at Port 
 Royal, and grant licenses to the English at 50 livres the vessel. (Abraham Muis, 
 called Pleinmarais, or Plemarch, who was living at cape Sable in 1686, (see census 
 of that year,) as well as le Borgne had married daughters of Charles de la Tour.) 
 The Bostonians wish to trade in coal, but it would be of little consequence, as 
 Boston would not consume over four cargoes, beyond what they got from England 
 in ballast. 
 
 (4-) 
 
 The Envieux arrived at Rochelle gth December, 1698, with dispatches. M. 
 de Thury, priest, missionary in Acadie, proposes to be placed at the fork of two 
 small rivers called the Aquixadi and the Pegitegiak (Called by the Indians, Pegdi- 
 ody, five or six leagues from the basin of Mines, and asks government aid. (This 
 may have been near the Windsor river, now called the Avon, formerly Pisiquid.) 
 The river Aquixadi is said to go down to Chibouctou. For this settlement he asks 
 a grant of land ' between the bottom of the bay of Mines, and the river Aquixadi," 
 " which descends to Chibouctou, by two leagues wide or deep on each side of " 
 " said river." (Perhaps the St. Croix is the Aquixadi.) Villebon reports again 
 favorably of the progress of his fort at St. John ; but he has only 70 men. Ten 
 or twenty are busied with the clay and mortar. The fort is fraised, (picketed) and 
 when the bastions and curtains are retaillles (smoothed over) outside, and the 
 palissades placed which will be done in the spring, it will do honor to whoever 
 will defend it. He has left Nachouac just as it was, leaving only two men to take 
 care that nothing is spoiled by the savages. If a large fort is wished for, he 
 recommends Pentagoet, on the river St. George, as the best place, and where 
 Indian support can be at hand. The old fort at Pentagoet may be restored as 
 easily as that at St. John. Baptiste has come back from Boston, where he was a 
 prisoner. Villebon suggests he should be made captain of a small coast guard' 
 vessel. He would be a good land officer, and VillebOn has made him captain of 
 the Militia at Port Royal. He says Mandoux, curd at Port Royal, is refractory,, 
 and that he and Mathieu Guyon urge on trade with the English and get presents 
 from them. Represents the want of priests. Father Simon is sick at Jemsec. 
 There is one at Chibouctou, and M. Thury towards Mouscoudabouet. These are 
 all. The fort and the three chief settlements are without priests. St. Cosme ap- 
 pearing to be Villebon's friend was removed. Le sieur decostre, says : Neuvillette 
 having found an English ketch at Port Royal, with one Benson, the owner, arrested 
 vessel and owner without resistance, took the sails and put them on board la Gal- 
 liarde, which he commanded, allowed Benson to sleep aboard his vessel, and the 
 next day, while Neuvillete and Benson were drinking together at Labat's lodgings, 
 the English ketch sailed off, and in the evening Benson escaped. Mentions a 
 report that Mandoux and some of his parishioners had gone to Quebec to complain 
 of Villebon. That an English ketch had been at one Petipas? at Mouscadabouet,. 
 and that the English were trading at cape Zambre. Decoste says that Bonaven- 
 ture ordered away an English ketch that was fishing at Chibouctou. Falaise and. 
 DesGoutin send many complaints against Villebon.
 
 244 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 (5.) 
 
 The count de Frontenac died 28 Nov. 1698. The Indian Sachem Madocka wan- 
 do died in 1698, the father-in-law of baron de St. Castin. [3 Maine Hist, Society's 
 Collections pp. 124-139.] 
 
 (6.) 
 
 M. Tiberge writing from St. John, 21 June 1699, charges Bonaventure and the. 
 officers of his ship with trading, selling linens, cottons, needles, pins, ribbons, 
 &c., at all the settlements he touched at, and buying furs in exchange. The 
 
 officers of the garrison do the same. That beaver was sent from Villebon's 
 
 chamber by night to Boston to be sold there. Pierre leBlanc, Guillaume Blanchard 
 and Louis Alain at Port Royal did the same, sending beaver to Boston to sell. M. 
 de Chaffour is interested in the same trade. He recommends the company to 
 lower their profit on sales to 50 per cent., and on fishery supplies to 40 per cent., as 
 a way of humoring the people. He also charges Castin with trading with the 
 English. 
 
 Desgoutins, 23rd June, 1699, says Villebon " keeps the water within the " 
 " fort for the exclusive use of his kitchen and his mare, others being obliged to " 
 " use snow water, often very dirty." 
 
 M. Tiberge writes, Mandoux had been to Canada to complain of Villebon. 
 Villebon brought Allain, an inhabitant, prisoner from Port Royal, for disrespect 
 to himself, mentions other complaints against Villebon. 
 
 Villebon writes from fort St. John, 27 October, 1699 : " Beaubassin is in " 
 " need of a priest. There has been no fort chaplain these three years. Thinks " 
 " an Irish priest would do well, as the Irish catholics at Boston might be induced " 
 " thereby to remove here." Refers to Indian presents, 450 livres, recommends " 
 " their discontinuance. L'Avenant, M. de Cabaret Lamotte, commander, came " 
 " too late for a census, he will send one next year." The fishermen from Chi- 
 bouctou are now fishing at port Razoir, (Shelburne.) M. Thury the priest is 
 dead, which stops his project for an Indian settlement. Mandoux takes his 
 mission, but does not know the Indian language. Besides they cannot be induced 
 to give up their lands and settle in one spot. The work they would do on the 
 land would not support them, it would be so little. It is their maxim to feast 
 when they have food, and when without they suffer much. Being short of bread 
 he could not make much progress with the fort. M. Pontchartrain has informed 
 him, this fort is not to be kept up after Port Royal is fortified ; so it is of no use 
 to go on with the demi-lune, &c. Of 3000 livres sent this year for fortifications, 
 M. Fontenu has taken 750 for Placentia, leaving 22507. applicable to Port Royal, 
 as they have enough for what is wanted to be done at St. John, now a temporary 
 work. He sent four men to Mines to a cliff for copper. They were ten or twelve 
 days there. It cost 47 livres. Produced but little of it. Sends home specimens 
 for examination. In the end of August, a pirate appeared on our coasts, and near 
 cape Sable. She captured a vessel going from New York to London. The 
 pirate was pierced for 46 guns, and had but 26 mounted. They killed cattle at 
 port Razoir, but paid for them. He mentions a M. Diereville, who brought out 
 letters of recommendation and promises to show him attention. Diereville ap- 
 pears to have been a botanist, for Villebon adds, " there are in this country "
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 245 
 
 " very curious plants which the Indians make good use of in their ailments." 
 (Diereville published a book giving an account of his visit to Port Royal, &c.) 
 Villebon describes the farming, &c., at Port Royal. They feed themselves and have 
 surplus to sell. Hemp and flax prosper. Some use no other cloth but homespun. 
 The wool is good and most of the inhabitants are dressed in their own woollen 
 homespun. Fruits, pulse, and garden stuff are excellent. Provisions are cheap. 
 Wheat 40 sous a bushel. The bushel weighs 41 1-2 Ibs. Beef is 2 sous a pound, 
 cattle 40 to 30 livres each. Sheep, some weighing 100 Ib. for 7 livres, to 7 livres 
 10 sous, and mutton 3 sous a pound. Lard 2 or three sous. A pair of chickens 
 to sous, &c. Eggs 5 sous a dozen. Hares and partridges 4 or 5 sous a piece. 
 Game plenty. " The founders of Port Royal knew the country well before they 
 " selected it as their fortress. They had forts at Port Latour, at Laheve, Mus- 
 " coudabouet, where there is one now, (1699.) River St. Mary, yet fortified, and 
 " establishments in cape Breton. These all belonged to individuals, and when a 
 " good understanding existed among them, which was but rarely, they used to 
 " come to Port Royal to seek refreshments, as did those of Pentagouet on the 
 " west shore, which was also fortified, also the river St. John. But it is to be re- 
 " marked, that except Port Royal and Laheve, where they cultivated land and 
 " carried on fishery, the other posts were only kept up for trading with the savages. 
 " Port Royal is then the general store of the country, and fortifying it protects 
 " Mines also, where corn is now raised, and cattle." States it as necessary 
 against the English and pirates. He gives the details and proposed site of the 
 fort and means of building. It should be for a garrison of 30x3 or 400 men.
 
 246 History of Nova-Scotia. 1 700 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 1700. M. de Fontenu had been sent out by the king of 
 France to examine into the circumstances of Acadie, and 
 after an exact inspection of the country, he advised the gov- 
 ernment to abandon the fort of Nachouac. His reasons were 
 that the frequent inundations of the river St. John, and the 
 difficulties of navigation at its mouth, with the contracted 
 space of its harbor, made any fixed establishments there open 
 to objection. It was, in consequence, resolved to transfer the 
 head quarters of the government and the garrison to Port 
 Royal ; but no pains were taken to make a strong post in 
 case of war, nor were the advantages of Laheve or Canceaux 
 attended to ; places esteemed by many of greater commercial 
 and military importance. [3 Charlevoix, 375, 876.] It is said 
 in Charlevoix that three vessels could not anchor in St. John 
 harbor without inconvenience to each other, but this seems 
 exaggerated. 
 
 Captain John Alden, of Boston, addressed a memorial 
 to his excellency the earl of Bellamont, dated Boston, 
 April 9, 1700. He states, that for 30 years and upwards 
 he has frequently made voyages and traded between Boston 
 and Acadie, or Nova Scotia. That it was understood and acted 
 on, by both French and English, that the river St. Croix, (and 
 Passamaquoddy bay, into which that river falls), was the boun- 
 dary between the two nations. The English fish in that bay, 
 and make fish on its shore, in the time of peace, without hin- 
 drance from the French.
 
 1700. History of Nova-Scotia. 247 
 
 On the 5th of July, M. de Villebon, the governor of 
 Acadie, died there. He was one of the sons of Charles 
 le Moyne, seigneur of Longueil, near Montreal, of Norman 
 extraction, who is called by Charlevoix the baron de Bekan- 
 court M. de Brouillan, governor of Placentia, was appoin- 
 ted to succeed M. de Villabon. In the summer of 1700, 
 M. de Villieu and M. de Fontenu, (commissaire de la marine), 
 visited Port Royal, and, having assembled the inhabitants, 
 gave them orders to get ready a quantity of palissades for the 
 fortifications of the place. The command of the country 
 appears to have devolved on M. de Villieu, from the death of 
 Villebon until the arrival of Brouillan, in June, 1701. In the 
 autumn of 1700, M. Bonaventure made a voyage along the 
 coast, exploring for copper and iron mines, with little success. 
 Two-thirds of the isle of St. Paul was granted to the sieur 
 Lebert by Duchesneau, intendant, in 1676, confirmed as a 
 fief and seignory by royal brevet, 23 April, 1700. 
 
 1701. The earl of Bellamont, governor of New York and 
 New England, died in March, 1701, at New York. Lieutenant 
 governor Stoughton, of Massachusetts, died in July, 1701, after 
 which the council at Boston exercised the government of that 
 province. They claimed that the English had a common right 
 with the French to fish on the coast of Acadie. They also 
 claimed title to the province of Sagadahock. In January, 
 1701, Basset returned from Boston, and in March went back 
 there. Villieu seized his effects at Mines. 25 June, Basset 
 returned without his family, and Villieu on the 28th arrested 
 him, and sent him to the river St. John. The next day, 2Qth 
 June, Brouillan arrived and took charge. Brouillan, on reach- 
 ing the coast, landed at Chibouctou, (Halifax harbor), on 
 account of contrary winds. Of this place, he says, " This " 
 " port is one of the finest that nature could form. It is true " 
 " that to make it secure would cost rather dear, because its " 
 " entrance is wide and very easy. I found there two or three " 
 * hundred savages, who represented to me the grief they felt in " 
 " having received the knowledge of the true religion, without " 
 " having the means of cultivating it, bestowed on them. I " 
 " gave them to understand that they should receive satisfac- "
 
 248 History of Nova-Scotia. 1701. 
 
 "tion on this subject by-and-bye."* To save time, as the 
 wind was still unfavorable for getting out, he took some 
 Indians with him, and went overland to Port Royal, visiting 
 Laheve and Mines in his route. He recommends the building 
 a fort at Laheve, " already fortified by its happy situation." 
 He thinks it should be immediately occupied, and become the 
 principal place in the province. On his way thence to Mines 
 he crossed many fine streams of water, and noticed many good 
 places for settlement, and excellent wood for masts. At 
 Mines he found the people very comfortable and independent, 
 possessed of a great number of cattle, and able to export or 
 spare 700 or 800 barriques (hogsheads) of wheat (b!6) yearly 
 beyond their own consumption. He says " they lived like " 
 " true republicans, not acknowledging royal or judicial autho- " 
 " rity," and it required a subsequent visit from M. de Bona- 
 venture to bring them to order. He induced them to obey 
 some judgments of M. des Goutins, which they had previously 
 disregarded. Brouillan says " I proposed to those demi- " 
 " republicans to make a road for ten leagues across the woods " 
 " to get to Port Royal. They have engaged to execute this " 
 " project as soon as the harvest is over. They can subse- " 
 " quently make a like one to Laheve. I arrived at this place " 
 (Port Royal) " on the 2Oth of June, and I assembled all the " 
 " inhabitants there two days after." In this meeting he urged 
 on them the duty of supplying palissades for the fort, which 
 they had neglected. He had been informed that the people 
 had gone for orders to M. Mandoux, the cure" of Port Royal, 
 and he attributes to this the disinclination they showed to 
 his proposal. They expressed apprehension that the province 
 would be put under the control of a company, and openly de- 
 clared, that in such an event, they would do nothing for its 
 defence, but would rather belong to the English. Brouillan, 
 however, by mild remonstrances, brought them round, and 
 they agreed to do what he requested. Immediately after this 
 he went over to St. John, where he " found the fort in good " 
 " condition, but of little use for the glory of the king and for " 
 
 * The minister's marginal note directs a missionary to be sent to them.
 
 1701. History of Nova-Scotia. 249 
 
 " the preservation of the country. Besides these two essen- " 
 " tial things, this fort was extremely small, and commanded " 
 " on one side by an island, at the distance of a pistol shot, " 
 " and on the other by a height, which commanded it entirely, " 
 " at the distance only of a hundred and odd fathoms," (toises), 
 " with the disadvantage of having no water to drink, without " 
 " going to seek it beyond the torrent of the river St. John." 
 " All these reasons have determined me to abandon it. I " 
 " have caused all the fortifications to be razed, and have de- " 
 " molished the houses, of which the timber may be of use to " 
 " us. I likewise had the planks " (madriers) " saved which " 
 " were at the gun batteries. I should have had much diffi- " 
 "culty in transporting all these materials in our barques, if" 
 " M. de Moreille had not laden as much as he could on board " 
 " the Gironde. The guns, arms and ammunition were also " 
 " embarked in her, as well as the officers and men of the gar- " 
 " rison." He expresses his gratitude to the captain of the 
 Gironde. He then shews the superiority of the site of the fort 
 at Port Royal. He says, " It is scarcely possible that the " 
 " enemy could make a descent, except at the foot of the " 
 glacis, under the fire of cannon, or in places where one " 
 " could dispute the ground with them, foot by foot, even " 
 " wilh the small force kept here, all the environs of the fort " 
 " being marshy, and cut by good trenches of earth and " 
 " ditches impracticable enough. I might have made a more " 
 " regular fortification, had I not thought it more advanta- " 
 " geous to avail myself of the ground as it is, which, without " 
 " adding much to nature, forms a fine glacis around two- " 
 " thirds of the place, elevated thirty-five feet from the level " 
 " of the rivers which wash its foot to the palissade of the " 
 " covered way ; so that in raising, as I have done, the ground " 
 " of the covered way four feet and a half, I find, by means of" 
 " the declivity, a terrace of more than a fathom at the foot of" 
 " the rampart, which will thus be raised more than eighteen " 
 " feet, by casting there the earth taken out of the covered " 
 " way." Adverting next to the great extent of territory in the 
 province, and its distance from Quebec, he suggests that the 
 governor should have the dignity of lieutenant general of the
 
 250 History of Nova-Scotia. 1701. 
 
 king. He urges his services for 32 years his success in 
 driving the enemy from Placentia, and his capture of the 
 English forts in Newfoundland, his wounds, &c. ; says he has 
 received no other recompense, and refers to his experience, 
 vigilance and fidelity, all as reasons to obtain this distinction, 
 and closes his letter thus : " I avow to you, my lord, that " 
 " independently of the Gascon vanity, of which the people of " 
 " my country make profession, mine is delicate enough to " 
 " prefer honors to my individual interest, not asking of you " 
 " on this subject anything but wherewith to live simply, " 
 " which I shall do nevertheless very badly this year, although " 
 " I have taken up considerable loans, and I have used all " 
 " possible economy in the expenses I have been forced to " 
 " incur up to this moment." 
 
 Brouillan, in a memoire of 6 Oct., 1701, recommends the 
 building the fort at Port Royal in masonry, and sends an esti- 
 mate of 68,635 Hvres as the probable charge. Requests to 
 have i master mason, 6 stone cutters, with their tools, 12 
 rough walling masons, 2 house carpenters, i lime burner, 
 2 brickmakers and tylers, 2 quarrymen, crowbars, hammers, 
 &c. &c. He has built already a lime kiln and made a brick 
 yard, the clay being excellent. He proposes to bring lime- 
 stone from St. John ; recommends limestone to be sent from 
 France as ballast. He requested augmentation of troops. 
 (The minister ordered two companies, each 50 men, to be sent, 
 in addition to the two companies there of 30 men each.) 
 Brouillan recommends his nephew St. Ovide de Brouillan, 
 captain at Placentia, to be major of Acadie ; also recommends 
 for promotion Neuvillette, Tinville, Denis, (son of M. Bona- 
 venture), des ChaufFours and de Plenne. Sr., Baptiste and his 
 own nephew, the chevalier de Noe, Puissens, Dupouy and des 
 Salles, for promotion. He suggests the erection of a little 
 redoubt at the entrance of Port Royal basin, where a guard 
 could be kept to give notice of an enemy's approach. Thinks 
 it useless to fortify Goat Island, (isle aux chevres.) The inha- 
 bitants clear small spots, but hold large grants. The militia 
 in and near Port Royal form six companies, but badly armed 
 and destitute of ammunition. They were 328 in all, including
 
 1701. History of Nova-Scotia. 251 
 
 Port Royal, Mines and Beaubassin. Goods are sold at Port 
 Royal much dearer than at Boston. The people at Placentia 
 were allowed to trade with Boston, while those of Port Royal 
 were not. The Port Royal people are more afraid of a com- 
 pany than of the English. The cur6 Mandoux is a man of 
 intellect, but desirous to rule in temporal as well as spiritual 
 affairs. The cur6 of Mines has 8oq livres, salary. There is 
 no priest at Piziguy (Windsor) nor at Beaubassin (Cumberland.) 
 There being no fort chaplain, he has retained a Recollet from 
 Placentia. Guay, who was fort chaplain, received 75 livres for 
 a year's service. The missionary to the Malecites has remo- 
 ved, with Brouillan's consent, from Medoctec to Pesmokady, 
 (18 leagues from Port Royal.) He speaks in praise of M. 
 Gaulin, missionary at Pentagoet. He doubts about M. Bigot, 
 missionary at Kinebequy, as the Indians there have made 
 peace with the English received presents from them, and 
 buried the hatchet under a pile of masonry. He also says 
 there is a missionary at Richibuctou. He sent to St. Castin, 
 who came to Port Royal to explain his conduct in dealing 
 with the English ; and that he hopes through him to fix the 
 Indians in that direction in the French interest. He says the 
 presents he has given the Indians are handsome, as those of 
 1699 and 1700 have been added to the gifts of 1701. He has 
 also sent them French flags for their forts, and a gun and a 
 sabre for each man, which they accepted. He says the Eng- 
 lish sell their goods below value to buy the friendship of the 
 Indians. He urges the building a fort at Laheve. The 
 pirates ruin the people on the coast. " I send an account of 
 " the cannon I found at the foot of the river St. John, and at 
 " Natchouak, where I have sent to look for eight left there 
 " when it was abandoned." " Madame de Freneuse, requests " 
 " him to state that the death of her husband, a nobleman " 
 " (gentilhomme) of this country, was owing to ill health con- " 
 " tracted in the king's service. He threw himself into the " 
 " fort of Natchouak when it was attacked." In consequence 
 of this, the English burned his house and ravaged all that be- 
 longed to him. She had been left a widow with a large family, 
 two of whom were now cadet-soldiers of the companies in this
 
 252 History of Nova-Scotia. 1701. 
 
 garrison. She prays the king to please to grant her the small 
 pension allowed in Canada to persons in her situation. It 
 was a charity that would not extend further, there being 
 no other widows in the country at present. Madame Louise 
 Guyon had been the wife of Mathieu d' Amours de Freneuse. 
 Brouillan objects to des Goutins, the judge, that being "rela- 
 ted to more than half the people of the country," he is thereby 
 disqualified to do justice. Basset's effects, (his vessel inclu- 
 ded), were valued at 4177 livres, 15 sous. He sends him to 
 France in the Gironde, and begs for the proceeds of his effects 
 for his own use. La Verdure, first captain of the militia of 
 Mines, an old inhabitant, honest, loyal and poor, is debtor to 
 Basset 1400 livres ; recommends its being released in his 
 favor. Bonaventure had visited most parts of the province for 
 information. Two places were yet unvisited, where lead mines 
 are said to be. He thinks the fur trade injurious to settle- 
 ment. Plank, wood, coal and fish could be exported to the 
 West Indies, and masts procured for the navy. Recommends 
 the whole Eastern coast to be granted in seigneuries. Asks 
 for Rossignol and Petite riviere for himself. Bonaventure 
 wishes a grant from the S. E. point of the Belle anse, as far as 
 the river Chichimiskady. Brouillan asks for his nephew St. 
 Ovide, if he is sent out, a grant from the N. E. point of port 
 Mouton to the river St. Catherine, inclusive. M. Bereau 
 Monsegur came to Port Royal, as agent of merchants of St. 
 Jean de Luts and Bayonne, offering to settle a company. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXIX. 
 (i.) 
 
 Captain John Alden, of Boston, in a memorial to His Excellency, the earl of 
 Bellamont, dated Boston, April 9, 1700. He traded between Boston and Nova 
 Scotia for above 30 years. The river St. Croix and Passamaquody bay was the 
 boundary between the French and English understood and acted on. 
 
 (2.) 
 
 M. Brouillan. In 1685, the French fortified Placentia in Newfoundland. In 
 1690, it was taken by surprize by the English flibustiers. In 1692, Brouillan was
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 253 
 
 governor there. It was attacked in September by five English ships of war, who 
 eventually abandoned the siege. LaHontan was commander of a detachment of 
 the garrison. In 1696, the garrison of Placentia comprized only 18 soldiers, to 
 whom 80 resident fishermen might be added on emergencies. Brouillan in the 
 summer went with a flotilla, to attack the English settlements, doing them much 
 mischief and capturing 30 merchant and fishing vessels, and on d'Iberville's coming 
 to Placentia after the siege of Pemaquid, they with their joint forces besieged St. 
 Johns, N. F., which place surrendered 3Oth Nov. 1696. Although the site was 
 strong, the defenders were not soldiers, but poor fishermen only, who fought 
 bravely and capitulated on favorable terms. The victors burned the buildings 
 and abandoned their barren conquest. Bonavista and Carbonniere were the only 
 places in the island that were not overrun by the French, but it was not long 
 before the English recovered their positions. Brouillan and d'Iberville, quarrelled 
 about the conduct of their expeditions. Charlevoix evidently favours d'Iberville 
 and blames Brouillan. The latter had an angry temper and was incessantly in 
 difficulties in consequence. [See 3 Charlevoix, 108, 171, 272, 288.] Brouillan was 
 remarkably brave, diligent, and industrious. The defects of his temper and 
 judgment kept him in difficulties with the officers who served with and under him. 
 LaHontan, who had taken part in the defence of Placentia in 1692, was then 
 casually on his way to France from Canada, and eventually sailed from Placentia 
 on the 6th of October in that year, and arrived at St. Nazere in France on the 
 23rd of the same month. The king appointed him to be lieutenant in Newfound- 
 land, an office subordinate to the governor of Placentia. He arrived there in that 
 capacity on the 20 June, 1693. [LaHontan v. I.,/. 194.*] "After I landed, I " 
 " went to salute M. Brouillan, governor of Placentia, and declared to him how " 
 " glad I was to obey the orders of so wise a commander. He answered that he " 
 " was much surprized to find that I had solicited to be employed there, without " 
 " acquainting him with it in the preceding year ; and that he now plainly per- " 
 " ceived that the project about the lakes of Canada, (which I had mention'd to " 
 " him), was a mere sham pretence. I endeavored in vain to convince him to " 
 " the contrary ; for it was not possible for me to undeceive him. Nevertheless " 
 " I landed my goods, and hir'd a private house till such time as I could build " 
 " one for myself, which I carried on with so much diligence that it was " 
 " finish'd in September, by the assistance of the ship carpenters, who were lent " 
 
 " gratis by all the Biscay captains." " But now I return to the quarrel the " 
 
 " governor had with me. Fancying that I had solicited my employment with- " 
 " out taking notice of him, he treated me with all manner of reproaches and " 
 " outrages, from the time of my landing to that of my departure, and was not " 
 " satisfied with appropriating to himself the profits and advantages of the free " 
 " company, that was given to me, but likewise stop'd, without any scruple, the pay " 
 " of the soldiers that were employed in the cod fishing by the inhabitants, and " 
 " made the rest work without wages. I shall take no notice of his extortion, " 
 " for tho' he has formally counteracted the ten articles contained in the orders " 
 " of Lewis the loth, yet he had so many friends in all the courts that he could " 
 " not be found guilty. There's some pleasure in making presents in his way, " 
 " for by them he has made 50,000 crowns per fas et nefas, in the space of three " 
 
 * I have only had his work in the English translation, from which I extract in 
 the old phraseology.
 
 254 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 " or four years. I should never have done, if I offer'd to give you a particular " 
 " account of all the trouble and vexation he gave me. I shall only mention " 
 " three instances which crown'd all the rest. On the 2Oth of November, i. e. " 
 " a month after our fishermen set sail, while I was entertaining at supper some " 
 " of the inhabitants, he came mask'd into my house, with his servants, and " 
 " broke the glass windows, bottles and drinking glasses, and threw down the " 
 " tables, chairs, chests of drawers, and everything that came to hand. Before I " 
 " had time to get into my 9hamber and take my pistols, this insolent mob dis- " 
 " appeared very seasonably, for I would have loaded my pistols and pursued " 
 " them, if my guests had not hindered me. Next morning his servants fell " 
 " upon mine, who expected nothing less than to be thresh'd to death with " 
 " clubs." The Recollets interfering, appeased La Hontan. " The third trick " 
 " which he play'd me, at the end of three days, was this : He sent to arrest two " 
 " soldiers, whom I had employ'd to cut down some grass in the meadows, about " 
 " half a league from the garrrison. They were seized while they were mowing, " 
 " bound and carried away prisoners, under the pretence of being deserters, be- " 
 " cause they had lain two nights out of the garrison without his leave ; and " 
 " which would have prov'd still more fatal to these innocent men, he had cer- " 
 *" tainly caus'd them to be knocked on the head, on purpose to vex me, if the " 
 " Recollets and his own Misse had not earnestly interceded on their behalf." 
 The Recollets made efforts to reconcile the governor and La Hontan, but altho' 
 the latter made concessions, it could not be effected, although an outward show 
 of reconciliation appeared. La Hontan says he ascertained, by a sight of papers 
 Brouillan was preparing, which were also seen by the Recollets, that severe mea- 
 sures were contemplated, and he expected to be sent to France by the next ves- 
 sels that came out, and to be imprisoned in the Bastille. To avoid this, he fled 
 to Portugal in a merchant vessel bound to France, which left Placentia on the 
 fourteenth of December, 1693, the master of which landed him at the city of 
 Viana, in Portugal, from which he dates January 31, 1694, letter 25, and he says 
 in it "from the year 1693 up to this very day, I have renounced all manner of" 
 " ties to my country." 
 
 (3-) 
 
 M. d'Iberville was one of the sons of Charles le Moyne, seigneur of Longueil, 
 near Montreal. The family was of Norman extraction. D'Iberville was a cap- 
 tain in the French navy. He was occupied from 1700 to 1706 in founding a 
 French colony at Biloxi and Mobile. He was born in 1662, at Montreal, and 
 died 9 July, 1706. See Garneau, History of Canada, (Bell's translation), v. 2, 
 p. ii. 1860. 
 
 (4.) 
 
 The population of Port Royal, Beaubassin and Mines, in 1701, was, by the cen- 
 sus of that year, 1134. [Rameau,p. 129.] 
 
 (5-) 
 
 The garrison consisted (1701) of two companies, one of 28 men, the other of 
 29. Masts sent to France : 53 by the Gironde, 40 1'Avenant, 1 1 remain over, 
 in all 104 masts ; cost 5,665 livres.
 
 1702. History of Nova-Scotia. 255 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 1702. King William the third died in March, 1702, and was 
 succeeded by queen Anne. On the 4th May, o. s., I5th, n. s., 
 1702, war was declared by queen Anne, the emperor of Ger- 
 many, and the united provinces of Holland, &c., against 
 France and Spain. The Indians of Acadie seized three fish- 
 ing vessels belonging to Massachusetts, of which two, if not 
 all three, were restored, through the interposition of M. de 
 Brouillan. [2 Hutch, Maine, 135.] The Bostonians had cap- 
 tured many French vessels on the coast. The French prison- 
 ers they had made were said to be treated very severely ; and 
 it was stated that they had orders from the queen not to allow 
 any of them to be exchanged ; and further, that they intend- 
 ed to hang captain Baptiste, an officer of the garrison of 
 Port Royal who had been made prisoner in the previous 
 time of peace, and who had then failed to recover his freedom, 
 on the ground of his being a pirate, (corsair.) On hearing 
 this, M. de Brouillan sent an express messenger to Boston, to 
 declare to the governor that he should exercise reprisals in 
 case this menace was carried into effect. This saved Bap- 
 tiste's life. The messenger reported to Brouillan that vessels 
 from England were expected at Boston, on whose arrival they 
 meant to besiege Quebec, and to cruise in the Saint Lawrence, 
 to stop the entrance of French vessels. Brouillan immediately 
 sent off the same messenger to M. de Callieres, the governor 
 general of Quebec, to inform him of the intended invasion. 
 
 The bishop of Quebec, being this year in France, endeavor- 
 ed to engage the friars, called the Benedictines of St. Maur, to 
 send missionaries to Acadie, but without success.
 
 256 History of Nova-Scotia. 1702. 
 
 Mr. Stoughton, lieutenant governor of Massachusetts, died 
 May, 1702. (M. de Callieres died in May, 1703.) 3 Charle- 
 voix, 423, 424. 
 
 Brouillan made his fort of earthworks lined with turf and 
 of a moderate extent to be defensible by his small garrison 
 of 4 companies, probably not over one hundred men in all. 
 He wished to have a fort at Laheve. He offered to take 
 Boston, if ten or eleven men-of-war were sent him, and 800 
 men from Canada. He engaged the people to carry on fish- 
 ery, and 15 or 20 barques would have been so employed, but 
 the first one equipped was captured by an English corsair. 
 He armed a vessel to oppose the English one, but lieut. Neu- 
 villette, the commander, was killed, and the corsair escaped. 
 A storeship was taken at Laheve. The Indians of Kennebec 
 appear disposed to neutrality. The French do not buy their 
 furs, so they are dependant on the trade with the English. 
 On the report of an intended invasion, from 60 to 80 Indians 
 came to Port Royal, and they had to be maintained while 
 there. Brouillan built a house for an hospital, and had two 
 surgeons, M. Sponty and another. He requested 4 masons, 
 2 lime burners, 2 brick makers, I quarryman, 2 turf cutters and 
 i house carpenter. He complains of Villieu, as peevish of 
 Mandoux, and of the cur6 of Mines. Recommends Bonaven- 
 ture, de Boulaye, Tinville and Pensens, for different posts. 
 Des Goutins, as commissary, does his duty well. Alludes to a 
 quarrel between the count d'Arquien and M. de Chacornacle ; 
 the latter is sent home to France. Brouillan expects com- 
 plaints against himself, " as Acadie is a land of discord always." 
 \LetterofM. de Brouillan to the minister, Oct. 21, 1702. Paris 
 mss.~\ In the latter part of this year, Brouillan received infor- 
 mation that the English intended to attack Port Royal in the 
 coming spring. Grangeau arrived with his privateer and 
 twenty-five men to cruise against the English, and Brouillan 
 lent him a king's sloop to help him. Grangeau passed the 
 islands of St. Pierre while the enemy was burning the place, 
 and had learned from his prisoners that the English had eleven 
 men-of-war on the north of Newfoundland and the coast of 
 Chapeau rouge. The Indians offered their services. In addi-
 
 1702. History of Nova-Scotia. 257 
 
 tion to 4000 livres, the value of the annual presents from the 
 king, Brouillan proposed to give them flour. He also planned 
 to station look-out parties at Chibouctou and Laheve, that 
 they might speak the French man-of-war in the spring, and 
 give him news. He thought the eastern Indians in danger of 
 making an alliance with the English. As the navigation of 
 the bay of Fundy would be closed by the English cruisers, he 
 would not be able to get limestone from St. John. The stone 
 he had was difficult to cut, so he requested stone and limestone 
 for the fort to be sent out as ballast. In his letter to the min- 
 ister, 30 December, 1702, he says that Dechauffour is just re- 
 turned from being prisoner to the English, and confirms what 
 Le Fevre wrote him as to the design of the English to at- 
 tack him. He urges a small succor of men, and of muni- 
 tions of war. It appears to have been usual at this time for 
 the officers, and others, to write once or twice a year to the 
 secretary of state in France, then M. Pontchartrain. The 
 governor of course corresponded with him ; so did M. de Gou- 
 tins, in his double capacity of judge and of commissary. The. 
 agent of the French commercial company did the same. The 
 cur6 wrote sometimes. Most of the army officers also wrote, 
 frequently. The government seems to have allowed the 
 greatest latitude to all these correspondents, who give their 
 views and opinions freely of public matters in the fort and 
 colony of the conduct and actions of the governor, and of 
 each other, both in public and private matters. The indivi- 
 dual services, grievances, wants, wishes and claims of the res- 
 pective writers, are generally detailed with care. This corres- 
 pondence became very voluminous. Sometimes an abridg- 
 ment of it all for the current year was prepared, and the min- 
 ister made marginal notes on it, directing the answers to be. 
 given, and measures to be adopted. Among the papers re- 
 ceived from Quebec, copied from the archives of the French, 
 marine, the letters are mostly to be found, as well as some of 
 the abridgments of their contents with the marginal notes of 
 the minister. There is an incessant reiteration of complaints 
 against the governors, beginning with Villebon,, but culmina- 
 ting during the administration of Brouillan.. Some of the char- 
 17
 
 258 History of Nova-Scotia. 1702. 
 
 ges are seriously proffered, but very many of them degenerate 
 into petty slanders and garrison gossip. Villebon kept a jour- 
 nal of all occurrences, from which facts of importance can be 
 easily selected and arranged in narrative form. Brouillan, 
 though full of details and remarks, does not seem to attend to 
 dates or to the order of events. Brouillan'is charged by M. de la 
 Touche with ruling harshly. He says " Everybody trembles, " 
 " and no one dares to speak. Even those who write dare not " 
 " sign their names, because they would be ruined inevitably, if" 
 " known. Thus they say, one to another, in a low voice." He 
 charges him with coveting a piece of land for a poultry yard, 
 and using intrigues, menaces and coercion to obtain deeds 
 from the owners, who considered its sale a great injury to 
 them. " This acquisition of M. de Brouillan is called Visle " 
 " aux cochons, (Hog island.) In the deed of forty years ago, " 
 " or upwards, from the late M. d'Aulnay to Jacob Bourgeois, " 
 " it is bounded by the road and the river Dauphin, the num- " 
 " ber of feet in width being left in blank. The road did not " 
 " suit Brouillan, as he wished to erect a building which he " 
 " could see from the fort in perspective. To effect this, he " 
 "proposed to continue the rue St. Antoine, and lay out a" 
 " town in that direction. Three or four owners, whose land " 
 " would be severed by continuing this street, opposed the " 
 " notion : but he got Bonaventure and Goutin to take a title " 
 "of the opposite lands from the lady of the manor, &c." 
 Charges of immoral conduct are made against Brouillan and 
 Bonaventure. The former is accused of affronts to officers, 
 and of meddling for private gain with the trade in provisions. 
 Bonaventure is charged with sending no quarts of brandy for 
 sale to Boston in 170x3 trading with Indians, and misconduct 
 with sauvagesses. The Indians are said to have made songs 
 on the subject, which they sing in the woods. There are 
 many other petty charges in la Touche's letter. In another 
 memoir of this year, supposed to have been written by Man- 
 doux, the cure", it is said that " he took possession at his com- " 
 " ing of the land of an individual to build there a neinaquie- " 
 " quoi, (perhaps jene saisquoi), which land the owner did not " 
 " wish to part with, as it served to support a large family." The
 
 1702, History cf Nova-Scotia. 259 
 
 other charges made by la Touche are reiterated, as well against 
 Brouillan as Bonaventure. Labat, engineer, and Villieu, com- 
 plain of Brouillan. Villieu mentions his having undergone 
 two year's imprisonment, and suffered much from fatigue in 
 command of war parties both in Canada and Acadie, where he 
 slept six months in the woods, without any other nourishment 
 but some corn and fish, which failed him often when needed. 
 Owing to all this, he had now a very severe asthma, that had 
 confined him to an arm chair for more than three months in 
 the summer of 1701, and as long as that in 1702. In another 
 letter he prays for employment elsewhere pleads his ill 
 health his sufferings in the woods, and thirty years' faithful 
 service. Complains that he was not allowed to review his 
 company. Children are put in as cadets instead of soldiers. 
 Complains of several acts of injustice towards him on the part 
 of Brouillan. De Goutin writes to the minister 20 Oct., 1702. 
 He sends him 12 different accounts and documents, including 
 accounts of pay of troops, provisions, ammunition, merchan- 
 dizes, funds of fortification how expended, masts cut and sent 
 to France, flour furnished to men-of-war, and an estimate for 
 the year 1703, Describes Villieu's attempt to bring the set- 
 tlers of Chipoudy and Precoutiac (Petitcodiac) to pay him rent 
 as seigneur. (Elsewhere he calls it Peckoukiac.) " For fif- " 
 " teen years past the sieur de la Valliere has had neither " 
 " house nor home there, (n'y tient plus ni feu ni lieu), and " 
 " the inhabitants have had recourse during this time to Mr. " 
 " Nelson, an Englishman, to have a mill ; and it was the late " 
 " Jacob Bourgeois who led there the first settlers, when the" 
 " chevalier Grand-fontaine commanded at Pentagoet, and " 
 " Pierre Arseneau took others there some time after." La 
 Valliere claimed Mines, and thus obstructed its settlement for 
 three years, until the intendant de Meulles came here, and on 
 the remonstrances of le Borgne, set aside his pretensions. 
 Pierre Theriot, Claude and Antoine Landry, and Rene leBlanc, 
 then continued their settlements. Theriot " having where- " 
 " withal, and especially much wheat, which he had amassed at " 
 " Port Royal, distributed it among the others, who have re- " 
 " paid him without interest ; and the sr. le Borgne, who was "
 
 260 History of Nova-Scotia. 1702. 
 
 " seigneur of the place, contributed nothing:" He asks for a 
 grant of Chipoudy, to Thibaudeau, and one of Peckoukiac, to> 
 Guillaume Blanchard. He describes the work they have done 
 there : 700 toises of dike, corn mill, saw mill, &c. Villieu, as 
 attorney of Valliere, has oppressed the tenants of Beaubassin. 
 Des Goutins says he himself had served five campaigns in the 
 regiment de la Couronne, He has to work Sundays and holi- 
 days at the king's stores, five or six hours in a place without a 
 fire, in the coldest severity of winter. (Madame des Goutii* 
 was a Thibaudeau.) He says Acadie can furnish four cargoe* 
 of masts yearly.
 
 1703- History of Nova-Scotia. 261 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 1703. Among the manuscripts obtained by the record com- 
 mission, there is a copy of a decree passed at Versailles on the 
 20 March, 1703. The title is Arrest du conseil d'Etat du 
 Roy, concernant les concessions faites des terres de la pro- 
 vince de L'Acadie dans la Nouvelle France. (Judgment of 
 the king's council of state, concerning the grants of land made 
 in the province of Acadie, in New France.) This document, 
 which is very voluminous, recites and refers to a great many 
 grants and other transactions, and previous legal proceedings. 
 D'Aguesseau, Amelot and Deshaguais, commissaries, are 
 named as advising the decree. The chief points in the judg- 
 ment are That the province of Acadie shall remain reunited 
 to the Royal domain, in its whole extent. It then sets aside 
 the claims of the duke de Venddme, le Borgne, Latour, Roublet, 
 Brevedent, &c. ; but in consideration of le Borgne's outlays, 
 grants to him Pentagoet, &c., with ten leagues on each side of 
 the river, to the river St. George, the boundary of New Eng- 
 land. (Andre" le Borgne du Coudray was party in this cause.) 
 To Latour and his family, born in and always residing in 
 Acadie, the king gives Vieux Logis at cape Sable, with six 
 leagues square, and the islands in front ; also port Latour, with, 
 four leagues on each side, and six leagues in depth. Both, 
 grants of cape Sable and port Latour to be equally divided 
 among I. Charles de St. Etienne de la Tour, and his heirs. 
 2. Anne Melanc,on, widow of Jacques de St. Etienne de la 
 Tour. 3. Marie St. Etienne, widow of Alexander le Borgne 
 de Belleisle. 4. Anne de St. Etienne, wife of Jacques Muis 
 d'Entremont 5. Marguerite de St. Etienne, wife of Abraham
 
 262 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 Muis de Pleinmarais, and their heirs. His majesty then grants 
 the seigneurie of Port Royal, to begin at 2000 geometric paces 
 (pas) from the fort, extending five leagues up the river, embra- 
 cing two leagues wide on each side of it ; also the seigneurie 
 of Mines, extent six leagues, with mines and minerals. Both 
 seigneuries are to be divided into seven equal parts, as follows : 
 i. Charles Latour. 2. Madame Melan^on, (Anne), widow of 
 Jacques Latour. 3. The widow of le Borgne de Belleisle, 
 Marie de Latour. 4. Madame d'Entremont, Anne de Latour. 
 5. The widow Pleinmarais, Marguerite de Latour. 6 & 7. The 
 6th and 7th parts to the children of madame Belleisle, widow, 
 to be divided among them in such manner as they shall think 
 fit, in an- amicable manner on the spot. All these fiefs shall 
 be held under his majesty as of his chateau of Port Royal. 
 
 The five children of Latour, by madame d'Aulnay, (accord- 
 ing to their statements in 1 703), were parties to this suit, viz. : 
 i. Jacques, the eldest, who died about 1699, represented by his 
 widow and four children. 2. Charles, unmarried. 3. Marie, 
 madame Belleisle, who had then (1703) seven children, of 
 whom two daughters and one son were married, and had issue. 
 4. Anne madame d'Entremont de Poubomcou, n"ad 9 chil- 
 dren living, 4 sons and 5 daughters. 5. Marguerite, madame 
 d'Entremont de Pleinmarais, had seven children living. (In 
 1732, of the four children of Jacques Latour i. Agatha, Mrs. 
 Campbell, and 2. Anne Marie, Mrs. Porlier, were in Acadie ; 
 3. a son, and 4. Jeanne, madame Pontif, had retired to the 
 French dominions. Charles Latour had also retired to the 
 French dominions.) [Lieut, governor Armstrong's letter to the 
 board of trade, dated Annapolis Royal, 10 June, 1732.] The 
 fiefs of Port Royal and Mines were partitioned, according to 
 this Royal decree among the widow and children of M. de 
 Belleisle, and those of the late M. de St. Etienne. 
 
 Pedigree of the family of Latour : 
 
 Claude Turgis de Saint Etienne, sieur de LaTour. His son 
 was Charles Amador de LaTour, who, by his first marriage,
 
 1703. History of Nova-Scotia. 263 
 
 had children, viz.. Jeanne, born 1626, married to Martin 
 d'Aprendistique", and sons. In 1653, Charles Amador de la 
 Tour married Jeanne Motin, the widow of M. d'Aulnay, of 
 which marriage five children survived, viz. : 
 
 Marie, born in 1654. 
 
 Jacques, " 1661. 
 
 Charles, " 1664. 
 
 Anne, " 1664. 
 
 Marguerite, " 1665. 
 
 1. Marie was married to Alexandre le Borgne de Belleisle. 
 Their children were : 
 
 Emanuel, born in 1675. 
 
 (a) Marie, " 1677. 
 
 (b) Alexander, " 1679. 
 Jeanne, " 1681. 
 And two more. 
 
 In 1703, M. de Belleisle was dead, and his widow had seven 
 children, of whom two sons and one daughter were married, 
 and had issue. 
 
 (a) Marie le Borgne was married to Louis Girouard, dit le 
 Ru. They had children, viz. : 
 
 Louis Girouard, born in 1705. 
 Mary Ann Girouard, " 1707. 
 Pierre Girouard, " 1718. 
 
 Cecile Girouard, " 1721. 
 
 (b) Alexandre le Borgne was married to Anastatia St. Cas- 
 tin 4 December, 1707. 
 
 (c) Anne le Borgne was married to Jean de Fonds 5 March, 
 1707. They had children, viz. : 
 
 Joseph de Fonds, born 1708. 
 Michel de Fonds, " 1710. 
 
 2. Jacques de LaTour, born 1661. (Died about 1699.) 
 Was married to Anne Melangon. They left four children, viz. : 
 
 (a) Agathe de Latour, who was married firstly to lieutenant 
 Edmond Bradstreet, by whom she had a son, Jean Baptiste 
 Bradstreet, born 21 Dec'r., 1714. She was married again to 
 ensign James Campbell, and became again a widow.
 
 264 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 (b) Anne Marie de Latour, who was married I Sept., 1712, 
 to Jean Baptiste Porlier, by whom was born Claude Cyprien 
 Porlier, born 27 April, 1726. 
 
 (c) A son. 
 
 (d) Jeanne de Latour, married 19 Nov., 1703, to Jacques 
 Pontif, chirurgien. Their daughter, Jeanne Pontif, was bapti- 
 zed 9 November, 1706. 
 
 5. Charles de Latour, born 1664; was unmarried in 1703. 
 
 4. Anne de Latour, born in 1664 ; who was married to 
 Jacques Muis, sieur de Poubomcou. In 1686 they are stated 
 to have three boys ; and in 1707, to have four sons and five 
 daughters : of which children 
 
 (a) Jacques d'Entremont, in 1723, was married to Margue- 
 rite Amiraut. 
 
 (b) Philippe d'Entremont, married Therdse de St. Castin, 
 4 Dec., 1707. 
 
 (c) Anne d'Entremont, married ensign de Saillan, 18 July, 
 1707. 
 
 (d) Jeanne d'Entremont, married to M. de Chambon, n 
 Feb'y., 1709. 
 
 (e) Charles d'Entremont, married Marguerite Landry, I 
 Sept., 1712. They had a son, Charles, born in 1716. 
 
 ( f ) Joseph d'Entremont, married Cecile Boudrot, 14 Oct., 
 1717. They had a son, Joseph, born in 1719. 
 
 Marie Muis, daughter of Jacques Muis and Anne St. Etienne, 
 was married 12 January, 1705, to Francois du Pont du Vivien 
 
 5. Marguerite de Latour, born in 1665, who was married to 
 Abraham Muis, dit Plemarch, or Pleinmarais. In 1703 she 
 was a widow, and had seven children living. 27 June, 1705, 
 she was again married to sergeant J. F. Villate. The children 
 of Marguerite, by her first husband, Abraham d'Entremont : 
 Marguerite, born 1681 ; Charles, born 1683; Philippe; Made- 
 laine, (married April, 1707, to J. F. Channiteau) ; Marie Joseph, 
 (married to Rene" Landry, October, 1717) ; Anne, buried in 
 1704, at 6 or 7 years old ; and another child.
 
 1703. History of Nova-Scotia. 265 
 
 The chevalier de Callieres, governor general, died at Quebec, 
 26 May, 1703. The marquis de Vandreuil, who had distin- 
 guished himself in 1677 at the surprize of Valenciennes by the 
 king's musqueteers, of whom he was one, was appointed to 
 succeed him. 
 
 Joseph Dudley, a native of Massachusetts, arrived 1 1 June, 
 1703, at Boston, with a commission appointing him gover- 
 nor of Massachusetts, Maine and New Hampshire. Lord 
 Cornbury was at this time governor of New York. On 
 the 20 June, 1703, governor Dudley held a conference at 
 Falmouth, upon Casco peninsula, with Indian chiefs from 
 Penobscot, Kennebec, Norridgewock, Androscoggin, Saco and 
 Penacook. Two hundred and fifty Indians, who came in sixty- 
 five canoes, were present. The proceedings ended in great 
 assurances of peace and friendship between the French and 
 English. The settlers in the eastern parts of New England 
 were thereby lulled into a false security. (At this time the 
 population of New England was counted at 150,000.) After 
 this, some mischief was done by Indians at Kennebec, and a 
 small party of English retaliated by plundering St. Castin's 
 house at Pentagoet. [2 Williamson, Maine, 41, 42.] The 
 Indians who had met governor Dudley in seeming friendship 
 in June, at Casco, appeared in arms, to the number of 500, 
 under French leaders, by order of M. Vaudreuil, on the 10 
 August, and attacked the English frontier settlements from 
 Casco to Wells. M. de Beaubassin, lieutenant, (probably the 
 son of la Valliere), was the leader, and they besieged colonel 
 March, and his garrison at the fort in Casco. In those affairs 
 the English lost 155 men killed and prisoners. Charlevoix 
 makes the number of English killed to be 300. The English 
 were induced not only to retaliate, but to offer large rewards 
 for prisoners and for scalps. The skirmishes and depredations 
 were continued through the autumn, and even in the winter 
 season. A petty war was also going on at this time between 
 the French and English settlements in Newfoundland. The 
 horrors and atrocities perpetrated in this savage border war- 
 fare were incessant. Many details are to be found in Church's 
 book, already mentioned in Belknap's history of New Hamp-
 
 266 History of Nova-Scotia. 1703. 
 
 shire, and other early American works. Belknap, (N. H. 282, 
 283), gives a most accurate and graphic description of Indian 
 warfare, as then conducted. Their skulking behind trees and 
 bushes, never shewing themselves in open fight, their night 
 attacks, their slaughter of the unarmed, their murders of 
 women and children, their torture of prisoners. These, and 
 other like features of their usual mode of fighting, are well 
 pourtrayed. So is the practice of giving them presents and 
 arms to induce them to war upon and destroy the English, 
 a practice not confined to the periods when hostilities existed 
 between the two crowns, but followed by the French in Ame- 
 rica, and especially by the governors at Quebec, while pro- 
 found peace existed between France and England. From the 
 same quarters came the pressure on the missionaries to train 
 and lead their Indian braves to war against the English. 
 While Ralle, Le Loutre, and one or two others were conspicu- 
 ous in this work, the Quebec governors expected of all the 
 missionaries that they should take an active part in it. 
 
 The English, whose frontier settlers were constantly expo- 
 sed to such suffering and terror, imbibed a strong and rooted 
 desire to expel the French power from America ; and their 
 exertions, often put forth with that view, were at length success- 
 ful in the war of 1756-1763, when Acadie became finally and 
 entirely an English province, and Canada was conquered as 
 well as cape Breton. 
 
 M. de Brouillan, in his letter of 29 Nov., 1703, says that the 
 king had granted last year 20,000 livres for the fortifications of 
 Port Royal. This sum was expended at Rochefort, (except 
 2600 livres) in supplies for the colony. The balance being 
 insufficient to carry on the work, the governor issued paper 
 money as he had seen it done in Canada. (This was consider- 
 ed wrong, and forbidden by the French government.) Brou- 
 illan hopes to complete the works of the fort in 1704. The 
 inhabitants work cheerfully at it, and he pays a small allow- 
 ance to the soldiers for their work. He had distributed the 
 king's presents to the Indians. The people at Port Royal 
 subscribed 800 livres for building a new church. He asks 
 loo pistoles for this from the king, which is granted. Brou-
 
 1703. History of Nova-Scotia. 267 
 
 illan proposed himself to the meeting as marguillicr tfkonneur, 
 (honorary church warden.) He tells the minister that Pelerin, 
 whose lands he was accused of taking wrongfully, declared he 
 had no complaint or demand to make, and that he and his 
 wife were satisfied. (The ministerial note is " to explain to " 
 " him that this deceives no one, but that he should correct " 
 " himself, and to tell him so smartly" vivementl) He recom- 
 mends that Alain be paid for the plank (madriers) which Ville- 
 bon bargained for, and which were burned by the English. 
 Being informed that the people of Mines said " If the Eng- " 
 " lish should appear they would join them," he sent a detach- 
 ment of the garrison of Port Royal there, under sieur de la 
 Boularderie. This had a good effect upon the ' republicans,' 
 for they sent a working party to assist in building the fort. 
 La Verdure had acted as a chief man at Mines, the governors 
 addressing all their orders to him to have them executed. He 
 recommends his being continued, (to which the government 
 agreed.) He proposes to supersede des Goutins as judge, as 
 his wife's relations are so numerous. The note of the minister 
 is, " pass that for the present." He has granted to sieur 
 Perroscan des Sables d'Olonne, the place called port Mouton. 
 He has employed the king's workmen, paying them as a pri- 
 vate individual. (He is forbidden to do so any more.) Vil- 
 lieu's health is so bad that for fifteen months he has not been 
 out of his room fifteen days. M. Juin, a private person from 
 Bourdeaux, came to this coast for privateering purposes. He 
 took some canoes, with which he went to the New England 
 coast, and captured three English barques. Two of the prizes 
 came into Port Royal, but Juin himself being in the third with 
 his English prisoners, the latter killed him and retook the 
 vessel. Another ( man coming from Placentia on a similar 
 errand with a double shallop, Brouillan gave him the king's 
 corvette La Gaillarde, on condition that the king should have 
 one-fifth of the prizes. She took a prize, and the one-fifth 
 was paid to des Goutins. Has a wound in his cheek, affecting 
 his health by a bone coming out. Is recommended to go to 
 the waters of Bar6ge. Asks leave to go to France next 
 autumn.
 
 268 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 Brouillan, this year, is accused of torturing two soldiers, 
 by burning matches on their fingers of interfering with 
 the engineer, and causing over expenditures, of exacting fees 
 from the prisoners in the guard house, viz., 30 sous on an 
 inhabitant, 10 sous on a sergeant or corporal, and 4 sous on a 
 private, for release, for sending his servants to the surgeon 
 Pontif 's house, under pretext of a charivari, and making a dis- 
 turbance, (Pontif was married 19 Nov., 1703), of an improper 
 connection with madame Barrat, who followed him to France 
 and to Acadie. The letters of des Goutins, Pontif, the engi- 
 neer Labat, M. de Chacornacle, and the bishop of Quebec, 
 give the details of these charges. Some appear well founded, 
 while others are frivolous, and they all seem to originate in 
 the jealousies and rivalries that arise in a small and isolated 
 community. 
 
 Bonaventure, who had been captain of a man-of-war on 
 the station, and was now an officer of the garrison in the 
 confidence of governor Brouillan, and who seems to have 
 belonged to the family of Denis de Fronsac, had at this 
 time fallen into an illicit connection with madame Freneuse. 
 She was the widow of Mathieu d' Amours de Freneuse, who 
 had died from suffering and fatigue encountered in the defence 
 of Nachouac, in the siege of 1696. A child was born from 
 their intercourse, 7 Sept., 1703, and baptised by the name of 
 Antoine, (register of parish of Port Royal.) Great scandal 
 arose out of this affair, insomuch that the bishop of Quebec 
 was induced to write to the minister at Paris, and request an 
 order to send madame Freneuse to her children, who were in 
 Canada. Bonaventure wrote for leave to go to France to jus- 
 tify himself ; or if not, that a pass might be given to his wife 
 and family to come out to him. 
 
 M. de Latour asked the government for rent for the reser- 
 ved 2000 geometrical feet included in the fort, it being within 
 his lands. In this year letters to the minister were sent from 
 14 different individuals of the small garrison of Port Royal, all 
 filled with complaints, grievances, and requests for pay or pro- 
 motion.
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 269 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXXI. 
 (i.) 
 
 M. du Brouillan, 4 Oct., 1705. " M. de Vaudreuil, to whom I had given infor- 
 " mation of the good understanding which our Canibats and Malecites, Indians, 
 " had with the English of New England, has thought fit to send some Canadians 
 ** to Kinnebequi, to try and induce these Indians to break with these Bostonians, 
 " who daily learned through them all that was going on at Quebec and here. 
 ** They departed from their village the 2Oth of the month of August, and on the 
 ' 26th fell upon the English who inhabit the shores of Casco bay, and Houel and 
 M of Saco, which they put to fire and sword" (ont mis a feu & a sang) " during 
 " several days. This expedition has put Boston and their countries into a verita- 
 ** ble consternation. They say that the Iroquois remain neutral, and even shew 
 " a leaning to our side." 
 
 (2.) 
 
 In 1703, Sir John Leake arrived in Newfoundland with several ships of war- 
 destroyed three French men-of-war, and upwards of 30 merchant ships in the 
 bay of St. Peters, where the English, under the command of colonel Richards, 
 landed, attacked, took, and levelled with the ground, the French fort in that bay. 
 [Hist. B. Empire in America, p. 144.] 
 
 (30 
 
 The following letters possess an interest from their contents as connected witk 
 the state of these countries at the time they were written. The writer, Southack. 
 was appointed in 1720 one of the council at Annapolis Royal when that body was 
 first constituted under governor Philipps. These letters were published in the 
 Collections of the Maine Historical Society, vol. 3, Portland, 1853, pages 344-347. 
 
 Casco Bay, Maye the 10: 1702. 
 
 Sr. this morning at 4 o'clock I came to saille being dissatified in my Dreme 
 Last Night & Turned up the bay with in 2 Milles of Copones Island the wind at 
 E S -E. very strong Gale and much Raine & this wind I have had 3 Days to 
 Geather with Rainc and foage so I could not Pessead Estward. Sr. att 7 clock 
 in after Noone came a board of me from Majr. March one Newman master of 
 a sloop that was taken this morning at Copones Island a bout 9 clock in the 
 morning by 2 Indians connews being 3 french men and 3 Indians. Newman and 
 his men being a Shore att Work they shott one of his men Ded, this they carred 
 away they Plundered the Sloope of all Provisions and Closs & bid the said New- 
 man Goe Down to Casco fort with his Sloope, which he Did. 2 hours After came 
 a Nother Sloope by the said Island, Whear the french & Indians ware but they 
 said Nothing to Them but came Down to Casco fort. Sr. I have had servall 
 Indians on board of Mee Sence I have benn hear & I have showed Them the 
 Prisners and the Goods they Took from the french and Indians Estward & all 
 the hole intenc of my Voyage & they one and all ware Very well Statified the
 
 270 History of Nova-Scotia* 
 
 Govft. should Take soe much care of Them. Sr. at 9 Clock Night I came t* 
 Saille & want Doun to fort & went a Shore to Majr. March n clock at night to 
 Agree about Same Matter to fich the Ded man ofe at 2 clock at morning I came 
 ofe being a violent storm at E. S. E. & much Raine. 1 1 instance 4 Clock this 
 morning I took Newman Sloope & one Shallope & Major March & Our 35 men 
 on board of them & Soe Came to Saille and Turned up Bay for Copones Island 
 the small vissells for Showell water and the Galley to Card them. Sr. hear is 
 one Indian a Shore which we are Sending to the Sagmores to Signefie what has 
 happened & to Give us a metteinge forthwith. 
 
 Pleass yr. Excellency. 
 
 My sentiment of this Acction is that these three franch men & 3 Indians Came 
 a Perposs from the Estward to Ballance what Capt : Chadwell had committed in 
 those Parts which the Majr. & I shall no in a Small Time : & I shall imbrass the 
 first Winde & Watter to saile Estward & I shall Give yr Excell : acct : of all my 
 Prossedengs by all opp'ts Soe I most affectionately Kiss yr. Excellency hand and 
 
 Hest 
 
 yr. Verey humbl and Ready Servitor, 
 
 CYPRIAN SOUTHACK. 
 to Gov'r. Dudley. 
 
 Honorable. 
 
 Sr. the II Maye at 2 clock After Noone we Gott ofe the Dedman from 
 Cosine's Island & No Sine of any franch or Indians about the Bay at 7 clock after 
 Noone Came Down to forte & the next morning we bueared the man at our heap 
 of stones. 
 
 Sr. Sence I Rrett to yr. Excellency I have had sume Discours with Newman 
 Mr. of the Sloop Taken & one of the franchmen Took him by the hand and Said 
 what Shear brouther Captain I am a Captain as well as you : & by the Description 
 Newman gives me of him Chadwell says that it is the captain of the Barke they 
 Burnt at Passamaquoddy & Sume of his men. Sr. Chadwell farder says that 
 when he Took the Barke the captain & five Franchmen & 2 Indains Gott a Shore 
 in to the Woods. Which I believe to be Same men that took Newman. 
 
 Sr. the 15 Instance at 4 clock After Noone came in to this Port a Marblehead 
 Shallop this morning from Saccadhaook haveing Layine wind bound their 14 
 Days & that he had not sen any franch or Indians all the Time they ware their : 
 Nor heard of any but that all the Inhabtances their ware Very well haveing a 
 Shallop their a fishing & Every Day up Kenneback River a Gunning but See no 
 body. 
 
 Sr. Pray Pardon me I am of the mind Since the Govt. of Port Royale have 
 been at soe Great Charge in Getting in all the Indians from Shanctio, Menness 
 & Cape Salles (Sable) & all the Places Agesant & in Cloathing of them In Expec- 
 tion of the English Attacking Port Royall, but now finding by the English Prison- 
 ers that their is no such Attempt to be made. of the mind that in Mounth 
 
 of June hee will send sume of those Indians this sid the baye to Due us sume 
 Mischiefe, but they cann not come into yr Excellency Govfernment with Outt the 
 Knowlage of Estrenn Indians. Sr. Magrs. March & I shall Give Estrean Indians 
 Such a Charge in Givenn Due Information to yo'r Excellency of any Strang 
 Indians or franch that shall come in to yr Excellency Govfmt. or Ells they all 
 bee come Gilty.
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 271 
 
 the wheather have Been soe bad that wee have had no Indians Down as yett 
 but expect them in 3 Days Time : they are Verv busey in Planting. 
 Sr. No More but come faire weather I shall be Sailling. 
 
 Yor. Excellency faithfull Servitter, 
 
 CYPRIAN SOUTHACK. 
 Casco Bay, Monday 
 May the 17 : 1703. 
 from on board the 
 Maj'ty's Ship Proviance 
 Galley att 6 Clock This 
 morning. 
 
 For his Excellency Joseph Dudley, captain general & Governor in Chief of her 
 Maj'tys Proviance Massachusetts Bay, &c. 
 For her Majty's Especial servess. 
 
 He, Newman or Norton. 
 Just now a fair Wind & am Sailing. 
 
 Sir yours 
 
 C. S.
 
 272 History of Nova-Scotia. 1704- 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 1704. About the end of May, 1704, an expedition left Boston 
 to scour the Eastern coast, and punish the Indians and the 
 French. [2 Hutch., Mass., 143.] It consisted of the Jersey, 
 captain Smith, of 42 guns the Gosport, captain Rogers, 32 
 guns the province Galley, fourteen transports thirty-six 
 whale boats, and a scout shallop. On board these were five 
 hundred and fifty men, (inclusive of some Indians), under the 
 command of colonel Benjamin Church, a celebrated partizan, 
 already noticed for his proceedings at Beaubassin, &c. in 1696, 
 who was now making, what he terms in his book, his fifth and 
 last expedition East. With these forces he ranged the coast, 
 visiting Penobscot and Passamaquoddy, killing and making 
 prisoners of the French settlers. Among the prisoners made 
 are named a M. le Feboure, or Lafaure, and his sons M. Gour- 
 dan, Sharkee Castin's daughter and her family, (her husband 
 and father being absent in France, where Castin had an estate 
 on which he lived after he left America), and a Canada Indian, 
 M. Lotriell and his family. A monsieur Chartiers escaped 
 him. This armament divided in the bay of Fundy, the men- 
 of-war proceeding to Port Royal, while Church and his soldiers 
 went in their smaller vessels and whaleboats to Mines. There 
 he caused the dykes to be cut, to destroy the marsh lands. 
 For this piece of mischief, Church is not himself solely answer- 
 able. It was expressly enjoined on him in the written instruc- 
 tions from governor Dudley to burn and destroy the enemies' 
 houses, break the dams of their corn grounds, make what 
 spoils he could, and bring away prisoners. After spending
 
 1704. History of Nova-Scotia. 273 
 
 some time in this neighborhood, Church and his army embar- 
 ked again, and meeting the ships of war, they all rendezvoused 
 at the entrance of Port Royal basin. There it was decided, by 
 all the officers of the expedition, both naval and military, that 
 it would not be prudent to attack the place, and they signed a 
 paper to that effect, dated 4 July, 1704, (15 July, n. s.,) which 
 Church gives in his book. 
 
 It would seem that M. de Brouillan, although he had before 
 received information of an intended attack, had paid but little 
 regard to it, and that he was in some measure taken by sur- 
 prise, owing perhaps to his confidence in the new fortifica- 
 tions. On the 2 July, at sunrise, it was observed that there 
 were English ships in the basin, [3 Charlevoix, 439], that they 
 had even landed troops, carried off the guard at the entrance, 
 which consisted of only three men, and taken as prisoners two 
 of the inhabitants, and two boys who were fishing at the 
 entrance. The English made a descent at the distance of 
 about a league from the fort, with about fifty men carried off 
 one family, pillaged three others, and having heard musket 
 shots, re-embarked in haste. By noon on the 2 July, the num- 
 ber of the enemy's ships had increased to ten, viz., the Jersey, 
 48, Gosport, 32, the Province Galley, 12, and seven brigan- 
 tines, which were anchored about two leagues from the fort, at 
 the entrance of the (inner ?) basin. 
 
 On the 4 July, Brouillan was informed of this invasion, and 
 on the 5th, that all the inhabitants of Port Royal had been 
 summoned to surrender, with threats of giving no quarter, and 
 that the English stated their troops at 1 300 men, besides 200 
 Indians, a number that seems exaggerated. Brouillan finding 
 that the English squadron made no further approach towards 
 the fort, sent out detachments, which had some skirmishing 
 with the English, (Charlevoix says an English lieutenant 
 colonel was killed, Hutchinson that lieutenant Barker was 
 killed at Mines), but the English accounts do not speak of any 
 fighting having occurred at or near Port Royal ; nor is it likely, 
 after the resolution not to attack the place was adopted, 
 that any large force was landed. The English re-embarked 
 18
 
 274 History of Nova-Scotia. 1704. 
 
 such men as were on shore, and sailed off on the 2Oth or 2ist 
 July. 
 
 Colonel Church, with his transports and men, again parted 
 company from the men-of-war, and went to Beaubassin, (Chig- 
 necto), where he landed 28 July, n. s., and skirmished with the 
 inhabitants. The latter retreated, taking away with them 
 whatever they could carry off, and Church destroyed and wast- 
 ted the settlement, " did them what spoil he could," according 
 to his instructions. On this occasion he burned twenty 
 houses, killed one hundred and twenty horned cattle, besides 
 sheep, but did not touch the corn. After three days' stay on 
 shore, he set sail again, and visited the coast at Mount Desert, 
 Penobscot, Passamaquoddy, &c.,, and thus found his way back 
 to New England. 
 
 In the winter a party of two hundred and fifty English and 
 twenty Indians, under colonel Hilton, who had served under 
 Church, went on snow shoes to attack Norridgewock (Narant- 
 souack), but they found only a chapel and some wigwams 
 empty, which they burned. [2 Williamsons Maine, 49.] 
 
 M. Bonaventure, lieut. du roi r wrote to the minister, 1 2 Dec., 
 1704. He complains of calumny, and declares himself inno- 
 cent, and prays that a commissaire may be sent at his expense 
 to take information. He had gone to Mines, when the Eng- 
 lish came to Port Royal, and heard of it at sixty leagues off. 
 (This seems an over-measure of the distance.) " M, de Brou- " 
 " illan, who is going to France, will inform your Excellency " 
 " of the bad state of the fort, which is almost all shaken." He 
 blames the engineer for putting in the fascines improperly. 
 He says that there are only eight officers left in the garrison, 
 all young, and of little experience in war. Some of them had 
 shewn insubordination. " The soldiers are not more inured " 
 " to war. The recruits who have come last year and this, are " 
 " so bad, that part of them have been necessarily sent back." 
 He recommends that a ship of 40 guns be sent out early, to be 
 here before the last of May to oppose an enemy's landing. 
 Brouillan has granted him a piece of land near Laheve ; he 
 wishes to have it confirmed to him. Asks for an ensign's 
 rank for his son, who has already served three campaigns at
 
 1704. History of Nova-Scotia. 275 
 
 sea in a king's ship. He, Bonaventure, has made several voy- 
 ages to inspect the coast and look for mines, without any extra 
 remuneration. 
 
 1 8 December, the Loire sailed for France, having, it seems, 
 M. Brouillan, passenger. M. Bonaventure took command of 
 the troops the same day. He then reviewed the troops, con- 
 sisting of 185 men, of whom 52 appeared to be weak and 
 infirm. These invalids he quartered for the winter among the 
 inhabitants, under charge of a captain and an ensign. Being 
 well fed, and warmed, and free from care, they grew strong 
 and fit for service. \Bonaventures letter to the minister 30 
 Novr,, 1705.] The harvests of 1703 and 1704 in Acadie were 
 bad. The fort remained unfinished. About 100 fathoms of 
 the rampart had tumbled down, and mutual blame was cast by 
 Brouillan and the engineer Labat on each other. At this 
 period Brouillan seemed to have contrived to be at variance 
 with most of the people about him. He writes severely against 
 Goutins. He accuses Chacornacle, Labat, Tibierge and others, 
 of caballing against him, and of producing mutiny and deser- 
 tion among the soldiers. Chacornacle and Latour had quar- 
 relled on the voyage from France, and Brouillan placed both 
 in arrest, Chacornacle in the fort and Latour in his own house.. 
 He punished ten soldiers for refusing to work on the fortifica- 
 tions. (They seem to have disobeyed because their additional 
 pay for the work had been stopped.) He got the idea in his 
 head that some of the soldiers had formed a plan to stab and 
 rob him, and then to go off to Boston in a barque belonging to> 
 to the king. He says he and his domestics had to watch all 
 night, as he could not rely on the sentinels. At a review of 
 the garrison, he drew out three of those he called mutineers,, 
 and harangued them on the intended assassination. He also 
 put Labat, the engineer, under arrest. He caused proclama- 
 tion to be made (battre un ban) at the head of the troops, for- 
 bidding the soldiers from stealing from the inhabitants, under 
 pain of death.. He arrested a soldier charged with stealing,, 
 and was holding a court martial on him, when des Goutins. 
 interposed as judge, and claimed the prisoner. This claim of 
 jurisdiction the court admitted, and des Goutins set the soldier
 
 276 History of Nova-Scotia. 1704. 
 
 free without punishment,, Brouillan says " thus encouraging " 
 " robbers and mutineers-."" He makes charges against des 
 Goutins as commissary, but they seem groundless insinuations. 
 " All arms, ammunition, &c., sent since 1701, have been paid " 
 "for out of the fortification funds; also a vessel of 12 or 14" 
 " guns was built out of the same." \Brouillaris letter to the 
 minister, abstract, dated Versailles, 5 March, 1705.} Brouillan 
 complains that des Goutins kept back all information about 
 money from him. Referring to madame Freneuse, he says he 
 had no opportunity of sending her to Quebec, or to oblige her 
 to go and live on her alleged property, which has been reunited 
 to the Royal domain, although she had a good title, and has 
 received no compensation. This has deprived her of the 
 means of supporting herself and her five or six children. He 
 could only send her to Mines, to put her at a distance from 
 
 M. de Bonaventure. Brouillan says that he thought his 
 
 character and birth would have protected him from such a 
 charge as that of having sold wine and brandy retail, and he 
 closes his reply to the minister thus : 
 
 " Behold my lord, on this article and all others, the truth, " 
 " entire and pure, which may be believed on the honesty of the " 
 " sieur de Brouillan, after his having served the king 36 years " 
 " without having had a reproach, who now finds himself obli- " 
 " ged to defend himself before your Grandeur^ informations " 
 " proems verbaux and certificates to clear bis life and morals, " 
 " to prove that the woman Barat never lodged with him, or " 
 "caused scandal; that he has wronged no man, and that if" 
 " he could not manage to bring: into order a few busy bodies, " 
 " it has not been his fault, that he should forget the soldier's " 
 " trade, or not have met the enemy for a long time. It might " 
 " be said, on seeing him with such a rubbish of papers, that " 
 " his mind had taken a turn for law and chicanery, and as " 
 " that would not suit him, and is not to his inclination, he " 
 
 " begs my lord to establish his integrity," 
 
 BROUILLAN, 
 Fait a Versailles le 5 March, 1705. 
 
 There is some ground for thinking that while de Brouillan 
 was really the honest, brave Gascon soldier he professed him-
 
 1704. History of Nova-Scotia. 277 
 
 self, yet he had an inaptitude for civil command, and an 
 extreme irritability, disturbing his mind, and that he con- 
 jured up ideas of assassination, conspiracy and cabal, with 
 little foundation. The wound in his cheek he speaks of may 
 have added physical to mental torture. He might be, and 
 no doubt was, brave, generous and kind to his friends ; but 
 there lurked apparently in him a tendency to play the tyrant, 
 and the petty quarrels and scandals of a remote, small garri- 
 son, gave unfortunately too much cause of provocation to so 
 sensitive a governor. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 July 20, 1704. Died at Marshfield, Peregrine White, aged 83 years and 8 
 months, the first born in Plimouth colony. [2 Hutchinson. Mass., 148.] The de- 
 scendants of this person are among the gentry of the county of Shelburne, Nova 
 Scotia, being the offspring of loyalists who removed to this province in the time 
 of the American revolution. 
 
 August 18-29, 1704, about 140 French and Indians from Placentia landed in 
 the harbor of Bonavista, N. F., where they burnt four English vessels and des- 
 troyed the settlement and fishery. [Douglas Summary, 294. History of the 
 British Empire in America, 145.]
 
 278 History of Nova-Scotia,. 1705. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 1705. On the 3 January, at n o'clock, p. M., father Felix, the 
 almoner of the fort of Port Royal, requested Bonaventure to 
 have the gate opened for him, in order, as he said to adminis- 
 ter the sacraments to a sick man. He did so, and even with 
 eagerness. The next day he was much surprized to learn 
 that the priest had gone out only to marry le sieur Duvi- 
 vier, nephew of M. Gourville, against the will of his relatives 
 and of the governor. Bonaventure orders M. de Falaise 
 on his part to hinder the celebration of this marriage. He 
 arrived in good time, and returned with du Vivier, whom 
 Bonaventure blamed severely for his conduct, and urged him 
 to give his word of honor not to marry without the permission 
 of the court, or at least of that of M. Vaudreuil. He request- 
 ed two days to consider, after which he told Bonaventure that 
 he could not pass his word, alleging for his sole reason that 
 the clergy (les phes) wished him absolutely to marry. Bona- 
 venture, having exhausted his remonstrances, ordered du 
 Vivier not to go out of the fort, and gave orders at the gate 
 that the girl should not be let in. The fathers then wrote 
 Bonaventure a letter, which, he said, was full of abusive lan- 
 guage, (pleine d'injures.) His reply was to forbid them in the 
 king's name to do anything of the kind. Scarcely had they 
 been forbidden, when they married him. (Francois du Pont 
 du Vivier, enseigne de vaisseau et capitaine, &c. t was married by 
 frere Justinien Durand, to Marie Muis de Poubomcoup, 12 
 January, 1705. 25 April, 1705, their daughter was baptized, 
 being born the same day. Register of Port Royal.) The
 
 1705. History of Nova-Scotia. 279 
 
 priests replied to Bonaventure that when they had undertaken 
 to do anything, no one was capable of turning them from it, 
 not being willing to depend absolutely on any one. Bonaven- 
 ture notified father Felix that his presence might be necessary 
 at the fort, and requested him to remain there. His reply 
 was in the negative, and that he cared for Bonaventure as 
 little as for the mud on his shoes, and that he made no account 
 of his forbiddings or permission. F. Felix left at once for a 
 place 30 leagues off, where the relations of the girl lived. (This 
 must have been at Poubomcoup, now called Pubnico), as Bona- 
 venture suggested, to obtain applause for the marriage he had 
 effected. He did not return till the end of two months said 
 one mass at the fort, and then went off to Chibouctou, from 
 which he did not come back until the arrival of the vessel, 
 (the king's ship.) Bonaventure says, " I cannot contemplate " 
 " without pain the pitiable state into which the officers plunge " 
 " themselves, who take into their heads such marriages mar- " 
 " rying girls without property, without birth, who entirely " 
 " derange their affairs, and weaken the attachment which " 
 ' they should have for the service of his majesty." This re- 
 mark seems strange, for the young lady in question was grand- 
 daughter of Charles Amador la Tour, and daughter of sieur 
 d'Entremont, seigneur of Poubomcoup. M. Belleisle, seigneur 
 of Port Royal, M. Charles la Tour and M. des Goutin sign the 
 register of the marriage as witnesses. 
 
 Bonaventure also states that eight of their people who were 
 prisoners at Boston made their escape in a vessel which they 
 carried off. They reported an intended attack of the English 
 on Port Royal, only waiting aid from England that MM. de 
 Chauffeur and Baptiste were close prisoners in the fort on the 
 island, and that an exchange of prisoners was denied until 
 Vaudreuil should send back those he had at Quebec. They 
 brought two Englishmen, prisoners, with them. Bonaventure 
 bought this prize, and sent her with despatches to Subercase, 
 at Placentia. 
 
 Bonaventure sent an inhabitant with four soldiers to Mines, 
 to bring back the king's bark la Gaillarde, lading it with wheat. 
 The soldiers got drunk and misbehaved, and Bonaventure sent
 
 280 History of Nova-Scotia. I 75- 
 
 an order that they should not go on board ; but they coaxed the 
 ' habitant] and he let them into the vessel. When there they 
 compelled the sailors to take her to Boston, where they gave 
 themselves up to the enemy. He is anxious to have those 
 soldiers brought back and punished. 
 
 He says a small privateer from Boston had burned the dwel- 
 lings and almost the inhabitants who had begun to settle at 
 port Razoir, (Shelburne), and Laheve. He remarks on the 
 want of protection to settlers on the Eastern coast. 
 
 The chief of the Indians of Pentagoet arrived at Port Royal 
 with a Boston bark that he had taken. He had two bark 
 canoes and twelve men to effect this capture. Bonaventure 
 was obliged to give them brandy to promise them powder 
 and lead, and to supply them with a feast, at which the Cani- 
 bas and the Micmacs met and fraternized. The Micmacs pro- 
 mised to join them in war, and the Canibas gave the Micmacs 
 the prisoner, whom the latter were going to eat, (apparently ?) 
 until Bonaventure appeased them by a gift of four pots of 
 brandy. He states that he now has 33 prisoners taken by 
 privateers and by Indians on different occasions. He pro- 
 poses to send an officer with a party of soldiers to Grand-pre", 
 and to build a fort (reduit) there. He has given to the church 
 at Mines, as the royal gift, un ostensoir, un calice, un ciboire et 
 un ornement complet, (ostensorium, pyx, chalice and complete 
 ornaments for the Eucharist), in order to replace what the Eng- 
 lish had taken off. (Probably when colonel Church was there 
 in 1 704.) Bonaventure says, " I do not think the inhabitants " 
 " of St. Malo, or of other places, would engage to settle a " 
 " place like Chibouctou until they see that his majesty has laid " 
 " the foundations of a fort." He had ordered the seigneurial 
 rents of la banliene (the suburbs) to be paid to des Goutins for 
 the king, in opposition to the claims of M. de la Tour and 
 other seigneurs, and recommends that this money be given for 
 an hospital in Port Royal. He complains of the accusations 
 against madame de Freneuse and himself. Wishes to be tried 
 and punished if found guilty. Asks if it be just that the lady 
 should be banished as a wretched criminal if she be innocent. 
 She cannot go to live at the river St. John, which is wholly
 
 1705. History of Nova-Scotia. 281 
 
 deserted. She has the children of the sieur des Chauffeurs, 
 her father-in-law, (perhaps it should be brother-in-law, see 
 census of 1686), who has been nearly two years a prisoner at 
 Boston. She is bringing them up as her own. Although she 
 has little property, by her great management she maintains 
 all her family. Prays that he, and not she, may be removed. 
 Send him back to the navy, and let her remain. Such are his 
 remarks on this delicate subject. It seems to me that he 
 was unaware of the baptism of the boy having been formally 
 entered in the church record. 
 
 He suggests that the Indians should be taught fishing and 
 trades, as the New Englanders had done with their Indians ; 
 and that if they were settled, it should not be too far from the 
 fort, in case their aid should be wanted for defence. 
 
 In Sept'r., 1705, M. de Brouillan died at sea, (on his return 
 from France to Port Royal), near the entrance of Chibouctou bay 
 (Halifax), on board the king's ship le Profond, commanded by 
 M. Cauvet. His body was buried in the sea, but his heart was 
 taken out ; and on the 2 October, the Profond arrived at Port 
 Royal, where Bonaventure caused the heart to be interred on 
 3 October, with suitable honors, near the cross on the cape 
 where it was intended to build a chapel. Des Goutins writing 
 to the minister, 4 December, 1705, repels the charge of being 
 the head of a cabal against Brouillan. He says " three or " 
 " four friends, honest men, united by friendship for the plea- " 
 " sure of society, incapable of any kind of duplicity, on " 
 " account of their refusal to fall down and worship the Beast, " 
 " have been called caballers. I know that it was dangerous " 
 " to provoke a tyrant, at least if one is not in a position to " 
 " ruin him/ and that it is base to speak of it after he is no " 
 " more. On this account, my lord, I shall not tell you that " 
 " the public were unable to conceal their joy at his loss." He 
 speaks of his own services, and says he has six boys, the eldest 
 is 1 6, and assists him in all his duties. The sieur St. Aubin 
 died in the beginning of this year, at the house of an inhabi- 
 tant, who had received him through charity. Bonaventure, he 
 says, has not spared his purse or his provisions for the comfort 
 of the soldiers. He exclaims against the purchase of Villieu's
 
 282 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 house for the king at 3 or 4000 livres. It cost only 850 livres. 
 He says, the country is well rid of Villieu, who could always 
 be sick to escape duty, while he was at work at home at 
 carpenter and joiner's work. Bourgeois and Allain, who were 
 sent to Boston for French prisoners, brought back only two 
 Frenchmen and part of Castin's family, whom they left at Pen- 
 tagoet. Bonaventure, as commandant, going out of church to 
 light a bonfire on the public square, made des Goutins take a 
 torch to assist in doing so. This honor caused envy, jealousy 
 and discord. Madame Freneuse is going to France. She has 
 remained near a year up the river with an inhabitant. The 
 frigate la Biche was launched i December. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 (i.) 
 
