' ' A ' " 2 - - 'i w lA >JEGO a> ^ * '<:' - 'crt:> v -4 V 2^ ^'I'NlVtA^ A =3. ' -V3^ 1N '-T - * <:> *F O^iiI'lLlii^K * IKX ^"^j.""!'^' <^r i li mA ^. ^n, \ W W ,,, ^ '--^ ^^^l^^^S^^S^ H '? i^ :>I [?A^. ^- ^ v.? 7 ^,^-y-T - ^ "^A, ; r^ -; 4 ^ ..o-.x-rrr;,. >, ojt . j i : ( ' ' }+ r * t ^l!t! ; M'MBBl r/ -i Jri- HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMIS f 'BEPOKT ON THE MANUSCRIPTS . OF ALLAN GEOKGE FINCH] ESQ.. OF BURLEY-ON-THE-HILL. RUTLAND. Vol. I. }Jreis LONDON: PUBLISHED BY HIS MAJESTY'S STATIONERY OFFICE. To be purchased, either directly or through any Bookseller, from WYMAN AND SONS, LIMITED, FETTER LANE, E.G., and 32, ABINGDON STREET, S.W., and 54, ST. MARY STREET, CARDIFF; or H.M. STATIONERY OFFICE (SCOTTISH BRANCU), 23, FORTH STREET, EDINBURGH ; or E. PONSONBY, LIMITED, 116, GRAFTON STREET, DUBLIN ; or from the -Agencies in the British Colonies and Dependencies, the United States of America, the Continent of Europe and Abroad of T. FISHER UN WIN, LONDON, W.C. PRINTED BY THE HEREFORD TIMES LIMITED, MAYLORD STREET, HEREFORD. 1913. [Cd. 6508.] Price, 2s, 8d. CONTENTS / PAGE INTRODUCTION v REPORT - 1 INDEX - - 525 This Report has been prepared and edited, on behalf of the Historical Manuscript Commissioners, by MRS. S. C. LOMAS. The Index has been compiled by Miss EDITH WILLIAMSON. INTRODUCTION . The large and important collection of letters and other documents preserved at Burley-on-the-Hill was the subject of a short report by the late Mr. Horwood in 1879. He chiefly confined his attention, however, to the calendaring of certain common-place books and the cataloguing of law reports, treatises, cases &c. ; printing only a very small number of letters, and those mostly of the 18th century. It has now been determined by the Commissioners that the collection shall be much more fully dealt with, except as regards the above-mentioned items, for which the reader is referred to Mr. Horwood's report (Hist. MSS. Comm. Rep. VII, p. 511). The collection may be broadly divided as follows : 1. Miscellaneous family letters of the 16th and early 17th centuries. 2. The correspondence of Heneage, Earl of Winchilsea, during his embassy to the Porte, 1660-1668. 3. Letters and papers of Sir John Finch, who followed his cousin as ambassador in Turkey. 4. Letters and papers of Sir Heneage Finch, afterwards 1st Earl of Nottingham, and his family. 5. The voluminous correspondence &c. of Daniel Finch, 2nd Earl of Nottingham, during his tenure of the office of Secretary of State, 1688-1693. This includes three letter- books, containing copies of the Earl's letters to the King, Sidney &c. &c., which form a very important supplement to the letter-books in official keeping at the Public Record Office ; a very large number of letters from Sir Robert Southwell and others, written from Ireland during the King's campaign there ; and practically the whole of the great series of letters written to Nottingham by the admirals and captains of the fleet during the period of his holding office as Secretary. 6. Eighteenth century letters and papers, including the correspondence of Lady Pomfret with her daughter Lady Charlotte Finch, and many other interesting letters, diaries &c. The early letters of the volume introduce us to three of the ancestors of the Finch family in the 16th century, Sir Thomas Finch, Sir Thomas Moyle and Sir Thomas Heneage. The two former were landowners in Kent, filling various public- offices in their county and connected by the marriage of Sir Thomas Finch to Moyle's daughter Katherine. The third and best known of the three was Thomas, afterwards Sir Thomas Heneage, the prudent and zealous Treasurer of vi the Household to Queen Elizabeth. His daughter Elizabeth married Moyle Finch, Sir Thomas's eldest son, and so brought in what became a favourite Christian name in the family for many generations. There are letters from or to all the above-named persons, but the only correspondence of importance is that with Sir Thomas Heneage, to whom there are about a dozen letters from Sir William Cecil, and some very lively ones from Lord Buckhurst, giving an account of his journey to Paris in 1571. He was received at Calais and Boulogne with " all the courtesy in the world." At Boulogne the aged governor came to visit him, followed by the mayor and corporation in full State escorted by beadles and silver maces. Gifts of great pots of wine were presented by the Mayor, with a solemn oration in French, which Buckhurst, as he says, " understood only by discretion " and answered in Italian, which the Mayor " under- stood by nods, as the ape did the friar." An incident at Calais might have led to rather serious consequences. Some mischievous person hung a dead cat up close to Sir Thomas's lodgings, and immediately a rumour ran round the town that the English had done it in token of their hope of seeing all the Frenchmen there hanged, and of once more possessing the place. Happily, the Captain of Calais accepted Buckhurst's assurances, and nothing further happened. Attention may be drawn to letters from the Earl of Leicester, Walsingham, Hatton, Sydney, and an interesting one from Sir Thomas Smith, afterwards ambassador to France, giving an episode in his life as a young scholar at Cambridge. On p. 30 is an account of the occurrences on and after the " day of barricades " at Paris in 1590 ; and a little later a holograph letter from Lady Ralegh, written in the Tower. In one or two of the letters we get allusions to the keeping of the Records. Cecil states, for instance, that Mr. Boyar, keeper of the Records at the Tower and of the Rolls of Parliament and Chancery, had often told him that in some years he did not gain above twenty-six pounds more than his expences, but yet at other times " he had for some special search 13Z. 6s. Sd. at once." And in 1611, Heneage, afterwards Sir Heneage Finch, replies to a request for a certain search that he cannot find the Forest Records, and does not believe that they were any of them ever " returned," they having been apparently, when last heard of, in the custody of the secretary of the Earl of Sussex. In 1625, when Charles I's parliament met, Sir Heneage was elected Speaker, and a small book in his own handwriting contains notes of his speeches and of some of the proceedings in the House during that and the following year (p. 43 et seq.). In 1651 another distinguished member of the family appears for the first time ; Sir John Finch, second son of the Speaker, the great physician, and ambassador to Florence and to vii Turkey (not to be confused with the other Sir John, created Baron Finch of Fordwich). A small, vellum-covered book, in close and crabbed writing, contains a brief journal of a visit to France, interspersed with anecdotes of people, descriptions of buildings &c (p. 59). He tells a curious tale of " Sir Henry Crompton," ambassador to Portugal, and his wife, but there was no ambassador of this name, nor is it clear to whom he is referring. Of the hospitals in Paris he writes : " The Hotel Dieu is a famous hospital, but there's eight in a bed. But the Charite is the best accommodated that can be, as well as any gentleman in his own house. I believe there's about two hundred, every man in a bed singly. The pains of those religious persons which tends them is to be pitied." He thought Paris " far more populous than London, and something bigger, because rounder," though not so long. Then, as now, the city was much troubled by floods, and he writes that Cardinal Richelieu had planned to cut the Seine into the Loire, to prevent these inundations. Sir John does not seem to have had a high opinion of his Paris confreres. " The Paris physicians," he declares, " be the disease what it will, always open a vein and prescribe a tisaine and a purge of manna." On leaving Paris, he went by way of Sens, Dijon and Lyons to Geneva. Of this last, he notes the want of good water and makes the remarkable statement that " the hills of snow, begirting the town, make the air raw and unwholesome ; so cold that in vintage time they have gathered their grapes up to the midleg in snow." From Geneva he went to Milan, but the journal does not carry him so far ; the last entry leaving him in a small cottage at the top of the Simplon, weather-bound by " the abundance of rain." From this point the interest of the papers centres in the embassy of Heneage Finch, Earl of Winchilsea to Constanti- nople. The King recommended him for the post, but the appointment was made by the Levant Company, and indented articles were exchanged between them and the Earl. The ambassador to Constantinople was consequently in a different position from that of any other English minister, and one of much more difficulty. Technically, he was the servant and representative of the Levant or Turkey Company, and by them, not by the King, his salary was paid. Yet he claimed the status of an ambassador, received credentials from the King, and was expected to carry on diplomatic negotiations. It will be presently seen how these different offices clashed, and how difficult it was to combine the two characters. Winchilsea left England in October, 1660, with instructions to go first to Algiers, and try to bring to a satisfactory end the negotiations already set on foot with the Governor there. On his way he touched at Lisbon, and there had interviews Vlll with the King and Queen-Mother of Portugal. His account of his visit to the Queen-Mother is curious. He was admitted to her chamber, though he could not say to her presence, as he saw none but ancient matrons in the room, and " like Moses in the Mount, heard a voice only," proceeding from behind a screen, it being explained to him that the Queen's age and indisposition made her unfit to see visitors. There must, however, have been some special reason for this, for at this time, far from being a decrepit invalid, the Queen-Mother was the virtual ruler of Portugal, and when, in 1662, her incapable son took the government into his own hands, both Charles II and Clarendon wrote in evident dismay, the King broadly hinting to his young brother-in-law that he would do well still to rely upon the experience of his most prudent mother, while Clarendon implored the Queen herself not to deprive her son of the most experienced and devoted counsellor that he could ever hope to have. (See Report upon Mr. Heathcote's MSS., pp. 30 and 31.) Winchilsea was visited by and conversed with several of the Portuguese ministers. He learnt that Tangier was almost sure to fall into King Charles' hands ; and was " infinitely glad," declaring, in the exaggerated language which he was prone to use in matters relating directly to the King, that it was a place of such great advantage that all those parts of Europe would tremble at his Majesty's new African dominions ; and that his own importance in Asia would be much increased if he was seconded by " such powerful neighbours to the Turkish rule " (p. 85). Towards the end of November ^Winchilsea reached Algiers, where the English Consul, Robert Browne, was vainly trying to negotiate a treaty which the Algerines had small inclination to accept. They much preferred a free hand in relation to the rich English ships which sailed so temptingly past their shores, and England could hold out little inducement to an alliance, and had to fall back upon threats. After two or three days of futile discussion, Winchilsea sent a letter to the Consul, expressing regret that his " advice and attendance " had proved so fruitless and desiring Browne to continue his efforts, but at the same time to give warning to all the English factories within reach of the danger of a breach, and if necessary to demand from the Algerine rulers letters to the King, of which he himself should be the bearer, in order to secure his retreat in safety. Meanwhile it was agreed that the former treaty was to stand in force until the King's views were known, but with the Important reservation that the Algerines positively refused to be bound as regards their right of " searching the English ships," a process which, under the plea of seeing whether any Turks were on board, covered delay, plunder and frequently confiscation. In regard to one point which Winchilsea was anxious to obtain, he failed utterly. Some time before, the Earl of IX Inchiquin, with his son and suite, had been captured in an English vessel and carried to Algiers by the exultant " Turks," well pleased to be able to hold such valuable prisoners to ransom. The Earl's own freedom was speedily arranged, but his son and servants were still in the hands of the barbarians, and young Lord O'Brien was claimed as the special property of Ramadan, the present usurping ruler there, who stood out so stiffly in the matter that Winchilsea feared the young lord's freedom would only be recovered by the forcible argument of a fleet of ships. As regards their determina- tion to hold fast to their right of search, Winchilsea blamed Edmund Casson, the English agent who had framed the treaty of 1646, in which " they were in no wise prohibited from seizing strangers' goods or men " (pp. 88. 89). After leaving Algiers, Lord Winchilsea proceeded to Messina, where, in the Vice-roy's absence, he was very rudely treated by the native officials. The commander of the castles, however, who, being a Spaniard, was " naturally more civil than the Sicilians," came to his help, obtained " pratique " for him, furnished him a house, invited him ashore and showed him much kindness and respect. His next stopping place was Smyrna. Here he remained for two or three weeks, to despatch necessary business and to rest on land awhile before continuing his journey, so that it was February before he reached Constantinople. Sir Thomas Bendysh was still there, and the two men met on very friendly terms. Bendysh had fallen under the suspicion of the King and the Royalist party because he had served as ambassador under Cromwell's government ; but Winchilsea assured the King that " his affections were always sincere to the royal interest " and that he had only consented to bear office under " unlawful powers " when licensed to do so by the dispensation of his Majesty's father (p. 96). Bendysh returned home in the Plymouth, the ship which had brought out his successor, and whose prudent and vigilant commander was Capt. Thos. Allin, afterwards one of Charles II's admirals. Winchilsea's work as ambassador was, as has been already said, encompassed by many difficulties. When, after the incor- poration of the Levant Company in 1581, William Harborne was accredited to Turkey,* there were already established there a French ambassador and a Resident from Venice, who united to make things uncomfortable for him. He was only a merchant, they said, and the representative of merchants ; not an ambassador, or fit to take rank with themselves. But Harborne was both able and enterprising. He gradually asserted his position, obtained from the Sultan the " capitulations " which gave the English the same privileges as other nations, and finally wrested from the Frenchman a part of his valued prerogative of acting as protector of those who had no representative of their own at the Porte. * He had been out before, but without credentials. When Winchilsea arrived in 1660 the French and English ambassadors stood on equal terms, excepting that the latter had still to fight against the slur constantly brought up against him that he was in the employment, not of his sovereign, but of a company of traders. As a matter of fact, his sovereign was quite willing to employ him, so long as he had not to pay him, and Winchilsea was absolutely determined to hold his ground and assert his equality, it not something more as a