 Subercase set out from Placentia over land 15 January, 1705, with 450 men 
 soldiers, Canadians, flibustiers and Indians to attack the English settlements in 
 Newfoundland. Each man carried his arms, a rug, and 20 days' provisions. 
 26 January they reached Renous and little harbor. They besieged St. John for 
 five weeks. It was defended by capt. Moody and 40 soldiers. They had to 
 raise the siege for want of powder, much having been spoiled in fording four 
 rivers. They burnt all the houses round the harbor. On 5 March they decamped, 
 and on their retreat burnt Ferrillon, and made the people prisoners. They car- 
 ried off 140 prisoners in all, besides doing much mischief in the small settlements. 
 [3 Charlevoix. 442. Douglas 1 Summary, 294. Hist. B. Empire in America, 145.] 
 
 (2.) 
 
 Le vaisseau du roi, le Profond, commande par M. Cauvet est arrive au Port 
 Royal le 2 Octobre. II m'apprit que la 22 Septembre, M. de Brouillan etait mort 
 a 1'entree de Chibouctou. I'ai rendu a son cceur, qui m'a etc apporte les hon- 
 neurs que j'ai cru devoir lui appartenir. 
 
 [Letter of M. Bonaventure^ 
 
 Ce troisieme jour d'Octobre de 1'annee mil sept cens cinq, a ete enterre le 
 cceur de messire Jacques Fra^ois de Brouillant, gouverneur de la province, 
 aupres de la Croix du cap, ou Ton doit batir une chapelle. II est decede quinze 
 jours auparavant dans le vaisseau nomme le Profond, a une journee de Chibouk- 
 tou. Les funerailles se sont faites avec les ceremonies accoutumees par moy 
 soubsigne faisant les fonctions curiales a Port Royal de 1'Acadie. 
 
 F. JUSTINIEN DURAND, 
 
 Recollet missionaire. 
 [From the register book of Port Royal.}
 
 1706. History of Nova-Scotia. 283 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 1706. In this year, 1706, a small vessel was sent from New 
 England to Nova Scotia, as a flag of truce, and William Rowse 
 was directed to effect an exchange of prisoners. After a long 
 stay there, he brought back seventeen prisoners, and on a 
 second voyage thither returned with seven more. Rowse, 
 Samuel Vetch, (afterwards a colonel and governor in Nova 
 Scotia), John Borland, a merchant of Boston, Roger Lawson, 
 John Philips, junior, and Ebenezer Coffin, were accused of 
 carrying on an unlawful trade with the enemy, and supplying 
 the French with ammunition and stores of war. Even gover- 
 nor Dudley was implicated in these statements. Instead of a 
 legal trial, the accused were brought before the council and 
 assembly, who assumed the jurisdiction. Governor Dudley 
 was declared innocent, by a resolution. His son, Paul Dudley, 
 was attorney general, and conducted the prosecution. The 
 result was, that bills of pains and penalties were passed by the 
 legislature against all the accused, who had been kept in close 
 custody. By these acts, William Rowse was sentenced to pay 
 a fine of ; 1200, and to be incapable of holding office. Bor- 
 land was fined ^noo; Lawson, .300; Vetch, ^200; Phi- 
 lips, ;ioo ; and Coffin, ;6o. All of these were to stand com- 
 mitted until the fines and costs of prosecution were paid. Six 
 separate acts passed to enforce this judgment. The acts were 
 all set aside by the Queen in Council, at Kensington, 24 Sep- 
 tember, 1707, as being an usurpation of the powers of the 
 ordinary courts of justice. The fines that had been paid were 
 also ordered to be restored. Rowse had suffered eighteen
 
 284 History of Nova-Scotia. 1706. 
 
 months imprisonment for want of security. [2 Hutchinson, 
 Mass., 154, 160.] The only proof against Dudley was that at 
 the request of the governor of Port Royal he had allowed 
 100 m. of nails to be shipped. On the 18 September, 51 pri- 
 soners were received from Boston at Port Royal, among whom 
 were d'Amboise and his family, and M. Gourdault, who had 
 some claims to the lands of the late M. St. Aubin. They were in 
 a condition of absolute destitution. Subercase was appointed 
 governor, and he and des Goutins appear to have got on ami- 
 cably. Madame Freneuse had been away, but returned to 
 Acadie in this year. Subercase sent her to a distance from 
 Port Royal. Des Goutins says: "There has not yet been" 
 " so much wheat collected in this country as during this year. " 
 " The inhabitants see more than ever the necessity there is " 
 " of attending to the uplands, and that if they had done so at " 
 " first, and worked as much on them as they have done on " 
 " the marshes, they would be incomparably more advanced, " 
 " and would not have been subject to the inconveniences " 
 " that happen to the marshes. The tide was so great on the " 
 "5th November last, that it overflowed all the marshes of" 
 " this country without exception, an occurrence that had not " 
 " taken place within the memory of man. This determines " 
 " them to think of the uplands. They know now that the " 
 " marshes, when abandoned, will yet produce hay, whereby " 
 " they may increase the number of their cattle, and obtain " 
 " manure for the uplands." Bonaventure was dissatisfied that 
 he had neither been confirmed as governor, nor promoted or 
 reappointed to his former naval command as he had solicited. 
 He says of Subercase, " His generous and obliging manners " 
 " attach every one to him in this country." Bonaventure com- 
 plains of Louis Allein for duplicity respecting the exchange 
 of prisoners, interfering by false representations to the gover- 
 nor at Boston. He further says, " This is not the only fault " 
 " he has committed. In the time of M. de Menneval he had " 
 " the audacity to take M. Perrot by the cravat and the hair, " 
 " and pull him to the ground at the very gate of the church " 
 " to strike madame Belleisle, the lady of Port Royal, and to " 
 " treat her in so unworthy a manner, that the priest who was "
 
 1706. History of Nova-Scotia. 285 
 
 " at the altar was constrained to quit it to tear her out of his " 
 " hands. He is one of the most wicked men that are here. " 
 " I have sent him to M. Vaudreuil, with the declarations that " 
 " have been made against him on this subject." Bonaventure 
 says : " Mr. Nelson, merchant at Boston, being indebted to " 
 " me in the sum of 5000 livres, which I had lent him at the " 
 "time of his imprisonment in France, wishing to make pay-" 
 " ment, had sent me by the packet boat, for 1300 livres, goods " 
 " consisting of cloth, scythes and pots." These he sold at 1 5 
 per cent, advance. This was in reply to charges of smuggling, 
 trading, &c. He asks for the cross of St. Louis, which Brou- 
 illan had for a letter of garde marine for his son Bonaventure, 
 and for leave to reside at Laheve, if it should be fortified, so 
 as to be near his grant of land. 
 
 M. de Subercase to the minister, 25 Deer., 1706: " That 
 "which concerns the sieur des Goutins on the subject of the 
 "pillage of the treasure in 1690. Port Royal having been 
 " taken in that year, by a species of capitulation they sur- 
 ' rendered, with the fort, and agreed to give account to the 
 " English, and deliver to them every thing as it stood. M. des 
 " Goutins, as he was treasurer, and foresaw that he would be 
 " called to account, as he was in fact, entrusted the king's 
 " money that was in his possession in the hands of an inhabi- 
 " tant, who concealed it in a pot in a corner of his garden, 
 " without the English having any knowledge of it. The Eng- 
 " lish called on M. des Goutins to shew the expenditure of the 
 "money which the king had sent out that year. He gave 
 " them an account, with which they were contented. In the 
 "year following, M. des Goutins having returned to Acadie 
 " with the sieur de Villebon, they proceeded in company to 
 " the inhabitant's house, who dug up the pot in their presence, 
 " and the money was counted. Out of this sum enough was 
 " taken to pay the salary of the sieur de Portneuf, lieutenant, 
 "and the balance was placed in the hands of the sieur de 
 " Bonaventure, who carried it to France, and by order from 
 " the court paid it over to M. de Lubert." He then explains 
 fully several charges made against des Goutins and Bonaven- 
 ture, shewing their integrity therein. He intimates that a
 
 286 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 falze zeal of the clergy had created hatred and slander in the 
 colony, and engendered disrespect to men in office there. 
 The hatred has been great against Bonaventure, and without 
 good cause. He thinks him weak as regards the fair sex, and 
 apt to ridicule others in his own defence ; but the proceedings 
 against him have been conducted in an unchristian spirit. 
 He blames Mandoux for meddling with temporal affairs. 
 " The church for a long time past has held here the right of" 
 " commanding, or at least of sharing the temporal authority, " 
 " and preserves always the dogmas of the ancient capuchins " 
 " who formerly ruled despotically. We have two Recollets, " 
 " one is our almoner, the other our cur6, who I think are very " 
 " honest men and good friars, and who assure me they are " 
 " disposed to cut up by the roots the tares which truly are " 
 " very abundant in their mission." He asks that Villieu, cide~ 
 vant major de tAcadie, may be employed out of the province. 
 His health is bad, and he wrote a disrespectful letter to M. 
 Bonaventure, undoubtedly under the influence of fever. 
 
 In the spring of 1707 an expedition was sent from New 
 England against Port Royal. Two regiments of militia were 
 raised for the purpose, under colonels Wainwright and Hilton, 
 the chief command being given to colonel March. The troops 
 embarked at Nantasket, a place in Boston bay, on the 24 May, 
 n. s., in twenty-three transports, convoyed by the Deptford, 
 man-of-war, of 50 guns, captain Stukeley, and the Province 
 Galley, captain Southack, and furnished with a number of 
 whale boats. Colonel Redknap was the engineer. They arri- 
 ved at the entrance of the basin on the 6 June. Subercase 
 had a guard there, consisting of fifteen men, who had only 
 time to get off under cover of the woods, and by the time they 
 reached the fort the enemy's fleet was seen coming to anchor 
 about a league from the place. The next day colonel March 
 landed with seven hundred men on the harbor side, a league 
 below the fort, and colonel Appleton with three hundred men 
 on the other side. (Such are the numbers in Hutchinson, but 
 Charlevoix calls them 1500 and 500.) 
 
 The French were taken by surprise, so secretly was the ex- 
 pedition prepared, and they were consequently much alarmed.
 
 1707. History of Nova-Scotia. 287 
 
 Subercase, however, by his shew of confidence, restored the 
 courage of his people. He then urged them to oppose the 
 advance of the enemy in the woods. This was the more 
 necessary as there were breaches in the work requiring repair. 
 It seems to have been a fatality at this place that its gover- 
 nors, however capable and vigilant, were almost always taken 
 unprovided for an attack. 
 
 Subercase, as soon as he perceived the hostile fleet, notified 
 the inhabitants to come in to his assistance, but those living 
 nearest did not get in until the evening of the seventh. As 
 fast as they came in he sent them off, part to the right and 
 part to the left, to skirmish with the enemy under cover of the 
 woods, so as to retard their approaches, in which they, the 
 French, were successful. On the eighth of June almost all 
 the inhabitants had come into the fort, which enabled the 
 governor to strengthen the detachments he had sent out. He 
 ordered them not to advance too far, but to keep it in their 
 power to regain the fort if too hardly pressed. They were 
 driven back, but not until they had killed many of the English. 
 It was the smaller body of English that first drove in the 
 French skirmishers, to whom the governor sent canoes and 
 boats to expedite their retreat. He then despatched them to 
 join the party which was engaged in keeping back the larger 
 English force. This body was headed by a Canadian gentle- 
 man, M. Denys de la Ronde, enseigne de vaisseatt and brother 
 of M. de Bonaventure. (He seems to be a relative of governor 
 Nicolas Denys.) After taking measures to arrest the progress 
 of the smaller English corps in their crossing the river, the 
 governor Subercase went himself to join M. Denys. On the 
 afternoon of that day they had a smart engagement, in which 
 M. Subercase's horse was killed under him. The French 
 lost one man killed and one wounded, but the English loss 
 was greater. The great superiority of numbers on the part of 
 the invaders compelled Subercase to retreat, which he did in 
 good order, and without being pursued. Two days then pas- 
 sed without any movement on the part of the English. On 
 the third day they approached the fort within a short distance, 
 and prepared to attack it. As the garrison was not sufficient
 
 288 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 to defend the fort and the houses in the vicinity, the governor 
 burned down several of the buildings which he could not guard, 
 and in which the besiegers might have sheltered themselves. 
 The following night, that of the tenth of June, the trench was 
 opened, and it was not possible to prevent it. On the eleventh 
 the governor sent out eighty men, inhabitants and Indians, 
 who divided themselves on both sides of the river, and getting 
 into ambush in the woods, stopped the progress of the Eng- 
 lish, who had been detached to kill the cattle. The baron de 
 St. Castin even advanced with six of the Canibas, in sight of 
 the enemy, killed six of their men, and then rejoining his 
 troops, charged the English with such resolution that he for- 
 ced them to go back to their camp in great disorder. Early 
 on the morning of the sixteenth of June a great movement 
 was perceived in the trenches, and the governor suspected that 
 the besiegers were forming some design for the coming night. 
 In fact, about ten, P. M., as the governor was finishing his 
 rounds, he was informed that a dull sound like that of men 
 marching was heard. He enjoined his people to keep profound 
 silence. The English began the attack by a heavy fire of 
 musketry, but at too great a distance. Under cover of this 
 fire, they sent on four or five hundred men to attack the 
 breaches, which they thought to find in a worse state than 
 they actually were. A few soldiers of the garrison having de- 
 serted to the enemy, they calculated on many more doing the 
 same, but in this they were disappointed. The cannon of the 
 fort playing briskly, induced the assailants to abandon the idea 
 of an assault, and the troops that had pushed on with that 
 object, finding the fire too heavy for them, retired. But be- 
 tween eleven o'clock and midnight, the governor perceived 
 that the fort was invested on all sides that the enemy were 
 posted in the ravines and little vallies that environed the place, 
 and that they were entrenched there so as to be secured from 
 cannon shot. This sight disturbed him in reality, but he stood 
 firm, and the English became in their turn apprehensive of 
 some mine being prepared. Not daring then to come close to 
 the ramparts, they tried to set fire to a frigate and some smaller 
 vessels that were at anchor under the guns of the fort. Find-
 
 1707. History of Nova-Scotia. 289 
 
 ing too much resistance there, they crept behind some build- 
 ings that remained standing regained their trenches, and 
 before day went back into their former camp. [2 Hutch., 
 Mass., 165. 4 Charlevoix, 1 7-2 1 .] The next day, which was the 
 1 7th June, as soon as the tide would permit, they re-embarked, 
 leaving 80 of their people dead in different places, besides seve- 
 ral who were found afterwards near their camp. They had 
 burned all the dwelling houses below the fort, besides several 
 of those that were above it, and carried off from the farms all 
 the cattle, but the greater part of these were retaken. 
 
 The saving of Port Royal on this occasion is attributed to 
 the timely arrival of sixty Canadians, who had got to the place 
 twelve hours before the English fleet anchored in the basin. 
 The inhabitants, who for three years previous had received 
 scarcely any succor from France, were for the most part ill 
 enough disposed ; and M. de Subercase wrote to the minister, 
 that if it had not been for the presence of the baron St. Castin 
 he knew not what would have been the result. He added that 
 the Micmac Indians were all naked, and that the Canibas and 
 Malecites would be in the same condition, but for a trade 
 they carried on through the Mahingans with the English, who 
 gave an // for every pound of their beaver, and they obtained 
 the European goods at cheap prices. Thus the enemies of 
 France supplied the necessities of her most faithful allies, 
 while the French allowed them to suffer the want of the neces- 
 saries of life. 
 
 Bonaventure was precluded from taking part in this defence 
 by an affection of the legs, as he states in his letter to the 
 minister, of 5 July, 1707. After quitting the siege, the Eng- 
 lish fleet and troops went to Casco bay. Colonel March wrote 
 thence to governor Dudley that he should stay there for further 
 orders, and threw the blame on his troops and officers of refu- 
 sing to assault the place. The report that preparations were 
 making at Boston for a public rejoicing on the presumed cap- 
 ture of Port Royal, is said to have induced him to stop. A 
 great clamor arose at Boston against March and Wainwright,, 
 and Appleton was also blamed. Stukely, the captain of the 
 Deptford, defended the conduct of the troops.. Dudley deter- 
 19
 
 290 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 mined to persevere, and in July sent three commissioners, 
 colonels Hutchinson and Townsend, and Mr. Leverett, who 
 embarked with one hundred recruits and some deserters. 
 When they got to Casco they found 743 men there, but seem- 
 ingly dispirited and unfit for service ; but the governor had 
 given express orders to proceed. Accordingly the English 
 fleet and army reached Passamaquoddy about the 18 August. 
 On Sunday, the 20 August, they got to Port Royal. March 
 was sick and dejected, and declined the command, which was 
 given to Wainwright, the next senior officer. The troops land- 
 ed on the side opposite to the fort. On Sunday afternoon 
 the English fleet was seen coming in and anchoring in the 
 basin in good order, and out of the reach of shot. This un- 
 locked for visit caused great consternation in the fort. Though 
 the garrison had been reinforced by the crew of a French 
 frigate, under the command of M. de Bonaventure, it was said 
 to have been thought rash to resist so great a force. Suber- 
 case was, however, not affected by this panic, and his resolute 
 conduct brought his followers gradually back to a greater firm- 
 ness of mind. His first difficulty was to reassemble the inha- 
 bitants, many of whom lived seven leagues away from the fort, 
 but the slow proceedings of the English afforded him leisure 
 enough for this purpose. They put off their landing until the 
 day after their arrival ; and the governor, not being certain as 
 to the place where they would come on shore, deemed it best 
 to keep not only his garrison, but the inhabitants who came in, 
 all together. 
 
 On the 21 August, at 10, A. M., twenty-four shallops or 
 pirogues, all filled with English soldiers, put off and landed 
 these men on the side opposite to the fort. They marched at 
 once across the woods, and encamped about a quarter of a 
 league above the fort, on the opposite side of the river. Suber- 
 case then ordered out a party of about eighty Indians and 
 thirty inhabitants, to follow the line of the river, cross it 
 half a league higher up, and place themselves in ambush in 
 such situations, that in case the enemy sent out detachments 
 to destroy the dwellings in that direction, they might fall upon 
 them easily. The English troops remained all the 22d in
 
 1707. History of Nova-Scotia. 291 
 
 their camp, to fortify themselves there. On the evening of 
 the 23d they detached a party, (Charlevoix says of 700 or 800 
 men, but it was probably much less), who marched, preceded 
 by a guard of ten soldiers, commanded by a lieutenant. This 
 officer not taking the precautions necessary in a wood with 
 which he was unacquainted, fell into an ambuscade, and was 
 killed, and so were eight of his guard. The two who remain- 
 ed were made prisoners, and were led to the governor's 
 presence. From one of them he learned that the enemy had 
 embarked their artillery in two small vessels, intending to 
 carry them above the fort, under cover of night. Upon this 
 information, he gave directions that fires should be lit along 
 the river during the time the tide was rising, and this measure 
 prevented the English artillery from being carried up. The 
 detachment mentioned, on the defeat and destruction of their 
 small advanced guard, did not venture to move on further, but 
 returned to the encampment. On the 24th, no person came 
 out of the camp, owing to the constant alarms given by the 
 garrison of the fort. 
 
 The condition in which the English were at this time is 
 described in a letter from colonel Wainwright to the commis- 
 sioners, dated August 14, (25 n. s.) [2 Hutch., Mass., 169.] : 
 " Our not recovering the intended ground on the opposite " 
 " side is a mighty advantage to the enemy ; in that they have " 
 " opportunity, and are improving it, for casting up trenches " 
 " in the very place where we designed to land and draw up " 
 " our small forces. Yesterday the French, about eight of the " 
 " clock, forenoon, on the Fort point, with a small party of St. " 
 " John's Indians, began to fire on our river guards, and so " 
 " continued until about three, afternoon. There appeared " 
 " about one hundred Indians and French upon the same " 
 " ground, who kept continually firing at us until dark. Sev- " 
 " eral were shot through their cloaths, and one Indian through " 
 " the thigh. About four in the afternoon I suffered a num- " 
 " ber of men, about forty or fifty, to go down to the bank of " 
 " the river, to cut thatch to cover their tents. All returned " 
 " well, except nine of captain Dimmock's men, who were led " 
 " away by one Mansfield, a mad fellow, to the next plantation "
 
 292 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 " to get cabbages in a garden, without the leave and against " 
 " the will of his officer. They were no sooner at their plun- " 
 " der but they were surrounded by at least one hundred " 
 " French and Indians, who, in a few minutes, killed every " 
 " one of them," (could this have been the affair of the 23rd., 
 in the French narrative ?) " their bodies being mangled in a " 
 " frightful manner. Our people buried them, and fired twice " 
 " upon the enemy, on which they were seen to run towards our " 
 " out-guards next the woods, which we immediately strength- " 
 " ened. Indeed, the French have reduced us to the same " 
 ' state to which we reduced them at our last being at Port " 
 " Royal surrounded with enemies, and judging it unsafe to " 
 " proceed on any service without a company of at least one " 
 " hundred men." The letter then goes on to give a dismal 
 account of the sickness and despondency of the besiegers. 
 Even the Indians who were with them threatened to leave. 
 Colonel Wainwright complains of the small number of his 
 forces, also of having a bad cold himself. He concludes thus : 
 " If we had the transports with us, it would be impossible, " 
 " without a miracle, to recover the ground on the other side, " 
 " and I believe the French have additional strength every " 
 " day. In fine, most of the forces are in a distressed state, " 
 " some in body and some in mind ; and the longer they are " 
 " kept here on the cold ground, the longer it will grow upon " 
 " them ; and I fear the further we proceed, the worse the " 
 " event. God help us." Captain Stukely had promised to 
 lead one hundred of his men, but the bad state of affairs indu- 
 ced him to withdraw them before the 2 5th. 
 
 On the 25 August, the bombs discharged from the fort com- 
 pelled the English to quit their encampment, and they then 
 took post opposite to the fort ; but Subercase gave them no 
 rest in this position, as he saw their endeavors to erect bat- 
 teries there of cannon and mortars. On the 26th, they remo- 
 ved half a league lower down, when the governor sent out a 
 detachment which killed three of their sentries, and obliged 
 them to decamp a third time. They then encamped out of 
 reach of the cannon of the fort, but were still harrassed by 
 several small bodies of French. On the 29th, the English
 
 1707. History of Nova-Scotia. 293 
 
 seemed busy entrenching themselves ; but on the 3Oth, at four 
 p. M., they all re-embarked. Subercase suspected their inten- 
 tion to make a landing on the other side of the river, and he 
 sent over all the men he had to that side. On the 3ist, at 
 sun rise, the English troops went on shore, (on the Fort side), 
 under protection of the guns of their fleet, and at once began 
 their march. Before them was a point of land covered with 
 woods, in which the baron de St. Castin lay in ambush with 
 one hundred and fifty men. He suffered them to approach 
 within pistol shot, and then fired three consecutive vollies. 
 They bore the fire with an intrepidity which he had not expec- 
 ted, and appeared resolved to force a passage at whatever loss, 
 but eventually they desisted, and a little while after they were 
 seen on the retreat. Subercase next sent out le sieur de la 
 Boularderie, (Louis Simon de St. Aubin le Poupet, chevalier 
 de la Boularderie, enseigne de vaisseau et capitaine cCune com- 
 pagnie, &c.} This officer took with him one hundred and fifty 
 men to reinforce St. Castin. Subercase followed in person 
 with one hundred and twenty more, leaving the fort in charge 
 of M. de Bonaventure. He then advanced to observe the 
 enemy, and he remarked that they were filing off towards the 
 shallops waiting on them. He ordered Boularderie to fol- 
 low them, and if they attempted to embark, to charge them. 
 This officer, burning with impatience to engage his opponents, 
 marched too fast, and began the attack with only sixty or 
 eighty of his men at the utmost He jumped into one of 
 their entrenchments, carried it, and killed some of the English. 
 Excited by his first success, he cast himself into a second 
 entrenchment, where he received a sabre cut in the body and 
 another in his hand. St. Castin and Saillant took his place ; 
 a severe hand to hand conflict with hatchets and the butt ends 
 of muskets ensued, and the enemy (to the number of 1400 or 
 1500 men, as stated by Charlevoix), retreated at least 150x3 
 paces towards their shallops. Meanwhile, some of the Eng- 
 lish officers, ashamed of the retreat of their men before inferior 
 numbers, rallied them and brought them back on the French, 
 who then were retiring towards the woods, because St. Castin 
 and Saillant had both been wounded. (Antoine de Saillan,
 
 294 History of Nova-Scotia. 1707. 
 
 enseigne de compagnie, was married 18 July, 1707, to Anne 
 Mius de Poubomcou, and died of his wounds, 8 Sept., 1707, see 
 parish register of Port Royal.) The French seeing the enemy 
 coming back, faced round and showed so much resolution that 
 the English did not venture to come to close quarters, but 
 fired several vollies at them, and withdrew again. Subercase 
 availed him of this opportunity to withdraw his wounded and 
 rest his troops. At the end of an hour he sent one Granger, 
 an inhabitant and a very brave man, to head Boularderie's de- 
 tachment and attack the English, who did not wait for his 
 coming up, but embarked hastily and in confusion. The same 
 day the greater part of the fleet hoisted their anchors and went 
 out of the basin, and on the first of September the whole Eng- 
 lish fleet were outside. The French supposed that they cast 
 their dead into the sea, in the bay of Fundy. [4 Charlevoix r 
 24-29.] The French estimated their loss in this (August) 
 siege, which lasted fifteen days, at three men killed and woun- 
 ded. The English acknowledged sixteen of their men killed, 
 and as many wounded. The officers of the Deptford were 
 blamed for neglect of duty. \History B. Empire in America* 
 
 P- I77-] 
 
 While the English colonists, were so eager to conquer the 
 
 French possessions in this quarter, their own government ap- 
 pears to have been supine and indifferent as to their comfort and 
 protection. The French king's ships, which arrived at Port 
 Royal a little while after the siege was raised,, brought out no- 
 merchandises either for the use of the inhabitants or for the 
 Indians. This embarrassed the governor, who had made large 
 promises to both at the time of the siege, in order to secure 
 their help in defending the place, and he was now left without 
 means to fulfil his engagements. He stated, in his letter to 
 the minister, that he had been under the necessity of giving 
 away his shirts and bed clothes, and generally everything that 
 he could possibly dispense with, to relieve actual misery among 
 the poorest of the people. He added that no time was to be 
 lost, if it was intended to make a permanent settlement in 
 Acadie, a colony that would become the source of the greatest 
 trade to the kingdom. That New England had that year sent
 
 1707. History of Nova-Scotia. 295 
 
 out a fleet of sixty ships, laden with codfish, for Spain and the 
 Mediterranean, and that a larger fleet was soon about to sail 
 for the West Indies ; and that the English, while defeated in 
 their attempt to conquer the province, were nevertheless draw- 
 ing great riches from it, while the French had no advantage 
 whatever. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 (i.) 
 
 ABSTRACT OF LETTER. 
 
 M. des Goutins to the minister, 23 December, 1 707 : 
 
 Allein claimed from the king 1 100 livres for his house, which Bonaventure had 
 pulled down as being too near the fort ; and 999 livres for materials supplied the 
 crown. Des Goutins calls it an old house of 28x22 feet, covered with boards, 
 enclosed with planks of 4 inches thick, half rotten a chimney of earth a very 
 bad floor below a partition of plain boards, and two closets of boards not moul- 
 ded. It never cost Allein more than 400 livres, and 350 1. would pay him well 
 for it. As to his other demand, he can receive it from M. de Fountaineau by 
 sending his power of attorney, the money lying in his hands. But he shows that 
 400 1. out of the 999 is an unfair demand. He states that 43 families are destitute 
 of blankets and of iron pots, owing to losses on the English coming and their 
 taking to the woods, and the supply of these articles has been exhausted for 
 months back. The issue of paper money was unavoidable. Subercase is doing 
 everything to call it in. They had no pots, scythes, sickles, knives, nor iron, in 
 the country not a hatchet, nor a kettle for the Indians, nor salt for the inhabi- 
 tants. They would be lucky if the enemy would sell them goods again for their 
 beaver, but Subercase is opposed to it, and the people will not deal with the enemy. 
 The dry season stopped all the saw mills. Des Goutins has to keep his accounts, 
 &c., in a little office without a chimney, exposed to the cold. The people from 
 Mines and Beaubassin had to go home without procuring the clothing they ex- 
 pected. Des Goutins had to give away his cloak and two justaucorps, keeping 
 one suit only. He had a bale of goods in the ship, which was thrown overboard. 
 With respect to the church, the house of M. de Villieu, which had been used for 
 that purpose, having been burnt, they were reduced to the chapel of the fort, and 
 as that was part of the lodgings appointed for the lieutenant du Roi, it had been 
 given up since the arrival of madame de Bonaventure, and a chapel has been fitted 
 up in one end of the new casernes, which answers for chapel and parish church ; 
 but it is so small that it is barely sufficient for the people of the fort ; and as there 
 is but one mass performed, the half of the people are at the door. He then gives
 
 296 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 an account of a wreck near cape Fourchu, which three sons of le sieur de Pobom- 
 coup had visited, &c. " The sieur Jacques Mius de Pobomcoup is a native of 
 " this country, son of sieur Philippe d'Entremont, native of Normandy, deceased 
 " seven years ago, at the age of 99 years and some months. He had not lost a 
 " tooth. He had been major under the late mons. de la Tour, governor of this 
 " country. Since that he, for 18 years, was procureur du Rot, until old age ren- 
 " dered him incapable. The sieur du Pobomcoup is married to the demoiselle 
 " Anne de la Tour de St. Etienne. Of this marriage there are four big boys, 
 " four big girls, and a little girl of ten. This sieur has a share in the seigneurie 
 " of Port Royal, conjointly with the messrs. de la Tour and other co-seigneurs. 
 " Since the war he has carried on no commerce, and if he had wherewithal to 
 " carry on the fishery, he, his children, and the inhabitants of that neighborhood 
 " might do so without risking much, even in the severest war. The English do 
 " not go near his settlement on account of the Indians, and they would not fit out 
 " an expedition expressly to attack him." He refers to the siege. " You know, 
 " my lord, the first siege had exhausted us after the example of M. de Subercase. 
 " His house was open to everybody. The sick found everything necessary there, 
 " and he caused their broths to be made in his presence. This put them in the 
 " spirit of doing their best, and those who did not act were much mortified in mis- 
 sing the opportunity." He praises highly M. Consolin, aide d'artillerie, and M. 
 Jacquet, master gunner. He transmits census of Port Royal, Mines, Beaubassin, 
 and Cobequette, (a new settlement.) Subercase has sent that of the Indians, and 
 of the inhabitants of cape Sable, and the East coast. (It is to be regretted that 
 we have no copy of this census.) We send to France 35 English prisoners ; 
 there remain here yet, 18. Mentions provisions sent to Port Royal per captain 
 Morpain, armateur de St. Domingue, (privateer of St. Domingo.) " I have spo- 
 " ken to M. de Subercase on the subject of the dame de Freneuse. He answered 
 " me positively, and word for word, that it is a fine conversion, and that the 
 " priests were content with it, and charmed with her conduct. This has extremely 
 " surprized me, and not to contradict M. de Subercase, but it is not consistent 
 " with their having petitioned him fifteen days ago to make her go away. He 
 " incessantly thunders and cries, and M. de Subercase has said to me more than 
 " twenty times in the course of the year, that he was going to send her to a dis- 
 " tance that M. de Bonaventure had broken his word to him," 
 
 Des Goutins praises his own son, now beginning his twentieth year. Says he was 
 distinguished in the siege, and has helped him without pay in the king's stores 
 for three and a half years, begs a lieutenancy and keepership of stores for 
 him. " The distinguished youth of this country would no longer have " 
 " room to say that employments are for them alone, and they will know that " 
 " virtue will suffice to attain to them. This would give me room to bring up " 
 " more easily my numerous family of six boys and four girls, who would join " 
 " their vows to those of their father for the preservation of your Excellency." 
 
 Port Royal, 23 Dec'r., 1707. 
 
 Pierre de Morpain, commander of the marquis de Beaupre, was married 13 
 August, 1709, to dlle. Marie d' Amour de Chofour, daughter of the late Louis 
 d' Amour, ecuyer, and sieur de Chauffour, and of the late dame Marguerite 
 Guyon. (Reg. parish Port Royal.)
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 297 
 
 (2.) 
 
 A French and Indian party attacked Haverhill, on the Merrimack, on the gth 
 Sept.. 1708, n. s., killed, as the French state, 100, as the English, 42 took many 
 prisoners, burning and plundering. De Chaillons and Hertel de Rouville com- 
 manded the party. They were met by the English on their retiring, nine or 
 ten French killed, and some prisoners recovered. [2 Hutch.. Mass., 172, 173.] 
 
 (3-) 
 
 Grant 2 May, 1707. to Charles Morin, on the river Listigouche, in the bay of 
 Chaleurs, made by Vaudreuil and Raudot, of two leagues square, &c. Confirmed 
 by royal brevet of 20 May, 1708. 
 
 Grant of 4 May, 1707, to sieur Thomas Lefevre, of two leagues front, three 
 leagues in depth, from point Meniquet to the river St. George, in Acadie, (the 
 original grant of which from Calliere and Beauharnois had been burnt.) Con- 
 firmed also by royal brevet of 20 May, 1708. 
 
 (40 
 
 Par devant nous Jean Chrisostome Loppinot, conseiller procureur du Roy et 
 notaire royal a L'acadie y resident au Port Royal et temoins cy bas nommes furent 
 presents Mr. Fra^ois Duvivier enseigne des vaisseaux de sa Majeste et capitaine 
 d'une compagnie franche de la marine en garnison au fort Royal de 1'Acadie et 
 dame Marie Mius, son epouse par luy autorisee a 1'effet des presentes, lesquels ont 
 reconnu et confesse avoir vendu, cede, quitte, transporte et delaisse des mainte- 
 nant & a toujours, promis garentir de tous troubles et empechements generalle- 
 ment quelconques a Jean Francois fflanc, habitant du Port Royal a ce present 
 acceptant, retenant pour luy, ses hoirs et ayant causes, savoir est un emplacement 
 de terre, sur le bord de la riviere du Dauphin y tenant d'un bout et ayant de front 
 sur la ditte riviere, soixante dix sept pieds, d'autre bout allant en pointe jusqu' 
 aux piquets de Pelerin d'un cote a la terre de mons'r. de la Boularderie borne par 
 une roche sous laquelle est trois morceaux de machefer et par en bas, a un petit 
 piquet, la ditte roche mise et posee par monsieur de Labat, Ingenieur pour le Roy 
 a 1' Acadie, et d'autre cote au sieur Louis d'Amour et le sieur de Chofour a pren- 
 dre a la masure de defunt St. Onge, qui lui appartient presentement qui est a trois 
 pieds de la maison dont cy dessous va etre fait mention et ou ils ont pareillement 
 plant^ des piquets. Et en outre luy vendent la maison qui se trouve sur la ditte 
 terre en 1'etat qu'elle est. Cette vente et cession faite moyennant le prix et somme 
 de deux cents livres que les dits vendeurs confessent avoir re9us du dit sieur 
 Aquereur, dont ils le quittent et dechargent. en en outre a la charge des lotz et 
 ventes. Les dits vendeurs luy garantissant la ditte terre sur 1'hypoteque de tous 
 leur biens present et a venir, promettant et obligeant et a ce renonceant. Ce fait 
 et passe au Port Royal ce trentieme du mois de Mars mil sept cents sept en pre- 
 sence du sieur de Belleisle, seigneur en partie de 1'Acadie, et de Alain de la Motte 
 marchand demeurant au Port Royal temoins qui ont avec les parties signe a la 
 minute des presentes demeurant divers nous : 
 
 LOPPINOT. 
 Pr. Indus du Greff. 
 
 Scele ce 31 Mars, 1707.
 
 298 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 I, the before named John ffrancis fflanc, hereby transfer and convey my right 
 to the before mentioned premisses & priviledges thereunto belonging in favour of 
 Mr. Samuell Douglass, gunner in the garrison of Annapolis Royall, his heirs and 
 assigns for ever. As witness my hand and seal this 25th of May, 1733. 
 
 J. FFLANC. 
 
 Signed and sealed before us, October the 30. 
 
 GEO. MITCHELL. 
 WALTER Ross. 
 WM. SHIRREFF, Sec'y. 
 
 Before me, Jean Chrisostome Loppinot, counsellor, procureur du Roi, and 
 royal notary inAcadie, residing there at PortRoyal, and the witnesses under named, 
 were present monsieur Franfois Duvivier, ensign of vessels of his majesty, and 
 captain of a free company of the marine in garrison at fort Royal in Acadie, and 
 the lady Marie Mius, his wife, by him authorized to the effect of these presents, 
 who have acknowledged and confessed to have sold, yielded, quitted, transferred 
 and released from the present time and for ever, promised to warrant from all 
 troubles and hindrances in general whatsoever, to Jean Fran9ois fflanc, inhabitant 
 of Port Royal, at this present time accepting and retaining, for him, his heirs and 
 assigns, that is to say, a lot of land on the bank of the Dauphin river, measuring 
 at one end fronting on said river seventy-seven feet, on the other end running to 
 a point as far as the pickets of Pelerin ; on one side reaching to the land of mon- 
 sieur de la Boularderie, bounded by a rock, under which are three pieces of 
 machefer, (iron dross, scorize from a smithy), and downwards to a little picket, said 
 rock having been put and placed by M. de Labat, engineer for the king in Acadie; 
 and on the other side to the property of sr. Louis d' Amour and the sieur de Cho- 
 four, to be bounded by the ruins of the house of the deceased St. Onge, which 
 now belongs to him, which is three feet from the house hereinafter mentioned, 
 and where pickets are also planted. And besides they sell him the dwelling house 
 which is on the said lot, in the condition it is now in. This sale and cession is 
 made for the price of two hundred livres, which the said vendors acknowledge 
 they have received from the said purchaser, and acquit and discharge him from the 
 same, subject to the charge of lotz et ventes. The said vendors warranting him 
 the said land, on hypothecation of all their effects, present and future, promising 
 and obliging, and to this purpose renouncing. 
 
 Thus done and passed at Port Royal, this thirtieth of the month of March, 
 one thousand seven hundred and seven, in presence of the sieur de Belleisle, part 
 seigneur of Acadie, and of Alain de la Motte, merchant, dwelling at Port Royal. 
 Witnesses, who have with the parties signed the minute of these presents, re- 
 maining with me. 
 
 Sealed this 3ist March, 1707. 
 
 LOPPINOT. 
 Pr. inclus du Greff, (as entered in the registry.)
 
 1708. History of Nova-Scotia. 299 
 
 CHAPTER XXXV. 
 
 1708. After the two sieges in 1707, Subercase, in the year 
 following, had only to encounter rumors of invasion. In con- 
 sequence of this, he got the man-of-war, the Venus, anchored 
 fast under the fort, and employed her crew, the soldiers of the 
 garrison and the inhabitants, in repairing the works. Two- 
 thirds of the Canadians who were in the Venus deserted. The 
 Loire, ship of war, arrived, without bringing any goods for the 
 inhabitants ; but a prize taken by the Venus supplied an abun- 
 dance for the French and also the Indians. Subercase told the 
 Indians that the presents they received would be in proportion 
 to their merits. This induced sixty or eighty of them to take 
 up the hatchet and to kill five or six English on the frontier. 
 He says the only way to lead the Indians into war is by fur- 
 nishing them with goods, as the English attract them to their 
 side by selling them goods cheap. An Indian of Beaubassin 
 found along the shore a sum of 4000 or 5000 piastres. Suber- 
 case induced him to send him part of it. Indians must not 
 think you fear them. Twenty-two years' experience had 
 taught him that they act best when treated firmly. " The " 
 " missionaries pretend that whatever wrong the Indians do " 
 " they learned from the French. For my part I am persua- " 
 " ded that the least wicked of the Indians is much more so " 
 " than the worst of the French." This remark shows how 
 deeply prejudiced a man of ability may become. The unhappy 
 Micmac was stimulated by white men to a ferocious and cruel 
 border war, bribed and hired to perpetrate midnight murders 
 of whole families in the frontier settlements, and to devastate
 
 300 History of Nova-Scotia. 1 708. 
 
 the fishing settlements of the English in Newfoundland. Of 
 these horrors and atrocities, Subercase, by his own statement, 
 was an active instigator. Yet he would condemn the illiterate 
 Indian, while in his own nation such noblemen as the d' Amours 
 were disgracing the French name. 
 
 During this whole summer the governor had to support 
 more than two hundred and fifty extra hands, both French and 
 Indian, chiefly for repairing the fort. He made a powder 
 magazine, capable of holding 60,000 Ibs. of powder, which he 
 considered bomb proof. He erected a building of 80 feet long 
 by 33 in depth, one half of which was to be fitted up for a 
 chapel, the remainder to become lodgings for the almoner, the 
 surgeon, and M. de Goutins. The barracks which had been 
 begun, were completed, and the interior finished. In August, 
 governor Dudley wrote from Boston to Subercase. He de- 
 fends himself from the charge of ill-using prisoners. He 
 claims the territory of Kennebec and Pentagouet, as English, 
 and denies that the Indians of that region belong to the gov- 
 ernment of Acadie. Referring to the siege of Port Royal in 
 1707, he says : " I am much surprized at what you state on " 
 " the subject of the entrails of M. de Brouillan, which are " 
 " buried near your fort. It was a dead man who was found on " 
 " a declivity of a hill where my troops had resolved to post " 
 " themselves, was the cause of it. For seeing the cross so " 
 " near, they opened the earth at the foot of the said cross to " 
 " bury this corpse, and in opening the ground they perceived " 
 " a box, and not knowing what it might be, not being accus- " 
 " tomed to see a coffer of this kind, they looked inside it, so " 
 " that you ought to regard this as the effect of curiosity and " 
 " mistake." 
 
 " On this subject, I must give you the particulars of an " 
 " attempt of M. de Brouillan. About five years since I had " 
 " gone to Casco bay to make an agreement with the Indians " 
 " of my government. There came to that place two French- " 
 " men of Port Royal, to whom M. de Brouillan had promised " 
 " two hundred pistoles to kill me. These Frenchmen came " 
 " to Casco bay, disguised as Indians, and were present when " 
 " I was making my agreement, but their hearts failed them "
 
 1708. History of Nova-Scotia. 301 
 
 " in what they had undertaken. Some time after, one of the " 
 " two, being a prisoner, and brought here, acknowledged it " 
 " to me in my house on his knees ; and if since that time the " 
 " heart of M. Brouillan comes out of the ground, you and all " 
 " his friends ought to consider its grandeur for me," (en doivent 
 considtrer la grandeur pour moi.) " I hate inhumanity, and " 
 " even punish it." He says Allain attempted to induce negroes 
 at Boston to run away. That being afterwards captured, and 
 coming to Boston destitute, he, Dudley, assisted him, and sent 
 him home. He says he gives up to each French governor the 
 prisoners belonging to his government only. He acknowled- 
 ges a present of wine from Subercase. In a letter from Cos- 
 tabelle, the governor of Placentia, to Subercase, 3 November, 
 1708, he says : " M. Rouville has performed marvels on the " 
 " side of Boston, with a party of 200 men. He took a fort " 
 " from the English, putting them all to the edge of the sword " 
 " or the tomahawk," (hache}, " and in his retreat he forced an " 
 " ambuscade of about 200 English, of whom but three or four " 
 " made their escape." Subercase, in writing to the minister 
 in December, says : " An expedition, said to have been con- " 
 " ducted this year by the Canadians and Indians on the river " 
 " Maramet, (Merrimac ?) situated between Salem and Pesca- " 
 " dout, (Piscataqua), where, it is said, the French cut the " 
 " throats of four or five hundred persons, without giving quar- " 
 " ter to women or children." He says the inhabitants of 
 Acadie are terribly afraid that the English will take revenge 
 on them. Subercase doubts the truth of the story. 
 
 Subercase thought the fisheries of Acadie of more value than 
 those of Newfoundland. He says that 300 New England vessels 
 had fished this summer on the banks and shore of Acadie, and 
 they all had an abundant catch. He says the land is good and 
 fertile, and produces every thing that France does, except 
 olives. There is an abundance of grain, and an inexhaustible 
 supply of wood of all sizes for building. All along the coast 
 there are fine harbors, easy of entrance. He proposes Laheve 
 as a chief port and place for building vessels, and another 
 place as a post at St. George's river. The people here, he 
 says, are excellent workmen with the axe and adze. They
 
 3O2 History of Nova-Scotia. 1708. 
 
 only want a few master shipwrights and caulkers to set them 
 right. He mentions another port, about three leagues from 
 the little passage of Canceau, called Mocoudom, (Country 
 Harbor ?) and another at English Harbor, in Cape Breton, 
 (Louisbourg.) He urged the forming of companies in the 
 French sea ports to settle colonies here, &c. He would 
 invest a million in it, if he had it, in this, as a sure business. 
 
 Subercase, in a letter to the minister of 25 December, 1708, 
 proposed that a swift sailing man-of-war, of 56 guns and 450 
 seamen, should be sent out to cruise with the Venus. She 
 would make a million yearly in prizes would probably cap- 
 ture the Boston frigate enable him to fortify Laheve ; and if, 
 as he believes, settlers came here in consequence, he would, 
 with these helps, capture Rhode Island, which, he says, is 
 inhabited by rich quakers, and is the resort of rascals and even 
 pirates. He says Costabelle ought not to detain the Venus, 
 as she was sent out for this coast in lieu of la Biche, (the Hind), 
 which had been built at an immense expense out of the colony 
 funds. (Below is written, " all this might be good, but the 
 difficulty is as to vessels and money. Begin. Let the two 
 governors of Acadie and Placentia be agreed as to the Venus.) 
 The English vessels took wood and water along the eastern 
 coast One went into port Razoir (Shelburne) in October 
 burnt a man's house carried off the man, and sent him to 
 Subercase with letters from the governor of Boston. Suber- 
 case prepared to build a vessel, to be finished in the ensuing 
 summer, according to orders he had received from M. Begon, 
 the intendant of Canada. (Michel Begon de la Picardiere, 
 intendant of Canada 1712 to 1726.) He says : " I never in " 
 " my life received an order to send away from here the dame " 
 " de Freneuse, until I got one by the arrival of the Venus. " 
 " This I did not fail to execute eight days after, even before " 
 " the rivers were free of ice. She is in Canada since the " 
 " month of May last. I can assure you, on the faith of a man " 
 " of honor, that M. de Bonaventure wished it as much as any " 
 " one, at least as far as I could judge by his conduct before " 
 " and since the order came." Bonaventure's wife was living 
 at Port Royal at this time, as we find by a baptismal entry
 
 1708. History of Nova-Scotia. 303 
 
 ii Nov., 1708. Dame Jeanne Jannier, wife of sieur Denis de 
 Bonaventure was present as godmother to Magdelaine de Gou- 
 tin, daughter of Matthew de Goutin, lieut gen'L, (i. e. Judge.) 
 " I think, my lord, that I should not act as an honest man if" 
 " I did not inform you that nothing can be so wicked as all " 
 " they have said against him" (M. de Bonaventure.) " Altho' " 
 " I am his servant and his friend, I should not have haggled " 
 " about it a quarter of an hour if I had room to suspect him " 
 " of a want of fidelity to his majesty ; and I can swear to you " 
 " besides that the illness he suffered when the English were " 
 " here was very real, as he had his leg swollen to the size of " 
 " his thigh, and I saw it dressed (fianse) ten times. What " 
 " has vexed me most in all is this, that I have seen these acts " 
 " of calumny take their flight from a quarter whence the in- " 
 " fluences of love and charity ought alone to proceed, and " 
 " that they have pushed the matter as far as hell could desire, " 
 " having brought upon the stage devotees to whom M. de " 
 " Bonaventure never spoke in his life. I may swear to you, " 
 " my lord, on the word of a man of honor, that I ascertained " 
 " as exactly as it was possible for me to know, if there had " 
 " been any children of madame Freneuse. I have learned, " 
 " as everybody knows, that there is one who is large and fat, " 
 " and who is marvellously healthy. I have not heard any one " 
 " express a suspicion that she had had another ; but only " 
 " father Patrice, superior of this mission, told me on coming " 
 " here, that they suspected him of having had the dame de " 
 " Freneuse bled in the foot, and that if this matter were pur- " 
 "sued it might lead to serious results. The vehemence of" 
 " his manner led me to doubt the assertion he made, and a " 
 " little while after I saw him vexed at what he had said to " 
 " me, even begging me not to believe it ; that these were " 
 " rumors that had been current, but that they were without " 
 " foundation ; that in fact the scandalous connection he had " 
 " had with the said lady had led some persons to push their " 
 " remarks a little too far." Des Goutins says : " The dame " 
 " de Freneuse went to Canada in the month of July last, and " 
 " we have learned that she arrived there. It is positively " 
 " known that M. de Bonaventure has had a child by this "
 
 304 History of Nova-Scotia. 1708. 
 
 " woman. They are bringing it up at an inhabitant's, at the " 
 " upper part of the river. It is very true that M. de Bonaven- " 
 " ture was alone present at the birth of the child, and that " 
 " being embarrassed, he called in the demoiselle Barrat and " 
 " her maid servant. They ran to tell the late M. de Brou- " 
 " illan, who was then at supper, and who was there imme- " 
 " diately. They sent this child the same day to the upper " 
 "part of the river, to the house of an inhabitant, where it" 
 " now is." 
 
 It was intended to build a war vessel at Port Royal in the 
 ensuing spring. Subercase complains that scandal has at- 
 tacked both his religious faith and his loyalty. He says that 
 Brouillan never spent a sous on his grant on the coast, 7 or 8 
 leagues from Laheve. Pensens, his legatory heir, asks for it, 
 but Subercase wishes to get it himself. The crown had promi- 
 sed 4000 livres to build the church and presbytire. Subercase 
 thinks they had better not build a church until peace. There 
 was a sum of 500 6cus granted annually by the king for missions : 
 100 each goes to the cur6s of Port Royal, Mines and Beaubassin ; 
 100 to Gaulin, missionary for the Micmacs ; and 100 at the 
 disposal of the bishop. He praises Gaulin, and says he ought 
 to be better paid, having no tithes or fees. He recommends 
 M. de St. Castin, who is kept out of his estate in France, 
 under pretence of illegitimacy, although he has the certificates 
 of the missionaries and full evidence of his heirship. " This " 
 " poor boy has to do with the first chicanier of Europe, and " 
 " lieutenant general of the town of Oleron, in Bearne, who " 
 " for long years enjoys this property. He recommends St. " 
 " Castin to be made lieutenant general of Pentagouet, with a " 
 " salary, as he is very useful there." (These lieutenant gen- 
 eralships were not military but judicial offices.) Subercase 
 reports of his officers that two or three were insane, and one 
 or two others useless or unmanageable. He says : " I am " 
 " in despair to find myself in such a situation, and by the " 
 " account I give you, you will know, my lord, that I have " 
 " been in as much need of mad houses as of barracks ; but " 
 " what gives me more trouble than all, is, that I fear that the " 
 " evil spirit of this country may cause my brain to be turned, "
 
 1708-9. History of Nova-Scotia. 305 
 
 " in my turn." He says that three-fourths of the soldiers are 
 boys from Paris, whose parents have sent them out for mis- 
 behavior. In this year Subercase caused 2,228 livres to be 
 distributed among the most necessitous of the inhabitants, to 
 buy cattle, to replace those that were killed when the English 
 came here. Loppinot, procureur du Roi, complained that his 
 salary was only 100 livres, while his predecessor, Dubreuil, 
 had 300. He estimates his losses by fire in the English inva- 
 sion at over 10,000 livres. 
 
 1709. M. de St. Ovide, king's lieutenant at Placentia, 
 nephew of the late M. de Brouillan, set out on 14 December, 
 
 1708, with one hundred and seventy men to attack the English 
 fort at St. John's, N. F. He arrived there on the ist January, 
 
 1709, [4 Charlevoix, 43, 2 Garneau, 21], and reconnoitering the 
 place by moonlight, resolved to attack it. There were three 
 forts, one recently built. The two older ones were carried at 
 once, and the new one surrendered in twenty-four hours. M. 
 Costabelle, the governor of Placentia, sent an order to blow up 
 the works, which was accordingly done. Carbonniere was the 
 only place left to the British in the island, and a corsair of 
 Placentia, Gaspard Bertran, was sent against it. He failed in 
 this enterprize, and was killed. His men, however, captured 
 a well laden British ship. [4 Charlevoix, 65, 67.] 
 
 Mr. Vetch, who had been in England in 1708, soliciting aid 
 for the conquest both of Canada and Acadie, was made a 
 colonel, and returned to New England in the spring of 1 709,. 
 to make preparations. He brought with him her majesty's, 
 commands, dated 28 February, 1708-9, to Rhode Island, &c. 
 Rhode Island raised 200 men. {Rhode Island Records, zW. 5,. 
 /. 32.] Colonel Francis Nicholson, who had been engaged in 
 the frontier war with the Canadians and Indians this- year,, 
 went to England in the autumn, and urged the necessity of 
 reducing Acadie. 
 
 M. de Subercase meantime had engaged the services, of the' 
 flibustiers, (freebooters, or privateers), who did great damage 
 to English commerce on these coasts, and he urged on the 
 French ministry to fortify Laheve, and to send out a frigate or 
 two to cruise on the coast ; but the freebooters deserted him 
 20
 
 306 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 when he stood in the greatest need of their assistance, and the 
 French government failed to aid him in the way he had sug- 
 gested to them. The prizes taken by the freebooters caused 
 a temporary plenty in the colony, and put it in his power to 
 make presents to the Indians. At the end of March a cor- 
 saire left Port Royal, (where she had wintered,) on a cruise ; and 
 returned twelve days after, with four small prizes, in part laden 
 with wheat and Indian corn. The prisoners taken reported 
 that a great armament was fitting out at Boston, where 2000 
 or 3000 men had been raised, independant of those expected 
 from New York, Connecticut and Rhode Island. Subercase 
 sent notice by an express to Vaudreuil, whose replies left him, 
 as he says, nothing to hope on that side. The corsaire was 
 about to go on another cruise, when a soldier, who had been 
 struck with a cane by the captain, shot him. The soldier was 
 tried by a court martial and executed. Another corsaire of St. 
 Domingo arrived, and starting from Port Royal, returned after 
 ten days' absence, having made nine prizes and destroyed four 
 more vessels. Morpain commanded this privateer, and being 
 attacked by a coast guard vessel from Boston, made a prize of 
 her and brought her into Port Royal. The English captain 
 was killed, and one hundred men of her crew were lost, while 
 Morpain had but five killed and six or seven wounded. The 
 prisoners he took were over one hundred. They stated that 
 there were at Boston six large ships of war two thousand 
 men of that government encamped upon an Island transports 
 and refreshments all ready, and fourteen vessels of war expec- 
 ted from England, said to be intended to conquer Canada. 
 Subercase sent M. de Tourillon with this news to Canada, and 
 assembled 140 Indians and 75 men from Mines, and induced 
 Morpain to remain, and even to take a wife in the place. (13 
 August, 1709, married to Marie d' Amour de Chofour, daugh- 
 ter of the late Louis d' Amours.) Morpain had been there in 
 1707, and aided the defence of Port Royal, and also left a 
 quantity of flour there, which was much needed. He recom- 
 mends that a commission of lieutenant de frigate, or a gratifi- 
 cation and a medal, be given to Morpain. For three years 
 past the king's ship had brought out no goods, and most of
 
 1709. History of Nova-Scotia, 307 
 
 the provisions they had had come from prizes. A vessel was 
 sent to Martinique with masts and other wood, and some cod- 
 fish out of the prizes. Two privateers from Placentia had 
 wintered at Port Royal, and a privateer from Martinique arri- 
 ved there. Subercase, speaking of the privateers, says : 
 " They have desolated Boston, having captured and destroyed " 
 " thirty-five vessels. If we had had the Venus, Boston would " 
 " have been ruined, for very certainly their trade would have " 
 " been entirely interrupted. They have had during the whole " 
 " year a scarcity of provisions, because our corsaires and " 
 "others from the islands" (West Indian) "captured from" 
 " them nearly six barques, the greater part of which were " 
 " laden with cargoes." The galley from Boston twice attacked 
 a French privateer, but lost 20 or 25 men, while the corsaire 
 lost 7 or 8. A great number of English prisoners were collec- 
 ted at Port Royal, but in the autumn they were sent to the 
 English colonies. In all 470 prisoners were sent to New 
 England. Subercase was informed that the Bostonians were 
 using every possible exertion for the invasion and conquest of 
 Acadie, and trying to induce Scotchmen to take an interest 
 in it. Vetch had been sent to England, as an agent, and ex- 
 pected mountains of gold from the enterprize. Among other 
 projects, they had one of seizing on Laheve, and making a 
 post there, and but for the high price of provisions he thinks 
 they would have done so. He says that at least a thousand 
 vessels arrive every year at Boston, whose inhabitants enrich 
 themselves on the French territory, as the basis of their com- 
 merce is the fish they take on these coasts, which they send 
 to all parts of the world. He offers to sail the Venus at his 
 own expence, as a privateer, if she cannot be sent here at the 
 king's expence, and thinks it would make his fortune. He 
 requires for the colony chiefly lard and flour. He says, " We " 
 " have had here a species of pestilence, which manifested " 
 " itself by the purple" (spotted or purple fever.) " We have " 
 " lost only about fifty persons, as well soldiers as inhabitants, " 
 " 2j\&flibustiers, Both classes were in a continual debauch, " 
 " as rum was here for nothing." Eau de vie de canne et de 
 sucre ttoient id pour rien. " Every one could pay for it with "
 
 308 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 " two sous." He had built an hospital within musket shot of 
 the fort. The calling in the paper money had checked trade. 
 As to specie, he says : " The madness of people here is to " 
 " bury all they have of it." At present every thing is plenty, 
 except clothing, " of which, nevertheless, to make a good " 
 " deal, they have more facilities than any people in the world, " 
 " flax and hemp growing here almost to a marvel. I look " 
 " upon them, and they are really the most happy inhabitants " 
 " of the earth. They are wholly relieved from the mischiefs " 
 " which the English inflicted on them two years ago. I have " 
 " employed them, eight days each this spring, to cut down the " 
 " woods which were too near us on both sides of the river. " 
 He has given the Indians powder and lead, nearly as much as 
 
 in other years. The Jesuit missionaries have aided him 
 
 greatly. 
 
 Having previously stated the insufficient strength of the 
 garrison, he now urges it strongly, being certain of an attack 
 on the place in the spring. He suggest that the man-of-war 
 might bring all the spare troops from Placentia to Port Royal. 
 He complains of Loppinot. The admiralty fees on a prize 
 made by the Venus came to 1 700 livres. A prize taken by 
 M. la Ronde had been confiscated to the use of the admiral, as 
 la Ronde had not a commission from him. " It is of the last " 
 " importance that we should be succored, at the latest in the " 
 " month of April. I beg pardon, my lord, if you find erasures " 
 " in my letter. I am at the last of my stock of paper, and " 
 " without a secretary, and for two months past suffering from " 
 " pain in the teeth, which leaves me not one hour free, and is " 
 "just now severer than ever," &c.
 
 1710. History of Nova-Scotia. 309 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVI. 
 
 1710. We have now arrived at an important era in this his- 
 tory. An expedition had been for some time in preparation in 
 the English colonies in America for the invasion of Port 
 Royal, and views of conquest both of Acadie and Canada 
 began to be seriously entertained, as the only mode of reliev- 
 ing the frontier English settlers from the sudden surprizes of 
 the Indians, and from the mercies of the tomahawk and scalp- 
 ing knife. The most conspicuous person in urging and lead- 
 ing this movement was Francis Nicholson. This gentleman 
 had been lieutenant governor of the province of New York in 
 1689, when Jacob Leisler took possession of the government 
 at the close of James the second's reign, the revolution having 
 changed the British dynasty. Nicholson was accused by the 
 insurgents of having threatened to burn down the city of New 
 York. In 1690, he was lieutenant governor of Virginia, the 
 assembly of which province voted him a gratuity of ^300, and 
 the crown permitted him to accept it. While there he promo- 
 ted the interests of the church of England. In 1692, he was 
 appointed lieutenant governor of Maryland, and administered 
 that government for six years. In 1698 he was sent back to 
 Virginia, as governor in chief. In this high position he view- 
 ed with uneasiness the proceedings of the French and their 
 Indian allies and dependants against the interior and frontier 
 settlements of the English. Although the latter were more 
 numerous than the Canadians, yet being divided into many 
 unconnected provinces and disunited by jealous and dis- 
 trustful feelings, no concerted action or system of defence
 
 310 History of Nova-Scotia. 1710. 
 
 could be established for their protection. Nicholson warmly 
 advocated a confederation or union of the British provinces 
 for defensive purposes, and deemed it the interest and duty of 
 the other colonies to assist in erecting one or more fortresses 
 in the northern part of the state of New York, as a barrier 
 against hostile incursion. His views were fully sustained by 
 king William the third, as far at least as to recommend each 
 colony to contribute its quota for general defence, but were 
 unpopular in Virginia ; and all his efforts at that time failed, 
 while he lost much of his personal influence in consequence. 
 In 1704 he was recalled, but sent back again. He was called 
 ambitious, impetuous, &c., but his intelligence, ability and 
 courtesy were distinctly admitted. [New York Historical Docu- 
 ments, v. 2, p. 10. Grahames Colonial Hist, of the U. States, 
 v. 2, p. 6 to 28.] He now (1710) held the military rank of 
 colonel, and he, as well as colonel Samuel Vetch, had gone to 
 England to promote the expedition for the conquest of Acadie. 
 In May, 1710, Vetch arrived from England at Boston. (This 
 officer had, in 1705, taken soundings of the most difficult pas- 
 sages of the river St. Lawrence, and had been, while in Eng- 
 land, pressing on the government the idea of conquering 
 Canada.) 
 
 July 15, 1710, (26 July, n. s.) The Dragon, commodore Mar- 
 tin, the Falmouth, captain Riddle, a bomb ship, and with them 
 a tender, arrived at Boston from England. Colonel Nicholson, 
 with some British officers and colonel Redding's marines, 
 came out in the Dragon. On the 30 July the assembly of 
 Rhode Island voted to send 143 men, of whom 43 were Indians, 
 with three months' provisions, on the expedition to Port Royal. 
 In all they voted 200 men, to be under lieutenant colonel John 
 Cranston. 
 
 On the 1 8 September the armament sailed from Nantasket, 
 in Boston bay. It consisted of the Dragon, the Chester, cap- 
 tain Matthews, and the Falmouth, fourth rates ; the Leostaffe, 
 captain Gordon, and the Feversham, captain Paston, fifth 
 rates ; the Star, bomb, captain Rochfort, and the Massachu- 
 setts province galley, captain Southack, with fourteen trans- 
 ports in the pay of Massachusetts, five of Connecticut, two of
 
 1710. History of Nova-Scotia. 311 
 
 New Hampshire, and three of Rhode Island. These, with the 
 tender and five transports from England, made the number of 
 vessels employed amount to thirty-six. (Charlevoix says, 4 v., 
 p. 6 1, that there were four ships of sixty guns each, two of 
 forty guns, one of thirty-six, and two bomb gallies, besides the 
 transports.) Nicholson was general of the expedition, Vetch 
 adjutant general. There was a regiment of marines under 
 colonel Redding, and four regiments commissioned by Queen 
 Anne, and armed by her gift, who had been raised in New 
 England, that is, two of Massachusetts, one of Connecticut, 
 and one from New Hampshire and Rhode Island. Their 
 colonels were Sir Charles Hobby, Tailer of Massachusetts, 
 Whiting of Connecticut, and Shadrach Walton, of New Hamp- 
 shire. The grenadiers of Walton's regiment were commanded 
 by Paul Mascarene, afterwards governor at Annapolis. All 
 the governors of New England were instructed to give assis- 
 tance to this undertaking. (One transport, captain Taye, ran 
 ashore at Port Royal, and was lost, and 26 men drowned.) 
 2 Hzitck, M. y 1 8 1. On the 24 September, n. s., the fleet reach- 
 ed the entrance of Port Royal basin. 
 
 M. de Subercase writes thus to the minister : 
 
 I October, 1710. 
 
 " My lord. I had the honor to write to you on the 24th " 
 " of September, to inform you that the English occupied the " 
 " entrance of our basin, where they still remain, and I have " 
 " no doubt they will stay there while the navigation remains " 
 " open, or at least until the 15 December, calculating thereby " 
 " to famish us and starve us out. I also had the honor to " 
 " report to you, my lord, that our garrison was in the best " 
 " disposition in the world, because it then appeared so ; but " 
 " now I hear the soldiers murmuring every where, com- " 
 " plaining that they are entirely abandoned. This murmur- " 
 " ing has been followed by five desertions, three of the Cana- " 
 " dian detachment, and two of our garrison ; and I am sure " 
 " that if I had not caused the canoes to be removed, there " 
 " would have been thirty deserters by this time." (Subercase 
 is blamed for sending away recruits and Canadians which
 
 312 History of Nova-Scotia. 1710. 
 
 Vaudreuil had supplied. 4 Charlevoix, 60.) "If the ship we " 
 " expect to succour us comes, this inquietude will pass off ; " 
 " but if we receive no succour, I have every reason to fear " 
 " something fatal," funeste, " as well on the part of the inha- " 
 " bitants as of the soldiers. Both are in despair at not seeing " 
 " the arrival of their necessaries, and they form a cruel idea " 
 " of what we shall have to suffer this winter. I shall do all " 
 " that depends on me ; but indeed, my lord, I beg you to " 
 " believe I cannot perform impossibilities. I am as if in a " 
 ' prison, into which I can bring nothing and from which I " 
 " can send nothing, and the harvest has been very bad at " 
 " Port Royal. Besides that, I have not a sou, and our credit " 
 " is exhausted. I am engaged for considerable sums. I have " 
 " found means by my industry to borrow wherewithal to " 
 " subsist the garrison for these two years. I have paid " 
 "what I could, by selling all my moveables. I will give" 
 ' even to my last shirt ; but I fear that after all, my pains " 
 " will prove useless, if we are not succoured during the month " 
 " of March or early in April, supposing the enemy should let " 
 " us rest this winter." 
 
 The following written summons was sent by general Nichol- 
 son to governor Subercase : 
 
 3 October, 1710. You are hereby required and commanded 
 to deliver up to me for the Queen of Great Britain, the Fort 
 at present under your control, which by right belongs to her 
 said Majesty, together with all the territories which are under 
 your command, by virtue of the undoubted right of her Royal 
 predecessors, and also with all the guns, mortars, magazines 
 of war and troops likewise under your command, otherwise I 
 shall exert myself with diligence to reduce them by force o 
 her Majesty's arms. Given under my hand and seal at arms, 
 the third day of October, in the ninth year of the reign of our 
 sovereign lady Queen Anne, by the grace of God, of Great 
 Britain, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, annoque 
 domini, 1710. 
 
 (Signed) F. F. NICHOLSON.
 
 1710. History of Nova-Scotia. 313 
 
 (There is a difficulty as to the date of this document, as the 
 capitulation is dated 2 October.) The English kept up a 
 blockade for several days. The garrison during this time slept 
 on the ramparts which had been hastily repaired. On the 
 5 October the English fleet (said then to comprise fifty-one 
 sail) entered the basin and anchored opposite the fort. On 
 the 6th they landed on both shores, the larger body of men on 
 the Fort side. Subercase did not oppose their landing, nor 
 send out any parties to obstruct their movements, because he 
 could not depend upon either the inhabitants or the soldiers, 
 and he was persuaded that any men he might send out of the 
 fort would not come in again. [4 Ckarlevoix, 62.] He des- 
 paired from the first of preserving the place for the king, and 
 had no other end in view than an honorable surrender. He 
 had less than three hundred men under his command, while 
 the enemy were estimated at three thousand four hundred, 
 besides the sea forces. (There is a tradition that Nicholson 
 passed his troops by night in small vessels, by the fort and 
 round Hog Island, up the narrow part of the river, landing 
 somewhere in the rear of the spot where the late Judge Thos. 
 Ritchie's mansion is built, and gradually made his approaches 
 in front of the site of the present court house of Annapolis.) 
 The English, on landing without opposition, marched straight 
 up towards the fort, but having been fired on and lost some 
 men, they retired. The next day, the 7th, they passed a brook, 
 (supposed to be the 1'Equille), which turned a mill, at a place 
 where two hundred men, if properly posted, might have almost 
 destroyed them ; but Subercase, seeing them busied in plant- 
 ing batteries and plying the fort with bombs from a galliot, 
 had not anticipated their march in that direction. The fire of 
 the galliot did not effect much damage to the fort, but it served 
 to cover the passage of twenty-two flat-bottomed boats, in 
 which all the cannon, mortars and powder the English required 
 were carried up past the fort. 
 
 On the 8 October, Subercase compelled the English to 
 retire from the position they occupied, and where they sought 
 to erect batteries, by the steady fire of his cannon. On the 
 9th, the cannonading went on until mid-day, and the besieged
 
 314 History of Nova-Scotia. 1710. 
 
 threw some bombs into the English camp, causing much dis- 
 order. Rain coming on, stopped the firing until the evening. 
 The two English bomb-ships then approached the fort, and 
 fired 42 bombs of 200 Ibs. weight. The besieged also tried to 
 fire some carcases, but they all burst in leaving the mortar. 
 The English had a vessel laden with them, but it perished at 
 the entrance of the port, with all the crew of forty men. (The 
 English account of the loss of a transport, captain Taye, and 
 26 drowned, is<- possibly but a different version of the same 
 occurrence.) Oct'r. 10. The English worked at their trenches 
 and batteries, and towards evening began again to fire bombs, 
 and continued this all night, but only two fell into the fort, 
 doing no great damage. Five others burst in the air. A 
 splinter from one wounded an officer named Latour, danger- 
 ously, and another carried off a corner of the magazine, On 
 the same night, fifty of the inhabitants and seven or eight sol- 
 diers deserted, and on the next day, the nth October, all the 
 remaining inhabitants presented a petition to the governor, 
 calling his attention to their condition, worn out with being on 
 foot day and night. Their ill humor and discontent with the 
 governor had deprived them of courage, and they feared that 
 no quarter would be granted if they waited till the English had 
 completed their batteries. 
 
 On the 12 October, (i Oct., o. s.,) Forbes and Redknap, the 
 English engineers, had their three batteries open, of two mor- 
 tars and twenty-four cohorn mortars, mounted within one hun- 
 dred yards of the fort, and commenced firing ; the French 
 returning shot and shell at the same time. [2 Hutch., 132.] 
 Subercase, finding that the soldiers were as much depressed 
 by fear as the inhabitants, summoned a council of war, in 
 which it was resolved to seek a capitulation. M. de la Perelle, 
 enseigne, was sent to general Nicholson. He first asked leave 
 for the women to go out of the fort, but this is supposed to 
 have been refused. Perelle remained in the English camp, 
 and general Nicholson sent colonel Redding with full powers 
 to treat. Subercase received him on the glacis, and conduct- 
 ed him to his own lodgings, where he remained a long time 
 shut up with him in his cabinet. On coming out, the gover-
 
 1710. History of Nova-Scotia. 315 
 
 nor said to his officers that all was settled, and on the next day 
 colonel Redding, and a captain Matthew, who had served as 
 hostage for Perelle, went back to the camp, where general 
 Nicholson signed the capitulation. 16 October, the garrison 
 came out of the fort, to the number of 156 men, according to 
 Charlevoix, (v. 4, p. 65), but according to Douglas, (p. 309), 
 258 men, all in a miserable condition, delabres, in rags and 
 tatters, with their arms and baggage, and all the honors of 
 war ; but the six guns and two mortars, named in the third 
 article of the capitulation, could not be brought out, for want 
 of cattle to draw them, as the inhabitants had taken all theirs 
 into the woods to a considerable distance. Under these cir- 
 cumstances, the governor, by the advice of his officers, kept 
 only one mortar, selling the others to the English for 7,499 
 livres, 10 sols, to pay the king's debts. 
 
 The fort was found so completely destitute of provisions, 
 that general Nicholson had to order the distribution of food 
 among the French. It caused him some regret that he had 
 given terms to those who would have soon been under the 
 necessity of surrendering from famine. The garrison, and 
 such of the inhabitants as chose to go with them, amounting 
 in all to 481 persons, male and female, were shipped for 
 Rochelle, in France. Major Livingston was sent by Nichol- 
 son, and the baron St. Castin by Subercase, to the marquis de 
 Vaudreuil, the governor of Canada, to inform him of the fall of 
 Port Royal. \_Douglas Summary, 309. 2 Hutch., Mass., 184. 
 4 Charlevoix, 65-67.] Livingston went about the middle of 
 October from Port Royal to Penobscot, where he was very 
 kindly entertained by Castin, at his own house. They ascend- 
 ed the river in canoes, and were detained some days by the 
 Indians ; but at length, after dangerous adventures in the 
 woods, where they were near perishing by hunger, they got 
 into Canada. The letters which Livingston carried to the 
 niarquis claimed that all the French inhabitants, who lived 
 beyond cannon shot of the fort, were prisoners at discretion, 
 and threatened reprisals on them, unless the Indians were 
 withheld from murdering the settlers and their families on the 
 frontiers of New England. The marquis sent a reply, in which
 
 316 History of Nova-Scotia. 1710. 
 
 he questioned the right of reprisals on persons who had surren- 
 dered on terms. He denied any instigation of cruelty on the 
 part of the French. He palliated the conduct of the Indians, 
 and blamed the English for refusing his former offers of neu- 
 trality. As to the exchange of prisoners, which had been pro- 
 posed, he expressed his readiness to act, and requested the 
 number held by the English, and a place for their exchange, 
 to be notified to him by his messengers returning. This 
 answer he sent by messrs. de Rouville and Dupuy, to gover- 
 nor Dudley, and he wrote to M. de Pontchartrain, the minis- 
 ter, that he had sent these gentlemen, two of the best partizan 
 officers of Canada, that they might obtain a personal know- 
 ledge of the enemy's country. 
 
 On the 28 October, general Nicholson, having left a garri- 
 son at Port Royal, (now named Annapolis Royal in honor of 
 queen Anne,) which garrison consisted of two hundred marines 
 and two hundred and fifty New England volunteers, under 
 colonel Samuel Vetch, as governor of the place, returned to 
 Boston. The men-of-war and transports returned also. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXXVI. 
 
 Extracts from an unsigned mbnoire on the island of Cape Breton in 1709. 
 [Paris mss.] : 
 
 " This post, well established, would render the king master of North America, " 
 " and consequently of all the trade in fish, which is of signal riches." 
 
 Recommends that the king should undertake it, and not a company, and that a 
 governor, staff, and all requisite officers, with eight companies of sixty men each, 
 be sent there, the annual charge of which it computes at 103,301 livres, 10 sous. 
 To have a good fort, cannon, carriages, ball, ammunition, &c. An hospital for 
 the soldiers, with friars hospitalers, expense 10,000 livres per annum. Jesuit 
 fathers, charge 6000 livres per annum. Recollets, to be almoners of the fort and 
 cures of the banlieue, expense 3000 livres per annum. For the instruction of 
 young girls, 4000 livres per annum. With regard to the town, it will suffice that 
 it shall be at first enclosed with pickets, (pieux), making redoubts of masonry at 
 certain distances. The cost of fortification is put down at 300,000 livres the first
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 317 
 
 year, and 150,000 livres per annum afterwards. From the various marginal notes 
 on the sketch of this project, it appears to have been very seriously considered. 
 
 In another mtmoire, undated, the island of cape Breton is said to be ninety 
 
 leagues in circumference, situated between 45 and 47 N. L., triangular in shape, 
 lands lofty, harbors good, with coal mines. " The greater part of the lands are " 
 " little suited for cultivation. The best are near Canseau, where the late M. " 
 " Denis had a very fine residence, called little St. Peter's. The cod fishery is " 
 " large." Une fort belle habitation nommle le petit St. Pierre. 
 
 (2.) 
 
 The different governments of New York, Connecticut, East and West Jersey, 
 and Pennsylvania, addressed the Hon. colonel Francis Nicholson, in 1 709, to take 
 on himself the command of all their troops against Canada, by land. The Gover- 
 nor and Council of Rhode Island addressed him on the same subject, June 27, 
 1709. Governor Cranston, of R. L, wrote to him at the same time, eulogising his 
 loyalty, courage, zeal for the gospel, generosity to the Protestant churches, &c. ; 
 and on 30 Sept., 1709, the assembly of R. I. sent their governor, &c.. to meet 
 Nicholson and Vetch. [Rhode Island colonial records, vol. 4, //. 73, 74, 78, 79.] 
 
 (3-) 
 
 Subercase, in his letter to the minister 3 January, 1710, speaking of the affair 
 of the corsaire captain, "who, while preparing for the cruise, had a difficulty " 
 " with a soldier, to whom he gave two blows of his cane. This unhappy sol- " 
 " dier, without complaining of this to any one, and without any one knowing " 
 " anything of his design, took his gun, went to the house of the corsaire captain, " 
 " whom he found in the recess of a window, and shot him in the head, the cap- " 
 " tain dying instantly. The soldier was arrested and placed in a dungeon. This " 
 " occurrence caused here a great alarm, because it was thought that different " 
 " soldiers of the garrison had inspired him with the desire for revenge, and that " 
 " they would support their comrade. The sieur des Goutins, lieutenant general, " 
 (a judicial, not a military title), " came to present me a petition, praying me " 
 " to cause this wretch" (malheureux) " to be executed by military law. This I " 
 " did not fail to do, and two days after I caused a court martial" (conseil de 
 guerre) " to assemble, where he was condemned to have his head broken" 
 avoir la tete cassee (to be shot ?) " for want of a hangman, and his body cast " 
 " into the common sewer. On the day of the execution, the missionary father " 
 " gave me notice that the soldiers intended to mutiny, and that he was obliged " 
 " to let me know. I did not take the alarm as warmly as it was spread in the set- " 
 " tlement. I caused the troops to assemble, and made the detachment myself " 
 " which was to escort the culprit, and chose out of the ranks those who had been " 
 " pointed out to me as the chief mutineers to form the firing party" -pour lui 
 casser la tete " which I caused to be done without any one saying a word, and " 
 " then I made another detachment of those who were thought the worst men, " 
 " and made them take the body and carry it on a scaffold" (echafaud) "in sight " 
 " of the passers by."
 
 318 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 (4-) 
 
 Articles of capitulation agreed upon the surrender of the fort at Port Royal, &c. 
 betwixt Francis Nicholson, esq : general and commander-in-chief of all the forces 
 of her sacred majesty Anne, queen of Great Britain, &c., and monsieur Subercase, 
 governor, &c., for his most Christian majesty : 
 
 1st. That the garrison shall march out with their arms and baggage, drums 
 beating and colours flying. 2. That there shall be a sufficient number of ships 
 and provisions to transport the said garrison to Rochel (Rochelle) or Rochefort, 
 by the shortest passage, when they shall be furnished with passports for their 
 return. 3. That I may take out six guns and two mortars, such as I shall think 
 fit. 4. That the officers shall carry out all their effects, of what sort soever, ex- 
 cept they do agree to the selling of them ; the payment of which to be upon good 
 faith. 5. That the inhabitants within cannon shot of Port Royal shall remain 
 upon their estates, with their corn, cattle and furniture, during two years, in case 
 they are not desirous to go before, they taking the oaths of allegiance and fidelity 
 to her sacred majesty of Great Britain. 6. That a vessel be provided for the pri- 
 vateers belonging to the islands in America, for their transportation thither. 
 7. That those that are desirous to go for Placentia, in Newfoundland, shall have 
 leave by the nearest passage. 8. That the Canadians, or those that are desirous 
 to go there, may, for during the space of one year. 9. That effects, ornaments, 
 and utensils of the chappel and hospital, shall be delivered to the almoner. 10. I 
 promise to deliver the fort of Port Royal into the hands of Francis Nicholson, 
 esq., for the queen of Great Britain, within three days after the ratification of this 
 present treaty, with all the effects belonging to the king, as guns, mortars, 
 bombs, ball, powder, and all other small arms. n. I will discover, upon my 
 faith, all the mines, fugasses and casemates. 12. All the articles of this present 
 treaty shall be executed upon good faith, without difficulty, and signed by each 
 other, at her majesty of Great Britain's camp before Port Royal Fort, this second 
 day of October, in the ninth year of her majesty's reign. Annoque domini, 1710. 
 
 FRANCIS NICHOLSON. 
 SUBERCASE. 
 
 Memorandum. The general declared that within cannon shot of Port Royal, 
 in the fifth article above said, is to be understood to be three English miles round 
 the fort, to be Annapolis Royal ; and the inhabitants within three miles to have 
 the benefit of that article. Which persons, male and female, comprehended in 
 the said article, according to a list of the names given to the general by M. Allein, 
 amounts to 481 persons. [2 Hutchinson, Mass., 182, 183.] 
 
 (On the ii September, 1732, lieutenant governor Armstrong and the council 
 appointed the nth of October to be the day for choosing deputies, in commemo- 
 ration of the reduction of the place. There is some difficulty about these dates, 
 owing to the difference in the style. The 2 October, old style, would be the 13, 
 October, new style.) 
 
 (S-) 
 
 The following document was given by Subercase. [E. &* F. Commrs.] : 
 We, Daniel Dauger de Subercase, knight of the military order of Saint Louis, 
 governor of Acadie, of cape Breton, of the adjacent islands and lands from cape
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 319 
 
 des Rosiers of the river St. Lawrence to the west of the river Kinibeki, promise 
 to have passports given to messieurs majors Richard Wallins and Charles 
 Brown, to return by land or sea to old England, after having conducted us to 
 Rochelle or Rochefort, whither they are to go, by order of Mr. Francis Nicholson, 
 general of the troops of the queen of Great Britain, in New England, in conform- 
 ity with the capitulation made between him and us on the surrender of the fort 
 of Port Royal, in Acadie. Done at the said place, the 23d day of October, 1710, 
 and we have hereunto caused to be affixed the seal of our arms, and the same to 
 be countersigned by our secretary. 
 
 DE SUBERCASE. 
 FONTAINE. 
 (6.) 
 
 Nicholson was governor of Nova Scotia in 1713, and was governor of 
 South Carolina from 1721 to 1725. Probably no other person acted as governor 
 in so many different provinces. His expedition cost New England ,23,000 ster- 
 ling, but the amount was reimbursed by the English parliament. In 1710, the 
 garrison of St. Johns, Newfoundland, was reinforced by two companies of 
 marines. [Douglas Siimmary, 294.] 
 
 (7-) 
 
 There are more sorts of hand mortars, but Cohorne's new invention ex- 
 ceeds them all, so far as to deserve a particular description. They are made of 
 hammered iron, of 4 inches diameter in the bore, 10 1-2 inches long, and 9 inches 
 in the chase, fixed upon a piece of oak 20 inches long, 10 1-2 broad, and betwixt 
 3 and 4 thick. They stand fixed at 45 degrees of elevation, and throw hand gre- 
 nades, as all other hand mortars do. They are placed in the bottom of the 
 trenches, at two yards distance from one another, having each a soldier to serve 
 it, and an officer to every 40 or 50, who lays them to what elevation he thinks 
 convenient, by raising or sinking the hind part of the bed. 300 or 400 of these 
 are sometimes in service at once, in different parts of the trenches, 60. 70 or 80 
 in a place. Those in one place fire all at once, immediately after the batteries 
 have done ; and are answered from another part of the trench, which brings such 
 a shower of hand grenades into the covert way, that those who defend it are 
 thrown into unavoidable confusion. [The Theatre of the late War, drY., 1756.] 
 
 (8.) 
 
 I received the following paper recently, from my friend Mr. W. T. Waterman, 
 and as it is connected with the history of Port Royal, insert it here : 
 
 The writer, when a boy, say about the year 1843, was informed by some work- 
 men who were employed on the bridge over Allen's river, Annapolis Royal, that 
 a bomb shell lay upon the bank of the river, about half way between the bridge 
 and the mouth of the river on the south west side. In company with another 
 boy, he proceeded to the spot indicated, and found two unexploded shells, 13 
 inches in diameter. One of them was nearly embedded in the mud ; the other 
 had but recently been exhumed by the tide. The general opinion is, they had 
 been fired from some man-of-war lying in the old French Dock, and intended to 
 fall in the fort, but had had too much elevation. The range was good. They are 
 both in existence. One is in possession of G. F. Pike, Esq. 
 
 For Mr. Murdoch. THOS. D. HENDERSON.
 
 320 History of Nova-Scotia. 1711 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVII. 
 
 1711. Although Port Royal had always been restored to 
 France, with the rest of Acadie, at the return of peace, on the 
 various occasions of its being captured by the English, this 
 conquest was destined to be permanent. The never ceasing 
 incursions of the French, their Canadian colonists and their 
 Indian allies, had so long harrassed and distressed the indus- 
 trious settlers on the frontiers, especially the border people of 
 New England, that they had infused a spirit of hostility and 
 resentment in the hearts of the English colonists at the cruel, 
 and, as they naturally considered it, cowardly mode of warfare 
 pursued by their neighbors, feelings which were intensified by 
 their differences of religious belief. Besides all this, the neces- 
 sity of self-protection, and the constant alarms that disturbed 
 their security, contributed greatly to excite them to combat- 
 iveness, and to inure them to the habits of vigilance, patience 
 and concerted action, that enable men to become good soldiers. 
 Thus circumstanced, the New Englanders became almost uni- 
 versally military in their habits and disposition. Phips, Church 
 and Pepperell in more conspicuous stations only displayed war- 
 like talents and propensities, which, during the French and 
 Indian wars, and long afterwards, pervaded the whole popula- 
 tion of our Eastern colonies. The French, however, were far 
 from abandoning the hope of recovering Acadie, but continued 
 persistently in measures designed to procure its re-possession. 
 Although the forces they employed were inadequate to the 
 purpose, yet the object was not relinquished until half -a cen- 
 tury had elapsed, and their government in North America was
 
 1711. History of Nova-Scotia. 321 
 
 entirely destroyed by the loss of Canada and cape Breton. 
 The marquis de Vaudreuil, then governor in Canada, (i Janu- 
 ary, 1711), commissioned the baron de St. Castin, provision- 
 ally, as his lieutenant in Acadie, and sent him instructions to 
 maintain the subjects of the French crown who remained in 
 the country in due obedience to his majesty. 
 
 The inhabitants of Port Royal sent M. de Clignancourt, 
 (R6n d' Amours), to the marquis de Vaudreuil, with a letter, 
 as follows : 
 
 (Translation.) 
 
 " Sir. As your goodness extends over all those who, being " 
 " subjects of his majesty, have recourse to you to relieve them " 
 " in their misery, we pray you will vouchsafe us your assist- " 
 " ance to withdraw ourselves from this country, and to be " 
 " near you, having had the misfortune to be taken by the " 
 " English, as you have doubtless learned from the envoy of " 
 " Mr. Nicholson, and from the sieur de St. Castin, who left " 
 " this in charge of letters from M. de Subercase. M. de Clig- " 
 " nancourt, sir, will give you a faithful report of all that passed " 
 " on this occasion, as also since the departure of the English " 
 " fleet. He will make you acquainted with the bottom of our '" 
 " hearts, and will tell you better than we can do by a letter, '" 
 " the harsh manner in which Mr. Weische" (Vetch) " treats '" 
 " us, keeping us like negroes, and wishing to persuade us '" 
 " that we are under great obligation to him for not treating '" 
 " us much worse, being able, he says, to do so with justice, "' 
 " and without our having room to complain of it. We have " 
 " given to M. de Clignancourt copies of three ordonnances,, "' 
 " which M. Weische" (Vetch) " has issued, and at the moment " 
 " we have the honor to write you, we learn that he has sent " 
 " to Mines and Beaubassin. We know not yet what the " 
 " purport of his orders thither may be, but we are persuaded " 
 " that he will not have more regard for the inhabitants of" 
 " these places than he has had for us. We pray you, sir, to " 
 " have regard to our misery, and to honor us with your letter " 
 " for our consolation, expecting that you may furnish the " 
 
 21
 
 322 History of Nova-Scotia. 1711. 
 
 " necessary assistance for our retiring from this unhappy " 
 " country." 
 
 " We are, with much respect," &c, \Paris mss.~\ 
 
 The marquis was also informed that the Indians in the 
 neighborhood of Acadie appeared to grow cool in their attach- 
 ment to the French, hearing the English say repeatedly that 
 they would follow up this conquest by that of Canada. In 
 consequence of this, he sent two Frenchmen and two Indians 
 with letters addressed to the missionaries in these parts, ex- 
 horting them to redouble their zeal to confirm their converts 
 in the French alliance. He ordered these messengers to visit 
 all the French settlements in Acadie to ascertain the dis- 
 position of the inhabitants exactly, and to assure him that he 
 would do impossibilities, rather than they should want for any- 
 thing. [4 Charlevoix, 69, 70.] At this time Port Royal re- 
 mained under the command of colonel Vetch, who is called a 
 Scotchman, in one of the letters written to the minister. Five 
 of the inhabitants were imprisoned : Pierre le Blanc, Jean 
 Como, Francois Brossar, Guillaume Bourgeois, and Germain 
 Bourgeois, his father ; the latter is said to have died from his 
 sufferings in prison. Father Justinien, a recoltit priest, curt, 
 was also imprisoned, and in February, 1711, sent as a prisoner 
 to Boston. The English asserted that Subercase assured 
 them that Justinien had deserted to the head of the river, with 
 the inhabitants who are outside of the banlieue. It seems 
 that the commissary of the fort had gone up with some inha- 
 bitants to Pierre le Blanc's house, and was there captured by 
 a party, which consisted of two English sailors, deserters one 
 Abraham Godet an inhabitant from Beaubassin, and three 
 mulattoes from the coast. On his paying to each of them ten 
 t /cus as ransom, they suffered him to return to the fort. This 
 transaction seems to have led to the arrests above mentioned. 
 Louis Halin (Allain ?) and his son, inhabitants of the banlieue, 
 were accused of enticing soldiers to desert, and were put in 
 irons and imprisoned in the dungeons. The garrison was 
 five hundred strong, part regulars of the queen's army, and 
 part New England volunteers. It is stated that of this num-
 
 1 7 ii. History of Nova-Scotia. 323 
 
 ber more than three hundred and forty had died of sickness and 
 in sorties unto the first day of June, 1711, that is within seven 
 months from the surrender of the place. A terrible mortality, 
 if the statement can be relied on. These particulars are con- 
 tained in a letter from Christopher Cahouet to the French 
 minister, dated at Placentia, 20 July, 1711, He says he was 
 made major of militia in Acadie by the English governor, also 
 that he obtained a passport from governor Vetch in conformity 
 with the capitulation, and that he left the country to go to 
 Placentia in a little vessel, with his wife and children, on ist 
 June, 1711. That the fort at Annapolis was in a bad state 
 that the ramparts had tumbled down. " The English have " 
 "' put chevaux de frise at the places which have given way, " 
 "' but the stakes 1 ' (batons) " are not bigger than a cane. You " 
 "" may count, my lord, safely on the information I give your " 
 *' Excellency, since I always had liberty of walking, drinking " 
 "' and eating at the fort with the governor, when I pleased to " 
 *' go there." He says that having anchored his little vessel at 
 Mouscoudabouet, on the coast of Acadie, (about Cole Harbor 
 or Chezetcook), he received a letter from the missionary, M. 
 Gaulin, stating the movements of forty Indians from Penta- 
 goe't, sent by Castin to collect the Indians, and their attack on 
 63 English. He says the inhabitants and Indians are all in 
 insurrection against the English, and intend to take the fort 
 by assault. Their number will be 500 or 600 men in arms, 
 and that all that is wanting is a leader. 
 
 It appears that early in the summer of 1711 the English at 
 Port Royal endeavored to conciliate the Indians and attract 
 them to their side. M. Gaulin, missionary, boasts in his let- 
 ter of 5 Sept., 1711, from Placentia, that he had successfully 
 opposed these negotiations, and "to take away all hope of" 
 " an accommodation, he induced the savages to make incur- " 
 " sions on the English, and openly to oppose themselves to " 
 " the transport of wood, which the English governor obliged " 
 " the inhabitants to furnish for re-establishing the fortifica- " 
 " tions." (They were paid for this work.) The governor 
 piqued at this opposition, and being besides discontented 
 with the conduct of the inhabitants, who would not furnish
 
 324 History of Nova-Scotia. 1711. 
 
 the wood he required, detached eighty men of the garrison, 
 under captain Pigeon, an officer of the regular army, to 
 surprize some families of the Indians who were up the river, 
 and to carry off the principal inhabitants. This detach- 
 ment consisted of the choice of what remained of his men, 
 there being, according to Cahouet's account, not above 120 
 men left in the garrison, inclusive of officers and servants. 
 When the detachment got to the place of their destination up 
 the river, a party of forty-two Indians, who were in ambush in 
 the woods, suddenly came out and fell upon them. Thirty of 
 the English were killed, and the rest made prisoners. Among 
 the slain were an engineer and a major. The latter, not being 
 willing to be made a prisoner, an Indian swam across the 
 river with his tomahawk at his side and his pistol between his 
 teeth, and killed him. The fort major, the engineer, and all 
 the boat's crew, were killed ; and two captains, two lieuten- 
 ants, an ensign, and some 30 or 40 men of the garrison, were 
 made prisoners. [2 Hutchinson, Mass., 199. 4 Charlevoix, 
 92-93.] The scene of this disaster is about twelve miles 
 above Annapolis, on the river, and bears the name of Bloody 
 Creek. This action so raised the courage of the French 
 inhabitants and Indians, that they sent to inform the mis- 
 sionary, Gaulin, of it. He was thirty leagues away at the 
 time, laboring in secret to collect a party to surprize the Fort 
 at Annapolis, which he projected to attempt in concert with 
 the sieur de St. Castin, who held the commission of lieutenant 
 under the marquis Vaudreuil. On receipt of this intelligence, 
 Gaulin went at once to Port Royal (Annapolis) with more 
 than two hundred men. Gaulin notified the inhabitants and 
 the Indians to repair to his assistance, and directed them to 
 fit out a vessel to transport provisions for the siege. He also 
 sent off a small vessel to Placentia, to request ammunition for 
 this enterprize from M. Costabelle, the governor of that place. 
 All the inhabitants withdrew out of cannon shot from the fort, 
 and they also transported their cattle up the river. Those of 
 the banlieue intimated to the governor that he had violated 
 the articles of capitulation to their prejudice, and that they 
 were thereby freed from the oaths they had taken not to bear
 
 ijn. History of Nova-Scotia. 325 
 
 arms ; after which they joined their compatriots in blockading 
 the fort. The investment was such that the garrison could 
 not come out to work, or appear on the ramparts. The inha- 
 bitants relieved each other weekly by companies, in keeping up 
 the blockade or investment. Gaulin himself proceeded to Pla- 
 centia to obtain succors of ammunition, &c., and an officer of 
 experience to take command in the siege. He arrived there 
 on the 15 August, and assured governor Costabelle of the con- 
 stant fidelity of the inhabitants of Acadie to the interests of 
 France, and of the resolution they had taken and executed of 
 withdrawing themselves from the English domination, taking 
 refuge with their families in the woods among the savages to 
 continue to make war upon the English. That no officers or 
 soldiers of the enemy's garrison dared any longer to go out of 
 their fort, so much were they hemmed in by the Indians and 
 the French inhabitants, who daily formed parties to surprize 
 them, and to reduce them to the last extremity. Costabelle 
 gave M. Gaulin 1200 Ibs. powder, 1400 Ibs. lead in balls, 10,000 
 gun flints, 100 woolen blankets, some new guns for the Indian 
 chiefs, and the remainder to be distributed to the Indians in 
 the French interest. Costabelle says, " These articles I have " 
 " shipped in a little privateer" (corsaire) " of 6 guns and 80 " 
 " men, commanded by one Morpin, a man of reputation " 
 " among \htflibustiers of America. He has orders to carry " 
 " them to the French settlements on the coast of Acadie. " 
 " The sieur Gaulin accompanies them, and is to distribute " 
 " them." Costabelle designed to send M. L'hermite, the major 
 of Placentia, with two mortars and ammunition for bombard- 
 ment, to assist the proposed siege, but he received information 
 that Vetch had returned to Boston, leaving colonel sir Charles 
 Hobby in command at Annapolis, and that a relief of 200 men 
 of the New York levies had reached the garrison. This news 
 was brought to Placentia by a brigantine which arrived there 
 from the coast of Acadie on the i September. M. Record, 
 the captain, had also been assured by the Indians of Laheve, 
 that in the beginning of the month of August, they had seen 
 and counted more than sixty sail making their way for Que- 
 bec. On the 17 September, Costabelle was further informed
 
 326 History of Nova-Seotia. 1711. 
 
 that Morpin had been captured off Chapeau-rouge, by an Eng- 
 lish vessel of 30 guns. On this occasion Morpin fully sus- 
 tained his reputation, having fought for three hours at close 
 quarters, and prevented the enemy from boarding him. Gau- 
 lin had the good fortune of having left Placentia in another 
 vessel, and thus escaping capture. Vaudreuil received on 4th 
 August a letter from father Felix, recollet missionary in Aca- 
 die, giving him an account of the victory the Indians had 
 gained at Bloody Creek, and the investment of Port Royal by 
 the French inhabitants in conjunction with the Indians. In 
 two days' time Vaudreuil got ready a force of two hundred 
 picked men, with twelve officers of bravery and experience. 
 They were to march at once to Acadie, under command of 
 the marquis d'Alognies ; but news meanwhile came from Pla- 
 centia that expeditions were being fitted out at both Boston and 
 New York, and it was deemed prudent to countermand the 
 orders just issued. [4 Charlevoix, 73.] The English had at 
 this time captured the Heros and the Vermandois, at Isle 
 Percee, and sent these prizes to England. 
 
 After the reduction of Port Royal, Nicholson had gone to 
 England to solicit the crown to adopt measures for the con- 
 quest of Canada. The New England colonies were notified 
 to make preparations, and on the 28 April, 1711, the English 
 squadron sailed from England, and arrived at Boston on the 
 25th June. This British naval force consisted of twelve line- 
 of-battle ships, several frigates, two bomb vessels, forty trans- 
 ports, and six store ships, having on board eight regiments, a 
 fine train of artillery, and forty horses for drawing it. Gen- 
 eral Nicholson himself got to Boston on his return, upon the 
 8 June, bringing with him orders from the queen to the seve- 
 ral governments of New England, New York, Jersey and 
 Pennsylvania, directing them to have their quotas of men in 
 readiness for the coming of the fleet from England. The 
 troops sent from Europe comprized the regiments of Hill, 
 Kirke, Windress, Clayton and Kaine, from Flanders ; Sey- 
 mour's, Disney's, and a battalion of marines, from England ; 
 Brigadier Hill, the brother of Mrs. Masham, the queen's favo- 
 rite, was the general ; colonel Churchill commanded the
 
 1711. History of Nova-Scotia. 327 
 
 marines. The artillery were under the command of colonel 
 King. In consequence of the orders of the crown, a congress 
 was assembled at New London, composed of the governors of 
 all the colonies north of Pennsylvania, to concert matters with 
 Nicholson. Two regiments from New England were joined 
 to the British troops. The fleet was commanded by admiral 
 sir Hovenden Walker. There were sixty-eight vessels in all, 
 with 6,463 land troops embarked, and they sailed from Boston 
 on the 30 July. On the 1 8- August they anchored at Gaspe" 
 to take in wood and water. On the 2Oth of the same month 
 general Nicholson marched from Albany with the militia from 
 Connecticut, New York and the Jersies, amounting to about 
 4000 men, and Indians of the five nations, Iroquois, about 
 600 in number, to attack Montreal. On the same day, the 
 British fleet left Gaspe" ; and although provided with both 
 French and American pilots, they got into difficulties, from 
 fogs and storms, in the mouth of the St. Lawrence. On the 
 23 August, in a thick fog and on a dark night, they were 
 driven on the north shore. {London Magazine for 1 756, /. 231.] 
 In this situation they lost eight transports, and 884 men were 
 drowned near Egg Island. After this disaster it was resolved 
 in a council of war to abandon the enterprize, the want of 
 knowledge of the navigation of the river being the cause, and 
 it was ordered that advice should be sent to general Nicholson 
 to recall him from his advance by land. On the 4 September 
 the fleet anchored in Spanish river, (baie des Espagnols, now 
 called Sydney harbour), in cape Breton. Here another coun- 
 cil of war was held, and it was determined to return to Great 
 Britain, a proposal to attack Placentia being overruled. The 
 Feversham, of 36 guns, and three transports, were lost in the 
 gulph of Saint Lawrence. In twenty-one days the squadron 
 were in soundings, near the English channel. The admiral 
 arrived at Portsmouth in his ship the Edgar, on the Qth Octo- 
 ber. On the i6th, the Edgar, with the admiral's journals and 
 papers, and four hundred men on board, was blown up at 
 Portsmouth. Nicholson had marched as far as the bank of lake 
 George to await the attack on Quebec by the other expedition, 
 and does not seem to have gone further. Colonel Samuel
 
 328 History of Nova-Scotia. 1711. 
 
 Vetch was with the expedition, and colonel Caufield, lieuten- 
 ant governor of Annapolis, and they obtained a detachment of 
 400 British troops for the garrison at Annapolis. 
 
 Admiral Walker set up a cross at Spanish river, C. B., with 
 an inscription, setting forth that he took possession of the 
 country for the queen, dated 15 September, 1711. It is said 
 that Paradis, an old French seaman, who was a prisoner, cau- 
 tioned admiral Walker when he was off the Seven islands, not 
 to venture too near the islands, but that the admiral distrusted 
 him, and so got into danger. 
 
 The expence of this expedition to Massachusetts was ^24,- 
 ooo sterling, but Parliament paid the amount. [2 Hutch., 190, 
 198. Douglas Summary, p. 312.] 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXXVII. 
 (i.) 
 
 From a letter of M. Pontchartrain, minister of the marine, to M. de Beauhar- 
 nois, intendant of Rochefort : 
 
 24 December, 1710. 
 
 " Since I have learned, sir, the loss we have sustained of Acadie, I " 
 
 " think continually of the means of recovering this important post, before the " 
 
 " English are solidly settled therein. You know that by the article of the " 
 
 " preliminaries, we give up the island of Newfoundland to the English, and that " 
 " if we do not re-capture Acadie, there will not remain for us any place by which " 
 " we can carry on the fishery. Besides this country is so near to Canada, that " 
 " there will be every reason to fear that it will involve eventually its loss, if the " 
 " English retain possession." 
 
 The first proposal for peace came from France to England in April, 1711. 
 The preliminaries were signed at London 27 September, (8 October, n. s.,) 
 following. It would seem, therefore, that the true date of M. Pontchartrain's 
 letter was 24 December. 1711. The article he refers to is the 8th and last 
 of the demands of Great Britain, viz : " 8. Newfoundland, the bay and streights " 
 " of Hudson, shall be entirely restored to the English ; Great Britain and France " 
 " shall respectively keep and possess all the countries, dominions and territories " 
 " in North America, which each of those nations shall possess at the time that " 
 " the ratification of this treaty shall be published in those parts of the world. " 
 The French answer : " The discussion of this article shall be referred to the " 
 " general conferences of the peace, provided that the liberty of fishing and dry- " 
 " ing of codfish upon the isle ol Newfoundland be reserved to the French."
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 329 
 
 (2.) 
 
 Sir Hovenden Walker, in 1720, published a journal of his expedition of 1711, 
 which is very full and particular. Vetch had discredited the French pilot, 8 Aug., 
 1711, off Canso ; and the council of war, 25 August, after the shipwreck at Egg 
 Islands, declared their opinion that the pilots they had were ignorant of the navi- 
 gation. [Walker's Journal, 131.] At the second council of war, at Spanish river, 
 Sept. 8, [The same, 141, 142], the shortness of provisions was alleged as 
 the reason for abandoning further proceedings, and going back to England. 
 ' Capt Rouse, in the Sunderland, of 60 guns, was despatched from the fleet to Bos- 
 ton to recall lieut. general Nicholson from his march to Canada. [The same, 
 P- 132-] 
 
 (3-) 
 
 The baron St. Castin is said to have finally left America and returned to France 
 in 1708. We may, therefore, conclude that the officer appointed by Vaudreuil 
 to take charge of the French interest in Acadie in 1711 must have been his half- 
 breed son, Anselme, baron St. Castin, who was married at Port Royal 31 Oct., 
 1707, to Charlotte d' Amours, daughter of Louis d' Amours, sieur de Chauffeurs. 
 
 (4-) 
 
 Philippe de Rigaud, marquis de Vaudreuil, governor and lieutenant general for 
 the king in all New France, recites that it is for H. M. service to establish a com- 
 mandant in all the extent of Acadie, as well over the French as over the Indians, 
 Subercase having gone to France, and the chief business being the managing of 
 our Indian allies, (les sauvages nos allies :) recites also the services of sieur baron 
 de St. Castin, commandant of Pentagouet, particularly displayed in the two 
 sieges of Port Royal in 1 707, when he received a musket wound in his thigh. 
 He therefore appoints him lieutenant (lieutenant en pied), orders marquis 
 d'Alogny, commandant of the troops, to recognize him as such, and M. 
 Raudot, intendant of justice, police and finances of this country, to cause him to 
 be paid the salary appertaining to his situation. Dated Quebec, I January, 1711. 
 
 (5-) 
 
 M. de Subercase wrote to the minister, Rochefort, 14 March, 1711, that part of 
 the late garrison of Acadie were ordered to Nantes and Bayonne. That they 
 could not be trusted, but would all or most of them desert. Wishes them to be 
 made an example, as they had revolted in Acadie. Prays for his being tried. 
 
 (6.) 
 
 Sir Charles Hobby was proposed by a party in New England to be governor 
 instead of Dudley, 1705-1708. Said to be a gay man and free liver, knighted 
 either for courage evinced during an earthquake at Jamaica, or for money. [2 
 Hutch., Mass., 152, 153, 175.] Perhaps the aspersions on his character origina- 
 ted in party slander and religious bigotry. He is even worse treated in Gra- 
 ham's Col. History.
 
 33O History of Nova-Scotia. 1712. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVIII. 
 
 1712. The French had built a small church or chapel at 
 Narantsouac, (Norridgewock), on the Kinibequi river, in 1698, 
 at which father Sebastien Rasle or Ralle was stationed as mis- 
 sionary to the Canibas, and other adjacent Indian tribes. In 
 1702, colonel Hilton, with 270 men, went there in winter, and 
 found the place deserted, when he burnt down the chapel, and 
 some wigwams. The mission, however, was not abandoned, 
 but Ralle was afterwards assailed in another mode. A cler- 
 gyman from Boston was sent into his neighborhood, at the 
 expence of the government, to establish a school for the in- 
 struction of the Indians. He made himself intimate with the 
 Indians questioned them on the articles of the creed which 
 they had learned from the catholic missionary, and endeavored, 
 by the weapons of ridicule, to shake their belief in the sacra- 
 ments, purgatory, the invocation of saints, and other doctrines 
 of the church of Rome. Father Ralle thought himself bound 
 to oppose these first seeds of seduction. He wrote a very 
 polite letter to the protestant clergyman, and pointed out to 
 him, among other things, that his neophytes knew how to be- 
 lieve in the truths which the catholic church teaches, but were 
 not acquainted with disputation. That in suggesting difficul- 
 ties to them, such as he could not suppose them able to reply 
 to, his design apparently was that they should communicate 
 the points in controversy to their missionary. But he availed 
 himself with pleasure of the opportunity of a conference with 
 a. man of ability. That he offered him the choice of a viva
 
 1712. History of Nova-Scotia. 331 
 
 voce, or a written controversy, and meanwhile he sent him a 
 me'moire, which he prayed him to read with attention. In this 
 document, which was pretty voluminous, Ralle undertook to 
 prove, by scripture, by tradition, and by theological arguments, 
 the dogmas which the protestant clergyman had attacked with 
 his jesting remarks. He added, in closing his letter, that if he 
 was not satisfied with his proofs, he expected from him a 
 precise refutation, and one based upon certain principles, and 
 not upon vague reasoning, much less upon malicious reflec- 
 tions and indecent satires, which did not suit their sacred pro- 
 fession, nor comport with the importance of the matters in 
 controversy. Two days after the protestant minister received 
 these despatches, he left for Boston, from which place he sent 
 Ralle an answer ; but one, as Charlevoix states, so obscure and 
 in such unintelligible Latin, that Ralle could only understand 
 that he complained of being unreasonably attacked that zeal 
 for salvation alone had induced him to teach the Indians the 
 way to heaven, and that the proofs which Ralle opposed to 
 him were puerile and ridiculous. Ralle sent a reply at once 
 to Boston. The minister's answer to this he only got two 
 years after, in which Ralle was charged with ill-humor and an 
 angry and critical disposition ; and thus their controversy 
 ended. 
 
 On the i gth August, 1712, n. s., a treaty for cessation of 
 arms between England and France was signed at Paris, 
 and ratified by queen Anne, at Windsor, 18 August, 1712, 
 o. s.., (29 August, n. s.) In the further negotiations that 
 took place, the following offer was made by the French : 
 " His majesty offers to leave the fortifications of Placentia as " 
 " they are, when he yields that place to England, to agree " 
 " to the demand made of the guns of Hudson's bay ; more- " 
 " over, to yield the islands of St. Martin and St. Bartholo- " 
 " mew, to give up even the right of fishing and drying cod " 
 " upon the coast of Newfoundland, if the English will give " 
 v him back Acadie, in consideration of these new cessions " 
 " which are proposed as an equivalent. In this case his " 
 "majesty would consent that the river of St. George shoiUd" 
 " be the limit of Acadie, as England desired."
 
 332 History of Nova-Scotia. I 7 I 3- 
 
 1713. On the nth of April, 1713, (31 March, o' s.,) treaties 
 of peace were signed at Utrecht, to which France, England, 
 Holland, Portugal, Russia and Savoy, were parties. These 
 treaties were formally published in Paris on the 22d of May. 
 The 1 2th article of the treaty, made at Utrecht between Anne, 
 the queen of Great Britain, and Louis the I4th, king of France, 
 was as follows : 
 
 " The most Christian king shall cause to be delivered to " 
 " the queen of Great Britain, on the same day on which the " 
 " ratifications of this treaty shall be exchanged, solemn and " 
 " authentick letters or instruments, by virtue whereof it shall " 
 " appear that the island of St. Christopher is to be possessed " 
 " hereafter by British subjects only ; likewise that all Nova " 
 " Scotia or Acadie, comprehended within its antient bounda- " 
 " ries ; as also the city of Port Royal, now called Annapolis " 
 " Royal, and all other things in these parts which depend on " 
 " the said lands and islands, together with the dominion, " 
 " property and possession of the said islands, lands and pla- " 
 " ces, and all right whatever by treaties, or any other way " 
 " attained, which the most Christian king, the crown of " 
 " France, or any the subjects thereof, have hitherto had to the " 
 " said islands, lands and places, and to the inhabitants of the " 
 " same, are yielded and made over to the queen of Great " 
 " Britain, and to her crown for ever ; as the most Christian " 
 " king doth now yield and make over all the said premisses, " 
 " and that in such ample manner and form that the subjects " 
 " of the most Christian king shall hereafter be excluded from " 
 " all kind of fishing in the seas, bays, and other places on the " 
 " coasts of Nova Scotia, that is to say, on those coasts which " 
 " lie towards the East, within thirty leagues, beginning from " 
 " the island commonly called Sable, inclusively, and thence " 
 " stretching along towards the South West." (The roth arti- 
 cle gave up all Hudson's Bay to the English, and the I3th 
 declared Newfoundland should belong wholly to Great Britain, 
 and the French engaged to surrender Placentia, and whatever 
 else they held in the island, to the English, within seven 
 months from the exchange of ratifications. The French were 
 not to fortify or build in Newfoundland, but were to be allowed
 
 1713- History of Nova-Scotia. 333 
 
 to build stages of boards and huts for fishing and drying fish 
 on that part of the coast which extends from cape Bonavista 
 to the northern part of the island, and thence along the West 
 side of it to Point Rich. (Point Rich is the north part of 
 Ingonornachoix bay.) Cape Breton, and the other islands 
 in the gulph of Saint Lawrence, to remain to the French, who 
 may fortify there. In May, 1713, king Louis I4th made a 
 formal act of cession of St. Christopher's and Nova Scotia, con- 
 formably to the treaty. Signed by the king, and counter- 
 signed " Phelypeaux." 
 
 Letter of queen Anne. 
 
 Anne R. 
 
 Trusty and well beloved, we greet you well. Whereas our 
 good brother, the most Christian king, hath, at our desire, re- 
 leased from imprisonment on board his galleys, such of his 
 subjects as were detained there on account of their professing 
 the Protestant religion. We, being willing to show by some 
 mark of our favour towards his subjects how kind we take his 
 compliance therein, have therefore thought fit hereby to sig- 
 nify our will and pleasure to you, that you permit such of them 
 as have any lands or tenements in the places under your gov- 
 ernment in Accadie and Newfoundland, that have been or are 
 to be yielded to us by virtue of the late treaty of peace, and 
 are willing to continue our subjects, to retain and enjoy their 
 said lands and tenements without any molestation, as fully and 
 freely as other our subjects do or may possess their lands or 
 estates, or to sell the same, if they shall rather choose to 
 remove elsewhere. And for so doing, this shall be your war- 
 rant, and so we bid you heartily farewell. Given at our court 
 at Kensington, the 23rd day of June, 1713, and in the I2th 
 year of our reign. 
 
 By her majesty's command, 
 
 (Signed) ' DARTMOUTH.' 
 
 Superscribed, 
 
 To our trusty and well beloved Francis Nicholson, esquire, 
 governor of our province of Nova Scotia or Accadia, and gen- 
 eral and commander-in-chief of our forces, in our said province 
 and in Newfoundland, in America.
 
 334 History of Nova-Scotia. I 7 I 3- 
 
 In a ms. memoire of n July, 1713, addressed by M. Riverin 
 to the duke de Villiers and the marquis de Torcy, the I2th 
 article of the treaty of Utrecht is discussed. It is there argued 
 that Nova Scotia means the territory west of the bay of Fundy, 
 and Acadie the peninsula lying east of it ; while the isle of 
 Sable, named in the treaty, is considered to be, not the island 
 usually so called, but the island of cape Sable, and the fishery 
 forbidden to the French to be only the fishery in the bay of 
 Fundy ; while Sable island itself is stated to belong to cape 
 Breton, and thus to be French territory. By a similar ingen- 
 uity of construction, the author enlarges the district of the 
 Newfoundland shore left open to French fishery. A reference 
 to the offer made by the French to adopt the river St. George 
 as the boundary of Acadie, if that province were left to France, 
 is a complete answer to all this special pleading which was 
 the theme of the French Commissaries in 1751. 
 
 Orders were sent from France to M. de Costabelle, to pre- 
 pare for evacuating the forts of Placentia, and for transferring 
 the inhabitants to the island of cape Breton. Difficulties 
 arose, their fishing shallops being unfit for the passage, and 
 the loss of their fishing season would be felt as an injury. 
 Some persons appeared stubbornly bent on remaining there, 
 and taking the oath to the English government. Costabelle 
 assembled the people in presence of M. St. Ovide de Brouillan, 
 commander of the king's ship the Semslack, and addressed 
 them. He also sent M. du Vivier to M. Gaulin, the mission- 
 ary, with letters to induce the Indians and French in Acadie 
 to go to cape Breton. \Letter of Costabelle to the minister, 
 Placentia, 18 July, 1713.] Differences of opinion existed as 
 to the best place in cape Breton to be' fortified and occupied 
 by the French, now that they were about to remove from Pla- 
 centia. Joseph Guyon, a Quebec pilot of great experience, 
 urged upon governor Costabelle that the bay of St. Anne's, in 
 cape Breton, was the locality that combined the greatest ad- 
 vantages. It had a narrow entrance, not much wider than the 
 range of a musket shot, and could be easily fortified. There 
 were very fine beaches of gravel (graves) there, and so spa- 
 cious that thirty or forty vessels could be placed there for dry-
 
 1713- History of Nova-Scotia. 335 
 
 ing fish. Codfish abounded there more than in any other 
 part of the island. The whole extent of the lands there was 
 level, and suitable for the production of all sorts of grain. 
 That this place had been formerly inhabited by M. de Ronde 
 Denis ; that they now gathered there a large quantity of apples 
 from trees planted in that period. Guyon also positively stated 
 that there were but 3 fathoms of water at high tide in the en- 
 trance of Havre a 1' Anglois, (English harbor, now Louisbourg), 
 and in that of the bay St. Anne 14 to 15 fathoms in coasting to 
 the entrance, (en rangeant a 1'abord.) He represented the island 
 of St. Peters, near the straits of Can9o, as unfit for trade as 
 dangerous for vessels above 150 tons to enter. \Costabelles 
 letter to the minister, 3 August, 1713.] All the navigators who 
 seek a retreat on this coast prefer Spanish river, (baie des 
 Espagnols, now Sydney.) \Costabelle, 10 August, 1713.] 
 
 M. 1'Hermite, major and engineer, with others from Placen- 
 tia, arrived at Havre a 1' Anglois, on the 8 August, 1713. M. 
 de Rouville arrived there with a detachment in the 1'Amitie, 
 commanded by M. de la Boularderie. St. Ovide, who was 
 there, sent letters to Gaulin and to pere Felix, recollet, cure" of 
 Mines and Beaubassin. L'Hermite says that English harbor 
 is the worst in the island as respects wood, but good 
 for fishery, and, except St. Anne's, the only one that can 
 be fortified. As regards St. Anne's, he says it is near Labra- 
 dor, (the salt water lake in cape Breton so called) ; that the 
 fishery is two leagues distant from it. It is one of the finest 
 harbors to be seen for wood and lands. The entrance is 
 scarcely wider than that of Placentia. On the 7 Sept'r., 1713, 
 there were one hundred and sixty persons in all to be fed at 
 Havre a 1'Anglois, which caused difficulty, as rations for one 
 hundred only had been provided. Two families of Acadie had 
 come by the way of Canada, comprising 12 persons. L'Her- 
 mite had been along the coast to St. Anne's, and into the 
 Labrador. There cannot be finer woods or lands. There is 
 also plaister and coal. He hopes the harbor in Canseau pas- 
 sage, of which de Jeune and Baptiste spoke, will prove a good 
 one. In that case there would be a communication between 
 the two by the Labrador. \L'Hermite to Costabelle, 7 and 9
 
 336 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 Sept., 1713.] M. de la Ronde Denis, captain of infantry, arri- 
 ved at Havre a 1'Anglois. He calls it a fine harbor, easily 
 fortified, which may hold over 100 vessels of all sizes. The 
 fishery there is abundant. He says St. Anne's is four leagues 
 from Niganiche, and the same distance from Spanish bay. 
 English harbor, he says, will be expensive, as all materials for 
 fortifying it must be brought from a great distance. St. Anne's 
 is a harbor 100,000 times finer. It may be rendered impreg- 
 nable more easily with 50,000 livres, ($10,000), than English 
 Harbor with 100,000 e"cus, ($100,000.) He praises the woods 
 at St. Anne's, as containing all kinds of fine timber. " An " 
 " old Indian named Prague told us he had seen very fine " 
 " wheat there. We believed him readily, as we had seen vesti- " 
 " ges of the furrows of the plough." M. Gaulin wrote from Beau- 
 bassin 26 August, 1713, in answer to letters he had received 
 from M. du Vivier, that he could not answer for the inhabi- 
 tants, but he would do his best to induce them to go to cape 
 Breton. He thinks he is more sure of influencing the Indians. 
 (The names of places are spelt as in the authors and mss. 
 cited.) 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXXVIII. 
 
 Letter from Felix Paim, missionary, Recollet, to M. de Costabelle. 
 (Translation.) 
 
 Aux Mines, 23 Sept., 1713. 
 
 A summary of what the inhabitants have answered me : 
 
 " It would be to expose us manifestly (they say) to die of hunger, burthened as 
 1 we are with large families, to quit the dwelling places and clearances from 
 ' which we derive our usual subsistence, without any other resource, to take 
 ' rough, new lands, from which the standing wood must be removed, without any 
 1 advances or assistance. One-fourth of our population consists of aged persons, 
 ' unfit for the labor of breaking up new lands, and who, with great exertion, are 
 ' able to cultivate the cleared ground which supplies subsistence for them and 
 ' their families. Finally, we shall answer for ourselves and for the absent, that 
 ' we will never take the oath of fidelity to the queen of Great Britain, to the pre- 
 ' judice of what we owe to our king, to our country and to our religion ; and that 
 ' if any attempt were made against one or the other of these two articles of our
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 337 
 
 " fidelity, that is to say, to our king and to our law, that in that case we are ready 
 " to quit all, rather than to violate, in the least thing, one of those articles. 
 " Besides we do not yet know in what manner the English will use us. If they 
 " burthen us in respect of our religion, or cut up our settlements to divide the 
 " lands with people of their nations, we will abandon them absolutely. We 
 " know, further, from the exact visit we have made, that there are no lands in 
 " the whole island of cape Breton which would be suitable for the maintenance of 
 " our families, since there are not meadows sufficient to nourish our cattle, from 
 " which we draw our principal subsistence. The Indians say, that to shut them 
 " up in the island of cape Breton would be to damage their liberty, and that it 
 " would be a thing inconsistent with their natural freedom and the means of pro- 
 " viding for their subsistence. That with regard to their attachment to the king 
 " and to the French, that it is inviolable ; and if the queen of England had the 
 " meadows of Acadie, by the cession made by his majesty of them, they, the 
 " Indians, had the woods, out of which no one could ever dislodge them ; and 
 " that so they wished each to remain at their posts, promising, nevertheless, to 
 " be always faithful to the French, and to give them the preference in the trading 
 
 " for furs. In the colonies of Port Royal, Mines, Piggiguit, Coppeguit and 
 
 " Beaubassin, 6000 souls would have to be removed." 
 
 (2.) 
 
 M. de Costabelle having received reports from St. Ovide de Brouillan and! 
 major 1'Hermite, on the proposed establishment in cape Breton, concludes in 
 favor of St. Anne's. He thinks cape Breton is a gain to France in yielding up 
 Newfoundland, and he recommends that St. Anne's and the little island in Canso 
 Strait should both be fortified. Considers that the fishery is not to be the exclu- 
 sive object of attention, but that the arts, agriculture and commerce, should be 
 attended to. [Costabelle to the minister, Placentia, 27 Sept., 1713.] Costabelle 
 wishes that idlers and cabaretiers should not go from Placentia to the island of 
 cape Breton. He recommended caution in giving grants to those only who are 
 in a position to improve the land. He was of opinion that the Indians can only 
 be retained by presents. " Point d'argent, point de Suisse." 
 
 " It is to be observed, that the missionaries very often misuse the gratuitous 
 " gifts which the king sends them ; and very far from distributing them to the 
 " Indians, they take the price of them from the Indians in furs, and thus turn 
 " them into a trade in place of a bounty. This has been reported to me on the 
 " subject of all I had sent to sieur Gaulin, in Acadie, and which I shall examine 
 " into on my arrival in the island of cape Breton.'' [Costabelle to the minister, 
 Placentia, 24 Oct., 1713.] Rouville asks for a grant of Niganiche. Says he has 
 a father 73 years old, and eight brothers now in the service, besides two killed. 
 [Letter from cape Breton to the minister, dated 18 Oct., 1713.] M. de Vaudreuil 
 recommended St. Anne's, port Dauphin, in a letter to the minister of 14 Novem- 
 ber, 1713. St. Castin gives up his views of family property in France to go to 
 Panamske and Narantsouak. 29 Oct., St. Ovide left for France, without inform- 
 ing M. de Costabelle. 20 November, 1713, an English 2O-gun frigate arrived at 
 Placentia, six weeks from Portsmouth. She brought a package of letters from 
 the English court, addressed to colonel Moody, governor of Placentia. The 
 colonel had not then arrived there. 
 22
 
 338 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 Costabelle was much vexed with M. Gaulin. He says to the minister : " The " 
 " said sieur Gaulin diverges a little from the language of the apostles. He fears " 
 " to fall with his people into the deserts of Egypt, and with a style which savors " 
 " a little of rebellion, or at least of the language of the nations to which he " 
 " preaches the gospel. The substance of his letter contains, that if he had con- " 
 " ducted to cape Breton all the French families that would accompany him, " 
 " they would be dead there of hunger, in place of finding there all the succor I " 
 " had led them to hope for from government ; and that it does not become one " 
 " to employ missionaries for those kinds of business, especially where there is " 
 " an intention to biass them, and that he is not accustomed to have two words, " 
 " and to pass for a liar. These are his expressions, continuing that he bids me " 
 " to pay attention to them ; and that after what he sees, he will not proceed fur- " 
 " ther, as also his inhabitants will not go out until they see an assured succor, " 
 " and one more certain than what I have given to those who have removed " 
 " thither, without which they will remain on their lands with the English, who " 
 " allure them as much as they can. That is to say, my lord, that without " 
 " money one can expect nothing from the good will of these people, who will be " 
 " always much disposed to go back into foreign territory, on the smallest dis- " 
 ' content, than to be subjected to the nation from which they draw their origin, " 
 " which they have for the most part forgotten. If your Excellency would refer " 
 " it to me to remove all these difficulties, I should not give them a sous, and " 
 " should allow them to act with their own free will in coming or not coming to the " 
 " island of Cape Breton." He thinks they are half Indians in disposition, and 
 that they could never be relied on ; and thinks it would be better to buy slaves. 
 [Costabelle to the minister, Placentia, 30 Nov., 1713.] 
 
 (3-) 
 La Ronde Denys to the minister, 1713. Ms. 
 
 He says the island of cape Breton is full of good harbors, which he describes 
 one by one. Port Sainte Anne, he says, is, without contradiction, the finest har- 
 bor in the world. It would cost only half the expence to make the fortifications 
 there that it would at port 1'Anglois, as the materials are at hand. " My decea- " 
 " sed grandfather Denis had a fort there, the vestiges of which are yet to be seen, " 
 " and the Indians tell us that he raised the finest grain in the world there, and " 
 " we have likewise seen the fields which he used to till ; and there are to be " 
 " seen there very fine apple trees, from which we have eaten very good fruit " 
 " for the season. I have another favor to ask of you my lord, which will be to " 
 " obtain me a grant of the river de Moulacadie. It is the first river in entering " 
 " the lake Choulacadie, on the right hand. It is a thing which I may well " 
 " hope from your Excellency, in consideration of the expences which my decea- " 
 " sed grandfather was at in the island of cape Breton, when his Majesty made " 
 " him a grant" (of it.) There are several inhabitants of Acadie, and of Canada, " 
 
 " who have given me their promise to come and settle on that river. We " 
 
 " see by experience, my lord, that New England, which is not worth a tenth " 
 " part of cape Breton, how that colony flourishes ; for I know of certain know- " 
 " ledge that there is built in the country of Boston, every year, more than 1500 " 
 " vessels, from 15 tons up to 800 tons burthen. One sees, my lord, there is " 
 " nothing to hinder our doing the same thing. We are deficient in nothing "
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 339 
 
 ** required, for we have the wood, the tar, the coal, and the masting, and even- " 
 *' tually hemp will be common there to make cordage and sails. - 1 can " 
 *' assure your Excellency that I have a perfect acquaintance with these coun- " 
 *' tries as well as with that of New England, in which there are things to follow " 
 " to settle a colony welL" 
 
 " The sole inconvemence of the port of Sainte Anne, called also Port Dau- " 
 *' phin, which every one admits to be one of the finest in the new world, is that " 
 <( it is not easy to make it, (pas facile a aborder.) This sole inconvenience, " 
 " after much irresolution and many steps taken, at one time the port of Sainte " 
 *' Anne, and another the Havre a 1'Anglois, (called Louisbourg), and the facility " 
 *' of entering the latter obtained it the preference ; and nothing has been spared " 
 *' to render it commodious and impregnable. The town is built on a tongue of " 
 *' land, which closes the entrance of the port. M. de Costabelle, who had lost " 
 " his government of Placentia, was entrusted with that of the new colony, and " 
 ** M. de Saint Ovide, his lieutenant du Roi, has succeeded him." [4 Charlevoix, 
 144, 145. E<TK. o/1744-l 
 
 (5-) 
 
 The family of Winniett is found here at this period. In the parish register of 
 Port Royal is an entry 16 Oct., 1714, that frere Justinien supplied the ceremonies 
 of baptism to Anne Winot, born 20 March, 1712, and baptized by the English 
 minister of the Fort, daughter of Mr. William Winot, officer of the Fort, and of 
 Magdelaine Maissonat, (married by the minister.) Godfather, Joseph leBlanc. 
 Godmother, Anne le Blanc. Same day, f. Justinien baptised Elizabeth Winot, 
 born 17 August, 1714. Baptized by M. Gaulin, priest. Same parents and same 
 sponsors as above.
 
 34O History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIX. 
 
 1714. Newfoundland having been wholly given up by France 
 to England by the treaty of Utrecht, M. Costabelle, who had 
 succeeded Subercase at Placentia in 1706, delivered up that 
 place to colonel John Moody, (who was appointed by the Bri- 
 tish government to be lieutenant governor there,) on the 1st 
 June, 1714, o. s., 12 June, n. s. Douglas' Summary, p. 294. 
 Costabelle was transferred to Louisbourg, as governor of cape 
 Breton, and remained there several years. Charlevoix, v. 4, 
 p. 129, &c., gives an account of the plans formed by the two 
 messieurs Raudot, father and son, intendants of Canada, for 
 fortifying and settling cape Breton. They believed it would 
 have a favorable effect on the trade both of France and 
 Canada. They shewed that fishery, timber trade and ship 
 building might be carried on in that island to a great extent ; 
 and that French merchandize sent there could be sold to the 
 Canadians to mutual advantage. They stated that the fur 
 trade had, in a great measure, been lost to Canada, and had 
 fallen into the hands of the English ; and that under any cir- 
 cumstances, it would prove insufficient for the maintenance 
 and growth of a large population in Canada. Their views on 
 this subject were sent in detail to France in 1706. We have 
 seen in 1709 an anonymous m/moire, which projects the forti- 
 fying and settling a military post in cape Breton. The Havre 
 a tAnglois, (Louisbourg), having been selected, as open to 
 navigation at all seasons, was now named after the king of 
 France. In 1714, Raudot (fils) says: " Louisbourg, where "
 
 17*4* History of Nova-Scotia. 341 
 
 " the garrison of Placentia, that of Acadie, and the inhabi- " 
 " tants of Placentia now are, is a good harbor, where the " 
 " holding ground is good, with eight fathoms of water, shel- " 
 " tered from all winds, and which can contain more than 300 " 
 " vessels. The winds permit vessels to enter and to depart " 
 " every day. There is no sheltered anchorage outside the " 
 " harbor. It consequently cannot be blockaded by the ene- " 
 " my's ships in time of war." He describes port Dauphin, 
 (St. Anne's), and port Toulouse, in the south part of the island. 
 He reckons the expenses of three men-of-war required at 
 210,000 livres per season of eight months. The sieur Bour- 
 don, (1714), thinks corn must be brought to Louisbourg from 
 Canada. Limestone can be got from Chedabouctou. Instead 
 of a regular fort on the island, he would prefer a battery of 
 earth and timber, with good embrasures, and a similar battery 
 on the point of land. The great fort and that of the town 
 must be built, though of much cost 
 
 The name of the island of cape Breton was now changed to 
 Isle Royale, and the fortifying and colonizing on the East 
 coast began. It is said that 25 years of time, and 30 millions 
 of livres, equal to near one million and a half pounds, sterling, 
 were consumed on these works, which were, after all, incom- 
 plete. In 1 744, its garrison consisted of 600 soldiers and 800 
 militia. \Gameaus History of Canada, v.. 2, p. 101.] The 
 population which settled in and about Louisbourg came chiefly 
 front France and from Canada, a few only of the Acadians 
 having been induced to remove thither. \Rameau, p. 71.] 
 
 It is stated in lieut. governor Mascarene's letter to governor 
 Shirley, 6 April, 1748, that in this year, 1714, Mr. Nicholson 
 arrived with the commission of governor and commander-in- 
 chief of Nova Scotia, and that he proposed to the Acadians 
 to become British subjects within the period named in the 
 capitulation, which would expire in 1715, or to leave the 
 province, and that they refused the oath, and were only pre- 
 vented from leaving the country by failure of vessels expected 
 from cape Breton to take them away. We have seen that the 
 queen addressed her public letter of 23 June, 1713, granting
 
 342 History of Nova-Scotia. 17* 4- 
 
 indulgence to the French inhabitants to Nicholson, as gover- 
 nor of Nova Scotia, &c. 
 
 The fifth article of the capitulation granted by general 
 Nicholson to Subercase, in 1710, gave to the inhabitants living 
 within cannon shot of the Fort, the privilege of remaining two 
 years on their lands, on condition of their taking oaths of 
 allegiance and fidelity to the queen. By the memorandum 
 attached to the document, this is explained to extend three 
 English miles around, and 481 persons there are stated to be 
 Included in it. The articles shew that no others' could claim 
 the privilege of remaining as a right, on any terms, after the 
 conquest. This is also clear from the claim the English 
 immediately made to treat the other inhabitants as prisoners 
 at discretion, a claim openly asserted in the letters carried by 
 Livingston to the marquis de Vaudreuil. It would appear 
 that the inhabitants of Port Royal and the banlieue had taken 
 these oaths in conformity with the capitulation, at least all the 
 men within that district who had not left the colony, as we 
 find by Gaulin's letter 5 Sept., 1711, that the people of the 
 banlieue notified the governor that they held themselves freed 
 from the oaths they had taken not to bear arms. This was 
 probably the construction they had been taught to put on 
 the oath of allegiance, as it would have been not only an 
 unauthorized proceeding on the part of Nicholson or Vetch to 
 have substituted an oath of neutrality for the oaths prescribed 
 in the capitulation, but a very unlikely course for the victors 
 to adopt Nicholson, one would think, had enforced this part 
 of the terms of surrender before he left the place. (I do not 
 understand the oath so taken to have implied an allegiance, 
 further than the two years named in the capitulation.) Even 
 having complied and sworn allegiance, their right to remain 
 terminated 13 October, 1712 ; and had they greater rights, 
 their conduct in 1711, when they united with the Indians to 
 infest and blockade the fort, amounted to the capital offence of 
 treason ; and by all laws of that period, they had forfeited all 
 their estates in the province, and their lives also. The country 
 being once conquered, no one residing in it could be justified 
 in taking up arms against the government of the victors, or
 
 1714- History of Nova-Scotia. 343 
 
 giving aid to their enemies, the very permission to remain, 
 under such circumstances, implying obedience and fidelity, 
 although no oaths were taken. 
 
 By the treaty of Utrecht, the French government not only 
 failed to reserve any rights for their subjects in Acadie, but 
 most expressly ceded the rights of the French crown, and 
 those of its subjects, to the territory and lands. But the 
 Queen's letter of 1713 gave the French inhabitants a new 
 offer. All who were willing to become her subjects in New- 
 foundland and in Nova Scotia, were free to enjoy the privilege 
 and hold their estates, while those who preferred to leave the 
 country had liberty to sell their properties and depart. The 
 natural construction put on this letter was that, to shew they 
 had become British subjects, they should swear allegiance to 
 the queen of England. The idea of neutrality appears to have 
 been sedulously instilled into the minds of the French in 
 Acadie by the agents of the French interest. The kind of 
 neutrality intended was, that they should quietly aid the 
 Indians against the English at all times ; and when England 
 and France were at war, give aid to French parties from 
 Canada. They seemed to think they had done more than 
 their duty to the English, if they did not take an open 
 and active part in war against the garrison of Annapolis. 
 They also were steadily opposed to allowing any English set- 
 tlers to occupy or cultivate the country. In governor Philipps' 
 time, in 1730, the unqualified oath of allegiance was taken by 
 all the people (males) on the Annapolis river from 16 to 60. 
 An original parchment is held by the government, with 227 
 names, (of which hereafter.) It is true some of the subordi- 
 nate officers accepted qualified oaths from these people on one 
 or two occasions, for doing which they were reproved by the 
 government. But the French governors at Quebec paid 
 yearly pensions to the missionaries in Acadie long after the 
 conquest, and enjoined on them to keep the people and the 
 Indians in the French interest, which, in general, they did 
 with success. Some of the English governors discouraged 
 the inhabitants from leaving the country, by forbidding their 
 taking their cattle and effects with them ; while on the other
 
 344 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 hand the French governors of Quebec and Louisbourg shewed 
 little desire to assist them to remove into the French domin- 
 ions, while they used various inducements to keep them 
 attached to French interests and disaffected to the English 
 power. The garrisons at Annapolis, Canso and Placentia, 
 were very small ; the funds they received from England limit- 
 ed. The Indians were almost always hostile, and the inhabi- 
 tants generally disaffected. Consequently English power 
 beyond the range of the cannon of the Fort was only nominal. 
 The French governors did not wish the Acadians to leave 
 Nova Scotia, as they reckoned on them as a check on the 
 British there, as preventing British colonization, and affording 
 facilities for a re-conquest. The English governors equally 
 dreaded their removal, believing that if they went to 
 Louisbourg or Quebec they would strengthen the enemy's 
 military power. The situation of these poor people from the 
 conquest to their expulsion in 1755, was much to be pitied, 
 being the puppets of the intrigues and ambition of others, who 
 acted upon their religious and national feelings, and eventu- 
 ally ruined their interests. 
 
 Queen Anne died I August, 1714, in her soth year, and 
 George the first, the elector of Hanover, became king of 
 England.
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 345 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXXIX. 
 (i.) 
 
 5 November, 1714. 
 
 Census of the inhabitants of Placentia, and the islands of St. Peter, who have 
 come to Louisbourg, with their wives and children. 
 
 Belleville, 
 
 Berichon, 
 
 Rochefort, 
 
 Chevalier, 
 
 The son of widow Vigneau, 
 
 Plaidiern, 
 
 Martin Laborde, 
 
 Antoine Pere, 
 
 Rene Pere. 
 
 Beauregard, 
 
 Fran9ois Bertrand, 
 
 Catrerot, 
 
 Lasson, the younger, 
 
 Dupont Labarre, de St. Pierre, 
 
 Daccarette, 
 
 Silvain, 
 
 Duclos Viarien, 
 
 Lartigue, 
 
 Benjamin,des isles de StPierre, 
 
 Boimory, do. 
 
 Number of shallops 
 
 they are to have in 
 
 the fishery. 
 
 3 
 
 Places where they 
 
 are to be settled 
 for the fishery. 
 
 Louisbourg, 
 
 In the fort, 6 
 
 do. 5 
 
 do. 4 
 
 do. 2 
 
 do. 3 
 
 do. 4 
 
 do. 3 
 
 do. 3 
 
 do. 2 
 
 At harbor la Baleine, 6 
 
 do. 6 
 
 do. 6 
 
 do. 4 
 
 do. 6 
 
 do. 2 
 
 In 1'anse noire, 2 
 
 At anse aux Cannes, 7 
 
 On Scatari, 4 
 
 do. 4 
 
 82 
 
 Names of French inhabitants arrived at Isle Royale, not in a condition to carry 
 on the fishery : 
 
 The widow Estevin. 
 
 Thomas Pik. 
 
 The widow La Croix. 
 
 Oizelet. 
 
 Dubourdieu. 
 
 Lelarge. 
 
 Number of shallops which messieurs the officers are to put in the fishery 
 
 above, 
 
 M. M. de Costabelle, 
 de Soubray, 
 de St. Ovide, 
 Schmidt, 
 Legendis, 
 de Ste. Marie, 
 
 82 
 6 
 4 
 5 
 3 
 3 
 4 
 
 107
 
 346 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 There is not yet any place on the beach destined for messrs. the officers, as 
 there is only space there for 30 shallops in the harbor of Louisbourg. I did not 
 think it was my duty to disappoint the inhabitants to give them in preference to 
 the said officers, no more than to myself. Thus we must send our fishing craft 
 to seek a position on the North or South coast. Louisbourg, 5 November, 1714. 
 
 DE COSTEBELLE. 
 (2.) 
 
 There is a ms. census of the French population of Port Royal and Mines, dated 
 5 October, 1714, signed ' Felix Pain,' recollet missionary at Beaubassin, which 
 appears to have been drawn up secretly, for the information of the French gov- 
 ernment. All the names are given. 
 
 Number of souls at Port Royal, 637 
 
 " ' Mines, 653 
 
 Total, 1290 
 
 Surnames of the Port Royal families in this list of 1714. Number of names, 87. 
 
 Abraham, Alain, Barnabe, Beliveau, Beaumont. Beaupre, Bernard, Blanchard, 
 Blondin, Bonappetit, Boudrot, Bourg, Bourgeois, Breau, Brossard, Cadet, Carne, 
 Champagne, Clemenceau, Commeau, Cosse, D'amboise, Debert, Dubois, Denis, 
 Doucet, Dugas, Dumont, Dupuis, Emmanuel, 1'Etoile, Forest, Gentil, Girouard, 
 Godet, Gouselle, Grange, Guillebeau, Hebert, Jean, Labaune, Langlois, LaLi- 
 berte, Laurier,, Landry, LaRosette, Lafont, LaMontagne, Lapierre, Lanoue, 
 Lavergne, LeBasque, L'esperancc, LeBreton, Leblanc, Lemarquis, (2) L'Etoile, 
 Lionnais, Maillard, Martin, Melanson, Michel, Moire, Nantois, Olivier, Paris, 
 Parisien, Piltre, Pellerin, Petitpas, Potier, Poubomcoup, Raimond, Richard, 
 Robichau, (2) LaRosette, Samson, Savary, Savoie, Sellan, Surette, St. Louis, 
 St. Scenne, Thibodeau, Tourangeois, La Verdure, Villate, Vincent, Yvon. 
 
 The families at Mines give us 54 surnames, viz : 
 
 Aucoin, Babet, Baguette, Barillot, Benoit, Blanchard, Bodart. Boutin, Boucher, 
 Boisseau, Bourg, Bourq, Boudrot, Brasseux, Breau, Chauvet, Commeau,Corperon, 
 D'aigre, D'arois, Douaron, Doucet, Dugas, Dupuis, Forest, Gautereau, Girouard, 
 Godet, Grange, Hebert, Jasmin, Landry, Laroche, Leblanc, Lejeune, Leprince, 
 Martin, Melanson, Michel, Mouton, Perrine, Pinet, Rembaud, Richard, Rieul, 
 Roy, Saunier, Sire, Teriot, Thibodeau, Toussaint, Trahan, Vincent, Voyer. 
 At Port Royal, 87 names. 
 
 At Mines, (Additional.) 33 
 
 Surnames in all, 120 
 
 21 names are common to both places.
 
 1715- History of Nova-Scotia. 347 
 
 CHAPTER XL. 
 
 1715. I have found but 'few traces of the affairs of Nova 
 Scotia from 1714 to 1718. The French were laying the foun- 
 dations of their town and fortress at Louisbourg, and endea- 
 voring to establish new arrangements to favor their fisheries, 
 so as to counterbalance their loss in the surrender of Placentia. 
 The English garrison at Annapolis Royal was probably not 
 further molested at this time, and a calm existed after so much 
 trouble. A letter, dated "Whitehall, 8 March, 1714, 1715, 
 signed ' William Popple,' was addressed by the order of the 
 lords of Trade and Plantation to colonel Nicholson, requesting 
 him to inform them of what he had to offer in relation to Nova 
 Scotia, particularly what he could propose to make that place 
 of advantage to the crown, and this kingdom. 
 
 The following is his reply : 
 
 " To Wm. Popple, Esq., Secretary to the right hon'ble. the " 
 " Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations." 
 
 " A little while ago I received a letter from Mr. Rigs, and " 
 "enclosed I send you a paragraph of it, which confirms me" 
 " in the opinion I always had of the French designs and " 
 " endeavors, by all ways and means, to get those Five nations " 
 (Iroquois) " to their interests, and I never in the least doubt- " 
 " ed of their endeavoring likewise to stir the other Indians " 
 ' to make war upon his majesty's subjects on the continent " 
 " of North America ; and I suppose that they and the " 
 " Spaniards at St. Augustine have instigated the Indians to " 
 " fall upon South Carolina." (The Yemassees, at the instiga-
 
 348 History of Nova-Scotia, 1715-16. 
 
 tion of the Spaniards, carried on a war there against the 
 English, by which the colony of South Carolina was about this 
 time in great danger of destruction.) " And you may remem- " 
 " ber that I often said that the French in time of peace were " 
 " more capable of supplying the Indians with arms, ammuni- " 
 " tion, &c., than in war, because half if not more of their " 
 " ships bound to Canada were then taken, and lhat so long " 
 " as the priests and Jesuits are amongst the Indians, they " 
 " would endeavor to set them at variance with the English, " 
 " that the French will furnish them with officers, whom to " 
 " know from Indians is difficult, because several have been " 
 " bred up amongst them, and are dressed and painted as they " 
 
 " are. 1 hope you will excuse the trouble given you by, " 
 
 " sir, your most humble servant," 
 
 ' FRANCIS NICHOLSON.' 
 " London, July, 1715." 
 
 Louis the I4th, king of France, died on Sunday morning, 
 the i September, 1715, at 8 1-4 A. M., aged 77 years, having 
 reigned 72 years, leaving his grandson, Louis 15, who was 
 born 15 February, 1710, to succeed him. Philippe, duke of 
 Orleans, became regent. He had married, in 1692, Fran9oise 
 Marie, natural daughter of Louis 14. The regent proved 
 favorable to peace and amity with England. 
 
 1716. Captain Lawrence Armstrong, who was afterwards 
 lieutenant governor of Nova Scotia, was shipwrecked in 1711, 
 in the river St. Lawrence, on the expedition under general 
 Hill, and lost not only his clothes, to the value of So ster- 
 ling, but also his own and his company's equipage and arms. 
 He was after that sent, out of his tour of duty, to the garrison 
 of Annapolis Royal, by colonel Windress, to whose regiment 
 he then belonged. Governor Vetch and the other officers 
 there sent him to Great Britain with a memorial, to represent 
 the ill state of the garrison. The officers had been involved 
 in liabilities to support and to clothe the men. He made this 
 application to the Board of Trade on the 25 February, 1716, 
 and on the 28th he sent in a further statement, in which he 
 describes the fishery, farming capabilities, the timber, masts,
 
 1716. History of Nova-Scotia. 349 
 
 &c., in the province. He says it is the misfortune of the 
 country that the inhabitants are French, " who, having labor- " 
 " ed under very great oppressions and uncertainties, have '' 
 " neglected the improvements thereof, and if a war happens " 
 " before an English settlement is made, would be hostile, " 
 " they having refused the oath of allegiance to his majesty " 
 " king George, and in time of peace follow a private trade for ' ' 
 " the supply of the French of cape Breton, with provisions " 
 " and other necessaries." The garrison being dependant on 
 them for provisions, would be in danger in war time. That 
 the New England merchants ask such extravagant prices for 
 everything that they sell, that the furs and feathers, " a great " 
 " produce of this country," are carried by the French and 
 Indians to cape Breton in preference. If a sufficient number 
 of English were planted there for the supply of the garrison, 
 he would recommend Annapolis to be made a free port. 
 " As to the fortifications, they are in form a regular square, " 
 " with four bastions made up of earth and sod work, the " 
 " earth a loose gravel or sand, subject to damage by every " 
 " thaw, and of the great breaches which happen by the fall " 
 " of the wall into the ditch, till a method was found to revest " 
 " the works with timber, from the bottom of the ditch to the " 
 "f raizes, eighteen feet, and above that with four foot of sodd, " 
 " the greatest part of which being done while gen'l. Nicholson " 
 " was there last. The houses and barracks where the officers " 
 " and soldiers lodge, with the storehouses and magazines, " 
 " are in a ruinous condition, and not like to stand three years " 
 " without a thorough repair." He refers for particulars to the 
 accounts of engineer Vane and others to the Board of Ord- 
 nance. 
 
 As to what is said of the French inhabitants declining to 
 take the oath of allegiance to king George, it does not neces- 
 sarily follow that they had not sworn fidelity to queen Anne. 
 To this allegiance they were bound by law and in con- 
 science without any oath, as living under the protection and 
 in the admitted territory of the British crown. It is true 
 that this obligation might have been varied or suspended 
 by clauses of a treaty : but there is no document to be
 
 35O History of Nova-Scotia. 1717-18. 
 
 found to shew that queen Anne or any of her successors 
 granted or promised them the anomalous privilege of neutral- 
 ity they aimed to possess, and it would require obviously 
 some distinct engagement made by the crown to justify their 
 extraordinary demand. No blunders or temporizing attributed 
 to the governors of the province could vary their position as 
 subjects, although they might to some extent palliate their 
 errors, and partly account for their discontent and disaffection. 
 
 1717. M. B6gon, the intendant, recommended the importa- 
 tion of negro slaves into Canada, but Vaudreuil, the governor, 
 expressed his preference for the Faux Saunters, a tribe of 
 Indians who had been reduced to the condition of slavery, as 
 he thought the climate was too cold for negroes. 
 
 Colonel Shute succeeded Dudley as governor of New Eng- 
 land in 1716, and in August, 1717, he held a conference with 
 the Eastern Indians, (Canibas and Abenaquis), at the island 
 of Arrowsick. Ralle, the missionary of Narantsouak, sent the 
 governor a letter, stating " that the French king had never, " 
 " by any treaty, conceded to the English the lands of the " 
 " Indians, and that he would protect them against every " 
 " encroachment." The Indians at first opposed the claims of 
 the English to any lands east of the Kennebec, but in the end 
 they yielded, and confirmed the treaty of Portsmouth of 1713, 
 admitting the right of the English to hold all their former 
 settlements. This year, Benjamin Church, who was conspicu- 
 ous for his inroads upon Acadie, died in consequence of a fall 
 from his horse, aged 78. Andrew Belcher died October 31, 
 aged 71. He was probably the father of governor Belcher, of 
 New England. [2 Hutch., Mass., 218-223.] Colonel Richard 
 Philipps was appointed governor of Nova Scotia in place of 
 Vetch, and of Newfoundland in place of Moody, in this year, 
 1717. [Douglas' Summary, p. 328.] 
 
 1718. Captain Coram, a famous projector in 1718, busied 
 himself in a scheme for settling Nova Scotia, and the lands 
 between Nova Scotia and the province of Maine. Sir Alex'r. 
 Cairnes, James Douglas and Joshua Gee, (the last a remark-
 
 1718. History of Nova-Scotia. 351 
 
 able author of essays on finance and political economy), 
 petitioned the crown for a grant upon the sea coast, five 
 leagues south-west and five leagues north-east of Chibouctou 
 harbor. They proposed to build a town, and to improve the 
 country round it in raising hemp, in making pitch, tar and 
 turpentine ; and they undertake to settle a certain number of 
 families, to consist of 200 persons, within three years. The 
 rest of H. M.' subjects not to be prohibited from fishing on the 
 coasts under regulation. Mr. Dummer, the agent for Massa- 
 chusetts, objected to this petition, because of the last clause, 
 which laid a restraint upon the fishery. The lords of Trade 
 
 reported in favor of it, but it was stopped in council. 
 
 William Armstrong and others, officers and soldiers, prayed 
 for a grant of lands between Kennebec and Penobscot, but the 
 province of Massachusetts objecting, no grant passed. [2 
 Hutch., Mass., 224, 225.] Colonel Philipps having been ap- 
 pointed governor of Nova Scotia and Placentia in 1717, the 
 four independant companies of Annapolis and the four inde- 
 pendant companies of Placentia, with two additional companies, 
 were formed into one regiment, under his command, the num- 
 ber of men, including officers, being 445. Three of these 
 reduced companies were incorporated with five companies of 
 Annapolis, and with the fourth company of Canso. Thus at 
 at Annapolis there were six companies, at Placentia one com- 
 pany, and the three new companies were to be sent from 
 England to St. John's, in Newfoundland. A regiment of 
 ten companies was to be made up, to be completed to 815 
 men, (officers included), the complement of an English march- 
 ing regiment. Colonel Philipps wrote to the Lords of Trade, 
 1 1 March, 1718, which letter they received 26 April. He says 
 that the inhabitants refuse to take the oath of allegiance, 
 that being " Papists, and natural subjects of another prince," 
 their fidelity can no longer be depended on than while con- 
 strained. " The best and only method to secure their alle- " 
 " giance is to give all possible encouragement towards set- " 
 " tling that country" (with) " his Majesty's subjects from these " 
 
 " kingdoms, and in the meanwhile to let those French " 
 
 " see that the government is in earnest to take care of that "
 
 352 History of Nova-Scotia. 1718. 
 
 " country, by repairing its fortifications and erecting others, " 
 
 "proper both for its security and trade." The traffic 
 
 with the natives, he thinks, should not be neglected. " The " 
 " French thought it worth their while to gain those people to " 
 " their interest, by yearly presents, which consisted chiefly " 
 " in apparel of Blue and Red Bayes or coarse Serges, some " 
 "arms and ammunition, to the value of ^500 or ^600." 
 Suggests an essay of the kind, the governor to have charge 
 
 of the delivery of the presents. In regard to the 
 
 encroachments of the cape Breton French on Nova Scotia, 
 he proposes a commission to settle limits. He recom- 
 mends the repair of Annapolis, as a seat of government and 
 place of strength : also that a small frigate should be stationed 
 on the coast, to be in some measure subject to the governor's 
 orders, to enable him to survey the coasts, to communicate 
 with Placentia, and to protect the fishery. 
 
 In the negociations of 1711 and 1712, which resulted in the 
 treaty of Utrecht, the possession of Acadie by England was 
 grievous to the French, as is evident from the offers they 
 made to avoid its cession. They knew the intrinsic value of 
 its mines, fisheries, lands, forests, and fur trade. They saw 
 also that the peninsula was important to them, in checking 
 the progress and disturbing the security of the New England 
 colonies, and as a rampart and outwork to defend their own 
 highly prized colony of Canada. Disappointed in every effort 
 to recapture or retain it, the ingenuity of some of the nation 
 was speedily turned to explain away the terms of the I2th 
 article of the treaty of Utrecht. Various and inconsistent 
 constructions were thus put on this clause. Sometimes, as by 
 M. Riviere in 1713, the territory of Nova Scotia was con- 
 sidered to be only that part of Acadie lying West of the bay 
 of Fundy. Afterwards the peninsula was allowed to be Eng- 
 lish ; while the main land was claimed at one time as French 
 territory, and at another asserted to belong to the Indians. 
 
 The idea that the Indian nations had territorial rights, did 
 not occur to the French diplomatists until after the cession of 
 Acadie to the British crown in 1713. We find this notion 
 first suggested in father Ralle's letter to governor Shute in
 
 1718. History of Nova-Scotia. 353 
 
 1717, and it was frequently revived afterwards. The advan- 
 tage of this was, that such an opinion being instilled into the 
 minds of the Indians, their hostility to the English, whom they 
 were thus induced to look upon as usurpers of their land, was 
 kept constantly alive. The arms and ammunition supplied 
 them, in the shape of presents from the French government, 
 continued and augmented their attachment to the French 
 king and people. They were thus furnished with means of 
 either hunting for subsistence or attacking the English, as 
 inclination might lead them ; and small yearly stipends were 
 also paid by the French crown to the missionaries, who kept 
 alive their love to France and their hatred to England. 
 
 On the 1 5th of April, 1718, captain John Doucett, then 
 lieutenant governor of Annapolis Royal, wrote to the marquis 
 de Vaudreuil. He refers to the treaty, and desires his Excel- 
 lency to send him a line or two " hither, to shew the inhabi- " 
 " tants, that those who have a mind to become subjects to " 
 " the king of Great Britain, have free liberty, according to " 
 " the articles of peace, signed at Utrecht, between her " 
 " late majesty queen Anne and his most Christian majesty ; " 
 " and that all those who shall not become subjects to his " 
 " majesty king George, you will please to give them orders '" 
 " to retire to Canada, Isle Royale, or to any other part " 
 " of his most Christian majesty's dominions. I must also "' 
 " desire your Excellency will please to communicate to them*'" 
 ''and the savages the firm alliance between the two crowns,." 
 " that ill-designing men may not continue to represent to the '" 
 " savages in your interest that the English and French are " 
 " still enemies. Also, if his lordship, the bishop of Canada " 
 " and Quebec, would please to give orders to all the mission- " 
 " aries that are among the French inhabitants in this coun- " 
 " try, not to act anything contrary to king George's interest " 
 " in these his dominions ; which if they do, I must be obliged " 
 ' to use such methods as would not be pleasing to me or " 
 " them ; that by such an order they may carry themselves as " 
 " they ought, and keep everything quiet, and me easy." The 
 marquis replies, 22 September, 1718. He repudiates any 
 idea of exciting the savages to insult the English government 
 23
 
 354 History of Nova-Scotia. 1718. 
 
 during peace ; will not believe the missionaries so ill-advised 
 as to stir up the people who have submitted ; complains that 
 the inhabitants who, by the I4th article of the treaty are at 
 liberty to withdraw with all their effects, have been refused 
 passports and liberty to carry away their cattle and moveables. 
 He also says : " I pray you also not to permit your English " 
 " vessels to go into the river St. John, which is always of the " 
 " French dominion." 
 
 The inhabitants were urged by the governors of Anna- 
 polis either to take the oath of fidelity to his Britannic 
 majesty, or to withdraw from the country. Louis Allain 
 wrote to Vaudreuil on the subject. The marquis told him 
 they had a right to go and take with them their cattle and 
 moveables, but not to destroy buildings, and that the river St. 
 John was French territory. He writes him another private 
 letter. Allain had asked him for the land at Kanibecachiche, 
 granted in 1689 to M. du Breuil. Vaudreuil tells him that any 
 of the inhabitants who remove to the St. John may have lots 
 of land on application to pere Lajard, Jesuit missionary there, 
 who is empowered by him to grant them. " As to the oath " 
 " they require of you, in case you shall remain, it is for you " 
 " and the other inhabitants to see if this accords with your " 
 " religion, of which you will not have the free exercise, and " 
 " which you ought to prefer to all temporal advantages." At 
 this time M. St. Ovide, governor of Louisbourg, went to Canso, 
 and warned the English not to fish there any more. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XL. 
 (i.) 
 
 (From the parish register of Port Royal.) 
 
 i2 March, 1716, f. Justinien supplied the ceremonies of baptism to Jean Bap- 
 tiste Bradstreet, born 21 December, 1714, son of Mr. Edward Bradstreet, lieut. 
 de coe. and of Agathe de St. Etienne de la Tour, baptized by Mr. Spilman, fort 
 major. Godfather, le sieur Petitot dit St. Seine, chirurgien jure. Godmother, 
 madame de la Tour, wife of Alexandre Robichaux.
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 355 
 
 (2.) 
 
 On the 15 December, 1718, captain Doucett, lieutenant governor, writes thus 
 to colonel Philipps, governor of Annapolis : 
 
 " Since my last, by captain Chaddes, to your Excellency, I received the paper " 
 " marked No. I from the marquis de Vaudreuil, in answer to a letter sent by me " 
 " marked No. 2, and at the same time two other letters sent from him to one " 
 " Louis Allain, an inhabitant, fell into my hands, which I caused to be read to " 
 44 the said Allain, before me. I secured the originals and gave copies, and now " 
 " enclose copies of them to your Excellency, marked 3 & 4. Your Excellency " 
 " plainly sees the underhand dealing by the private letter of mons. Vaudreuil, " 
 " and what he would insinuate to the people, as also by mons. St. Ovide's wri- " 
 44 ting one thing to me and doing the reverse about Cansoe, a copy of which " 
 " letter I sent your Excellency by captain Chaddes, in which he tells me he " 
 " went to Cansoe to pacify the savages, who threatened the English, but never " 
 " takes notice to me that he warned the English from fishing any more there, " 
 44 to which several in New England have made oath." 
 
 rii 
 
 Quebec, 8 November, 1718. Report of M. Begon on the enterprizes of the 
 English, near Passavinke : Father Rasle, Jesuit missionary at Naurantsouak. 
 wrote to Vaudreuil and Begon, 17 September last, that 200 English came to the 
 Fort nearest his mission, by land, " au bas de cette riviere." He apprehends 
 that the English will win the Indians, and hold the country. Suggests that the 
 boundary ought to be settled by commissioners, as specified in the treaty. 
 
 (4-) 
 From a letter of lieutenant governor Paul Mascarene to governor Shirley. 
 
 Annapolis Royal, 6th April, 1748. 
 
 At the reduction of this fort, no capitulation was made but for the garrison 
 and the inhabitants of the Banlieue (a league round the fort) ; these had leave to 
 withdraw with their effects, and to dispose of those they could not carry with 
 them, for the space of two years. The rest of the inhabitants all over the Pro- 
 vince made terms that winter with the then governor Vetch, who received them 
 on their submission, but no oath was required of them, except of the inhabitants 
 of the banlieue, for the time of the capitulation. In 1714, Mr. Nicholson came 
 over governor and commander-in-chief over the Province, and proposed to the 
 French inhabitants the terms agreed on for them at the treaty of Utrecht, which 
 were to keep their possessions, and enjoy the free exercise of their religion, as 
 far as the laws of Great Britain do allow, on their becoming subjects to the 
 crown, or to dispose of them, if they chose to withdraw, within the space of a 
 twelve-month. They, to a man, chose the last, having great promises made to 
 them by two officers, sent here for that purpose from Cape Breton, then begin- 
 ning to be settled by the French. But these not sending vessels to fetch away 
 the inhabitants, they rernained, and though often required to take the oaths of 
 fidelity, they constantly refused it. The government, during this interval of time, 
 was vested solely in, the governor, and in his absence, in the lieutenant governor
 
 356 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 or commander-in-chief of the garrison of Annapolis Royal, except a council of 
 the captains formed by general Nicholson, which did not exist above five or six 
 weeks. 
 
 (5-) 
 
 The copy of the commission of governor Phillips, dated 9 July, 1719, in the 
 Annapolis Royal record book, is certified thus :- 
 " Whitehall, 12 March, 1724-5. A true copy, ex'd." 
 
 "ALURED POPPLE." 
 " A true record, &c." 
 
 " W. SHIRREFF, Sec'y." 
 "15 March, 1727."
 
 1719- History of Nova-Scotia. 357 
 
 CHAPTER XLI. 
 
 1719. Colonel Philipps writes I April, 1719, to the lords of 
 Trade, laying before them papers from Nova Scotia then 
 under his care, shewing the particulars of the proceeding at 
 the seizure of the French ships in the gut of Cansoe, taken by 
 the Squirrel, man-of-war, captain Smart, (in 1718), with a 
 computation of the fish taken and cured by the French from 
 cape Breton for four years past within the boundaries of Nova 
 Scotia. He says : " These papers are sent me from one " 
 " captain Southack, who has been several times employed by " 
 " the government in the service of Nova Scotia." He thinks 
 him a fit assistant to a boundary commissioner, if one should 
 be appointed. A commission from king George the first, 
 dated July, 1719, in the 5th year of his reign, appoints Richard 
 Philipps, esquire, to be governor of Placentia, and captain 
 general and commander-in-chief of Nova Scotia or Accadie, in 
 America, " with power to appoint such fitting and discreet " 
 " persons as you shall either find there or carry along with " 
 " you, not exceeding the number of twelve, to be of our " 
 " council, in our said province, till our further pleasure be " 
 " known, any five whereof we do hereby appoint to be a " 
 " quorum." They are to take the oaths mentioned in the act 
 of George the first, entitled " an act for the further security " 
 " of his majesty's person and government," &c., and the decla- 
 ration of 25, Charles the 2nd, respecting Popish recusants. 
 Colonel Philipps, after receiving this commission, came out 
 from England, and arrived at Boston, Massachusetts, on the
 
 358 History o/ Nova-Scotia. I 7 I 9- 
 
 4-15 October, 1719. He intended to proceed thence to Anna- 
 polis Royal, the seat of his government, in the man-of-war 
 then on the New England station, commanded by captain 
 Smart. He had, in the first place, to wait five weeks there for 
 the fitting of the ship for sea. He says (ms. letter book) that 
 after embarking accordingly, " all endeavour was used to " 
 " gaine the passage, but winter overtaking us, when the navi- " 
 " gation on that coast, especially of the bay of Fundee, " 
 " becomes impracticable, I was sett on shore in Cascoe bay, " 
 " and am returned to winter here, not by choice but necessity." 
 He says that care was taken to get the two best pilots in the 
 country, and that these pilots refused any further charge if the 
 voyage had been persevered in, and whether too much time 
 had been spent in making ready to sail, he, not being a sea- 
 man, will not undertake to decide. 
 