peer of England and a " cousin " of the king to the not very distinguished representative of France. He came to Turkey, indeed, at an auspicious moment in this respect, for the French ambassador had lately roused the Vizier's anger by boasting of the greatness of his master, and threatening revenge for certain injuries sustained by French subjects. The Turks, who could not bear anything that savoured of a threat, struck his son in the face, dragged him by the hair out of the Vizier's palace, and committed the ambassador to the Seven Towers, where he was kept for two months. When Winchilsea arrived he had been released, but was deposed from office, no audiences or addresses from him accepted, and he himself looked upon as a hostage for a messenger the Vizier was sending to France, to know whether the King would have peace or war (pp. 97, 105). Meanwhile the French nation was left unprotected, and Winchilsea believed that the indignity to his minister must necessarily be so highly resented by King Louis " as not to be reconciled without greater satisfaction than Turkish obstinacy was likely to condescend to." Under these circumstances, he hoped that the King of France might be persuaded to put his subjects under English protection, as there was no one so powerful to defend them as himself. The Resident from the Emperor was also under a cloud, owing to complications in Transylvania which threatened to lead to war with Turkey ; the Venetian " bailo " had fallen into disgrace and was " in the nature of a prisoner " ; and there remained only the Holland Resident, a man so inconsiderable that the Vizier hardly knew there was such a person. In this state of affairs it cannot be wondered at that the English ambassador had good hopes of maintaining the interests of his nation at the Sultan's Court (pp. 97, 99). At this time the " Grand Signor," Mohammad Han, was not more than twenty-two years of age and was wholly governed by the Vizier, whom he called father (p. 97). In a short sketch of Turkish affairs, Winchilsea describes him as he appeared some seven years later, as being of a melancholy disposition, of middle stature, sleeping little but eating much, fond of riding and exercise, devoted to his religion, a great enemy of Christians ; delighting in building, yet anxious to lessen his expenses and increase his treasure (pp. 521-2). But our interest in the Porte at this particular period centres not in the young and foolish Sultan, but in the two great XI ministers, father and son, who lifted Turkey to a height which it had not reached since the defeat before Vienna, and made it a standing menace to the safety of the Empire. When Winchilsea arrived, Mohammad Kiuprili was the Grand Vizier or Vizier Azim, and is thus described by the ambassador : " This Vizier is a man of stronger natural parts and more refined resolution than any that has governed the Ottoman Empire. Having the sole power in his hands, he has purged the body politic by cutting oft (partly by his own hands) six thousand bashas and great men, whose estates have flown into his own coffers, save such rivulets as lie has let pass by to his master ; and indeed the Empire was so rent by factions that a resolute spirit was necessary, who cut off those members he could not cure. He is punctual in his word, pays all debts to their day, severe in his punishments, generous in his rewards. He hates all Christians, and hopes to conquer all Italj' and Rome, though he is aged, dropsical and afflicted with gout and jaundice." At this time Kiuprili's ambitions were directed towards Germany, and he hoped to make a stepping stone of Transylvania, then under Turkish suzerainty. One Kimenyi (or Chimianus, as he is called in these papers) had taken upon himself the government there without the Sultan's consent, and the latter refused to give him the standard (the sign of his acceptance as ruler) unless he either sent his son as a hostage or came himself to receive the honour, which he did not wish perhaps did not dare to do. The Vizier was therefore resolved to make war upon Transylvania, and, as the Emperor was suspected of abetting Kimenyi, it was believed that his ultimate intention was to carry the war into the Imperial dominions. Winchilsea would have welcomed such a war, to divert the Emperor's attention from the side of France, England's ally, and also as tending to bring to an end the long conflict between the Turks and Venice ; but the English ministers did not choose to meddle in the matter so far as to authorize him to take any action ; probably indeed doubted whether he had the power to do anything effectual. In June, 1661, Winchilsea feared that the chances of war with the Emperor were vanishing, for the German Resident had heard from Vienna that his master was resolved to stand " as a neuter and at a gaze on the affairs of Transylvania " unless the Turks put a governor and garrisons into the country, wliich the Sultan had sworn he did not mean to do. Once again Winchilsea declared that if the King would have made him an instrument to foment the difference, he believed he could have done it, and that without being discovered ; and once again, also, he lamented the belief which obtained amongst the King's counsellors that the affairs of Turkey could have no influence upon England. At his first going to the Porte, Winchilsea had written to the Lord Treasurer, his brother-in-law, that the German Resident was unfortunate in having a dragoman or interpreter, who (as he well knew) was false to him and " a spy to all Christendom," yet whom he dared not remove, as he had been xii imposed on him by the Vizier. This worthy Winchilsea now " gained," no doubt by a judicious use of money, and hoped by his means to be kept acquainted with all that passed at the Emperor's Court. One almost wonders that he needed to do so, as he seems to have been kept pretty well informed by Reninghen (the Imperial Resident) himself, with whom he was on very friendly terms. What the English ambassador precisely intended to do is not clear, but he wrote to his cousin, Sir Heneage Finch, that he had now an opportunity to forward the war, if only he had money, but that nothing could be effected without presents and corruption, while with them the whole Empire might be " commanded." A few days later he wrote on the same subject to the Lord Treasurer. There was no question, he said, but that the Vizier hath resolved upon a great war ; yet some believed that the Emperor would agree to any conditions to avoid it ; and indeed the Resident had said as much to him, and had now sent him word (fearing that he might incite the Turks to that war) that his Imperial Majesty was resolved to remain friendly with England, even if she went to war with Spain (p. 147). By this time war was being carried on in Transylvania, and after some skirmishes the Turks had retired towards Buda. The Sultan and his army were at Adrianople, professedly on account of the plague, but probably in order to be nearer the scene of operations, and perhaps also to guard that important strategical point in case of reverses. In October, 1661, the Grand Vizier, Mohammad Kiuprili, died. Winchilsea announced the fact and commented on it in a letter to Nicholas. It was strange, he thought, that after being Vizier for five years he should die at peace in his bed, and still more strange that his son should succeed him, supplanting so many ancient and experienced pashas.. The son, he continued, followed his father's rules and seemed to hope to overawe the world by his severity. " Some heads of great men, which his father disposed of by will, he hath already taken off, and others . . . remain in the black book of his father's testament. He is as proud and cruel as his father and has strength to put into execution his rigorous laws, so that people now talk of the father's clemency, who only chastised them with scourges, but this one with scorpions." The old Vizier left certain maxims for his young master's guidance, as not to hearken to the counsel of women ; to amass wealth by keeping his subjects poor ; to be always on horseback, and to keep his armies in motion. He was, Winchilsea declared, " the ablest and faithfullest minister who had ever served the Turkish empire " (pp. 168, 172). Before going on to the rule of the second Kiuprili, it may be well to look at the English ambassador's position at Constantinople. In the first place, as regards his relations with the Levant Company. The articles of agreement are Xllt calendared amongst the Domestic State Papers, under date September 19, 1660. Winchilsea engaged to remain out five years, to guard the Company's interests, compose differences, " establish " their consuls and not remove them without the Company's consent &c. &c. They, on their part, agreed to pay his expenses thither and on his return (with a suite of thirty persons) to allow him 10,000 dollars a year (about 2,000/.), also to pay the charges of presents (no small matter in the Turkish embassy) and of three dragomen or interpreters. But there seems also to have been a private understanding with the merchants of the Company that he was to have more, in consideration of his yielding his claim to certain customs connected with the consulates, and in his earliest letters from Pera he urges that he ought to have at any rate another 2,000 dollars per annum ; that indeed Sir William Vincent and others had promised him 4,000. (See his letters to members of the Company and to his cousin, Sir Heneage Finch, pp. 94, 98.) The King, as has been said, paid no part of the Turkey ambassador's expences. Winchilsea speedily realized, how- ever, that there were certain things which could not fairly be charged to the Levant Company. He could not in reason, for instance, put into their account the expences of messengers employed on State affairs, or the sums which he paid to procure intelligence. Yet without these, he could not carry on the King's business and must be, in effect, what his rivals accused him of being, " little better than a grand factor for the merchants." He feared, indeed, that the English ministers were inclined to be satisfied with this view, and in March, 1661, he wrote to Nicholas on the matter. This letter is not in the letter-book, but its contents can be gathered from one to Sir Heneage Finch (p. 103) and from Nicholas' reply (p. 118). In May he returned to the subject. Nicholas might perhaps, he supposed, reckon information concerning affairs in Turkey (by reason of the distance and little intercourse between the crowns) to be " impertinent to matters of State in England," but this was a gross mistake. He had opportunities for advancing the King's honour as good as any other ; but he could do nothing without support from home. He had even heard (as he states in a letter to Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper) that people in England were saying of his embassy that in Turkey there were " no matters of State to be employed in, but only merchandising and protection of traders," and that the Turks being infidels, it did not concern England to meddle, except to secure her trade. But, he continued, trade must be subordinate to matters of State ; if it were the King's or the Sultan's interest to break off commerce, no intercessions of the merchants could prevent them. Another assertion made was that the employment was beneath him. To this he replied : " Is it more honourable XIV to be an ambassador amongst the Dutch butter-boxes . . . than to be employed at this great Court, with a mighty Emperor, seated in the centre of the world, and the large field of a vast empire to act in ? " Other potentates of Europe so honoured the embassy that they chose their greatest nobles for it, sending them with a more costly train than to any other Court. And the French ambassador, employed on the same terms as himself, besides the salary from his Levant Company, had 1,500Z. a year allowance from the King (pp. 125, 126, 139). One point he thought very important. The English King had hitherto been addressed as " Crawle," which indeed meant a sovereign prince, but the Sultan himself assumed the name of " Podeshaw," i.e. Emperor, and gave it to the Emperor of Germany and the King of France ; wherefore it was not fitting that the King of England should be called by a lower title. But nothing could be done at the Porte without " presents and corruptions," and no letters came from England nor any allowance of moneys, therefore he was powerless (p. 127). Winchilsea also suggested that his Majesty should endeavour to obtain, through himself, the post of mediator between Turkey and Venice, which could not but add greatly to his credit and renown. To these proposals the King replied that he would be well pleased to accept of the mediation between Turkey and Venice, but could not grant allowance for intelligence, being loth to incur new charges and knowing no precedent for it. Nicholas wrote to the same effect, using the very argument which Winchilsea (writing on almost the same day) guessed he would do, viz. : that Trukey was so remote that any intelligence from thence could be of little use in England. In August, 1661, the Earl again applied to his cousin, Sir Heneage Finch, and his brother-in-law, Lord Treasurer Southampton. As he had now the opportunity to forward the war between the Emperor and the Porte, he believed he had matters of State in hand such as no former English ambassador had ever pretended to, and " deserved to be regarded as one of a greater trust than the mere concernment of merchandise and traffic." But he was left " wholly naked," without encouragement, instructions or money, the only foreign agent without allowances or credit in a country where nothing could be effected without money and bribery. The Vizier, by his tyrannies and injuries to other nations, was engaged to the English interest, lest he should raise a " general combination of all Christendom against him," but he was old and dropsical, and not expected to live a year, and when he died all might be changed, and the interests of other princes might prevail (p. 152). In case of war with the Emperor, Winchilsea believed that efforts would be made to bring in a Spanish ambassador, who could transact the German affairs, and would certainly try to dimmish English influence. The French and Venetian XV ambassadors had always, by means of " that chief weapon, money," opposed the admission of a Spaniard, and the same must be his " game " also, but it must be by the use of the same weapon. And so back to the old cry : he can do nothing without money (p. 149). Tb Nicholas's objection that news from Turkey could be but of little use in England, Winchilsea replied by explaining that he had no intention of sending " diaries of common transactions, but to have a narrow inspection into the negotiations of Christian princes at this Court, and discover their secret designs." This meant the employment of spies, and spies must be paid (p. 157). This brings us up to the time of the death of the old Vizier, Mohammad Kiuprili, and the accession to office of his still more renowned son, Ahmad. The new minister's policy was apparent from the very beginning. His great ambition was to wage a successful war against Germany, and as Winchilsea probably showed his own bias on this subject, he was likely to be in favour. It was his duty to go to the Court at Adrianople to offer congratulations and presents. This he accordingly did ; was very well received by the Vizier and obtained certain additions to the English capitulations. His opinion of the new minister (a very mistaken one, as it turned out) was that he was more a lawyer than a soldier, " a man secret and of few