 In a letter dated January 2, 1719-1720, to secretary Craggs, 
 colonel Philipps encloses a document, of which he says : 
 " The paper which I have the honor to enclose was sent from " 
 " Annapolis, and serves to shew the practices of the priests " 
 " and Jesuits in that province. It is the original, and though " 
 " fathered on the Indians, is known to be the handwriting of" 
 ' pere Vincent, a Jesuit, who, with one pere Felix, both " 
 " inveterate enemies to the British interest, preside as gover- " 
 " nors over the two largest settlements in Nova Scotia, called " 
 " Mines and Chignecto. The French, who are in number " 
 " above four hundred families, pay obedience to them as " 
 " such, as they say they acknowledge no other, and will " 
 " neither swear allegiance nor leave the country whenever " 
 " required. To this they have been encouraged, not only by " 
 " the instigation of their priests, but also from a knowledge " 
 " of the garrison of Annapolis, consisting but of five compa- " 
 " nies upon a low establishment" (when complete, 35 private 
 men per company. Letter to secretary at war, 26 May, 1720.) 
 " will not admit of any considerable detachment to be sent " 
 " against them, being twenty leagues distant." 
 
 1720. In his letter of 3 January, 1719-20, to the lords of 
 Trade, he says : " I am gladd to heare that some of your " 
 " lordships have been at the court of France to settle the "
 
 1719- History of Nova-Scotia. 359 
 
 " affaires of these countreys, which was absolutely necessary " 
 " for the peace and safety thereof, and could not be managed " 
 " by better hands ; and yet, after all that your lordshipps may " 
 " have done, there will ever remain a great obstruction to " 
 " our happiness whilst the priests and Jesuits are among us, " 
 " for it is not to be imagined with what application they " 
 " incourage the ffrench and Indians against submitting to " 
 " his majesty's government ; and even their sermons are " 
 " constant invectives against the English nation, to render it " 
 
 " odious to the natives." He suggests that he should 
 
 have authority to move three companies forthwith from Pla- 
 centia to Nova Scotia, and that the engineer should be direct- 
 ed to raise a fortification, capable of holding two companies, 
 with a few cannon in a convenient situation, for keeping Mines 
 and Chignecto in obedience. He says they improve rapidly 
 in wealth and in numbers, being very prolific, and likely in a 
 few years to become a numerous people. He says that the 
 French from cape Breton had continued their fishing in the 
 last season at Canso under a guard of soldiers, intending that 
 for their chief settlement, if their pretended right (to Canso) 
 could be made out. " It is by all accounts the best and most " 
 " convenient fishery in any part of the king's dominions. " 
 " The people from the West of England have found great " 
 " satisfaction in the place, and will returne with many ships " 
 " in the spring." He refers to presents for the Indians, and 
 to a survey of the king's woods, (reserves.) He also says : 
 " I meet with many old patents granted to people of New " 
 " England, never yet produced for approbation, by Coll'o. " 
 " Dungan, while governor of New York, for lands lying in a " 
 " part called the king's territory," (James the second's province 
 of Sagadahock, granted him when duke of York, and of which 
 Dungan was governor,) " between New England and Nova " 
 " Scotia, and, as I imagine, under the government of the " 
 " latter, particularly one in favor of the president of this " 
 " college," (probably Harvard), " of thirty miles extent ; like- " 
 " wise many old Indian grants for vast tracts in the same " 
 " territory, which never had the sanction of any government, " 
 " and too large to be ever improved by the present clayments."
 
 360 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 He represents these grants as an obstacle to settlement. In 
 a postscript to his letter to the lords of Trade, dated Boston, 
 in New England, Feb'y. 26, 1719-1720, he says : "The ship" 
 " by which I had the honor of writing to your Iddspps being " 
 " detained almost two months beyond her time, gives me a " 
 " fresh opp /. of laying the enclosed petition before your " 
 " Iddspps, together with a copy of the grant by which the " 
 " subscribers claime, and as I had the honor to acquaint your " 
 " Iddspps in my last that there are many more of the same " 
 " kind which have never had the confirmation of any gov- " 
 " vernment, for tracts of land lying between the rivers of" 
 " Kennebec and St. George's ; likewise that the bounds " 
 " between the government of Nova Scotia and New England " 
 " are not declared." (The lands referred to are probably 
 within Acadie, as held by France, being east of Kennebec, 
 and now in the state of Maine. Kennebec is a pure Algonkin 
 word, signifying a snake or serpent. The river in Maine was 
 probably called so, from its winding or serpentine course. 
 New York Historical Magazine for November, 1858, p. 334.) 
 Governor Philipps had not left Boston on 4-15 April, 1720, 
 for he gives that date, at Boston, to a letter he addressed to 
 monsieur St. Ovide Brouillan, governor of Isle Royal, at 
 Louisbourg, in which he notifies the latter of his appointment 
 as governor of Nova Scotia ; refers to the alliance of the two 
 crowns ; offers friendship and peace, and deprecates any secret 
 practising with the natives of either jurisdiction to alienate 
 their affections, &c. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XLI. 
 (i.) 
 
 On the 20 February, 1720, an application was made to the French government 
 by M. de Boularderie, for a grant of the island of Niganiche. He had already a 
 grant of land, and also a privilege to dry fish at Port d'Orleans, but it was un- 
 available, as the shores were granted to individual inhabitants. The sieur Louis 
 Simon de St. Aubin le poupet, chevalier de la Boularderie, enseigne de vaisseau
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 361 
 
 and captain of a company, was married by f. Felix Paim, at Port Royal, 29 Nov., 
 1702, to Magdelaine Melan<jon. Their son, Antoine, baptized by f. Justinien, 
 15 Oct., 1705, (register.) An island in the Labrador, C. B.. is called Boularderie. 
 
 (2.) 
 
 In 1719, colonel Gledhill was appointed lieutenant governor of Placentia, in 
 Newfoundland, in the room of colonel John Moody. [Douglas 1 Summary, 294.] 
 
 (3-) 
 
 Richard Philipps, the governor of Nova Scotia, belonged to a family in South 
 Wales. Sir John Philipps, of Picton castle, the founder of the family, was created 
 a baronet 9 November, 1621. The governor was the second son of Richard 
 Philipps, esquire, by Frances Noel, his wife, and was born about 1661. As a 
 young man, he is said to have been employed in dispersing the manifestoes of 
 the prince of Orange among the troops encamped at Hounslow ; for which ser- 
 vice he was made captain. He was present at the battle of the Boyne in 1690. 
 He became colonel of the I2th regiment of foot in 1712, 16 March, and of the 
 4Oth regiment, 25 August, 1717. He was appointed governor of Placentia and 
 captain general and commander-in-chief of Nova Scotia 9 July, 1719. He arri- 
 ved in Nova Scotia in 1720, and resided there several years; and returning to 
 England, continued to be governor until 1749, though the lieutenant governor 
 and presidents of council actually administered the government a great part of 
 the time. Governor Philipps was twice married, first to Elizabeth Cosby, an 
 Irish lady ; secondly, to Catherina, daughter of Sir John Statham, county of 
 Derby, and relict of Benjamin Bagshaw. By his first wife he had two daughters 
 and one son, Cosby Philipps, captain in the army. Governor Philipps died about 
 1751, at the age of 90. There was a Sir Erasmus Philipps, of the same family. 
 Richard Bulkeley Philipps (Grant) Philipps, esquire, of the same family, was 
 created a baronet in 1828, and a peer as lord Milford in 1847, and died in 1857. 
 
 The family seats are Orlandin and Picton castle, in the county of Pembroke. 
 
 The arms are Argent, a lion rampant, Sable, ducally gorged and chained ; or, 
 
 Crest a lion as in the arms. Motto Ducit amor patriae. 
 
 [See Burke's Baronetage.]
 
 362 History of Nova-Scotia. 1720. 
 
 CHAPTER XLII. 
 
 1720. Governor Philipps arrived from Boston at Annapolis 
 Royal in the middle of April, 1 720, o. s., which, he says, is the 
 earliest season that sloops come upon this coast. (In the pre- 
 sent or new style, this would be near the end of April, say 
 25th.) At his landing he made a review of the garrison and 
 fortifications, the first of which he found complete and in good 
 condition, excepting a few old men ; " but the place in as " 
 " bad a state as is possible to describe, both within and with- " 
 " out, with several practical breaches, so wide that ten men " 
 " might enter abreast." He assumed the responsibility of 
 making some necessary repairs. In his letter of 26 May, 
 (6 June), to Mr. Craggs, the secretary of state, he says : " The " 
 " third day after my arrival here I was visited by the priest " 
 " of this district of Annapolis, at the head of one hundred " 
 " and fifty lusty young men, (as if he meant to appear formi- " 
 " dable), whom I received as civilly as possible, and, after " 
 " giving them assurance of his majesty's favor and protection, " 
 " caused the priest to read to them one of the proclamations " 
 
 " I had prepared according to my instructions. f asked " 
 
 " him afterwards if he did not allow that his majesty's con- " 
 " descention therein expressed did not exceed even the " 
 " people's expectation. He answer'd that his majesty was " 
 " very gracious, but that the people were not at liberty to " 
 " swear allegiance, because that in general Nicholson's time " 
 "they had sett their hands unanimously to an obligation of" 
 " continuing subjects of France, and retiring to cape Breton, " 
 " and for another reason, they were sure of haveing their "
 
 1720. History of Nova-Scotia. 363 
 
 " throates cut by the Indians whenever they became English- " 
 " men. He was answered to both very fully, and the true " 
 " interest of the people demonstrated, but arguments prevaile " 
 " little without a power of inforcing." Philipps apprehended 
 that the inhabitants would leave the province by way of the 
 Bale Verte, destroying every thing, and joining with the 
 Indians. 
 
 On the 25 April, old style, (6 May, new style), the counsel- 
 lors of whom he made choice attended him at the house of the 
 lieutenant governor, (Doucett), in the garrison. Their names 
 were : 
 
 John Doucett, (hon. lieut. governor), captain. 
 Lawrence Armstrong, major. 
 
 Paul Mascarene, major. 
 
 Reverend John Harrison, chaplain. 
 
 Cyprian Southack, sea captain. 
 
 Arthur Savage, 
 
 Hibbert Newton, collector. 
 
 William Skene, physician. 
 
 William Shirreff, 
 
 master of a 
 
 Peter Boudre, / , 
 
 j ( sloop. 
 
 They were then sworn, taking the oaths prescribed by the 
 act of parliament, I Geo. i., St. 2, c. 13, which comprized 
 the oath of allegiance and the oath of supremacy, and the 
 declaration against transsubstantiation prescribed by the act of 
 25 Charles 2, c. 2. They also were sworn to an oath of office 
 to discharge their duties impartially, &c. The oaths and sub- 
 scriptions being such as a Roman Catholic could not take, 
 account for the exclusion of the inhabitants from the list of 
 the first council of the Province. On 28 April, (9 May, n. s.,) 
 1720, John Adams, esquire, was appointed a member of H. M. 
 council ; was sworn, and took his seat. He was the only resi- 
 dent inhabitant, not connected officially with the garrison, who 
 was admitted into the council at this period. (Gillam Philipps, 
 esq., was sworn in as a councillor 16 August, 1720.) On the 
 19-30 April, Arthur Savage was appointed naval officer of the
 
 364 History of Nova-Scotia. 1720. 
 
 province. (All masters of vessels arriving and departing 
 were bound to report to the naval officer, besides making 
 their entries with the collector.) Mr. Savage was on the same 
 day appointed public secretary of the province. On the 27 
 April, (8 May, n. s.,) it was ordered that a public magazine 
 for grain be fitted up ; and " Resolved and ordered, that " 
 " every vessel permitted to depart this place, bound to any " 
 " place in this government, do give security to the governor " 
 " or commander-in-chief in the value of ;ioo, New England " 
 " money ; that all grain taken on board any such vessel at " 
 " any port or place of this government, shall be brought here " 
 " directly for the use and on the risk of the government, and " 
 " delivered here at the common price, if required, paying four " 
 " pence per bushel freight." Leave was given to Mr. James 
 Blinn to carry 50 hhds. wheat from Mines to Chignecto, to 
 supply the necessities of the inhabitants there. On the 23 
 April, o. s., (9 May, n. s.,) the governor sent proclamations, 
 addressed respectively to the inhabitants of Mines and Chig- 
 necto, offering to such of them as would become British sub- 
 jects " the free exercise of their religion, with their estates " 
 " ensured to them and posterity, and all their civil rights. " 
 He wrote public letters to accompany the proclamations. He 
 says to the people at Mines, " I expect your answer at Anna- " 
 " polis by father Felix and four of the inhabitants chosen " 
 " from amongst you, whom you may direct to represent what " 
 " you have further to say ; and in case you shall not agree in " 
 " your choice, I do hereby name Alexander Bourg, James " 
 " LeBlanc, Paul Mollanson and Peter Brows, to be the per- " 
 " sons ; and order you to have this proclamation, together " 
 " with this letter, read publickly and in the hearing of as " 
 " many of the inhabitants as can be gathered together, and " 
 " of captain Blin, and the rest of the English in your parts. " 
 A similar letter was sent to the people of Chignecto. (It may 
 be noticed here that all the proclamations, official letters or 
 notices, in which the French inhabitants were at all concerned, 
 were usually prepared by committees of the council then 
 translated into French, and in that language were communi- 
 cated or published. This course was followed, I believe, inva-
 
 1720. History of Nova-Scotia. 365 
 
 riably by the governors at Annapolis from 1 720 to 1 749 ; and 
 a similar practice was adopted by the governors at Halifax, 
 Cornwallis, Lawrence, &c., from 1749 to 1755, in all matters 
 where the French people were interested. The record of 
 many of these documents were preserved in both languages. 
 I have generally translated every thing I found in French into 
 English, as well before as after the conquest of Port Royal in 
 1710.) These letters and proclamations were given in charge 
 to John Adams and captain Blin, to be carried to Mines and 
 Chignecto. 29 April, (10 May, n. s.,) the governor and council 
 referred to the oaths taken by the French inhabitants to queen 
 Anne, at the time Sir Charles Hobbey was lieutenant gover- 
 nor of the garrison. It was resolved that the inhabitants of 
 the river Annapolis should elect six deputies, and the follow- 
 ing day a proclamation issued, ordering them to choose the 
 deputies, who were directed to attend before the governor on 
 the 4-15 May, and father Durand was ordered to publish it to 
 his congregation. 2-13 May, the governor writes again to 
 pere Justinien Durand, recollet au haut de la rivifae, (up the 
 river.) Mentions his leaving his dwelling without permission, 
 and that the lieutenant governor had given him a character 
 for quietness, submission and obedience. On the 4-15 May, 
 the six deputies from the people of the river attended the 
 meeting of the council, and produced a written power from the 
 inhabitants. Their names were : Prudent Robichaux, Alex- 
 ander Robichaux, Nicolas Gautier, Bernard Goudet, Charles 
 Landr6 and Pierre Goudet. Objection was made to Nicolas 
 Gautier as not having a freehold in the province, and to Pru- 
 dent Robichaux having but slender property ; and 7-18 May, 
 the governor annulled their election, and ordered two others 
 to be chosen in their place. At this time the inhabitants 
 appealed by letter, which pere Durand carried to M. St. Ovide, 
 at Louisbourg, complaining of the alternative offered them of 
 leaving the country without taking with them their goods and 
 cattle, which they were told were forfeited, or becoming Eng- 
 lish subjects, and swearing allegiance. The inhabitants were 
 about to cut a road between Annapolis and Mines, (called now 
 Menis, and Meniss in the English documents.) This was
 
 366 History of Nova-Scotia. 1720. 
 
 expressly forbidden by the governor's proclamation, as having 
 been begun without his permission, and suspected as a mea- 
 sure to facilitate attacks on the garrison. The French inhabi- 
 tants requested governor Philipps that they might send depu- 
 ties to M. St. Ovide Brouillan, governor of Isle Royale, (cape 
 Breton.) To this he assented, and he wrote to M. St. Ovide. 
 He enclosed him a copy of his proclamation, and states that, 
 instead of submitting, they were inducing the savages to 
 assemble, and assert their native rights to the country. In 
 proof, he quotes the expression of the French, " that they " 
 " wish we may part friends," the abrupt departure of pere 
 Justinien Durand, their shewing marks of contempt to his 
 authority. He says : " As for my part, I have given them " 
 " as many proofs of my kindness and the lenity of my govern- " 
 " ment as opportunities have offered within the little time I " 
 " have been among them ; but as they have been always " 
 " taught by their priests to look upon themselves as subjects " 
 " of France, and to observe the direction and counsel of the " 
 " governor of the Isle Royale, they have now asked my con- " 
 " sent to send their deputies thither, for your advice," &c. &c. 
 In the letter of the inhabitants to M. St. Ovide, they tell him, 
 " We have until now preserved the true sentiments of faith- " 
 " ful subjects towards our invincible monarch." That the 
 English general (Philipps) calls on them to take an oath of 
 fidelity, or to withdraw themselves in the course of four 
 months, without carrying away any of their effects, except two 
 sheep for each family, treating their remaining property as 
 confiscated. They request him to send them an officer to 
 direct, speak for them, and take care of their interests, and 
 name M. de Rouville as one they would confide in. The inha- 
 bitants of Mines replied in writing to the governor, Philipps. 
 In this they say, " You demand of us an oath, which is so " 
 " much the more burthensome to us that we should expose " 
 " ourselves and our families to the fury of the savages, who " 
 " threaten us every day, and watch all our actions and pro- " 
 " ceedings, to endeavor to ascertain if we do anything against " 
 " the oath we took in presence of General Nicholson, and of" 
 " two officers of Isle Royale, which oath has been intimated "
 
 1720. History of Nova-Scotia. 367 
 
 " and known at the court of England, as well as at the court " 
 " of France, and from which it appears to us very difficult to " 
 " relieve ourselves. And if we were to break our word given " 
 " to our invincible monarch, we could not but expect punish- " 
 " ment at the threatening hands of the savages. Meanwhile, " 
 " sir, we engage ourselves to be with the same fidelity that " 
 "we have been until now, and we shall exercise no act of" 
 " hostility against any right of his majesty as long as we shall " 
 " be on the land, within his dominions. You reproach us, " 
 " sir, in the proclamation, for having remained on our proper- " 
 " ties beyond the year stipulated in the articles of peace. We " 
 " have the honor to reply to you, that it has been, impossible " 
 " for us to remove for several reasons, since having leave to " 
 " sell our real estate it has been impracticable to do so, no " 
 " purchasers being to be found to the present time, whereby " 
 " the privileges so granted to us have been useless. Besides " 
 "it was granted us by a letter of the late queen Anne, of" 
 " happy memory, that our properties should be valued by " 
 " commissioners, and the amount paid to us, as was practised " 
 " at the evacuation of Placentia and other places ceded to the " 
 " queen by the king of France." 
 
 Philipps had an interview with the chief of the Indians of 
 Annapolis river. The Indian chief asked him : 
 
 1. If the French were to leave the country. 
 
 2. If the two crowns were in alliance. 
 
 3. Whether the governor intended to debar them (the 
 Indians) of their religion, or disturb them in their traffic. 
 
 He says he replied suitably, and that the chief and his suite 
 departed in good humor. He further says that on a full con- 
 sideration of these affairs in council, it was agreed " that " 
 " whereas my instructions direct me with the effect of the " 
 " proclamation, and that I have neither order or sufficient " 
 " power to drive these people out, nor prevent their doeing " 
 " what damage they please to their houses and possessions, " 
 " and likewise for the sake of gaineing time and keeping all " 
 " things quiet till I shall have the honour of your further " 
 " commands in what manner to act. That it is most for his " 
 " majesty's service to send home the deputys with smooth "
 
 368 History of Nova-Scotia. 1720. 
 
 " words and promise of enlargement of time, whilst I trans- " 
 " mit their case home, and receive his majesty's further " 
 " directions thereon." He says : " It is a hard and uneasy " 
 " task in my circumstances to manage a people that will " 
 " neither believe nor hearken to reason, unless it comes out " 
 " of the mouths of their priests, and at the same time to keep " 
 " up the honour and dignity of government." He thinks that 
 in peace they may remain quiet, but in case of war, will be 
 " Enemyes in our Bosom." Sees no hopes of ' making them ' 
 ' English/ unless by the recal of the priests there, " who are " 
 " tooth and nayle against the Regent, not sticking to say " 
 
 " openly ' that 'tis his day now, but will be theirs anon.' " 
 
 " Like care must be taken to prevent the governor of Cape " 
 " Breton's carrying on his secret correspondence with them " 
 " and our Indians, to whom he yearly makes presents to " 
 " secure them in the French interests." He suggests bringing 
 200 Mohock Indians from New York, and keeping them in 
 service to keep the Indians here in awe. He expects the 
 French, if ' retireing,' will cut the dykes at Minas, and destroy 
 the lands. States that the garrison are furnished with plenty 
 of fresh provisions from the farmers, whose absence would 
 have to be supplied. Has invited people to come from Pla- 
 
 centia. While he writes, a submission has come in from 
 
 the inhabitants of the river, who express a willingness to do 
 every thing as subjects, " except that of taking up arms " 
 " against the king of France," on which he suggests a special 
 " oath to be formed for them to take, where they should " 
 "oblige themselves to take up arms against the Indians, if" 
 " required ; to live quietly and peaceably in their houses ; not " 
 " to harbor or give any manner of assistance to the king's " 
 " enemies ; to acknowledge his majesty's rights to their " 
 " countreys ; to pay obedience to his government, and to " 
 "hold their lands of the king by a new tenure, instead of" 
 " holding them as at present, from lords of manors, who are " 
 " now at Cape Breton, where at this day they pay their rent. " 
 He also says : " My voyage from Boston hither has fully " 
 " confirmed that this country will never be of any con- " 
 " sequence in trade until the seat of government be removed "
 
 1720. History of Nova-Scotia. 369 
 
 " to the Eastern coast, either at Port Rosway" (Razoir, now 
 Shelburne) " or LaHave, for this is so much an out-of-the- " 
 " way place, and navigation so dangerous, that not one ship " 
 " in one thousand yeares will ever come here that is not sent " 
 " with stores for the garrison, or some other express." 
 
 Governor Philipps wrote in very polite terms to the marquis 
 de Vaudreuil, 3 June, 1720. Notified him of his appointment 
 and of his readiness to join him in naming commissioners to 
 settle the boundaries of the two governments. 21 July, The 
 lords of Trade and Plantations write to the governor. They 
 mention sending him a land surveyor, granting him a sloop, 
 giving presents to the Indians. They conceive the lands 
 between the Kennebec and the St. Croix not to be within his 
 government. He is not to confirm grants in Nova Scotia, 
 but to refer them home. In July, general Philipps writes 
 again to the secretary of State. He says the French inhabi- 
 tants seem yet undetermined, that the French governors are 
 seeking to influence them against him, that the priests have 
 assembled at Mines, and are going and coming from Cape 
 Breton, that the French are told the promise of freedom of 
 religion is a chimera, and they will be treated like the Irish,, 
 and denied their priests. If the lands were vacated, people 
 might be drawn from New England, but the loss there could 
 not be justified by the gain here. He refers to a claim under 
 convention with general Nicholson, leaving it for decision ini 
 England. He regrets he has not yet received the presents. 
 
 for the Indians, but proposes to assemble the chiefs, The 
 
 French have been told, in letters from officers in Cape Breton,, 
 that they may apply to him " for forme sake" only, but do as. 
 they like. Mentions an illicit trade from Minas and Chignecto- 
 with Cape Breton, which they supply with corn and cattle;, 
 receiving French woollens and linens. Wishes leave to hire 
 and arm a sloop with some of his soldiers, to visit those settle- 
 ments and keep them in order. It would only cost ^400 
 
 a year. Wishes one hundred men added to his garrisom- 
 
 The New England vessels catch 80 to 100,000 quintals fis&on 
 our coasts annually, which they ship to Portugal, the Mediter- 
 ranean and the West Indies.. They send, fouir or. five, sloops, 
 24
 
 370 History of Nova-Scotia. 1720. 
 
 and carry off furs, paying chiefly in West India goods and New 
 England provisions, to the value of 9,000 or 10,000 per 
 annum, and pay no duties, but make 400 or 500 per cent, on 
 their imports. They take away coals from the upper part of 
 the bay, without paying duty, or even asking permission. At 
 this time (July, 1720) a proclamation for cessation of arms 
 between Great Britain and Spaine, having been received by 
 the governor, was translated into French, and published at 
 Annapolis. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XLII. 
 
 28 April, 1720. General Philipps' order to Mr. Blin, merchant of Boston : 
 Je vous donne pouvoir et direction afin de prendre toutes les mesures propres 
 pour signifier aux Srs. Felix et Vincent, de sommer selon que vous jugerez a 
 propos, les habitans des Mines, de Chignectou, et places adjacentes ; et les dits 
 habitants etant assembles, vous delivrerez les paquets dont vous etes charge, afin 
 que les papiers qui sont contenus dans ces paquets soient lus publiquement ; et 
 vous vous servirez de tous les moyens que vous jugerez les plus propres pour 
 donner une parfaite connaissance des choses contenus dans la proclamation, et 
 autres papiers dont vous etes charge, afin que personne n'en pretende cause 
 d'ignorance. Donne a Annapolis Royale, &c. 
 
 (Signe) PHILIPPS. 
 
 I give you power and directions, in order to take all proper measures to sig- 
 nify to messrs. Felix and Vincent, to summon, as you think fit, the inhabitants of 
 Mines, Chignectou, and the places adjacent ; and the said inhabitants being 
 assembled, you will deliver the packets with which you are entrusted, in order 
 that the papers they contain may be publicly read ; and you will use all means 
 you shall judge to be most proper to afford a perfect acquaintance of the things 
 contained in the proclamation and other papers in your charge, in order that no 
 one may pretend ignorance thereof. Given at Annapolis Royal, &c. 
 
 (Signed) PHILIPPS. 
 
 (2.) 
 
 To the reverend father Justinien Durand. 
 
 " I hereby order you to read to-morrow to your congregation when att the " 
 " fullest, the inclosed order directed to the inhabitants, and after you have read " 
 " u it, to affix it to the Chappell door, that none may pretend cause of Ignorance "
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 371 
 
 " of the same, and if you have anything to offer on your part, I shall be glad to " 
 " grant any reasonable demands you can make me, as farr as I shall be authori- " 
 " sed by his Majesty's instructions. I am, Reverend Father, yo'r. most hum- " 
 " ble servt., 
 
 R. PHILIPPS. 
 " Annapolis Royal, April 3Oth, 1720, n. s. 1 ' 
 
 (3-) 
 
 On the 9 May, 1720, Gyles Hall is appointed a Justice of the Peace at Canso. 
 25 May, 1720, A commission of the peace is sent to Thomas Richards, Esq., at 
 Canso, with a letter from the secretary similar to that sent to Gyles Hall, Esq. 
 
 (4-) 
 
 In Council, II May, 1720. Ordered and agreed, That it is for H. M. service 
 that means be found out to send to Lahave for monsieur Patipaw, (Petipas), with 
 all expedition, who, 'tis thought, may be of great use and service to this gov- 
 ernment in the present circumstances of affairs ; and that Mr. John Broadstreet, 
 a volunteer in this garrison, is thought the most proper person to send on that 
 expedition 
 
 (5-) 
 From Mascarene 's letter to Shirley*, in ApriL, 1748. 
 
 " Governor Philipps having formed the council, issued a proclamation,summon- 
 ing the French inhabitants to take the oath of allegiance on the same terms 
 offered them as before, though the time prescribed had so long ago been elapsed. 
 But these inhabitants in general still refused it, alledging, that they had been de- 
 tained contrary to their desire, which indeed was partly true, as General Nichol- 
 son had declared they should not depart in vessels being built on English 
 ground, or English bottoms, and that it belonged to the French to come and fetch 
 thena in their own. Governor Philips wrote home for fresh instructions how to 
 act in this emergency, applying for more forces to prevent the French inhabi- 
 tants from going away in a tumultuous or disorderly manner, or for bringing them 
 into a clue subjection ; for which he desired, if I remember right, two regiments, 
 besides the four companies of his own, then at Annapolis Royal, with propor- 
 tionable shipping to transport these troops as occasion should require, and this 
 in a time of profound peace, and when these inhabitants were not above a third 
 of the number they are now increased to. In answer, he was directed not to 
 use any violent measures, but to endeavour to keep the people easy till, at a 
 proper time, it might be resolved how to proceed in this case." 
 
 " The Governor went home in 1722, and things remained In this situation, under 
 the administration of Mr. Doucett, lieutenant governor of Annapolis Royal, and 
 President for the time being over the Province, till Mr. Armstrong, having been 
 made lieutenant governor over the whole Province, returned in 1 725, and found 
 means to t>ring the inhabitants to take the oath to the government ; but on gov- 
 ernor Philipps returning some years after, these inhabitants complaining that this 
 oath had been extorted by undue means, his Excellency brought them at last to 
 take it willingly, and the same was tendered, and taken, in general, by all the
 
 372 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 men of competent age, in all the settlements of this Province : the tenor of this- 
 oath is inserted in the papers inclosed. The word true being interpreted fidele, 
 has made it to be called the oath of fidelity." 
 
 " The French inhabitants intended to have a clause, not to be obliged to take up 
 arms against the French, which, though not inserted, they have always stood was 
 promised to them ; and I have heard it owned by those who were at Minas when 
 the oath was administered at that place, that such a promise was given. 
 Their plea with the French, who pressed them to take up arms, was their oath, 
 their living easy under the government, and their having no complaint to make 
 against it" 
 
 "To keep up some form of government among the French inhabitants, governor 
 Philips ordered them to choose a certain number amongst them, under the name 
 of deputies, to act in behalf of the people, in publishing his orders, and making 
 applications when their occasions should require ; which was accordingly obeyed. 
 This river, divided into eight districts or hamlets, has eight deputies ; the other 
 settlements, mostly, four each ; in all I reckon twenty-four. They are every year 
 newly chosen on the tenth of October, the anniversary of the king's coronation, 
 and of the taking of this fort. They are invested with no judiciary power, but 
 are appointed often as arbitrators in small cases, where, if any of the parties are 
 not satisfied, appeal is made to the governor or commander-in-chief, and council."
 
 1720. History of Nova-Scotia. 373 
 
 CHAPTER XLIII. 
 
 THE governor and council at Annapolis sent a vessel over to 
 St. John to bring the Indian chiefs of that place. Nine of 
 them came across in the vessel ; and having been entertained 
 and addressed, and presents made to them, they made an 
 answer, put in writing by their interpreter. This was laid 
 before the council by his Excellency, 26 July, and a reply pre- 
 pared in the governor's name, by a committee, viz., lieutenant 
 governor Doucett, majors Armstrong and Mascarene, and Mr. 
 John Adams. The following are extracts from this document, 
 which is written in French in the mss. book of the govern- 
 ment : 
 
 " My children." " I assure you, that if any of those who " 
 " are under my command do any injustice or insult to any of" 
 " you, I will punish them severely, and I expect you will do " 
 
 " the same on your part. As regards the French inha- " 
 
 " bitants, as long as they shall comport themselves with " 
 " fidelity towards king George and shall become his subjects, " 
 41 they shall enjoy their own religion and their possessions, " 
 " and shall have the same privileges as the natural subjects " 
 " of the king, and by this means they will render themselves " 
 " entirely happy. But if they refuse their allegiance to the " 
 " king, and continue, by their false and odious representations " 
 " of the English, to alienate the affections and the duty of " 
 " the good savages of the crown of Great Britain, the king " 
 41 will not permit them to reside much longer in this country. " 
 
 " I hope that you are satisfied with your reception. " 
 
 41 Make known to your neighbors of Passamaquoddi that I "
 
 374 History of Nova-Scotia. 1720. 
 
 " shall be glad to see two or three of their chiefs here, for, &c. " 
 ' I am sorry I have not better presents to make you just " 
 " now, but I expect by the next large ship the king's pre- " 
 " sents for you and for the rest of the savages, &c." 
 
 " The vessel is ready to take you back, and the tide is " 
 " about to serve soon. I have ordered provisions to be put " 
 " on board for you, with some wine and brandy. I wish you " 
 " a good voyage." 
 
 R. PHILIPPS. 
 
 Annapolis Royal, 27 Juillet, 1720. 
 
 29 July, 1720, the governor wrote to the inhabitants of 
 Annapolis river, granting their request to have a missionary 
 among them, " provided he be a man of peace, good life and " 
 " probity, and does not meddle with any business, except the " 
 " affairs of religion appertaining to his ministry." He refers 
 to the wilful desertion of pere Justinien. 
 
 It seems that in 1718, the British man-of-war Squirrel, capt. 
 Smart, had made an attack on some French at Canso, and 
 seized, among others, some of the chief officers of cape Breton. 
 These, it was said, incited the Indians to revenge their losses, 
 and on the 7-18 August, 1720, a party of Eastern Indians 
 attacked the English at Canso, whither the New England 
 people resorted in summer to carry on the fishery. The 
 Indians surprised the English in their beds, and stripped them 
 of every thing, telling them they came to carry away what 
 they could find upon their own land. Three or four of the 
 English were killed. Some of the French of cape Breton 
 were in their confederacy, and came with their vessels the 
 next night and carried off the plunder, together with about 
 two thousand quintals of fish. The English vessels in the 
 harbor were not attempted. A sloop happening to arrive the 
 next day, the master offered his service to go out and make 
 reprisals, and being furnished with a number of men, and two 
 or three small vessels for his consorts ; for want of more 
 ample authority, he took a commission from one Thomas 
 Richards, a Canso justice, and went after the French, and 
 soon brought in six or seven small fishing vessels, having all
 
 1720. History of Nova-Scotia. 375 
 
 more or less of the English property on board. It appears by 
 the letters of governor Philipps to the secretary of State, that 
 on the 7-18 August, 1720, the Indians surprized the fishermen 
 at Can so in the dead of night, and drove them off their stages 
 into their boats. Their fish and merchandize were left to the 
 pillage of the French, who lay ready for that end. Mascarene 
 says the Indians took the goods and the French took the fish. 
 This, the Indians stated, was done in reprisal for what was 
 taken from the French by captain Smart. The fishermen held 
 a council the next morning, and concluded to send a sloop 
 (with Henshaw) to cape Breton, to seek for redress, but not 
 finding it to their satisfaction, they sent to governor Philipps 
 in a vessel for relief. The governor supplied and despatched 
 him with arms, ammunition and provisions, and would have 
 given him an officer with a detachment of the garrison ; but 
 Henshaw thought there would be no occasion. 
 
 Mr. Henshaw, of Boston, a principal merchant of Canso, 
 went to Louisbourg with a complaint to the French governor, 
 who excused himself from intermeddling, the Indians not being 
 French subjects, nor under his control. The French prison- 
 ers were sent to Annapolis Royal. The loss sustained by the 
 English was estimated at ,20,000 currency. [2 Hutch., Mass., 
 240.] About this time, the Indians in the Eastern parts of 
 Massachusetts killed the cattle of the settlers and alarmed the 
 people with their threats. Father Ralle (or Rasle) at Nor- 
 ridgewock, was supposed to have incited them to this conduct. 
 \IbidemI\ On the 24 Augt, (4 Sept., n. s.,) Michael Richards, 
 alias le Fund, Prudent Robichaux, junior, and Chas. Boudroit, 
 who brought the news of the disaster at Canso, were examined 
 on oath before the council. " In council, 27 Augt. (7 Sept., " 
 " n. s.,) Jeanice Souhare, Martin de Molue, belonging to cap- " 
 " tain Philibert d'Habilene, commander of a French ship at" 
 " Nirichau (Arichat ?) Jannice de Coudes, (Candos), belong- " 
 " ing to Nicholas Petitpas, fishing at petit de Gratz, Martin " 
 " Dixipase, (Dixipare), belonging to Martin de la Borde, " 
 " fishing at petit de Gratz, Francois Pitrel, belonging to " 
 " John Harenbourg, fishing at the said place, five French " 
 " prisoners, who were taken a robbing the English at Cansoe, '
 
 376 History of Nova-Scotia. 1720. 
 
 " were sent for in before the board and examined. They all " 
 " declared they were commanded by their masters to do what " 
 " they did." \Council records :] The prisoners were brought 
 to Annapolis by captain John Henshaw, of Cansoe, who, on 
 29 August, o. s., was made a justice of peace and captain of 
 militia at that place. 
 
 Letter of governor Philipps to M. St. Ovide, 10 Augt, 1720, 
 (in French) : 
 
 " Sir." " The bearers of this go with my permission and " 
 "my passport to cape Breton, to seek a priest, in place of" 
 " the one who has quitted them ; and I take the opportunity " 
 " at the same time of answering that which you wrote me " 
 " from port Tholouse," (St. Peter's), " of the 7th of last month. " 
 " It appears to me from some passages in your letter, that " 
 " you take the proclamation, which I published on my arrival " 
 " here to the inhabitants of this province, for a pure act of " 
 " my will, without the knowledge of the king, my master. " 
 " If this is your thought, I can assure you that you are " 
 " deceived, and that I know my duty too well to make use of" 
 " his majesty's name, without having his authority for it as " 
 " my warrant ; and you may reckon that each article of this " 
 " proclamation is in conformity with and contained in my " 
 " instructions, So I am entirely easy upon this head, having " 
 " nothing to apprehend in all that takes place on this subject, " 
 " but for my having enlarged the time beyond what my " 
 " orders empowered me to do. As to what regards the pro- " 
 " ceeding of the king in their case, it is sufficiently justified " 
 " by the articles of the treaty of Utrecht. It is not denied " 
 " that queen Anne granted to these inhabitants, as well as to " 
 " those of Placentia, the liberty of which you make mention, " 
 " whereof the one profited in retiring within the limited time, " 
 " but of which the others have (with justice) lost the ad van- " 
 " tage by their negligence or presumption. Your commis- " 
 " sioners, even, who came here in the time of general Nichol- " 
 " son, agreed that there was but one year's grace, and only " 
 " disputed whether its commencement was to be reckoned " 
 " from the date of the said treaty, or from the time when the "
 
 1720. History of Nova-Scotia. 377 
 
 " inhabitants were assembled here to be instructed as to this " 
 " favor. Since that time they have not been hindered from " 
 " withdrawing. Many of them went from here, and sold their " 
 " possessions, according to the queen's intention. But you " 
 " must admit that there is a great difference of time between " 
 " one and seven years, that they have remained in his majes- " 
 " ty's dominions, in the full enjoyment of their property, " 
 " until they have begun to think that they have more right " 
 ' than his majesty himself. So you ought not to be surprized " 
 " if his majesty at this time thinks fit, for the safety of his " 
 " dominions, to summon them in this manner, requiring " 
 " allegiance of them, if they continue in this country, on con- " 
 " ditions the most advantageous they could possibly expect " 
 " or wish for, or to go out of this country, without having any " 
 " regard to them." 
 
 He then demands justice in the case of one Maurice 
 Vigneau, who took up on credit 6. 95. 6d., and went off 
 fishing, but withdrew to cape Breton, without paying his cre- 
 ditors. He refers to the alliance of the two crowns, and says 
 his orders are to cultivate friendship with the French govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Mr. John Broadstreet, a young gentleman volunteer, who 
 had been sent to Mines to prevent the trade in cattle they 
 carried on with Louisbourg, and whom the governor had 
 recommended for an ensigncy, returned early in September to 
 Annapolis, with information that Mr. John Alden had been 
 robbed of his goods at Mines by a party of Indians, eleven in 
 all, of whom five were small boys, in the presence of the inha- 
 bitants who were lookers on, and appeared to consent to the 
 deed. The governor, on this, wrote to the four deputies of 
 Mines, expressing his surprize and indignation. He tells 
 them that it is ridiculous for them to allege fear of a handful 
 of savages. He requires them to call the Indians to account 
 for this affair, and afterwards to come to him and report in 
 person on it. It appeared that the order in council respecting 
 grain, requiring it to be brought to Annapolis, had created 
 discontent among the masters of vessels ; and the governor 
 having no funds for carrying on the magazine for grain, the
 
 378 History of Nova-Scotia. 1720. 
 
 regulation seems to have been abandoned. An order passed 
 to regulate parties for hunting across the bay of Fundy. 
 Chiefs of parties or gangs were to give the governor security 
 to carry away no passengers or effects, nor more provisions 
 than would serve them for the trip, nor to outstay the time 
 limited in their pass. (Mr. Arthur Savage was, in May, 1729, 
 appointed marshal of the court of vice admiralty in Rhode 
 Island, probably the same who was member of council, naval 
 officer and secretary at Annapolis, N. S., in 1 720. See Rhode 
 Island documents?) 
 
 At this time the French inhabitants persisted in refu- 
 sing to take the oath of allegiance, looking upon them- 
 selves as the indispensable liege subjects of France by 
 the engagements they had laid themselves under, and from 
 which their priests told them they could not be absolved. 
 They went on building and improving, seeming to have no 
 thoughts of going away. They acted on a contempt of the 
 garrison on a reliance upon their own numbers and Indian 
 aid. The governor and council at Annapolis Royal recom- 
 mended that 600 additional soldiers should be sent out that 
 200 men should be employed to fortify Canso, and 100 of 
 them left there as a garrison, and that 400 should be sent to 
 fortify Mines, part of whom should be thereafter detached to 
 Chignecto. They state that the French sent out four ships 
 this summer, two of which arrived at the island of St. John, 
 where the French intend to settle and build a fort. They 
 recommend permanent garrisons at Mines and Chignecto, of 
 150 men at each place. That 200 men should be sent to form 
 a settlement on the East coast, at Port Razoir, Laheve, Mar- 
 ligash, or Chebucto. That the troops should leave Great 
 Britain in March ; and they further propose that a ship of war 
 and two sloops of 50 tons each be employed on the station. 
 {Letters 0/27 Sept., 1720.] Governor Philipps sent his major, 
 Armstrong, along with Mr. Henshaw, with copies of the ex- 
 aminations of the five French prisoners to cape Breton, there 
 to demand satisfaction and restitution for the fish and goods 
 taken, and the three British subjects killed at Canso. 
 
 In October, some charge of indiscreet language, reflecting on
 
 1720. History of Nova-Scotia. 379 
 
 governor Philipps' administration, was brought by the gover- 
 nor before the council against Mr. William Winniett, who was 
 arrested in consequence ; but on his subsequently writing a 
 " letter of submission," the proceedings against him were 
 abandoned. At this time, governor Philipps says of the 
 Indians, " I have taken particular care to treat them in the " 
 " civillest manner that any governor yet has done. There " 
 " has scarce past a week since I am here but some of them " 
 " have been with me, whome I have never failed to assure of" 
 " his majesty's good will and protection, and required them " 
 " to acquaint all their nation therewith, and that I expected " 
 "considerable presents for them from the king in token of" 
 " his affection. At the same time, I never dismissed them " 
 " without presents, (which they always expect), for which I " 
 " am out of pocket about a hundred and fifty pounds. But I " 
 " am convinced that a hundred thousand will not buy them " 
 " from the French interest while the priests are among them, " 
 " who, having got in with them by the way of religion, and " 
 " brought them to regular confession twice a-year, they " 
 " assemble punctually at those times, and receive their abso- " 
 " lution conditionally that they be alwayes enemyes to the " 
 " English." He had, by the advice of the council, " sent for " 
 " the chiefs of the St. John river Indians," (Malicites), " who " 
 " came accordingly." He says : " In my humble opinion, " 
 " the man-of-war upon the station of New England should " 
 " have attended the ffishery at Cansoe in the season, accord- " 
 " ing to the orders that were sent upon my application, when " 
 " at London ; but why shee has layne all this summer in " 
 " Boston harbour I can't guess, unless she has waited for the " 
 " reliefe that is said to be coming. It is certaine that had" 
 " she been at Cansoe, that loss to the king's subjects had not " 
 
 " happened. Some of the Indian robbers who returned " 
 
 " from Cansoe to Manis, to the number of eleven, finding a " 
 " New England trading sloop there belonging to Mr. John " 
 " Alden, and being flushed with their former success and " 
 " applauded by the priests, they plunder'd her also, at the " 
 " very doors of the inhabitants, who lookt on without restrain- " 
 " ing those wretches, under the sham pretence of being afraid '
 
 380 History of Nova-Scotia. 1720. 
 
 " of provoking them. This has been, hitherto, no more " 
 
 " than a mock government, its authority having never yet " 
 " extended beyond cannon reach of this ffort." He sends 
 home a census of the population and description of the settle- 
 ments. He says : " It would be more for the honour of the " 
 " crowne, (I speake it with humble submission), and proffit " 
 " also, to give back the country to the ffrench, than be con- " 
 " tented with the name only of government, and the charge " 
 " that attends it, whilst they bare the rule and make it sub- " 
 " servient to the support of their settlement at cape Breton, " 
 " which could ill subsist without the graine and the cattle " 
 " they fetch from Manis." 
 
 This autumn, at the request of the persons engaged in 
 the fishery at Canso, the government sent a detachment 
 of a company of soldiers there, under command of major 
 Armstrong. They were to take possession of the small fort 
 which the* fishermen were erecting, and defend the place till 
 spring, when the people would return to fish. Armstrong 
 was empowered to allot the ground and beaches for fishery, 
 gardens, Sic. Lieutenant Jephson and his children were sent 
 with them. They were sent part in the sloop from Canso, and 
 the rest in a schooner. The detachment sent in the sloop 
 were shipwrecked, and saved on Grand Manan, and afterwards 
 taken off in captain Boudre's sloop, and got to Canso. 
 
 The trade of Annapolis Royal at this time was carried on 
 by four or five sloops from Boston, who commonly made three 
 voyages in the season, bringing some woollen manufactures of 
 Great Britain, but mostly West Indian products. These they 
 exchanged for furs and feathers, to the value of ; 10,000 
 yearly, without paying duties outward or inward. The collec- 
 tor was a diligent officer, but his salary was small, and he had 
 not a shallop at his command, or any allowance for extraordi- 
 nary disbursements. The expence of fortifications required 
 was estimated at ^3000. [Philips to secy, of State, 24 Nov., 
 1720.3 The governor thought two regiments not too many 
 " for the defence of a frontier country, larger in extent than " 
 " New England and New York together," when also the inha- 
 bitants and the Indians are hostile.
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 381 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XLIII. 
 (i.) 
 
 Mr. Broadstreet was sent to Mines as deputy collector and preventive officer, 
 to observe the trade and correspondence the people there carried on with Cape 
 Breton. The inhabitants told him that he could not be protected there, and 
 therefore it was necessary, for his safety, to return. He requested a guide to 
 conduct him back to Annapolis through the woods, writing to the deputy to that 
 effect, but not able to obtain one, he ventured alone. 
 
 (2.) 
 
 " I am upon as good terms with these last" (the Indians) " as it is possible " 
 " for an English governor to be, excepting a few Banditti without a head, who " 
 " inhabit about Minas and Chignecto, and have been the actors in the late mis- " 
 " chiefs ; but they and their actors have been disowned and disapproved by the " 
 " rest. Yet, the rest among them will promiss to live peaceable with us, but " 
 " conditionally, while the allyance subsists between the two crownes." 
 
 [Letter of Gov. Philipps.} 
 
 The lords of Trade write to governor Philipps, 28 Dec'r., 1720 : 
 They had fully represented to the late lords Justices the substance of his for- 
 mer letters. They have recommended additional troops to be sent to Nova 
 Scotia, and that a man-of-war should be allowed to attend the colony, or that the 
 governor should be allowed to hire a sloop for defence, and to prevent illicit 
 trade ; on all which his majesty's directions would be given. The details he has 
 written of the affairs of his government are very acceptable, and he is recommen- 
 ded to continue to give particulars by each opportunity " with regard to the " 
 " province itself, and its neighbours, whether foreigners, Indians, or H. M. " 
 " subjects." 
 
 As the French inhabitants seem likely never to become good subjects while 
 the French governors and their priests retain so great an influence over them, 
 " for which reason, we are of opinion, they ought to be removed as soon as the " 
 41 Forces which we have proposed to be sent to you shall arrive in Nova Scotia " 
 " for the protection and settlement of your province ; but you are not to attempt " 
 " their removal without his majesty's positive orders for that purpose. You " 
 " will do well in the meanwhile to continue the same prudent and cautious con- " 
 " duct towards them, to endeavor to undeceive them concerning the exercise of" 
 " their religion, which will doubtless be allowed them, if it should be thought " 
 
 41 proper to let them stay where they are. The presents for the Indians, " 
 
 " we hear, have been ordered some while since, of which your agent will give " 
 " you the necessary advices." They thank him for his statement of the trade of 
 the Province ; but say, that it cannot be put right until the forces are sent out, 
 when they will do all they can to prevent illegal traffic.
 
 382 History of Nova-Scotia. 1720. 
 
 (4.) 
 
 Governor Philipps, referring to the French settlements, says : " By -which " 
 " the English colonys will be environed from Mississippi to Cape Breton" 
 
 (5-) 
 
 The count St. Pierre, premier ecuyer de madame la duchesse d'Orleans, was at 
 the head of a company formed in 1719 to settle the island of St. John, (now 
 Prince Edward Island), and obtained a grant, dated in August, 1719, of the 
 islands of St. John and Miscou, in franc aleu noble, without judicial powers, 
 which the king reserved to himself, subject to faith and homage to the French 
 crown at the chateau of Louysbourg, without rent, for the establishment of a 
 shore fishery of codfish ; and in January, 1 720, he obtained a similar grant of the 
 Magdalen islands. [4 Charlevoix, 148.] 
 
 On receiving these grants, the count entered into a treaty of association with 
 M. M. Farges and Moras. St. Pierre reserved to himself the seigneurie, as far as 
 its honors are concerned ; also 1000 arpens of land in St. John island, and as 
 many in the island of Miscou, with the right to build a tower or castle there as a 
 mark of seigneurie. The remaining property under the grants was to be con- 
 sidered as divided into 24 equal parts ; of which, 3 were to belong to the count, 
 
 12 to de Farges, and 6 to de Moras, and their advances and interest in the com- 
 pany to be in the same proportions. This partnership was to continue for 29 
 years, beginning i January, 1720, at the end of which time, if the partners or their 
 heirs did not renew it, a division of property should take place, comprising the 
 islands, rt|nts, lands and houses, (not deeded to settlers.) St. Pierre to take 1-4, 
 Farges 1-2, and Moras 1-4, In October, 1722, the count found he could no 
 longer contribute his quota of funds to the company, and Farges and Moras 
 undertook to go on without his help ; but on this account, the Count reduced his 
 interests thus : Of the 24 equal parts, he was to have but 4 clear, de Farges 
 
 13 1-3, and Moras 6 2-3. The count and his partners expended over 1,200,000 
 livres. In 1727, the king revoked the exclusive privileges of fishery given over 
 the islands in these two grants. In 1730 the king re-united to his domain the 
 islands he had granted to the count. M. de Crevecour, son of St. Pierre, peti- 
 tioned the count de Maurepas for compensation under these circumstances. 
 [Paris mss.~\ 
 
 (6.) 
 
 Alden stated afterwards in council, that he could not say any of the French had 
 induced the Indians to rob him.'nor had they assisted therein, although they had 
 bought the goods from the robbers at low prices, and that they apparently spoke 
 in his favor ; but he believed if they had given the least active assistance, the 
 pillage would have been prevented. 
 
 (7-) 
 
 Letter from St. Ovide and Demery to Gov. Philipps, from Louisboitrg, 27 Sep- 
 tember, 1 720. 
 
 Monsieur. Nous avons re9U par Mr. Armistron, (Armstrong), major de votre 
 regiment, la lettre que vous nous avez fait 1'honneur de nous ecrire au sujet du 
 traitement qu'ont commis les sauvages aux Anglais a Camceaux. II nous parait
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 383 
 
 que les capitaines Anglais qui vinrent ici apporter les premieres nouvelles. vous 
 ont rendu un compte peu juste de 1'attention que nous fimes a leurs plaintes ; 
 nous ne croyons pas pouvoir en donner une meilleure preuve que les assurances 
 que nous leur donnames que nous allions depecher, comme il a etc fait, des offi- 
 ciers avec un detachement pour se rendre sur les lieux, aim de dissiper et chasser, 
 autant qu'il serait en leur pouvoir les sauvages, et meme de leur faire rendre ce 
 qu'ils avoient pille ; que s'il se trouvait des Francois meWs dans cette affaire, 
 de les saisir afin de les faire punir et faire rendre tout ce qu'ils avoient pris sur 
 les dits Anglais ; qu'aurions nous pu faire de plus, monsieur, si les sauvages 
 avoient commis cette action envers les sujets du Roi Tres Christian notre 
 maitre ? A 1'egard des Francois pris par les Anglois, en enlevant leurs morues, 
 et dont il y en a quelques-uns que vous detenez au Port Royal comme prison- 
 niers, la declaration que vous leur avez fait faire doit paroitre un peu suspecte, 
 car quand il serait vrai, ce que nous savons positivement qu'il n'est point, qu'il y 
 cut eu quelques Fra^ois assez mal intentionnes pour induire les sauvages a 
 commettre une si mauvaise action, ce secret n'auroit jamais etc confie a des 
 simples matelots-pecheurs, a qui Ton fait toujours dire ce que Ton veut ; au sur- 
 plus par 1'examen particulier qui sera fait de cette affaire, et qui sera envoye a la 
 cour, s'il est verifie que les Fra^ois avaient en part, nous sommes persuades que 
 la couronne de France rendra a cette d'Angleterre la justice qu'elle pourra sou- 
 haiter. 
 
 Vous nous marquez, monsieur, qu'il vous a etc rapporte par deux sau- 
 vages, que Ton avoit parle de cette affaire en ce port trois mois devant qu'elle 
 cut etc executee, et que c'etait M. de St. Ovide qui faisait agir les Sauvages. Ce 
 soup9on mal fonde fait peu d'impression a M. de St. Ovide, et ne peut entrer 
 que dans des esprits aussi barbares que ceux des Sauvages : meme en verite, il 
 est surpris avec raison que vous ayez pu faire mention dans votre lettre d'une 
 idee aussi peu convenable au caractere qu'il remplit ici ; au reste, s'il est vrai 
 que ces bruits qui ne sont pas venues jusqu' a nous aient couru, il se peut faire 
 qu'ils n'aient point en d'autre cause, que la grande union et liaison que les Sau- 
 vages ont avec les peuples de 1'Acadie, qui se sont trouves allarmes (des ordres) 
 pressants que vous leur avez donnes. 
 
 Nous aurions du nous attendre que vous auriez remis a M. Amstron, porteur 
 de vos ordres les 5 Franfois que vous detenez au Port Royal ; puisque vous 
 deviez etre persuade que la Cour de France rendrait sur cela une justice exacte, 
 ainsi, monsieur, nous uous prions de vouloir bien vous la renvoyer, executant de 
 notre c6te tout ce que les sujefs du Roi d'Angleterre nous ont demande. 
 
 Au surplus, par la justice prompte que nous rendons a ce sujet, et les ordres 
 qui ont etc" donnes a M. de Pensens, qui a etc envoye sur les lieux a cet effet, et 
 dont M. Armstron est porteur, vous verrez et vous devrez e'tre convaincu, Mon- 
 sieur, de 1'attachement que nous avons a conserver la paix et 1'union qui est entre 
 les deux Couronnes et entretenir avec vous en particulier 1'aimable correspon- 
 dance qui nous est ordonne"e. 
 
 A 1'egard des missionaires, qui ont pu faire quelques mouvements, ils ne doi- 
 vent vous donner aucun ombrage, n'ayant d'autre objet qui les affaires de la 
 religion, et les comptes qu'ils sont obliges de rendre a leurs superieurs dont 
 nous ne sommes point ignorants. 
 
 Nous vous sommes bien obliges, monsieur, pour 1'attention que vous avez bien 
 voulu avoir de nous envoyer monsieur Armstron, major de votre regiment pour
 
 384 History of Nova-Scotia. 1720. 
 
 traiter cette affaire ; vous ne pouvez pas le mettre entre les mains d'un officier 
 plus prudent et plus capable. 
 
 Nous avons 1'honneur d'etre tres parfaitement, monsieur, vos tres humbles et 
 tres obeissants serviteurs, 
 
 ST. OVIDE DE BROUILLAN. 
 
 D EMERY. 
 
 A Louisbourg, ce 27 September, 1720. 
 
 Sir. We received by Mr. Armstrong, major of your regiment, the letter you 
 did us the honor to write on the subject of the ill-treatment the English at Can- 
 ceaux received from the Indians. It appears to us that the English captains 
 who came here first with the news, have not done justice in what they told you 
 of the attention we paid to their complaints. We do not think we can give a 
 better proof of it than the assurances we gave them that we were about to dis- 
 patch (as we did) officers with a detachment to the spot, to disperse and drive off 
 the Indians, as far as they could be able, and also to compel them to surrender 
 their plunder ; and if any French were found to have meddled in the affair, to 
 seize them, that they might be punished, and made to give up whatever they 
 might have taken from the English. What more could we have done, sir, if the 
 Indians had committed this offence against the subjects of the most Christian 
 king, our master ? 
 
 As regards the Frenchmen taken by the English while carrying off their cod- 
 fish, (some of whom you detain prisoners at Port Royal), the declaration you have 
 obtained from them seems open to suspicion ; for even if it were true (which we 
 positively know it is not) that there had been some Frenchmen evil disposed 
 enough to induce the Indians to commit so bad an action, this secret would never 
 have been confided to simple sailor fishermen, who can be always made say 
 whatever is desired. A close inquiry will be made into this business, and the 
 particulars reported to our court ; and if it is clear that Frenchmen have been 
 concerned, the French crown will render full justice to the British. 
 
 You observe, sir, that you have been told by two Indians that this affair was 
 spoken of here three months before it was put in execution, and that it was M. 
 St Ovide who caused the Indians to act. A suspicion so ill founded makes little 
 impression on M. de St. Ovide, and cannot enter minds which are not as barba- 
 rian as those of the Indians. In truth he is, with reason, surprized that you have 
 noticed in your letter an idea so little suitable to the character he sustains here. 
 Besides, if it is true that these reports (which we have not heard of) have reached 
 you, it may be that they had no other cause than the great union and connection 
 which subsists between the Indians and the people of Acadie, who are alarmed at 
 the urgent orders you have issued concerning them. 
 
 We should have expected that with M. Armstrong the bearer of your orders 
 you would have sent us the five Frenchmen you detained at Port Royal, as you 
 ought to be persuaded that the court of France would perform exactly what jus- 
 tice dictates in this business ; so we pray you, sir, to have the goodness to send 
 them back to us, we being ready to comply with all the requests made by the 
 subjects of Ihe king of England. Besides, by the prompt justice we have done on 
 this subject, and the orders given to M. de Pensens, who was sent to the spot 
 for the purpose, and of which Mr. Armstrong has a copy with him, you will see, 
 and you ought to be convinced, sir, of the attachment that we have to preserve
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 385 
 
 peace and union between the two crowns, and to keep up a kindly intercourse 
 with you, as we are directed to do. 
 
 As to the movements of the missionaries, you should not take offence, as they 
 are connected with religious matters alone, and the reports they are bound to 
 make to their superiors, as we are well aware. 
 
 We, sir, are much obliged for your attention in sending Mr. Armstrong, major 
 of your regiment, to treat on this business. You could not place it in the hands 
 of a more prudent and capable officer. 
 
 We have the honor to be, 
 Very perfectly, sir, 
 
 Your very humble and 
 
 Most obedient servants, 
 
 ST. OVIDE DE BROUILLAN. 
 DEMERY. 
 Louisbourg, 27 September, 1720.
 
 386 History of Nova-Scotia. 1721, 
 
 CHAPTER XLIV. 
 
 1721. Major Armstrong applied for and obtained six months 
 leave of absence, on the ground of ill health, to go to Great 
 Britain. Governor Philipps stated to the secretary at war 
 that Armstrong had " never mentioned one word of this to " 
 " me, nor am I sensible of any sickness he has had since he " 
 " left England, unless the toothache be called so." Says he 
 has never yet had officers enough to compose a general court 
 martial ; deprecates the leave granted as an infringement of 
 his authority, and requests it may be recalled. He writes to 
 Mr. Popple, secretary of the Board of Trade, that the French 
 had been urging the Indians to make war, but as the French 
 could not openly join them, the Indians refused to act. They 
 were told that the young king of France was crowned the 
 Regent out of power, and the peace between the two crowns 
 about dissolving. He says : " I humbly conceive their lord- " 
 " shipps may be under some mistake in settling the western " 
 " bounds of this province at the river St. Croix, whereas cap- " 
 " tain Southack's mapp layes it down at Kennebec river ; " 
 " and the late governor Subercase held the government in " 
 ' that extent, as appears by the preamble to all the passports. " 
 " It seems more likely that that river, or the next to it, " 
 " Penobscot, were designed for the bounds of this province, " 
 " in reguard they run quite through the country, whereas " 
 " St. Croix has its rise not far from the coast." 
 
 The inhabitants of Mines sent Philip Melanson and Antoine 
 Landrie to Annapolis, with letters on the subject of the pillage 
 vof Alden's vessel. Their conduct was deemed evasive, and
 
 1721. History of Nova-Scotia. 387 
 
 written statements were sent them by Mr. William Winniett, 
 in March, 1720-1, demanding full restitution, and requiring 
 that their deputies, and their priest, father Felix, should wait 
 on his Excellency with a full submission in writing. 
 
 Mr. Armstrong, who commanded the detachment at Canso, 
 feeling some apprehensions of an attack by the Indians, who 
 had assembled at Artigonish, sent the sloop Charlemont, com- 
 manded by Mr. Peter Boudre, express to Annapolis, requesting 
 stores of war, &c. Governor Philipps replies 4 April, 1721. 
 He concludes the meeting of the Indians " to be no more " 
 ** than usual about the time of their Pasque or Easter, tho* it " 
 *' is not unlikely but that they make use of that opportunity " 
 " for contriving of mischief." He sends him stores, but tells 
 him not to commence any work of fortification until further 
 directions come from England, " so that you must content " 
 *' yourself with that ffort which the fishery have erected at " 
 *' their cost, which I hear is very defenceable ; and in case it " 
 *' wants any strengthening or necessary conveniencys, there " 
 " is no doubt but those people will be easyly perswaded to do " 
 " it, since it will be for their defence." He directs him to get 
 an account of the arms, powder and ball, lent them out of the 
 Annapolis magazine in their necessity, "for militia are alwayes " 
 "' obliged to defend their own propertys at their owne expence/' 
 He mentions five months provisions. New rate for each man 
 per week : Bread, 7 Ib. ; beef, 7 lb., or pork, 4 Ib. ; pease, 3 
 pints ; butter, 6 oz., or cheese, i lb. ; flour, i lb., or rice, i 1-2 
 lb. '' I have no bread but what I bake from hand to mouth, " 
 *' but I have sent you your due proportion in flower ; and as " 
 "you have a very good Baker in the comp a , and oven in" 
 " the place, you can make as good shift as we." Philipps says 
 he expects to be at Canso in six weeks, by a man-of-war, capt, 
 Durell, daily expected to call for him. (An admiral Durell 
 died at Halifax, N. S., in 1766.) He thinks he shall bring with 
 him a sloop, now building at Boston, for the service of this 
 province. (This was the sloop William Augustus, launched in 
 July, 1721, arrived at Annapolis in August, 1721.) He thinks 
 of bringing one or two companies from Placentia to reinforce 
 Canso,
 
 388 History of Nova-Scotia. 1721. 
 
 The inhabitants of the river Annapolis and its environs 
 petitioned the government for permission to sow their lands, 
 and surety that they might gather the produce, or else to have 
 liberty to withdraw to Isle Royale. The governor told them 
 that he had referred the question to England for decision, and 
 recommended to await the reply, assuring them that nothing 
 but the most positive orders of the Crown would induce him 
 to disturb them in their possessions, unless they should rebel 
 or disobey authority. 
 
 12 April, 1721, on the representation of Charles Robicheau, 
 deputy of Cobequid, the number of deputies from that district 
 was increased from one to four, (one only being required to 
 attend on the governor.) At the same time the number of 
 deputies from Mines was increased from three to twelve, (three 
 only of them being bound to attend on the governor.) These 
 deputies were to be annually chosen by the inhabitants, sub- 
 ject to the governor's approval. Their duties were to receive 
 and put in execution the orders of the governor, and to report 
 the names of persons disobedient. Their expenses in coming 
 and going were to be defrayed by the inhabitants. 
 
 Wednesday, 19 April, 1 72 1. It was resolved by the governor 
 and council, that a General Court, consisting of the governor 
 and council, should sit at four certain times in the year, as a 
 court of judicature. The first tuesdays of February, May, 
 August and November, were appointed for terms of its sitting. 
 
 On the 8 May, 1721, governor Philipps, writing to the Board 
 of Ordnance, complains of lieutenant Washington, whom he 
 calls their officer, " upon the repeated complaints of major " 
 " Mascarene, imploy'd by the honble. Board as engineer." He 
 incloses his examination, and leaves it to the Board to judge 
 or reprimand him. He tells them also, " No work has been " 
 " undertaken here since the fall, unless small jobbs, at repair- " 
 " ing chimneys, &c., which is unavoidable in such tottering " 
 " buildings. As to what was done in the summer, hope the " 
 '* honble. Board is satisfied with the reasons that made it " 
 " necessary." (This expression ' fall ' for autumn has been 
 considered an Americanism, but we can hardly suppose gen'l. 
 Philipps acquired it on this side of the Atlantic.) In writing
 
 1721. History of Nova-Scotia. 389 
 
 at this time to the secretary of State, he says that the French 
 inhabitants are waiting an answer from government. Refer- 
 ring to the pillage of Alden's sloop, he says that the deputies 
 sued for pardon, and promised to pay the damage ; " but if it " 
 " be determined for them to retire, I expect it will be in the " 
 " manner that the Jews marched out of Egypt, not only with " 
 " their owne effects and what they can borrow, but will first " 
 " distroy the country. Therefore the best way (in my humble " 
 " opinion) of answering, will be of answering in the manner " 
 " we have proposed, to fall to worke and build Forts among " 
 " them ; and when they find the Government in earnest, and " 
 " capable either to protect or" (here a word has become illegi- 
 gible) " them, 'tis not unlikely that they will sit downe quietly " 
 " in their possessions, and become good subjects, with good " 
 " looking after. As to the latter," (the Indians) " they are to " 
 " meet me towards the latter end of this month, to receive " 
 "his majesty's presents, and I shall make use of this oppor- " 
 " tunity to oblige them to the most advantageous conditions " 
 " of peace and traffick with his majesty's subjects." He men- 
 tions the establishment of the general court, and says he 
 thinks it to be conformable to his instructions, which refer 
 him to " the lawes and rules of Virginia" as a rule or pattern 
 for this government when they can be applicable to its cir- 
 cumstances. He hopes it may meet with approbation, and 
 says : " It is certain that the notion of here being no other " 
 " form of law but the martial, hinders many people from " 
 "coming to live among us." By Virginia act of 1662, c. 19, 
 the general court of governor and council was to sit three 
 times a year. Same act established county courts before jus- 
 tices of peace ; and 1662, c. 37, directs juries to be empan- 
 nelled at all courts. The juries were not used at Annapolis. 
 19 June, 1721. The governor writes to the lords of Trade 
 against lieutenant Washington, (of the Ordnance), whom he 
 calls " the most scandalous wretch upon the earth." 16 Aug. 
 he writes to the Board of Ordnance. He reiterates his com- 
 plaints of Mr. Washington, adding, " I know I ought not to " 
 " complain when I have the power to punish ; but hope I " 
 " may be excused, if I avoyd as much as is possible haveing "
 
 3QO History of Nova-Scotia. 1721. 
 
 " anything to do with people of such vile and wicked princi- " 
 
 " pies. As to the survey of the eastern coast, which was " 
 
 " intended this summer, the sloop that has been built for " 
 " that service being arrived but three dayes since, much time " 
 " is lost, and little can be done on that affair the remainder " 
 " of this season, which I hope need not retard the projections " 
 "for this country, inasmuch as both the scituation and cir-" 
 " cumstances thereof are fully before you ; and as Cansoe is " 
 " the first place proposed to be fortifyed, I intend, with the " 
 " engineer, to steare our course directly thither, to prepare a " 
 "plan of it, to be sent you in the /#//." 
 
 " There is not one carriage that will stand once fireing in " 
 " this garrison. You may please to remember that I repre- " 
 " sented the bad condition thereof to the Board before I left " 
 " London, which your lieutenant (if it be possible for him to " 
 " speake truth at all) assured me often he had sent you them " 
 " at his first arrival, tho' I have not found one word of it in " 
 " all his letter book. Be that as it will, the governor of Bos- " 
 " ton has lately received a very impudent letter from the " 
 " Indians on that side, upon which it has been thought pro- " 
 " per to arm in expectation of a rupture. If it ensues, we " 
 " shall not be long quiet here ; and how ill a condition we " 
 " are in for war, without a gun mounted, and almost a whole " 
 " curtain of the old worke tumbled downe this summer, may " 
 " be worth the while of the hon'ble. Board to consider." 
 
 In his letter of the same date to the Board of Trade, he 
 calls the letter of the Indians to the governor of Boston, " a " 
 " very insolent letter from the Indians of that quarter assem- " 
 " bled with their priest to celebrate some festival, upon " 
 " which it has been thought advisable to arm. If a rupture " 
 " ensues, we shall not long be quiet here, it being said that " 
 " some of our chiefs are gone thither, but it may be no more " 
 'than a drunken inspiration, and when" (they) "hear of" 
 " troops marching, end in a peccavi" He tells the lords of 
 Trade that he would not be able to visit Lahave and Chibouc- 
 tou ; that he would have to hire a vessel to bring the re- 
 mainder of the companies from Placentia to Annapolis Royal, 
 with all their provisions, which would require a much larger
 
 1 72 1. History of Nova-Scotia. 391 
 
 hold than the small province sloop has. There would be loss 
 of time in employing her, if capable. The hire would be only 
 thirty pounds. He says he is the worst off of any of the gov- 
 ernors, as he has no allowance, or tax or duties, to cover con- 
 tingencies. The king's presents for the Indians, having been 
 at Boston all the winter, had now arrived ; but as the giving 
 them required form, &c., be puts it off until his return. 
 
 The English settlers had, by this period, got some footing 
 east of the Kennebec. As their position was growing strong, 
 the Indians were stirred up to jealousy, and demanded by 
 what right v they were taking possession and building forts 
 there. The English alleged that the territory had been ceded 
 by the French crown to England. On this the Indians sent 
 deputies to Canada, to enquire on the subject of the governor, 
 the marquis of Vaudreuil. His reply was that the treaty of 
 Utrecht made no mention of their country. The governor of 
 Boston collected the eastern Indian chiefs, and informed them 
 truly of the cession, but they set up an independant claim, 
 denying the right of the French king to dispose of their lands. 
 Every courtesy was shewn them by the English, and their 
 hostile feeling seemed to have been subdued. The Indians 
 themselves were quite averse at this time to entering into any 
 quarrel with the English, preferring the advantages of trade 
 and friendly intercourse. It happened that Toxus, the chief of 
 the Norridgewock Indians, died this year. Ouikouiroumenit, 
 a pacific Indian, was chosen in his place, and four hostages 
 were sent to Boston by agreement. This becoming known at 
 Quebec, Vaudreuil and Bdgon, the intendant, wrote on the 
 15 June to father Ralle, in severe terms, inveighing against 
 the Narantsouaks (Norridgewocks) for yielding to English 
 persuasion in electing the new chief, and in sending hostages. 
 They also promised to send on deputies from the Indians at 
 St. Francis and Becancour, (in Canada), to oppose the English 
 interest. This was in consequence of Ralle having stated that 
 the Indians in his vicinity required to be supported by some 
 of those from Canada in their interviews with the English 
 governor. A number of these Canadian Indians were accord- 
 ingly induced to go, and pere la Chasse, superior of the Jesuits,
 
 392 History of Nova-Scotia. 1721. 
 
 (called the superior general of missions), and another of his 
 order, also went on. These clergymen collected above a hun- 
 dred Indians from Panaouamske", and deputies from Medoctec 
 and Pemoukady ; also some Indians from Pegouakky and 
 Amiraukanne, who live nearest to New England. In all, 
 above two hundred Indians, under arms, assembled in July or 
 August, 1721, and appeared at Georgetown, on Arowsick 
 island, where the interview had been appointed to take place. 
 In another place it is called the fort of Menarkoux, at the 
 bottom of the river Narantouak. They represented the Aben- 
 aquis and their allies. The baron St. Castin and the Jesuit la 
 Chasse were with this party. The governor of New England, 
 perhaps aware of the unfriendly spirit spreading among the 
 tribes, did not attend on this occasion. The Indians threw 
 down two hundred beaver skins as a compensation for cattle 
 of the English which they had killed, and ordered the English 
 to leave the territory east of the Kennebeck, and to restore 
 the hostages they held. Ralle is said to have been also pre- 
 sent. The Indians left a letter for the governor of New Eng- 
 laad with Mr. Penhallow, chief officer at the English fort. 
 This was composed by pere de la Chasse. I. It complains 
 of a detention of the hostages, in breach of agreement. 2. It 
 expresses surprize that the English should take possession 
 and dispose of their country without their consent. 3. It 
 requires that all the English should leave their territory forth- 
 with, and restore the prisoners. 4. It states that if two months 
 expired without redress, they would do themselves justice. 
 [2 Hutch., Mass., 261-266. 2 Williamson, Maine, 105. 4 Char- 
 levoix, 114-116.] It is said that the priest of Narantsouak 
 wrote his name Seb. Rale, without an s in the surname, or any 
 accent, circumflex or acute. [Historical Magazine, New York, 
 for January, 1860, page 30.] 
 
 Governor Philipps sailed from Annapolis in the sloop 
 William Augustus, captain Southack, about the middle of 
 August, 1721, and arrived at Canso on the 5th or 6th Sep- 
 tember. On the 1 3th September, the schooner Hannah, 
 William Souden, master, with provisions and cloathing for 
 the garrison of Annapolis, was cast away on the Tusketts,
 
 1721. History of Nova-Scotia. 393 
 
 and the vessel and cargo proved a total loss. One-third 
 was offered as salvage for goods found. 26 September, 1721, 
 captain Alden's sloop from Boston was put in quarantine at 
 Annapolis, as the small pox was rife in Boston. The woollen 
 goods and cotton wool on board were ordered to be aired 
 before landing them. The Massachusetts Assembly met 23rd 
 August, at the George tavern, beyond Boston neck, in conse- 
 quence of the disease. 
 
 On the ist October, 1721, governor Philipps writes to 
 the lords of Trade, dating from " Cansoe." He says it was 
 an agreeable surprize to find Cansoe in a flourishing state. 
 It would have been broken up for good, if he had not sent 
 the detachment there, which he had since reinforced with two 
 companies. " So that my good neighbors at cape Breton " 
 " seem to give up their pretention of right, an d talk only of " 
 " its being a place neutral." He urges the importance of 
 Canso to the fishery and to the settlement of the province ; 
 recommends it to be made a free port for three or four years. 
 " My arrival here gave a general joy, being taken as a good " 
 " presage of the government's intention to assert its right ; " 
 "and, to confirm the opinion more, I have determined to" 
 " pass a bad winter here, without the necessaries of life, " 
 " which hinders me from being more particular to your lord- " 
 " ships, my papers being left at Annapolis Royal." He notices 
 that he remains under an incapacity to receive families and 
 begin the settlement. " There are several that offer at this " 
 " time, but your lordships, who drew my instructions, know " 
 " the extent of my power." When the surveyor comes, it will 
 take two or three years before he can make any progress. 
 (This alludes to a regulation of the British government, which 
 directed that all tracts of forest land, suitable for masts and 
 timber for the navy, should be set apart and surveyed as 
 crown reserves, before any lands for settlement could be laid 
 out and measured.) Philipps suggests whether " a reserve " 
 " (in every settlement to be made) of all woods fit for the use " 
 " of the Royal navy, may not answer the ends of a survey, " 
 " and save time." He says : " In the meantime, I have made " 
 " dispositions of small plots of ground, and little rocks or "
 
 394 History of Nova-Scotia. 1721. 
 
 " islands in this harbour, for the conveniency of the fishery, " 
 " which I have promised to confirm." 
 
 In November, a party of militia From New England, under 
 colonel Westbrooke, went to Norridgewock to seize Ralle. 
 He escapes himself, but they get his box of papers, in which 
 his correspondence with Vaudreuil was found. The evidence 
 of the intrigues used to stir up the Indians to hostility against 
 the English, was amply supplied by the documents thus obtain- 
 ed. [Grahams Col. Hist., 2 v., p. 71.] In December, young St. 
 Castin was taken prisoner to Boston, having been captured by 
 stratagem, and there placed in close confinement ; but after 
 some examinations, he was set at liberty. [2 Hutch, Mass., 
 272. 4 Ckarlevoix, 115-116.] 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XLIV. 
 
 (i.) 
 
 A description of Nova Scotia, signed by P. Mascarene, engineer, and certified 
 as accurate by governor Philipps, appears to have been prepared for the infor- 
 mation of the British government in 1720 or 1721. He bounds the province of 
 Nova Scotia, or Acadie, on the Kennebec river, about 44 N. Lat, and says its 
 breadth extends from the easternmost part of the island of cape Breton to the 
 south side of the river St. Lawrence, leaving to the French, by the treaty of 
 Utrecht, the islands in the gulph, including cape Breton. The climate is cold, 
 and very variable, and subject to long and severe winters. Soil fertile ; produces 
 wheat, rye, barley, oats, all manner of garden roots and herbs ; abounds in cat- 
 tle. Plenty of wild and tame fowl. Well timbered with oak, fir, pine of all sorts 
 fit for masts, pitch and tar, maple, ash, beech, asp, &c. Iron mines, copper 
 mines at cape Dore. " The whole cape being of a vast height, and an entire " 
 " rock, through the crevices of which some bits of copper are spued. Good " 
 " coal mines, and a quarry of soft stone, near Chignecto, and at Musquash " 
 
 " Cove, ten leagues from Annapolis Royal. Also in St. John's river, very " 
 
 " good and plenty of white marble is found, which burns into very good lime. " 
 " Feathers and furs are a considerable part of the trade of this country, but the " 
 " most material is the fishing of cod, which all the coast abounds with, and " 
 " seems to be inexhaustible. There are four considerable settlements on the " 
 " south side of the bay of Fundy, Annapolis Royal, Manis, Chignecto and "
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 395 
 
 " Cobequid. Several families are scattered along the Eastern coast. The inha- " 
 " bitants are all French, mostly of the Romish persuasion." He considers the 
 fear which the French allege they entertain of the Indians in case they should 
 take the oath, &c., as a pretence, as he says the Indians are but a handful in 
 this country, while the French are able to appear a thousand men under arms. 
 The French are not industrious. English settlers would be much more so, and 
 would lessen the necessity of military expence. He accuses the government of 
 cape Breton of inducing the people not to take the oath of allegiance. Cape 
 Breton is barren, and dependant on Nova Scotia for provisions. Recommends 
 600 troops to be sent, and the oath to be tendered to the inhabitants or their 
 removal to be effected. Contemplates that the cattle be retained for new Eng- 
 lish settlers. 
 
 In describing Annapolis, he says : ' Two leagues above Goat Island is the " 
 " Fort, seated on a rising, sandy ground, on the South side of the river, on a " 
 " point formed by the British river," (formerly la riviere du Port Royal, or riviere 
 Dauphin, now called the Annapolis river), " and another small one, called Jenny " 
 " river," (the L'equille of Lescarbot, called also Allen's river and Little river.) 
 " The lower town lies along the first, and is commanded by the Fort. The " 
 " upper town stretches in scattering houses a mile and a half South East from " 
 " the Fort, on the rising ground between the two rivers. From this rising " 
 " ground to the banks of each river, and on the other side of the less one, lie " 
 " large plats of meadow, &c. On both sides of the British river are a great " 
 
 " many fine farms, inhabited by about 200 families. The fort is almost a " 
 
 " regular square has four bastions ; and on the side fronting the point, which " 
 ' is formed by the junction of the two rivers, it has a ravelin, and a battery of " 
 " large guns, on the counterscarp of the ravelin, which last, with the battery, " 
 " have been entirely neglected since the English had possession of this place, " 
 " and are entirely ruined. The works are raised with a sandy earth, and were " 
 " faced with sods, which, being cut out of.a sandy soil, (the whole neck between " 
 " the two rivers being nothing else), soon mouldered away, and some part of " 
 " the work needed repairing almost every spring. The French constantly " 
 " repaired it after the same manner, except part of the Courtin, covered with " 
 " the ravelin, which they were obliged to face with pieces of timber some time " 
 " before they quitted possession of this place. The English followed that last " 
 " method in repairing of this fort, revesting of it all round with pieces of round " 
 " timber of six or seven inches diameter, to the height of the Cordon, and rais- " 
 " ing a parapet of sod work." The expences were so great as to create a disgust 
 of repairs. 
 
 Thus the fort laid for a great while tumbling down, till governor Phiiipps found 
 it necessary to put it into a posture of defence. The French of the river could 
 arm and assemble four hundred men in twenty-four hours' time. He recommends 
 a garrison of 200 men, and a thorough repair of the existing fort at a cost of ^800 
 for service, until a stone redoubt can be erected. 
 
 Manis, (called Minas, (Spanish), Menis and Manis, also by some of the Eng- 
 lish), called by the French les Mines, from the copper mines at Cap des Mines or 
 Cap Dore. Vessels of 40 or 50 tons run up with the tide, which rises 9 or 10 
 fathoms, up a creek to the town, where they are left dry on a bank of mud by the 
 receding tide. It might be made the granary of the province and neighboring 
 governments. Mentions a meadow of nearly four leagues in extent, partly dyked,
 
 396 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 (Grand Pre.) " The houses, which compose a kind of scattering town, lie on a 
 " rising ground along two creeks, which run betwixt it and the meadow, and " 
 " makes of this last a kind of peninsula." This place has great "store of cattle." 
 Near the shores they catch " white porpoises." 
 