words." Another object of Winchilsea's visit to the Court was to checkmate the designs of certain deputies from Algiers who were coming to the Sultan with complaints and claims against the English. He was not very confident of victory, as they were known to be provided with powerful arguments in the shape of very rich presents, more likely to prevail with the Turks than the strongest reason. In the event, however, he was quite successful, for before the Algerines arrived he had imbued the Vizier with such a conviction of their dis- loyalty, and had laid so good a foundation by gifts to the principal officers, that instead of meeting with the countenance they expected, they were severely reprehended and found their mission a failure (p. 177). At first the new Vizier had many difficulties to contend with, and his position was very unstable. The powerful Basha of Babylon was threatening insurrection ; the Turkish horsemen were unsettled and defiant, and a cabal was got up by the " Queen Mother " and the chief of the eunuchs, which threatened to crush him. The mother of the Sultan had very considerable power and great influence over her son, as was shown by the fact that he dared not put his brothers to death, much as he desired to do so, without her permission, and this she refused, though apparently the only cogent reason by which she could justify her refusal was that the Ottoman line was in danger of dying out (p. 522). XVI In spite of his early successes, Winchilsea soon found the new Vizier " intractable and difficult to deal with," and his hatred of the Christians was such that he ordered all their churches, then newly built up after a fire which had destroyed them, to be again demolished and the builders severely punished. In this he was encouraged by a Sheik or " religious Softa," who claimed to be inspired, and declared that all the misfortunes of the last years had been due to too much indulgence of the Christians (p. 197). As regards public matters, it was not long before Winchilsea made up his mind that the new Vizier, though he said little and dissembled much, was secretly preparing for war. The casus belli at this time was the fort of Kanisia, which the Emperor declared had been erected by his orders and should be maintained by his arms, while the Sultan vowed to use the whole strength of his Empire to demolish it (p. 196). But again, when the breaking out of hostilities seemed inevitable, there was a lull in the gathering storm. The Emperor sent a message so pleasing to the Vizier that the fortunate envoy returned from his audience well satisfied and with three vests, a very signal sign of favour. The Emperor had lowered his terms and Winchilsea imagined that Kiuprili also would agree to very moderate ones, in order to be free to attend to his own affairs at home, where, owing to the continued animosity of the Queen-Mother and chief eunuch, " every hour he had a new game to play for his life." But, in the light of after events, it seems probable that he never relinquished his scheme, and only wished to lull suspicion while he went on with the preparations necessary for the success of the great campaign which he had planned. In May, 1662, the King of France wrote to ask that the son of his former ambassador might be admitted to his father's place. The Vizier replied with the accustomed formula ; that the Grand Signer's arms were open to all who came with submission and respect. Winchilsea marvelled at the " tameness " of the French King, considering the treatment his ambassador had received ; and considering too the late fight for precedence between the Spanish and French ambassadors in London, which Louis had taken up so hotly. It was strange, he said, that the King should be so tender of his honour in England and yet " slight so notorious a violation " of his ambassador in Turkey (pp. 198, 240). It does not seem to have occurred to him that while the conduct of Spain was a vital matter, the Most Christian King would not look so seriously upon the rudeness of a " barbarian " monarch towards an envoy who was not regarded, in spite of the generous treatment accorded him, quite in the same light as an ambassador to one of the European Powers. In this same May, 1662, news came to the Porte that the English fleet under Sir John Lawson had had a sharp encounter with the Algiers pirates in the Straits, and had taken several XV11 of their vessels. The Algerines, in alarm, sought for refuge under the flag which they had lately scorned, and sent a deputation to the Sultan, begging him to send them a new basha, whom they promised to obey. The effect of this was that the Turkish ministers persuaded themselves that Algiers was again " wholly loyal," therefore any attack upon it by another power must be held to be a breach of the peace with Turkey. The Sultan, indeed, still disavowed the pirates (although he was suspected of encouraging them underhand), but to all complaints of damage done by them gave one answer : that their ships might be destroyed at sea, but their towns and forts were not to be touched " without his revenge." Winchilsea considered this a covert threat against himself and the English merchants in Turkish dominions ; but he loyally urged the King to consult " his own renown," being willing that he and his should be a sacrifice for the glory of his Majesty and the welfare of his country. This risk, however, did not arise, as presently the news came of the peace concluded by Lawson with Algiers (pp. 200, 202). In 1662 the war cloud hanging over the relations between Turkey and Germany had again Lifted and the summer passed without any outbreak of hostilities, but influences were at work which did not make for peace. The princes of Europe (so Winchilsea said) believing that the Emperor's withdrawal from those " resolutions of war " which it was their policy to encourage, was due to a fear that if he were engaged with Turkey dangers might threaten the Empire on the side of Alsace set to work to soothe his alarm, the French King in particular protesting that he had no intention " to encroach the least foot on his dominions, but on the contrary would afford him all help and assistance." This produced fresh hesitation in the Councils at Vienna and finally it was resolved to leave the decision to the diet about to be held at Posen (p. 211). The Turks, impatient at the uncertainty, urged the Imperial Resident " either to have a present peace or a speedy declaration of war." Failing to get satisfaction on the point, the Sultan announced that he gave the Emperor three months in which to send an ambassador to conclude the treaty already partly agreed upon and to demolish the frontier fortress at Kanisia, built by Count Isdring under the avowed direction and protection of the Emperor. A rumour of the French King's proceedings had reached Turkey, and the Sultan threatened to ruin every Frenchman in his dominions if it proved true. Winchilsea turned this to his own advantage and was able triumphantly to announce that the Turkish ministers had publicly declared that their only true friends were the English (p. 218). But winter was coming on, and in spite of his ultimatim the Sultan did not dare to embark upon a winter campaign, Wt. 29495. FI 6 XVlll contenting himself with pushing forward warlike preparations and ordering his general on the frontiers to occupy as much of Transylvania as he could. At the end of the three months' grace, the Emperor sent to learn what were the Turkish demands. The Turks believed this to be in consequence of pressure from Rome where the Pope needed the Emperor's aid to defend him from " his most Christian son," the King of France and greatly rejoiced over the disunion of Christendom. The people as a whole had no great inclination for a war in the north, and were far more anxious to prosecute vigorously the long protracted struggle with Venice for the possession of Crete. Winchilsea, as has been seen, was very desirous to act as mediator, on his master's behalf, but the English overtures were coldly received by both parties. In the spring of 1663 the treaty with the Emperor appeared to be on the point of conclusion, yet Winchilsea found it difficult to believe that the vast preparations which had been made were intended for nothing more than the capture of a few Venetian fortresses in Dalmatia. He saw pretty clearly that the Turks (by which he probably simply meant the Vizier) were only " deluding " the Emperor until their army was assembled, and the frontier forts given up, and that then they would spring upon him further and impossible demands. And so indeed it proved. As the Emperor " condescended " the Turks raised their demands, the negotiations fell through, and in May the Vizier began his march from Sofia towards Belgrade. The Sultan had summoned his subject-king, the " Tartar Han," to his aid, but he was busy resisting a combined attack of Cossacks, Muscovites and Calmucks upon Ozov, and wished " to see the fire extinguished first in his own house before giving help elsewhere " (p. 259). After May, Winchilsea is curiously silent concerning the movements of the Vizier and his army. We hear nothing of his march from Belgrade to Buda, nothing of the capture of the forts upon the Danube. The next notice of the campaign occurs in October, when he reported that the surrender of a town in Hungary had caused more joy than the taking of Babylon, and had so " puffed up " the Turks that they were as jubilant as they had lately been depressed. The allusion is, no doubt, to the obstinate defence and ultimate capture of Neuhausel or Ursek Ujvar, which surrendered on the 25th of September. After this the Turkish army went into winter quarters, and again there is silence for many months, until March, 1664. Then we hear that the Turks were much discouraged by their heavy losses in the last campaign ; that great preparations were being made for the coming one, but that the men went very unwillingly to the war, and cursed the Vizier as its author. Moreover, the Sultan had begun to suspect that the Vizier had not been sending him true intelligence, and it was generally believed that the first defeat would cost the minister his head (p. 304), XIX Winchilsea was held back at this time from going himself to the Court by his anxiety not to spend more money than he could possibly help ; yet he thought it very desirable that the English ambassador should be on the spot, to create friends and discountenance enemies. For indeed, as he told the Lord Treasurer, things were much more difficult than they had been in the times of former ambassadors. The Sultan himself was more "humoursome" and extravagant than other Emperors had been, and demanded so many payments, presents and entertainments from his ministers, that they were forced to rob and spoil the people in order to live themselves, and were more corrupt than ever, from their desire for bribes and presents (p. 319). Meanwhile he instructed his agent at Adrianople to inform the ministers that the Emperor had sent to England to ask for aid against the Sultan, but that the King, from friendship to Turkey and indignation at the Emperor's cold behaviour to him in the time of his exile, had refused to give him either men or money. At the end of June, Winchilsea sent Morice " a taste of some points " concerning the state of feeling in Turkey. The war with the Emperor (he said) was considered by the most judicious of the Turks to have been begun at an unfortunate time and without just grounds. It had, he believed, been first suggested by the steward of the late Vizier, " a man of an active and speculative brain," who had filled the Court with high expectations of its success. But men of warlike and generous spirit, ambitious to perform great enterprises, had geen greatly wanting in the empire of late years, Mohammad Kiuprili having, to preserve himself, massacred all who " entertained great and aspiring thought." Also the Spahis of the remoter parts, failing to obtain their usual allowances for horses and arms from the Sultan who was given up to his pleasures and not of a warlike disposition had absented themselves in large numbers, so that the army was very inferior to those which former histories told of (p. 322). The Sultan himself was more firmly fixed in his government than he had hitherto been, one of his women having borne him a son. This had quieted the people and soldiers, who of late had begun to murmur, fearing the extinction of the reigning family (ibid.). There were great rejoicings at the birth of this child. As Winchilsea explains in another place, " for long " no Sultan had married, because by Turkish law a wife was heir to an eighth of the Empire during her life ; but any concubine who bore him a son wore a crown and had a great revenue and a Court apart (p. 522). At the beginning of August the news of the capture of some of the forts on the Danube had raised the Turks to a " high conceit of their success." but they were quickly cast down again upon receipt of the news of a defeat sustained from Count Souches at the beginning of July. If the Grand Vizier XX himself met with disaster, either the Sultan would be forced to a dishonourable peace or (Kiuprili being put to death or displaced) a new Vizier, from regard to his own safety, would persuade the Sultan in person to continue the war (p. 327). The disaster was not long in following. There is no direct mention of the battle at the abbey of St, Gothard on August 1 ; but in the middle of September Winchilsea reported that the second defeat of the Turkish forces had reduced their affairs to a very distracted condition. They talked of peace, but, as was believed, merely to quiet the soldiery and the people, for though no doubt they heartily repented the beginning of the war, yet their pride could hardly submit to stop it at a time when it would conclude with so much disgrace to themselves (p. 332). Nothing is said of the Sultan's views as regards the Grand Vizier ; indeed, if he was told of the defeat at all, it was probably in very modified terms ; for when in the autumn he went to a remote town, " out of all roads," the journey was believed to be contrived by the Vizier, to prevent him from learning the true history of the summer's misfortunes (p. 336). It says much for the power of the chief minister that himself at so great a distance he should be able to keep his rivals from pouring the tale into the monarch's ear. But probably the terms of peace disposed the Sultan to look kindly upon his minister, for although defeated in battle, Kiuprili had been amazingly successful in diplomacy. Recognition of Apafi (the Vaivode of Transylvania chosen by the Porte) ; the Sultan's confirmed suzerainty over that country ; retention of the great forts taken, and payment of a large sum of money these were strange terms to be given by the conqueror to the conquered, and must have sent the Vizier back to his master rather as one triumphant than disgraced ; more especially as by this means repose was assured upon the northern boundaries and the Turks were left free to prosecute what they cared much more about, the war in Crete. So there was general joy amongst the people, as well there might be, considering that they appear to have found out more or less of the truth : that their forces were weakened, their chief commanders slain, and the soldiers in terror that the " Christians would not onlv recover all Hungary, but come to Adrianople itself " (p. 346). One result of the war was very gratifying to Winchilsea, for the Turks " took notice " (probably he assisted them so to do) of the aid given to the Emperor by the French. Perhaps they would have taken even more notice if they had seen what the Imperial General Montecuculli wrote, after the battle of St. Gothard, concerning the corps of 6,000 men who had joined his army : " Les troupes franyaises ont fait des merveilles. " The Turks were also annoyed by the French " invasion of Barbary," i.e. their futile expedition to Gigeri, but Winchilsea was by no means anxious for this last matter to be taken zxi seriously, and hoped to show it to be no breach of the French " capitulations " with the Sultan, so as to serve for a precedent if, in the future, the English King should desire to revenge the piracies of that country in like manner (p. 341). On July 22, 1665, the Imperial ambassador, Count Lesley, made a state entrance into Adrianople, attended by a numerous retinue with banners and kettledrums, led horses and litters, and three coaches with six horses apiece, and " adorned with glass windows after the new mode." He was accompanied by Henry Howard " of Norfolk," heir to the dukedom, a friend of Winchilsea's, and when the latter begged to know in what way he could pleasure the ambassador, Howard assured him that the one thing which would gratify the Count and his suite more than anything would be to give them plenty of good English beer (pp. 386, 387). The peace with the Emperor was duly ratified, and the Turks were much *' puffed up " by the advantageous conditions they had secured (p. 402). On Kiuprili's return to Adrianople, he sent for the Venetian Resident and roundly demanded the surrender of Crete. And being answered that this was only in the power of the Signory to " dispose," he bid the " Bailo " write to them " to consult well in time, before the Grand Signer came with his conquering army to force it from them." Just at this time the younger M. de la Haye, son of the former ambassador, arrived from France. The Turks, " remembering the French attempt at Gigeri and the succour given to the Emperor," received him coldly ; he was forced to land, as it were, incognito, and walk on foot from the ship to his house, and upon notice given to the Vizier that the King of France had sent a gentleman of quality with him on purpose to give an account of his reception, it was replied that they cared nothing for the reports to France, and if he did not like his usage, he and his witness might return home again (p. 402). At his audience with the Vizier, he fared very badly indeed. He went with more than ordinary pomp, but the Vizier did not rise to receive him, and upon the ambassador protesting, used such insulting language that the Frenchman, exclaiming " Let us go, we have no more to do here," flung his " capitulations " in their case over his shoulder. As ill-luck would have it, the .case struck the Vizier on the breast, who at once ordered the ambassador to be seized and beaten. He received many blows and was finally carried off to " a bad low chamber under the stairs," where he remained four days, and whence he was only released upon Winchilsea's intercession. The Vizier hesitated whether to cut off his head, shut him up in the Seven Towers or send him home, but again Winchilsea intervened, and he was allowed to remain at his own house (p. 406). This is, of course, only Winchilsea's account of the affair, but it may be noted that it was sent, not to the English government (to whom he might wish to XX11 magnify his own part in the matter), but in a private letter to his friend and cousin, Sir John Finch, at Florence. The French ambassador, in writing home, naturally made little of what had happened, saying that since his audience he had received full satisfaction, and a promise that all his demands should be granted ; and the French " bragged " much of his reception, some accounts stating that he had been met by many persons of quality and a hundred and fifty boats ; but as to this, Winchilsea declared that though these lies passed in Christendom, yet in Constantinople every one knew " that the favours he had from the Vizier was two or three good boxes of the ear, and some days' imprisonment in a nasty place in the Vizier's own house " (p. 430). And that however the French dissembled it, the Turks were very bitter against them, and their trade at Constantinople was as good as lost, for their five sol pieces had been " cried down so low " that they lost by bringing money thither, and their country afforded no goods of any consequence. In the preface to one of the volumes of the invaluable series, " Recueil des Instructions donnees aux ambassadeurs et ministres de France " (Russie t. 1, pp. 14-16), the learned editor gives a glowing account of the supreme position of the French ambassador at the Porte, not only in the 16th century, but in the reign of Louis XIV. After stating that for long all other European nations were under the protection of the French flag, and not only Europeans but all the Christians of the Turkish Empire (which was certainly the case in the 16th and beginning of the 17th centuries, before the same power of protection had been inserted in the English " capitulations "), he goes on to say : " Des provinces, des nations entieres furent nioralement demembrees de 1' empire turc, annexees au protectorat franais . . . L'ambassadeur de France etait vraiment un vice- empereur de 1'Orient, le grand-vizir des Chretiens. ... Si le moindre de ses privileges etait meconnu, fut-ce par un des ministres du sultan, 1'ambassadeur se rendait justice lui- meme, au besoin par les armes, comme le comte de Ferriol en 1699. . . . Un jour 1'ambassadeur d' Angleterre essaie de pretendre au moins a 1' egalite ; . . . le vizir Kupruli le prend par les epaules et le repousse brutalement, lui demandant ' qui 1' avait rendu si hardi de prendre la place de 1' ambassadeur de France.' ' I have given extracts of this passage at some length, as it is only fair to show both sides of the shield, but unless things were very different during Beiidyshe's, and again, later, during Sir John Finch's embassy, from what they were during that of Lord Winchilsea, it would certainly seem that the French ambassadors must, in their despatches, have somewhat unduly magnified their powers. Yet while Winchilsea rejoiced over the preponderance of English influence for the moment, he saw well enough that XX111 at any time the tide might turn, and warned Lord Arlington that although now out of favour if the French ambassador followed the Court and spent money enough, he would probably in time obtain all he desired. This was a propos of the import- ance of the English ambassador being also at the Court to protect English interests, especially as the Vizier had ordered all the records relating to the various embassies to be transferred to Adrianople, so that whenever they had to be consulted the ambassador must either go or send. But visits to the Court involved great expenses, and these Winchilsea dared not incur unless with the sanction of either the Levant Company or the King. The justice of Winchilsea's warning as to Adrianople soon appeared. The " protection of foreigners," as has been already said, had by the present Sultan's " capitulations," been granted to both French and English, but probably the French had kept it more or less in their own hands until the departure of Jean de la Haye in July, 1661. From that time until November, 1665, there was no French minister at the Porte, and the other powers had only envoys or residents there, so that the protection of foreigners had fallen entirely into Winchilsea's hands, and there he meant it to remain. Hence his anxiety when he heard that the French ambassador had gone to the Court. Very shortly afterwards he found that La Haye was trying to get the coveted protection restored, and his own protests were not only without result, but a fortnight later he learnt that the tax paid by the French merchants to the Porte was reduced from five per cent, to three, while at Aleppo, the English, who had hitherto paid only three, were now ordered to pay five and a half. He wrote to Kiuprili and the other officers in language moderate enough, saying that his master would certainly resent being shown less respect than the enemies of the Porte, but to his interpreter, Draperiis, then acting as his agent at Adrianople, he expressed himself in much stronger terms, desiring him to remind the Turkish officials of all that the French had done in the past, and to inform them that if they favoured only such as had done them mischief, the English King, who was much more powerful by sea, and had better men, would soon make them see that he could do them more hurt ; and that though the English never began a breach, yet they scorned those who abused them, and feared none who did not love them. If the Turks thought France the more considerable, they should at least wait until that nation had beaten all the world. The English were now at war both with French and Hollanders, and did not fear them " both together," and if the Turks desired war, they should soon " have their bellyful " (pp. 428, 429). At the same time he wrote to Arlington, urging him at once to send out a man of war and threatening letters, with permission to himself to declare that unless the Turks would XXIV respect his Majesty's capitulations, he had orders to return home. To his cousin, Sir John Finch, he complained bitterly of the Levant Company's parsimony. If he might have gone to the Court and spent a few thousand dollars, he could have prevented that being lost which he must now " play the after game " to recover if he could ! In this " state of war " not only between the French and English nations but between their ambassadors, it is pleasant to read that each party faithfully delivered to the other all letters which came out for them by their rival's ships (p. 434). There was talk a few months later of an ambassador being received from the State of Genoa. La Haye protested, but when he declared that if this were done he must return to France he was curtly told that the Grand Signer gave him free leave to go as far as hell itself. In January, 1667, the Genoese arrived and was received. It now remained to be seen, as Winchilsea wrote to his cousin, whether the Frenchman would carry out his threat (pp. 442, 446, 447). In spite of the Vizier's defiant message to the Signory of Venice on his return from the wars, an attempt was shortly made to put an end to the long continued struggle over Crete. The Vizier and the Venetian " bailo," Balarino, met, and negotiations were set on foot, but many difficulties arose, and the business was laid aside. Three months later it was taken up again, and Balarino was on his way to have another interview with the Vizier when he died suddenly of heart disease, in October, 1666 (pp. 430, 442). Winchilsea had now come to the end of his five years' engagement to the Levant Company, but for financial reasons he decided to remain out a few years longer. He wished, however, to return to England for a time to discuss matters with the ministers and to look after his family affairs. As his wife was with child, he could not take her with him, but knew he might safely leave her in the charge of his faithful secretary, Paul Rycaut. This scheme, however, came to nothing, as he was warned by his friends in England that if he returned he would certainly not be allowed to go out again. He therefore sent Rycaut in his place. In April, 1667, Lady Winchilsea had a very " dangerous delivery " and was so ill that her husband decided to send her to England as soon as she could safely travel, that he might preserve " the brightest jewel " he or his family had ever enjoyed. He also thought that no other could so affectionately and well advocate his interests at Court, or arrange marriages for their eldest son and daughter (p. 459). About this time Winchilsea sent Sir John Finch an interesting sketch of the situation as it then stood. Most people thought that peace would shortly be made with Venice. Without doubt, if the Venetians used their soldiers and officers well, the Turks would " be fain to strike their top-sails," but it was well known that the Venetian noblemen " distasted " XXV all their generals and commanders. The Turkish Vizier was a very wise and generous person and full of courage, and if he had but commanded a well-disciplined army, and had understood modern discipline, he would have been as famous as any general in Europe. Many thought that if the war in Crete were ended a new one would begin, perhaps with Poland. The Turks knew that country to be ill-fortified, poor, divided into factions, wasted by the late wars and defended only by a discontented army ; but they also knew that their invasion of it might reconcile Muscovy and Poland and draw great wars upon themselves and the Tartars, so it was not certain which course they would take. They might, perhaps, first turn towards Persia, and by weakening that country be more free afterwards to fall upon Poland, for truly " their patience is much greater and their reach far deeper than most princes in Christendom imagine " (p. 460). At this juncture Winchilsea's attention was distracted from public affairs by an unforeseen and startling family event. Paul Rycaut returned to Constantinople in May, 1667, but he did not come alone. He brought with him Winchilsea's eldest son, Lord Maidstone, a lad in his teens, and the unwelcome news that the boy had contracted a marriage with a girl of whom his parents knew nothing at all. The dismay of the father may easily be imagined. The marriage of the eldest son of a peer was a matter for considerable discussion and negotiation ; Lord Winchilsea was not a rich man and had many children ; it was therefore very necessary for his heir to make a good match. So far as the father could learn from the son's explanations, the boy had been cajoled into the marriage at a very early age and had never cohabited with his wife. Under these circumstances, Winchilsea appealed to his friends, and especially to Lord Chief Justice Bridgman, to have the marriage annulled. This, however, was not done. As regards lineage, the affair proved not to be so bad as was feared, for the lady came of an old family in Norfolk. We have no details as to what happened except a letter from Nicholas Penning, head of one of the great merchant houses of London, appealing to Winchilsea on behalf of the young wife, who was a connexion of his own, and, as he assured her reluctant father-in-law, " very deserving " (p. 454). From this letter it is easy to work out a confirmation of the statement in Collin's Peerage that Lord Maidstone married the daughter of Thomas Wyndham, Esq., of Felbrigge Hall. Penning speaks of her as the daughter of his brother[-in-law] Mead's sister, by her first husband, Judge Wyndham. The second wife of Thomas Wyndham was Elizabeth, daughter of Sir John Mead of Nortofts, Essex. He died in 1653, and she was now married a second time to Sir Samuel Browne, Judge of Common Pleas. His son's marriage finally decided Winchilsea, failing a better employment, to remain in Turkey for at any rate two XXVI years longer, in order to save a little more money. He asked ^ Sir John Finch to speak to his brother, the Solicitor, about the government of Tangier, which, as he heard, Lord Bellasis intended to resign. If he could get that he would throw up his appointment next day. In this same letter he suggested a plan for securing to his cousin, if possible, the reversion of the embassy on his own departure (pp. 4645). Winchilsea's eldest daughter, Frances, was with her grand- mother, the dowager Duchess of Somerset, in England. She had now reached marriageable age and her father was much troubled how to find sufficient money for her portion. He contrived, however, to give her 5,OOOZ. and hoped that her grandmother's