 The population of Mines is greater than that of Annapolis river. The Indians 
 are there also frequently. The people are less tractable than those of Annapolis. 
 " All the orders sent to them, if not suiting to their humours, are scoffed and " 
 " laughed at, and they put themselves upon the footing of obeying no govern- " 
 " ment. It will not be an easy matter to oblige these inhabitants to submit to " 
 " any terms which do not entirely square to their humors, unless a good force " 
 " be landed there, and a Fort or Redoubt of earth be thrown up, well ditched, " 
 " freezed and palissaded, till a more durable may be built. This Redoubt must " 
 " have four pieces of cannon, (sakers), and command the meadow which is their " 
 " treasure." The language of governor Brouillan as to these republicans, is 
 repeated almost verbatim. The force should be 300 or 400, as the harbor is so 
 wild no ship of force can remain there ; and if she could anchor safely, it would 
 be near twelve miles from the redoubt. Smaller vessels must lie dry for sixteen 
 hours out of the twenty-four, so they might be burned, and a retreat cut off. The 
 redoubt should contain 150 men, which would be sufficient garrison. Cobequid 
 has about fifty French families. There is thence a communication by a river to 
 Chebucto. The Indians resort much to Cobequid. Chignecto contains about 
 seventy or eighty families. There is much grain and more cattle there than any- 
 where else. There are very good coal mines there, of easy access ; but shelter is 
 wanting for the vessels, which have to anchor in the open bay. Near the town 
 itself, which lies four leagues beyond the coal mines, there is a small island, 
 which has a good quarry of soft " stone. It cuts in layers of four or six inches " 
 " thick, and hardens soon after it is cut." The inhabitants are given to hunting 
 and trading. The trade with cape Breton consists in carrying furs, grain, cattle, 
 &c., and receiving in return linens and other goods. A small fort should be 
 built on the neck, with a garrison of one hundred and fifty men. The French 
 have this summer sent four ships, with two hundred families, with provisions, 
 stores, and materials for erecting a fort, and making a settlement on the island of 
 St. John. 
 
 Canso is an island, with several less ones adjoining, lying at a small distance 
 from the Main, and at S. E. and N. W. from the passage which bears the same 
 name, and separates the island of cape Breton from Nova Scotia. There is a 
 great resort there for the cod fishery by the English, and was so by French 
 before the seizure made by captain Smart, in H. M. ship Squirrell. Twenty thou- 
 sand quintals of dry codfish would have been exported thence this season but for 
 the Indian attack. If duly protected, Canso, with a fort and garrison, would be 
 likely to become the chief place of trade, though not so conveniently situated for 
 a seat of government as Port Rosway, Lahave, Marligash, Chibouctou, &c. Res- 
 pecting these, he promises information hereafter. 
 
 (2.) 
 
 9 May, 1721. An order of governor and council passed, requiring any person 
 leaving the province to report his name ten days previously in the Secretary's 
 office, that creditors might have notice and get security. This regulation is bor-
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 397 
 
 rowed from the act of Virginia, 1662, c. 127, which was afterwards in substance 
 re-enacted by the general Assembly at Halifax, and remained in force until a 
 recent period, making masters of vessels liable for the debts of those they took 
 away without passes. 
 
 10 October, 1721. John Adams having filed a caveat against Peter Boudre, as 
 leaving the province, the Council decided that as he was going to Canso, the 
 caveat was improper.
 
 398 History of Nova-Scotia. 1722. 
 
 CHAPTER XLV. 
 
 1722. In this year 1 722, a war broke out between the Indians 
 and the people of New England, which lasted three years, and 
 was called Lovewell's war. On the 18 June, a party of Indians 
 seized five Englishmen on the Kennebec, whom they carried 
 off as hostages in place of the four Indian hostages kept at 
 Boston. They subsequently attacked a fishing vessel at 
 Damariscove, and the English fort on the river St. George, 
 but without success. A vessel, in which Mr. Newton, collec- 
 tor of the customs at Annapolis Royal, and John Adams, son 
 of Mr. Adams, of the council of Nova Scotia, were passengers, 
 with captain Blin, from Boston, touched at Passamaquoddy, 
 for water. They were not aware of the Indian hostilities, and 
 going on shore they were made prisoners by a party consist- 
 ing of ten or twelve Indians and about an equal number of 
 French. The people in the sloop cut their cable, and fled to 
 Boston. The prisoners were afterwards released on ransom. 
 Douglas attributes their liberation to the fact that lieutenant 
 governor Doucett had secured twenty-two Indians by way of 
 reprisals. Further hostilities occurred on the New England 
 frontiers, and the governor and council at Boston declared 
 war against the Eastern Indians on the 25 July, and the gen- 
 eral court or assembly of that province confirmed this step on 
 the 8th August, and voted to raise one thousand men to carry 
 on the war. [2 Hutch.., Mass., 277.] A letter from the lords 
 of Trade to governor Philipps, dated Whitehall, 6 June, 1722, 
 acknowledges the receipt of his despatches of September and 
 November, 1720, and of i October, 1721. The measures of
 
 1722. History of Nova-Scotia. 399 
 
 improvement and defence he urged on the government are 
 civilly alluded to ; but the delay of reply, and the cool answers, 
 must have tended to check the zeal he had evinced for the 
 prosperity of the province. As to the attack on Canso, &c., 
 they " hope some redress may be had therein, as soon as his " 
 " majesty's affairs will permit" The building a fort at Canso 
 is in the hands of the Ordnance, who are waiting an order 
 from the king before they will send materials and workmen. 
 He should have applied to the treasury on the subject of con- 
 tingencies. As to the want of a surveyor to set out tracts of 
 wood land for furnishing H. M. navy, they have proposed to 
 his majesty that the governor should be empowered to set out 
 the lands. That he may then grant lands to settlers. They 
 do not understand him about a free port at Can^o think it 
 may be impracticable. As to the small settlements on little 
 islands about Cango, he must remember his instructions, that 
 " the coast is left free for the fishery to all H. M. subjects." 
 
 In July, 1722, the Indians captured several trading vessels 
 in the bay of Fundy, and eighteen vessels in the harbors on 
 the coast, among which was a sloop that governor Philipps 
 had despatched with bread for the use of the garrison of Anna- 
 polis. {Douglas Summary, 317, 560.] Nothing could be more 
 unexpected, as the governor but a short time before had the 
 chiefs, with him, and feasted them, while they gave solemn 
 promises of friendship and alliance. The Indians flattered 
 themselves with hopes of reducing Annapolis by famine and 
 blockade, but provisions arrived in the meantime at Canso from 
 Europe, and Philipps armed some vessels there, which got 
 safe with these supplies to the garrison. Lientenant governor 
 Doucett made prisoners of about twenty Indians, who lay 
 encamped in the woods, including women and children in that 
 number. By this time they were in the middle of the fishing 
 season at Canso, and its harbor was full of ships, waiting for 
 their cargoes, when fresh advices came that the Indians were 
 cruising upon the banks with the sloops they had taken, 
 assisted by the prisoners, whom they compelled to serve as 
 mariners ; and that they gave out that they were to attack 
 Canso with all their strength. This alarmed the people there
 
 400 History of Nova-Scotia. 1722. 
 
 greatly, bringing to mind their sufferings two years before. 
 They were disheartened to find that measures had not been 
 taken tnis year for the security of the place, and they were 
 inclined to break up, and let every man shift for himself. 
 Philipps had just then received, by express, from governor 
 Shute, of New England, the declaration of war that province 
 had made against the Indians, with a request for assistance. 
 He assembled the people of the harbor of Canso, and prevailed 
 on them to concur with him in fitting out and manning two 
 sloops to protect the fishery. He placed an officer and a party 
 of soldiers on board each of them. They were partly manned 
 by volunteer sailors from the merchant vessels in the port. 
 One of them was commanded by John Eliot, of Boston, and 
 the other by John Robinson, of Cape Ann. Both were sent 
 out after the enemy. \Gov. Philipps' letter to the lords of Trade. 
 Canso, September 19, 1722.] 
 
 " Eliot, as he was ranging the coast, espied seven vessels in 
 " a harbor called Winnepang, and concealed all his men, 
 " except four or five, until he came near to one of the vessels, 
 " which had about forty Indians on board, who were in expec- 
 " tation of another prize falling into their hands. As soon as 
 " he was within hearing, they hoisted their pendants and called 
 " out, ' Strike, English dogs, and come aboard, for you are ' 
 " ' all prisoners.' Eliot answered that he would make all the 
 " haste he could. Finding he made no attempt to escape, they 
 " began to fear a Tartar, and cut their cable, with intent to run 
 " ashore, but he was too quick for them, and immediately 
 " clapped them aboard. For about half an hour they made a 
 "brave resistance ; but at length some of them jumping into 
 " the hold, Eliot threw his hand granadoes after them, which 
 " made such havock, that all which remained alive took to the 
 " water, where they were a fair mark for the English shot." 
 " From this or a like action probably took rise a common expres- 
 " sion among English soldiers, and sometimes English hunt- 
 " ers, who, when they have killed an Indian, make their boast 
 " of having killed a black duck. Five only reached the shoar. 
 " Eliot received three bad wounds, and several of the men 
 " were wounded, and one killed. Seven vessels, with several
 
 1722. History of Nova-Scotia. 401 
 
 " hundred quintals of fish and fifteen of the captives, were 
 " recovered from the enemy. They had sent many of the pri- 
 " soners away, and nine they had killed in cold blood. The 
 " Nova Scotia Indians had the character of being more savage 
 41 and cruel than other nations." (This opinion has most likely 
 no better foundation than the notion long entertained in Nova 
 Scotia, that the Malecites and Abenaquis were more ferocious 
 than the Micmacs ; or that which prevailed among all the 
 maritime Indian tribes, of the extraordinary malice and cruelty 
 of the Iroquois, and especially of the Mohawks.) " Robinson 
 " retook two vessels, and killed several of the enemy. Five 
 " other vessels the Indians had carried so far up the bay, 
 4< above the harbor of Malagash, that they were out of his 
 " reach, and he had not men sufficient to land, the enemy 
 " being very numerous. The loss of so many men had enra- 
 " ged them, and they had determined to revenge themselves 
 4i upon the poor fishermen, above twenty of whom yet remained 
 " prisoners at Malagash harbour, and they were all destined 
 " to be sacrificed to the manes of the slain Indians. The 
 <l powowing and other ceremonies were performing, when cap- 
 *' tain Blin, in a sloop, appeared off the harbour, and made the 
 " signal, or sent in a token which had been agreed upon 
 " between him and the Indians, when he was their prisoner, 
 " should be his protection. Three of the Indians went aboard 
 41 his vessel, and agreed for the ransom both of vessels and 
 " captives, which were delivered to him, and the ransom paid. 
 " In his way to Boston, he made prisoners of three or four 
 " Indians, near cape Sables ; and about the same time captain 
 " Southack took two canoes, with three Indians in each, one 
 " of which was killed, and the other five brought to Boston." 
 \2 Hutch., Mass., 295, 296.] 
 
 This expedition of the two sloops from Canso was so effec- 
 tual, that, as Philipps says, in three weeks' time they retook 
 all the vessels and prisoners, except four, " which the New " 
 " England people poorly ransomed." On this occasion many 
 Indians were killed, among their number four chiefs, who had 
 been with governor Philipps but a month before, receiving the 
 king's presents upon the most solemn assurances of their 
 26
 
 4O2 History of Nova-Scotia. 1722-23. 
 
 intention to live in peace and friendship with his majesty's 
 subjects. Being asked the reason of their sudden change, all 
 of them agreed in one story, that they were set on by the 
 French governors. He also says : " It is certain that they" 
 (the French) " did expect, by their advices from Europe, a " 
 " speedy rupture between the two crowns ; and the troubles " 
 " in Great Britain" (alluding to the South Sea bubble of 1721, 
 and an alleged conspiracy in favor of the Pretender in 1722) 
 
 " being magnified here, they concluded they had been " 
 
 (a word defaced by decay in mss.) " and gave the hint, (as is " 
 " reasonable to imagine), to the Indians, to do what mischief" 
 " they could by surprise. However, they have paid dear for " 
 " it, having never received such a check in this country, and " 
 " we are now as easy and quiet as if there was not an Indian " 
 " in the country, so that the business of this place will con- " 
 " elude with success." Governor Philipps signified his inten- 
 tion of going to England as soon as the ships were despatched, 
 and the garrison put in a good posture of defence. He had 
 not left Canso, however, on the 23 Sept'r., 1722, o. s., being 
 4 Oct'r., new style. In the latter part of the year, several 
 Indians came to the Fort of Annapolis, and made submission. 
 
 1723. A conspiracy to restore the Pretender having been 
 detected in England in 1722, many arrests took place there, 
 and a Mr. Layer was executed. {Smollett's History, p. 333.] 
 We find in the records of Annapolis Royal that " on the good " 
 "news that arrived there in the printed papers" respecting 
 the detection of this " horrid, bloody, cruel and most barba- " 
 " rous, inhuman conspiracy against his " (the king's) " sacred " 
 "person and government," thursday, the 2ist March, 1723, 
 was appointed as a day of thanksgiving. 
 
 The Indians continued this year to make war on the Eng- 
 lish in Nova Scotia, and on the frontiers of Massachusetts, 
 where they kept up a petty skirmishing. [2 Hutch., Mass., 303.] 
 In July, the Indians surprized one captain Watkins, who was 
 on a fishing voyage at Canso, and they killed Watkins, two 
 other men, one woman and one child, upon Durell's island. 
 \Douglas* Summary, 317.] In the autumn, letters from the
 
 1723. History of Nova-Scotia. 403 
 
 chiefs of the Indians in different places of the province, pro- 
 fessing peaceable intentions, were presented to the lieutenant 
 governor Doucett and his council, at Annapolis, at which time 
 governor Philipps was in England. On receipt of one of those, 
 the council resolved, " that a civil answer be sent to amuse " 
 " them till farther instructions from Britain," from which we 
 must infer that the pretended pacific views of the Indians 
 were considered hypocritical. A feeling of distrust and anx- 
 iety evidently prevailed during this year. The smallness of 
 the garrison the absence of the governor the intercourse 
 kept up by the inhabitants with the rulers of Quebec, tended 
 to create constant alarm. 
 
 The regent duke of Orleans, who supported the policy of 
 peace with England, died 22 November, 1723. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XLV. 
 
 From a letter if Governor Philipps to the lords of Trade, 30 Nov'r., 1734. 
 The presents shipped by Bamfield arrived in Boston in November, 1 720, and; 
 they came to Nova Scotia on 30 July, 1721. The Indians had notice to assemble 
 at Canso in the Spring, to receive these presents ; but in stead, they rendez- 
 voused for the purpose of a war upon the English. Meanwhile, one of the chiefs,. 
 with his followers, went to Canso, and was entertained two days civilly, and got 
 their portion of the presents. Within four or five days after the news reached 
 Canso that the Indians had surprized many of the fishing sloops in several of the 
 harbors, putting part of their crews to death, and reserving the rest to navigate 
 the vessels, in order to turn pirates, their intention being to take all vessels they 
 met on the banks, and then to attack Canso. Two vessels were fitted out at 
 Canso, with soldiers and an officer in each, which met aqd routed them with great 
 slaughter -made many prisoners recovered some twenty of the captured vessels, 
 and .released many prisoners from impending death, "and among the trophies" 
 " of victory brought home, was the head of that very chief who .had received " 
 ** the king's presents of roe but three weeks before." 
 
 (2.) 
 
 There is a letter dated Canso, 23 Sept'r., 1722, signed by governor Philipps, 
 in which he gives a house and ground in Annapolis Royal to doctor William 
 Skene, promising a formal confirmation, or grant. This letter is recorded in the 
 Register Book of Grants and Deeds, under date of 1740.
 
 404 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 (3-) 
 
 On 27 September, 1722, Armstrong petitions the lords- of Trade for relief from 
 his losses in the public service. 
 
 (4-) 
 
 During the latter part of this year, several of the Indians came to Annapolis 
 Royal, and submitted under the terms of the proclamation issued at Canso by 
 the Governor. The first entry I find of this kind is " At a council held at the " 
 " Hon'ble. lieut. governor John Doucett's house, in his Majesty's garrison of " 
 " Annapolis Royall, on friday, the igth of October, 1722. Present ; " 
 
 " The Hon'ble Lieutenant Governor, President. " 
 " Major Paul Mascarene. William Skene, Esq. " 
 
 " John Adams, Esq. William Shirreff, Esq. " 
 
 " Hibbert Newton, Esq. Peter Boudre, Esq. " 
 
 " The hon'ble lieutenant governor acquainted the Board that Jackish, the " 
 " Indian, who has his wife and children here prisoners, was come to submitt " 
 " himself upon the tarmes of his Excelly's. proclamation." The council agreed 
 to admit him to terms of submission, which were to be prepared and signed by 
 him and other Indians. Jackish was ordered to remain near the garrison. 
 
 In council, 5 Nov'r., 1722. The terms to be signed by the Indians were repor- 
 ted, and ordered to be translated into French, " for the Indians better under- " 
 " standing the same." 
 
 Monday, 12 Nov'r., the terms were read, and interpreted to the Indians. They 
 eigned it, and a copy was given to them. 
 
 Wednesday, 14 Nov. Three more of " this river Indians" came before the 
 council, and signed terms. 
 
 Mr. James Blin and his crew, being aspersed for "selling shott at Shicka- " 
 " necto," came and swore to their innocence. 
 
 Three boys, Charles Davis, Nicholas Hutton and George Willis, who had been 
 taken prisoners on the Eastern coast of this province by the Indians, and ran- 
 somed by the French at Mines and Pisaquid, by the said James Blin, were ex- 
 amined under oath, stated that a great many of the inhabitants of Mines and 
 Pisagett were under arms, pretending fear of an attack by the English. Heard 
 the French say " That if they were attacked this summer, they would, with 600 " 
 " Indians who were already arrived from Canada, and 1500 of themselves, go " 
 " and burn Annapolis in the winter ; that they expected six ships, with 600 " 
 " men, to sail from Cape Breton, in order to take this fort." Charles Davis said 
 " he had lain in the woods some nights with the inhabitants, who had remo- " 
 " ved their goods from their houses, in expectation the English would come." 
 
 20 Nov'r., two more Indians came in, and signed terms. 23 Nov'r., two more 
 came in. 
 
 3 Dec'r., 1722. Philip Melanson, from Mines, brought two Indians who had a 
 letter addressed to the lieutenant governor. These were two Indian chiefs who 
 came in with him from the body of Indians at Mines. This letter, which deman- 
 ded hostages from the government, was voted impertinent, and the Chiefs were 
 detained as prisoners. One of them, subsequently, made his escape.
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 405 
 
 1 1 Dec'r. Germain, an Indian, of " this river," came in and signed the terms 
 of submission. 
 
 13 Dec'r., 1722. Captain John Jephson, commanding the volunteers against 
 the Indians, offered, if the lieutenant governor would give him twenty men, to go 
 up the river to the Mass house, in order to look for Indians. The council advi- 
 sed against it. i. For the danger to the lives of those Indians who are under 
 the protection of the government, who have hostages and passports. 2. Dis- 
 turbing the French inhabitants, who own the church. 3. Evil effects, if any 
 accident befel the party. 
 
 (5-) 
 
 Douglass, in his Summary, p. 330, says : " In time of peace, the Garrisons in " 
 " Nova Scotia and Newfoundland, with a reduced regiment of foot and detach- " 
 " ments of the Train, cost Great Britain about ,15.000 per annum." 
 
 Boston at this time contained near 12,000 inhabitants, of whom 844 died in 
 1 722, of small pox. Massachusetts then contained 94,000 inhabitants. [Douglass* 
 Summary, p. 531.] 
 
 (6.) 
 
 Monday, 30 Sept'r., 1723. Joseph Dougas, came in a schooner, with letters 
 from M. Beaucours, lientenant governor of Cape Breton, and M. Demazy, commis- 
 saire ordinateur, recommendatory. As Dougas was an inhabitant who withdrew 
 in 1714, in general Nicholson's time, he was held to have forfeited all property 
 here. He had also a letter from major Alex'r. Cosby, at Canso, to the lieuten- 
 ant governor, requesting to purchase and ship provisions for that garrison ; but 
 as Dougas had French merchandize, it was resolved he should not break bulk, 
 but be sent away. Cosby had shipped things to buy pease and pork with, the 
 lieutenant governor of Placentia having taken provisions destined for Canso. 
 
 (7-) 
 
 14 October, 1723. Vaudreuil and Begon state that Alexandre du Bourg, notary 
 at Port Royal, Mines and Beaubassin, came here (Quebec) last year by express, with 
 another inhabitant of Acadie, to demand of us, for themselves and nine others, 
 payment of the sum of U45/. 12s. <)d., (livres, sous and deniers), being the amount 
 of supplies furnished by them in 1711 and 1712 to war parties. They brought the 
 orders, &c., and said they had left their claims with M. Clignancourt, ensign, but 
 not getting paid, came at length themselves. They say that they are continually 
 obliged to assist the Micmacs, who being at war with the English, take from them 
 by force their cattle and other provisions, when they do not give them of free will, 
 and that the English blame them for the injury done by the Indians. The governor 
 general and intendant recommend payment of this demand, and the more so, that 
 incase of a war, the inhabitants and Indians united could drive the English out of 
 Port Royal. They add that some of the inhabitants have openly declared for the 
 English, and interfere to prevent the Indians from making war. They recom- 
 mend the payment to be made to the missionary, who will distribute it among 
 the eleven claimants.
 
 406 History of Nova-Scot^a. 
 
 (&) 
 
 In council, 20 Oct'r., 1723. One monsieur Mutton, a surgeon at Mines, came 
 to Annapolis, and the lieutenant governor having heard that he had cured several 
 of the enemy Indians that had been wounded by the ' partys' sent out against 
 them, made him prisoner, and asked advice of the council. " Said Mr. Mutton " 
 " being called before Board and examined, the opinion of the Board is, that for " 
 " want of eividences, the said Mr. Mutton shall give good security to the Gov- " 
 " ernment for his good behaviour for the future, and appearance here whenever " 
 " called for." 
 
 (9-) 
 
 In a paper drawn up by governor Philipps, dated 28 Nov'r., 1723, (at which 
 time he was in England), he states that the garrison of Annapolis consists of five 
 companies, amounting in the whole to two hundred men, exclusive of commis- 
 sioned officers. There were then about ten or twelve families of English, who 
 lived together in a small fauxbourg, (suburb), under cover of the Fort. The river 
 just within the entrance forms a large basin, capable of containing a very great 
 fleet of ships. This is just above the town. At Canso, he (the governor) had 
 erected a small fort, and a battery for twelve guns, at his own expence. Three 
 cannon are now mounted in the Fort, which is garrisoned by four companies, and 
 the ships that come there place their guns in the battery. The fort of Annapolis 
 Royal is quite gone to decay ; more than one third of the ramparts are level with 
 the ground.
 
 1724. History of Nova-Scotia. 407 
 
 CHAPTER XLVI. 
 
 1724. In February, 1724, pere Isidore, a Franciscan friar, 
 came to Annapolis. He had been selected by pere Claude 
 Sanquiest, superior of the Recollects at Louisbourg, to be 
 resident priest at Pigiguite, (now Windsor.) Major Alexander 
 Cosby, who commanded at Canso, wrote to lieutenant gover- 
 nor Doucett, at Annapolis, that his Excellency, the governor, 
 had authorized Sanquiest to appoint a cure for Pigiguite. The 
 council considered that Isidore had come for approbation, 
 14 which," they say, " is more than any have heretofore done," 
 and agreed that he should have the cure of Pigiguite, with its 
 accustomed perquisites, &c., and advised the lieut. governor to 
 give him an order to that effect. The council attending at 
 this time consisted of the lieut. gov'r. Doucett, president ; and 
 messrs. Adams, Newton, Skeen and Shirreff. These gentle- 
 men, and several of the officers of the garrison, took the oaths 
 of allegiance, &c., 27 Jan'y., 1723-4. 
 
 The Indians continued this year to make war on the frontier 
 settlements of New England. May i, they killed James Nock, 
 who was riding home. i6th, they captured two men and two 
 children. I4th, from an ambush they killed a man and a 
 woman who were returning home from church. 2 June, they 
 captured two men. 10 June, at Oyster river, they killed a 
 man and his son, who were at work in the fields. One of the 
 Indians was slain on this occasion. " The slain Indian was " 
 " a person of distinction, and wore a kind of coronet, of scar- " 
 " let dyed fur, with an appendage of four small bells, by the "
 
 408 History of Nova-Scotia. 1724. 
 
 " sound of which the others might follow him through the " 
 " thickets. His hair was remarkably soft and fine ; and he " 
 " had about him a devotional book, and a muster roll of 180 " 
 " Indians, from which circumstances it was supposed that he " 
 " was a natural son of the Jesuit Ralle, by an Indian woman " 
 " who had served him as a laundress. His scalp was preset " 
 " ted to the lieutenant governor in council, by Robert Burn- " 
 " ham, and the promised bounty was paid to captain Francis " 
 " Matthews, in trust for the company. June 27. The Indians " 
 " entered the house of a quaker, named John Hanson, in " 
 " Dover, killed and scalped two small children, pillaged the " 
 " house, and carried off the wife, an infant of 14 days old, the " 
 " nurse, two daughters and a son. This was done so secretly " 
 ' and suddenly, that the first person who discovered it was " 
 " the eldest daughter, at her return from meeting before her " 
 " father." [2 Belknap, N. H., 57-59.] Hanson went to Canada 
 and ransomed his wife, and all his children except one girl of 
 seventeen. [2 Hutch., Mass., 308.] 
 
 Captain Josiah Winslow, and thirteen men belonging to the 
 fort at St. George's river, who were out in whaleboats, were 
 watched by a party of Indians, about one hundred in number, 
 in thirty canoes, who surrounded and killed them all ; but 
 three Indians, who were in the English boats escaped, and 
 carried the news to the fort. The Indians also took several 
 fishing vessels, one having swivel guns. Two vessels which 
 were armed and sent after them, returned unsuccessful. The 
 Indians took, in all, eleven vessels, with forty-five men, of 
 whom they killed twenty-two, and carried away twenty-three 
 as captives. [2 Hutch., Mass., 307] While thus active in New 
 England, they were not wholly idle in Nova Scotia. After 
 their own fashion, they made what they called war, but which 
 the English described as robberies and murders. In order to 
 check their proceedings, the government of this province 
 seized and detained several Indians as prisoners. This mea- 
 sure induced some of the Indians of Annapolis river to make 
 submission, and to enter into engagements to demean them- 
 selves peaceably, and to inform the government of any insult 
 or attack that should be intended against it. They signed to
 
 1724. History of Nova-Scotia. 409 
 
 this effect ; and they were given to understand, that if any 
 British subject should be murdered near the garrison, or a 
 shot fired against it, reprisals would be made on the prisoners. 
 {Minutes of Council of % July, 1/24.] In the summer of 1724 
 a party of Indians, consisting of thirty Malecites and twenty- 
 six Micmacs, attacked Annapolis, and killed two of the garri- 
 rison, viz., Serjeant McNeal, whom they shot and scalped, and 
 a private man of a party that sallied out. An officer and three 
 men of the sallying force were also dangerously wounded. The 
 Indians withdrew, their loss being two wounded. The Eng- 
 lish, thus repulsed, were confined to their fort. After eating 
 some sheep belonging to the inhabitants, the Indians aban- 
 doned their design. Subsequently the English burned three 
 French houses, as reprisal for an English house that the 
 Indians had burned. So says father Felix ; but Douglass 
 states that two French houses were burned in reprisal for two 
 English. Several of the English, living without the fort, were 
 captured by the Indians, but soon after ransomed by the 
 French. Two men, a woman and two children, belonging to 
 the garrison, were also taken, but soon released. The English 
 took father Charlemagne, missionary of Port Royal, and sent 
 him to Louisbourg, alleging that he could and should have 
 given them notice of this intended attack. (See news from 
 Acadie, related by father Felix, missionary.) They also passed 
 a standing order that there should be no more Mass said up 
 the river ; that the Mass house (so they termed the church) 
 there should be demolished, and one built at Annapolis, to 
 which they might all resort, "as an eternal monument of" 
 "their said treachery." [Records of Council, 18 May, 1736. 
 Doiiglass Summary, 317.] The English shot and scalped one 
 of the Indian prisoners, who had been two years detained 
 there. He was put to death on the spot where Serjeant 
 McNeal had been slain. The decision to execute this Indian 
 hostage or prisoner took place in council, at the hon'ble. John 
 Doucett's house, in the garrison of Annapolis Royal, on Wed- 
 nesday, 8 July, 1724. Present : the hon. lieutenant governor, 
 president ; . major Paul Mascarene, John Adams, Hibbert 
 Newton, William Skeen and William Shirreff. Some of the
 
 4io History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 very Indians who had signed the instrument of submission, 
 were guides and actors to the hostile party. The execution of 
 this hostage I cannot but regard as a blot on the fair fame of 
 our people, while great allowance should be made for the feel- 
 ings of the English, exasperated as they doubtless were by the 
 barbarous cruelties exercised on their countrymen in New 
 England and Nova Scotia, and the treachery they found at 
 work everywhere. However this execution may be palliated, 
 I see no grounds on which it can be in any way justified. 
 
 Pere Felix recounts in the same narration above referred to, 
 that a second party of eight Malecites, being twenty leagues 
 distant from Canceaux, towards Mocodome, (Country harbor), 
 on the East coast, took a vessel about three leagues from land, 
 and that three canoes boarded a French schooner of Port Tou- 
 louse, commanded by an Acadian named Pelerin, that had 
 been taken by the English in the passage of Fronsac, (streights 
 of Canso), coming from bate Verte, laden with cattle, and in 
 which Mr. Cosby, an English major, commandant at Canceaux, 
 had placed eight men and two cannon, under command of a 
 serjeant, to cruise and capture the Acadian vessels. The eight 
 Indians boarded the schooner in the night, killed the captain 
 and five men, and took three prisoners. Father Felix charita- 
 bly ransomed the serjeant, Pierre leBlanc ransomed a second, 
 and Paul Melanson the third prisoner. 
 
 At the same time a party of about seventy or eighty Indians 
 collected at Mines, thirty of whom were Malecites from St. 
 John's river, the rest belonging to Shickabenacadie, (Shuben- 
 acadie ?) and the Eastern coast. Mr. Blin arrived there with 
 his vessel, and anchored at Baptist cove. The Indians forbade 
 the inhabitants going on board. Mr. Winniett arrived with 
 his vessel, and finding Blin's vessel where he had not expected 
 to see her, he put up his ensign in the shrouds, and fired a 
 gun. Receiving no signal in return, he supposed Blin .had 
 been captured by the Indians ; but Blin sailing immediately, 
 they spoke each other. Blin informed Winniett of the inter- 
 ference of the Indians, and that a Frenchman, who had been 
 aboard of him, had been stopped some time by^them. On 
 consulting together, they were of opinion that two vessels
 
 1724. History of Nova-Scotia. 411 
 
 together would be quite safe, and on this they went and 
 grounded on the mud bank, on Saturday. Winniett received 
 a letter from two of the inhabitants to assure him they would 
 be on board the next day. They came accordingly, and in- 
 formed him that the Indians would have attacked the vessels, 
 (separately), but that the presence of the two together broke 
 their design. On the monday, several inhabitants came on 
 board, who stated publicly that the Indians had held several 
 councils, and were very much divided in opinion. Some de- 
 signed to attack Annapolis others Canso, and the rest were 
 for dispersing. [Minutes of Council, \6July, 1724.] Winniett 
 was told at Mines that the priest of Annapolis Royal and some 
 of his men had been there. The council ordered the empty, 
 ruinous houses in the lower town of Annapolis to be appraised 
 and pulled down, lest the enemy should burn them ; the own- 
 ers were to be compensated with vacant land in the town. In 
 July and August, the governor and council at Annapolis 
 examined father Charlemagne, and three of the people who 
 had been with him at Mines, as to their conduct. They after- 
 wards examined father Isidore, and they took into considera- 
 tion a letter from father Felix. Charlemagne was detained in 
 custody, to be sent out of the province ; the three inhabitants 
 were liberated, Isidore promoted to the cure of Mines, and 
 Felix ordered not to return to the province. ( See particulars 
 in appendix to this chapter.) 
 
 The people of New England, looking on Ralle as the chief 
 instigator of the Indian war, resolved upon sending an expedi- 
 tion against the principal settlement of the Indians at Nor- 
 ridgewock, (Narantsouac.) Four companies of militia, consist- 
 ing in the whole of 208 men, commanded respectively by 
 captains Harman, Moulton, Bourn, and lieutenant Bean, were 
 ordered up the river Kennebec for this purpose ; and three 
 Indians of the six nations, (Iroquois), were prevailed with to 
 accompany them. This party left Richmond fort, on the 
 Kennebec, 8 August, o. s., (19 August, n. s.) Next day they 
 came to Taconick. There they left their whaleboats, with a 
 lieutenant and 40 men as a guard, and the remainder proceed- 
 ed by land on the loth for Norridgewock. The same evening
 
 412 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 they discovered two Indian women, and fired at them. One, 
 the daughter of the chief Bomazeen, they killed, and made the 
 other prisoner. From the latter they obtained information of 
 the state of Norridgewock. On the i2-23d., a little after 
 noon, they came near the village. Supposing that part of the 
 Indians might be at their corn fields, which were at some dis- 
 tance, the English divided their force. Harman, with about 
 eighty men, went direct towards the fields, while Moulton led 
 as many more straight to the village, of which they came in 
 sight about 3, p. M. Not an Indian was visible, all being in 
 their wigwams. The English were ordered to advance softly, 
 and in profound silence. An Indian coming out casually, 
 looked round, and perceiving the English advancing, gave the 
 war whoop, and ran for his gun. The whole village, which 
 consisted of about sixty warriors, besides old men, women and 
 children, then took the alarm, and while the warriors hastened 
 to meet the English, the rest fled for their lives. Moulton, 
 instead of suffering his men to fire at random through the 
 wigwams, charged them, on pain of death, not to fire until the 
 Indians had first discharged their guns. It happened, as he 
 expected, in their surprize they overshot the English, of whom 
 none was hurt. The English then discharged in their turn, 
 and made great slaughter, but every man still kept his rank. 
 The Indians fired a second volley, and immediately fled 
 towards the river. Some jumped into their canoes, but had 
 left their paddles in their houses. Others took to swimming, 
 and some of the tallest could ford the river, which was about 
 sixty feet over, and the water being low at the time, it was 
 nowhere more than six feet deep. The English pursued. 
 Some furnished themselves with paddles, and took to the 
 Indian canoes which were left ; others waded into the river. 
 They soon drove the Indians out of their canoes, and shot 
 several in the water. It was conjectured that not more than 
 fifty of the whole village reached the other side of the stream, 
 and that some of this remnant were killed before they got to 
 shelter in the woods. The English after this returned to the 
 village. There they found the Jesuit in one of the wigwams, 
 firing at a few of their men who had not joined in the pursuit
 
 1724. History of Nova-Scotia. 413 
 
 of the Indians. He had an English boy, of about fourteen 
 years old, in the wigwam with him, who had been taken about 
 six months before. He shot this boy through the thigh, and 
 stabbed him in the body, but he afterwards recovered by the 
 care of the surgeon. (This cruel act seems to have little pro- 
 bability about it. Harman appears to have made oath to this 
 charge ; but as he was absent at the corn fields, he could only 
 repeat what he was told.) Moulton had given orders not to 
 kill Ralle ; but one of the English force having been wounded 
 by his firing from the wigwam, a lieutenant, named Jaques, 
 stove open the door and shot him through the head. Jaques 
 alleged that when he entered the wigwam, Ralle was loading 
 his gun, and declared that he would neither give nor take 
 quarter. Moulton allowed that something was said by Ralle 
 which provoked Jaques, but expressed doubts of the correct- 
 ness of the latter's statement, and always disapproved of his 
 act 
 
 An Indian chief, named Mog, was shut up in another wig- 
 wam, and, firing from it, killed one of the three Mohawks, 
 (Iroquois.) The brother of the slain Indian broke down the 
 door, and shot Mog dead. The English followed, and killed 
 the squaw and two helpless children. Having cleared the 
 village of the enemy, they plundered the huts of which it con- 
 sisted. The plunder was not very valuable a little corn, 
 some blankets, kettles, a few guns, and about three barrels of 
 powder, formed the booty thus obtained. In addition, the 
 plate was taken from the church, and the crucifixes and images 
 found there broken up. This building had been built a few 
 years previously by carpenters from New England. Harman 
 and his party, who went towards the corn fields, did not come 
 back till near night, when the action was over. Both his and 
 Moulton's men lodged in the wigwams that night, keeping up, 
 however, a guard of forty men. Next day they found twenty- 
 six dead bodies, besides the corpse of Ralle, and they held one 
 woman and three children prisoners. Among the dead were 
 Bomazeen, Mog, Job, Carabesett, Wissememett, and a son-in- 
 law of Bomazeen, all noted warriors. The English marched 
 early for Taconick, being anxious about the men and boats
 
 414 History of Nova-Scotia. I 7 2 4- 
 
 they had left there, which they found were in safety. After 
 they had begun their march from Norridgewock, Christian, 
 one of the three Mohawks, went back and set fire to the church 
 and wigwams, and then rejoined the party. On the 16-27 
 they all arrived at Richmond fort. 
 
 Harman went to Boston with the scalps, and being chief in 
 command, was promoted to be a lieutenant colonel. Moulton 
 had no official recompense at the time. He is said to have 
 had the " applause of the country in general" for this exploit. 
 [2 Hutch., Mass., 309-314] There are in the details of this 
 affair, which in the main must be reliable, as they are adopted 
 by Hutchinson, many things that are revolting to contemplate. 
 The capture and the slaughter of women and children, perpe- 
 trated by men who lay claim to civilization, seem wholly 
 inexcusable. We must, however, bear in mind that the doc- 
 trines of the New England puritans at that period were deeply 
 tinged with ideas drawn from the ancient Jewish history, in 
 the old testament, whence they also drew their maxims of 
 reprisals and retaliation. Actuated by such notions, and exci- 
 ted by such border wars as the Indians carried on against 
 them, it is more to be regretted than wondered at that they 
 became, under the pressure of particular exigencies, in some 
 instances, more savage than the savages themselves. There 
 is a dangerous ferocity in human nature when the restraints 
 of true religion and pure moral sentiment are wanting, and no 
 dependance can be placed on gentle habits or social refine- 
 ments as a safeguard when the tide of evil passions is once let 
 loose. Hutchinson, who wrote some thirty years after the 
 destruction of Norridgewock, does not make a single remark 
 implying blame on any part of the proceedings ; on the con- 
 trary, he appears indirectly to justify or palliate the whole line 
 of conduct pursued by the New England commanders and 
 their men on this occasion. He only seems to regret that 
 Moulton was not immediately rewarded for his share in this 
 enterprize, although he informs us that captain Moulton was 
 ' many years together' a member of the council colonel of a 
 regiment in the expedition to Louisbourg in 1745, and with 
 reputation sustained the first military and civil offices in the
 
 1724. History of Nova-Scotia. 415 
 
 county of York, and that he died at York in 1765. One can- 
 not fail to observe that Moulton conducted the attack on the 
 Indian village with military prudence and skill. When we 
 reflect on the shooting at the two Indian women before their 
 arrival at the village, with the subsequent acts, we find Moul- 
 ton blaming lieutenant Jaques only, and we may conclude that 
 the fault found with him was simply for negligence in forget- 
 ting the order given to take Ralle alive, and that the other 
 excesses and plunderings were regarded as matters of course. 
 Charlevoix (vol. 4, p. 120-122) states the number of the Eng- 
 lish and their Indian allies in this affair at eleven hundred. 
 Looking at the circumstances, one can hardly doubt that 
 Hutchinson gives us the true number as two hundred and 
 eight. Charlevoix mentions the sacrilegious treatment of the 
 sacred vessels of the host, &c. the burning down of the 
 church, and the scalping and mutilation of Ralle's corpse. He 
 informs us that Sebastian Ralle (or Rasle) was of a good 
 family in Franche Comti, and died in the 67th year of his age : 
 that he had undergone a long and painful illness, and a severe 
 operation several years before : that he was skilled in the* 
 Indian languages, and though strongly urged to quit his dan- 
 gerous post, refused to do so. Belknap (2 N. H.,,60) says 
 Ralle had resided twenty-six years at the mission of Narant- 
 souak, and that he had spent six years before that in travelling 
 among the Indians. 
 
 In Sept'r., 1724, the misconduct of a clergyman employed at 
 Annapolis, in the garrison, led to his arrest and dismissal. (See 
 appendix to this chapter.) In Oct. leave was given for provisions 
 to be sent to Louisbourg, at the request of governor St. Ovide, 
 as he had conferred a similar favor on governor Philipps and 
 the garrison at Canso in their necessity. In November, in 
 consequence of a letter of lieutenant governor Dummer, of 
 New England, of a contemplated treaty with the Indians, 
 terms of peace with them in Nova Scotia were prepared, and 
 sent to Mr. Newton, who was then in Boston. 
 
 The priest Breslay received permission to stay and officiate 
 at Annapolis Royal.
 
 4i 6 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XLVI. 
 
 Governor Philipps, who appears to have remained in England from the close 
 of 1722, addressed several letters to the Board of Trade, respecting the sloop 
 William Augustus, which had been built at Boston for the use of his government. 
 In May, 1721, materials of iron work, cordage, and duck for sails, had arrived at 
 Boston, consigned to him. Capt. Durell, of the Royal Navy, had held a consul- 
 tation in London with colonel Armstrong, of the Board of Ordnance, and colone*! 
 Gardner, (governor Philipps' agent), respecting this vessel, and captain Durell 
 made a draft of her. Governor Philipps entrusted the building of her to captain 
 Durell's management. She was launched and fitted for sea in July, 1721, and 
 arrived at Annapolis in August, 1721, captain Southack being her commander. 
 Having been victualled, she sailed about the middle of August, 1721, with the 
 governor and engineer on board, to begin the survey of the Eastern coast. A 
 sketch of the Eastern coast, and an exact survey of Canso harbour, were prepared 
 and sent to the Secretary of State. She arrived at Canso on the 5th or 6th Sep- 
 tember, 1721. In March, 1722, governor Philipps went in the William Augustus 
 along the shores north of the Gut of Canso. On his return in a few days after, 
 she was sent to Placentia, to remove troops thence to Nova Scotia, whence she 
 returned in August, 1722, at the time the Indian war broke out. In this war 
 service she was employed until October. She then went to Boston, and returned 
 with provisions for the garrison at Annapolis, where she arrived in December, 
 '1722. In the early part of 1723, she was employed by the lieutenant governor at 
 Annapolis as a guard ship, and in the summer she was sent to Canso with war 
 stores. She got there in August, and in September, 1723, was laid up by the 
 governor's orders, as he could no longer sustain the expence of keeping her 
 running. The expences he estimates at the navy rate of ,4 a man per month, 
 which, tor 12 men, would be ^48 per month. He prays to be allowed for her 
 cost, and that she should be re-commissioned. Captain Durell had stated that 
 it would be impossible that the man-of-war he commanded on the Boston station 
 could perform the duties required for Nova Scotia. 
 
 (2.) 
 
 In Council, 28 April, 1724 : 
 
 The honourable lieutenant governor acquainted the Board that he had received 
 a petition from Joseph Dougas and John Bourg, of Cobaguite, complaining of 
 some hardship done them by Peter Triquette, (alias) Patron, who pretends to be 
 the heir of Mathew Martain, the late senior of that place, as upon file, and being 
 read 
 
 " It is the oppinion of the Board that the said Mathew Martain was not qua- " 
 " lifted by will to make the said Patron his heir, and that therefore the senior- " 
 " ity of Cobaguite falls to his majesty, and that the governor should send an " 
 " order there to signifie the same." 
 
 " Then John Adams, esq., having no post nor sallary from the Government, " 
 " desired, in behalf of himself and others of the Board, that a petition, setting "
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 417 
 
 ' forth the same, might be sent, to be laid before his majesty, requesting some " 
 " consideration for their necessary attendance at the Board." 
 
 " Which being considered and advised on, agreed that John Adams and " 
 " Hibbert Newton, esqr's., draw up and prepare the same." 
 
 The above petition signed by President, in Council, II May, 1724. 
 
 (3-) 
 
 Monday, i June, 1724. Council are of opinion that La Verdure's children, hav- 
 ing abandoned and left the country, have no right to any of the marshes. And 
 further, that those who neither had nor would not undertake to repair their 
 marshes according to his Excellency General Richard Philipps' proclamation, 
 forfeited the same to his majesty. 
 
 (4-) 
 
 In Council, 22 July, 1724 : 
 
 Examination of father Charlemagne, the Romish priest of this river, before the 
 Governor and Council. 
 
 Question, ist. Father Charlemagne : Why did you not, at yo'r arrival, (when 
 you waited on the Governor), acquaint him of the party of Indians being at 
 Mines, and of their designes against us ? 
 
 Ans'd. I must then have been a wizard. 
 
 Quest. Did you know of any party of Indians when you was at Mines ? 
 
 Ans'd. There were Indians of this province mett there with Golin, their mis- 
 sionary, on account of devotion. 
 
 Quest. Did you know of any strange Indians being there, and that it was 
 talk'd of their coming here ? 
 
 Ans'd. There were six strange Indians, who came there the friday before I 
 came away. 
 
 Quest. Wherefore, then, did you not acquaint the governor of these six 
 Indians, when at yo'r arrivall he asked you what news, when at the same time 
 you told him there was none ? 
 
 Ans'd. My business is only to attend my function, and not to enquire into or 
 meddle with any other business, news or affairs ; and that not finding any Indians 
 in my way hither, and finding everything quiet here, I thought it was only talk of 
 the Indians, and that they had no further designe. 
 
 Quest. Do you not think that all people that are under the protection of any 
 gov'mt. are obliged to discover any treason or enterprize carried on against 
 it to its detriment ? 
 
 Ans'd. It may be justly required, but I would not do it at the risk of my own 
 person, for I love my skin better than my shirt, and I had rather have warrs with 
 the English than the Indians. 
 
 Quest. Was you not detained some time there by the Indians, that you might 
 not gett here to give intelligence ? 
 
 Ans'd. No, I was not ; but I heard they had such a designe. 
 
 Quest. Did not the Indians at the church door threaten to scalp you, if you 
 should give any advice of their coming ? 
 
 Ans'd. They did not tell me so, for they are better instructed. 
 27
 
 418 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 Quest. Why, then, as you are not apprehensive of any danger, did you not 
 find a way to give intelligence when they were up the river at your Mass house ? 
 
 Ans'd. I could hardly make to my own house. 
 
 Quest. Was there not a person at Mines who, in conversation with you, men- 
 tioned to you the necessity of acquainting the governor of the Indians' designe, 
 for fear of the ill consequences that might ensue ? 
 
 Ans'd. I had no such conversation with any at Mines. 
 
 Quest. Why did you assemble the inhabitants to prayers on that particular 
 day, which occasioned them to pretend an impossibility of giving notice to the 
 governor ? 
 
 Ans'd. It was on occasion of the late earthquake. 
 
 " It is to be observed that in the course of this examination he often prevari- 
 " cated, never answering directly to any question without being often repeated 
 " and put to him, runing in long discourses foreigne to the point." 
 
 " From all which, and the several depositions of the Traders, it appears to the 
 44 Board that the said father Charlemagne, Romish priest of this river, knew of 
 " the enterprize the Indians had formed against this place ; and that his assem- 
 44 bling the inhabitants at that juncture was on purpose to facilitate their designe, 
 44 by furnishing them with the inhabitants' cannoos, which they actually made use 
 44 of, having no other." 
 
 44 Resolved, That the said father Charlemagne be keept in custody till an 
 44 opportunity be found of sending him out of the province, and that when such is 
 44 found, he be actually sent away, with orders not to returne into this Govm't. 
 ' again at his peril, which we think an easy punishment, and notwithstanding his 
 44 crime. But in consideration of the strick alliance of the two Crowns of 
 44 Great Britain and France, we are willing to shew, by all Tockens of Lenity, our 
 44 desire of maintaining the same, and of avoiding all acts, as much as in us lies, 
 44 that may be by our neighbouring French governments be interpreted to the con- 
 " trary." 
 
 The last entry of a baptism by father Charlemagne in the Church register of 
 Port Royal is 25 July, 1724 ; and we find de Breslay officiating as cure, Oct'r. 7, 
 1724. 
 
 (5-) 
 
 Several of the Annapolis people, who had been at Mines with father Charle- 
 magne, were examined before the council on the 12 August, 1724. 
 
 Alexander Girouar, (alias Drew), when questioned, prevaricated, and was sent 
 to the guard. 
 
 yames Mich'l said " that six Indians belonging to the party that afterwards 
 44 came here, were then at Mines, when he was there with father Charlemagne ; 
 44 that it was publicly talked there that the Indians were at Isle of Hault, with 
 44 intention to make an attempt on Canso or Annapolis Royall ; that at his 
 44 arrival here, he allways thought the priest would have acquainted the gover- 
 44 nor with the news. And further said, that being at Mines, the priest told 
 44 them that their brains should be beat out if any of them should speak of this 
 44 at Annapolis Royall ; that upon that he did not, still trusting that the priest 
 44 would give notice to the governour." 
 
 Joseph Brusar said " that he was afraid the priest, father Charlemagne, would 
 44 discover him to the Indians, and that his mother and family would be thereby
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 419 
 
 *' destroyed ;" and he made oath to every thing mentioned in their petition, (the 
 persons examined had before signed a petition to the governor, confessing 
 their fault), except these words, " Car il nous dit de prendre garde a nous." &c. j 
 " and the said Joseph Brusar, being further examined upon his abusing Lewis 
 " Tibeau, and contempt of orders," (in not appearing to answer complaint of 
 Tibeau), " was put prisoner upon guard." 
 
 The deputies urged that Girouar was ignorant, and asked for his recal. He 
 was again brought in, and he then admitted, under oath, the truth of the petition. 
 
 The deputies interceded for their pardon. 
 
 A consultation took place, when, as an act of pardon, and to conciliate and 
 prevent the inhabitants joining the Indians, and on account of want of sufficient 
 force to keep them in subjection, it was agreed to let the three prisoners go. So 
 it was stated as a favor to the deputies ; and Brusar, Girouar and Michel, were 
 reprimanded, and let go. 
 
 (Minutes of Council, 10 and 12 August, 1724.^ 
 
 (6.) 
 
 In Council, 29 August, 1724. Present : Lieutenant governor Doucett, major 
 Paul Mascarene, John Adams, esq., William Skene, esq., William Shirreff. 
 
 Pere Isidore, from Pigiguit, examined. 
 
 Q. Father Isidore, was you with the other missionarys at their councils ? 
 
 A. No. I was at my own house. 
 
 Q. Whether, if it had been in your power, would you not have given advice 
 to the Gov'r., of any treason, or attempt formed against the government ? 
 
 A. When I heard of the rumour of the Indians' designes on this place, I hired 
 two men, for the value of forty livres, to carry two letters directed to the Gover- 
 nor, wherein what I know of the matter was contained. But having advice that 
 all the people from Annapolis Royal were stopt at the Grand Pre, I recalled my 
 letters for fear of falling into their hands, and I afterwards gave them to Mr. Blin, 
 which I hope he delivered. And I declare, that whilest I am in the territory, 
 and under the protection of the English Gov'ment, I think myself obliged, in 
 conscience, to give notice of any ill designe against it, my conscience being 
 dearer to me than any worldly intrest. 
 
 And he likewise informed the Governour and Council that it was publicly talked 
 that when the Indians (were) at their returne from Annapolis Royall to Mines, 
 that Jacques Teriot, one of the inhabitants at Mines, went to pere Felix, and told 
 him that as his soldiers were come back from his expedition, he ought, as being 
 their General, to provide for them, and not suffer thenvto eat up the inhabitants ; 
 and the said father Felix denieing that he had any hand in it, the said Jacques 
 Teriot made answer that That is not true, for I saw yo'r Letter by which you 
 sent for them, at St John's river. 
 
 Then the Gov'r. told him that he had rec'd. his two letters from Mr. Bline, 
 and thanked him for his care and intelligence, tho' it came too late, and being 
 desired to withdraw. 
 
 The Governour (evidently Mr. Doucett, the lieut. gov'r., is at that time meant 
 where the governour is spoken of, as gov'r. Philipps was then in England) laid 
 before the Board a letter from pere Felix, (as upon file), in excuse for not obey- 
 ing his orders in coming here, he being about to depart the country, &ca.
 
 420 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 " Resolved, That an order be sent to Mines, to be there published at the Mass 
 house, to discharge the said father Felix from ever, at his utmost peril, entering 
 this province without the consent and approbation of the government." 
 
 The governor and council gave father Isidore the cure of Mines ; and they 
 gave Lewis Allein leave to return to his family, upon Mr. Gotie, his son-in law's, 
 security. 
 
 (7-) 
 
 In Council, 22 September, 1724 : 
 
 " The Board unanimously agreed, that whereas it appears that the Rev'd. Mr. 
 Robert Cuthbert hath obstinately persisted in keeping company with Margaret 
 Douglass, contrary to all reproofs and admonitions from Alexander Douglass, 
 her husband, and contrary to his own promises and the good advice of his 
 Honour the Lieut. Governor. That he, the said Mr. Robert Cuthbert, should be 
 keept in the garrison without port liberty ; and that his scandalous affair, and the 
 satisfaction demanded by the injured husband, be transmitted, in order to be de- 
 termined at home ; and that the hon'ble. lieut. governour may write for another 
 minister in his room." 
 
 Then the Reverend Mr. Robert Cuthbert being sent for to give his reasons 
 for stopping of Alex'r. Douglass's goods, &ca., as is represented in said Doug- 
 lass's petition, who, having come, and being asked, made answer, No, that he 
 did not ; he might have them when he pleased, and that he did not insist upon 
 any thing either for him, his wife, or child. 
 
 (8.) 
 
 At a Council held at the honourable lieutenant governour John Doucett's 
 house, in his majesty's garrison at Annapolis Royall, on Munday, the 19 October, 
 1724. Present : the honourable lieut. governor, president; major Paul Masca- 
 rene, William Skeen, esq., John Adams, esq., William Shirreff. 
 
 The honourable lieutenant governor advised the Board, that mons. St. Ovide, 
 the gov'r. of Cape Breton, had sent a vessel to transport the messengers that 
 were sent by the inhabitants of this river ; and that he had write to him for 
 liberty to purchase some refreshments, of which they stood very much in need 
 there ; which being advised on : 
 
 Agreed, that as he had, when the garrison at Canso was in very great necessity 
 and want, supplied his Excellency General Richard Philipps, when there, with 
 things suiteable to his necessity, That liberty may be granted as far as his Honour 
 the Governor should think convenient. 
 
 (9-) 
 
 30 October, 1724. The lieutenant governor informed the Council that he had 
 received a letter from pere Felix, informing him of his return to the province, and 
 settling at Shickanecto, on an assurance of a letter from the governor of Cape 
 Breton in his favor. Also, two priests that Felix had brought with him, had 
 written letters to the lieutenant governor. Council advised orders for them to 
 leave the province, &c.
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 421 
 
 (10.) 
 
 3 November, 1 724. In consequence of a letter to the lieutenant governor from 
 lieutenant governor William Dumtner, esq., of New England, of an expected 
 negociation in October or November for a general peace with the Indians, 
 Articles were drawn up and ordered to be sent to Hibbert Newton, esq., then at 
 Boston, of the terms required in behalf of Nova Scotia, in substance : 
 
 1. Acknowledgment of the king's title to the province. 
 
 2. Not to molest persons settling. 
 
 3. Restitution to traders who are plundered by the savages. 
 
 4. Missionaries to be approved of by the governor. 
 
 5. Offenders to be given up by the Indians. 
 
 6. Hostages to be required. 
 
 In Council, 3 November, 1724. Brely, (Breslay), the priest, who came from 
 Cape Breton on request of inhabitants, was, on their petition, permitted to stay ; 
 and that his residence and place of worship be at the house " called the Mohauck " 
 " Fort." Same day the minutes of council were ordered to be sent to his Excellency 
 the Governor, to he laid before the Secretary of State and Board of Trade ; 
 " and that William Shirreff, esq., one of the members of this board, who hath, " 
 " for want of a secretary, acted these two years past as such, countersigne the " 
 ' same," &c. 
 
 (12.) 
 
 6 November, 1724. Complaints against lieut. John Washington, for not pay- 
 ing his debts. Major Mascarene, as engineer, was ordered by the Board of Ord- 
 nance to send lieut. Washington home. Lieut. Millidge, belonging to the Board 
 of Ordnance, was sent for in Council. Mr. Daniel Quinton, a creditor, took 
 lieut. Washington's bill for ,68. i8s. lid. N. E. on Daniel Johonnett, merchant, 
 Boston. 
 
 (I3-) 
 
 In Council, Saturday, 7 November, 1724 : 
 
 The honourable lieutenant governor acquainted the Board that doctor St. Seine 
 and Peter Surrett, both inhabitants of the upper town of Annapolis Royall, had 
 presented him with memorials, praying liberty to depart this province and to go 
 to the French government of Cape Breton ; and having laid their said petitions 
 before the Board, and the same being read 
 
 The Board agreed that their petitions be granted.
 
 422 History of Nova-Scotia. I 7 2 5- 
 
 CHAPTER XLVli. 
 
 1725. In January, 1725, father Ignace, a Flemish priest, who 
 had been sent by his superior pere Jocunde, in Cape Breton, 
 recommended to the people of Mines, arrived at Annapolis 
 with the deputies from that place, and requested the permis- 
 sion of the government to officiate, promising to behave as a 
 loyal subject. The governor and council appointed him to 
 Shickanecto, (Chignecto, in Cumberland,) in the ' hope of root- 
 ing out Felix.' 22 January, pere Pierre, who had gone to 
 Cobequid without leave, was ordered to be ' banished the 
 country ;' and the government were offended with the people 
 of Cobequid for referring a question of building a church to 
 the bishop of Quebec. 
 
 Lawrence Armstrong, esquire, was appointed ' lieutenant 
 governor of Nova Scotia, or Accadie.' His commission is 
 dated 8 February, 1724-5. 
 
 Father Charlemagne was sent to Cape Breton in Gotie's 
 (Gautier?) vessel previous to the 22 March, 1724-5. 2ist 
 April, John Duon, notary, had leave to quit the province, 
 
 giving in all the papers he held officially. The rev. Dr. 
 
 Cuthbert took possession of a house or hovel belonging to 
 Samuel Douglass, bought from lieutenant John Jephson in 
 1715, claiming it as church property. It was built by gover- 
 nor Vetch. The council gave Douglass leave to remove it. 
 
 22 May, Prudent Robichau had entertained an Indian 
 
 clandestinely, and was imprisoned, but now liberated on giving 
 security for his good behavior.
 
 1725. History of Nova-Scotia. 423 
 
 The border war in New England was renewed in the spring 
 of this year. A captain Lovewell, whose name was given to 
 the war itself, fought twice with success ; but in a third 
 encounter with the Indians, he was defeated and slain. Com- 
 missioners had been sent from Massachusetts to Canada, to 
 negociate for a peace with the tribes. They obtained the 
 release of sixteen captives upon payment of ransom, but failed 
 in effecting a treaty. The Indians demanded that the English 
 should " demolish all their forts remove one mile Westward " 
 " of Saco river rebuild their church at Norridgewock, and " 
 "restore to them their missionary father." The Jesuit pere 
 la Chasse was present as interpreter. The interview took 
 place in the house of Vaudreuil, between the commissioners 
 and the Indian chiefs. 
 
 Lieutenant governor Armstrong arrived from England at 
 Canso, 29 May, 1725. 
 
 In June, ensign James Campbell, and James and Charles 
 Poubomcoup, petitioned lieutenant governor Doucett and the 
 council at Annapolis, claiming rights under the will of Marie 
 de Menou, and exhibited the will and other papers. Madame 
 Belleisle "filed a counter petition, and appearing before the 
 council, 3 June, (Doucett, Mascarene, Adams, Skene and 
 Shirreff, being present), said her papers were at Mines, and 
 the inquiry was adjourned " till the Fall" that she might 
 have time to produce them. 
 
 12 June, 1725. In council. " It is the opinion of this" 
 " Board that pere Isidore has behaved himself with more " 
 " honesty and integrity to this Gov't. than any of the other " 
 " Romish priests. That Gaulin's insolence to this Gov't. is " 
 " unpardonable ; and that those inhabitants who regard and " 
 " obey said Gaulin's orders touching anything to be done in " 
 " this Gov't, and who have been accessory in pushing pere " 
 " Isidore out of the country, are mallcontents, and enemys " 
 " to his majesty's government." 
 
 Although the conference for peace in Canada did not 
 prosper, another held in July, between commissioners from 
 Massachusetts, and thirteen chiefs of the Eastern Indians 
 at St. George's fort, was more successful. In the absence of
 
 424 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 Vaudreuil and la Chasse, a pacific temper prevailed, and a 
 cessation of arms was agreed upon. Lieut, governor Dummer, 
 of Massachusetts, wrote to Armstrong, now the lieut. gover- 
 nor of Nova Scotia, stating that the Indians were suing for 
 peace. Armstrong held a council at Canso on the 3 1 August, 
 and, with their approval, appointed major Paul Mascarene to 
 be present as commissioner for Nova Scotia in the pending 
 treaty, and protect its territorial rights. He is authorized to 
 consult Mr. Newton. His instructions direct him to demand 
 the terms proposed by the governor and council at Annapolis, 
 3 November, 1724, viz. : I. The Indians to acknowledge the 
 king's exclusive right to all Nova Scotia. 2. They are not to 
 molest settlers, &c. 3. They are to make restitution for past 
 plunders. 4. They are to have only such priests as the gov- 
 ernment approve. 5. The Indians to surrender any of their 
 people who break the treaty, to be punished according to law. 
 6. That hostages be required of the Indians. 7. Friendship 
 promised them, if they keep to the treaty. Armstrong also 
 wrote very fully on the subject to Mr. Dummer. 
 
 ii August, 1725. Armstrong laid before the council (at 
 Canso) a list of all the ships and fishing vessels that had been 
 there to this date, and which had this year been loaded with 
 fish for foreign markets. The number of such vessels was 
 197. At this council there were present the lieut. governor 
 Armstrong, major Mascarene, Hibbert Newton and William 
 Shirreff. Armstrong proposed that he should write to St. 
 Ovide, at Louisbourg, to complain of the underhand conduct 
 of the French in giving arms, ammunition, &c., to the Indians, 
 and to send Mr. Newton and captain John Bradstreet to carry 
 the letter, and to confer with. St. Ovide on this and other 
 grievances. This was agreed to. The gentlemen .appointed 
 went accordingly to Louisbourg, and on their return reported 
 fully the results of their mission. The points debated turned 
 on small details that would not now have much interest. 
 Apparently St. Ovide had no unfriendly disposition to the 
 English, and we must candidly say that it was not from Paris 
 at all, or much from Louisbourg, but chiefly by M. Vaudreuil 
 at Quebec, that the ill feelings of the Indians to the English
 
 1725. History of Nova-Scotia. 425 
 
 appear to have been fostered and fomented. However, the 
 council, on the return of their deputation, resolved : " The " 
 " council were of opinion that his (M, St. Ovide's) letter is " 
 " trifling, and his promises of friendship not to be depended " 
 " on, and no credit to be given to his pretended ignorance, " 
 " there being too much proof to the contrary," and directed 
 that copies should be sent home. 
 
 On the night of 25 August, 1725, the French man-of-war 
 le Chameau, going from France to Quebec, was lost on the 
 reefs near Louisbourg, cape Breton, and all on board perished. 
 Besides the ship's company, there were many passengers. M. 
 de Chazel, appointed intendant of Canada ; Louvigny, gover- 
 nor of Trois Rivieres ; M. de la Gesse, son of de Ramezay ; 
 several other officials, ecclesiastics and settlers. [4 Charlevoix, 
 159, 1 60.] Le Chameau was a 6o-gun ship, and was lost 
 within a league of the harbor of Louisbourg. This occurred 
 while Newton and Bradstreet were at Louisbourg. 
 
 Armstrong wrote 5 September to the secretary of State, 
 He urges the building a fortification at Canso, on account of 
 the constant insults and massacres the English there are expo- 
 sed to from the Indians, supported and clandestinely encoura- 
 ged by the French, who supply them with powder and ball. 
 He relates the correspondence with St. Ovide, and the mission 
 of Newton and Bradstreet to Louisbourg. He says St. Ovide 
 supplied 200 Indians this year, and treats his excuses as 
 deceitful. He also mentions sending Mascarene and Newton 
 to assist in the Indian treaty. He had induced the people at 
 Canso to build several block-houses for defence, chiefly at 
 their own cost. He had not been able to go to Annapolis, 
 but intended to do it in the spring. The government schooner 
 William Augustus was out of repair, and had not anchors, 
 cables, sails or rigging worth anything. " It being very " 
 -, " demonstrable, from the great concourse of English subjects " 
 " here, that this is the principal seat of government, I intend " 
 " to bring major Paul Mascarene, Hibbert Newton, William " 
 " Skeen and William Shirreff, esquires, gentlemen of the " 
 " council at Annapolis Royal, down to that place, in order to " 
 " have a quorum." He says there are several vacancies in the
 
 426 History of Nova-Scotia. J 7 2 5- 
 
 council, and sends names of persons to fill them. The in- 
 habitants (except one or two families at Annapolis, of Eng- 
 lish, and the troops), are all French, who have never taken the 
 oath of allegiance. This applies to all parts of the province, 
 except Canso. " I shall be glad of directions in relation to " 
 " them, and for constituting of an assembly and other courts of" 
 "judicature here, the people so much desiring it." It would 
 add, he says, to the authority of government, and in a little 
 while lessen the public charge. The assembly he proposed to 
 be composed of twenty-four inhabitants, to make laws for the 
 good government of the province, (in his letter to Mr. Alured 
 Popple), " otherways the best man on earth cannot manage " 
 " and govern them ;" and he says that though he has not 
 received the value of one shilling from any of them, yet he 
 anticipates unfounded complaints, which " may do an honest " 
 " man hurt at this distance from home." Complains of having 
 to expend ^693 in feeding 152 men for three months, from 
 the contractor's omission, and of the difficulties about credit. 
 He sends Mr. Popple six sable skins, for a tippet for Mrs. 
 Popple, and a loup cervier skin for himself. 
 
 On the 3 October, 1724, the man-of-war Ludlow Castle, 
 captain John St. Lo, was about sailing from Canso for Lisbon. 
 The ship not wearing, run aground in a narrow passage, on a 
 ledge of rocks, where she continued until the 5th. With the 
 aid of the whole garrison and the vessels in port, they light- 
 ened her by taking out her guns and stores, and she was got 
 off, but with some damage ; and on a survey, was obliged to 
 go to Boston to refit this winter, in order to return early in 
 the spring for the protection of the fishery. The captain, 
 lieutenant Conditt, and the crew, all behaved extremely well. 
 \Letter of lieut. gov. Armstrong to the duke of Newcastle, dated 
 Canso, 24 Oct., 1725.] 
 
 Armstrong states to the secretary of State that he had writ- 
 ten'to the government of New England to send him " sixty " 
 " Indians of that country, with 12 whale boats, which, joined " 
 " with so many of our troops and forty men from Commodore " 
 " St. Lo," he intends to take a tour through the province, " to " 
 " humble the villainous French inhabitants as well as Indians. "
 
 1725. History of Nova-Scotia. 427 
 
 He proposes to " land at Chicanecto, in the bay of Verte ; " 
 " from thence to Mines in the bay of Fundy, and so to Pisgid " 
 " and Cobigid to Annapolis, and round the coast to Canso ; " 
 " and he says as governor Philipps and colonel Gardner are " 
 " both in London, and capable of giving your grace a just " 
 " account of these my proceedings, I am sure this will put it " 
 " out of the power of the French and Indians to insult us " 
 " any more, which they have constantly done this four years " 
 " past." Intelligence had reached him of 800 Indians intend- 
 ing to attack him in the winter, " by the underhand orders " 
 " of the French governors of Quebec, Troy river, (Trois " 
 " rivieres), Mount Royall, (Montreal), and cape Breton." He 
 says, " I hope we shall do our duty, and give a good account " 
 " of them." At this time he transmitted his observations 
 on the province. He gives Nova Scotia a circuit of five 
 hundred leagues. The great number of harbors is most 
 convenient for the fishery. Canso is the only settlement on 
 the coast. Its inhabitants amount to forty-nine families. 
 The New England people trade in the cod fishery on this 
 coast to the extent of .150,000, New England currency, annu- 
 ally ; yet they are under the the disadvantage of having to 
 take the fish 150 leagues home to cure it, from which necessity 
 settlers on the coast would be free. He comments on the 
 different fish, the timber, masts, &c. The province would be 
 a nursery for seamen. He mentions the productiveness of 
 the soil, provisions, naval stores, &c. " The French inhabi- " 
 " tants are about 800 or 900 families, all papists, and not one " 
 " of them will take the oaths to king George." They have 
 many missionary priests, who teach the Indians " a hatred " 
 " inexpressible against the English." The French make pre- 
 sents of arms and ammunition to the Indians, and obtain all 
 the fur trade. Armstrong was sent in 1720 to the French 
 governor at cape Breton. He recommends several little Forts 
 to be built in the harbors and settlements. Armstrong, in a 
 letter of 24 October, to Mr. Popple, says, " An angel from " 
 " heaven can't please nor govern these fishermen." He com- 
 plains of captain John Eliot, captain Franklin, (in the service 
 of Mr. Missing, the contractor), captain Kenwood, and several
 
 428 History of Nova-Scotia. I 7 2 5 
 
 others. He had written by lieutenant Daniell and ensign 
 Bradstreet. 
 
 Early in November, 1725, four eminent sagamores arrived 
 at Boston, who were empowered to represent the tribes of 
 Penobscot, Norridgewock, St. John's, Cape Sable, and other 
 places in New England and Nova Scotia, to negociate a treaty 
 with the government of Massachusetts, &c. This treaty 
 (which has been since usually called Dummer's treaty) was 
 signed 15 December, 1725, by the four chiefs : i. Sanguaa- 
 ram, (alias Loron.) 2. Arexus. 3. Francois Xavier, (who lived 
 at SU John's), and 4. Maganumba. (See the treaty in appen- 
 dix to this chapter.) It was finally ratified at a conference 
 held at Falmouth, in Maine, which was opened 30 July, 1 726. 
 The lieutenant governors of Massachusetts and of New Hamp- 
 shire, Mascarene, delegate from Nova Scotia, and several coun- 
 cillors and representatives of New England, appearing for the 
 English interest, and about forty Indian chiefs who met with 
 them. It was finally concluded, signed and sealed on the 
 6-17 August, by William Dummer, John Wentworth, Paul 
 Mascarene, and several provincial councillors ; and by Wene- 
 movet, chief sachem, and twenty-five other Indian chiefs. A 
 public dinner closed the proceeding. Williamson says that 
 the original treaty is in the secretary's office at Boston. (This 
 treaty was renewed at Chibouctou, (Halifax), 15 August, 1749, 
 and again renewed with several tribes there in 1760.) The 
 French were much dissatisfied with the peace, and the gover- 
 nor of Canada rebuked the chiefs who had taken part in it 
 withheld the accustomed presents from them, and threatened 
 to withdraw their missionaries. 
 
 The marquis de Vaudreuil died at Quebec 10 Oct'r., n. s., 
 1725. He was succeeded in the year following by the cheva- 
 lier de Beauharnois, captain in the navy. [4 Charlevoix, 160.] 
 In a letter from Canso, 2 December, 1725, lieutenant governor 
 Armstrong asks the duke of Newcastle for authority to oblige 
 the French inhabitants to take the oath or to quit the pro- 
 vince, " for we never shall be safe or secure so long as they " 
 " are permitted to be snakes in our bosom, that would cut " 
 " our throats on all occasions." He states also that he had
 
 1725. History of Nova-Scotia. 429 
 
 relieved forty-two British subjects on the isle of Sable. About 
 this time, one John Baptiste, his son, and three Indians, 
 attempted to take a Plymouth fisherman (fishing vessel) in the 
 harbor of Nova Scotia. They were overcome, taken to Bos- 
 ton, and there tried for piracy, found guilty, and hanged. This 
 and one or two other acts of hostility besides, occurred after 
 the peace, and were traced to Indians from Canada. [2 Wil- 
 liamson, Maine, 148, 149.] 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XLVII. 
 (i.) 
 
 Articles of submission and agreement made at Boston, in New England, by 
 Sanguaaram (Sangacoram), als. Lorn, (Loron), Arexus, Fran9ois Xavier, (and) 
 Maganumbo. delegates from the tribes of Penobscott, Naridgwalk, St. John's, 
 cape Sable, and other tribes of the Indians, inhabiting within his majestie's terri- 
 tories of Nova Scotia and New England : 
 
 Whereas his majesty king George, by the concession of the most Christian 
 king, made at the treaty of Utrecht, has become the rightful possessor of the pro- 
 vince of Nova Scotia, or Accadie, according to its antient boundaries : 
 
 We, the said Sanguaaram, als. Lorn, Arexus, Fra^ois Xavier, Meganumbo t 
 delegates from the said tribes of Penobscott, Naridgwalk, St. John's, Cape Sable, 
 and other tribes inhabiting within his majesty's said territories of Nova Scotia or 
 Accadie, and New England, Do, in the name and behalf of the said tribes we 
 represent, acknowledge his said majestic king George's Jurisdiction and Dominion 
 over the territories of said province of Nova Scotia, or Accadie, and make our 
 submission to his said majestic in as ample a manner as we have formerly done 
 to (the) his most Christian king. 
 
 And we further promise, in behalf of said tribes we represent, that the Indians 
 shall not molest any of his majesty's subjects, or their dependants, in their set- 
 tlements already or lawfully to be made, or in their carrying on their trade or 
 other affairs within the (said) province. 
 
 That if their happens any robery or outrage committed by any of the Indians, 
 the tribe or tribes they belong to shall cause satisfaction and restitution to the 
 parties injured. 
 
 That the Indians shall not help to convey away (" soldiers belonging to H. M. 
 Forts" copy 1760) any of his majesty's soldiers belonging to any of his Forts, 
 but on the contrary shall bring back any soldier they shall find endeavoring to run 
 away. 
 
 That in case of any misunderstanding, quarrell or injury, between the English 
 and the Indians, no private revenge shall be taken, but application shall be made 
 for redress according to his majestie's laws.
 
 430 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 That if the Indians have made any prisoners belonging to the government of 
 Nova Scotia, or Accadie, dureing the course of the war, that they shall be relea- 
 sed at or before the ratification of this treaty. 
 
 That this treaty be ratified at Annapolis Royall. 
 
 Dated at the council chamber at Boston, in New England, (this fifteenth day of 
 December), An. Dom. one thousand seven hundred and twenty-five. Annoq : 
 regni regfs Georgii Mag. Brit., &c. &c., duodecimo. 
 
 (2.) 
 
 ( front report of Messrs, Newton dr 1 Bradstreet, 1725.^ 
 ENGLISH VESSELS TRADING TO LOUISBOURG. 
 
 1. William Blin, in a ship from Boston, laden with boards, cattle, sheep and 
 bricks. 
 
 2. Barber, of Boston. Sold sloop and cargo. 
 
 3. Samuel Butler, of Martin's (Martha's) Vineyard. Sold sloop and cargo. 
 
 4. Jenkins, of Martin's Vineyard. Sold salt, and gone to load for coals. 
 
 5. Breed, of Boston, in a sloop. Sold his cargo laden with molasses, for 
 Boston. 
 
 6. Lord, of cape Ann, in a sloop. Sold his cargo loaded with rigging, 
 anchors and cables, for cape Ann. 
 
 7. Turner, in a sloop, called here and went to Newfoundland. 
 
 8. Clarke, of New York, in a sloop. Sold his cargo gone laden with claret 
 and brandy, for New York. 
 
 9. Aubin, of Boston, in a sloop laden with creatures. Sold them. 
 
 10. Green, of New London, laden with cattle and sheep. Called here, and 
 gone for Newfoundland. 
 
 1 1. Dyke, of Salem. Sold his sloop and 400 fish. 
 
 14. Three schooners from Nova Scotia, laden with cattle and sheep two from 
 Bay Verte, and one from Chebucto. 
 
 (3-) 
 
 Among the papers of this period is a list of 49 allotments at Canso, called fish- 
 ing rooms, with the names of the different holders. No. I is a large island, capt. 
 Thos. Durell and company. They are of various measurements. Cyprian 
 Southack has a peninsula of 2740x1620 feet. Capt. Edward How has on How's 
 island 1 100x500 feet. r. Hunking Wentworth has one of 121x400, and another 
 called Went worth's point, of 1 180x580 feet ; one is only 83x300. 
 
 " No. 43. Mr. Samuel Bassett and Samuel Buttler's room being a high head " 
 " of land with a low point of beach, the same being formerly called Petipas', " 
 " now Bellenden's head, in memento mori of lieutenant John Bellenden, being " 
 ' descended from a noble family, and buried there." 
 
 Dr. Cuthbert has 272 feet front at Topsham's cove. 
 
 Sir Thomas Bury and Richard's room was a small island 920 feet long and 270 
 feet broad. (Anno 172C.)
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 431 
 
 
 
 M 
 
 At a council held at the hon'ble. lieutenant governor John Doucett's house, in 
 his majesty's garrison of Annapolis Royall, on Thursday, the 7th of Dec'r., 1725, 
 Present : The hon'ble. lieutenant governor John Doucett, president ; John 
 Adams, esq., William Skeen, esq., William Shirreff. 
 
 The hon. president acquainted the Board that there were three French strangers 
 come (as they say) from Canada, and having no passport from the governor of 
 that place, or any credentials but from the Bishop there, signifying that they had 
 duely frequented the communion of that church ; and the said three strangers 
 having reported that they were gentlemen belonging to old France, and had kil- 
 led Aeneas, and another Indian, and that they were come here for refuge, he 
 asked the oppinion of the Board what he should do in the case, believing them 
 rather come as spies, in order to discover either the state of the town and garri- 
 son, or to entice the desertion of the troops. 
 
 Whereupon the Board judged necess'y. that they should be put into custody, 
 and examined separately, in order to find out, if possible, the truth of their de- 
 signes and allegations ; and his honour the lieutenant governor acquainting that 
 he had already put them prisoners, it was accordingly agreed that they should be 
 examined. 
 
 And one of the said grisoners being brought before the Board, who called him- 
 self Paul Franfois Dupont de Veillein, and the hon'ble. presid't. having asked 
 him what he was, from whence, and the cause of his and the other two's coming 
 here, the said Paul Fra^ois Dupont de Veillein made answer that he was a gen- 
 tleman of a family of good report in France that his parents had designed him 
 for the Ecclesiastick order, but that he had served as ~an officer in the French 
 army, and that being put into the Bastille the first of October, 1722, for what he 
 knew not, where he remained about twenty-two months, was sent to Quebec, by 
 order of mons'r. Bellamis, the commis'y. ordonnateur, to Jhe care of the governor 
 of that place, where he lived about twelve months, and was there entertained like 
 a gentleman, through the means of (as he supposed) some certain advice, but from 
 whom he knew not, of some who knew him in old France.^ Then being asked, 
 seeing he \vas so well entertained there, why he left that place in such a vagabond 
 manner, and to come without the govr's. passport, he answered that he would not 
 give him one, but told him he might go if he pleased, and that he would not stop 
 him ; and that upon his denying him one, he and the rest contented themselves 
 with the Bishflp's certificate. And being asked why they did not rather go from 
 thence directly to old France or to cape Breton, he made answer that none of the 
 masters of vessels would take them on board without the govr's. passport. Then 
 being asked why they ventured to come to this or to any of the English govts. 
 without one, he answered that his father was of Blois, and a chevalier, and that 
 being sent away in such a manner, he was resolved to run all risques to gett home 
 to sue for justice, and that finding that none would take him on board, he and the 
 other two agreed with one Aeneas, an Indian, to bring him to the river St. John's, 
 whom, with another Indian, his relation, they kill'd about fifty leagues above 
 Meductuck, because they found he was going to deceive them, and not performe 
 the agreement, after they had paid him for his pilotage, but tarry in the woods, 
 where they must have infallibly perished with hunger, had they not taken his can- 
 now by force ; and in the scuffle he shott Aeneas as he was going to fire upon him
 
 432 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 and his commarads. and that mons'r. Babour shott the other Indian, his relation, 
 as he was going to kill mons'r. St. Joyly, with a lancett, and that they then pro- 
 ceeded in the best manner they could on their journey. He was asked if they did 
 not meet with other Indians who knew the cannow. Answered, not till they 
 came to St. John's, where the priest lives, to whom they applied for his assistance 
 and direction how to gett to the French plantations ; and there being then several 
 Indians going from thence to Beaubassin, he recommended them to their care, 
 who, not knowing the cannow, (it being a new one, just finished before they de- 
 parted from Canada,) they piloted them to the river of Beaubassin ; and y't. 
 being informed of a place called Mines, where there were also French inhabi- 
 tants, they chused rather to go there than to Beaubassin, least, during their stay 
 there, they should be delivered, and fall into the Indians' hands ; and so taking 
 their direction which way to steer along shoar, they found the place, where hav- 
 ing stayed a few days, and beging the assistance of the inhabitants, they discov- 
 ered to them the ffact, who ordered them to depart immediately, for that there 
 was no shelter for them there, and make the best of their way to this place, and 
 aske the protection of the gov'r., for that the Indians would certainly destroy 
 them ; and said that having but little provisions and no guide, they had allmost 
 perished in the way. And being asked what the other two were, and whether he 
 and they were deserters from the troops, he said they were both gentlemen of 
 good family, and had mett with ill usage, and such misfortunes as his own ; and 
 said that he had a greater acquaintance with mons'r. Alex'r. Poupart de Babour 
 than he had with the other mons'r. St. Joyly de Pardeithan, he being in the Bas- 
 tile at the same time that he was there, and at Canada for some time together, 
 and that he knew St. Joyly only but since he came to Quebeck from Messicippy, 
 which was but a few months before they left Quebeck, and that none of them were 
 in the troops. 
 
 St. Joyly de Pardeithan being called, he gave the same acco't. of their journey 
 from Quebeck, and of killing the two Indians, as the aforegoing of mons'r. Dupont, 
 and said that he was sent away on acco't. of a duel, in which he was in some 
 measure concerned, in behalf of a friend ; and being apprehended, was first sent 
 to New Spain, where lived about three years, and from thence travelled to Mes- 
 sicippy, where he acted for some time as sec'y. ; and from thence he went to 
 Quebeck, where he became acquainted with the other two, and knew no more of 
 them than the acco't. they gave of themselves, and that they were respected there 
 as gentlemen. t 
 
 Alexander Poupart de Babour agreed in every respects with the other two, and 
 said that he knew not the real cause of his transportation, but said he believed 
 it had been so ordered by some of his family, on some account of amours, for 
 that he had been a very wild youth ; and being further asked about the death of 
 the two Indians, answered conforme to the preceding acco't. : That mons'r. 
 Dupont shott Aeneas, and that he shott the other, which was about two months 
 agoe in the river St. John's, about fifty leagues above Meductuk. 
 
 There being no proofs against their assertions, the gov'r. and council judged 
 proper to keep them in custody untill further informed of the truth of their 
 reports, they also requesting the same, being afraid to live among the inhabitants, 
 or depart for fear of the Indians.
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 433 
 
 (S-) 
 
 Speaking of New Hampshire, Belknap says, vol. 2, pp. 82, 83 : " The militia 
 " at this time ( 1 725) was completely trained for active service ; every man of forty 
 " years of age having seen more than twenty years of war. They had been used 
 " to handle their arms from the age of childhood, and most of them, by long 
 " practice, had become excellent marksmen, and good hunters. They were well 
 " acquainted with the lurking places of the enemy ; and possessed a degree of 
 " hardiness and intrepidity, which can be acquired only by the habitude of those 
 " scenes of danger and fatigue, to which they were daily exposed. They had 
 " also imbibed from their infancy a strong antipathy to the savage natives ; which 
 " was strengthened by repeated horrors of blood and desolation, and not obliter- 
 " ated by the intercourse which they had with them in^time of peace. As the 
 " Indians frequently resorted to the frontier towns in time of scarcity, it was 
 " common for them to visit the families whom they had injured in war ; to recount 
 " the circumstances of death and torture which had been practised on their 
 " friends ; and when provoked, or intoxicated, to threaten a repetition of such 
 "insults in future wars. To bear such treatment required more than human 
 " patience ; and it is not improbable that secret murders were sometimes the 
 " consequence of these harsh provocations. Certain it is, that when any perstfn 
 " was arrested for killing an Indian in time of peace, he was either forcibly res- 
 " cued from the hands of justice, or, if brought to trial, invariably acquiftted ; it 
 " being impossible to impannel a jury, some of whom had not suffered by the 
 " Indians, either in their persons or families." 
 
 (6.) 
 
 " A newspaper was first established in New York in the year 1 725, and there " 
 " was now one bookseller's shop in the city." [2 Graham's Colonial History of 
 the U. States, 104.] 
 
 28
 
 434 History of Nova-Scotia. 1726. 
 
 CHAPTER XLVIII. 
 
 1726. Lieutenant governor Armstrong stated to the lords of 
 Trade, in his letter of 18 Jan'y., 1725-6, that " the barracks, " 
 " magazines and fort of Annapolis Royal, which were at first " 
 " erected with bad materials, and have been continually moul- " 
 " dering away, since in the possession of the crown of Great " 
 " Britain, and as often repairing at a yearly expense, are now " 
 " reduced to such a bad condition, that without a speedy, " 
 " thorough repair, that garrison will be without lodgements, " 
 " provisions or defence." Canso, where " he thought it requi- ' 
 " site to place a garrison of nine companys, is, to this day, " 
 " without other lodgements, magazines or fortifications, than " 
 " such as have been made at mine and my officers' expence. " 
 (Observe .that it had been before said that the parties engaged 
 in the fishery there had built a fort.) He recommends the 
 protection of Canso, as " a frontier place, within seven " 
 " leagues of the French settlement at cape Breton," and as a 
 business place. He urges the want of a vessel in the service 
 of the government in .so large a command, embracing even 
 the inspection of Placentia, and suggests the refitting the gov- 
 ernment vessel laid up at Canso. 
 
 The marquis de Beauharnois was appointed governor gen- 
 eral, and M. Dupuis intendant, in Canada, where they arrived 
 in 1726. A copy of the treaty with the Indians was received 
 from major Mascarene, in March, and read in council in pre- 
 sence of the French deputies of Annapolis river, and a circu- 
 lar letter sent to the Indians, calling on them to send delegates
 
 1726. History of Nova-Scotia. 435 
 
 or chiefs to ratify it. May 1 2, a letter from Mr. Winniett, dated 
 Mines, 25 April, confirmed the statement of the three French 
 gentlemen who had sought protection from the Indians. 
 Lieutenant governor Doucett, and rnessrs. Adams, Skeen and 
 Shirreff being present in council, they resolved, " That it " 
 " would be cruelty, as they came to this government for pro- ' 
 " tection and shelter for killing two Indians in time of warr, " 
 " now to deliver them up, and therefore to prevent their " 
 " demanding of them at their coming to ratifie the peace, " 
 " agreed that they should be sent away by the vessells now " 
 "bound for Boston, in New England." May 31. The chief 
 of the cape Sable Indians came in to ratify the treaty. On 
 Saturday, the 4 June, 1726, (15 June, n. s.,) the council went 
 to the " Flagg bastion" where the Indians of the river, &c., 
 being present, the articles of peace were re^d, (the officers, 
 soldiers, and French deputies being also present), first in 
 English, and then Abraham Bourg, and Prudence Robichau, 
 senior, were sworn to interpret them. The articles were then 
 distinctly read over in French, and interpreted to the Indians, 
 which they assented to and signed. In the absence of lieut 
 governor Armstrong, who was at Canso, lieut. gov'r. Doucett 
 signed the articles. The Indian hostages were then released 
 by his orders, and the Indians had an entertainment and 
 several presents. A thanksgiving day was appointed for the 
 king's narrow escape in a storm when returning from Hanover. 
 23 June. In Council. A vessel was ordered to be sent to 
 St. John's river, with Abraham Bourg, to bring over the Indian 
 chiefs to ratify the peace. 
 
 Major Mascarene was this summer at Casco, with the lieut. 
 governor of New England and the other commissioners, ratify- 
 ing the peace, with all the tribes of the several Indian nations. 
 
 Lieutenant governor Armstrong writes from Canso 27 July. 
 He says the fishermen at Canso grumble at having to pay 
 6s. 8d. to the collector and 33. 4d. to the naval officer, for each 
 vessel, having never been taxed anything before this year. 
 He adds, " In the middle of September next I shall meet a " 
 " considerable body of Indians at Annapolis Royal, to con- " 
 ** firm the peace, and all other points that have not yet been "
 
 436 History of Nova-Scotia. 1726. 
 
 " done to make it lasting." He says he will be at a loss for 
 the want of the usual presents. He must raise .300 or ^400 
 credit to effect this point. Some of the French had transpor- 
 ted their cattle and effects to cape Breton. Governor St. 
 Ovide, with some troops and his council, had gone to the 
 island of St. John, to mark out lands in that island for such 
 inhabitants as would quit Nova Scotia and retire under the 
 government of France. Armstrong says that he had given no 
 offence to, and has lived in perfect friendship with, the gover- 
 nor of cape Breton, (St. Ovide.) " They are well fortified, " 
 " which Nova Scotia is not." His own expences are great, 
 having no allowance but his lieutenant colonel's subsistence, 
 and this year it falls short by .400. He begs relief to sup- 
 port the honor of the government. This he says was the first 
 opportunity of sending home any account of his province this 
 summer. 
 
 The Indians seemed quite tired of the war, and were ex- 
 tremely well pleased with the peace, and believed that they 
 would never make war upon this government, whatever they 
 might do with New England, without Great Britain and 
 France should be at war. Many declared they would never 
 take up arms against either of the two crowns, but that they 
 would live neuter and friends to both. {Letter of lieut. gover- 
 nor Doucett to the duke 'of Newcastle, secretary of state, date 
 Annapolis Royal, August 16, 1726.] Doucett says "they" 
 " have cost me near ^300 in presents and feasting." He also 
 alludes to a leave of absence for some months which he had 
 obtained. 
 
 Armstrong arrived at Annapolis from Canso, 17 September, 
 and on the 2ist held a council at his house in the garrison. 
 Doucett, the lieut. governor of the fort and garrison, Mr. John 
 Adams, Dr. William Skene and Mr. William Shirreff, attended. 
 Mr. Armstrong laid before them his commission of lieutenant 
 governor of the province copies of general Philipps' commis- 
 sion instructions and additional instructions, and a copy of 
 the earl of Orkney's instructions for the government of Vir- 
 ginia. Referring to the 7th article of the Virginia instructions, 
 it was agreed, that three councillors being present, on extra-
 
 1726. History of Nova-Scotia. 437 
 
 ordinary emergencies, would justify going on with business. 
 
 The French deputies, who were in attendance, being 
 
 called in, and the oath of allegiance proposed to them, they 
 requested a copy to shew to the inhabitants, which they 
 received, and Sunday, the 25th, (was) appointed for their 
 answer. On Sunday, 25 September, 1726, a council was held, 
 (the same persons attending as on the 2ist.) The lieutenant 
 governor named the Flag Bastion as the 'properest' place to 
 meet the French inhabitants and deputies, and the council 
 adjourned till they came. Afternoon, the same day, the lieut 
 governor and council met the deputies and a number of the 
 inhabitants at the Flag Bastion. The lieutenant governor 
 addressed them, proposing the taking the oath of fidelity, and 
 a French translation was read. " Upon which, some of them " 
 " desiring that a clause, whereby they may not be obliged to " 
 " carry arms, might be inserted," Armstrong again addressed 
 them, stating that it was contrary to British laws for Roman 
 catholics to serve in the army, and that they would not be 
 required to carry arms ; " but they, upon motion made as " 
 " aforesaid, still refusing, and desiring the same clause. The " 
 " governor, with the advice of the council, granted the same " 
 " to be writ upon the margin of the French translation, in " 
 " order to get them over by degrees, whereupon they took " 
 " and subscribed the same both in French and English. " 
 Then the governor addressed them briefly. They gave re- 
 peated promises, " and having drank his majesty's, the Royal " 
 " family's," and several other loyal healths, the governor bid 
 them good night. 
 
 In this autumn, captain Joseph Bennett and ensign Eras- 
 mus James Philipps were ordered to be sent to Mines, to 
 administer the oath to the people there, but being detained 
 by bad weather, their mission was countermanded after- 
 wards. Pere Gaulin petitioned the governor and council, 
 making submission, &c. It was resolved (11 Oct'r.) that on 
 his begging pardon, taking the oath of fidelity, promising not 
 to meddle with government affairs, but confine himself to his 
 religious functions, and giving " the other priests and ten or " 
 " twelve deputies " as security for his behavior, he might
 
 43 S History of Nova-Scotia. 1726. 
 
 remain as a missionaire in the province. This resolution was 
 to be translated into French, and sent to him. Gaulin not 
 being able to furnish the required security, offered apologies, 
 promises, &c., to the governor, who suggested in council 
 (24 Oct.) to please the Indians and the French inhabitants, 
 by setting him at liberty and trusting him once more. At the 
 same time, Armstrong calls him " that old, mischievous " 
 " incendiary Gaulin." The council adopted the proposal, and 
 advised that he should have the cure of Mines till further 
 orders. Thursday, 10 November, in council, the governor 
 stated " that old fellow Gaulin," as he was informed, " spoke " 
 " slightfully of the government and disrespecfully of the order " 
 " he had given him for the cure of Mines." Mr. Adams had 
 made an affidavit on the subject, and Armstrong calls it 
 " intolerable insolence." Gaulin denied the charge said 
 Adams misunderstood him ; he had no intention to offend. 
 The decision of the council was, that " notwithstanding he " 
 " was such a vile fellow, it would still be better at this " 
 " juncture to continue him, than either to keep him in prison " 
 " or banish him the province," Gaulin was accordingly called 
 in, reprimanded, and promising and swearing to behave better, 
 was let go. 
 
 On the 1 9th November, the honorable John Doucett, the 
 lieutenant governor of the fort of Annapolis, died. He, as 
 well as the lieutenant governor of Placentia, was captain in 
 Philipps' regiment, and they had each a salary for their gov- 
 ernment. Armstrong, the lieutenant governor of the pro- 
 vince, had nothing but his regimental pay. Armstrong writes 
 from Annapolis Royal, 24 November, 1726, to the duke of 
 Newcastle, also to Temple Stanyan, esq. Reports the death 
 of Mr. Doucett, and urges his own right to pay as lieutenant 
 governor in actual charge of the province. He refers to the 
 Indian treaty, also to the protection required for Canso. He 
 says " No. 3 is the oaths administered with the advice of" 
 " H. M. council to the river of Annapolis Royal, who could " 
 " never be prevailed upon to take it before. The next spring " 
 " I shall send to the other settlements in this province the "
 
 1726. History of Nova-Scotia. 439 
 
 " same oaths, and oblige them all to take them, and send " 
 " them home to your Grace for his majesty's approbation." 
 
 He recommends yearly presents to be sent out for the 
 Indians, of arms, powder and shot, with some pieces of red 
 and blue cloths, with other necessaries. Thinks it would 
 secure the fur trade to the English. 
 
 " No. 4 is the miserable state of the fortifications of Anna- " 
 *' polis Royal, magazines, storehouses, barracks, &c., signed " 
 " by all the officers." 
 
 " No. 5 is the minutes of council of all transactions since " 
 " my arrival in this garrison." 
 
 Thomas Missing, esquire, of Portsmouth, was contractor for 
 provisions for Philipps' regiment ; and Mr. Borland, merchant 
 of Boston, who was to execute this contract, had not done so, 
 which threw great difficulty upon Armstrong. He had bought 
 wheat and flour for the winter's use, and was obliged to have 
 sixty oxen and cows killed, and to send to New England for 
 one hundred and fifty barrels of pork, which he fears will 
 miscarry, " by reason so severe a Fall was never known in " 
 " this country in the memory of the oldest man." He requests 
 his Grace to lay the case before the Treasury, and that Mr. 
 Missing may be obliged to answer the bills he will have to 
 draw. 
 
 Governor Dummer, of New England, advised Armstrong at 
 this lime, of movements of Indians from Canada towards the 
 New England frontiers. That two women and two children 
 are there missing, and supposed to have been taken off by 
 Indians. To meet a possible attack, by the advice of all his 
 officers, it being impossible to repair the breaches at Anna- 
 polis this winter, Armstrong ordered lieutenant Milledge, 
 belonging to the honorable board of Ordnance, " to plant " 
 " pickets round upon the parapet of the works for our present " 
 " security." He complains of bills for subsistance being pro- 
 tested by colonel Gardner, agent of the regiment ; also of Mr. 
 Borland sending back condemned pork. He says the garrison 
 are healthy. {Letters 24 Deer., 1726, to the lords of Trade 
 and secretary of State.]
 
 44-O History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XLVIII. 
 
 At a council held at the hon'ble. Lt. Gov'r. John Doucett's house, in his majes- 
 ty's garrison of Annapolis Royall, on Munday, the 5th of September, 1726. 
 Present : the hon'ble. lieutenant governor, president ; Wm. Skeen, Esq., Will'm. 
 Shirreff. 
 
 The honourable presid't. acquainted the said two gentlemen of the Board that 
 Mr. Joseph Bissell having arrived here from Shickanceckto, had brought a french 
 gentleman belonging to Quebeck a passenger along with him, who was come for 
 the protection of this his majesty's Government, having had the misfortune to 
 wound one mons'r. Lestage, a gentleman belonging to said place, who, in two 
 days after, died. The hon'ble the presid't. therefore asked what should be done. 
 
 Agreed he should be examined upon the cause and provocation given to move 
 him to such an unfortunate act. 
 
 Whereupon the said gentleman, whose name is Mangeant, being sent for, was 
 ask'd what proofs and evidences he had to produce that could any ways justifie 
 or seam to favor his rash, precipitated action. The said monsr. Mangeant presen- 
 ted to his Honor three papers, (as per the coppys thereof upon file), which being 
 read and considered 
 
 Agreed, and are of opinion, that, according to the sev'l. certificates, and the 
 account thereof given, That the aforementioned Lestage did most basely and 
 hineously insult, affront and provock the said mons'r Mangeant, and therefore are 
 of oppinion, that such protection as is allowed in such cases by the law of nations 
 be granted to him, the said mons'n Mangeant, till the contrary proofs be produ- 
 ced of said Mangeant's behaviour and character ; which, being communicated to 
 him, he returned thanks, and said that (having married one of the inhabitant's 
 daughters of Shickanecto), if his Hon'r. would accept of him as an inhabitant and 
 subject of the Crown of Great Britain, he would swear allegiance to his majesty, 
 and prove truely faithfull, and being in expectation of his family from Quebeck. he 
 would, with his Honor's permission, settle with his father-in-law at Shickanecto. 
 As to which, his Honor the President referred him for an answer to the hon'ble. 
 Lieutenant Governor of the Province, whom he daily expected here. 
 
 (2.) 
 
 On the 22 and 23 Sept'r., at a council held in John Adams' house, in the town 
 of Annapolis, Lt. Gov'r. Armstrong charged his servant, Robert Nicholes, with 
 assaulting him at Canso, in October, 1725. Doucett, Adams, Skene and Shirreff 
 being the cotmcillors attending, a sentence was passed on the prisoner, viz. : 
 " Robert Nicholes : You being found guilty by H. M. Council for this province " 
 " of the crime wherewith thou art charged, by the Hon. Lawrence Armstrong, " 
 " Lieut. Gov'r. and Com'r. in Chief of this H. M. province of Nova Scotia, the " 
 " punishment therefore inflicted on thee is to sit upon a gallows three days, half " 
 " an hour each day, with a rope about thy neck, and a paper upon your breast, " 
 ' whereon shall be wrote in capital letters, ' AUDACIOUS VILLAIN ;' and " 
 " afterwards thou art to be whipt at a cart's tail from the prison up to the upper- " 
 " most house of the cape, and from thence back again to the prison house, " 
 " receiving each hundred paces five stripes upon your bare back with a cat of "
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 441 
 
 " nine tails, and then thou art to be turned over for a soldier." This was read to 
 the prisoner, and a copy sent to Lieut. Gov'r. Armstrong, signed. (It would 
 seem that it was thought by the council to be the climax of degradation and suf- 
 fering, to be a soldier.) 
 
 (3-) 
 In council, 27 Oct., 1726 : 
 
 Monsieur Charles Latour arrived this day with a vessel from Cape Breton, and 
 brought letters from M. St. Ovide to M.M. Armstrong and Doucett, praying leave 
 that Latour might lay up his vessel here till the spring ; also asking leave to buy 
 eatables and refreshments, which the officers at Louisbourg stood much in need 
 of. Letters were also received from Cape Breton, respecting Mangeant's killing 
 Lestage. It was agreed that Latour might stay here till the Spring, with his 
 vessel. &c. . 
 
 (4-) 
 
 Capt. Gyles' account of ye No. of Indians in each tribe. 1726. 
 No'ber. 24, 1726. Memorandum of y'e. No. of Indians in each tribe, from 16 
 years of cage, viz. : 
 
 Ersegontegog, No. 20 
 
 Mamercguenet is chief, tho many vicetors 
 from author tribes reside their. 
 
 Womenog, 30 
 
 Rewenawondo is chieff, tho several author 
 Indians reside their at present, y't. mov- 
 ed from Narangawook.* 
 
 St. John's river, IOO 
 
 or theirabouts. 
 Same Ent'r.t Madwichig is chieff. 
 
 Pesmaquady Indians, 30 
 
 Assoquad is chiefF. 
 
 Machies, 10 
 
 Takemeg is chieff. 
 
 Penobscot, 130 
 
 or theirabouts. * 
 
 Awenemwet Entr.t Wenoggenet is chieff. 
 
 Narangawock,* 40 
 
 Toxsos is chiefF. 
 
 Amasaguanteg,f 5 
 
 John Hegon is chieff. 
 
 Paquakig, 24 
 
 Edewancho is chiefF. 
 
 389 
 pr John Gyles, Ent'r. 
 
 [From the yd vol. Collections of the Maine Historical Society, Portland,, 1853. 
 
 / 355-] 
 
 Gyles belonged to Pemaquid. His father was killed by Indians at that place, 
 and John was their captive for eight years. 
 
 * Norridgewock. f Interpreter. \ Ameriscoggin, or Androscoggin. 
 Pequaket, or Piquachet.
 
 44 2 History of Nova-Scotia. I 7 2 7- 
 
 CHAPTER XLIX. 
 
 1727. On 28 March, 1727, lieutenant governor Armstrong 
 issued a commission, appointing messrs. John Adams, William 
 Skeen and William Shirreff to be justices of the peace, and to 
 form a civil court, and to report their judgments to the com- 
 mander-in-chief for confirmation. April 5. Armstrong com- 
 missioned Francis Richard, esquire, one of the French inhabi- 
 tants, to be high constable for the river Annapolis Royal and 
 places adjacent, and made Prudent Robicheau, esquire, justice 
 of the peace, and Ren6 Martain, constable. 
 
 Beauharnois, the governor at Quebec, having assembled the 
 chiefs of the Indians, refused to give presents to those who 
 had made peace with the English. 30 April. Armstrong, in 
 letters to the lords of Trade and the secretary of State, com- 
 plains of a Mr. Gamble, formerly a lieutenant in the army, 
 who, he says, united with tjjree or four " Boston anti-monar- " 
 " chial traders," to induce the French inhabitants to sign a 
 complaint against him, and had informed them that Armstrong 
 had no authority to administer the oaths. He says Gamble 
 had accompanied major Cosby to Boston, from England. He 
 had ordered Cosby to go to his post at Canso, but he did not 
 obey, but remained in New England. He attributes the refu- 
 sal of the people of Beaubassin to take the oaths to the 
 intrigues of Gamble and the Boston traders. The French 
 missionaries had assembled bodies of Indians at Mines and 
 Beaubassin, with a resolution to begin the war against Nova 
 Scotia and New England. He had sent captain Bennett to 
 Mines, and ensign Philipps to Beaubassin, to administer the
 
 1727. History of Nova-Scotia. 443 
 
 oaths to the inhabitants. Their reply, in both cases, was a 
 refusal, they stating that they would take no oaths but to 
 " notre bon roy de France" to their good king of France. This 
 he attributes to the intrigues of Gamble and the Boston tra- 
 ders, and thinks Gamble must be encouraged by others. (He 
 seems inclined to accuse major Cosby.) He refers to the bad 
 state of the fort of Annapolis Royal, and thinks it should be 
 repaired ; or if not, demolished, and another erected at Mines 
 or elsewhere, to control the disaffected. At this time St. 
 Ovide's vessel, which had wintered at Annapolis, was taking 
 in the refreshments he required, paying for them in money. 
 Armstrong says the New England merchants even censure 
 him for this indulgence. He sends his despatches by captain 
 Bennett. 19 May. Armstrong complained to the council that 
 captain Gamble, who was here last fall, had procured about 
 200 people to sign complaints against him. (Sunday, 1 1 June, 
 1727, king George the first died, aged 67, and was succeeded 
 by his eldest son, George the second.) On the 17 June, lieut. 
 governor Armstrong wrote to the chief of the Indians of Pes- 
 samaquady, &c. " Being informed by Andre Simon, an " 
 " inhabitant of this place, and the bearer hereof, that there " 
 " are twenty-one canoes of Indians at Pessamaquady, who " 
 " are afraid to come here on account of a false report which is " 
 " current, that the English vessels have fired on some Indians " 
 " in the passage of Fronsac," (gut of Canso), " which I find " 
 " nevertheless, after having examined into it, to be without " 
 " foundation. For this reason I send you this letter in all " 
 " friendship for the Indian nations in this government- and " 
 " elsewhere, to assure them that they have no reason to fear " 
 " the least molestation, or violation of the treaty of peace " 
 " made with the English," (&c.) 
 
 25 July, 1727. In consequence of their refusal to take the 
 oaths of allegiance, it was resolved by the lieut. governor and 
 council, that no vessel should be permitted to trade with the 
 people of Mines, Chignecto, &c. 28 July. Mr. Shirreff refusing 
 to act longer as secretary, lieut. Otho Hamilton was appointed 
 secretary ; and Mr. Shirreff demanding his seat at the Board, 
 or leave to withdraw until H. M. pleasure was known, he had
 
 444 History of Nova-Scotia. I 7 2 7- 
 
 leave to withdraw accordingly. 28 July. Circular letters to 
 the Indians, assuring them of friendship, and inviting them to 
 come to Annapolis in the fall, were resolved on. Dummer 
 went this month to Casco bay, to ratify the treaty with the 
 Indians of St. Francis and others. Mr. Mascarene attended 
 him. In August, a discord arose between the governor and 
 messrs. Winniett, Blinn and Bissell, merchants, connected 
 with the supplies for the garrison. 23 August. Armstrong 
 acquainted the council " of Mr. Blinn's insolent behaviour to " 
 " him on monday last, upon the public parade, before most " 
 " of the officers and soldiers of the garrison, where, after a " 
 " great deal of disrespectful language and unmannerly ges- " 
 " tures, he at length told him that he would not give him two " 
 "pence for his commission? The council resolved " that " 
 " James Blinn, by his disrespectful carriage and behaviour as " 
 " aforesaid, hath shewn the utmost contempt and indignity " 
 " to H. M. authority and royal commission. Ordered the " 
 " aforesaid James Blin to be committed to prison for said " 
 " offence." 
 
 The news of the king's death was received on the /th Sep- 
 tember, by letter from captain Cavelly, commanding officer at 
 Canso. On the 8th, George the second was proclaimed king ; 
 and on the Qth, Saturday, the lieutenant governor, councillors, 
 officers and soldiers, took the oaths. It was afterwards deter- 
 mined to assemble the inhabitants at the Fort, on Saturday, 
 1 6th September, to take the oaths. This was met by a writ- 
 ten paper, signed by seventy-one inhabitants, refusing to take 
 the oath, unless under certain terms. Three deputies from 
 the Annapolis river people Abraham Bourg, Charles Landry 
 and Guillaume Bourgeois, as well as one Francois Richard, who 
 had voluntarily taken the oaths to his late majesty now refu- 
 sed to take them. Abraham Bourg was let go on account of 
 his age ; but Landry, Bourgeois and Richard were committed 
 to prison by the lieutenant governor and council, " for con- " 
 " tempt of H. M. government." The other inhabitants were 
 at the same time " debarred from fishing on the British " 
 " coasts until the king's pleasure should be known therein. " 
 13 article of governor Philipps' instructions was referred to.
 
 1727. History of Nova-Scotia. 445 
 
 27 September, captain How's vessel was hired for >ioo to 
 visit the settlements, in order to proclaim the new king. 
 Ensign Robert Wroth, adjutant of Philipps' regiment, was 
 appointed by lieutenant governor Armstrong to tfre service of 
 proclaiming the king. The council resolved " that ensign " 
 " Wroth should have it in charge to. tender to the French " 
 " inhabitants the oath of fidelity to his most sacred majesty " 
 " king George the second, and that every thing be done with " 
 " the solemnity and entertainment usual on such occasions, " 
 " and that he keep an exact journal of his expense, and all " 
 " his public transactions, to the time of his return." 
 
 The Indians of Nova Scotia, this year, murdered several of 
 his majesty's subjects at Liscomb's harbor and Jadore, (Jedore), 
 and the Labrador Indians committed acts of piracy and rob- 
 bery at port le Basque, in Newfoundland. Lieutenant governor 
 Dummer sent a schooner, express with a letter to Armstrong, 
 advising him of these occurrences. Captain Bennett was in- 
 structed to expostulate with St. Ovide on the harboring the 
 Indian pirates by the French of Cape Breton. Tuesday, 7th 
 November, 1727. In council. Souilier, an Indian of this river, 
 and Paul Tecoumart, a chief of cape Sables, and his two sons, 
 lately arrived, were examined before the Board, touching the 
 murders and other hostilities committed at Liscomb's harbour 
 and Jedore. They affirmed they were ignorant. Part of the 
 late treaty was read to them, making the tribes responsible. 
 They said four Indians had promised to do their best to dis- 
 cover the offenders, and bring them to justice. It was agreed 
 to make them some presents to encourage them to do this. 
 
 In council, monday, 13 Nov'r. Ensign Robert Wroth deliv- 
 ered in the journal of his proceedings up the bay at Mines and 
 Checanectou, &c. It was resolved that the articles and con- 
 cessions granted by him were unwarrantable, and dishonorable 
 to H. M. government and authority, and consequently null and 
 void. He was called in and asked how he came to grant such 
 articles, and answers, that he had in every respect acted 
 according to the best of his knowledge, and, as he thought, 
 for the good of H. M. service. An address to the king, on his
 
 446 History of Nova-Scotia. 1 7 2 7> 
 
 accession, was voted, to be taken home by capt Joseph Bennett, 
 member of the council. 
 
 Armstrong wrote on the i/th November, 1727, to the 
 duke of Newcastle, secretary of State. He tells him that 
 in order to have a quorum of seven councillors, he had to 
 appoint military officers. The seniority in council and the 
 difference of military rank caused a difficulty as to precedence. 
 Mr. Shirreff, the commissary of musters, objected to take a 
 seat below his rights as a senior councillor. He was for a 
 while pacified by a promise of ,25 sterling, per annum, as 
 .acting secretary, but eventually withdrew from both duties. 
 Lieutenant Otho Hamilton was then appointed to act as secre- 
 tary, 28 July, 1727. He attributes the obstinate refusal to 
 take the oaths at Mines and Chignecto to the " base sugges- " 
 " tions of one or two traders, who have left no stone unturned " 
 " to render my actions black and designs abortive." An oath 
 of allegiance was tendered to the inhabitants of the river 
 Annapolis, in the form following : " Je promets et jure sin- " 
 " cerement que je serai fiddle et obtirai ve"ritablcment a sa " 
 " majesti le roy George le second, Ainsi Dieu me soit en " 
 " aide" ("I sincerely promise and swear that I will be faith- " 
 " ful to, and will truly obey his majesty king George the " 
 " second. So help me God.") " The deputies desired me to " 
 " set a day to assemble the inhabitants at the Fort, and to " 
 " give them an order for that purpose." This was done with 
 the approbation of the council. The deputies Bourg, Landry, 
 and Bourgeois, " assembled the people two days successively " 
 " up the river, where, instead of persuading them to their " 
 " duty by solid arguments, of which they were not incapable, " 
 " they frightened and terrified them by representing the oath " 
 " so strong and binding, that neither they nor their children " 
 " should ever shake off the yoke." In consequence, the people 
 refused, except on certain conditions, that were esteemed 
 insolent and unreasonable. " It was ordered that Landry " 
 " and Bourgeois should be sent to prison, and laid in irons " 
 " as ringleaders, where they continued some days, but were " 
 " at last admitted to bail, until H. M. pleasure therein should " 
 " be known." In obedience to the order of the privy council
 
 1727. History of Nova-Scotia. 447 
 
 and the lords of Trade, which he had received to proclaim the 
 new king in all parts of the government, he says : " I have " 
 "chartered a vessel for that voyage for ;ioo sterling, and" 
 " put on board a commissioned officer with a command of" 
 " soldiers, who, after a long and uncomfortable voyage, is " 
 " now returned. I cannot say but the gentleman has acted " 
 "very well as far as the proclaiming of his majesty, but in " 
 " tendering the oaths he has fallen into very great errors, by " 
 " making some unwarrantable concessions, which I have refu- " 
 " sed to ratify." Sends home copies of this proceeding. He 
 has received advice by express from the lieutenant governor 
 of New England of " some murders and other hostilities " 
 "committed on H. M. subjects by some Indians within 15 " 
 " leagues of Canso ;" also by letter from M. St. Ovide, of their 
 seizing a sloop and cargo at Port le Basque, in Newfoundland, 
 and sends the letter. " The places of most of the councillors " 
 " appointed by governor Philipps, according to the 5th article " 
 " of his instructions, are become void, many of the members " 
 " being gone, and settled in other provinces, so that there " 
 " is not above three upon the spot to attend the Board ; and " 
 " as there is not one inhabitant here fit to supply their room, " 
 " I am humbly of opinion that his majesty's further instruc- " 
 " tions are absolutely necessary towards forming a council, " 
 " what I have done being only in the interim, till such direc- " 
 " tions shall arrive. The military officers, who are the only " 
 " subjects H. M. has here, who are any ways qualified for that " 
 " service, will think it hard to be subjected to others, since " 
 "his majesty has not three faithful subjects in the place" 
 " besides themselves and the troops they command." 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XLIX. 
 (i.) 
 
 At a meeting of the council, at Mr. Adams' house, on Saturday, 13 May, 1727, 
 present lieut. gov'r. Armstrong, and messieurs John Adams, Wm. Skene and Wm. 
 Shirreff, at Adams' house, in Annapolis, captains Christopher Aldridge, Joseph
 
 44 8 History of Nova-Scotia. 1 7 2 7> 
 
 Bennett and John Blower, and major Thomas Cosby, were sworn in as council- 
 lors, raising the number to seven in all. Armstrong suggested that, to avoid 
 differences, the new members should sit on one side of the table and the old 
 members on the other. Adams assented ; Skene did so conditionally, saving 
 his right till the king's pleasure was known. Shirreff refused concession till his 
 majesty should be determined, and craved leave to withdraw till then. 
 
 Monday, 15 May. The lieutenant governor requested Mr. Shirreff to act as 
 secretary, which he accepted, on condition he should not thereby lose his right 
 as councillor when not acting as secretary, &c. 
 
 (2.) 
 
 Governor Philipps, in a letter, dated 25 May, 1727, to the lords of Trade, being 
 then, I suppose, still in England, says of Nova Scotia : " Every thing there " 
 " wearing the face of ruin and decay, and almost every countenance despair." 
 He says the ramparts of the fort are " lying level with the ground, in breaches " 
 " sufficiently wide for fifty men to enter abreast, which obliges the garrison to " 
 " insupportable duty to guard against their throats being cut by surprise." 
 
 ((3-) 
 
 At a council held at the same place, on fryday, the igth day of May, 1727 : 
 Present : the hon'ble. Law'ce. Armstrong, Esq., lieut. gov'r. 
 John Adams, Esq. Capt. Chris'r. Aldridge. 
 
 Wm. Skene, Esq. Capt. Jos. Bennett. 
 
 Wm. Shirreff, Esq. Capt. Jno. Blower. 
 
 (The merchants endeavoring to lower the value of French coin, " the only " 
 " currency we have amongst us,") 
 
 Resolved that all the afores'd. coins be continued at their former value, espe- 
 cially the new crowns stampt with four double LL's, at I2s. 6d. ; and that all the 
 different species of French coin, both of silver and gold, be paid and received in 
 all payments within this H. M. Prov. of N. S. at the same rates they have been 
 usually paid and received in said province for these 6 months past, and no other- 
 wise, and that a proclamation be issued accordingly. 
 
 Germain Savage and Pierre Godet, who had written to notify their return to be 
 written, to wait on the gov'r. and council. 
 
 (4-) 
 
 In this year, 1727, a M. Dupuy writes to the minister respecting the claims of 
 England and France, under the treaty of Utrecht. He thinks the " ancient " 
 " limits" of Acadie can only be its natural limits as a peninsula. The rest he 
 thinks is Canada, or rather belongs to the Indian tribes, who, not being represen- 
 ted at Utrecht, are not bound by the treaty. 
 
 (5-) 
 
 June 20. John Duon is appointed clerk to the Justices of the Peace. 
 In the letters of Mr. A. Popple, I June and 5 Oct., 1727, from Whitehall, lieut. 
 gov'r. Armstrong is addressed as colonel Armstrong.
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 449 
 
 (6.) 
 
 Sunday, 17 Sept., in council : 
 
 For having assembled the inhabitants contrary to orders, and framing a 
 " rebellious paper," and for refusing to take the oaths, Charles Landry, Guil- 
 laume Bourgeois and Francis Richards, were ordered to be " remanded to " 
 " prison, laid in irons, and there remain until H. M. pleasure shall be known " 
 " concerning them." " That Abraham Bourg, in consideration of his great age, " 
 " shall have leave to retire out of H. M. province, according to his desire and " 
 " promise, by the first opportunity, leaving his effects behind him." One Lefondt 
 was pardoned for taking cattle to cape Breton, he taking the oaths. 
 
 14 October, 1727. In council : 
 
 Charles Landry's wife applied to the lieutenant governor, in consequence of her 
 husband's being dangerously ill, to grant his liberty, on surety for his return when 
 recovered. The council voted to refuse the request. Francis Richards, alleging 
 drink as an excuse, prayed now to take the oaths, &c. He was remanded for 
 prevarication. 
 
 In council, 20 October, 1727 : 
 
 Major Alexander Cosby, and other officers and gentlemen, took the oaths, c. 
 Major Cosby, now having the king's commission as lieutenant governor of the 
 town and fort of Annapolis Royal, took the oaths of a councillor, and his seat at 
 the Board. Francis Richards again applied for discharge, and having made a 
 deposition of all he knew, was liberated. Rene Martin also made a similar depo- 
 sition. 
 
 On 29 October, 1727, an earthquake felt in New England and New York,, 
 &c. [2 Hutch., Mass. 326.]
 
 450 History of Nova-Scotia. 1728. 
 
 CHAPTER L. 
 
 1728. During the winter of 1727-8, a large body of Indians 
 made their appearance near Canso, but they retired without 
 committing any acts of hostility. [Lieut. Govs. letter 9 jfuly, 
 1728.] In May, 1728, about twenty-six Indians, under the 
 command of three or four sachems, from the village of Medoc- 
 too, (Medoctec), an Indian settlement fifty odd leagues up the 
 river St. John, came to Annapolis to ratify the peace conclu- 
 ded at Boston in 1725 and 1726, and to make their submission 
 to the government. Armstrong, by the advice of the officers 
 of his garrison, made them presents entertained them several 
 days, and at last sent them away very well satisfied. [Ibidem.] 
 Armstrong states that he had no allowance or salary as gover- 
 nor, and had to bear these and like charges. 
 
 28 March, 1728, David Dunbar, esquire, the surveyor general 
 of H. M. woods on the continent of America, was, by order 
 of the king in council and a commission from the lords of the 
 Treasury, dated ' Whitehall, 9 May, 1728,' appointed surveyor 
 general of H. M. lands within the province of Nova Scotia, and 
 to mark out and set apart for masts and timber for the use of 
 the Royal navy, 200,000 acres. London, 17 March, 1728. 
 Dunbar appoints George Mitchell, gentleman, one of his 
 deputies. 
 
 In July, Armstrong says that not above two or three of the 
 French inhabitants had come in to take the oath of allegiance. 
 That they had become very numerous, and the only thing the 
 governor can do on the refusal of the oaths, is, to debar them 
 from fishing during his majesty's pleasure. He thinks that
 
 1728. History of Nova-Scotia. 451 
 
 when the alternative is pressed they will take the oath, rather 
 than quit their plantations, " though they want neither invi- " 
 " tations nor promises from the islands of cape Breton and " 
 " St. John for that purpose." {Letter July 9, to secretary of 
 State.} He writes to Mr. Stanion, of the secretary of State's 
 office, July 12 : " Several complaints being sent against me" 
 " by two or three malicious traders in this province, although " 
 " not exhibited, but lodged in the hands of governor Philipps, " 
 ' who I am sure only wants a proper opportunity of making " 
 '" his own use of them to my prejudice," he begs Mr. Stanion's 
 interest to procure for him " the king's leave of absence to " 
 41 come home and settle my affairs." It is to be observed that 
 Mr. Armstrong had not been fortunate. He had (at first) no 
 salary or allowances as governor in charge. Philipps drew the 
 pay of ^"looo stg. as chief governor, besides his pay and emolu- 
 ments as colonel of the regiment stationed in Nova Scotia and 
 Newfoundland. Capt. Doucett had salary as governor of the 
 fort of Annapolis, and so had major Cosby who succeeded 
 him. Armstrong had met with losses so far back as 1711, 
 and had nothing but his military pay, while he was the head 
 of the government. These things appear to have rendered 
 him unhappy, irritable and jealous. He suspected Philipps 
 and Cosby of being his enemies ; and as Cosby had married a 
 daughter of Mr. Winniett, and the measures of the Annapolis 
 government about the grain trade annoyed the merchants, 
 among others Winniett, Armstrong attributed to personal 
 enmity any opposition, among the traders or their French cus- 
 tomers up the bay, that his administration met with. Mr. 
 Winniett seems to have been married to a French lady, and 
 to have had great personal influence among the French inha- 
 bitants ; but I believe it never was used for any improper 
 purpose, and that he was upright, loyal, and kindly disposed, 
 On the ii September, 1728, a new commission issued to 
 Richard Philipps, esquire, as governor of Nova Scotia, &c,, 
 corresponding in its terms with his first commission of 1719. 
 <(A copy is in one of the record books of the Annapolis gov- 
 ernment, signed by Erasmus James Philipps, secretary, 10 
 December, 1730.) (Philipps arrived at Canso, in H. M. S.
 
 452 History of Nova-Scotia. I 7 2 9- 
 
 Rose, capt. Wellar, and remained there till 17 Oct., 1729, when 
 the fishery for the season terminated.) 
 
 1 729. Lieutenant governor Armstrong writes to the lords 
 of Trade, &c., date Annapolis Royal, 23 June, 1729. In this 
 letter he complains of a " series of insults committed against " 
 " me, thro' the malice of some people who are abetted and " 
 "encouraged by the favor and countenance of major Cosby,"" 
 " lieutenant governor of this garrison, who, forgetting his cha- " 
 " racter and dignity, has condescended to become a party in " 
 ' the malicious contrivances of my enemies, who, without any " 
 " regard to truth or justice, or his majesty's service, have " 
 " obstructed, vilified and misrepresented all my actions." 
 
 " The first person I shall take notice of for his notorious " 
 " insolence, is monsieur Bresley, (Breslay), the Popish priest " 
 " of this river, who having for some time past endeavored to "" 
 " withdraw the people from their dependance on H. M. gov- " 
 " ernment, by assuming to himself the authority of a judge in " 
 " civil affairs, and employing his spiritual censures to force '* 
 " them to a submission. His insolence and tyranny growing " 
 " at last insupportable, I sent the adjutant to him to his " 
 " house, which stands a little way from the Fort, to desire to " 
 " speak with him, but his intelligence proved so good, tho' " 
 " nobody was acquainted therewith but major Cosby, that " 
 " before the adjutant could reach his house he was gone off, " 
 " and has ever since absconded somewhere in the woods, " 
 " about this river, among the Indians, pursuing his former " 
 " practices of obstructing H. M. service, and exciting the " 
 " savages to mischief. To prevent which, I thought proper, " 
 " by an order, published at the Mass house, to command him " 
 " to be gone out of the province in a month's time." 
 
 " The sieur Mangeant, a French gentleman, whom I found " 
 " at my arrival here under the protection of the government, " 
 " and had taken the oaths to his majesty, I employed for to " 
 " read the same to them in French, in the presence of the " 
 " Fort Major, Mr. Wroth, and some other gentlemen, which " 
 " having done, as they were returning back to make me a " 
 *' report, amongst a crowd of people, they happened to meet "
 
 1729. History of Nova-Scotia. 453 
 
 " major Cosby, the lieutenant governor, on the highway, who, " 
 " without any provocation, insulted and abused the said " 
 " Mangeant, who had no other way to avoid his fury, which " 
 " had like to have pushed him to commit the greatest violence, " 
 " but by retiring from him in haste. Major Cosby sent me " 
 41 immediately a complaint against the said Mangeant, alleg- " 
 " ing that he had affronted him, by grinning or laughing in " 
 " his fa.ce ; whereupon I assembled the officers, and examined " 
 " strictly the witnesses that were present when the disorder " 
 " happened, a full account whereof I have transmitted to your " 
 " lordship, marked No. I. I found Mr. Cosby's allegations" 
 " against Mangeant to be frivolous and groundless, and the " 
 " true reason of the affront and insult to proceed from his " 
 *' resenting the service Mr. Mangeant had done his majesty " 
 " by reading and publishing my orders to the people against " 
 " their departing the province without leave, and against " 
 " Mr. Bresley, the Popish priest, whose cause he avowedly " 
 " espouses, merely in opposition to me, which has carried " 
 " him to such lengths that it's impossible H. M. service can " 
 " be advanced or promoted while he remains in the station " 
 " he is in, and this province at last must be rent and torn by " 
 " parties and factions. He has tampered with the officers to " 
 " join with him, to wrest my authority and command of the " 
 " troops from me, of which I sent proofs last summer to " 
 " H. M. secretary at war, and could send now other proofs " 
 " that l\e persisted in the same resolution, if the moderation " 
 " of the officers in refusing to join with him in any mutiny " 
 " did not discourage his attempts. I beg leave humbly to " 
 " apply myself to your lordships for justice, since I can't but " 
 ' " resent such proceedings, as well as the violence offered to " 
 " a man that was immediately employed in the execution of" 
 " my orders for H. M. service. I hope your lordships will " 
 " represent to his majesty the inconveniences that must " 
 " always attend this province by the separating the two com- " 
 " missions of lieutenant governor of the province and lieuten- " 
 " ant governor of the fort ; for, if major Cosby's pretensions " 
 " are just, and he absolutely commands the garrison, he must " 
 " likewise command the troops, by which means the lieuten- "
 
 454 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 " ant governor of this province, notwithstanding the Broad " 
 " Seal's commission's devolving upon him, can have only a " 
 " precarious power, depending upon another, since it is cer- " 
 "tain that his majesty, besides the troops, has not three" 
 " Protestant subjects settled in the province, whereas the " 
 " French papists increase, are very numerous, and are only " 
 " to be awed and governed by the troops, and are to a man " 
 " disaffected." He complains of the collector, and says, " on " 
 " his arrival here with major Cosby, in the fall of the year " 
 " 1727, notwithstanding the trade to Mines at that time was " 
 " prohibited, by and with the advice of the council, he gave " 
 " permits to several vessels to load and unload there, in defi- " 
 " ance of H. M's. authority vested in the governor and coun- " 
 " cil." He describes several cases in which the collector acted 
 contrary to his views, and he desires to have an Admiralty 
 court established, to try seizures, &c. 
 
 Governor Philipps arrived at Canso about the latter end of 
 June. He found 250 vessels and from 1500 to 2000 men 
 employed in catching and loading fish. He says : " Many " 
 " families would settle here if they saw the commencement " 
 " of a fortification for their protection, which, till then, they " 
 " look upon to be very precarious, in regard of the numbers " 
 " and strength of the enemy in case of a rupture at any time " 
 " with France, and the near neighborhood of Cape Breton, " 
 " where no industry or expense has been wanting to make " 
 " themselves formidable." The French at Annapolis are ready 
 to comply with any terms of submission he may propose. He 
 has sold the vessel which was built for the Government ; with 
 the proceeds, and ^250 more, he has bought another vessel, 
 " of a less burthen and more fit for the service." The other 
 vessel required twelve men, while six will be sufficient for this 
 one, and with due care she may serve the Government twenty 
 years. " There goes home one William Richards, prisoner, " 
 " on board the Rose, man-of-war, who I had hired as a foot- " 
 " man at my leaving England." Refers to an enclosed affi- " 
 davit as to his case. [Letter of Philipps to duke of Nezvcastle? 
 Canso, October 2, 1729.]
 
 1729. History of Nova-Scotia. 455 
 
 The fishery breaking up at Canso 17 Oct'r., 1729, governor 
 Philipps, who had quieted their discontents, and had received 
 addresses from the people, promised to revisit them the next 
 season, with a view to encourage a business which, he says, 
 exceeds anything of that kind in America. He also suggested 
 permanent agricultural settlements, as they are dependant on 
 New England for fresh provisions. A grant from governor 
 Philipps to William Moony, of Marblehead, of a fishing room 
 at Canso, dated 29 August, 1729, is the Register, p. 105. 
 
 Nov'r. 20. Governor Philipps arrived at Annapolis Royal, 
 where he met with a joyful reception, particularly from the 
 French inhabitants. He had a severe passage from Canso of 
 five weeks. He expected that the French would all take the 
 oath of allegiance, and thinks they should take new grants of 
 their lands from the crown, and contribute towards the expen- 
 ces of government. Mr. Lemercier, a French minister at 
 Boston, proposed to settle a colony of one hundred or more 
 families of French Protestants in Nova Scotia. Major Cope, 
 who conversed with him, brought the proposal. Philipps 
 recommends a grant of 5000 acres. On his arrival at Anna- 
 polis he found the number of councillors diminished to five, 
 either by death or removal of their habitation, and^one of these 
 was incapable of attending. He appointed major Cope as 
 one, whom he praises highly, as " a person of great honor, " 
 " with a very good understanding and distinguished zeal for " 
 " his majesty's service." Two more remained to be appointed 
 to make up the quorum of seven, directed by 8th article of his 
 instructions. This he proposes to attend to by and by. He 
 had appointed the next week to receive the submission of the 
 French inhabitants of Annapolis river. [Letter to the lords of 
 Trade, &c., 0/2$ Novr. 1729.] 
 
 Annapolis Royall, Nov'r. 20, 1729. His Excellency being 
 that day arrived in the river from Canso, landed about twelve 
 o'clock, and having ordered the council, garrison and inhabi- 
 tants to be assembled, his commission was publicly opened 
 and read, and he then took and subscribed the oaths therein 
 mentioned ; after which, seeing the number of councillors who
 
 45 6 History of Nova-Scotia. I 7 2 9- 
 
 appeared to be but four, he appointed major Henry Cope to 
 be one of that Board, to make up the quorum of five, and he 
 was sworn in accordingly. 
 
 R. PHILIPPS. 
 E. J. Philipps, sect'y. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER L. 
 
 At a council held at his Excellency's house in his majesty's garrison of Ansj_ < 
 polis Royal, on fryday, tha 2ist of November, 1729 
 
 Present : 
 
 His Excellency, Generall Philipps. 
 Lt. Gov'r. Cosby. WilFm. Skene, Esqr. 
 
 Paul Mascarene, Esq. Henry Cope, Esq. 
 
 The council being summoned to meet at four o'clock in the afternoon, and but 
 four councillors attending, y'e two others being sick, his Excellency appointed 
 Mr. William Winniett, the most considerable merchant, and one of the first Bri- 
 tish inhabitants in this place, and " represented to me as one eminent in his zeal 
 for H. M. service," to be added to the council, he was sworn in accordingly. {The 
 Gov'r. also appointed eight deputies instead of four, for this river, Annapolis R. 
 He stated an address from the inhabitants to him was in preparation, and that 
 he had sent an express to Minas, to notify all the deputies there of his arrival, 
 when he expected them to attend him.)
 
 173- History of Nova-Scotia. 457 
 
 CHAPTER LI. 
 
 1730. Governor Philipps soon put matters on a better foot- 
 ing than they had been for some time. He induced the body 
 of French settlers on the river Annapolis to take a simple and 
 unconditional oath of allegiance ; and on the 3 Jan'y. 1729-30, 
 he writes to the duke of Newcastle, enclosing him parchments, 
 " the subscribers thereto are the whole settlement this " 
 " river, to a man, from sixteen years of age upwards." He 
 says he had made this progress in less than three weeks. 
 A parchment, containing 227 names of those who took this 
 oath, is now among the archives of the government at Halifax, 
 N. S. It is undated, but from the terms of the oath, &c., must 
 be a duplicate of that sent to the duke in Jan'y., 1730. He 
 proceeds : " Whereto they are pleased to express, that the " 
 " likeing they have of my government in comparison of what " 
 " they experienced afterwards, did not a little contribute." He 
 adds, " I have had no occasion to make use of threats or " 
 " compulsion." He blames ensign Wroth, of his own regi- 
 ment, for having made improper concessions regarding the 
 oaths. He intends, on the breaking up of the winter, to go in 
 person to the settlements in the bay of Fundy, to administer 
 the oaths solemnly. He says : " I found at my coming a " 
 " general dissatisfaction in all parts, and disagreement be- " 
 "tween the two lieutenant governors, about the right of" 
 " power and command, which drew the inferior officers into " 
 " parties ; but I assure your grace it is now the reverse. Joy " 
 " and satisfaction appear in every countenance among the "
 
 45 8 History of Nova-Scotia. I 73- 
 
 " people ; and in the garrison, tranquillity, tho' I cannot " 
 " answer but that the inward leven may still remain." 
 
 The territory between the Kennebeck and the St. George 
 rivers had been partially occupied by the French at a very 
 early period, and was by them regarded, in the i/th century, 
 as a part of Acadie. But the duke of York included it in his 
 province of Sagadahock, in 1664. Massachusetts assumed a 
 a control over part of it as a county of Devonshire, in 1674. 
 In 1686, the duke, then king James the second, sent a com- 
 mission to his governor, who resumed it. In 1692 it was 
 annexed to Massachusetts by charter. The Canibas and 
 Abenaquis claimed it as their own, and enforced their preten- 
 ces by war and havock ; but now peace being restored in 1725, 
 the New England people had settled there to the extent of 
 one hundred and fifty families, between Georgetown and 
 Muscongus. 
 
 David Dunbar, an Irish gentleman, who had been a colonel 
 in the British army, was appointed his majesty's surveyor 
 general of woods and forests in America, and of lands in Nova 
 Scotia. His appointment was officially notified to colonel 
 Armstrong by letter from the lords of Trade, dated Whitehall, 
 28 May, 1729, and the lieutenant governor was directed to 
 give him all the assistance and encouragement he could in the 
 execution of his office in his government. Dunbar was also 
 directed to inspect the new settlers in the district near Pema- 
 quid, and to lay out lands for them, to be afterwards secured 
 to them by patents under the great seal of Nova Scotia. 
 Fort Frederick, at Pemaquid, was his seat of government. 
 Captain Coram, the projector, mentioned in connection with 
 Nova Scotia in 1718, procured an order in 1730 to governor 
 Philipps to take possession of the land between St. Croix and 
 Kennebec, and an officer with thirty men was sent to Fort 
 Frederick. This fort was said to have been built by the Mas- 
 sachusetts, who issued a proclamation claiming it, and got the 
 king in council to revoke Dunbar's authority over it in 1732, 
 when they took possession in August of that year. Dunbar 
 laid out a city, and granted lots of one hundred acres near the 
 fort to settlers, who were chiefly countrymen of his own, being
 
 i73- History of Nova-Scotia. 459 
 
 Presbyterians from the North of Ireland. D unbar is said to 
 have been wise and judicious, but he was opposed in his mea- 
 sures by Mr. Samuel Waldo, and others, in New England, who 
 claimed extensive tracts of land in this territory ; and he 
 was involved in disputes with lumberers and owners of saw 
 mills, and it seems had no commission as a governor. {Col- 
 lections of Maine Historical Society, v. 6, p. 1 8. 2 Belknap's 
 New Hampshire, 101, &s. 2 Hutch., Mass., 224, 379, 2 Wil- 
 liamson, Maine, 167.] Dunbar was appointed lieutenant gov- 
 ernor of New Hampshire in 1731, on the recommendation of 
 the lords of Trade. He returned to England in 1737 ; there 
 he was imprisoned for debt, but liberated by friends, and in 
 1743 was made governor of St. Helena by the East India 
 company. In governor Philipps' letter of 3 January, 1729-30, 
 he also says : " By a letter from colonel Dunbar, from Boston, " 
 " I am acquainted of his arrival there, and from other hands " 
 " of the country called the king's province, or the province of" 
 ' Main, bordering on New England, being put under his " 
 " care, which I looked upon to have been a part of this gov- " 
 " ernment." He proceeds to explain the disadvantage he is 
 under, being all along forbidden to grant lands until the sur- 
 veyor should lay off the whole province, and select the crown 
 reserves. While Dunbar, acting as governor and surveyor, 
 can settle, his people easily, he is also told that Dunbar's settle- 
 ment is to be for seven years free from custom house. 
 
 30 April, 1730. Philipps, by proclamation dated at Mines, 
 proscribed Etienne Rivette, confiscated his estate, and ban- 
 ished him from the province. Rivette had been examined on 
 oath before the council in 1727 respecting the refusal of the 
 people to take the oath of allegiance. On Saturday, 16 May, 
 p. M., on his return from the Bay, Philipps held a council, at 
 which were present lieut. gov'r. Cosby, Mascarene, Skene, 
 Adams, and major Cope, when he informed them of the 
 " submission of the inhabitants of the province, but that " 
 " there were about seventeen of those of Chignictou, who " 
 " persist in their obstinacy in refusing to conform to his " 
 " majesty's orders." His excellency named majors Mascarene 
 and Cope a committee to draw up an order or proclamation
 
 460 History of Nova-Scotia. I 73- 
 
 concerning these delinquents. He also informe*d them that 
 nineteen families at Chickpoudy, who had not taken the oaths, 
 intended to come in a body to Annapolis, to submit them- 
 selves. 
 
 1 8 May. Philipps appointed Cosby president of the council. 
 An order was made to appoint four deputies at Chignictou. 
 The lords of Trade were not satisfied with $he form of the 
 French oath of allegiance employed by Philipps. They notify 
 him of an intended settlement of Palatines in Nova Scotia, 
 under charge of a Mr. Hintz. They tell him Dunbar is not 
 made governor, (in Sagadahock), as he had imagined, only to 
 inspect settlers and allot lands to them, to be granted after- 
 wards under the great seal of Nova Scotia. They state it to 
 be a favor that the French have not long since been obliged to 
 quit their settlements in Nova Scotia, according to the terms 
 of the treaty of Utrecht. If they take new grants of their 
 lands, they ought to pay quit rents, as others do. [Letter dated 
 Whitehall, 20 May, 1730.] Mr. Popple writes to Philipps, 
 
 (same date.) He says : " You will perceive that their " 
 
 " lordships wish the oath which the French inhabitants have " 
 
 "voluntarily taken, had been in more explicit terms. " 
 
 " By the words of that oath, the French do not promise to be " 
 " faithful to his majesty. The oath, indeed, seems intended " 
 " to have been a translation of the English oath of allegiance, " 
 " but the different idiom of the two languages has given it " 
 " another turn. * To, in the English oath, being omitted in " 
 " the French translation, it stands a simple promise of fidelity, " 
 " without saying to whom. For, as the word 'fidele' can " 
 " only refer to a dative case, and ' obeirai' governs an accu- " 
 " sative, king George has not a proper security given to him " 
 " by the first part of this oath, and it is to be feared the " 
 " French Jesuits may explain this ambiguity so as to convince " 
 " the people upon occasion that they are not under any obli- " 
 " gation to be faithful to his majesty, which might have been " 
 " avoided, if the oath had run in the following terms : Je " 
 " promets et jure sincerement en foy de Chretien, que je serois " 
 " entierement fidelle a sa Mafest/ le Roy George le second, que " 
 "je reconnais pour le souverain seigneur de la Nouvelle Ecosse "
 
 173- History of Nova-Scotia. 461 
 
 " et de FAcadie, et que lui obeirais vrayment." " I sincerely " 
 " promise and swear, on the faith of a Christian, that I will " 
 " be wholly faithful to his majesty king George the second, " 
 " whom I acknowledge as the sovereign lord of Nova Scotia " 
 " and of Acadie, and that I will truly obey him." The oath 
 taken at Annapolis in 1730, and objected to by the lords of 
 Trade, was : Je promets et jure sincerement, en foi de Chre- 
 tien, que je serai entierement fidele, et obeirai vraiment sa 
 majeste" le roy George le second, qui je reconnoi pour le souv- 
 rain seigneur de 1'Accadie, ou Nouvelle Ecosse. Ainsi Dieu 
 me soit en aide. I sincerely promise and swear, on the faith 
 of a Christian, that I will be wholly faithful and will truly obey 
 his majesty king George the second, whom I acknowledge as 
 the sovereign lord of Accadie, or Nova Scotia. So help me 
 God. The oath taken in 1727, under lieutenant governor 
 Armstrong's directions, was : Je promets et jure sincerement 
 que je serai fidele, et obeirai veritablement a sa majeste" le roy 
 George le second. Ainsi Dieu me spit en aide. I. sincerely 
 promise and swear that I will be faithful, and will truly obey 
 his majesty king George the second. So help me God. 
 
 At this time a new provincial seal was sent out to governor 
 Philipps, with a royal warrant, and directions to affix the seal 
 to all patents, grants and public instruments, passed in the 
 king's name. It appears that there was a resident priest at 
 Piziquid, (whose name was Alexandre de Noninville), by his 
 certificate to a document dated 27 July, 1730. Governor 
 Philipps writes from Canso, September 2, 1730, to the duke 
 of Newcastle. He calls the French inhabitants " a formida- " 
 " ble body, and, like Noah's progeny, spreading themselves " 
 " over the face of the province." He says the parchment 
 already transmitted was " a duplicate of what every man " 
 " from sixteen years of age to 60 have sworn and signed to " 
 (on the Annapolis river.) He has now obtained the submis- 
 sion of all the people of the bay of Fundy, and sends his grace 
 a duplicate of the instrument to which they have sworn and 
 signed. He apprehended obstruction from the Indians, 
 " who had taken the alarm, and were assembled in bodies to " 
 " know what was upon the anvil ; but by good management, "
 
 462 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 " plain reasoning and presents, which I had prepared for " 
 " them, they were brought into so good temper, that instead " 
 " of giving any disturbance, they made their own submission " 
 " to the English government in their manner, and with " 
 " dancing and huzzas, parted in great satisfaction." He thinks 
 the peace of the country thus settled, as long as England and 
 France are in alliance, but no longer. He considers the pro- 
 vince not defensible in case of war with France. " Canso, 
 " (which is the envy and rival of Cape Breton in the Fishery), 
 " will be sure of being the first attacked, which will take them 
 " no more than six or seven hours to march and possess it ; 
 " but I am only the Watchman, to call and point out the dan- 
 " ger : 'tis with your Grace to get it prevented." He states 
 that it is computed that the returns of the Fish carried to 
 markets from Canso, bring ^30, or ,40,000 yearly increase 
 to the home duties. " If so, is it not loosing a sheep, accord- " 
 " ing to the proverb, when one-third part of one year's income " 
 " only laide out in a fortification will put it out of danger. I " 
 " am sure it will cost three times that sum to recover it while " 
 
 " lost." " I have met here with one of colonel Dunbar's " 
 
 " deputy land surveyors, the first I have seen." Governor 
 Philipps offered to take him to Annapolis, and give him the 
 use of the government vessel he bought, when he has not 
 immediate occasion for her himself. Referring to the French 
 inhabitants, " We are no! one jot the nearer to a regular " 
 " form of government by this acquisition, their religion dis- ): 
 " qualifying them from making a part of the legislature. " 
 Suggests whether they shall not pay taxes, and take out new 
 tenures of lands. He informs his Grace that " here are three " 
 " or four insignificant families who pretend to right of seig- " 
 " neuries, that extend almost over all the inhabited parts of" 
 " the country. The late governor Nicholson carried with him " 
 " from hence the original papers, by which they claim, and " 
 41 all that they produce to me is a foul scrip of paper, which " 
 '' they say is a copy of part of the original grant, and goes " 
 " herewith enclosed ; but I have told them that all preten- " 
 " sions to seigneuries fall to the ground at the conquest of" 
 *' the country ; that there is no article at the treaty of Utrecht "
 
 i73- History of Nova-Scotia. 463 
 
 " in behalf of such privileges : or if there was, they have long " 
 " since forfeited them by refusing to come in and swear alle- " 
 " giance to the crown of Great Britain. The chief of these " 
 " is a woman, who has been a wife to two subaltern officers " 
 " of this regiment. She has, by cunning address, got the " 
 " others to make over their pretensions to her, on promise of" 
 " some small consideration, and is going over to solicit, in " 
 " hopes of obtaining something of the Government in lieu " 
 " thereof. I believe a small addition to her pension as an " 
 " officer's widow would content her, and put an end to that " 
 " affair. Lieutenant colonel Armstrong, who is gone for " 
 " England, carried with him one Mangeant, a French papist, " 
 " who fled lately from Canada into this province, for a barba- " 
 " rous murder. The lieutenant governor took him into his " 
 " protection, and admitted him to take the oath ; after which " 
 " he rendered himself exceedingly odious to the inhabitants, " 
 " both English and French, they believing that the* lieutenant " 
 " governor had acted toward them by his council and advice. " 
 " At my arrival, he finding many complaints were ready to " 
 " be exhibited against him, petitioned for leave to retire ; " 
 " which', being granted, with a defence never to return, gave " 
 " a general satisfaction, and proved a great inducement " 
 " toward their submission to the crown of Great Britain. " 
 " The fellow's character is very bad, but is allowed to have a " 
 " genius, and would make an excellent minister to an arbi- " 
 " trary prince." The sickness at Boston, and the failure of 
 some merchants there, had lessened the fishery at Canso this 
 season. (With the duplicate of this letter was one of date 
 26 November, 1730, in which the governor acknowledges the 
 receipt of the articles of the treaty of the peace between the 
 crowns of Great Britain and Spain.) 
 
 Colonel Dunbar wrote from Fort Frederick on the 16 Sept'r. 
 to governor Philipps. Philipps replies from Annapolis Royal, 
 Nov'r. 9. Tells him he had received his letter at his arrival 
 there from Canso, which was near the middle of October. He 
 finds that Dunbar is authorized to lay out lands to such of H.M. 
 subjects as are disposed to settle between the rivers Penobscot 
 and St. Croix, " to be confirmed by grants from the governor "
 
 464 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 " of Nova Scotia, under the seal of the province, which is sent " 
 " me." In this he is instructed to aid Dunbar, and promises 
 to do so. He is sorry that the Penobscot Indians are averse 
 to the settlement. They are an important tribe, and direct 
 peace and war. He counsels mildness and presents, and, it 
 Dunbar can procure it, the missionary influence. Other 
 methods would " provoke a war, which will postpone your " 
 " surveys and settlements, for how long nobody can tell." 
 " I wish the gentlemen who (you informed me) threatened to " 
 " attack you in your fort with an armed force, have not been " 
 " underhand practicers with those savages, to disturb your " 
 " project of settling Pemaquid, now Frederick's Fort, to which " 
 " they pretend a right. I hope they have not been so very " 
 " mad as to make such an attempt. If they have, no doubt " 
 " but you thought self-preservation a duty. Could I have " 
 " believed any such thing, and have got time enough to your " 
 " relief, the captain who commanded that expedition, if I had " 
 " found him within my government, should have given a " 
 " better reason for his expedition than governor Belcher's " 
 "orders." Tells Dunbar he had ordered the sloop, captain 
 Bissett, (Bissell ?) to call in at the fort at Pemaquid. Is ready 
 to give all aid that his power and instructions permit. He 
 could not send the province schooner, as she wants new sails. 
 Wishes to meet with him early in the spring at Annapolis, 
 that they may consult to put the surveyors to work. A year 
 has gone by, and not even a beginning made. Thinks they 
 will both be blamed for delay. Dunbar had sent two survey- 
 ors to Philipps. They asked for orders, but wanted vessels, and 
 other difficulties arose. He (Philipps) sympathizes with Dun- 
 bar for the troubles and persecutions he met with in Boston. 
 26 November, Governor Philipps writes to the lords of Trade. 
 The Palatines had not come. The grain had failed, and there 
 was a scarcity of provisions. Cattle were killed up the bay to 
 send to Boston, in lieu of the usual return of corn. " I am 
 " informed that the people of Boston make it their business to 
 " discourage the settlement of this province, by speaking ill of 
 " the country, by which means they did, this last summer, 
 " prevail on about fifty families, bound for this province, to
 
 1 730. History of Nova-Scotia. 465 
 
 " change their minds, and the wealthiest of them transported 
 " themselves to Carolina, and the poor ones are now begging 
 " about Boston streets. I have wrote to the governor on this 
 " head, and wish these Palatines that are to follow could be 
 " advertised to steer their course directly to this place, under 
 " direction of a pilot, to avoid touching at Boston, where they 
 " will likely be seduced." The duplicate he sends contains 
 the additional names of the French up the bay, who had not 
 before taken the oath. " So that there remains now not more " 
 " than five or six scattering families on the Eastern coast, to " 
 " complete the submission of the whole province, whom I " 
 " shall call upon in the spring." In this letter, and in one of 
 the same date to A. Popple, esq., (afterwards governor of Ber- 
 muda), he defends the oath he used. He says the oath of 
 allegiance in the print books of the neighbouring provinces, 
 runs thus : " I promise to be true and faithful, and to bear " 
 "true allegiance to his majesty king George. So help me" 
 " God," which, he says, he has truly translated, with the addi- 
 tion of the words " en foi de Chretien," to make it stronger ; 
 and afterwards to make it more significant to the circumstances 
 of these people, he added, " que je reconnois pour le souve- " 
 " rain seigneur de la Nouvelle Ecosse et de 1'Acadie." The 
 conjunction copulative et makes both 'fidele' and 'obeirai' 
 refer to the person of the king ; and both ' fidele' and 'obeir' 
 govern the dative case. The oath administered to the people 
 up the Bay is different, and not open to the same objection. 
 He sends Mr. Popple two quintals of salt fish. He thinks the 
 Jesuits will take a different objection to the oath, viz. : that it 
 is made to a heretic. 
 
 One chief difficulty as to the oaths of allegiance was this : 
 For 600 years, as we are told by Blackstone, (i Com., p. 367, 
 &c.,) the oath of allegiance or fidelity was taken to the king 
 and his heirs ; but at the revolution of 1688, a new oath was 
 framed, in which the 'heirs' were omitted. This led to the 
 presumed necessity of renewing the oaths on the accession of 
 every monarch, and thus complicated the affair with the Aca- 
 dian French.
 
 466 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER LI. 
 (i.) 
 
 Robert Temple was eldest son of Thomas Temple, who was the eldest son of 
 Sir Purbeck Temple, who was the son of Sir John Temple, of Stanton Bury, who 
 died 1632. 
 
 He had been an officer in the English army. In 1717 he came from England 
 to Boston, with his servants and effects ; " he was introduced by letters from his " 
 ' uncle, Nathaniel White," a merchant in Plymouth, to some of the leading men 
 in New England, such as Belcher, Hutchinson, Oliver and Pepperell, who might 
 be of service to him in " taking up a tract of land." He says he was " received " 
 " with great friendship by every one of these gentlemen, and was often invited " 
 " to their houses." But he continues : " My eye was always toward a good " 
 " tract of land as well as a convenient place for navigation." He brought out 
 several hundred families of protestants from Ireland to the shores of the Kenne- 
 bec in 1719 and 1720. The Indian war of 1722 drove many of them away. 
 Temple remained, and aided in the defence of the country. 
 
 In 1727, he married Mehitable, daughter of John Nelson; of Gray's Inn London, 
 whose wife was a daughter of John Temple, his great grandfather. By her he had 
 six children : the eldest, Robert, married a daughter of governor Shirley : the 
 second, John, became a baronet, and married a daughter of governor Bowdoin, of 
 Massachusetts: their daughter, Elizabeth, married Thos. L. Winthrop. In 1742, 
 Temple lived on Noddle's island, (now East Boston.) In 1753, he occupied Ten- 
 hill farm, in Charlestown, which had belonged to governor Winthrop. [See Col- 
 lections of Maine Historical Society, vol. 6, pp. 14, &*s Portland, 1853.] 
 
 (2.) 
 
 The parchment with the oath of allegiance, subscribed in 1730, by the inhabi- 
 tants of the Annapolis river, has 227 signatures of persons who took the oath. 
 There are on it also the signatures of 16 witnesses, viz. : R. C. de Breslay, pretre 
 missionaire, cure ; Rich. Watts, cler's. ; Will. Skene, William Winniett, Alex'r. 
 Cosby, lieut. gov'r. ; P. Mascarene, Henry Cope, Otho Hamilton, Thos. Barton, 
 Geo. Baker, Edw'd. Amhurst, John Bradstreet, Eras. Jas. Philipps, Arch'd. 
 Rennie, Rich'd. Bull, Jno. Handfield. Of the persons sworn, the following signed 
 their names : Jean Brou, Franfols Boudrot, Prudent Robichaux, Nicolas Gautier, 
 Joseph Bourgeois, Guillaume Blanchard, Pierre Lanoue, Louis Allen, Charles 
 L'or, Abraham Bourg, R. S. Duon, Pierre Richair, Bernard Godet, Charlie 
 Guillebaud, Louis Fontaine, Deni St. Sceine, Remy Petitot, dit St. Sceine, 
 Rene de forrest, Jean Doucet, G. Bourgeois, Michel Richard, Jean Botis Porlier, 
 Charle Blanchard, Pierre Bellivaux, Charle Boudrot, Joseph Doucet, Jean Pry- 
 jean, Clode Tibeaudeau, Michel Tibeaudeau, Michel Richard, Joseph Richard, 
 Louis Fontaine, Baptiste Jacau, Antoine Tibido. The rest of the names are 
 signed with a mark or cross to each.
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 46 y 
 
 (3-) 
 
 Jonathan Belcher, esquire, who had been a member of the council in Massa- 
 chusetts, was made governor of that province and of New Hampshire in 1 730. 
 He was himself a merchant, and the only son of a wealthy merchant of Boston, 
 and he received the best education the colony could furnish. He had travelled 
 for six years in Europe, and was twice at Hanover. He was free and open in hjs 
 speech and letters, by which he made enemies. He was a native of Boston, and 
 a graduate of Harvard. His mind, manners and person, were all graceful and 
 attractive. He had received from the princess 'Sophia a gold medal. He 
 was of aspiring disposition, a warm friend, and a vindictive, though not impla- 
 cable foe ; expensive in the style of his living as governor, beyond what the pay 
 of his office warranted. He continued to be governor of both provinces till 
 1741, when he was removed, and William Shirley was made governor of Massa- 
 chusetts, and Benning Wentworth governor of New Hampshire. Mr. Belcher 
 was afterwards made governor of New Jersey, and died in Elizabethtovvn, in that 
 province, in the beginning of September, 1757. His son, Jonathan Belcher, was 
 the first Chief Justice of Nova Scotia ; his grandson, Andrew Belcher, was a 
 merchant in Halifax, and member of the council of Nova Scotia ; and his great 
 grandson, Sir Edward Belcher, is an admiral in the British navy, distinguished 
 for his services on the coast of Africa and in the Arctic seas, on scientific expe- 
 ditions. [2 Hutch., Mass., 370. 2 Williamson, Maine, 167. 2 Bdknap, N. H., 
 96. London Magazine for 1757, p. 564.] 
 
 (4.) 
 
 At a council held att his Excellency's house, in his majesty's garrison of Anna- 
 polis Royall, on y'e. 7th day of Dec'r,, at ten a clock, Satturday, A. M., 1730. 
 
 Present : 
 
 His Excellency General Richard Philipps. 
 The hon'ble. lieut. gov'r. Alex'r. Cosby, President 
 
 John Adams, I TT ' $ William Skene, ) ^ , 
 
 Will'm. Winniett, f tt } Eras. Jas. Philipps, J ^ 
 
 His Excellency being arriv'd at Annapolis from visiting the other parts of the 
 province, assembled the council as above, and acquainted them that he had 
 rece'd. severall Papers and Instructions from home, which he intended now to 
 Lay before y'e. Board, and accordingly ordered y'e. secret'ry to read those that 
 follow, viz. : 
 
 The Treaty of Peace with Spain. 
 
 His Majesty's order to y'e Gov'rs. abroad, relating to y'e sd treaty. 
 
 The king of Spain's Cedula. 
 
 And His Majestie's Orders to his Excell'cy, to be aiding and assisting to the 
 Receiver of y'e. sixpence ster. p'r. month out of seaman's wages towards y'e. sup- 
 port of y'e. Royal Hospitall at Greenwich. 
 
 His Excellency likewise acquainted y'e. Board that there not being councillors 
 enough upon y'e spot to make up a Quorum, he thought proper, with their advice, 
 o appoint Mr. Eras Jas. Philipps a member thereof, who was sworn accordingly.
 
 468 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 (S-) 
 
 10 Dec'r., 1730. Governor Philipps ordered that all the quitt rents, homages, 
 and other services, formerly paid by the inhabitants at Mines, and other places 
 up the bay of Fundy, to their respective seigniors, should then be paid to his 
 sacred Britannick Majesty, as their only lord Paramount and sole and only seig- 
 nior of the province. Alexandre Bourg de Bellehumeur was appointed and for- 
 mally commissioned as Procureur du Roi at Mines and Piziquid, Cobequit and 
 Chignecto, to recsive all dues and quit rents due to his majesty, and all confisca- 
 tions and aubaines. He was to account twice a year, and retain 33. per pistole as 
 his compensation, (the pistole is 10 francs, about 2 dollars.) This commission is 
 dated 10 Dec'r., 1730. Signed by Rich'd. Philipps, and countersigned by Eras- 
 mus James Philipps, secretary. 
 
 (6.) 
 
 The lords of Trade obtained the opinion of messrs. Yorke and Talbot, who 
 stated that no fine or recovery suffered in England of lands in the plantations, 
 could bar the intail of such lands, unless 501112 act or law of the colony gave that 
 effect to it in express terms. 15 Dsc'r., 1730. A copy of this opinion was trans- 
 mitted to governor Philipps. 
 
 (7-) 
 
 By a proclamation in French, dated 24 Dec'r., 1730, governor Philipps required 
 the people of the Annapolis river to bring in their deeds, leases and grants, to 
 the secretary's office by the end of February, in order to receive new grants of 
 their lands, under the provincial great seal, which he promised them. He also 
 issued an order that the deputies should be paid by the people of their several 
 districts, for their expenses on two different attendances. 
 
 (8.) 
 
 Ordre pour rendre le chemin des Mines pratiquable. 
 (Loco Sigilli.) Par son Excellence Rich'd. Philipps, Ecuyer, &c. 
 D'autant qu2 nous avons recommande qu'il etoit, necessaire pour le soulagem't 
 
 des Ha de sa Majeste, qu'il y cut un com Mines en faisant un chemin 
 
 de charete, leur consentement quand nous etions a Mines n'avoir point 
 
 de retardement, nous ordonnons sera incontinent commence, et qu'il soit 
 
 fait dans une qu'il etoit dans le terns des Fra^ois, et que chacun 
 
 reponderont le contraire a leur peril. Donne Royalle, signe de ma main, 
 
 & scelle de mon Sceau. ce 14 quatrie'me annee du regne de sa Majeste" le 
 
 Roy Dom. 1730. 
 
 Par ordre de Philipps, 
 
 Eras. Jas.
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 469 
 
 (In the register's book, much destroyed by decay of the papers.) 
 
 Order for clearing Ihe road to Mines, 1 730. 
 (Loco Sigilli.) 
 
 By this pps Esq'r. &c. 
 
 Whereas it has bee : the ease of the peopte 
 
 of this province & f pen a communication between 
 
 this place & Minas nd which was agreed to by y'e. 
 
 Inhabitants when to the end that it may be more 
 
 effectually done Road be forthwith begun to be 
 
 clear'd, & that it may be done as it was in the time of y'e. French 
 
 each inhabitant to do his part, as they shall answer the contrary at their peril. 
 Given at Annapolis Royall, under my hand & seal, this I4th May, in the 4th year 
 of the reign of his Majesty king George the 2nd, Annoq : Dom : 1 730. 
 
 R. PHILIPPS. 
 By his Excellency's com'd. 
 
 Eras. Jas. Philipps, secret're. 
 
 (9-) 
 
 65 surnames contained in the 227 signatures to the oath of allegiance of 1730 : 
 
 Allen. Dupuis. Melanson. 
 
 Amirau, Dupont. Michel. 
 
 Babinot. Fontaine. Orillon. 
 
 Barnabe. Forrest. Pelerin. 
 
 Basque. Garceau. Petitot. 
 
 Bastarache. Gar9on. Perou. 
 
 Bellincaux. Girouar. Pignot. 
 
 Beliveau. Guillebaud. Petre. 
 
 Bertran. Gouzille. Porlier. 
 
 Blanchard. Guillo. Quessy. 
 
 Bonnevie. Guillebaud. Raymond. 
 
 Boudrot. Granger. Richard. 
 
 Bourg. Hautbois. Robicheaux. 
 
 Bourgeois. Hebert Roy. 
 
 Breau. Landri. Savoir. 
 
 Brun. Lanoue. Simon. 
 
 Brussar. Laverne. St. Sceine. 
 
 Commeau. Levron. Surett. 
 
 Corporon. Leger. Tibo. 
 
 Doucet. L'or. Tibaudeau. 
 
 Dugas. Massier. Tour. 
 
 Duon. Martin.
 
 470 History of Nova-Scotia. I 73 I - 
 
 CHAPTER LII. 
 
 1731. Governor Philipps, as colonel of his regiment, had an 
 agent, colonel Gardner, who died, leaving the accounts of the 
 officers unsettled, and balances due to them. In consequence 
 of their demands, Mr. Philipps was directed, by a letter from 
 Sir William Strickland, the secretary at war, to hand over the 
 government to lieut. colonel Armstrong on his arrival, and to 
 proceed to Britain, to settle the accounts of his officers of his 
 regiment of foot. There was a royal order, dated 15 March, 
 1730-1, to Philipps, to return to England, and letters of same 
 date to Armstrong to go out. At this time the people up the 
 bay traded with the French at cape Breton, sending them live 
 cattle, corn and provisions, receiving payment in French silver 
 only, which they hoarded to send to Boston, where it was of 
 more value than here, and they refused to take any other 
 money for their commodities. The garrison could get no 
 other money than Boston paper money, which was refused to 
 be taken in payment. A proclamation was issued by governor 
 Philipps, (11 March), establishing the value of French and 
 other silver money at 8s. an ounce, New England currency, 
 and declared the province bills of New England to be current, 
 and a lawful tender for the purchase of goods and payment of 
 debts. In the same proclamation, to prevent scarcity from 
 exports, it was forbidden to merchant vessels to take off more 
 than two month's provisions ; and forbids the people of Mines, 
 Chignecto, Piziquid, Cobequid, &c., exporting clandestinely at 
 Chebucto, Tapanagooch, Chignecto, or any other creek or 
 place, as they have used to do, beasts, cattle, or other provi-
 
 I73 1 - History of Nova-Scotia. 471 
 
 sions, except from Annapolis Royal only, under a penalty of 
 fifty pistoles, of New England, to be levied on delinquent's 
 effects, half to go to the accuser. (The resolution of council, 
 ii Feb., had appointed 12 months imprisonment, confiscation 
 of vessel and cargo, and a fine of $o, N. E. currency.) 
 
 March 16. Sir William Strickland wrote to Mr. Shirreffthat 
 he was to act as secretary until the arrival of captain Philipps, 
 and receive half the pay, while the latter was absent. One 
 John Tourno deserted from his master at Boston. He was 
 taken and put on board a schooner lying at Mines, but some 
 of the inhabitants incited the Indians to go on board and res- 
 cue him ; after which, the inhabitants harbored him. The 
 governor, by advice of the council, issued a proclamation, 
 19 March, summoning Amand Bujeau, Jean Landry, Jean 
 le Blanc, surnamed Jean des Sappins, all of Grand Pre", to 
 appear within eight days ; and the inhabitants are threatened, 
 in case they act in this way, that they will be made responsi- 
 ble, &c., and considered as rebels. Peter Allen, of Mines, was 
 charged by John Gate with inveigling Turnoe from his service, 
 and had to give security to send Turnoe back to Boston. 
 24 June. Mascarene protested against lieutenant governor 
 Cosby (his junior as a counsellor) being made president ; 
 but governor Philipps claimed power to appoint him. An 
 objection was then made to Mascarene, as having been absent 
 above two years ; but the question being left to the governor, 
 he decided that, as Mr. Mascarene was absent on public duty, 
 he had not forfeited his seat in council. 22 July. Lieutenant 
 governor Armstrong arrived at Annapolis, and delivered to 
 governor Philipps the king's orders for his return to England. 
 Philipps tells the duke of Newcastle, " It imports me much " 
 " to be very careful of delivering up the government to lieut. " 
 " governor Armstrong with the greatest exactness, who is " 
 " turning up every stone, and raking into every kennel, to " 
 " find some dirt to bespatter me with, in hopes that some " 
 " may stick ;" accuses him for ingratitude. He intends to go 
 to Canso, and thence to England. On the 9 August he enters 
 on the minutes of the council a positive denial of his having 
 received any money from government for barracks or fortifica-
 
 47 2 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 tions at Canso ; and on 22 August a proclamation was agreed 
 to in council, requiring the French inhabitants to bring in 
 their titles on or before the 10 April, 1732. 
 