good management would be able to arrange a fitting match upon these terms " with any family of estate and honour." To the Duchess herself he wrote at length on the subject, recalling to her mind how he came to be in so poor a plight. The debts contracted for the late King and spent for his service during the rebellion had crippled his estate. Many who had neither spent so much money nor brought so many men into the field had been well provided for at home, whilst he had been obliged to live amongst barbarians and endure hazards and troubles innumerable. He explained how he meant to raise the 5,0001. for his daughter, when her Grace " should marry her," which considering his condition was a great portion ; but he was willing to suffer a great deal " for so good a child " (pp. 470, 1). In August, 1667, Lord Winchilsea lost an old and dear friend by the death of his brother-in-law, Lord Treasurer Southampton, endeared to him, as he said, " with all ties imaginable of affection and alliance " (p. 472), and this trial was shortly followed by a separation from his wife and little ones. At this time he had decided not to send them to England, the seas being " made dangerous by the wars," and he himself reluctant to deprive himself of his chief consolation in Turkey, but in the autumn his wife had another illness, and he determined to let her go. She went by way of Smyrna, where Paul Rycaut was now consul. On hearing of her approach he hastened to set out with a strong escort in order to guard her from the robber bands with which the country was infested. He met her somewhere north of Mandragoria and brought her safely past two robber companies, and so to Smyrna, near which place she was met by all the English, French and Dutch merchants, entering the city escorted by two hundred and fifty horse, while all the ships in the Road fired their guns to welcome her. Here she and her children remained as Rycaut's honoured guests, waiting for a ship, and being incidentally the cause of some quarrelling between the various consuls, until December 7, when she sailed for Europe. She had a weary and tedious* voyage, but on reaching the Thames received a hearty welcome from her husband's old friend, xxvh Henry Howard of Norfolk, who escorted her to London. Here she was met by the surprising news that her husband had been recalled and that Sir Daniel Harvey was only waiting for a ship in order to go out to take his place (p. 504). Shortly after his wife's departure from Constantinople Lord Winchilsea was entertained at a great banquet by the Dutch Resident, to celebrate the conclusion of peace between Holland and England. The feast lasted three days, and to emphasise the honour to England, the French ambassador was not invited to it. This latter was very angry, and rather foolishly the Dutch Resident went to him to excuse what he meant to do, " but was so unhappy as to find him with a cane in his hand, wherewith he was well beaten " (p. 488). Winchilsea was very wishful to return the compliment paid him by the Dutch, but did not dare to do so without the Company's permission. This he begged Morice to obtain, but the secretary found them quite inexorable and their purse " to have no more ears than the proverb relates the belly to have " (pp. 503, 4). On December 23, 1667, Lord Arlington despatched to the Earl his Majesty's orders to return, giving only as the reason that the King believed his domestic affairs at home required his presence. A further letter, enclosing the King's formal revocation, was sent on January 17. That is, the letter is so dated, but either its despatch was delayed, it took an abnormal time to reach Constantinople, or Winchilsea strangely delayed his reply, for it is endorsed as answered on December 28, nearly a year after it was written. He had, however, received Arlington's letter in March, to which he replied that he could not help some surprise on receiving the orders for his return, as he " thought of nothing less," but cheerfully submitted to his Majesty's pleasure. In a letter written at the same time to one of the Turkey Company, he said he thought " some had been too busy " in hastening his revocation, but he did not mean to let the fact of its being anticipated by a few months trouble him (p. 499). Indeed, on the whole he seems to have been relieved, albeit rather offended, by the recall, and shortly wrote again to Arlington that he was " crucified in an earnest expectation " of his successor's arrival, that he might hasten away ; and again, that it was infinitely pleasing to him to return home (pp. 508, 517). It was not, however, until the end of November 1668 that he heard of Harvey's arrival at Smyrna, to whom he at once wrote a friendly letter of welcome. The two men were connexions by marriage, Winchilsea's cousin, Sir Heneagc, having married Harvey's sister. The new ambassador had suggested that the Earl might return in the ship in which he himself had come out, but Winchilsea explained to him that such prompt proceedings were impossible. The English King's letters must be delivered to Sultan and Vizier before x xxvm licence to depart could be obtained, and the Court was " errant and far away." But more and more he began to rejoice at the thoughts of his freedom. The years of his exile had been harassed by illness and saddened by the death of his little daughter, but these things he accepted as from the hand of God. But to be bound by the humours of the merchant ; to be at the beck and call of men who knew no interest but that of their company, was too hard for one who was born to serve his King. Plague, earthquake and loneliness ; fires and avanias ; " indecency of religion," pride of the Residents, thieving of servants, impertinence of Turks and stupidity of Greeks : were not these " spurs to a gentleman to make his escape " as quickly as he might ? To speak in the fashion of the country, he was leaving purgatory for paradise. His great desire was to travel. He envied the Grand Duke of Tuscany, who was going thus to study " in the great book of the world," and hoped he need not throw all thoughts to the wind of doing so himself (p. 518). This is the Earl's last letter from Pera, as contained in this volume, but from the State Papers we learn that he had to wait several weeks longer before he could get permission to depart. He had made up his mind to go overland, and wrote that he was accustoming himself to sleep on the ground, as he did not believe he should ever lie on a bed until he reached Vienna. This he did not mind, but how he was to stand the hot stoves and feather beds in Germany he did not know ! His successor, Harvey, said he rather doubted whether Winchilsea's determination would hold out, and so it proved. There came a spell of very bad weather ; rain and snow and floods made the roads almost impassable ; news came of plague in Hungary, and just then an English ship appeared in the port, about to sail for Smyrna. This decided the matter and Winchilsea set sail in her. By way of Smyrna and Malta he reached Italy, spent some little time in that country and then pursued his journey home. Looking at Winchilsea's obiter dicta concerning the Turks, the main feature that strikes one, as might be expected, is the thirst .for money, the all pervading greed of gold, from the highest to the lowest. Over and over again he emphasises the fact ; nothing can be done without money, nothing effected save by presents and bribery. The Sultan demanded large payments for offices, and great entertainments and presents from his officers. These officers viziers, bashas, cadis and the rest in their turn robbed and spoiled the people to get the money to meet these demands, and to fill their own purses besides (p. 319). Of the enormous riches gathered and hoarded by the great officials, an example will be found on p. 282. The owner fell into disgrace and was beheaded and the Sultan seized the whole. The main idea of the Turk as regards property was to hoard it. Each Sultan, we are told, XXIX accumulated immense treasures and these remained intact, never being touched by his successors. When another official, the Master of the Masons, was put to death, 500,000 dollars were found in his house. By which, as Winchilsea wrote, " we may see the strange covetousness of the Turks, who are the most greedy in the world of gain and the most uncertain of its enjoyment " (p. 198). Next to their love of gain came their superstition, but the instances given might well be matched in the beliefs of our Western nations of that day. Alarm and prediction of change arising from a sword seen across the moon, a fiery meteor in the form of a lance hurling itself into the Sultan's garden, or a strange comet ; hopes fed by old prophecies ; belief that too much indulgence to those of an alien creed has been the cause of failure, fires and pestilence such " superstitions " as these were not confined to the followers of the Prophet. On the other hand, Winchilsea pays a tribute to their endurance in obedience to the severe laws of their religion, as, for instance, their abstinence during the fast of Ramazan, when " they cannot eat or drink from sun rising to its setting," which in the heat of summer is no small torment. Moreover, the position of the women was not so hard as was generally supposed. A man might have many wives, but he was bound to treat them all equally in all points, and if he failed to do so a woman might leave her husband. It is not, however, explained what in that case she could do with her freedom (p. 523). Winchilsea repeatedly contrasts the Turks of his time with those of former days, always to the disadvantage of the present. " In former times, offices were not exposed for sale, but merit and deserts acquired the honours." Also so many of the Sultan's subjects had fled or dispersed themselves that the revenue was greatly diminished and many new and heavy taxes had been laid upon the people. Above all, the Turkish army was not what it had formerly been. Both spam's and janissaries (horse and foot), enervated by a long peace, had become effeminate, mutinous and wanting in experience of war (p. 240). Men of great spirit, good soldiers, ambitious and eager for great enterprises had mostly been cut off by the older Kiuprili, in his jealousy of all who might prove his rivals. The spam's of Asia, lacking the allowances which used to be given them, were no longer able to provide their horses and arms, and so absented themselves, " by which means the Turks' army is much inferior to those multitudes which former histories tell of " (p. 322). Yet the material was good, if only they had been disciplined. No Christian army, Winchilsea declared, could live upon so little meat as these do, and drink only a little water, and yet be strong and lusty. Of the Illyrian bands, so highly extolled by Tacitus, and of other Europeans, the Sultan had many XXX thousands at his command, that could so well " endure hardy blows " that they wanted nothing but order and good government to make them the finest infantry in the world. But then, as later, the great strength of Turkey lay in the vast reinforcements she was able to pour in from her Asiatic dominions. Time was always in her favour. The Turk was infinitely patient, and Winchilsea quotes an old Turkish proverb that " at the long run, the Grand Signer doth catch the hare with a cart." One source of strength they had lost at this time. In the old days, the famed corps of the janissaries had been largely recruited by Christian boys, kidnapped in their child- hood, carefully trained and furnishing good and valiant soldiers. But this practice had naturally been the cause of great indignation and discontent amongst the Sultan's European subjects, and had been discontinued. Now, however, it was proposed to revive it, to supply the dearth from other sources. Altogether, the Empire seemed to Winchilsea, even in those days which, looked back upon, appear so prosperous, to be "in a tottering condition, and like the prophet's ripe fruit, ready to fall into the mouths of them that shake them first." Egypt was full of " discontents and flames " and Syria in insurrection ; in Babylon a rebellion headed by the daring Basha Mortazza only collapsed on his betrayal and death, and Algiers was in a state of chronic mutiny. The Sultan was too young and feeble to effect anything ; only the firm rule of the Kiuprili, father and son, holding the rudder with a steady hand, steered the ship of the great Empire clear of the rocks which threatened it with shipwreck. Of Winchilsea's private life, we only get incidental notices. When he went to Turkey he was accompanied by his (2nd) wife, Lady Mary Seymour, daughter of the Duke of Somerset, but their five children, William, Heneage, Thomas, Frances and Elizabeth, were left under the charge of their grandmother, the dowager Duchess. They seem to have lived at Eastwell, and their father sent home many directions, especially as to the boys' " schooling." In Turkey more children were born, and their father exerted himself to such good purpose that the godfathers of the first of these were the King of England and the Prince of Venice. He was therefore, naturally, named Charles Mark. The second was " made a Christian " by the Emperor and the Dutch republic, bearing the names Leopold William, and being enthusiastically devoted by his father to the arms and service of both countries. But the young Leopold's only approach to a warlike career was when he captained a company of Oxford scholars to oppose Monmouth's rebellion, and he died as Warden of All Souls' College. The third boy, Lesley, was called after Count Lesley, the Imperial ambassador. The little Lady Mary died in Turkey of the plague, to her father's great sorrow. Of the elder children, Lord Maidstone, whose marriage has been xxxi already mentioned, was killed in the action with the Dutch in May, 1672 ; Heneage, the second son, succeeded his brother's son as Earl of Winchilsea in 1712. Little Lady Betty died while her parents were in Turkey. For the rest, Lord Winchilsea showed the utmost loyalty to the King, as might be expected from one who had taken an active part on the royalist side in the Civil War. He was equally loyal to the English Church, as shown by his letters to the Bishop of London ; indeed his zeal sometimes outran his discretion, as when he urged that the Bishop should take means to provide that not only the chaplains of the Company, but their ships' masters and officers should be obedient sons of the Church of England. The Bishop in reply assured Lord Winchilsea that he would take the utmost care in the choice of chaplains, but feared he should hardly prevail with the Company to use his advice in the choice of mates, pursers and surgeons (pp. 321, 334). The ambassador also did his utmost to help and protect the Latin and Greek churches in the Ottoman dominions. Both these had formerly been under the care of the French ambassador, and the former, at any rate, might certainly have been expected to remain so ; but for four years there was no French resident at the Porte, and during this time the Latin Fathers were grateful for the help willingly offered them by Lord Winchilsea. This was especially the case with the Guardians of the Holy Land and the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem, who were going through very difficult times. Their first appeal was for protection against the complaints of some French travellers, who after behaving very insolently in their church, threatened to go to Constantinople and make such a " clamour " that the guardianship should be taken out of their hands (pp. 113, 145), but this was only a passing breeze, their main struggle being against