 Governor Philipps left Annapolis 27 August, 1731, on which 
 Armstrong assumed the government ; and on the 1 1 Sept. he 
 met the council and presented his credentials, informing them 
 that his bad state of health had prevented his calling them 
 together earlier. Cosby, Mascarene, Adams, Skene and Shir- 
 reff, (secretary), attended. 20 Sept'r. Etienne Rivett having 
 been heard on his petition, and it appearing that he had been 
 condemned on the evidence of one witness only, and that 
 evidence malicious, and fifty-five inhabitants of Piziquid cer- 
 tifying in his favor, and that he had been active in getting the 
 people to take the oath of allegiance ; the sentence of proscrip- 
 tion, banishment and confiscation, passed against him 30 April, 
 1730, was now revoked. Armstrong, seemingly, did nol find 
 his position to be a bed of roses. He first found the difference 
 about precedency between Mascarene, who claimed as senior 
 councillor, and lieutenant governor Cosby, who was appointed 
 president of council by Philipps. This question Armstrong 
 very prudently referred to the lords of Trade to decide. He 
 calls Nova Scotia " this much neglected, (and I may venture " 
 " to say), distracted colony." He says " the people (I mean " 
 " the French) that I have to deal with, are a perfidious, head- " 
 " strong, obstinate, and as conceited a crew, as any in the " 
 " world." He asks the Board of Trade how far the French 
 inhabitants, or their seigneurs, are entitled to lands waste, 
 uncultivated or abandoned. He has received petitions for 
 grants of land, but finds himself restricted by the recent 
 instructions from making grants ' until colonel Dunbar doth ' 
 ' first set apart 300,000 acres for his majesty.' This retards 
 settlement. No inhabitant pays a farthing rent towards char- 
 ges of government ; while the council, which is the only court 
 of judicature, is daily harassed with the people's affairs. He 
 wishes for a table of fees in court business, and also on grants 
 of land. " Wax, and all other kind of stationary ware here " 
 " is very dear and expensive." He asks an annual supply of 
 these articles to be sent from Britain. He suggests a survey
 
 I73 1 - History of Nova-Scotia. 473 
 
 and measurement of the estates of the French inhabitants ; 
 also the recording of the French grants. He thinks an assem- 
 bly would probably lead to obedience and free contribution to 
 expences of government. He also asks leave to appoint some 
 justices of the peace, and other inferior officers, from among 
 the French. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER LIT. 
 
 (i.) 
 
 20 April, 1731. Mr. John Dyson, serjeant and storekeeper to the Board ot 
 Ordnance in this garrison, reported " the daily encroachment made by the sea " 
 " on the plott of ground lying between the Fort and town of Annapolis Royall, " 
 " whereby the lime kiln that stands thereon for the use and conveniency of the " 
 " fort and garrison, will, in a few years, be quite washed into the river, if not " 
 " prevented." He proposed, if the spot were granted him, to build a dwelling 
 house. He would fence it in with stakes and plank, and so secure it against fur- 
 ther damage. A grant of a piece of this land is made to him, measuring 28, 31, 
 58 and 53 yards, (on difft. sides), on condition of fencing, &c., to be void if wanted 
 for fortifications. 
 
 24 June, 1731. In council. An application from some merchants, of Boston, 
 for a grant of a coal mine, (coal clift), near Chignecto, was favorably received. 
 
 24 July. Ensign Handfield applied for a plott of ground behind his house, in 
 Annapolis. It was claimed by the heirs of Sir Charles Hobby, by Louis Allain, 
 by one Marquise, and by the Poubomcoup's. 
 
 24 August. One acre of land on Canso island was granted to It. gov'r. Cosby, 
 quit rent 23. 6d. per ami. Transferred by Cosby to Edward How, esq., merchant, 
 Canso. in 1732. 
 
 30 Aug't, 1731. Armstrong requests from Mines a supply for the garrison of 
 Annapolis of 200 quintals of biscuit and 60 hhds. pease. Messrs. Bissell, Donald 
 (Donnell), and Blin, will pay for them. He has ordered Nigan Robicheaux to 
 buy black cattle and sheep at Mines, and bring them to Annapolis. 
 
 (3-) 
 
 Lt. gov, Armstrong says he has been applied to for house and garden lots near 
 Annapolis, for farm lots at Mines, and for grants at Chippcdy, where some young 
 people had settled several years previously. Seigneurial re Us, he says, are 
 remitted into the French dominions. The trade to cape Iretan amounts to 300 
 or 400 head of cattle annually, besides sheep and other provisions. This could
 
 474 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 only be stopped by a sloop cruising on the Eastern coast, and in the Baie Verte. 
 At Canso, this year, there are more fish than vessels to carry it to market. Dun- 
 bar's settlement, where there is a detachment of men from this regiment, improves 
 daily. 
 
 (4-) 
 
 In council. 8 October, 1731. 9 o'clock, A. M. : 
 
 Major Mascarene asked for a grant of 8 acres, 5 perches, on the Cape road, 
 Annapolis, agreed to. He also asked liberty to go to Boston, New England. 
 Granted. And to have a quorum, lieutenant Otho Hamilton was appointed a 
 member of council, and took his oaths and seat accordingly. 
 
 (5-) 
 
 10 October, 1731. Extract from the answer made by Messrs, de Beauharnois 
 and Hocquart, governor general and intendant in Canada, to the memoire of the 
 king, dated the 8th of May, in the said year : 
 
 "They" (the English) "have continued to build forts in the bay of Fundy, " 
 " from the river St. George as far as about" (jusqu'a vers) " Beaubassin, which " 
 " they pretend to belong to Acadie. Nevertheless, Acadie, according to its " 
 " ancient limits, such as it was ceded to Great Britain by the treaty of Utrecht, " 
 " should only be part of the large peninsula comprized and bounded by a " 
 " straight line drawn from cape Canceaux to cape Fourchu, to which the same " 
 " treaty adds the town of Port Royal, a certain proof that this town is not in the " 
 " ceded Acadie, and that his majesty did not intend to cede the other lands and " 
 " possessions beyond these boundaries, and which were inhabited by the French " 
 " as the coasts of Mines, Beaubassin, the river St. John as far as the river " 
 " St. George, where in the year 1700, after the peace of Ryswick, was planted, " 
 " in an island at the mouth of this river, a post (poteau), with the arms of England " 
 " on the West side, and those of France on the East side, to serve as bounds to " 
 " the lands of the two crowns, and to distinguish them. It is visible, by the " 
 " manoeuvres the English carry on, that they seek all means of extending them- " 
 ' selves more and more. If his majesty would please to cause the treaties and " 
 " conventions made with England to be examined, and also to name Commis- " 
 " saries, with the necessary instructions for regulating the boundaries between " 
 " them and us, we doubt not that the English would be shut up within more " 
 " narrow bounds than they How are. If this business is once regulated, we " 
 " would have the right of openly opposing the settlements which they have " 
 " made, and which they design yet to make, upon our lands." 
 
 (6.) 
 
 In council, 13 Oct'r., 1731 : 
 
 His Honor acquainted the Board that there were four men come from Coba- 
 quit, who had presented him with petitions and other papers, which he judged 
 proper to lay before them for their opinion and advice on the same ; and the four 
 men, viz., Noel Durong, John Bourg, Lewis Bourg and Joseph Robichaux being 
 called in The petition of John Bourg, on behalf of himself and others, praying 
 that, according to the last will and testament of Mathew Martin, they might sue-
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 475 
 
 ceed him as his heirs in the seigniory of Cobaquit, (called Cocobequy in the grant 
 of 1689), was read, as also the said testament, and the concession of the said 
 seignory made in favor of the said Matthew Martin, deceased ; as was also the 
 petition of the said John Bourg, Joseph Robichaux and Lewis Bourg, against Rene 
 Martin, of this River. As to their succeeding Matthew Martin, his Honor 
 acquainted them that Mrs. Campbell was gone to Britain to solicit the affairs of 
 the Seignors, and that as soon as he received any directions about them, that 
 then the prayer of their petition should be taken into consideration, of which the 
 Board approved. 
 
 (7-) 
 
 At a comity of council, held by order of the Hon'ble. Lt. Col. Law. Armstrong, 
 the Lt. Gov'r. of the Province, on Tewsday, the gth of November, 1731, at Mr. 
 Gibson's Room, in his Majesty's Garrison of Annapolis Royall, at n o' the 
 clock, A. M. Present : The Hon'ble. Alex'r. Cosby, President ; William Skene, 
 Esq'r., Otho Hamilton, Esq'r. William Shirreff, Sec'y. 
 
 The Sec'y. acquainted the Presid't. there was one James O'Neale, a British sub- 
 ject, from Ireland, come here and gives an acco't. that he had been for some years 
 in france, and from thence went to Canada, and other places in the dominions of 
 ffrance. and that he now intends to settle himself at Shickanektau, provided the 
 Governm't. would grant him a Patent for a Piece of Ground as sett forth in his 
 Petition, and that as he is an Intire Stranger in y'e country, and perhaps Come 
 with other Views, His Hon'r. the lieut. Governor of the Province therefore desi- 
 red that his Hon'r. the Presid't., with this Comity of the Council, would be pleased 
 to examine him, and make him a Report, in order to be considered and laid 
 before the Council on thursday next. 
 
 Mr. O'Neale being called, his Hon'r. the Presid't. put to him the following 
 Questions, viz't : Of what country, and how long he had been from it, & what 
 Induced him to Come to America, and to leave the French plantations, after 
 being so long amongst the French ? 
 
 To which Questions Mr. O'Neale made answer that he was of Ireland, and 
 born in the county of Cork : That it was about Eight years since he left that 
 country, and went from thence to ffollow his studies in the colledge of Lombard, 
 in Paris, where he studied Physick and Chirurgery for three years, and from 
 thence went to Canada, in order to find Practice, where, after an abode of about 3 
 years, not finding the expected encouragement, he departed from thence to Lewis- 
 bourg, in Cape Breton, with a designe to go to New Spain, to seek his fortune in 
 these parts. But meeting with one Mons'r. Laffong, of this Province, at Lewis- 
 bourg, and he acquainting him that he might meet with encouragement here, 
 advised him to go to Shickanecktau, where, having been for about six months, 
 and finding the place agreeable, he intended to marry & to settle himself there, 
 provided that the Gov'mt. would encourage him by giving him a Grant of a Piece 
 of Ground for which he had petitioned the Hon'ble. Lieut. Gov'r. Armstrong. 
 He professed himself a Roman Catholick, but promised to behave himself faith- 
 fully in all Respects to his Majesty King George's Government, and being ready, 
 as sett forth in his said Petition, to take the usual oath, that he accordingly 
 would bear true & faithful allegiance to his Britannic Majesty.
 
 476 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 The comity are of opinion that the Irish Roman Catholick would more natu- 
 rally prove better inhabitants than the french, and that if he performed his pro- 
 mise he might be very serviceable in these parts. 
 
 L. ARMSTRONG. 
 
 (8.) 
 
 Lieutenant governor Armstrong writes to the lords of Trade. 
 
 "Annapolis Royal, 16 Nov'r., 1731." 
 
 " He calls the French inhabitants a litigious sort of people, and so ill-natured " 
 " -to one another as daily to encroach upon their neighbours' properties, which " 
 
 occasions continual complaints. Yet they all unanimously agree in oppo- " 
 
 44 sing any order of Government, tho' never so conducive to their own interest. " 
 
 (In Mr. Bergereau's commission as receiver of rents, Chignecto, dated 15 
 May, 1742, the king is said to have purchased the Seignory in 1731.) 
 
 (9-) 
 
 " In 1731, Philadelphia is said to have contained 2400 houses and 12,000 souls.' 
 [2 Graham's Col. History U. S., p. 106.]
 
 1 73 2. History of Nova-Scotia. 477 
 
 CHAPTER LIII. 
 
 1732. Councils were frequently held in the early part of this 
 year, in which the law suits of the French inhabitants respect- 
 ing their lands, and other subjects of dispute, were tried and 
 decided. This occurred 30 December, 1741, 7 January, 1731-2, 
 10, 11, 22 January, 5 February, 25 March, 1734. The abbe" 
 Raynal, in his romantic description of the Acadians, describes 
 them as living without quarrels or litigation, and gives us to 
 understand that the priest or the notary settled all their quar- 
 rels. But the learned abb6 appears not to have had access to 
 the records of either the French or English governments in 
 this country. Under the French governors they appear to 
 have been in the habit of appealing to Quebec from Des 
 Goutins, the judge of Port Royal, at an expence of travel, 
 time and money, in some instances ruinous to suitors ; and 
 under the English rule, there is an endless series of petty dis- 
 putes, to settle which the governor and council at Annapolis 
 were incessantly convened. There can be no doubt that if 
 the Acadians had not been constantly stimulated by French 
 agents, clerical and lay, to a* disaffected and hostile feeling 
 against the British rule, they might have become the happiest 
 and most prosperous people in the world. Nothwithstanding 
 the unfavorable remarks of Costabelle, Philipps and Armstrong, 
 I am inclined to think they were a simple, honest, and well- 
 disposed peasantry, though not quite as perfect and amiable 
 as Raynal imagined. Some bargain appears to have been 
 made about this time between the crown and Mrs. Agatha 
 Campbell, for sale of the seigneuries of Nova Scotia. Lieut.
 
 478 History of Nova-Scotia. J 73 2 - 
 
 governor Armstrong wrote 22 Jan'y., 1731-2, to Mr. Alexander 
 Bourg, respecting the quit rents which he collected, (probably 
 the seigneurial rents of Mines.) They appear to have been 
 payable in wheat, or, when that was scarce, in capons, in the 
 discretion of the seigneur. " But as I have no need of capons " 
 " for H. M. service, I must desire you will collect the whole " 
 " in wheat and pease." The lieut. governor wishes a rent roll, 
 shewing each tenant's annual rent, and when last paid ; also 
 to know what were the fines on alienation. In March, Arm- 
 strong, by advice of the council, wrote to the priest and inha- 
 tants of the river St. John, who had settled there without leave 
 of government, to come to Annapolis, to answer and to swear 
 allegiance. 
 
 March 28, 1732. Armstrong gave a written permission 
 to Joseph and Peter Surett, Joseph Cadett, junior, Martin 
 Aucoin, junior, and Joseph Babin, " to go to visit the land" 
 "on the. north shore of the bay of ffundy," called Musquash 
 cove, and to report to him thereon, but they were forbidden to 
 mark or lay out any lands ; and at the same time he gave a 
 similar authority to Paul le Blanc, John le Blanc, (alias Sappin), 
 James Tibau, and Benjamin le Blanc, to visit some ground 
 lying at Apple river. At the same date, he writes to M. de la 
 Goudalie, priest of Mines ; rebukes him for beginning to build 
 a church at Cobaquid, and sending for priests, without obtain- 
 ing previous leave from government. Lieutenant governor * 
 Armstrong writes 28 March, 1732, to M. Alexander Bourg, 
 Mines, about the quit rents ; also about a judgment of the 
 council, between the Dupuis and Claude, to divide the land in 
 dispute equally between them, and declines interfering to alter 
 it. On the same day he writes to the deputies of Mines, 
 insisting on the sentence of the council in the case of Ren^ 
 le Blanc being enforced ; and calls the letter of A. Bourg and 
 others, heirs of Peter Melanson, " frivolous," " chicaning," and 
 " impertinent." 
 
 In April, colonel Dunbar wrote to Armstrong, who, in 
 reply, promised him the men he demanded, with an officer 
 to relieve Mr. Broadstreet ; congratulated him on his im- 
 provements ; regrets that he is impeded by the Massachusetts
 
 173 2 - History of Nova-Scotia. 479 
 
 people ; asks him to send a deputy surveyor. He is not able, 
 owing to the precarious state of his health, to visit Dunbar, 
 at Frederick's fort, but would be glad to see and make him 
 welcome at Annapolis. 
 
 In May, governor Armstrong entertained a design of placing 
 a garrison of soldiers at Mines, and entered into a contract 
 with Rene la Blanc, of that place, for timber and materials 
 for a building called a granary or magazine, of 26 x 60 feet, 
 which he intended as a barrack for troops. 
 
 In June, Armstrong writes to the lords of Trade. He had a 
 difficulty in procuring a quorum of councillors. Mr. Winniett 
 was frequently out of the province, on his private business. 
 Mr. Cosby had withdrawn from sitting (by letter of 7 May) 
 in council. He had therefore only Mascarene, Adams, Skene 
 and Shirreff. He had appointed lieutenant Otho Hamilton 
 as member of council. He charges Cosby, and his father-in- 
 law, Winniett, as obstructing and opposing " every transac- " 
 " tion, tho' never so necessary for H. M. service." He again 
 proposes a house of assembly, and points out the necessity of 
 local legislation. " For without some statutes, this province " 
 " can never be rightly settled, especially seeing the French " 
 " here, upon any frivolous disputes, plead the laws of Paris." 
 Complains that a small colony of French have settled on the 
 river St. John, " who despise and contemn all authority here." 
 He says Matthew Martin, the seigneur of Cobequid, had lately 
 died without issue, but had, by will, devised his estate. He 
 had been disrespectful to his majesty. Thinks his will might 
 be set aside. Speaking of the Latour family, he says Charles 
 de la Tour retired into the French dominions, where he died, 
 leaving issue here. A son and daughter of James also retired. 
 Madame Belleisle's son, Alexander, married an Indian, and 
 lived among the tribe, being hostile to the English govern- 
 ment. The D'entremonts had been peaceable. He says the 
 seigneurs in their respective districts had power to put to 
 death and to save alive. 17 June. Armstrong wrote to M. St. 
 Ovide to send him two priests, one for Annapolis and the 
 other for Mines. He had ordered Godalie to leave the pro- 
 vince. Godalie was accused of having " basely contradicted "
 
 480 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 "himself," "of presuming to build churches without the" 
 " privity or authority of H. M. Government," " of pervert- " 
 " ing one of H. M. subjects to the Popish religion, conveying " 
 "him out of the province contrary to the express orders of" 
 " the government," " and for styling himself the bishop of" 
 ' Quebec's vicar." For these offences, the council, consisting 
 of Armstrong, Mascarene, Adams, Skene, Shirreff, Cope, and 
 Otho Hamilton, on 19 June, ordered him to depart out of the 
 province, and directed that the inhabitants should not pay him 
 any more tythes. 
 
 At this time the French claimed the islands of Canso, and 
 the province of Massachusetts claimed the part of Nova Scotia 
 from the Kennebec to the St. Croix, which they called Geor- 
 gia. The British manufactures consumed in the province 
 were- chiefly red and blue strouds, kerseys, stuffs and linens, 
 of the annual value of about ; 10,000. There was a small 
 trade in corn and cattle sent to cape Breton, and paid for in 
 French silver. There was yearly sent in British and New 
 England vessels, from Canso, about 50 or 60,000 quintals of 
 dry codfish, to Spain, Portugal, and the straits of Gibraltar. 
 The annual exports of the province were valued at 60 or 
 ,70,000 sterling. The inhabitants were mostly French, con- 
 sisting of about 800 families. There were no negroes, and 
 very few^ English, except the garrisons. The French had in- 
 creased near one-half within ten years. The small English 
 population had decreased, owing to the want of power in the 
 governor to grant land. There was no militia force. The 
 only fortress was that of Annapolis. Troops were posted at 
 Canso, without any fort, magazine for provisions, or place of 
 defence against the weather or the enemy. The Indians, 
 altogether, were estimated to have five hundred fighting men. 
 Canada, besides its forts and soldiers, had 10,000 militia. 
 Louisbourg was considered to be almost impregnable, having 
 a strong citadel, several forts and batteries well mounted with 
 cannon, 600 regulars, and 1000 'militia. Governor Philipps, 
 who is our authority for these particulars, also stated that the 
 whole revenue of Nova Scotia is ^30 sterling, consisting of a 
 tribute of one quintal of codfish yearly, paid by each pro-
 
 I73 2 - History of Nova-Scotia. 481 
 
 prietor of a fishing room at Canso. The nine companies of 
 Philipps' regiment he states at 324 men, exclusive of officers, 
 being but 36 men in each company. 
 
 In July, difficulties arose at Mines respecting the building 
 that Armstrong intended to erect there as lodgings for troops, 
 but called a granary. The Indians made open demonstrations 
 of opposition to this measure, and we may justly conclude 
 that the French inhabitants of the district were averse to 
 having English soldiers and barracks among them. Arm- 
 strong appears to have kept his design from the knowledge 
 of his council, until this disturbance occurred. The affair 
 was examined in a secret sitting of the Board on the 25 July. 
 After this the project seems to have been abandoned, altho' 
 the lieutenant governor wrote a letter on the ist of August, 
 stating the building was meant for a storehouse and as a lodg- 
 ing on emergency, and forbids any one hindering the work. 
 Laws, in the form of ordinances, were at this time passed 
 in council, on the subject of highways, and of the French 
 half-bushel measure, An advertisement, dated ' Annapolis ' 
 ' Royall, 26 August, 1732,' and signed by the lieut. governor 
 and secretary, was prepared, and ordered to be published in 
 the New England papers, offering fee simple grants of land in 
 Nova Scotia to Protestant settlers. Major Mascarene (who 
 was going to Boston, both on his private affairs and to treat 
 with governor Belcher about the erection of a truck-house for 
 Indian trade) was referred to for information. Mascarene was 
 instructed to point out St. John river, Musquash cove, and 
 other places in the bay of Fundy, as also on the Eastern 
 coast, Annapolis basin, St. Mary's bay, or any other places not 
 already granted. Allotments of 40 and 200 acres, in town- 
 ships, were contemplated. No one person was to have over 
 1000 acres in any case. In the beginning of September, some 
 of the inhabitants of St. John river attended the lieut. gover- 
 nor and council, where they took the oaths, and subscribed, 
 and agreed to take out grants. An additional instruction from 
 the crown, dated 10 Dec'r., 1731, was now received, forbidding 
 the laying any duty on negroes or felons imported from Great 
 Britain. 
 
 31
 
 482 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 In September, the deputies chosen (for Annapolis river ?) 
 Prudent Robichaux, Alexander Hebert, Nicholas Gautier, 
 Peter Lanoue, Joseph Bourgeois, Claud Giroard, William 
 Blanchard, and Prudent Robicheaux, junior, were approved, 
 and the lieut. governor and council appointed the 1 1 October, 
 annually, for election of deputies, " in commemoration of the " 
 "erection" (reduction ?) " of this place;" if Sunday, on the 
 monday following. Mr. Adams being infirm from age, was 
 often unable to attend in council, and Mr. Winniett prevented 
 by sickness, it was proposed to have a new councillor appoint- 
 ed. Armstrong writes to governor Belcher, 11 September, 
 He alludes to the influence of the French of cape Breton over 
 the Indians, which he attributes to the English merchants 
 employing them to sell their goods to the latter. He then 
 explains the advantage of having a truck-house on the St. 
 John river, but having no funds to establish it, he suggests 
 that Massachusetts should meet the expense, promising all he 
 could do for its defence and protection. Soon after, a deputy 
 of colonel Dunbar's, as H. M. surveyor general of woods, 
 named George Mitchell, arrived at Annapolis, to execute his 
 duty in Nova Scotia, and he was directed to make a survey of 
 the lands upon the Annapolis river. With regard to the 
 appointment of lieutenant governor Cosby to be president of 
 the council, of which Mascarene and others had complained, 
 the lords of Trade (letter of 2 Nov'r. 1732) decided that " no " 
 " governor has a right to alter the rank of any councillor. " 
 That the eldest councillor upon the list is always to act as 
 president of the council, and to take upon himself the govern- 
 ment, in the absence of the governor and lieutenant governor 
 of the province ; and that whatever rank any person may have 
 out of the council, yet in the council he must submit to the 
 law of seniority, which, in civil government, ought never to be 
 dispensed with, but by his majesty's special order, under his 
 sign manual. They permit grants of land to be made, provi- 
 ded an equal quantity of wood land for the king's service be at 
 the same time laid out. As the usual oaths cannot be taken 
 by the French inhabitants, they are not to be made justices of 
 the peace. They do not think the titles of the seigneurs des-
 
 I73 2 - History of Nova-Scotia. 483 
 
 troyed by the treaty of Utrecht. They decline authorizing a. 
 table of fees, but suppose grantees will voluntarily pay the 
 officers, if not beyond the practice of other colonies. They 
 request Armstrong " to keep a strict eye upon the French " 
 " missionaries, that they do not increase in number beyond " 
 " what is necessary for the service of the French inhabitants, " 
 " and to repeat the orders of the people settled upon the " 
 " river of St. John, to retire out of the province, they being, " 
 " as we suppose, no part of the old French inhabitants in " 
 " Nova Scotia, and consequently not entitled to any of the " 
 " benefits of the treaty of Utrecht." 
 
 Armstrong writes to the duke of Newcastle, 15 November. 
 " Under the disguise of a magazine, I have ordered a house " 
 " to be built at Menis, where I design to fix a company, for " 
 " the better government of those more remote parts in the " 
 " bay of Fundy, and, as I hope, to perfect it, notwithstanding " 
 " all the opposition I meet with from the rebellious spirits in " 
 " these parts, incited to oppose it by governor St. Ovid, cost " 
 " what it will," &c. " The Indians are also employed in the " 
 " affair, and use for an argument that, although the English " 
 " conquered Annapolis, they never did Menis, and these " 
 " other parts of the province ; and in consequence of such " 
 " arguments instilled into them, they have actually robbed " 
 " the gentlemen of the colliery at Williamstown, by Chicken- " 
 " ectua, destroyed their house and magazine, built there, " 
 " through pretence of a premium or rent due to them for the " 
 " land and liberty of digging." This he ascribes to St. Ovide's 
 advice. He says more (French) ships resort to the fishery at 
 cape Gaspy than to Louisbourg ; also that the French are 
 also " vigorously carrying on the settlement of the island of" 
 " St. John." Armstrong complains to the lords of Trade of 
 Mr. Winniett, who, being connected by marriage with many 
 of the French, and trading among them as a merchant, and 
 being also father-in-law of Mr. Cosby, appears to have been 
 disliked and suspected by the colonel. Perhaps there was as 
 little foundation for his suspicions of M. St. Ovide. His plan 
 about the barrack, disguised as a granary, was so transparent, 
 that it did not require much to put the Indians and Mines
 
 484 History of Nova-Scotia. I 73 2 - 
 
 people on the alert to oppose it ; but Armstrong accuses and 
 suspects every body, in his disappointment Capt. Aldridge, 
 who commanded the troops at Canso, and being a councillor, 
 presided there at the meetings of the justices of the peace, had 
 assumed arbitrary rule, and, on the complaint of Mr. How, 
 was checked by a letter from Armstrong. Armstrong renew- 
 ed his proposal about a truck-house to governor Belcher, 
 offering to station soldiers to protect it, and expressing his 
 opinion that the king would pay the cost of building it. 
 
 On the 2 1 Nov'r. Armstrong wrote to the bishop of Quebec. 
 Messrs. Monfils and de St. Poncy had arrived from Louisbourg 
 with the bishop's letter of recommendation. Armstrong 
 directed St. Poncy to act as clergyman to the inhabitants of 
 Annapolis river, and the other at Pissaquit, (now Windsor) ; 
 promises them all respect if they behave peaceably. He refers 
 what the bishop says about executing his office in the pro- 
 vince to the court of Great Britain. In December, the people 
 up the river petitioned to have their church removed to the 
 midst of the settlement, or else that the priest might spend 
 half his time up the river. This was refused, on the ground 
 that the church had been removed to Annapolis on account of 
 " a massacre contrived by " the priests Charlemain and Felix, 
 of Mines, and several of the people, " to be perpetrated by " 
 " the Indians," and they were told by Armstrong, " there " 
 " are none of you but knows how barbarously some of his " 
 " majesty's subjects were murdered and wounded by these " 
 " infatuated, unthinking people." The council were of opinion 
 " that their church should not be removed, but that it should " 
 " remain where it now is, as a lasting monument and memo- " 
 " rial of their treacherous villainy to his Britannick Majesty " 
 " and his subjects." This decision was notified to the depu- 
 ties on 1 6 Dec'r. ; and on Saturday, 23rd Dec'r., Armstrong 
 stated to the council that the French inhabitants combined to 
 distress the garrison, by raising the price of all eatables, fire- 
 wood, &c., and otherwise acted contemptuously. A suggestion 
 was made to forbid them to fish or navigate, but its consider- 
 ation was postponed.
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 485 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER LIII. 
 
 (i.) 
 
 I hereby order and impower you, Rene le Blanc, of Menis, to prepare and have 
 in readiness, Timbers fitt for building a Granary or Magazine for his Majesty's 
 service, of 26 foot, ffrench measure, of breadth within, and 60 foot in length, and 
 to have them all in readiness to be erected either upon my arrival at Menis, or 
 otherways, as I shall think proper to direct, and all other necessarys for building 
 the same ; as also a thousand pieces of other timbers, of 14 foot long and about 
 8 or 9 inches diameter, with a sufficient quantity of binders proper for the same : 
 and in so doing this shall be your warrant. Given under my hand and seal at 
 arms, at Annapolis Royal, this nth day of May, 1732, in the fifth year of his 
 majesty's reign. 
 
 L. ARMSTRONG. 
 
 Wm. Shirreff, sec'y. 
 
 (2.) 
 
 21 June, 1732. A grant made by Lt. Gov'r. Armstrong to major Henry Cope, 
 John Leddel, John Cairns and Alexander Forsyth, of Boston, merchants, in com- 
 pany, of 4000 acres of land, inWilliamstown, west side of Chickenecto. One penny 
 sterling per acre quit rent was reserved, and one shilling and six pence per chal- 
 dron on the coal. They were to cultivate one-tenth of the lands, and to erect 
 four houses within three years ; reserving coals for the troops, to be dug and ex- 
 ported at H. M. charges ; reserving right to build a fort thereon ; also a reserve 
 of mast timber ; right to all H. M. subjects to fish ; a minister's and a school- 
 master's lot to be set apart ; a way of 300 yards wide to be left open on the banks 
 of all creeks and rivers for all public uses, &c. 
 
 3 July. Grant to Samuel Douglass, gunner, of a plott in the lower town of 
 Annapolis Royall, bounded by the street Dauphin, now called St. George's street, 
 fronting the Great river, 120 feet front, between James Horlock's and John 
 Adams, esquire, depth 230 feet to Williams street, contents by estimation roo 
 perches, Quit rent one penny per annum, and a second penny reserved. Condi- 
 tion, to keep house in repair. 
 
 In a similar grant to Horlock, Frederick street, formerly called St. Anthony 
 street, is mentioned. (See it mentioned in gov'r Brouillan's time.) Grants at 
 this time to John Dyson, bombardier and storekeeper to the board of ordnance, 
 I acre and upwards in the upper town. To capt. John Jephson, 2 acres, 19 p., 
 near the hospital. To John Hanshole, inhabitant, lower town, and to Francis 
 Weatherby, for quit rents, and condition of building houses in the giants. [See 
 Register Book.]
 
 486 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 (3-) 
 
 At a council, by order of the hon'ble. lieut. governor Armstrong, on tuesday, 
 the 25th of July, 1 732, at 1 1 o'clock, A. M. 
 
 Present : 
 
 The Hon'ble. the Lieut. Governor of the province. 
 Major Paul Mascarene. 
 John Adams, Esq'r. 
 William Skene, Esq'r. 
 William Sheriff, Esq'r., secretary. 
 Major Henry Cope. 
 William Winniet, Esq'r. 
 Otho Hamilton, Esq'r. 
 
 An oath of secrecy was administered to the members. 
 
 " Then his Honor communicated to the Board that he had given orders to one 
 " at Menis for building a magazine there, and that he had been informed that 
 " that person whom he had thus employed had been insulted and interrupted by 
 " the Indians in the execution of that work ; and as major Cope had arrived here 
 " from thence, he desired the major to relate to the Board what he there heard 
 " and saw, which was as follows, vizt : 
 
 ' On thursday evening, the I3th instant, there came into Rene le Blanc's house 
 " at Menis, three Indians, vizt : Jacque, son to Winaguadish, nicknamed Jacques, 
 " Antoin, his brother, and Andress, their cousin, all living upon Piziquit river, 
 " who, in a most villanous manner and approbrious language, insulted the said 
 " Rene le Blanc, and Peter, his brother, saying, that all the le Blancs were dogs 
 " and villains, except Fran9ois ; and that as for Rene, he had a dagger (putting 
 " his hand at the same time under his coat, where 'tis supposed the dagger hung) 
 " for him, for that he was going to build a fort for the English, (Mr. Cottnam and 
 " myself present), when I assured them there was no such thing or orders at pre- 
 " sent, but suppose the king of Great Britain thought it convenient to build a 
 " fort there, who had anything to say against it." One of them answered, that 
 " he would not suffer it, for that he was king of that country for that king George 
 " had conquered Annapolis, but not Menis, and in a most insolent manner order- 
 " ed Mr. Cottnam and me to be gone, for that we had no business there. I 
 " asked them, who said we were going to build a fort ; they said, all the traders, 
 " and named Mr. Winniet. They said also, that if we did build a fort, the 
 " Indians should go in at one door, and we at another. Upon the whole, I could 
 " easily see it was some of the French had put the Indians upon this proceeding, 
 " out of prejudice to Rene le Blanc, who, by the general report of the inhabitants, 
 " had often been insulted in the same manner, for no reason that I could disco- 
 " ver, but that he was employed and intrusted by the government." 
 
 26th July. In council. " The lieutenant governor explained himself as to the 
 " use of the intended building at Menis, which was chiefly to lodge some troops 
 " there to curb the insolence of these unruly people." 
 
 The council, at his request for advice, " agreed that it would be for H. M. ser- 
 " vice, provided his Honor could effect it in such a manner as not to occasion 
 " such a distrust to these people, as to cause greater inconveniences than what 
 " we at present labor under through their disobedience."
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 487 
 
 A proclamation or letter was ordered to be published to the inhabitants and 
 Indians, to shew that no one's rights were infringed by such a building, &c. 
 
 " I further more declare that three days after the insult before mentioned, 
 "' there came to me a body of Indians, about ten or twelve, to excuse and ask 
 " pardon for the three Indians who had insulted Rene le Blanc, and I told them 
 " for answer that their crime was too great for me to take upon me to excuse on 
 " any other terms than their submitting themselves, and making an open and 
 41 ingenuous confession who it was that put them upon that insolent behaviour, 
 " (for that I was perswaded it was not of themselves), and that thus I engaged to 
 " interceed with his Honour the Lieut. Governor of the Province and Commander- 
 " in-chief, &c. in their behalf, and to make it a merit in them, and to recommend 
 " them as people deserving his favour and the protection of the Government." 
 
 HENRY COPE. 
 
 26 July, 1 732. In council. A standard half-bushel was adopted. The cord of 
 wood fixed at 8 feet long, 4 feet high, and 4 feet over, one half scarp to one half 
 scarp, closely piled. [Ordinance 7 Aug't. 1732.] A patent of church land order- 
 ed, reserving the block-house, built by public subscription. 
 
 (4-) 
 
 At a council held at the Honourable Lt. Governor's house, by his own order, 
 on Tuesday, the first day ot Aug't, 1 732, at 1 1 o' the clock, A. M. 
 
 Present : 
 
 The Hon'e. the Lt. Gov'r. of the Province. 
 Maj'r. Paul Mascarene. Wm. Shirreff, Esq'r. 
 
 John Adams, Esq'r. Wm. Winniett, Esq'r. 
 
 William Skene, Esq'r. Otho Hamilton, Esq'r. 
 
 The council was engaged in a trial for a house and gardens claimed by Joseph 
 Jennings, and held by Mr. W. Winniett, the latter withdrawing from his seat 
 during the inquiry. Among the papers offered in evidence was " A copy of a 
 letter, not attested but said to be, from Gov'r. Vetch to said Mr. Joseph Jennings, 
 dated Boston, the 2oth Nov'r., 1711." "A copy of Cahouet's contract from 
 Petitpas, dated 10 Sept'r., 1700." The premises were said to have been bought 
 of Christopher Cahouett by Mr. Joseph Jennings in the year 1711. Also a para- 
 graph of a letter from Mrs. Cahouett to Mr. Winniett, dated Louisbourg, 25 Oct., 
 1714, and Queen Anne's letter of 23 June, 1713, to General Nicholson. The last 
 the council decided did not extend to French inhabitants who had previously left 
 the province and forfeited their property. After a minute examination of evi- 
 dence, the Board unanimously decided that the house and gardens belonged to 
 Mr. Jennings, who had bought, paid for, and improved the premises by building 
 a very useful but expensive wharf, arid had held ownership 1719 and 1722, and 
 had never been legally ousted. 
 
 In council, 5 Aug't, 1732. The parties having been notified to attend to hear 
 the sentence, Mr. Ross, attorney for Jennings, the pltff, attended, but Mr. Win- 
 niett had sent an excuse, " that he could not attend, because of being employed 
 about ffish." The sentence was read, and Winniett further ordered to pay the 
 constable's and the secy's, fees.
 
 488 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 (50 
 
 23 November, 1732. Armstrong, with advice of the council, grants to Charles 
 Vane, esquire, 4 acres, 3 roods and 17 perches of land near the Fort of Annapolis 
 Royall, " which plott of ground was sold to the said John Adams by Marguerite " 
 " de St. Etienne and Ann LaTour,"and sold again by Adams to Vane, " boun- " 
 " ded as follows, vizt : on the N. W. side by the road leading to the Cape, and " 
 " running along by said road from the church yeard to a garden formerly belong- " 
 " ing to m'r. de ffalais, at present in the possession of major Alexander Cosby, " 
 " as lieutenant governor, and along by said garden from the road S. S. W. to " 
 " the swamp or marsh, and from thence or the foot of captain John Jephson's " 
 " garden along the said marsh North West to the glassee. and from thence " 
 " along the S. E. side of the church yeard N. and by E. to the aforesaid road, " 
 
 " reserving a little house." To lieutenant John Handfield, one rod and 
 
 thirty-one perches in Lower Town. Quit rents and conditions of building houses 
 in these grants. A grant was also made in November, 1732, to John Harrison, 
 chaplain. (See 20 July, 1732, application of Rich'd. Watts, chaplain to the gar- 
 rison.) The grant to Mr. Harrison was of church land in the Lower Town, 
 measuring 660 feet, 407 feet, 605 1-2 feet, and 274 1-2 feet, on its external lines. 
 Its contents are stated as four acres, three roods, and thirty-eight perches. It is 
 granted free of quit rent, as Glebe land for ever, for the chaplain, or, if a parish 
 be established, for the parish minister. 
 
 A grant passed also at this time to William Haw, tayleor, of three acres, three 
 roods and ten perches, in the upper town of Annapolis Royal.
 
 1733- History of Nova-Scotia. 489 
 
 CHAPTER LIV. 
 
 r 733- On the 4 January, 1732-3, lieut. governor Armstrong, 
 by advice of H. M. council, orders all quitt rents, homages and 
 services, and arrears thereof, since 1731, to be paid by the 
 inhabitants of Annapolis river to a receiver, for his majesty's 
 use. In February, a petition from Mary de St. Estienne, 
 widow of Alexandre le Borgne, of Belleisle, and Mary le Borgne, 
 her daughter, respecting a farm and certain seigneurial rents 
 they claimed, was referred by the council to the lords of Trade. 
 The council appointed a scale of fees for the secretary. In 
 April, a deserter from the party of soldiers at Chignecto was 
 examined on a charge of killing two Indians. In May, com- 
 missions as justices of peace at Canso for Joshua Henshaw, 
 Moses Galley, and Richard Bardin, were issued, in answer to 
 their letter from Boston of 23 March. In June, governor 
 Philipps, reported to Mr. Popple on a petition of Mrs. Agatha 
 Campbell. He says he had ordered the inhabitants not to pay 
 any more quit or seigneurial rents. Points out mis-statements 
 in the petition. Others of the heirs remained in the country. 
 Mr. Winniett again attends in council in this month. He had 
 declined to attend for some time, alleging that he was busy, 
 &c., to the constable who served the summonses. 
 
 Goat island was granted to Charles Vane, esq'r., June, 1733. 
 It is described as ' near to a place commonly called the Scot's 
 ffort.' (See appendix.) 
 
 6 July. Mr. Winniett gave offence to the council by say- 
 ing they had done him injustice in the decision between 
 himself and Jennings. On the next day they past a vote
 
 490 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 of censure on him for this and his neglect to attend council. 
 20 July. Armstrong ordered Mr. Geo. Mitchell to survey the 
 woods and lands lying on both sides of Annapolis river, from 
 ' the Gutt' upwards, duly distinguishing the uninhabited lands 
 the property of individuals, the cultivated and uncultivated 
 parts. The inhabitants were ordered to plant poles, to shew 
 their bounds to the surveyor. They failed to do this, and an 
 order was made in council, 1 1 August, to be published at the 
 church door to that effect, and that a deputy and one or two 
 inhabitants of each village should attend the surveyor and 
 shew him the boundaries. The inhabitants below the river to 
 attend him on thursday next. 30 August. Armstrong writes 
 to the priest de la Godalie, who seems to have been restored to 
 favor, respecting the choice of deputies, on n Oct'r., old 
 style, He adds, " After the election is over, according to the " 
 " tenor of my order, I expect to see them here, where both " 
 " you and they shall meet with a kind reception." 
 
 In September, Alexandre le Borgne, sieur de Belleisle, came 
 before the lieutenant governor and council, and took the oath 
 of allegiance. His petition to be restored to the seignory and 
 rights of his deceased father, was received and considered, and 
 ordered to be transmitted to the lords of Trade and Planta- 
 tions, with copies of his other papers. As to his demand of 
 land not yet granted at Mines, it was agreed that part at least 
 of such lands might be granted to him. It was also resolved 
 that he should have leave to cut firewood and hay off ungrant- 
 ed lands. Councillors present : Messrs. Mascarene, Adams, 
 Skene, Shirreff, Cope, Eras. Jas. Philipps, Otho Hamilton. 
 20 Oct'r. The new deputies chosen on the nth appeared 
 before the council were approved of and admitted, and the 
 old deputies were dismissed, with thanks. 
 
 (From Armstrong's letter of 29 Oct'r., 1733, to the Board 
 of Trade.) " On the 2ist September last there arrived here " 
 " a ship from the Tower, with cannon, carriages, shot, and " 
 " other ordnance stores, with bedding and clothes for the " 
 
 " poor men." " The French are very assiduous in car- " 
 
 " rying on their fortifications at the island of St. John, in the " 
 " bay of Verte, and at St. Peter's, about 6 or 7 leagues dis- "
 
 1733- History of Nova-Scotia. 491 
 
 " tant from Canso." He urges the fortifying of Canso, 
 
 and refers to the French fishery at Gaspe. " The ship " 
 
 "from the board of Ordnance, which is to carry home all the " 
 " cannon, mortars, &c., hath much revived us, they having " 
 " also sent some artificers, with directions to their store- " 
 " keeper, to put the garrison and the outworks in repair, " 
 " which at present wants it much. We have ever since " 
 " the spring been employed in patching and repairing the " 
 " roofs and the foundation of the houses to prevent their " 
 " falling, and I hope that in a few years the whole garrison " 
 " will be in a tolerable good condition ; and I heartily wish " 
 " our storehouses and magazines were likewise ordered to be " 
 " made bomb proof, which would be a great safety to the " 
 
 " place." He describes the whale fishery carried on from 
 
 Canso by a number of sloops in company, fitted out from 
 Connecticut and New England ; they make quantities of oil. 
 
 About the 20 September, seventy sloops put in at 
 
 Canso, deeply loaded with fourteen whales, and they were in 
 daily expectation of one hundred sloops more, deeply freighted 
 from the banks, where they report are great whales in abun- 
 dance. " The annual duties arising from the trade at Canso " 
 " will far exceed the annual expence of the government in " 
 
 " having it well fortified." " Our Indians begin to " 
 
 " grow uneasy, and it is alleged that it proceeds from having " 
 " never received the presents formerly sent them by his " 
 "late majesty." The French punctually send them annual 
 presents. He recommends presents to be sent to them of 
 " some red and blue strouds, a few arms, and a small quantity " 
 "powder and shot yearly," or to adopt the New England plan 
 of truck-houses, especially at river St. John, to prevent their 
 being imposed on by traders. The loss on the traffic would 
 be balanced by securing their friendship, tho' at best they are 
 ' perfidious to the English,' which he attributes to their mis- 
 sionaries. He reports expected movements of the Indians on 
 the borders of New England and at Chignecto, from which he 
 apprehends mischief. In writing again to the lords of Trade, 
 (10 Nov'r., 1733), referring to the claims made by Alexandra 
 le Borgne, sieur cle Belleisle, he says, " This Alexander is "
 
 49 2 History of Nova-Scotia. J 733 
 
 " the son of Mary, the daughter of seigneur James " (Charles) 
 " Latour, alias St. Estien, by madame D'aunay. She, after " 
 " the reduction of the province, retired to Canada for about " 
 " three years, and then returned." 20 Nov'r. he sends the 
 board of trade " an exact plan " of the river Annapolis, now 
 British river, and requests payment for the deputy surveyor, 
 who has been obliged to hire a boat and four men, besides an 
 interpreter. The French inhabitants obstructed him, but at 
 length allowed him to survey their respective boundaries. 
 i December, 1733, the lieutenant governor, with advice of the 
 council, commissions Prudent Robicheau, senior, to collect 
 and receive, for his majesty's use, from all the inhabitants of 
 Annapolis river, ' residing and being' " within the precincts " 
 " and limits of the Banlieu, all quit rents, fines of alienation, " 
 " dues and demands, and all arrearages since 1732, inclusive," 
 to deduct three shillings in the pound for his care and trouble. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER LIV. 
 (i.) 
 
 In council, 15 January, 1732-3. 
 
 Present : 
 
 His Honour the Lieut. Gov'r. of the Province. 
 John Adams, Esq. Major Henry Cope. 
 
 William Skene, Esq. Otho Hamilton, Esq. 
 
 William Shirreff, sec'ry. 
 
 His Honour the Lieut. Governor of the Province acquainted the Board that 
 upon an information of Nicholas Gautier, one of the deputys, against ffrancis 
 Raymond and one ffrancis Meuse, he had sent the constable on Saturday's night 
 last to apprehend them ; the first being accused of theft, and both of them for 
 ffelling of trees across the public highway, in order to stop and hinder the passing 
 of any carts or sleadges with wood. 
 
 Joseph Landry and Michell Doucett being first sworn and examined, they de- 
 clared that they were both on board of the said Gautier's sloop, in this river, 
 when Francis Raymond broke up the cabin door, and that they saw him do it, 
 and that when the door was so broke open, they, the said Joseph Landry and 
 Michell Doucett, did drink a dram with the said prisoner at the cabin door out of 
 a fflagon.
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 493 
 
 The prisoner, ffrancis Raymond, confessed the most of Mr. Gautier's informa- 
 tion, and that he had taken money out of Mr. Gautier's chest, vizt : at Lewis 
 Bourgh one Pistol, and at the river Canard ^5, but that he did not then break 
 any locks ; and said that at Annapolis Royall he did draw the steple of the Pad- 
 lock to take a Dram, according to the Evidences of the Witnesses, who were so 
 far consenting to it, as the prisoner said, that they said to him that there was no 
 harm in taking a Dram. 
 
 Joseph Gautier affirmed before the prisoners that ffrancis Raymond did strick 
 him twice with a stick, and pursued him part of his way home ; and the prisoner, 
 ffrancis Raymond, being examined thereon. He confessed that he did it, and the 
 other complainants, viz't : James Lavern, Claud Landry, junior, Joseph Landry, 
 Peter Robicheau, and Andrew Simon, jun'r., being sworn and examined, they 
 said that they found the Road so stopt, but that they did not know possitively who 
 did it ; and being asked if there was much wood thrown down, they said about a 
 cart load ; and the prisoners being asked if they had done it, ffrancis Meuse con- 
 fessed and said that he did cut about two or three smal trees, and that he did 
 also pick up about 7 or 8 other stumps, and throw them amongst them, and that 
 for no other intent than to cause young Robicheau, who was on Horse Back to Go 
 a little about, and ffrancis Raymond Denying that he Cut any, the said Meuse 
 said that he did not see him cut any. Whereupon his Honour, to find out more 
 of the truth and state of the Road, sent the Corporal Major along with James 
 Lavern to visit the same, and to make a report to him of the truth thereof, and 
 then adjourned till three of the clock, P. M. 
 
 The -Corporal Major stated " that he there found about 40 or 50 trees laid 
 cross the Road, and some lying by the road side ; and Lavern being also examin- 
 ed thereon, being both first sworn, said that there were a great many others lying 
 by the road side that had been removed from off the road since he last saw it." 
 
 The Board found that ffrancis Raymond, by his own confession, was guilty of 
 repeated Thefts ; and that the said ffrancis Meuse was also, by his own confes- 
 sion, guilty of a trespass and contempt. Adjourned. 
 
 Friday, 16 January, 1732-3. Agreed that ffrancis Baymond should be whipt at 
 the cart's tail, viz., at the Block House, at the Fort Gate, at the Cape, and at 
 Mr. Gautier's, and at each of those places to receive five stripes on his bare back 
 with a cat of nine tails ; and that Francis Meuse shall receive 40 stripes at the 
 ffort gate on his bare back with a cat of nine tails ; but submitted the inflicting 
 or remitting the same to his Honour's clemency, and ordered that Francis Ray- 
 mond remain in Prison after punishment till he pay the Constable a Pistol for 
 his prison fees, and be bound over in a hundred pound, and also to find two 
 good securitys in fifty pounds each for his good behaviour for a year ; and that 
 both the said ffrancis Raymond and ffrancis Meuse should cause the trees cut 
 down upon the road to be removed from off the same, and brought hither and 
 laid down by the ffort, in such a place as shall be appointed, and that they stand 
 committed till their sentence be performed. Landry and Doucett were ordered 
 to be apprehended for contempt in not appearing as directed. 
 
 John Duon having pulled down a paper from the Mass house door, and reflec- 
 ted on the Gov'r., &c., was committed pleaded drink, and confessed drawing 
 up complaints agt. the Lt. Gov'r., signed by inhabitants ; implicated Mr. Win- 
 niett as promoting it. Duon was forbid to draw papers, &c., and ordered to give 
 tecurity. Mr. Winniett declined attending council again.
 
 494 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 (2.) 
 
 Read in council, 5 Feb. 1732-3. A report of committee of Privy Council 
 2 Aug't, 1732, respecting dispute between colonel Dunbar and several people of 
 New England about the colonel's settlement at Pemmequid, and between the 
 rivers Kennebeck and St. Croix, with the king's directions thereon. 
 
 (3.) 
 
 Grants, 4 June, 1733, to captain Henry Daniell, one acre, one rood, 33 perches, 
 in upper town, Annapolis Royall ; to John Dyson, small lot, lower town, on the 
 i-4d. quit rent. 9 June, to John Adams, esq'r., several lots. In all, seven acres. 
 
 9 June, 1733. Armstrong grants to Charles Vane, esquire, his heirs and 
 assigns, for ever, " an island, known by the name of Goat island, now called " 
 " Armstrong's island, scituated in the river of Annapolis Royall, near to a place " 
 " commonly called the Scots ffort, on the N. W. side of the river, and a place " 
 " called ffisher's point, on the S. E. side of the said river, containing in the " 
 " whole thirty acres." Quit rent one penny sterling per acre, payable at Anna- 
 polis, and one penny more per acre reserved. Condition, to build and keep in 
 repair a house thereon, and to obey the laws, &c. 
 
 (4.) 
 
 In council, 24 July, 1 733. William Haw, being arrested for selling Hquor to 
 artificers without license, and making them drunk, " contemptuously returned " 
 " his patent to the secretary, saying, he would not stay in the country." The 
 council considered his patent forfeited, to the king, and might be re-granted.
 
 1734- History of Nova-Scotia. 495 
 
 CHAPTER LV. 
 
 i 734. The chief subjects of interest at this time that occupied 
 the attention of the authorities in Nova Scotia, were enforcing 
 the collection of seigneurial rents, and the bargain Mrs. Aga- 
 tha Campbell was making in London with the crown for the 
 sale of the seignory belonging to the Latour family. The fol- 
 lowing is from a letter written by the secretary, Mr. Shirreff, 
 to John Duon, dated 'Annapolis Royal, 5 January, 1733-4.' 
 He acknowledges a letter sent by the son of Jean le Prince. 
 
 " " It was as easy for them to bring their rents on " 
 
 " horseback, as it is for them daily to ride hither." The debts 
 being due to the king, the governor is obliged to enforce them, 
 " and whereas he will not grant any further time for the pay- " 
 " ment of the aforesaid rents, &c. He therefore orders, that " 
 " for their own sake they will immediately comply, for which " 
 " purpose he intends, on Monday morning next, at ten of the " 
 " clock, to fire three guns, with a whift in the flagg, for a " 
 " signall," (pavilion en berne pour signal), " to speak with " 
 " you and the deputies, at the same hour, on the tuesday fol- " 
 " lowing, and expect that the inhabitants will also repair " 
 " here at the same time with their rents. In regard to the " 
 " difficulties you find about the Turkey in exchange for four " 
 " capons, it is judged an equivalent, because a capon was " 
 " always deemed more valuable than a hen, and you know " 
 " yourself the difference thereof." (In one of the old French 
 leases, dated about 1691, the rent is reserved to the seigneur 
 in capons and bushels of wheat. It is recorded in the first 
 grant book.)
 
 496 History of Nova-Scotia. I734 
 
 8 January. Reny Forest, James Giroir and Reny Richards 
 were ordered to pay half the rents of their farm to madame 
 Belleisle, viz't : 6 hhds. 3 bushels wheat, and 1 3 fowls, yearly ; 
 and on 10 April it was ordered that she should have the whole 
 rent, it being ascertained to be farm rent, and not seigneural. 
 
 9 January, the lieut. governor suspended Mr. Winniett from 
 being a member of council, for refusal to attend, disrespect, 
 and other reasons, which he would lay before his majesty. 
 January 26. Two contracts of lease were affirmed, the rent of 
 one being " one denier tournois de cens, 2 bushels wheat and " 
 " 2 capons," and the other " one denier Parisis, 2 capons and " 
 " 4 bushels wheat" At a council held at major Paul Masca- 
 carene's house in H. M. garrison of Annapolis Royal, monday, 
 4 March, 1733-4, at 10 o'clock, A. M., present the lieut. gover- 
 nor, messrs. Mascarene, Adams, Skene, Shirreff, (secretary), 
 Cope and Otho Hamilton. The accounts of Prudent Robi- 
 chaux and John Duon, who were commissioned by Armstrong 
 to receive the seigneural rents of Annapolis river, were con- 
 sidered. Robichaux's account amounted to 41 7-8 bushels 
 wheat, 56 fowls, 4 partridges, 53. lod. cash on account of rent, 
 and 2 133. od. for fines of alienation. John Duon's account 
 amounted to 80 1-4 bushels wheat, 79 fowls, 133. 4d. on account 
 of rent, and ;8 75. 6d. for fines of alienation. It was advised 
 that Armstrong should give the rent gatherers' receipts for 
 the sum and quantity of the several species delivered to him ; 
 that the rents be reduced to money, by reckoning the wheat 
 at 5od., hens at i8d., pullets at 5d., and partridges at 5d., 
 " the present current prices," and not at the prices formerly 
 in the time of the French, " viz't : wheat at 4od. and hens at " 
 *' rod., as per report thereof, made by Mr. Duon." The New 
 England currency is the scale referred to ; it must be borne 
 in mind that it was very far below sterling in value. Lieuten- 
 ant governor Armstrong informs the lords of Trade (letter 
 
 10 May, 1734) that the seigneural rents of the Annapolis 
 river for the years 1732 and 1733 had been paid him for his 
 majesty, "amounting to ^40 i8s. 2d. 79-80 New England" 
 "money, which, at 260 per cent discount, amounts to 11 " 
 7s. 3 i-2d. sterling." (Douglas says that the whole seigneu-
 
 1734- History of Nova-Scotia. 497 
 
 ral rents of the province in 1749 did not exceed ,17 sterling 
 per annum.) 
 
 In March, the lieut governor commissioned John Hamilton, 
 gentleman, as 'naval officer' for the port of Annapolis. In 
 April, he ordered George Mitchell to proceed to Mines, Pissa- 
 quid, Cobaquid, cap DorJ, Shickanecto and Chippody, and 
 survey each of those places, discriminating uninhabited land, 
 cultivated, uncultivated, enclosed, &c. He was also to survey 
 the uninhabited lands on both sides of Mines basin up to Pis- 
 saquid, the coast and lands at Chignecto, St. John river, 
 and harbors to Passamaquoddy, Grand Manan, and back to 
 cape Sable, islands, creeks, harbors, rivers, depth of water, 
 &c. &c. Whoever drew up this order must have had but little 
 knowledge of the amount of time and labor, that must be ex- 
 pended to carry through all the duties specified. It would be 
 a work of years to make the measurements proposed. 
 
 It is refreshing to find that, amidst the cares and vexations 
 that attended a government without citizens or subjects to 
 whom it could look for support, a fortress whose ramparts 
 and lodgings were tumbling down or washed away by the 
 rains of autumn, a province without any revenue and but 
 little commerce, and a garrison whose supplies of clothing, 
 pay or provision, were scanty and precarious, a small military* 
 community, perched upon a strip of land, environed by races 
 hostile in many respects, and themselves not too friendly or 
 confiding in each other, there should yet exist a spark of 
 healthy, cheerful feeling, and a love of innocent recreation. 
 The decay of barracks and storehouses, the embezzlement of 
 regimental funds, the wrecked condition of the provincial ves- 
 sel the William Augustus, the jealousies that kept Armstrong 
 unhappy, and made him angry with Cosby and Winniett, the 
 grievance attending the collecting seigneural dues, and the 
 ever recurring discord with the missionaries, become tedious 
 to him who investigates the mss. records of those days ; and 
 the reader must understand that many things of this kind 
 have been omitted and abridged in our narrative. I am led 
 to make these remarks by an entry of the proceedings in coun- 
 cil at Annapolis, of 10 April, 1734, viz't : " The officers of 
 32
 
 498 History of Nova-Scotia. J734- 
 
 " the garrison prayed that that small inclosure adjoining to " 
 " the Governor's Garden and the White House field, and " 
 " lying opposite to the Fort gate, known by the name of the " 
 " Bowling Green, shall be reserved and set apart for them " 
 " and their successors, and all other Gentlemen who may " 
 " please to contribute towards the expense of making the " 
 " said enclosure a Bowling Green, and repairing and fencing " 
 " the same from time to time as the same may require, for " 
 " ever." It was agreed it should be so. The last expression 
 in the officers' petition is " for ever." How short sighted are 
 mortals. The fort which had then subsisted for a century 
 under such varying fortunes, so often besieged, so often chang- 
 ing masters, no longer re-echoes with the signal gun, the 
 sentry's all's well, or qui va let, or the sounds of his measured 
 tramp. The contrast between the deserted ramparts and 
 glacis where cattle now unmolested graze, and the condition 
 of the fortress under its many changes, but so long the abode of 
 military energy, affords food for the reflections of the philoso- 
 pher, and the illustrations of the poet and the novelist. 
 
 At this period apprehensions were felt in England of a 
 renewal of war with France, and a representation of the state 
 of Nova Scotia, in prospect of such a contingency, was prepa- 
 red, addressed to the king, and signed by the lieut. governor 
 and council, and officers, both civil and military. Date 1 3 July, 
 1734. In this paper they refer to the fortifications of Louis- 
 bourg, St. Peter's, and at the island of St. John, to the pri- 
 vateers that could be fitted out, and which would stop the 
 supplies and destroy the fishing vessels of the province, 
 and to the influence held by French emissaries over the 
 
 Acadians. That the French only esteem the oath of alle- 
 
 ' glance they have taken, to bind them to become neutral, and 
 they believe it will not even hinder them from joining the 
 enemy, when attempts from Cape Breton and Canada shall be 
 made, in conjunction with the Indians, to conquer the pro- 
 vince. There are four companies of colonel Philipps' regiment 
 at Canso, without barracks or storehouses, except temporary 
 buildings which the fishermen helped to put up. That the 
 French and Indians have altered of late, and become insolent,
 
 I734 History of Nova-Scotia. 499 
 
 having, as they say, assurance of help from France. In case 
 of war, they expect Canso will be besieged by sea and land, 
 and privateers will annoy the British. Several merchants had 
 already retired from Canso, with their effects. 
 
 Governor Philipps stated to the lords of Trade, in reply to 
 questions they addressed to him, that " the chief encourage- " 
 " ment wanting toward the well cultivating and improvement " 
 of Nova Scotia, was " the creating two or three forts in pro- " 
 " per places, with an addition of 2 or 300 men to garrison " 
 " such forts. This may invite a new set of people that are " 
 " Protestants to venture their lives and fortunes under that " 
 " government ; for as to the present inhabitants, they are " 
 " rather a pest and incumbrance than of advantage to the " 
 " country, being a proud, lazy, obstinate and untractable " 
 ' people, unskilful in the methods of agriculture, nor will be " 
 " led into a better way of thinking, and (what is still worse) " 
 " greatly disaffected to the government. They raise ('tis " 
 " true) both corn and cattle on marsh lands that wants no " 
 " clearing, but have not, in almost a century, cleared the " 
 " quantity of 300 acres of wood land. From their corn and " 
 " cattle they have plenty of dung for manure, which they " 
 " make no use of ; but when it increases, so as to become "" 
 " troublesome, then, instead of laying it on their lands, they " 
 "get rid of it by removing their barns to another spot." It 
 does seem rather hard that Philipps, who had been always- 
 received with great respect by the Acadians, and in the brief 
 periods that he resided at Annapolis exercised more con- 
 trol over them than any other governor, should now, from 
 his English domicile, while drawing full pay as governor,, 
 while poor major Armstrong had all the work to do without 
 compensation : it is hard, I think, that Philipps should give- 
 you this picture of his quondam subjects. I would not dispute 
 the truth of his statement in a general way, but cannot help 
 thinking he had colored the faults and mistakes of these poor 
 people a little too high. Whether to attribute it to his desire 
 to excuse his absence from his post, or to the tendency of his 
 mind to take strong and forcible views of every thing, and to- 
 express himself in graphic and expressive language, I do not
 
 500 History of Nova-Scotia. 1 734 
 
 know ; but I incline to think, that while he possessed a vigo- 
 rous mind, and took true and clear impressions of most mat- 
 ters, that some allowance must always be made for the earnest 
 and passionate feelings usually found in men of his charac- 
 ter. While making this observation, it is but right to add that 
 he united to a clear intellect a manly and kind disposition, 
 and in the main he has not been surpassed, in the chief quali- 
 lities of firmness and fairness that dignify a ruler, by any of his 
 successors. 
 
 We now encounter some judicial matters that shew us a 
 very different style of punishment for misconduct than is prac- 
 tised at the present day. A council was held 6 August, 1734. 
 o. s. There were present lieutenant governor Armstrong, 
 doctor Skene, secretary Shirreff, major Cope, Eramus J. Phi- 
 lipps, and Otho Hamilton. The cause of Mary Davis against 
 Jeanne Picot, the wife of Louis Thibauld, was tried, for scan- 
 dal in accusing Mary of the murder of two children. The 
 report was " found a vile, malicious, groundless and scanda- " 
 " lous report. Ordered, that Jeanne Picot should be ducked " 
 " on Saturday next, the loth instant, at high water." She, 
 and Cecil Thompson, her witness, were ordered to be bound 
 over, &c., for spreading false reports. " Mary Davis praying " 
 " that the aforesaid sentence of ducking may be reversed, and " 
 " if she, the said Picot, might only be obliged to ask her par- " 
 "don, on Sunday, the nth instant, at the mass house door. " 
 She was ordered to do so publicly. In council, on the I2th 
 August, 1734. Mathew Hurry, convicted of stealing a $ 
 bill from serjeant James Thompson, was sentenced to fifty 
 lashes, bare back, cat of nine tails, and to return the money. 
 
 The lords of Trade wrote from "Whitehall, 11 Sept'r. 1734," 
 to colonel Armstrong. They think the project of truck-houses 
 should be postponed till there are inhabitants enough in the 
 province to compose an assembly and to bear the expense of 
 it. As to the question of the seigneurs, such of them as 
 remained in the province " at the treaty of Utrecht have M 
 " thereby a right to keep what they were legally possessed of" 
 w before that time, owning allegiance to the crown of Great " 
 " Britain, and conforming themselves to the government of"
 
 I734- History of Nova-Scotia. 501 
 
 " the province ; but such of them as went to France, leaving " 
 " behind them what they enjoyed, and are since returned, can " 
 " have no right to any land but what they shall hold from the " 
 " king under the annual quit rent, to be paid by H. M. sub- " 
 " jects settling in that province." On the suspension of Mr. 
 Winniett, they found the account of that transaction not 
 explicit enough to enable them to form any judgment upon it. 
 After pointing out that a councillor should have full freedom 
 of debate and vote, that it would not do to be too nice in the 
 infancy of a colony in observing on the conduct of councillors, 
 " and where there are so few civil inhabitants, one would not " 
 " part too lightly with one of them out of the council." 
 
 In Sept'r., 1734, in consequence of the prevalence of thefts 
 and robberies, an order of governor and council authorized the 
 inhabitants to keep a night watch, to arrest suspicious persons 
 at night, and to fire on those who refuse to answer after being 
 thrice challenged. M. le Borgne de Belleisle obtained an 
 order on parties who had taken from him eight loads of hay, 
 cut on ungranted land, to return the same. They appear to 
 have claimed under a deed from M. la Tour, apparently one of 
 the heirs, who left the province at the conquest in 1710. 
 
 30 September. John Hamilton, deputy collector, was ordered 
 to go in the sloop Mary, Stride, master, to St. John, to prevent 
 illicit trade, and ensign Samuel Cottnam was authorized to 
 seize vessels, &c. for the same purpose. A correspondence 
 exists of this year between the lords of Trade and lieut. gover- 
 nor Armstrong, respecting Mrs. Agatha Campbell's claims to 
 the seigneuries of Nova Scotia, in which Armstrong combats 
 many of her assertions. The information possessed by gov- 
 ernment on the titles to these seigneuries, appears to be very 
 far from being complete or accurate at this time. There is a 
 report of the lords of Trade to the committee of the privy 
 council on her petition, which report is dated Whitehall, 23rd 
 October, 1733. Also a letter from lieut. governor Armstrong 
 to the lords of Trade, dated 30 Nov'r., 1734, and 14 Jan'y., 
 1734-5. Douglass (Summary, p. 327) says Mrs. Campbell 
 had procured procurations and quit claims from her co-heirs, 
 and sold the seignory of the province to the crown in 1731 for
 
 502 History of Nova-Scotia. 1 72>4- 
 
 2000 guineas. The sale must have been some time later, and 
 her claims at best were but partial in title, and did not 
 embrace the whole province. 
 
 In November, 1734, Geo. Mitchell was sent to survey the 
 land from Chevery's creek to the mouth of Pissaguet river, 
 (Avon), and also that at Grand Saut, (Sault), and cape Fandu, 
 (fendu, Cape Split.) 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER LV. 
 
 (i.) 
 
 In council. 10 April, 1734. Mr. John Adams prayed leave of absence for 
 twelve months, to go to Britain, for some relief in consideration of his services, 
 and asked for a certificate of his conduct/rom the lieut. governor and council. 
 All which was granted, 
 
 (2.) 
 
 In lieut. gov'r. Armstrong's letter to Board of Trade, Annapolis Royal, 10 May, 
 1734, he says that the inhabitants are not disposed to take grants, as the quit 
 rents would be heavier, and most of them have a mile of frontage and a league in 
 depth, without any conditions of enclosing or fencing. If the uplands are as bar- 
 ren as they state, one penny sterling per hundred acres is too great a quit rent. 
 Thinks the trade, &c., better than quit rents. 
 
 (3-) 
 
 
 
 13 July, 1734. The lieut. gorernor, council,, officers, civil and military, and the 
 British inhabitants, address the king, congratulating him on the marriage of the 
 Princess Royal with his most serene highness the Prince of Orange. In this they 
 mention " the glorious memory of king William, who, in spite of the enemies to " 
 " both, rescued us from Popery and arbitrary power, and opened a door for " 
 " your majesty's succession to compleat that glorious work, &c" 
 
 (4-) 
 
 In Council, 16 Sept'r., 1734 : 
 
 Alexander le Borgne, S're. de Belleisle, who had taken the oath of allegiance, 
 and had permission to cut firewood and hay for his own use off the king's land, 
 memorialized the It. gov'r., complaining of obstruction. " Alex'r. Bellisle, y'e " 
 " son, was called in, and being examined. He laid some other papers vouched " 
 " and attested by some of the deputies and others, as upon file. That one " 
 " Charles Richards, lately come into the province from Cape Breton, and others "
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 503 
 
 " of his party, had not only opposed him in cutting, but had even insulted him " 
 " and taken away the Hay that he had cutt, without shewing y'e least regard to " 
 " authority granted to his father for so doing, and contemptuously refused to " 
 " see it or hear it read. Whereupon, being asked off what land he had. cutt said " 
 " hay, and his answer being from off some land granted by mons'r. La Toure, a " 
 " subject of ffrance, since the reduction of the Province to his Britannic Majesty." 
 
 In council, 19 Sep'r., 1734 : 
 
 The Lt. Gov'r. informed the Board " that the said Charles Richards was come 
 to answer for himself, and had brought along with him a child, Angelick Dougas, 
 who had presented him with a petition, setting forth that her deceased father, 
 Joseph Dougas, did purchass that land, (which Belleisle hath represented to be 
 the king's land), not only of mons'r. Latour but of the other seignieurs, since 
 that time become co-heirs of the seignioralty.'" 
 
 "The petition, with a contract or grant of said land, bearing date the 3d day 
 of March, 1713, said to be granted by the seigniours, attested by Alex'r. Bourg, 
 not'ry.," were read. 
 
 " Richards also produced four receipts for rent, said by him to be paid for the 
 " said land to the seignieurs." Richards was himself examined. 
 
 The Board decided that the grant was " defective " and " fraudulent ;" that 
 41 Dougas had no right of inheritance by virtue of said grant, since he had also 
 " abandoned the province, and retired with his family into the dominions of ffrance. 
 " and agreed that it then was in the gift of the king ; that the property thereof 
 " shall remain as it is till his Honour should have an opportunity to go and visit 
 " it at Mines, and that till then, or further orders, Mr. Belleisle may cutt hay as 
 " is already directed ; and then ordered that the said Richards, as he hath, with 
 " the quantity taken from Belleisle, cutt from off said land 16 loads of hay, that 
 " he, the said Charles Richards, or his partners, shall return 8 loads thereof to 
 " the said m'r. Bellisle find good security that this order shall be punctually 
 " performed and obeyed, and not to depart from hence till a certificate is returned 
 " from Mines that it is duely complyed with." 
 
 " Ordered that the said Charles Richards should pay the charge of the process. 
 " and that Mr. Secr'y. should keep the aforesaid Grant or Contract upon file, and 
 " give an attested copy thereof to the said Charles Richards." 
 
 In council, 27 Sept'r., 1734. Present: Lt. Gov'r. Armstrong, Shin-erf, Cope, 
 E. J. Philipps, and Otho Hamilton. 
 
 Ensign Samuel Cottnam, at Mines, wrote to the Lt. Gov'r., complaining of 
 clandestine trade. It was resolved to authorize Ensign Cottnam to seize such 
 traders and their vessels, and bring them to Annapolis. 
 
 Mr. Peter Bline sent for, stated he knew of such clandestine traders, " and 
 gave an account of one .Bently, of Charlestown, in New England Munier, an 
 half Indian, and Chatteneuf, a Frenchman, son-in-law to St. Castine, of Penob- 
 ficott, who daily practised that trade ; and that the said Bently, of Charlestown, 
 threatned to meet with him, the said Peter Blin, this fall, at St. John's river, and 
 their to feight him." 
 
 An order was adopted to authorize Blin to seize, &c., as Cottnam had been 
 empowered, and for deputy collector and naval officer, Mr. John Hamilton, to go 
 up the Bay with him for that purpose.
 
 504 History of Nova-Scotia* 
 
 (5-) 
 
 At a council held by order of the Lieut. Governor Armstrong, Esq'r., the 26th 
 Nov'r., 1734, at major Henry Cope's house, in his maj'ts garrison of Annapolis 
 Royall, at 1 1 o' the clock, A. M. 
 
 Present : 
 
 William Skene, Esq'r. Eras. Jas. Philipps, Esq'r. 
 
 Will. Shirreff, Sec'ry. Otho Hamilton, Esq'r. 
 
 Henry Cope, Esq'r. 
 
 The secretary acquainted the Board that there was one Joseph Munier, (see 
 Sept. 27, 1734), an half Indian, come to make his submission, and to take the- 
 oath of allegiance to his majesty, and therefore to know whither it might not be 
 administred to him, and he admitted the same priviledges as his Majestie's other 
 ffrench subjects. 
 
 The Board agreed that, as he was an active man amongst the Indians, and as it 
 might prove to the good of his Majesty's service to admit him, the oath was 
 accordingly ordered to be administred, who, being sent for, he took the same 
 before the Board. 
 
 L. ARMSTRONG. 
 
 (Front Governor Philipps 1 letter to the Lords of Trade, 30 Nov'r., 1734, 
 
 -" At my return to London, out of Essex, where I had been con- 
 
 fined lame three months, I found a letter from Mr. Secretary Popple." 
 
 In explanation about presents to the Indians fourteen years before, he says : 
 " Mr. Bamfield, at that time in trust in the Plantation office, got the money and " 
 " sent out part of the value only in very inferior articles, the worst that ever " 
 " were bought with money," and his death prevented the full detection of the 
 fraud. 
 
 Speaking of the Indians, he says : Proud to be called the Allies of France. 
 " They; are not to be drawn from that party by all the douceurs or pre- '* 
 
 " sents the king shall make them." Cannot advise presents : " they will '* 
 
 " take whatever we give them, and cut our throats next day." 
 
 He sent the undisposed of presents back to New England, where they were 
 sold for ^150, for the use of the Government. Three or four years ago, when 
 he was administering the oath of allegiance to the French, he gave presents, &c. 
 to the Indians, who drank the king's health and danced the Indian dance.
 
 1735- History of Nova-Scotia. 505 
 
 CHAPTER LVI. 
 
 1735. In the beginning of this year the prices of firewood 
 which the French inhabitants demanded from the garrison, 
 were considered exorbitant, and intended to distress the Bri- 
 tish. By order of the lieutenant governor, a committee of the 
 council met at major Cope's house, on tuesday, 7 January, 
 1734-5. Present : Dr. Skene, secretary Shirreff, major Cope, 
 Erasmus James Philipps and Otho Hamilton, who recommen- 
 ded the lieut. governor to discourse with the deputies. The 
 same committee met at the secretary's office in the garrison, 
 monday, 3 Feb., 1734-5, at 3 P. M. The secretary acquainted 
 the Board that his honour being again informed of the great 
 abuses and exorbitant prices demanded by the French inhabi- 
 tants for firewood, by which they seemed to have no other 
 views at this time than to distress his majesty's garrison, 
 every officer, and all the English inhabitants in the place, and 
 that his majesty hath an undoubted right to the woods, and 
 they only the herbage and vesturage of the lands, and entitu- 
 led only to the benefit of such woods as they may have imme- 
 diate occasion for their own proper use and buildings. He 
 therefore desired that as they, the inhabitants, had obstinately 
 through contempt, refused taking patents for their said lands 
 in his majesty's name, his Honor therefore desired the gen- 
 tlemen of the Board seriously to consider their insolence and 
 the present circumstances of his majesty's garrison, which 
 could not possibly subsist without wood." The Board consid- 
 ered 6s. 8d. a chord was a reasonable price. Peter Grange 
 and ffran^ois Doucett, who had spread a report that major
 
 506 History of Nova-Scotia. 1735- 
 
 Cope had offered 5 livres a cord, (in order to advance the price 
 of wood), were fined 53. each for a false report. It is to be 
 remarked that what was called New England currency appears 
 to have borne such a proportion to sterling, that ^360 N. E. was 
 equivalent to ;ioo sterling. The 6s. 8d. per cord for wood, 
 mentioned above, would thus be nearly is. lod. sterling, or 
 about 2s. 2 i-2d. Halifax currency, or 44 cents ; while the 
 5 livres would be equal to 43. 2d. sterling, or 53. 2 i-2d. Halifax 
 currency say $1.04, being nearly double the price the com- 
 mittee then deemed reasonable. The prices of this kind of 
 fuel have augmented since by six or eight fold. 
 
 On the i April, the lieutenant governor, being about to go 
 up the bay of Fundy, had a meeting of the council called, 
 where it was agreed to renew the Indian treaty, and to tender 
 the oath to all such inhabitants as had not already taken it, 
 and that the lieut. governor might take books and papers with 
 him to Menis out of the Secretary's office. The council met 
 frequently during this year, to perform the duties of a court of 
 justice, in trying chiefly civil suits among the French inhabi- 
 tants, in their disputes about lands and monies. The lieuten- 
 ant governor, and messrs. Skene, Shirreff and Hamilton, 
 held a committee of council, at Menis, 17 April, 19 April, 
 24 April, 26 April, 28 April. The four first were chiefly 
 for trial of disputes among the inhabitants. On that of the 
 28th, the deputies of Mines for last year were reproved for 
 not obeying the lieutenant governor's orders of 2 November, 
 1734, respecting petit Jacques le Blanc, who had grossly 
 affronted Mr. John Hamilton, deputy collector, in the execu- 
 tion of his duty. April 17, an order was made for repair of 
 the dykes and fences at Mines and Pissaquid ; and about the 
 same time an order to repair the road between Mines and 
 Pissaquid. In May, constables were ordered to aid the depu- 
 ties at Mines, Pizaquid and Cobequid. An inventory was 
 made of the effects of petit Jacques le Blanc. The committee 
 of council met at Mines also on the ist and on the 9th May. 
 Armstrong, in this progress, went with his suite to Piziquet, 
 (Windsor), where they were received and entertained by mon- 
 sieur Maufils, the resident priest. Armstrong addressed a
 
 1735- History of Nova-Scotia. 507 
 
 letter to him, dated ' Menis, the 28 April, 1735, which begins 
 thus : " Reverend sir. I take this opportunity of thanking " 
 " you once more for your civil and generous entertainment " 
 " of myself and gentlemen at Piziquet." He asks after St. 
 Poncy's health, encloses a letter to the deputies, and thinks it 
 reasonable the inhabitants should shew their grants. Those 
 of Mines have already brought in most of their grants ; hopes 
 those of Piziquet will do so. (At this time m. de la Goudalie 
 was priest at Grand Pr6, Mines.) The letter to the deputies 
 of Piziquet and Cobequid require the bringing in deeds and 
 contracts, on the ground of various disputes about boundaries, 
 seigneural rents, fines of alienation, &c., that information may 
 be obtained. In July, Mr. A. Popple writes to Armstrong that 
 the Board of Trade has been informed by captain Fytche, of 
 H. M. S. Sheerness, that the French of Cape Breton resort lo 
 the Canso islands to fish for several years, this year with 
 thirty boats, and pretend leave from the governor. They 
 enquire if such leave was given, and if so, disapprove of it 
 highly, &c. They wish a culler of fish appointed at Canso, as 
 complaints are made of ill-cured English fish. 
 
 In September, the lords of Trade write to Armstrong, re- 
 questing a statement of the duties paid at Canso, the number 
 of English inhabitants there and elsewhere in the province. 
 Until there are enough of these to form an assembly, they 
 cannot form a civil government, or expect to people the pro- 
 vince. An order had been obtained for a grant of the isle 
 Haute, and of a peninsula lying east of it, by one John Hart, 
 esquire. This was opposed before the lieut. governor and 
 council, by lieut. governor Cosby, and by messrs. Daniel, Blin 
 and Donnell, and the issue of the patent prevented. Arm- 
 strong writes to the lords of Trade, " Annapolis Royal, " 
 " 27 Sept., 1735." Says he has no letter from them this year. 
 He went up the bay of Fundy in April, found the people 
 very complaisant, and outwardly well affected, but he thinks 
 they are not so in reality. A block-house and soldiers might 
 curb them. They set the Indians on to mischief. Presents 
 only could buy the attachment of the Indians. After this, he 
 went to Canso, and spent most of the summer there. Every-
 
 508 History of Nova-Scotia. J 735* 
 
 body complained of captain Aldridge, so Armstrong removed 
 him from that command, and gave him leave of absence for 
 eight months, and appointed major Mascarene to command at 
 Canso, " who is a worthy honest man, and no doubt will " 
 " please the inhabitants better." He wishes Canso were forti- 
 fied. The fishery this year has been good. Thirty or forty 
 thousand quintals of fish were cured upon the island. He 
 says " this was chiefly owing to the encouragement that I " 
 " published in the prints in Boston last winter." He intends 
 to revisit Canso next summer. There is good expectation 
 from the whale fishery. 
 
 The Indians of the river St. John felt, or affected to feel, 
 apprehensions on account of the proceedings of the govern- 
 ment surveyors in that vicinity, and they sent Francis Ger- 
 main, a chief, and captain Peter Jacque, to Annapolis, with 
 Mr. Robicheaux as their interpreter. For some cause they 
 missed seeing lieut. governor Armstrong, and he wrote them, 
 in consequence, a very conciliating and friendly letter, dated 
 27 Sept'r., 1735, assuring them of every protection and favor. 
 This letter, in the French copy, is addressed " A messrs. " 
 " Sibanoit, Vanbigangoutte et les autres messrs. sauvages de " 
 " la Riviere. St. Jean." In a promotion of officers in Decem- 
 ber, 1735, governor Philipps was made a brigadier general. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER LVI. 
 
 The following is translated from a copy of a French document, apparently 
 drawn up by mons. Duvivier, in 1735. 
 
 ' 1609 to 1735. Memoire upon Acadie. 
 
 The discovery of Acadie was made at the beginning of the reign of Louis 13. 
 The sieur de St. Etienne de la Tour, of the province of Champagne, in the hope 
 of finding mines of gold and silver there, as was pretended, formed the project of 
 settling a colony there, and obtained permission to do so from Louis 13, in 1609, 
 who granted him the property of a large part of this colony, with the title of hi
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 509 
 
 Governor and Lieutenant General, to command there as well by sea as by land, 
 and added thereto the power of nominating officers of war and of justice, and 
 the right of bestowing favors and honors on such persons as he might think pro- 
 per to privilege to make open war on his neighbors to contract peace and 
 alliances, and to give an account afterwards to his majesty of all that he should do. 
 He sold considerable property that he had in Champagne, and sent to Acadie a 
 considerable number of inhabitants, suitable for clearing and cultivating the land, 
 and he succeeded in establishing these colonies firmly. 
 
 His son inherited his titles and his rights in 1651, and eventually married 
 madame de Menou de Charnisay, by whom he had three daughters, but he was 
 unfortunately drowned before his two boys were of age to fill his place. The 
 widow supported herself for some time, and made afterwards a treaty with M. the 
 duke of Vendome, whereby that prince bound himself to send out to her annually 
 three vessels, on condition that he should have half the rights granted to her 
 family. She died three years afterwards, and her children still young and desti- 
 tute, in a country distant from the aid necessary for their being suitably brought 
 up, saw themselves unable to support themselves alone. As the country was 
 perfectly established, the king, in 1700, came to a resolution to re-unite it to his 
 domains, and he granted to the five children twenty-three leagues and a half of 
 ground :n frontage, and of the same depth, which was divided into four conces- 
 sions, leaving them the liberty of choosing that which was the best settled. This 
 was confirmed by the " arr6t du Roy," 20 March, 1703, with power in free gift 
 of mines, ores, metals and minerals, that might be discovered in the seigneurie 
 of Mines and that of Port Royal, in compensation for the large property the 
 family had expended. M. the duke de Vendome, in virtue of the bargain he had 
 made with the widow la Tour, claimed to have half the grants. As he had not 
 fulfilled any of his engagements, he lost his cause in the Royal Council in 1703. 
 
 The English got possession of Acadie in 1710, and the king ceded it to them 
 by the treaty of Utrecht, on condition that they should have there the free exer- 
 cise of the Catholic and Roman religion. The inhabitants who remained there 
 are now very numerous. They have preserved the hope of returning to their 
 allegiance to the king. We may be assured of the affection of the savages of trie 
 country. The missionaries are incessant in keeping them in the disposition they 
 feel for France. 
 
 Le sieur du Vivier, capitaine aide major, of the Isle Royale, and great grand- 
 son of the Sr. de la Tour, the founder of the colony, has in this country his grand- 
 father and his grandmother, and three of his uncles, and many other of his rela- 
 tions, who were not attached to the service. They have remained in Acadie, and 
 have never been willing to take the oath of allegiance to the king of England, nor 
 to listen to any proposal, whatever advantage may have been offered them, or 
 whatever ill-treatment was used to constrain them to it, even to taking from them 
 the enjoyment of their property. The inhabitants are entirely devoted to them, 
 and also to M. Puvivier, who has always secretly arranged the means of taking 
 this country from the English in the first instant of a rupture ; this enterprize 
 would be accomplished, provided advantage was taken of the first moments. One 
 may reckon on the zeal of the inhabitants and of the greater part of the savages. 
 The English have lost few troops there. So that with one hundred men onlj 
 from the garrison of Louisbourg, and a certain quantity of arms and ammunition 
 to distribute to the inhabitants, the sieur Duvivier would pledge his head
 
 5io History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 (s'engagerait sur sa tete) to make the conquest of this part of North America, 
 comprising the fort of Campceaux, where the English carry on a very great fish- 
 ery, to the prejudice of the colony of Isle Royale. One may also be sure that 
 the inhabitants of the colony and the savages of the country will be disposed 
 themselves to drive out the English without any help from France, and without 
 her- appearing or having part in it, if they thought they would not be checked or 
 disapproved. They have explained this more than once to the Sr. Duvivier, who 
 has always upheld them in the notion, and led them to hope that this might take 
 place in the course of time, and that he would try to that effect. 
 
 The land of Acadie is very good, and produces all that is necessary for the 
 subsistance of the inhabitants. There is plenty of wood suitable for ship build- 
 ing, and very fine and good harbors along the Eastern shore, and in a convenient 
 situation for the cod fishery. The inhabitants of Isle Royale trade there, and 
 obtain thence all the cattle necessary for the subsistance of the island, also a part 
 of the other goods which they are deficient in. In the seigneurie of Mines, which 
 is six leagues square, (and belongs to the family, with donations of mines, &c.,) 
 a lead mine, a considerable silver mine, an especial mine of red copper of a color 
 like gold, and one oS> another metal, the value of which is not known to the 
 
 Sr. Duvivier or anybody. Its color is . It will be easy to ascertain, as he 
 
 has brought some of it with him, as well as of the red copper and silver, to try 
 them. 
 
 The English having obtained likewise the knowledge of a copper mine resem- 
 bling gold, at a place called Beaubassin, joining to Mines, have sent thirty miners 
 there, with an officer, according to the report of one Fougere, who assured him- 
 self of it last autumn, a little while before his departure. They have formed a 
 company for this undertaking, in which the Governor, Lieutenant du Roi and 
 Major (ot the English) are secretly interested, to establish there a so-called cop- 
 per work, (soi disant une cuivrerie.) The Governor wished to induce the inhabi- 
 tants to build for him on the spot a strong dwelling, which they refused to do, 
 under pretext of being afraid of the savages, who had already gone there to hinder 
 an English trader, who had come there to load two small vessels for the second 
 time, and had forbid the inhabitants to allow it. This had been secretly stirred 
 up by the uncles of the said Sr. Duvivier, to whom he had written for that pur- 
 pose. 
 
 Although there may be no war with the English, this family has a right to hin- 
 der them from taking possession of those mines, because the King, in ceding the 
 country, gives only what belongs to him, and not the property of his subjects ; 
 and although the family have never been willing to take the oath of allegiance to 
 the king of England, they have not on that account lost the capital of their pro- 
 perty. 
 
 Meanwhile, a female cousin german, of the mother of M. Duvivier, has sold to 
 the King her rights in the grants of the family for the sum of 2500 guineas, and a 
 pension, but she could not claim as her right but a 35th part. By this it may be 
 seen that the whole is very considerable, the more so as the mines were not at 
 that time discovered. 
 
 The sieur Gautier, an inhabitant of Acadie, has come expressly to find the 
 Sr. Duvivier, and to inform him of all this business on the part of his uncles, who 
 would have come themselves if they had not b'een afraid of being suspected, and 
 wishing to be on the spot to watch over the movements of the English, to
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 511 
 
 and hinder their works by means of the savages. The sieur Duvivier is also the 
 bearer of a printed copy of the commission of the sieur de la Tour, in which is 
 explained the rights and privileges which were granted to him ; also an ' arrSt du 
 roi,' which confirms all the grants in the country of Acadie, dated 20 March, 1703, 
 which he will send in if necessary. 
 
 M. Duvivier, the author of the foregoing mtmoire, was son of Fra^ois 
 du Pont du Vivier, a French officer at Port Royal, who was married there on the 
 i2 Jan'y., 1705, to Marie, the daughter of Jacques Mius, seigneur de Poubomcoup, 
 and Anne St. Estienne de la Tour, his wife, who was daughter of Charles de la 
 Tour. Duvivier, nine years after, in 1744, commanded the party who besieged 
 Annapolis, and was near to succeeding in taking it by his diplomacy. 
 
 (2.) 
 
 In council, monday, 22 Dec., 1735. Present : Adams, Skene, Shirreff, Philipps, 
 Hamilton. 
 
 Peter Guon, a Spaniard, convicted of thefts, sentenced to fifty stripes on his 
 bare back, from the mass house to the cape, and to serve Stephen Tones, whom 
 he had stolen from, for three years in recompense,, redeemable for ^56 N. E. cur- 
 rency by John Stickney, with whom he had shipped. 
 
 Germain Doucett, 25 stripes at cart's tail, &c., and fined four fold value of goods 
 stolen found in his possession. 
 
 The boy Peter Pino to pay four fold value of what was found with him, and also 
 to whip the other two.
 
 512 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 CHAPTER LVII. 
 
 1736. A merchant vessel, which is supposed to have sailed 
 from Dublin 7 Oct'r., 1735, bound to Annapolis, in Maryland, 
 having got out of its course, put into Jebogue harbor in 
 December. One person only, (a woman, who called herself 
 Mrs. Buckler), appears to have been found on board when the 
 vessel was visited by the cape Sable Indians. Eight dead 
 bodies were found on shore, near the Tusketts. Mr. Charles 
 D'Entremont, of Poubomcoup, and Mr. George Mitchell, the 
 deputy surveyor, brought her on to Annapolis on the 9 May, 
 1736. She called herself the widow of the sole owner of the 
 vessel and cargo, and to have been robbed of great treasure in 
 silver, gold and merchandize, by the Indians, whom she also 
 professed to suspect of murdering two sailors, her maid, and a 
 negro boy. The vessel was in June brought up to Annapolis. 
 The tale of the woman received little confirmation afterwards, 
 but being told with some degree of plausibility, it created 
 much stir in the little quiet government, and Armstrong wrote 
 of it to St. Ovide, at Louisbourg, who proved somewhat scep- 
 tical. He also addressed the duke of Newcastle, the lords of 
 Trade, governor Belcher, messrs. D'Entremont, and the chief of 
 the cape Sable Indians. The vessel lay empty and unclaimed, 
 and by-and-bye the impression was strong that it had been 
 employed to bring out convicts transported to the colonies, 
 and that they had escaped from custody, and that the lady 
 might have been one of them. The further details of the 
 affair are not of themselves worth, at this day, much attention ; 
 but there was one result of mischief from it in a new quarrel
 
 1736' History of Nova-Scotia. 513 
 
 which it led to between lieut. governor Armstrong and two of 
 the R. Catholic priests, messrs. St. Poncy and Chevereux. 
 In his letter of 17 May, to St. Ovide, Armstrong says : " To " 
 *' which loss of the boat, Mrs. Buckler imputes the death of" 
 *' the ship's company, being thereby cutt off from having any " 
 *' means of getting fresh water, for want whereof they perish- " 
 " ed, and not by any other apparent disease or sickness, " 
 *' which is indeed surprising in a harbour where, she says, " 
 *' they had no scarcity of provisions, nor of any other liquors. " 
 *' However, it being certain that such a vessel was, and, I " 
 " believe, still in the aforesaid harbor without hands, and " 
 *' that this woman was in the possession of the Indians, I " 
 "'have therefore judged proper to give you this account of" 
 " her misfortunes, that in case such goods as are specified in " 
 " her declaration should be found amongst the Indians, or " 
 " offered to be sold, that you may give your necessary direc- ' 
 " tions to have them secured for the use of the lawful claim- " 
 " ers, as also the gold and silver, if possible." 
 
 St. Poncy wished to go to France for recovery of his health, 
 but the people of Cobaquit desired to engage him as their 
 priest for twelve months, to which he assented. The council 
 requested him and M. de Cheveraux to attend them, and pro- 
 posed that one of the two clergymen should first go to Pou- 
 bomcoup, and endeavour to get the Indians to restore the 
 property they were said to have stolen from Mrs. Buckler. 
 They said they would not go, and they would have nothing to 
 do in the affair. De Cheveraux said, " Queje suis id de la " 
 "part du Roy de France" De St. Poncy spoke to the same 
 effect. The lieutenant governor talked of sending them to 
 France. They laughed, and said, " with all their hearts," and 
 left the room, slamming the doors. On tuesday, 18 May, the 
 council resolved that they, the two priests, should be dismissed 
 and retire to the Presbytere, (priests' house), and there to 
 remain till an opportunity offered to send them out of the pro- 
 vince. They were then called in, and the sentence read to 
 them. " They resumed their former insolence called for " 
 " chairs to sit down, saying they did not appear as criminals, " 
 " and they had no business with things temporal, and further " 
 33
 
 514 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 " expressed themselves in these words, ' Que nous riavons " 
 "point dordres a revir (reqevoir) id" They were ordered to 
 depart immediately to the Presbytere, and to remain as afore- 
 said. It was mentioned at this meeting of council that a 
 "mass house" had been rebuilt or repaired up the river, 
 adorned more finely, and used as often for mass as the one at 
 Annapolis, contrary to the orders of the government. Mrs. 
 Buckler seems to have gone on to Boston, as Armstrong, in 
 his letter to governor Belcher, 19 June, says she will wait on 
 him. 
 
 This season the St. John Indians opposed the loading of a 
 vessel sent there for limestone by the storekeeper of the 
 Board of Ordnance, and even robbed the people of the vessel 
 of their clothes and provisions, pretending that the land and 
 quarries belonged to them, and they should be paid for. 
 [Armstrong to duke of Newcastle and lords of Trade, 19 June 
 1736.] Mr. Shirreff having the king's leave to go to Britain, 
 Otho Hamilton was appointed to act as secretary during his 
 absence. On the 2 July, (friday), the lieut. governor informed 
 the council that he had confined prisoners to the guard, two 
 of the inhabitants of St. John's, viz't : Joseph Bcllefontaine 
 and Mich'l. Bergeron, dit D'ambois, for contempt and disres- 
 pect in not coming to wait upon him on their arrival here with 
 captain Blin, on Saturday last was Sennight. The prisoners 
 aforesaid being sent for, they humbly ask'd pardon for their 
 fault, and said that it was owing to their ignorance and their 
 opinion of their being of too mean a condition to presume to 
 wait upon his Honour. The governor desired them to give 
 him a list of the ffrench inhabitants settled at St. John's 
 which, being taken by major Philipps, was as follows, viz't :
 
 1736. 
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 List of the Inhabitants settled at St. John's. 
 
 Married Men and Women. 
 
 Joseph Bellefontaine, and his wife, 
 Mich'l. Bergeron, and 
 Earth' w. Bergeron, and 
 Augustin Bergeron, and 
 Francois Roy, and 
 Jean Dugas, and 
 Louis Bellefontaine, and 
 Jacque Bellefontaine, and 
 R6ne" Bellefontaine, and 
 Pierre Bellefontaine, and 
 Jean Bellefontaine, and 
 Charles Bellefontaine, and 
 Jean Pair, and 
 Pierre Pair, and 
 Pierre Robert, and 
 
 do. 
 do. 
 do. 
 do. 
 do. 
 do. 
 do. 
 do. 
 do. 
 do. 
 do. 
 do. 
 do. 
 do. 
 
 Boys. 
 
 3 
 3 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 Girls. 
 I 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 28 
 
 Totall Men, 
 
 Women, 
 
 Boys, 
 
 Girls, 
 
 In all 77 souls, besides 
 the Missionary Priest, 
 Jean Pierre Danilo. 
 
 The governor then proposed that they should give security 
 for their good behaviour for the next twelve months, ensuing, 
 under the penalty of one hundred pounds, New England 
 money, for each of them ; and captain Blin offering himself to 
 be bound for them, the same was accepted of. The governor 
 then charged them to acquaint the rest of y'e inhabitants of 
 that place that he expected them here by the first opportunity 
 with their conveniency within one year, to make their submis- 
 sion to the Government ; and that they should not receive any 
 missionary among them untill such time as they shall have 
 the approbation of the Government for y'e exercise of their 
 function. Then it was moved that the governor should write 
 a civil letter, to invite the chiefs of the St. John's Indians
 
 516 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 hither ; it being observed that for want of a more familiar cor- 
 respondence with the English, the said Indians had been pre- 
 vailed on, by the artifices of the ffrench, to obstruct the trade 
 and commerce of his majesty's subjects. Agreed, that a 
 verbal message should be sent them, by the two {frenchmen 
 aforesaid, to invite them hither at their conveniency, and that 
 they should be graciously received, n July, 4 men. deserted 
 from the garrison, in the lieut. governor's yawl. 17 August, 
 two letters from M. de Cheveraux, praying leave to return, were 
 read in council. 27 August. The council being now reduced 
 to five sitting members, viz., Adams, Skene, Cope, E. J, Phi- 
 lipps and Otho Hamilton, the lieut. governor recommended 
 Edward How, esq., commissary of musters at Canso, who had 
 also been high sheriff, justice of peace and captain of militia. 
 This was unanimously agreed to, and Mr. How was sworn in 
 and took his seat. 28 and 31 August. Two patents, for the 
 granting of 50,000 acres in each, were passed in council, 
 
 Lieut, governor Armstrong writes to the lords of Trade, 
 ' Annapolis Royal, Sept. 9, 1736.' " As to the effective men " 
 " belonging to the regiment, here are in this province nine >r 
 " companys, and one at Placentia." He had intimated to the 
 people at Boston that he intended to be at Canso himself in 
 the summer then ensuing, in order to settle the rights of tra- 
 ders, and to grant " unappropriated lands to such as were " 
 " disposed to settle there, and to accept of them on the terms " 
 " of H. M. instructions." Otho Hamilton, as secretary, addres- 
 ses a letter in French to the Indians of St. John river, dated 
 6 Sept., concerning two deserters who had fallen into their hands. 
 As by the treaty of peace, prisoners are to be delivered up on 
 .reasonable ransom, he says the lieutenant governor has direc- 
 ted Mr. Blin or Mr. Donnell to pay them sixty francs, Boston 
 money, for each deserter. 22 November. Otiss Little, esq'r., 
 is commissioned by the lieutenant governor as a justice of the 
 peace for any part or place within the province. (A gentleman 
 of that name was afterwards attorney general at Halifax). The 
 council had imposed a tax or stumpage duty on cord wood cut 
 on ungranted lands. From this the two messrs. Belleisle were 
 exempted.
 
 Z73-6. History of Nova-Scotia. 517 
 
 Armstrong tells the duke of Newcastle that St. Poncy and 
 Cheveraux are supported by governor St. Ovide, of Cape 
 Breton, Cheveraux stopped at cape Sable, but St. Poncy 
 returned to Annapolis, where the government forbade him to 
 officiate, and direct his departure by the first opportunity ; 
 but one hundred and seven of the chief inhabitants petitioned 
 strongly that he might officiate that winter. This request is 
 under consideration. [On 4 Dec'r. the council agreed (4 to 3 
 on a division) to allow St. Poncy to officiate at Annapolis.] 
 He is assured the French court will make some stir in it. 
 " How to prevent the ill consequences, I know not, without " 
 " we could have missionaries from places independant of that " 
 " crown ; but this will prove a considerable expence, which " 
 " the French king bears at present with alacrity, for very " 
 "political reasons. It is most certain that there is not a" 
 " missionary, neither among the French nor Indians, who " 
 " has not a pension from that crown." 
 
 It cannot be too much regretted that this system of the 
 missionaries in Nova Scotia being pensioners of the French 
 king was not prevented in the beginning, when the pro- 
 vince was conquered and ceded by the treaty of Utrecht. It 
 was dangerous enough to British influence that the people 
 were of foreign origin, and the priests natives of France ; 
 but to augment and perpetuate the sources of disaffection 
 among the inhabitants and of hostility among the Micmacs, 
 the missionaries received an annual stipend from the French 
 crown, and were appointed and removable by the civil and 
 ecclesiastic powers of Quebec, who had the regulation of 
 their movements and the disposal of the French king's 
 bounty which passed thro* their hands. Had the English 
 government paid them instead, they would have stood in a 
 more independant condition. As it was, they could expect 
 but small incomes from tithes or dues ; and if any of them 
 proved remiss in the special duties enjoined on them by the 
 governor of Quebec, that is, in fanning the fire of hatred to 
 English rule among the Indians, and promoting attachment to 
 French ascendancy among the peasant inhabitants, such 
 refractory priest might look for dismissal at the hands of the
 
 518 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 Quebec government, however pure his life or diligent his 
 ministry. It is probable that had this root of bitterness, which 
 the English governors plainly saw and pointed out in their 
 dispatches home, been removed in time, the people and the 
 Indians would by degrees have become reconciled to their 
 position as British, and the calamities that ensued twenty 
 years after this have been wholly avoided. The cost of fur- 
 nishing small stipends to the clergy would have been a small 
 premium for Great Britain to have paid, if she could have 
 ensured obedience, tranquillity and progress in so valuable a 
 colony. It would have grown rich and populous, without 
 any motive or necessity occurring to proscribe, banish or exile 
 a large body of persons, who were possessed of many good 
 qualities, and became victims to the political intrigues of those 
 who professed to be their friends, and the want of foresight in 
 the rulers of the land. 
 
 15 December. James O'Neal surgeon, was appointed a 
 notary public, and commissioned as receiver of the king's 
 rents at Chiconecto. M. Mangeant, at Mines, was directed to 
 call M. de Bellehumeur to account for the duties belonging to 
 the king since the departure of governor Philipps. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER LVII. 
 
 - "The brigantine Baltimore, of which I wrote to your Grace before, I ' 
 have now brought into this port ; and as to the person who called herself Mrs. ' 
 Buckler, I have now sufficient reasons, not only to suspect her relation, but ' 
 likewise herself. It is reported that the vessel aforesaid sailed from Dublin ' 
 last fall, with about sixty or seventy passengers, most of them convicts, who, ' 
 it is supposed, rose upon the owner, Mr. Buckler, the master and company, ' 
 and committed a most barbarous massacre, and afterwards, not knowing their ' 
 course, or afraid to venture into any place where they might be known, put " 
 into a most unfrequented harbour in this bay, where they all perished, God " 
 knows how, except that miserable woman, who perhaps was too deep involved " 
 in the guilt to discover the true story of their misfortunes." [Armstrong to the 
 Duke of Newcastle, 23 Nov'r., 1736.]
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 519 
 
 At this period the transportation of convicts for felony to the English colonies 
 was a common course. Some were transported for life, but the majority for a 
 term of seven years. 140 were shipped from Newgate, monday, 26 Jan'y., 1736, 
 and 7 May, above 100 more. [See London Magazine for 1736, pages 47, 158, 276, 
 277. 519. 
 
 (2.) 
 
 In the London Mag. for 1736, (May), p. 279, among the deaths is " His Excel- " 
 " lency William Cosby, Esq., captain general and commander-in-chief of his " 
 ' majesty's province of New York and East and West New Jersey. His " 
 " Excellency's death makes a fourth Government vacant in the colonies." Colo- 
 nel Gledhill, the lieutenant governor of Placentia, in Newfoundland, died, and 
 major Henry Cope was appointed to succeed him. [See London Magazine for 
 1736, pp. 158, 159, 340, 460, 701.] James Harrison, esq., was made captain in 
 the regiment of Foot commanded by colonel Philipps, in America. [Ibid, 159.] 
 Capt. Graham made Fort Major and Storekeeper of Placentia, N. F. [Ibid, 460.] 
 Lieut. George Ingram made captain in Col. Philipps' regt. of Foot. [Ibid, 461.] 
 John Morris made a captain in Col. Philipps' regt. of the company which Col. 
 Gledhill had commanded. [Ibid, 159.] 
 
 In this year, 1736, Mr. William Shirreff revived a claim, as agent to the duke 
 of Hamilton and Brandon, by petition to the Assembly of Massachusetts, (" the " 
 " General Court,") for 10,000 acres of land, which the Plymouth council had 
 assigned to his ancestor, James, marquis of Hamilton, on the 22d April, 1635, on 
 the Easterly side of Sagadahock, towards the mouth of the Androscoggin, pray- 
 ing that he might have leave to take possession of it. This petition was dismis- 
 sed, and another of the same purport met the same result. It is said that the 
 claim was prosecuted with no inconsiderable zeal. [2 Williamson, History of 
 Maine, 192.] 
 
 On the 3<3th August, 1736, lieutenant governor Armstrong signed a grant of 
 50,000 acres of land at Chiconecto, called Norwich, in the county of Norfolk, in 
 Nova Scotia, to 35 grantees, with all mines, &c. This is entered in the book of 
 registry for deeds and grants, and on the margin is stated to have been escheated 
 21 April, 1760. It extends twelve miles, and is bounded by the Bason of Chico- 
 necto and the creek Petite Nyagan, &c. 
 
 To the first grantee named, viz't., Governor Philipps, 2-36, two thirty-sixth 
 parts are given, and to each other grantee one thirty-sixth. 
 
 The grantees are 
 
 Governor Philipps. 
 
 Lieut. Gov'r. Lawrence Armstrong. 
 
 Members of council 
 
 Cosby, Mascarene, John Adams, Skene, Shirreff, Henry Cope, E. J. Philipps, 
 O. Hamilton, and Edward How, esquires. King Gould, Allured Popple, Henry 
 Popple. Andrew Robinson, and Henry Daniel, esquires. Messrs. John Hand- 
 field, Donald McQueen, Edward Amhurst, Archibald Rennie, Thomas Arm- 
 strong, James Gibson, Rowland Philipps, Charles Vane, Samuel Cottnam, John 
 Hamilton, John Slater, John Dyson, George Mitchell, Wm. Winniett, Nathaniel 
 Donnell, Peter Blin, George Craddock, Robert Baden, John Forrest
 
 520 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 The quit rent reserved was one penny sterling per acre, to begin 30 August, 
 1739, and another penny per acre, if the Crown require it, for provincial expen- 
 ses. Minister's and schoolmaster's lots to be laid out. A space of one hundred 
 yards wide along the banks of all creeks and rivers to be left open for ways and 
 public uses. Fifty houses to be erected within three years. The grant to be an- 
 nulled if the conditions are not performed. 
 
 (This grant was escheated 21 April, 1760.) 
 
 (4-) 
 
 On 31 August, 1736, Lt. Governor Armstrong signed a grant of 50,000 acres of 
 land, " on the South side of the Bason of Mines, beginning and stretching from 
 the mouth of Piziquet river along the shore North East to Cape Fendu six 
 miles, and from thence running easterly along the shore thirteen miles, and from 
 this extremity ranging backwards five miles, and from thence by a line running 
 due West to the mouth of Piziquet river sixteen miles, being in the township of 
 Harrington, in the county of Southampton, in the said province of Nova Scotia," 
 with all the mines, &c. Grantees : Governor Philipps, Lieut. Gov'r. Armstrong, 
 Hon. Alex'r. Cosby, Lt. Gov'r. of Garrison of R. A., Paul Mascarene, John 
 Adams, Wm. Skene, Wm. Shirreff, Henry Cope, Erasmus James Philipps, Otho 
 Hamilton, ana Edward How, esquires, members ot council. King Gould, Allured 
 Popple, Henry Popple, Andrew Robinson, ana Henry Daniel, esquires. Messrs. 
 John Handfield, Donald McQueen, Edward Amhurst, Archibald Rennie, Thomas 
 Armstrong, James Gibson, Rowland Philipps, Charles Vane, Samuel Cottnam, 
 John Hamilton, John Slater, John Dyson, George Mitchell, William Winniett, 
 Nathaniel Donnell, Peter Blin, George Craddock, Robert Baden, and Samuel 
 Donnell. 
 
 2-36 to Gov'r. Philipps, and 1-36 to each of the other grantees. Same condi- 
 tions and quit rent as the Norwich grant. 
 
 (This was also escheated on the 21 April, 1760, as stated in margin of Record 
 Book.) 
 
 (5-) 
 
 In 1736, the population of allew France was estimated by M. Hocquart, the 
 intendant, at 40,000 souls. The Abenaquis, &c., 400 men ; Micmacs, 500 men. 
 28 companies of troops were kept up in Canada. Each company hid a captain, 
 a lieutenant, and two ensigns. There were 28 cadets ' a regutllette' and 784 men. 
 The outposts required 214 men. So they had little over 509 for the garrisons of 
 the three towns Quebec, Three Rivers- and Montreal. In good seasons they 
 could export 80,000 minots of corn and biscuit. States education at a low ebb. 
 [See proceedings of " Soc'e. Litteraire &* Historique de Quebec" 1840, pp, 2, 3.] 
 
 (6.) 
 
 " In 1736, the custom house books contained entries of 211 vessels arriving " 
 " with cargoes at the port oi Philadelphia, and of 2 1 5 departing with cargoes " 
 " from it, a share of commerce rather smaller than New York possessed in the " 
 " same year." [2 Graham's Col. History of North America, p. 106.]
 
 1737- History of Nova-Scotia. 521 
 
 CHAPTER LVIII. 
 
 I 737- O n the Ist June, Stephen Jones, an English trader, 
 who was peaceably engaged in his business in Piziguit river, 
 (now the Avon, at Windsor), was surprized and captured in 
 the night while he and his men were asleep forced by them 
 to sail down the river to cap Fendu, (cape Split), and there 
 plundered of money and goods to the value of ^700 or .900, 
 New England currency ; and his account books, which he con- 
 sidered worth ^700 more, were taken from him. This robbery 
 was committed by nine or ten Indians. Thomas, the chief, 
 Claude Nicoute and his brother Francis Nicoute, Biscaroon 
 and his son Paul, Barthelemy, the chiefs wife's son, Jacques 
 Cashe and his son, were named as being in the party. Lieut, 
 governor Armstrong wrote on the subject to the Indians of 
 St, John river, seeking redress, and referring to the treaty of 
 1725, ratified by their tribe at Annapolis. He also wrote to 
 Daniloo, the missionary at St. John, and to the deputies at 
 Chignectou, on this subject ; and Mr. O. Hamilton wrote to 
 M. Charles D'Entremont, at Poubomcoup, enclosing him a 
 paper, to be read to the cape Sable Indians, on this affair. 
 
 We have seen that the governor and council, under autho- 
 rity of the royal instructions, had for some years acted as a 
 general court of justice, not only in civil but in criminal cases 
 also. As yet, however, no capital felony had been brought 
 under their notice. The only instance of death inflicted by 
 their authority, I believe, was that of the Indian hostage ; but 
 that was a military execution. It now became necessary to 
 enquire into the course to be pursued with criminals whose
 
 522 History of Nova-Scotia. J 737* 
 
 lives might be forfeited to the law. On the 19 April, 1737, 
 a boy named Isaac Provender, of the age of ten or eleven 
 years, a bound servant to lieutenant Amhurst, wilfully set fire 
 to his master's house, which, in spite of all endeavors to save it, 
 was burnt to the ground ; and the furniture, clothes and pro- 
 visions it contained, were all consumed. Amhurst was an 
 officer of the regiment in garrison at Annapolis, and a member 
 of the council, Lieut, governor Armstrong, in writing to the 
 duke of Newcastle, (the secretary of State), 8 July, mentions 
 this affair, and adds, " He (Provender) is now a prisoner, and " 
 " as we have no gaol, his imprisonment grows very trouble- " 
 " some to the garrison. I sent to consult a lawyer in New " 
 " England how far we could proceed against him, as he is " 
 " within the years of discretion. His answer is marked " 
 " No. 4, but I am still at a loss what to do with him, since " 
 " the council is not empowered to try for capital crimes, nor " 
 " to inflict condign punishment upon such offenders." He 
 requests advice. We have not the opinion referred to, but it 
 is most likely that the lawyer explained the old doctrine of 
 English law, that while the general rule excused children under 
 14 from criminal responsibility, yet that rule had an exception 
 where express and wicked malice could be substantiated, the 
 maxim being malitia supplet (ztatem, the malice makes up for 
 the deficient years. Armstrong seems to be right in thinking 
 that as the jurisdiction to try for capital offences had not been 
 expressly conferred on the council by the king's instructions, 
 they could not be justified in assuming, however necessary it 
 might be, that such a power should exist in the province. It 
 is remarkable that the English courts of justice, in the case of 
 governor Wall, tried him for murder committed at a British 
 garrison on the coast of Africa, (which could only be defended 
 on the ground that no court to try him existed there), and he 
 was executed at the distance of 29 years from the date of his 
 offence. This seems at variance with the general rule, that 
 criminals must be tried in the place where their offences 
 have been committed, so closely followed by our laws, that 
 criminals are always tried in the same county in which they 
 offended. It is more at variance with a rule, not adopted
 
 J 737~3& History of Nova-Scotia. 523 
 
 in English law, but well known in other codes, by which crimes 
 prescribe, that is, go out of date, like debts, by the lapse of long 
 periods of time, for which rule many reasons are alleged. The 
 possible loss of evidence for defence by death of witnesses, &c., 
 and the probable repentance and amendment of the offender 
 in the interval. 
 
 Commissioners were appointed to settle the boundaries be- 
 tween Massachusetts Bay and New Hampshire. Armstrong 
 informed the lords of Trade, by his letter of 3 July, 1737, that, 
 pursuant to H. M. intentions, signified in their letter of i8th 
 February, 1736, such of H. M. five eldest councillors as were 
 residing in the province were then embarquing to meet the 
 commissioners of the other provinces at Hampton, in order to 
 settle the boundaries between Massachusetts Bay and New 
 Hampshire. 
 
 28 September, 1737. Alex'r. Bourg, (called Bellehumeur), 
 was discharged from his office of receiver at Mines, for neglect 
 in accounting ; and 28 Dec'r. Francis Mangeant is commis- 
 sioned in his place. 
 
 1738. 13 January, 1737-8, the lieut. governor and council 
 appointed four terms, annually, for the trial of causes, viz't, on 
 the first tuesday of March, the first tuesday of May, the last 
 tuesday of July, and the last tuesday of November. 
 
 Mr. Andrew Lemercier, a French protestant minister at 
 Boston, N. E., who calls himself an Englishman by naturaliza- 
 tion, wrote to the lieutenant governor, 6 March, 1738, enclo- 
 sing a petition on behalf of himself and associates, for liberty 
 to settle on the isle of Sable. It appeared by this letter that 
 they were not willing to pay one penny per acre quit rent, as 
 fixed by the royal instructions. The lieutenant governor and 
 council referred the matter to the lords of Trade, to whom the 
 lieut. governor, Armstrong, wrote on the subject 10 April, 
 1738. He also wrote to Lemercier, who had previously sent 
 a stock of cattle to the island. At the same time he wrote to 
 lieut. governor Cosby, then in command at Cans^o. Tells him 
 they had a very moderate winter and early spring at Anna- 
 polis ; expresses concern that provisions and clothing had not
 
 524 History of Nova-Scotia. 1738. 
 
 been forwarded from Canso. He tells Cosby that his family 
 were all well, and that Mr. Winniett had sailed a few days ago 
 for the bay. News of the queen's death had been received by 
 vessels from Boston. Is sorry to hear of a difference between 
 him and the officers under his command ; recommends peace 
 and unity. In May, the lieut. governor and council ordered 
 Mangeant and Alex'r. Bourg to go to Chipoudy, Memramcook 
 and Peticoutiak, to take an account of the inhabitants and 
 their settlements, to examine their pretentions, the quantity of 
 land they had taken possession of, their lines and boundaries, 
 and to cite the possessors and claimants to appear before gov- 
 ernor and council on or before 25 July, to make out their 
 claims, that grants may be passed and the king's rents and 
 dues be paid. Armstrong writes to Mangeant, 27 May. He 
 complains of Mangeant's illegible and hurried writings and 
 abbreviations, " as if I were a perfect master of the French " 
 " language, and acquainted with all your abbreviations. " 
 Bellehumeur (Alex'r. Bourg) refused to go to Chippody in 
 Mangeant's vessel, alleging ill health, and said he would pre- 
 fer going in a canoe, as the vessel was neither proper nor safe 
 to go into these parts where the tide is rapid and strong. 
 
 Armstrong says, " As mild methods are most frequently " 
 " crowned with success, I would advise you to guard against " 
 " all violent and disagreeable proceedings, and treat, not only " 
 " him, but all others whom you may have any dealings, with " 
 " decency and mildness." 
 
 The members of the council address a letter, dated Anna- 
 polis Royal, 10 June, 1738, to General Philipps, the governor. 
 It begins with " May it please your Excellency." They give 
 as reasons why the province has not advanced as yet : i. The 
 indulgence to the French inhabitants, who, being Roman 
 Catholics, are unqualified to form a house of representatives. 
 Thus the erection of a civil government is hindered. 2. They 
 holding the best of the lands, is a discouragement to British 
 settlers. 3. The tax of one penny per acre, and reserve of 
 one penny more, will and does prevent settlement. Land 
 may be had in the neighboring colonies free of quit rent, and 
 in any quantity required for settling. 4. The military force
 
 1738- History of Nova-Scotia. 525 
 
 should be greater to keep up control over the French, and 
 protect new settlers. They refer to their former representa- 
 tions as to Canso, in 1734. The council's consisting of officers, 
 unavoidably, for want of other British subjects, " We can " 
 " each of us answer to our consciences, that we have acted " 
 " in our said capacity s with a due regard to the liberty and " 
 "property of the subject, and the peace and well being of" 
 
 " this H. M. province." " Never had any advantage or " 
 
 salary for our acting as members of H. M. council for this " 
 "province." This is signed, L. Armstrong. P. Mascarene, 
 John Adams, Willliam Skene, William ShirrefF, Eramus Jas. 
 Philipps, Otho Hamilton, John Handfield, Edward Amhurst, 
 John Slater. In July, O'Neal was superseded, and Peter Ber- 
 gereau appointed notary, and receiver of the king's rents and 
 dues at Chignecto. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER LVIII. 
 (i.) 
 
 4 May, 1737. La Valliere's island. 100 acres granted to O'Neal. 
 
 (2.) 
 
 I August, 1737. Wm. Skene, E. J. Philipps and Otho Hamilton, of H. M. 
 Council of Nova Scotia, met at Hampton, N. H., with four com'rs. from Rhode 
 Island. {See particulars in 2 Belknap. IV. H., 128 to 171. 2 Williamson, M., 197.] 
 
 (3-) 
 
 Indenture made 10 December, 1737 : 
 
 Agatha Latore, alias Campbell, now of the city of Kilkenny, in the kingdom of 
 Ireland, widow, sells to King Gould, of the city of London, in the kingdom of 
 Great Britain, esquire, " all my right, title and interest in and to one House and " 
 " Garden, together with all outhouses thereunto belonging," &c., in the town of 
 Annapolis, in the province of Nova Scotia, for the sum of Ten Guineas. 
 
 Witnesses, William Wheeler, Simon Bradstreet. 
 
 Registered May 24, 1738, by Wm. Shirreff, Secretary. 
 
 (4-) 
 
 26 Sept'r. 1737. a warrant to arrest Francis Tillar. In this document the name 
 of Joseph Mors is to be found. See the same surname in the earlier part of this 
 history, signed to a capitulation.
 
 526 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 (5-) 
 
 29 June, 1738. A grant of 2 acres, 2 roods and 26 perches marsh land, towards 
 Allen's river, to Fort Major Erasmus James Philipps. Same date, i acre and 
 13 perches to capt. Patrick Heron, of Philipps' regiment. 9 August, 1738, small 
 grants at Canso to Christopher Aldridge and to Edward Howe and company 
 roth, Francis Cogswell, esq'r., made a justice of the peace at Canso. I5th Aug't., 
 grant to Otho Hamilton, capt. lieut. in Philipps' regiment, 3 acres, 2 roods and 
 31 perches marshland bounding on Allen's river. loth Nov'r., 1738, grant to 
 capt. Henry Daniell, of Philipps' regiment, of Bear island, in Annapolis basin, 
 containing 25 acres and I rood, per Lt. Edward Amhurst's survey. 
 
 (6.) 
 
 Capt. John Jephsoii was put in arrest n Sept., 1737, by major Cosby, at Canso, 
 and tried by a court martial in 1738. Capt. Patrick Heron was also arrested by 
 major Cosby, at Canso. 3 Dec'r. 1737 tried at Annapolis in Nov'r. 1738, and 
 appears to have been acquitted. In July, 1738, O'Neal came to Annapolis to 
 answer charges for acts of violence, &c., and, on inquiry, came off with slight 
 censure.
 
 1739- History of Nova-Scotia. 527 
 
 CHAPTER LIX. 
 
 1739. Lieutenant governor Armstrong, writing to captain 
 James Mitford, commandant at Canso, 13 April, 1739, tells 
 him they had at Annapolis one of the longest winters he ever 
 saw in the country. 20 April, he commissioned Mitford as a 
 justice of the peace at Canso, and William Seward, gentleman, 
 as lieutenant of militia there. O'Neal, who was receiver and 
 notary at Chignecto, complained, by letter of 4 Nov'r., 1738, 
 that his room was " forced open, his wife being beat, the keys " 
 " of his chest taken from her, and his papers, among which " 
 " were contracts and promissory notes." In May, 1739, Arm- 
 strong sent a minute of council on this complaint to the depu- 
 ties of ' Chiconecto,' directing them to enquire into the truth 
 of the affair, and report thereon. Francis Mangeant, king's 
 receiver at Mines, informed the lieut. governor that several 
 inhabitants of that place had refused to pay their quit rents, 
 and that he could not compel them for want of assistance, and 
 that they have seldom or ever obeyed the orders of the gov- 
 ernment. Armstrong issued an order to John Slater, an 
 officer of the garrison " As you are also one of H. M. coun- " 
 ' cil, to proceed thither with a serjeant, corporal, and eight " 
 " private men under your command, and there, with the " 
 " secretary of the province, to enquire into the behaviour and " 
 " conduct of these people, and report to the lieut. governor " 
 " for further directions." This order was dated 24 May, and 
 next day he issued an order to Shirreff, to go to Mines join 
 Slater in the enquiry, and " to persuade the people to behave " 
 " better." The secretary of State, duke of Newcastle, writes,
 
 528 History of Nova-Scotia. I 739- 
 
 date 'Whitehall, 15 June, 1739,' to the lieut. governor, and 
 encloses him letters patent from the king, authorizing him to 
 issue letters of marque and reprisal against the Spaniards, who 
 had broken their convention of 14 January last, by not paying 
 ^95,000 sterling, reparation to British subjects, by the 25 May, 
 the term agreed on. July 2. Lieut. John Bradstreet is made 
 a justice of the peace at Canso. On the 4 August, Armstrong 
 addressed a letter to Mr. Shirreff, the secretary, stating that 
 Mr. Edward Amhurst, deputy surveyor under colonel Dunbar, 
 had shewn him instructions about granting lands, and another 
 letter to the same, directing him as secretary to make out a 
 patent for a township in the gut of Canso, in favor of Edward 
 How, esquire, and his associates. Mr. Shirreff remonstrated, 
 pointing out that it would be against the king's instructions to 
 do so, as the council had not fully examined and approved of 
 it, and that it was objected to by the officers and others at 
 Canso. 8 August, the lieut. governor replies at considerable 
 length ; and on the 9th, Mr. ShirrefF writes again, renewing 
 and adding to his objections on several grounds'. 
 
 At this time there was a regiment of infantry (Philipps') in 
 the province. It consisted of ten companies : Five quartered 
 at Annapolis, four at Canso, and one at Placentia, in New- 
 foundland. Each company consisted of 41 private men, except 
 the two youngest, which had but 30 in each ; the total num- 
 ber of private men being 308. This would make the garrison 
 of Annapolis about 155 men that of Canso 123, and Placen- 
 tia 30, not including officers. [Statement of general Philipps 
 to tlw duke of Newcastle, 5 Sept., 1739.] (It is stated in Dec'r. 
 by Mr. Adams, that in case of war, the four companies at 
 Canso must fall a sacrifice to the enemy ; and the troops at 
 Annapolis were few in number, and most of them raw and 
 undisciplined. Some of them thought to be Irish papists, and 
 the ramparts tumbling down.) Speaking of the fort at Anna- 
 polis, Philipps says : It is " built of earth, with four bastions, " 
 " faced with picquets to keep it together, and surrounded " 
 " with a small, shallow, dry ditch, about six feet deep." He 
 calls " the channel of depth sufficient to receive men-of-war " 
 " from 20 to 50 guns, within a cable's length of the fort." The
 
 1739- History of Nova-Scotia. 529 
 
 French garrison at Louisbourg then consisted of six compa- 
 nies of regular troops, of 60 men in each, and a company of 
 'Swiss, of 1 20 men. There was another company at St. Peter's, 
 four leagues from Canso, and another at the island of St. John. 
 Canso was without proper barracks or storehouses, and the 
 communication between it and Annapolis was scarcely once a 
 year, no vessel being allowed for the use of the government. 
 
 We have now to notice a painful occurrence : the suicide of 
 lieutenant governor Armstrong. He executed a will, dated 
 14 November, 1739. It was attested by three witnesses 
 Archibald Rennie, John Slater, and Walter Ross. He made 
 captain Andrew Robinson, of the foot guards, George Arm- 
 strong, of the Ordnance office, Tower, London, and ensign 
 Charles Vane, his equal co-heirs ; and lieut. John Handfield 
 and lieut. Edward Amhurst, his executors. This will is regis- 
 tered in the Book of Grants and Deeds. He had been for a 
 long time observed to be frequently afflicted with melancholy 
 fits, but no one suspected the consequences that ensued. On 
 thursday, the 6 December, he was found dead in his bed, with 
 five wounds in his breast, and his sword lying carelessly by 
 him. 
 
 Mr. Armstrong was unfortunate in many respects, espe- 
 cially in being placed at the head of a government both as the 
 civil and military ruler, without any emolument or compensa- 
 tion whatever. His health also seems to have been but indif- 
 ferent. In his well-intended but ill-managed attempt to place 
 a garrison at Mines, he was much misled and disappointed. 
 In the affair of Mrs. Buckler and the Baltimore, he seems to 
 have been imposed on by an artful woman. The business of 
 the quit (or seignorial) rents did not prosper under Mangeant 
 and O'Neal, whom he had appointed ; and he had got into a 
 disagreement with Mr. ShirrefF, the secretary, about the grant 
 at Canso strait to Mr. How, and others. Whether the worry 
 of these affairs loss of relatives or family, or possibly pecu- 
 niary distress had impaired his mind, we have now no clue to 
 assist us in tracing. The occasion when one of the merchants 
 or traders affronted him so grossly and openly, telling him on 
 the open parade, before his officers and men, that he would 
 34
 
 530 History of Nova-Scotia. *739 
 
 not give 2d. for his commission, may have led to deep suffer- 
 ing in a sensitive man. His, it may be remarked, is the only 
 instance of a suicide of a governor of Nova Scotia. Armstrong 
 appears in the performance of his official duties to have been 
 generally mild, calm and considerate ; and there is this to 
 recommend his memory to our respect, that on several occa- 
 sions he urged on the home government the propriety of 
 establishing a house of representatives for the province, and 
 in 1732 suggested that some of the French inhabitants should 
 be made justices of the peace, and that he frequently recommen- 
 ded mildness and moderation. These proofs of liberality of 
 Sentiment deserve commemoration, inasmuch as we shall see, 
 at a later day, every argument used by one of our governors to 
 oppose and delay the erection of representative government 
 in the province. Major Cosby, the lieutenant governor of the 
 garrison, ordered the officers to sit as a jury of inquest, and 
 they brought in a verdict of lunacy. On friday, the 7th Dec'r., 
 Mr. John Adams, being the senior councillor then within the 
 province, and therefore president, assembled the council at his 
 own house in Annapolis Royal, at 4 P. M., where were present 
 messrs. Adams, Skene, Shirreff, Otho Hamilton, Amhurst and 
 Slater, and assumed the command of the province. Mr. 
 Adams, on the 8 December, wrote an account of this event to 
 the lords of Trade, to governor Philipps, to governor Belcher, 
 of New England, and to King Gould, esq'r., in England, asking 
 his interest with major general Philipps for the allowance to 
 an acting governor. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER LIX. 
 
 (i.) 
 
 In. a letter oflL governor colonel Armstrong to the Secretary at War, $ Feb'y., 
 1738-9, he says that by letter from Mr. Gould, clothing for 26 only is to be issued. 
 I conjecture that this means that King Gould, esq'r., the agent of major gen'l. 
 Philipps, the colonel of the regiment, had restricted the issue of the men's cloth- 
 ing to 26 of each company, the companies having 30 and 31 privates in each.
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 531 
 
 (2.) 
 
 I May,, 1739. A grant to William Shirreff, esquire, commissary of musters and 
 judge advocate in H. M. garrison of Annapolis Royal, 7 acres and 2 perches of 
 land, in the upper town, marsh, &c. July 18, 1739. Grant to Otho Hamilton, of 
 one acre of land, 2 roods, and 21 perches additional. August i, 1739. Do. do. 
 of 10 acres, 4 roods and 22 1-2 perches, at the French dock. 
 
 (3-) 
 
 Communicated by Dr. J. Bernard Gilpin. There is a tradition preserved 
 by a Mr. Roach, of Annapolis, aged 86 or 87, respecting the capture of Port 
 Royal, by Nicholson, in 1710. That he passed the fort by night He also 
 states that the iron vane, with the figures 1 738, which has remained in that place 
 till now, was said to have been the work of one who had been engaged in the 
 siege when a boy, on the English side. A deep ditch still remains to the nprth 
 of the court house, which the old people recollect as crossing the road. This 
 ditch is supposed to have been Nicholson's last parallel. Traditions also exist of 
 a wicked priest, who drank with the officers of the garrison, and alienated the 
 minds of the simple French, telling them that if they took the oath of allegiance, 
 the French and Indians from Canada would attack them. (Query. Was this 
 Gaulin, Charlemagne. St. Poncy or Le Loutre ?) 
 
 (4-J 
 
 While this work has been making progress, many kind and encouraging notices 
 of it have appeared in the periodical press of the Province- Among others, 
 Angus M. Gidney, esq'r., the editor of the Bridgetown Free Press, has frequently 
 commended my labors to public attention. I feel justified in quoting from his 
 paper of 13 July, 1865, the following extracts, as they will be of interest to my 
 readers : 
 
 ** ANTIQUITIES. 
 
 " There are few localities in America, around which the memories of the 
 shadowy past more interestingly cluster than around the ancient town of Anna- 
 polis. 
 
 " Annapolis is now an ' old town,' exhibiting all the characteristics of increas- 
 ing dilapidation. Many an old roof is verdant with moss, and many a dwelling 
 there has the appearance of having been beaten by the storms of a century. A 
 shadow of antiquity is hanging over the birth place of the hero, who, in the 
 midst of famine, long preserved Kars from the besieging foe. As one passes 
 along its drowsy streets, a sense of the past renders the present footprints of 
 decay a subject of pensive regret. He thinks of it (if he, like ourselves, be a 
 grey-headed old man) as it was in the early part of the present century, when its 
 garrison and fortifications, bristling with cannon, were in excellent repair, and in 
 charge of a regiment of soldiers. Then the sound of martial music, on a calm, 
 summer evening, awakened the echoes along the swift-gliding river, and reverbe- 
 rated through the picturesque vallies and up the towering hills that render the 
 surrounding landscape so beautifully fascinating. Then the streets were promen- 
 aded by epauletted young gentlemen and bright-eyed damsels, some of whom
 
 532 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 were the great-grandmothers of the present generation. The hospitality of the 
 inhabitants welcomed the trans-Atlantic sons of chivalry to their fire-sides ; and 
 long nights of festivity and dancing dissipated the gloom of garrison life, and left 
 the English soldier little to lament because the exigencies of the service or the 
 commander-in-chief had stationed him so far from the land of his birth. The 
 times to which we allude were the palmy days of Annapolis 
 
 ' Bright sunny days, that never will return.' 
 
 " In Annapolis there are many old things worth seeing. On a staff from the 
 roof of an old blacksmith shop in the lower part of the town, is an iron vane, 
 designed to indicate " how the wind blows," which bears the date of 1738 one 
 hundred and twenty-seven years ago. We have been familiar with this memento 
 of the past for more than half a century. Long has it been the dallying plaything 
 of the breeze ; and securely has it remained, despite the fury of many a storm. 
 
 ' Near the old Government House that was built at Annapolis, more than thirty 
 years ago was a mansion, which we have known many years, and which was a 
 long time rented by gentlemen at various times, who sought a respectable resi- 
 dence. It was a cottage of a single story, with dormer windows. Its rooms were 
 commodious and neat. We had always supposed that it was an ordinary framed 
 kouse, finished in the usual style ; but they are now pulling it down, and when in 
 Annapolis not long since, we saw that it was built of huge squared logs. Posts 
 of corresponding dimensions were grooved six inches in depth, into which the 
 logs found a resting place, while all the interstices were so filled with moss that 
 no air could find its way through the walls of this rudely constructed edifice. All 
 these logs and posts were so trenailed together that the work of demolition was 
 difficult. No doubt this building stood as a rude log structure for many years, 
 without anything to hide its rugged walls. It is probably two hundred years old, 
 aad it is possible that it was built by the earliest French Settlers, and it may have 
 been the residence of the first governor of Annapolis." 
 
 Sept. 10, 1865. I have just received from William R. Ruggles, Esq., of Anna- 
 polis Royal, a portion of a piece of timber belonging to a house taken down at 
 Annapolis in July, 1865. The letters and figures cut on it M. C. 1744. The 
 house was called the Corbet house, and it would seem to have been built after 
 the siege of 1744. The wood and inscription, carved into it with (probably) 
 a sharp knife, are as fresh as if done within two or three years. The house, I 
 understand, was on the river side of the main street, Dauphin street or George 
 street. \B. M,
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 533 
 
 AUTHORITIES CONSULTED BY THE AUTHOR. 
 
 PRINTED WORKS. 
 
 Voyages de sieur de Champlain. 2 vols. Paris : 1830. 
 Relations des Jesuites. 2 vols. 
 
 Charlevoix, History of New France. Small octavo. 4 vols. Paris: 1744. 
 
 Cours d'histoire du Canada, par J. B. A. Ferland, pretre, professeur d'histoire a 
 1'universite Laval. Quebec: 1861. 2 vols. 
 
 Churchill's Collection. Folio. London : 1745. Second volume, containing Les- 
 
 carbot's New France, translated into English. 
 Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts. 3 vols. 
 Hutchinson's Collections. I vol. 
 
 Belknap's History of New Hampshire. 2 vols. 
 
 Belknap's American Biography. 2 vols. 
 
 Williamson's History of Maine. 2 vols. 
 
 Douglass's Summary. 
 
 History of South Carolina. 
 
 Gesner's New Brunswick. 
 
 Cooney's History of New Brunswick. 
 
 Garneau's History of Canada, Bell's translation, 1860. 
 
 Memorials of the English and French Commissaries, in quarto. 1755. 
 
 History of Cape Breton, in French ; also in English ; anonymous, but written by 
 M. Pychon, alias Tyrrel, about 1760. 
 
 Memoires et documents de la Societe historique de Montreal, 1859. 
 
 London Magazines, from 1735 to 1780. 
 
 Gentleman's Magazine, 1740. 
 
 Novus Orbis, of Lae't, Leyden, 1633. 
 
 Hackluyt's Voyages. 
 
 History of the British Empire in North America, first vol. Supposed to be writ- 
 ten by Richard Rolt 
 
 Sir William Keith's History of Virginia. 
 
 Haliburton's History of Nova Scotia. 2 vols., quarto. 
 
 Coote's History of England. 
 
 Hazard's Collection. 
 
 Trial of Lord Stirling. 
 
 Edits, &c., Quebec, 1803. 2 vols. 
 
 Maine Historical Society's Collections. Portland : 1853. 
 
 3d vol. Transactions of the Literary Society at Quebec. 
 
 LaHontan. 2 vols. English translation, 1703. 
 
 Denys. 2 v. Description Geographique et Historique des Costes de FAmerique 
 Septentrionale. Paris : 1672. 
 
 Diereville relation du voyage du Port Royal. Rouen : 1708. 
 
 E. Rameau, La France aux Colonies. 1859. 
 
 Cotton Mather's Magnalia. London: 1702. Folio. 
 
 New York State Documents, edited by Dr. O'Callaglian. 
 
 Colonel Benjamin Church's book. 
 
 Rhode Island Colonial Records. 
 
 Grahame's Colonial History of the United States. 
 
 Pennsylvania Records. 
 
 Sir Hovenden Walker's Journal of his expedition to Canada in 1711. 1720. 
 
 New York Historical Magazine, 1858, 1859, I86o. 
 
 Burke's Baronetage. 
 
 Smollet's History. 
 
 The Royal Gazette, printed at Halifax, from 1775 to 1800.
 
 5 34 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 An account of the customs and manners of the Micmakis and Maricheets, &c. 
 
 London : 1 758. 
 Drake's Book of the Indians. 
 Catlin's N. American Indians. 
 And many other books and pamphlets. 
 
 MANUSCRIPTS* 
 
 The Journals of H. M. Council and Assembly. 
 
 Letter books of Government. 
 
 Grant books. 
 
 Correspondence of the French and English governors with authorities in Europe. 
 
 Register books of Port Royal of baptisms, marriages and funerals. 1700-1 7 1&. 
 
 And many other ancient mss. 
 
 MICMAC NAMES OF PLACES, SUPPLIED BY DR. A. GESNER. 
 
 Saa gaa bun akady, (place where the Saagaabun or Micmac potatoe grows), 
 Shubenacadie. 
 
 Miggumahghee, Micmac land. 
 
 Miggaamack, Micmac. 
 
 Eppayguit, (anchored on the wave), Prince Edward Island. 
 
 Chebooktook, (chief harbor), Halifax harbor. 
 
 Bahnook, (the first lake in a chain), Ponhook lake. 
 
 Paakwaak, (Stop here, you cannot go farther), Pockwock lake. 
 
 Oonumahghee, Cape Breton island. 
 
 Uptumcook, Newfoundland. 
 
 Bahnoo-opskep, (opening out through rocks), Penobscot. 
 
 Brooksake, Charlottetown harbor, P. E. I. 
 
 Book tou laygun, (fireworks), Toney river. 
 
 Caydy-bunny-gek, (clam diggings), Boot island, Horton. 
 
 Cajj-boo-ginek, (winding thro' the wilderness), River John. 
 
 Cansoke, (facing the frowning cliff), Canso. 
 
 Caskumpec, (flowing thro' sand), Cascumpec, P. E. I. 
 
 Kebbek, (Narrows), Quebec. 
 
 Kenomee, (Sandy point), Economy. 
 
 Keespoogwitk, (Land's end), Yarmouth. 
 
 Kitpoo-aykaddy, (a place of Eagles), near the river Shubenacadie. 
 
 Cwes-o-mally geek, (Hardwood ridge), Cumberland. 
 
 Gul-wah-gah-gek, (the home of the sea cow), Quaco, N. B. 
 
 Menoody, (a bay), Minudie, co. Cumberland. 
 
 Noosabon, (the river), Noosaboon. 
 
 Pessyquid, (flowing square into the sea), Windsor river, now called the Avon, 
 co. Hants. 
 
 Maycobegilk, (end of the flowing, meaning the bound of the rushing water, the 
 tide or bore). Cobequid, Truro, &c., now called Salmon river. 
 
 Ah-mah-gops-ke-geek, (tumbling over rocks), Tangier river. 
 
 Nictahk, (Forks), Nictau.
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 535 
 
 ADDENDA. 
 
 DESCRIPTION GEOGRAPHIQUE ET HISTORIQUE DES COSTES 
 DE L'AMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE. 
 
 As I was unable to find Denys and Diereville until after the greater part of 
 this volume was already printed, it occurred to me that a few extracts from them 
 would be acceptable. 
 
 Extracts from Denys 1 Book, Paris, 1672. 
 
 Vol. i. p. 20. Thus it is that up to this time I have been unable to do any- 
 thing in this country, as well on account of the wars raised against me by envy, 
 as by the unfortunate fire, the cause of which I have never been able, as I have 
 already said, to find out, &c. 
 
 P. 21. It is then very certain that one may dwell there with as much comfort 
 as in France itself, if the envy of the French against each other did not ruin the 
 designs of the best intentioned persons. 
 
 P. 22. The river of Pentagouet is wide enough at its mouth, and extends ten 
 or twelve leagues inland. Vessels of 200 or 300 tons can go up it as far as the 
 French fort, which is on the right hand in going in. The English have settled on 
 the left, and have there many people, with a great extent of cleared land. The 
 country there is very agreeable, and the land good. On both sides of the river 
 the trees are handsome and in abundance, such as oak, birch, beech, ash, maple, 
 and all other kinds that we have in France. There are also many wild pines. 
 
 P. 50. The savages of these parts carry their peltry by the river St. John to 
 the English. M. D'aunay traded there in his time to the extent of 3000 moose 
 skins a year, besides beavers and otters. This was the cause of his dispossessing 
 M. de la Tour of it. These bays are called ' mines,' as the stones called ' mines,' 
 anciently used for wheel arquebuses (les arquebuzes a roue't) are found there, and 
 all who have been there say there are also mines of copper in many places. 
 
 P. 52. Port Royal is a very fine place, and a very fine basin of more than a 
 league wide and about two in length. At the entrance there is 18 or 20 fathoms 
 of water, and not less than from 4 to 6 fathoms of water between the land and the 
 island called Goat island, which is about the middle of the basin. Large ships 
 can be moored there as safely as if in a box. The bottom is good throughout. 
 In the upper end of the basin there is a kind of point of land where M. D'aunay 
 had placed a handsome and good fort. This point has two rivers, one on the 
 right and the other on the left, which do not go very far* inland. One is wide at 
 its entrance, the other not so wide, but it is much deeper, and the tide goes up it
 
 536 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 eight or ten leagues. There is a quantity of meadows on both sides, and two 
 islands that have meadows on them, about three or four leagues from the Fort in 
 going up. There is a great extent of meadows which the tide overflowed, and 
 which M. D'aunay caused to be made dry. They produce now good and hand- 
 some wheat ; and since the English have been masters of the country, the inhabi- 
 tants who were settled near the fort have mostly abandoned their dwellings and 
 have gone to live up the river, and made clearances above and below this large 
 meadow, (which at present belongs to madame de la Tour), where they have 
 dried (by dyking) other lands, which produce wheat in much greater abundance 
 than those which they cultivated around the Fort, although they were good. All 
 the inhabitants there are those whom M. the commandeur Razilly brought from 
 France to la Halve, who, since that time, have multiplied well at Port Royal, 
 where they have a great number of cows and swine. Besides the two rivers I 
 spoke of, there is one very full of fish that runs into the basin, and two besides, 
 where a great quantity offish is caught, as gasparots, salmon, trout, esquilles, and 
 other kinds. At the upper part of these rivers there is a quantity of oaks, and on 
 their banks pines and firs of three kinds, birch, migtiogons, beech, aspen, maple, 
 ash and oak. The country is not too mountainous. The wild vine and the wal- 
 nut tree are also there. There is very little snow in this country, and very little 
 winter. Hunting is good all the year round, for the rabbit, partridge, and other 
 forest games. There is a great abundance of water fowl, (gibier d'eau.) Summer 
 and winter the country there is very agreeable. 
 
 P. 77. " About the year 1635 I passed that way. I called to see the young 
 " de la Tour, who received me very well, and permitted me to see his father in 
 " his dwelling, of which I have spoken, which I did. He received me well, and 
 " obliged me to dine with him and his wife ; they had neat furniture, &c." He 
 also mentions a Recollet friar there, who shewed him his garden. 
 
 Pp. 86, 87. The shore fishery was attempted by Denys in partnership with 
 Razilly and a Breton merchant called Dauray. Razilly then dwelt at La Haive. 
 They sent hence a vessel with fish to Bretagne, which sold well. They afterwards 
 sent the Catherine, of 200 tons, commanded by Deny's brother, named de Vitray, 
 with a cargo ot codfish to Portugal, but were defrauded of the proceeds by persons 
 there. De Vitray was made a captain in the French navy. 
 
 P. no. Passepec, described, (Prospect.) 
 
 P. 137. Anticougnesche, described, (Antigonishe.) 
 
 P. 154. He describes the harbour of Saint Anne, in Cape Breton. He says it 
 " is good and very spacious. The entrance is between two points, and is not a 
 " hundred paces wide. Vessels of 300 or 400 tons can go in at all tides. The 
 " anchorage is good, and if the cables gave way one would only ground on a 
 " muddy bottom. The harbor could hold a thousand vessels. The basin is sur- 
 " rounded by high, rocky mountains. At the extreme end of the harbor there 
 " is a mountain of rocks as white as milk, which is also as hard as marble." 
 
 P. 176. ' Miramichi, which is the settlement I have in the bay des Chaleurs.' 
 
 " The captain of Richibouctou, named Denis, is a self-conceited and dangerous 
 " savage. All the others of the great bay dread him. He has on the shore oi 
 " the basin a fort made of stakes, (pieux), of some size, with two forms of bas- 
 " tion, in which is his cabin, and the other savages cabin around him. He has 
 " had a large piece of straight wood placed at the top of a tree, with large pegs
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 537 
 
 " across it like a gibbet, which serve as the steps of a ladder to mount up by. 
 " From time to time he sends a savage there to look if he can see anything along 
 " the shores. If any vessel or canoes are perceived, he gets all his people under 
 " arms with their bows and arrows and their guns puts a centinel at the approach 
 " to demand what people they are, and then, according to his fancy, makes them 
 " wait or receives them at once. Before coming in they must fire off their fusils 
 " once, and sometimes twice, by way of a salute. Then the chief comes in, and 
 " his suite afterwards. He never goes out of his cabin to receive those who come 
 " to visit him. He is always there, planted on his seat, like an ape, with a pipe 
 " in his mouth if he has tobacco. He never speaks first. He waits till a compli- 
 " ment is paid him, and after some time he answers with magisterial gravity," &c. 
 
 P. 210. " My plantation of Nepigiguit is on the shore of this basin. At the 
 " distance of one league at the right of the entrance, at low tide, a canoe could 
 " not approach it. I had to retire thither after the burning of my fort of St. 
 " Pierre, in the island of Cape Breton. My house is flanked by four small bas- 
 " tions, with a pallissade, the pickets of which are 18 feet high, with six pieces of 
 " ordnance in battery. The land is not of the best, as there are rocks in some 
 " places. I have a large garden," &c. 
 
 P. 231. Mentions the isle de Bonne aventure, a league and a half from isle 
 Perce. Perhaps M. Bonaventure took his designation from it. 
 
 Vol. 2., p. 8, &c. He attributes the greater cold of this country than its corres- 
 ponding latitudes in Europe, to the woods, and looks for milder seasons when 
 they are cleared away. 
 
 P. 19. First it is certain that the country produces the vine naturally 
 that it bears a grape that ripens perfectly, the berry as large as the muscat. As 
 to its juice, it is not so agreeable, being wild, and its skin is a little harder, but if 
 it were transplanted and cultivated, as is done in France, I have no doubt the 
 wine would be as good. 
 
 P. 405, &c. To make their canoes, they sought for the largest birch trees they 
 could find. They stripped off the bark to the length of a canoe, which was from 
 three to four and a half fathoms, the width being about two feet in the middle, and 
 always diminishing till it came to nothing at each end. The depth was such, 
 that a man being seated, it reached to his arm pits. The fittings inside to 
 strengthen it were of laths of the length of the canoe, four fingers wide and trim- 
 med at the ends, (en appetisant par les bouts), so that they may be joined toge- 
 ther. The inside of the canoe was thus fitted throughout, and all round from one 
 end to the other. These laths were made of cedar, which is light, and which 
 they split of as great a length as they wished, and as thin as they pleased ; they 
 also made semi-circles of the same wood, to serve as ribs, and gave them their 
 shape by means of fire. To sew the canoe, they took the roots of the fir tree, 
 (sapin), of the thickness of a man's little finger, and even less. They were very 
 long. They split these roots, the largest ones, into three or four. It splits 
 easier than the osier used to make baskets. They make bundles of this, which 
 they put into water for fear of its breaking. Besides all this, two sticks were 
 necessary, of the length of the canoe, which were to be round, and of the thick- 
 ness of a large cane, and four other shorter sticks of beech. All this being ready, 
 they took their barks, bent and trimmed them to the shape of the intended canoe, 
 then put these two large rods all round, sewed on the edge on the inner side with
 
 538 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 these roots. To sew it, they pierced the bark with a bodkin of pointed bone, and 
 passed the end of the osier in the hole, drew it through, and bound the stick 
 against the bark as close as possible, always turning the stick and osier so that 
 they touched each other. The sticks being well sewn all round, they put on little 
 cross pieces of beech, one in the middle, the ends of which passed into holes in 
 the rods that formed the edges of the canoe three others forward, at distances 
 of half a fathom from each other, which diminished (in length) according to the 
 shape of the canoe, and three others behind, placed at similar distances. All 
 these sticks enter also at their ends into holes made to receive them in the long 
 rods sewed on to the edges of the canoe, to which they are so well fastened on 
 both sides that the canoe cannot widen or shrink. Subsequently they put on the 
 large laths with which they fit up the interior from top to bottom, which touch 
 each other ; to hold them in their places, they put over them those semi-circles, 
 the ends of which join on each side under the rods that are sewed on above, all 
 round which they made enter there by force, and trimmed all the canoe with 
 them from end to end, making it firm, so as not to bend in any part. There 
 were seams in it, for to shrink it at two ends ; they split the bark upwards and 
 downwards, they doubled the two ends one upon the other, which they sewed ; but 
 to hinder the seams letting in water, the women and girls chewed the gum of 
 the fir tree daily until it became an unguent, which they applied with fire all along 
 the seams, which stopped them better than tow could do. All this being done, 
 the canoe was finished, which was so light that a single man could carry it on his 
 head. The oars (paddles) were of beech, the blade of the length of an arm, and 
 about half a foot wide, the handle a little longer than the blade, the whole of 
 one piece. Three, four or five persons, as well men as women, rowed together. 
 It went extremely quick. They also went in it under sail, which formerly was of 
 bark, but most frequently of the skin of a young moose, well dressed. If they 
 had a favorable breeze they went as fast as a stone could be thrown, and a canoe 
 carried as many as eight or ten persons. 
 
 P. 411. The labor of the women was to go and seek the beast after it was kil- 
 led skin it, and cut it into pieces for cooking. For this purpose they heated 
 stones red hot, which they put in and took out of the kettle, gathered all the 
 moose bones, pounded them with stones upon a larger stone, reduced them into 
 powder, then put them in their kettle, and made them boil well. This produced 
 a fat, which came upon the water, which they gathered with a wooden spoon, and 
 continued the boiling until the bones would give out no more grease, so that from 
 the bones of a moose, independant of the marrow, they obtained five or six pounds 
 of fat, white as snow, and firm as wax. It was of this they made all their provi- 
 sion to live on when out hunting. We call it moose butter, (beurre (Torignac; ) 
 they call it cacamo. They made their dishes of bark, large and small ones, sewed 
 them with roots of fir, so well, that they retained water. They sometimes gar- 
 nished them with porcupine's quills, &c. 
 
 N. B. The kettle used to be of wood before the French supplied them with 
 those of metal. After the bodies of their dead had dried by long exposure to the 
 open air, they buried them, and with them gifts of valuable furs, &c. They used 
 sharpened bones for arrow points, for needles, &c. &c. 
 
 Denys mentions Niganiche, cap de Nort, Chadye, la riviere de Pictou, Cocagne, 
 which last name he gave the place from its plenty of game and fish. Vol. I 
 PP. 159, 173-
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 539 
 
 (From M. Diereville's book.) 
 
 Relation du voyage dti Port Royal de PAcadie ou de la Nouvelle France. A Rouen, 
 
 1708. 
 
 He left Rochelle in the vessel called " La Royale Paix," 30 August, 1699. He 
 was employed to obtain plants for the Royal garden. After a voyage of 54 days 
 outward, they were obliged, being short of provisions, to put into Chibouctou, 
 called the Baye Senne on the chart, where they soon found the help they required. 
 
 P. 50. Ce Havre est de grande etendue, 
 
 La nature d'elle meme y forme un beau Bassin 
 
 Et Ton voit tout au tour le verdoyant Sapin 
 
 Faire un effet agreable a la Vue. 
 
 Nous vimes sur ses bords une Habitation 
 
 Pour faire secher la Morue 
 
 D'une telle construction 
 
 Qu'elle pourroit bien etre a Mansard inconnue." 
 
 This harbor is of great extent, 
 
 Nature a basin there has lent, 
 
 Around which grow the fir trees green, 
 
 Producing a most pleasing scene. 
 
 Upon its banks a structure odd, 
 
 Erected for the drying cod. 
 
 " It was long as half the mall of Paris, and as wide, built on a fine beach along 
 the river, at such a distance that the water can pass under it when the tide is full, 
 and carry off the refuse of the codfish. Imagine you see a bridge of wood built 
 on the land, with large trees stuck in very far on the water side, on their extremi- 
 ties other pieces of wood across well jointed, with similar work not so high on 
 the land side because of the slope, and over all that young fir trees long enough 
 to carry on the two sides, evenly arranged one against the other, and well nailed 
 at both ends to the pieces of wood that support them, and they will know that it 
 is this machine that fishermen call a degras. (The English term it a flake.) They 
 spread the codfish, well opened, upon it during summer, turning it and re-turning 
 it without ceasing, to cause it to dry, and to render it what it ought to be, and as 
 it is seen in a thousand places in the world where it is easily carried. This habi- 
 tation was without inhabitants. It had been made before the last war by French 
 fishermen, who were settlers there for a company which did not find it profitable." 
 
 He found Indians there. Three of the chiefs boarded the ship in a little bark 
 canoe. He found them devout, and they took him to see the grave of the mis- 
 sionary Thury, which they had covered with pebbles, smoothed to a level surface. 
 
 Pp. 59 &c. Speaking of Port Royal, he says : " I considered the situation of 
 " the place, which appeared to me sufficiently handsome. The ground on which 
 " it stands (terrain) may be half a league long and almost the same in width. 
 " The houses, which are situated above, and far apart from each other, are only 
 " hovels, badly built of mud, with clay chimnies." He says the church was more 
 like a barn than a temple of God. The cure, who was also Grand Vicar of the 
 bishop of Quebec, after prayers, shewed him his residence, which was an ill- 
 furnished room at the end of the church. Diereville hired a house, which had
 
 540 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 been used for a church before. It had three rooms below, garrets above, and a 
 cellar built under part of it. He mentions apple trees as planted generally by 
 the settlers. On the smaller river, called then du Moulin, (Mill river), which 
 must have been Allen's river, he says there were then three mills, one for corn, 
 and two for planks, (saw mills.) The country is fertile, producing all kinds of 
 vegetables, fruits, and sufficient corn ; and they have flesh, fish and fowl, and all 
 sorts of game. 
 
 He was about a year in the country, which he left in October, 1 700, and reached 
 France in 33 days. At least half his book is in verse. It is full of descriptions 
 of Indian life, &c. Denys and Diereville have left hardly any trait of the Micmac 
 untouched ; and the former gives very full descriptions of the fishery as then car- 
 ried on, while much natural history is to be found in each. 
 P. 71. "The folk who live in this retreat, 
 
 Where each man works to live, 
 
 Have wherewithal to wear and eat 
 
 The land does freely give. 
 
 Excise and taxes are unknown 
 
 No tribute is required, 
 
 Here peace and plenty have their throne, 
 
 And nothing is desired. 
 
 Beneath his rustic roof at rest 
 
 Each man enjoys his fare, 
 
 And freely with the passing guest 
 
 Can genuine comfort share. 
 
 If winter reigns, the wood's his own, 
 
 He piles it at his will ; 
 
 The cheerful blaze around is thrown, 
 
 And he is happy still. 
 
 Where else can greater joys be found, 
 
 All simple though they be ; 
 
 Though but few luxuries there abound, 
 
 They're cheerful, brave and free." 
 
 Ibidem. He describes the manner of making spruce beer. 
 P. 77. It is not easy to stop the current of the sea, but the Acadians attain 
 this object by powerful dykes, which they call ' aboteaux,' and thus they do it : 
 They plant five or six rows of large trees, all entire, in the places where the sea 
 enters into the marshes ; and between each row they lay down ofher trees length- 
 wise, a top of each other, and fill up the vacant spaces so well with clay, well 
 trodden down, that the tide cannot pass through it. In the middle of these works 
 they adjust a floodgate, (un esseau), in such manner that it allows the water of 
 the marsh to flow out at low tide without permitting the sea water to pass in. A 
 work of this nature, which can be carried on only at certain times when the tides 
 do not rise too high, is very expensive, and demands much labor ; but the abun- 
 dant harvest they obtain after the second year, after the water from heaven has 
 washed these lands, compensates them well for the outlay. As these marshes are 
 owned by many persons, they work at them in concert. 
 
 P. 109. Diereville describes in verse and prose the whole process of making 
 maple sugar, tho' he calls the tree a sycamore.
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 541 
 
 P. 143. At St. John he saw an Indian come to receive the presents. This 
 fort of St. John is built of earth, with four bastions fraised, each having six large 
 guns. Here he met some of the Indians he had seen at Chibouctou. The death of 
 ' monsieur le chevalier Villebon, commandant de 1'Acadie,' had occurred the 
 evening of their arrival. He calls Villebon ' grand homme, tres bien fait & plein 
 d'esprit,' a great man, well made, and full of intellect. 
 P. 163. Speaking of the Indians, he says : 
 
 When the poor Indian pays the debt 
 
 We all to nature owe, 
 
 In proof of friendship and regret 
 
 Most generous offerings flow. 
 
 For in his grave they place a store, 
 
 Of things he may have need 
 
 In the long journey to that shore 
 
 Imagined in their creed. 
 
 A living dog, a hatchet, gun, 
 
 Corn, pipes, tobacco too, 
 
 A kettle, powder, ball, and one 
 
 New blanket and canoe. 
 
 P. 184. He shews the virtues of fir balsam, and the method for cure of a bro- 
 ken limb effected by the Indians with the aid of fine moss, birch bark, and the 
 balsam. 
 
 P. 207. I have now only to say how I got back from New France, and that 
 was very agreeably. By the time that I began to accustom myself to it, and be- 
 came better acquainted with its advantages and inconveniences, I received orders 
 to quit it and return to France, of which I was very glad. I had to cross the 
 seas with the sailors in a little frigate of Rochefort, freighted by a company that 
 carries on trade in this country, and with which the association, of which I had 
 the management, had disposed of the goods remaining in my charge upon the 
 advice I had given them of the small profits to be made of them. But while I 
 was at work to settle the business I had on hand, in order to be ready to go home, 
 the Avenant. a good king's ship, mounting 44 guns, and which had brought out 
 the ammunition and provisions that Placentia and the Fort on the river St. John 
 receive annually, arrived at Port Royal to take on board there thirty or forty 
 fine masts that the inhabitants furnished for the king, in addition to those that 
 14 carpenters and mastmakers in his majesty's service had put on board her at 
 the river St. John. M'r. the chevalier de Chavagnac, who was in command of 
 this ship, was good enough to offer me a passage home in her in the most obliging 
 manner, saying that I would be much more comfortable in her than in the vessel 
 I was to sail in. I accepted his proposal with pleasure, and I left to my two 
 clerks the charge of such matters as remained unsettled. We left on the 6 Octo- 
 ber, and they left three weeks after in the frigate that I intended to go by. They 
 were near being lost the day after they sailed. In this peril they made a vovr, 
 which I saw them perform at Rochelle with the whole crew. Mdnsieur le Cheva- 
 lier de Chavagnac had exempted me from partaking of the fear they suffered of 
 becoming food for fishes, and I was the more obliged to him for the favor he had 
 
 shewn me. 
 
 " A favor shewn has double grace 
 When kindly 'tis bestowed."
 
 542 History of Nova-Scotia. 
 
 But it is known that civility and politeness, qualities formerly rare among sea- 
 faring people, are now united to the most perfect acquaintance with navigation 
 among all our naval officers. 
 
 " They brave all perils on the deep, 
 
 When glory leads the way, 
 
 So should they act for our Great King 
 
 Who live beneath his sway. 
 
 Proud to be chosen, in his plans 
 
 A foremost part to bear. 
 
 Thus proved to be of worth possessed, 
 
 His service all their care." 
 
 From a small book called ' An Account of the Customs and Manners of the Mic* 
 makis and Afaricheets t &V.' London : 1 758. 
 
 P. 82. (From letter of M. de la Varenne, Louisbourg, 8 May, 1756.) " They 
 " are extremely vindictive, of which I shall give you one example : Monsieur 
 " D'aunay, a French captain, with a servant, being overset in a canoe, within 
 " sight of some savages, they threw themselves into the water to save them, and 
 " the servant was actually saved. But the savage who had pitched upon mons. 
 " D'aunay, seeing who it was, and remembering some blows with a cane he had 
 " a few days before received from him, took care to souse him so often in the 
 " water, that he drowned him before he got ashore." 
 
 Ibidem. P. 105. Three families among the Acadian French are named, of a 
 British origin. Roger John Baptist Carty, an Irish Catholic, was the progenitor 
 of the Cartys. Peters, an iron smith from England, and Granger, both married 
 in Acadie, and became naturalized Frenchmen. Granger abjured before M. Petit, 
 secular priest of the seminary of Paris, then missionary at Port Royal. Most of 
 the French Acadians were originally from Rochelle, Xaintonge and Poitou. 
 
 Daudin, in 1754, stated that the parish of Annapolis Royal alone contained 300 
 habitations, or about 2000 communicants. 
 
 P. 129. The island of St. John is stated to be visited every seven years by 
 swarms either of locusts or of field mice, alternately, never together. After they 
 ravage the land, they ' precipitate themselves into the sea.'
 
 History of Nova-Scotia. 543 
 
 CORRECTIONS. 
 
 Page 65. line 33 for 1641 read 1621. 
 
 Page 109. igth line for 1664 read 1644. 
 
 Page 1 20. In the article No. 3, the 8th and 9th lines have been transposed 
 accidentally. 
 
 Page 2 1 1. line 27 for Villebon read Villieu. 
 
 Page 269. Article i, line i for 1705 read 1703. 
 
 I am obliged to M. Rameau, of Paris, for pointing out two errors, not of the 
 press, but owing to mistakes in the old mss., viz't : 
 Page 132. The name Guillaume Troun should be Trahan. 
 Page 151. The name Knessy, in I7th line, should read Kuessy or Quessy. 
 
 I am informed by the Rev. Mr. Ballard, of Brunswick, Maine, that the May- 
 flower (Epigaea repens) is to be found more generally in North America than I 
 had been previously led to suppose. The same remarks apply to the Linnaea 
 and the Sarracenia. 
 
 END OF VOLUME I.
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY 
 
 Los Angeles 
 This book is DU P "* * K - '"* Ant ~ *~i KI,., 
 
 NOV 2 ? 1965 
 
 RFC rive- 
 
 NOV 17 1965 
 
 Form L9-32m-8,'58(5876s4)444 
 
 University of California 
 
 SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 
 
 405 Hilgard Avenue, Los Angeles, CA 90024-1388 
 
 Return this material to the library 
 
 from which it was borrowed. 

 
 F 
 1038 
 
 v.l
 
 in 
 
 1 
 
 I '3 'v*i7; 
 
 UJBBfl 
 
 University of ( 
 
 Southern Re 
 
 Library Fa