the attempts of the Greek church to deprive them of their rights and privileges. In April, 1662, they sent a petition to the Grand Signor for restoration of the Holy places which, as they stated, after being in their hands for 350 years, had twenty-four years ago been " usurped " from them by the Greeks, and for confirmation of those still in their possession. The petition gives a most interesting inventory of these Holy places, from which it appears that they still held the convent of San Salvatore ; the chapel called " del Passimo " adjoining Mount Calvary ; the Holy Sepulchre of Our Lord with the chapel of the Angel ; the Latin church within the Temple of the Holy Sepulchre, with their habitations and galleries, the church of the Mag- dalene &c. ; the place called the Invention of the Cross "where St. Elena found it " ; the tombs of " Most Holy Mary," St. Joachim, St. Anna and St. Joseph, in the valley of Jehoshaphat ; the grotto in the garden of Gethsemane ; the convent of St. Catherine at Bethlehem, with the grotto of the Innocents and tombs of St. Jerome and other saints, and the convents XXX11 and hospices at Bethlehem and other places " which serve as a comfort for the poor Christian pilgrims who come and go." But the Greeks had " usurped " Mount Calvary, " with the four arches, the hole of the Holy Cross and the place where Christ our Lord was crucified," the galleries above and below and the tombs of Godfrey of Bouillon and other Kings ; the Copuleta of the Holy Sepulchre ; the stone of Unction, " where Our Lord was anointed " ; the galleries or arches above the prison of Christ &c. ; the grotto of the Holy Stable and the great church above it ; the gardens called the " Citrangoli " and other ancient tombs &c. Moreover, they prayed that they might all Greeks and Patins have their processions to the Holy Sepulchre on Lalm Sunday and other days, and also that to Bethany, called the " Procession of the Ass " ; that no one should molest their interpreters, or prevent them from following the Roman rite or that which they pleased ; that when poor pilgrims reached Jerusalem they might enter freely "with their money" and go out to make their devotions at the Holy places, as to sleep on Mount Olivet on the night of the Ascension and in the Sepulchre of the Holy Virgin on the day of the Assumption ; also to the house of her Nativity, the Church of the Nativity of St. John Baptist " on the mountain of Judea." in Bethany at the Tomb of Lazarus and elsewhere. It does not appear that these privileges had been actually taken from them ; rather that they wished a new confirmation of them. But they prayed that they might have again their Convent of the Nativity of St. John Baptist, which by the barbarity of the Arabs was abandoned and destroyed (except the church) ; that they might repair the great wooden church at Bethlehem, now in the hands of the Greeks and half ruined, " to the great regret not only of the Christians but of the Turks " (p. 191), and build up other churches and convents in danger of ruin ; that when they asked the officials of the Holy Sepulchre to open it they might not be denied ; that the said officials might not hinder the burial of any of the Fathers, or claim the money of any pilgrim who died ; that certain churches should be exempt from the visitation of the officers of the Basha of Damascus ; that the Basha and Cadi should not take by force their provisions or other property or claim more than the ordinary customs ; and that no credit should be given to any orders issued against them " unless the person is ready to answer for it at the Porte." This petition the Fathers sent by two of themselves, with a letter to Winchilsea, praying for his protection and assistance, and they also sent him models of the Great Temple of the Holy Sepulchre and the Church at Bethlehem. The gift was small in itself, Father Velles, the guardian, wrote, but the wood was grown in the Holy Land, and in the model were represented all the holy places of Mount Calvary, the sepulchre of the Blessed Virgin, all the parts of the brook Kedron and the valley of Jehoshaphat, XXX111 and the manger of Bethlehem. One may imagine with what pleasure Winchilsea, who was always on the look out for " antiquities," would receive so interesting a gift (pp. 190-193). Indeed, he thought the models so valuable, both for what they represented and for their exquisite workmanship, that he sent them to the King. But he was obliged to tell the Fathers that during the rule of the present Vizier, who was a sworn enemy of the Christians, he saw no chance of making a claim upon the places usurped by the Greeks ; for, he continued, " it will be as much as we can do to keep the privileges and churches which are still held," until a time shall come " when I might with better success give proof of my devotion to the Holy Land " (p. 203). In looking into the matter he found another obstacle, viz. that the protection of those places was not mentioned in the English capitulations, for which cause a brother was being sent to the Fathers to consider how this difficulty might be removed (p. 218). Apparently it was got over in some way, for a few months later Winchilsea distinctly stated that he was protector of the Holy Land. In February, 1665, Fra Francesco Maria Polezzi succeeded Fra Eusebius Velles as Guardian, and wrote once and again to Winchilsea, begging him to continue his protection and favour and to support their claim for the restitution of the Holy Manger and Mount Calvary. Soon afterwards, Sir Philip Mathews, whose roving fancy, as he said, drove him to caminar il mondo, went to Jerusalem and was cordially received by the Fathers on Wincliilsea's account, " whom they acknowledged as their sole protector and benefactor." The Greeks were, he declared, " continually coining new inventions to perplex the poor Franciscans," and another envoy was about to be sent to Constantinople to implore the ambassador's further aid. Some difficulty about money matters seems also to have been submitted to him, for in December, 1665, he wrote to the Guardian that he had referred the difference concerning his salary to arbitrators and doubted not but the Holy Land would receive just satisfaction. The last letter in this connexion is one from the Guardian, written in the autumn of 1668, when the young Lord Maidstone made a journey to the Holy Land. His Reverence greatly wished that it had been Lord Winchilsea himself, but that being impossible, heartily welcomed his son, and only regretted that in conformitj^ with his Lordship's strict command, their young guest was to be received and treated merely as a pilgrim, instead of with the due observance which they would have liked to show him. It is rather a curious commentary upon this that Sir Daniel Harvey, Winchilsea's successor at Constantinople, wrote to England that Lord Maidstone had spent such very large sums in the Holy Land as to seriously discompose his father (see S.P. Turkey, vol. xix). Owing probably to a desire not to interfere with the prerogatives of the French ambassador, a clause had been Wt. 29495. KI c XXXIV put into Winchilsea's instructions that he was to favour the Greek church rather than the Latin. He evidently wrote to say that by this means the princes of Western Europe were " disobliged," for at the end of 1663 Bennet transmitted the King's consent that henceforward he should do what appeared best in the matter. In the following year there was a quarrel between the two churches in the island of Scio, the Greek bishop proceeding in a very high-handed manner, without permission or consent of his superior, the Patriarch of Constantinople. Winchilsea sent a narrative of the dispute to England, which is in the letter book, but is merely mentioned in this report, as there is a copy of it in 8. P. Turkey. From this narrative it appears that the Greek " Metropolite " had surreptitiously obtained an order from the Turkish Court that the Latin bishop was to have no further jurisdiction over those in his own church ; that no sacrament, even matrimony, should be celebrated, no priest ordained, no person buried, without express licence from the Metropolite. Moreover, the latter took possession of most of the Latin churches, demanded an account of all profits received by the Latin bishop, and then bid him depart and leave his flock to the Greek jurisdiction. Both parties adjourned to Adrianople to lay their cause before the Sultan, where the Greek accusing his Latin brother of such correspondence with the Pope and Western Princes as was very dangerous to the Turks so wrought upon the deputy of the Vizier and other officials at the Court that the Latin bishop and three of his companions were committed to prison and to chains for fifteen days, and were only released and left in the enjoyments of their rights and privileges by spending 15,000 dollars on presents and other charges. And in spite of the judgment so dearly bought for Winchilsea's share in obtaining which they offered him their profound gratitude when they returned to 'Scio, the local authorities, " bribed by much money," gave judgment in favour of their adversaries, who seized their churches, demolished their altars and broke in pieces and flung into the streets their pictures and images. Fresh appeals to the ambassador resulted in renewed orders from Turkey, and their churches were yielded up to them, but they complained that the Greeks still tried in every way to injure them. There seems to have been some other Greek priest who was urging on the Metropolite, for they wrote that the bishop was returning with " maledetto papa," and that as long as this latter remained, the Latin rite would never have quiet. Upon this, Winchilsea sent his secretary to the Patriarch, who by no means approved of his Metropolite's proceedings, and at once promised to do all he could to avert further trouble (p. 368). Winchilsea appears to have had a very real reverence and affection for the Patriarch or " Suffragan Patriarch," as on one occasion he is called, and had lately lent him his XXXV house. When the Latin bishop was set at liberty the Patriarch wrote expressing his satisfaction, and also thanking the Earl for his hospitality, to which Winchilsea replied that it was a great joy to him that his Eminence had " found refuge " in his house, which would ever " remain the more blessed by the abode there of so holy a prelate " (p. 329). The Bishop of Scio and his assistants wrote to thank Winchilsea for what he had wrought with the Patriarch on their behalf, stating that they had noted his Excellency's care of them to the Congregation of the Propaganda Fide ; they also sent offerings of oranges, honey, plants and aqua di scorso nera as a small token of gratitude for his protection, under which they now lived in safety, and in him alone (after God) put their hopes for a final good end of the controversy (pp. 371, 376). In further gratitude, prayers were continually sung in their churches for his health, happiness and prosperity (p. 383). It was probably in consequence of what the Bishop of Scio had told them that when the Congregation of the Propa- ganda Fide sent a " vicario patriarcale " to Constantinople, Cardinal Barberini recommended him especially to Winchilsea's good offices and protection. Winchilsea's interest in " rarities " and antiquities comes out in many ways. The Patriarch of Constantinople gave him a copy of the "Greek Evangelists," the ancientest which he could " with the most diligent inquisition and scrutiny procure in any of the monasteries or churches of Greece." In the first instance, the ambassador intended this for the King, or if found not " worthy," then for his library at East well. The volume, however, found a more fitting resting-place. Lord Chancellor Clarendon had shown himself very friendly \ to Winchilsea concerning his office of Lord Lieutenant of_^ t, and as an acknowledgment of this Sir Heneage Finch suggested that the book should be sent to him. Clarendon accepted the " precious book " very gratefully, saying that it enabled him to be a benefactor to the University library at Oxford, where it was placed with " just solemnity and acknowledgments of his lordship's goodness."' Later, he sent Clarendon " the manuscript of St. Gregory's works," which a very good scholar, after spending four days upon it, declared to be very fit for the University library, but " another, more experienced in the hand and the language, found great defects in it, and many leaves wanting in several places." Clarendon therefore kept this volume himself (pp. 186, 225, 227, 256, 358). * The letters on this subject have shed light upon an interesting point. The editor is indebted to Mr. Falconer Madan, Bodley's Librarian, for the following note : "This is the manuscript now marked Bodl. MS. A net. D. infra 2.12 in Coxe's Catalogue of our Greek MSS., Codex Misc. 10. It is an Evangelistarium, i.e. not a text of the Gospels but the liturgical lessons taken from the Gospels, and is not older than the 13th century. But we did not know its provenance, and had only estimated that it came in shortly before 1665. See Macray's Annate of the Bodleian, 2nd ed. p. 133." XXXVI Amongst other curiosities sent by him as presents to his friends, Winchilsea mentions " an eagle's stone " from the Lybian desert, of great virtue and rarity, and a mummy from Grand Cairo (to be offered either to the King or Clarendon). He gratefully acknowledges some silver coins given to him by the Prince of Wallachia, which being " antique and ancient " were most welcome to him ; and gives commissions to his cousin, Sir John Finch, to purchase pictures, statues and medals for him in Italy. To Sir George Oxinden, at Surat, he sent a list of many rarities which he desired to have : cups from China, lacquer work from Japan and antidotes for poison and fevers from India, especially the " root of Bengal " i.e. of the yellow zedoary, a plant whose root resembles ginger. He mentions this root in another letter, saying that the former Turkish ambassador to the Mogul had given him a sort of rotten wood, " rarely found swimming in a river in India, which he calls pancher." It is oderiferous, very light, and taken like " sneezing powder " once a year prevents the plague, besides being good against all fevers and poisons. " The Jesuits call it not rotten wood, but the root of Bengala " (p. 451). And amongst other products of the East, Winchilsea had " a particular liking to that drink which they call tea," and begged Oxinden to send him as much as would serve two persons for a year, or, if it would keep, for two years, with the best receipt how to make it and the vessels to make it and drink it in. Two years later, as the much coveted tea had not arrived, he renewed his request, particularly asking that the " instruments " necessary for making it might be " of that metal which is like copper, but hath no smell and is more precious " (pp. 397, 487). There are many letters from Winchilsea to the commissioners of his estates, giving directions for planting, stocking &c. (see Index, under Finch, Heneage, Earl of Winchilsea, estates of) ; in one of his letters he gives particular directions for planting of whitethorn, " to harbour birds." An important series of the letters in this collection is that relating to the proceedings of the Levant or Turkey Company and their factors in the East. The " out " letters of the Company are calendared amongst the Domestic State Papers, but much light is thrown upon them by Winchilsea's corres- pondence with the consuls and merchants of Aleppo and Smyrna. Perpetual disputes arose between the Company and the factors over the question of dues and consulage. Winchilsea, on arriving at Constantinople, was instructed from home to give strict orders that all ships' masters and merchants should " declare their entries " a proceeding upon oath when no doubt could arise as to the proper payments. Similar instructions were sent to the consuls at Smyrna and Aleppo. These two places were the chief consulates in the Levant ; of great commercial importance, as the meeting places of the trade of the East and of the West. XXX Vll To them came the great caravans from Persia and the Red Sea ; to them came also the ships from Europe, bringing the merchandise of the- Western States, especially of England, France and Holland. And over the mixed population of many different nations were placed Turkish officials judges, customs officers, and the rest, whose one effort was to make the foreign Christians pay as much as could possibly be extracted from them. Their contributions to the Turkish Exchequer were too valuable for them to be actively ill-treated, and although, now and again, religious zeal and race hatred brought about disturbances, for the most part the complaints of the foreign officials and traders were not against cruelty but against greed and extortion. In October, 1660, one Richard Baker was appointed consul at Smyrna by the Company, with whom the factory was at that time in very ill-favour owing to their " egregious abuses in defrauding the Company of their dues." The consul and factors were speedily at issue over the question of the right of the former to place and displace the dragomen or interpreters. Baker claimed and exercised it, supporting himself by Sir Thos. Bendyshe's proceedings in a like case. Most of the factory vehemently demanded their re-instatement, but a few of the more influential merchants took his part, and Walter Coventry, the treasurer of the factory, emphatically endorsed the Consul's statement that the real reason for the opposition was that he was trying to carry out the Company's orders and insist upon the payment of their dues. Many of the factors refused to swear to the amount of their entries, one of the resisters declaring that no one would do it without a consideration. To this, Baker replied that those who swore for money " were knights of the past, and were to be found in St. Paul's," which, translated into plain English, appears to mean, notorious perjurers, who had stood in the pillory at St. Paul's. Throughout the dispute, Lord Winchilsea's sympathies seem, rather curiously, to have been on the side of the merchants. Nothing said by Baker against the King is ever quoted, but there appears to have been some suspicion of his loyalty, for a merchant at Aleppo, who had been in arms for the late King, wrote of him as " a mongrel who had been in with all those who were uppermost and was employed by Cromwell in several occasions." (p. 165). This may account for the Earl's attitude towards him. As friction still continued, the ambassador sent one of his secretaries, Anthony Isaacson, to Smyrna, to '" close up the breaches," but after his arrival, things were worse than before, and Isaacson coolly wrote to his master that, although the consul would be heartily glad to come to an agreement, this might be awkward for his lordship afterwards, and he, there- fore, thought it better to " keep the wound open." More accusations against the consul followed. Presently there ensued the result for which the new-comer was probably XXXV1U working. Winchilsea deposed Baker and appointed Isaacson in his stead. Baker at once obeyed the ambassador's fiat, and sent him a rather dignified letter. " Your Excellency's warrant was notified me," he wrote, " and Mr. Isaacson is in my place." But he demanded to know the proofs against him, and the names of his accusers, seeing that the very Inquisition itself never admitted the evidence of any man " of propense malice " or whose own interest was concerned (p. 132). Almost the first thing that Isaacson asked Winchilsea after his appointment was whether he might write himself " consul for Ms Majesty," as he heard other consuls had done. This was one of the very things complained of in Baker, on the ground that it was unprecedented. In August, Baker resolved to go to Constantinople to make a personal appeal to Winchilsea, but was prevented by an attack of fever (p. 144). Letters had by this time come to the ambassador, evidently remonstrating upon his conduct, for he wrote defending it, both to Clarendon and the Council ; assuring them that he had not acted from passion or malice, but " to vindicate the King's honour, impugned by reflections on his ambassador " and to satisfy the merchants, who declared that their trade would be ruined and their quiet dissolved unless Baker was removed. He had, therefore, sent a warrant for him to be shipped to England. But the contents of the warrant were divulged to Baker, and before there was time to execute it, he fled. Isaacson did his utmost to find him, promising himself the pleasure of being " as severe as possible," but his efforts were in vain. Rumours of Baker's death soon reached Smyrna, and eventually Isaacson learnt that, on the arrival of Winchilsea' s warrant, the Dutch consul and merchants had arranged for their janissary to escort him to Settalia, where he was to be under the protection of the French. He was ill. as he had told Winchilsea, before he started, during his six days' journey often complained of pain, and died only a few hours after reaching his destination. On October, 21, the Levant Company wrote letters to Lord Winchilsea, Baker, and the factory. To the ambassador they said that they regretted his having removed Baker, whose faithfulness to the Company in levying their dues was the cause of the " exclamations " against him. He held his place under the Great Seal, and they desired Winchilsea to restore him and to revoke the grant to Isaacson, whom they would neither acknowledge nor pay. If however, he had been guilty of any crime " capital " against the King, he was to be sent home to be tried, and his accusers with him ; and in this case, Samuel Taylor (one of the Baker party), not Isaacson, was to act as vice-consul. Last, but not least, they desired Winchilsea not to meddle with the appointment of consuls ; and in so saying, it would seem that they were xxxix within their rights, as in his agreement with them, these appointments were expressly reserved to themselves. To Baker they wrote that they had done what they could to justify him, but feared he must have been guilty of some " slight " which had provoked the ambassador. They had directed his restitution, but on condition of his showing due respect to his lordship in future. As regards the revolting factors, the Company pronounced judgment against them on every count. Those who had appealed from the Company to the ambassador, and petitioned for Baker's removal, were to be suspended from sitting in court or any public meeting, and the ring-leaders to suffer exemplary punishment ; the dragomen were to be finally dismissed, no moneys were to be voted away at the factors' pleasure, and, as already said. Isaacson, who had fomented rather than composed their differences, was to be absolutely set aside. (See Cat. S.P. Dom., 1661-2, pp. 117, 118). There are no copies of these letters in the Finch collection, but it is necessary to draw attention to their contents, in order to explain what followed. A few days later, they wrote again, ordering the oaths they had sent out to be duly administered, upon pain of loss of employment by the factor refusing to take them, and heavy fines upon his principal in England. Sam. Taylor was to be treasurer, and Mr. Death, who had succeeded to Coventry's place, was to render up his accounts to him (p. 163). Isaacson protested that his only crime had been that he had obeyed the ambassador's commands, and seized upon the weak point in the Company's case when he said, that if the factors might never appeal to the ambassador without the Company's licence, it would follow that even if a consul betrayed the factory to the Turks, the merchants must write home to the Company, and for long weeks be involved in misery and trouble. Winchilsea suspected that the disturbances in Smyrna had been contrived by a party of the merchants in England, who wished to turn out some of the factors in order to bring in their sons and relations ; and that the governor of the Company was influenced " by a lord who himself had some design upon the Turkish embassy." The first of these suppositions does not seem probable, as there can be little doubt that the cause of the uproar was Baker's endeavour to enforce the dues which the merchants had hitherto successfully evaded paying ; but there may have been a feeling against some of the older factors, as in the renewed charter granted by Charles II, a fresh clause had been inserted, that none but sons or servants of freemen of the Company should have liberty to reside as merchants or factors in any part of the Turkish or Venetian dominions, and probably not all the men there came under this denomination, although most of them certainly did, as may be seen by looking at the lists of names (pp. 148, 169). xl Throughout his embassy Lord Winchilsea was greatly hampered by the orders of the Company that no charges were to be incurred without special order from them, unless they were accustomed, necessary or unavoidable. Unfor- fortunately, many things that the ambassador considered necessary and unavoidable were not held to be so by the Company, the consequence being that he had to undertake the charges with the probability that they would protest against them, and the possibility that they would refuse to pay them. The alternative to apply to the Company for orders was usually quite out of the question, as long before an answer could be received, the crisis would have passed. The Company now sent the same orders round to the con- sulates, with the result that Taylor, the newly appointed treasurer at Smyrna, was so bewildered by being " ensnared in bonds " hitherto unknown, and so terrified with the thoughts of acting without the Company's orders, that he resigned his post (p. 195). When the Levant Company heard of Baker's death, they appointed one William Cave to succeed him. The new consul left England on Feb. 11, and was able to announce his safe arrival at Smyrna on March 11, 1662. Isaacson had gone back to Pera on being superseded, and now returned to England, with warm recommendations to Sir Andrew Riccard, governor of the Company, from Lord Winchilsea, for his prudent, just and active discharge of his office, there being nothing the ambassador declared -to be objected against him save that he was appointed by himself (p. 184). The Company had demanded or so it was believed that the factors should sign a " recantation "' for having, sent a petition to Winchilsea against Baker. They now however, stated to the ambassador that they were not displeased with the factors for petitioning, " this being a usual thing," but for their attempt to violate the Company's privileges (p. 187). In June, a quarrel occurred between certain Turks of the Captain Basha's (i.e. Admiral's) galley, and some of the Smyrna merchants, who, being assaulted by them, were afterwards unjustly accused of being the aggressors and condemned to pay above 2,000 dollars (p. 202). This they endeavoured to recover from the Company ; but the answer to their application was that the money must be paid by those interested ; " who, if they will hunt, must do it at their own risk " (see Cal S.P. Dom., 1662, Sept. 1). Up to this point, the letters contain no notice of trouble between the foreign factors at Smyrna and the Turkish authorities, but from this time, apparently, matters did not work so smoothly. The chief Turkish officials with whom the " Franks " had to do in Smyrna and Aleppo were the Bassa or Governor ; the Cadi or judge and chief magistrate ; the Bassa's Chiau or steward and the Ernin or customer. The Bassas, coming xli direct from Constantinople, were usually pretty friendly, but the Cadis were often high-handed and grasping, and gave both consul and factories a great deal of trouble. The Emin also, no doubt harried by those above him, was perpetually struggling to get more than the fair dues from the stranger merchants. And, added to this, was the ever present race hatred and bitterness against the Christians and their religion. The consuls seem to have done their utmost to keep themselves and their factories out of hot water, and to work amicably with the authorities, but now and again they were driven to bay, appealed to their ambassador at Constantinople, and, what the local authorities disliked very much, presumably because it deprived them of their " dues," " battulated " the factory ; i.e., shut up their houses and refused to do any trade at all. As Taylor persisted in his determination to resign the treasurership, one Richard Mowse was sent out from England. In the same letter which announced his appointment, the Company sent orders to the Consul to demand " the oath " anew from the factory. This led to renewed friction. The terms of the new oath would appear to have been more stringent than before, for one of the factors wrote that " as to taking an oath to give true entries and pay the Company their duties," he had done it before and would do it again ; " but to swear to observe the Company's orders without limitation," he could not do, and dared to swear they would account it an oppression if the King exacted of them what they required of their factors. (p. 307). In August, 1663, Winchilsea sent his secretary, Paul Rycaut, to England, to carry to the King the ratification whicli he had obtained from the Sultan of the treaty concluded between England and the Barbary States. In order to secure this ratification, fhe ambassador had been obliged to make the journey to Adrianople, the charges of which, including the heavy item of " presents," amounted to a very large sum ; and once again the question arose : by whom were these " extraordinary expenses " to be paid ? Rycaut was directed to ask the ministers, and especially the Lord Treasurer (to whom Winchilsea also wrote at length on the matter) to consider that the Adrianople journey was undertaken by the King's command ; that all England was concerned in the benefits of the peace, and that it was not reasonable that the Levant Company should bear the whole burden. He made repeated efforts to induce the Lord Treasurer to provide the money, but his lordship curtly replied that " to expect any such sum out of the King's coffers were a folly and the prosecution of the business a loss of time." He seemed, however, to approve of Winchilsea's suggestion of a duty on the goods of all ships trading to the Mediterranean, until the money was re-imbursed. xlii Then Rycaut went to a court of the Company. " Great complaints they made, that their money should be spent without their order," declaring that when the ambassador received his instructions for the negotiations, he should have sent home to know where the money might be levied, " rather than to have used their estates for effecting what they never desired, nor knew, nor consented unto." Rycaut replied that his lordship had but obeyed the King's orders for the journey, but was very sensible of the great charge it was to them, and had instructed him to do his utmost to get it from the Lord Treasurer. When he touched upon the proposal for duties on the ships, they were all up in arms at once, desiring him " to desist from that way," for impositions once laid on were never taken off again. If he could procure the money from the King's revenue, well and good ; but otherwise, the remedy would be worse than the disease (p. 293). Unfortunately for Winchilsea, the credit he had hoped to gain by obtaining the Sultan's agreement to the peace with Algiers was lost, for no sooner was the treaty signed than that piratical people proceeded to violate its articles, and the English ministers speedily came to the conclusion that the only way to enforce their being kept was to send a fleet to the Mediterranean (p. 294). The King, however, sent very gracious messages to his ambassador, declaring that he had acted " with extraordinary prudence and much benefit to his affairs." When the deputy of the Grand Vizier had delivered the ratifications to Winchilsea, he had suggested that if the English King would aid the Sultan by his navy against Venice, still more advantageous results for the English trade might follow. The Earl advised the King to answer that the republic of Venice being " a prince Christian " and in league with England, he could not go to war with them, but would willingly act as mediator between them. The King agreed to this, and Secre- Secretary Bennet wrote to that effect. One more point, and that a private one, Winchilsea had been anxious for his secretary to negotiate. He had set his heart on receiving the Garter ; but Sir Heneage, being con- sulted, plainly stated that at the time, there was no chance of success. Rycaut left England at the New Year, and reached Pera on March 16, just in time to stop Winchilsea from going to Adrianople, whither he had been summoned in haste by the Sultan. On hearing his secretary's report, he sent orders to his dragoman, Draperiis, to get the journey " put off " [i.e., cancelled], by " pretending indisposition " or anything else he could think of, unless matters had gone too far to make it possible. Rendered cautious by the Company's attitude, he wrote to Lord Chief Justice Bridgman, begging for his opinion on various points ; and awhile afterwards sent a long letter to the Lord Treasurer concerning their orders xliii as to the disbursement of monies, and their complaints of his use of messengers, as an innovation. " The Turkish history," he said, showed that it was no new thing for the Turkey merchants to be put to charges for the affairs of Algiers ; Sir Thomas Roe had sent messengers, and Sir Thos. Bendy she having made a journey to Adrianople, to carry orders from Cromwell to the Sultan, the Company paid the charges without so much as disputing them. Nor did they object to spend a great sum for sending away Sir Henry Hyde, the King's lawful ambassador, and two witnesses with him to swear away his life. He asked the Treasurer to consider, if any great occasion of state should arise, who then should bear the charges. He could not believe the King would have such matters slighted, yet it would not be just to lay the burden on the Company. And such occasions had arisen in former days, both Edward Barton and Sir Thos. Roe having mediated a peace for the Sultan (p. 317 et seq.). The difficulties between the ambassador and the Company were however, about this time, brought to a happy end by the latter appointing Sir Heneage Finch as an arbiter in all their differences ; an " umpirage " which his cousin was " wholly contented to accept " (p. 331). In October, 1663, the Company sent out Mr. John Broadgate to be chaplain or " minister " at Smyrna. By his proceedings in relation to a physician there, one Dr. Pickering, he roused the indignation of the factory, and Winchilsea also took Picker- ing's part, and sent orders to Broadgate to return to England. Broadgate protested that neither consul nor ambassador had any right to meddle with him, and some further difficulty was caused by the reluctance of the captain of the ship chosen to convey so " factious and dangerous " a person ; but in the end, he was embarked without much trouble, the consul sending to the Bishop of London the depositions taken in Smyrna, and referring him for further information to St. John's College, Cambridge, " where he was turned out of his fellowship and dismissed his college." (p. 325). In all this, the consul acted entirely on the authority of the ambassador's warrant, a fact of which his adversaries were not slow to take hold. Alderman Love, a zealous and not very temperate Noncon- formist, moved the Company to recall Consul Cave, not because of his opposition to Broadgate (whom he acknowledged to be a turbulent and imprudent person), but because he had appealed from them to the ambassador, who had no right to interfere (p. 357). The Company did not send Broadgate back, but voted him a handsome present, while they stopped Cave's " gratuities " for two years and cut down his salary. The consul believed this was Love's doing, and indulged himself with a few hits against his adversary. He wondered whether he had ever taken the oaths of allegiance and supremacy. " It was for that he laid down his gown, which it may be, being forgot, makes xliv him so malapert " (p. 378). Some time afterwards, however, Winchilsea acknowledged that there had been misapprehension, both as to Broadgate and Love, and sent the latter an apology (pp. 422, 437). The chaplain sent out in Broadgate's place was a Mr. Luke, described as eminent for learning, piety and prudence, a fellow of St. John's Cambridge, and greatly esteemed in his university, yet as much pleased with this appointment as if the King had given him a bishopric (pp. 362, 371). Consul Cave would appear to have remained at Smyrna until the autumn of 1667, when Paul Rycaut was appointed, to the great contentment of the whole factory. The Cadi received him more civilly (as he was told) than he had done any consul before, and although the Customer at first " to try his mettle," attempted to extort higher duties, he was soon brought to reason. On the whole, Rycaut appears to have had few difficulties until the beginning of 1668, when the Turks demanded the use of English ships to carry provisions to Crete, and that on such poor terms, considering the time the voyage would take, that the consul declared it would be more to their advantage to give away their ships than to undertake it (p. 496). The actual commandeering of the English ships was not protested against. Winchilsea informed Secretary Nicholas that it was an ancient practice, and that, at the very time he wrote, a Dutch and a French ship had been taken on the same terms. But what he did try to guard against was the danger that if they fell into the Venetians' hands, they might be considered " prize," and their owners lose them altogether. In the particular case mentioned by Rycaut, he protested that he had already furnished them with one ship which had to be unladen for the purpose, and that the two now demanded were so " laden and steeved that it would take forty days to clear them," while there were many French ships in port, empty and light sailors. The Turkish Admiral, however, was so insistent, that Winchilsea was obliged to consent to one of them being taken, and after many difficulties with the captains and the crews, a compromise was made with the authorities that the vessel, fixed upon should not entirely unload, but take a certain quantity of corn on the top of part of her cargo. When the corn was put in, however, there proved not to be nearly room enough, and the captain vowed he would sink his ship rather than make place for more. Rycaut was provoked beyond measure. The Turkish officers had, he said, been patient and civil beyond expectation, but what results this " baffling " of the Sultan's business might have, he could not tell. He was sure that the English were laughed at by everybody, for the French, Genoese, and the rest, had not made a tenth part of the difficulty with all their ships that the English had done about this one (p. 501). When at last the captain was forced to yield and .started on xlv his voyage, he had a sorry time. He was only sent as far as Scio, and there, three months later, he was still lying, with the corn unladen, heated and spoilt, his summer wasted, his men mutinous and his provisions all consumed, (pp. 510, 512). While these were Turkish methods, it cannot be wondered at that the English captains were reluctant to be commandeered by the Sultan's Admiral. Paul Rycaut is one of the most interesting personalities in the volume. Grandson of a grandee of Brabant and son of a man who had ruined himself in the cause of Charles I, he came with Winchilsea to Constantinople as his secretary, a post for which he had been well-fitted by many years already spent abroad. Winchilsea bears repeated testimony to his abilities and zeal. He was not only secretary but steward of the house, and so modest, discreet, able, temperate and faithful, that his chief entrusted him with all his secrets and consulted him on every occasion. In August, 1663, as has been already stated, Rycaut was sent to Algiers and England, and, on his journey, sent long and interesting letters to his " master," whose affection he heartily reciprocated. The first, written from Smyrna, is rather remarkable, as showing his admiration for wild scenery, a thing most unusual in the 1 7th century, when the general idea of beautiful country was a gentleman's park or a smiling valley, and the hills of North Wales or Cumberland were looked upon as gloomy and forbidding. But when Rycaut had climbed up by rocky paths to the mountain tops, " the prospect of the country on the one side and of the sea on the other, the prodigious precipices and the delightful confusion of the rocks, appearing with the dim light of the moon and the silence of the night," pleased him so much that he was only prevented from tarrying because the place was haunted by robbers (p. 269). This was on the way to Bulair, near Gallipoli, where he crossed over to Asia, and so journeyed towards Smyrna. On his way, he had to cross the mountains of " Causdog " [i.e. Mount Ida], " a wild place and as wild a Cadi," who, however, under the cheering influence of a dose of opium, willingly summoned his men to conduct Rycaut through the mountains. " Like true sons of the country " they soon ran away, but a muleteer, who dared not leave his mules, safely guided the travellers on their way. At Smyrna, Rycaut took ship for Algiers, and on arrival at that " den of pirates," quickly came to the conclusion that it was useless to deal with such wild and heady people, who, in a few hours, would break and forget the peace that themselves had made. On leaving Algiers (where he had a narrow escape from drowning), he proceeded to Tangier, where he found that Lord Teviot had worked wonders, lying himself in the open field, with his cloak about him, until redoubts were built to defend the town. Having, in the space of a few weeks, built xlvi forts, foiled the Moors in two fights and made a peace with them, Lord Teviot had now gone to England for consultations and fresh orders, leaving Hugh Cholmley to proceed with the great Mole which was to guard the harbour. Rycaut describes the town (the " drunkenest place " he ever saw), its trade, inhabitants and fortifications ; the one thing wanting being a conviction that it would not be sold as Dunkirk had been (from which garrison most of the soldiers had come) as " a morsel for the hungry courtiers." (p. 281). Rycaut's next stopping place was Lisbon, where he found the government much changed, the Queen Mother wholly excluded from the rule, and the government in the hands of the Conde de Castelmelhor and the Marquess de Marialva, who managed everything, although they set the King up, like a puppet, to speak their minds. If it had not been for the signal victory of the previous summer (the battle of Ameixal) gained mostly by the valour of the English, he conceived that Lisbon would have now been in the hands of Spain. On the 8th of November, Rycaut reached London, where his negotiations have been already described. In April, 1665, Rycaut and the chief dragoman, Draperiis, were sent by Winchilsea on a mission to the Vizier, then supposed to be at Sofia. By way of Adrianople they reached Philippopolis, where Rycaut was pleased by the good air and the wide spreading Thracian plain over which they had travelled. Thence, their journey was through mountains and woods, infested with robbers. On reaching Sofia, they learned that the Vizier was at Belgrade. A nine days' journey brought them thither, where they had audience, and stated the object of their journey, viz., to complain of the Emyn at Aleppo. He answered only " Yes and no, and we shall consider," according to his reserved fashion, but they heard from other officers that he meant to give them satisfaction. Not many days after, the Vizier and his army began their march back to Adrianople, and Winchilsea's agents had perforce to accom- pany them, not having .got much satisfaction from their journey. Rycaut rejoined his master only in time to prepare for another visit to England. He started in the train of Count Lesley, the Imperial ambassador, at the end of November, but his letters on the journey appear to have been lost, for Winchilsea complained that after he left Belgrade, nothing had been heard from him. He returned to Turkey in May, 1667, but three months later left it finally to take up his post as Consul at Smyrna. There he remained until 1679, spending his leisure time in writing his " Present State of the Ottoman Empire," issued in 1668, and " The History of the Turkish Empire from 1623 to 1677 " (a continuation of Richard Knolles' work), which was published the year after his return to England. In 1685, he was knighted and went as secretary to Ireland, and in 1689 was appointed resident at Hamburg. xlvii The affairs of the factory at Smyrna having been so fully treated of, those of Aleppo may be more briefly mentioned. We find there, as at Smyrna, recurring difficulties as regards the Turkish officials, and a certain amount of friction between the merchants and the Levant Company. But Benjamin Lannoy, the consul, was a man of judgment and tact, and ruled firmly and well. He was evidently much respected, both by Turks and Europeans, and generally managed to bring any disputes which arose to a satisfactory termination. He held out against unreasonable demands, refused to give bribes, and made it plain that the English must have good usage, according to their capitulations ; but he also took care that the factory should never give the authorities any cause of offence (pp. 212, 213). When the Company sent out the " new oath " which caused so much disturbance at Smyrna, some of the Aleppo factors also refused to take it ; but Lannoy promptly con- fiscated a certain amount of the in-comings of each recalcitrant merchant until they complied, and before many months were over, was able to report that the oath had been taken by all. There was at one time a danger of a quarrel between him and the French Consul, M. Baron, over the vexed question of protection of strangers. Baron claimed the right, under the capitulations of 1604, to which Lannoy replied that the fresh English capitulations lately granted contained an article annulling the grant made to the French. In this it must be confessed that Lannoy went further than he had warrant for. Permission to protect strangers was at this time certainly inserted in both capitulations, but Winchilsea never claimed that the grant to the French was annulled. The utmost that he put forward was that the insertion in his capitula- tions being later than the other might practically be considered to cancel it, and this view the French never accepted. Both parties wrote to Winchilsea on the matter. The French Consul made rather light of the whole thing, saying he was convinced that the King of England would not encroach upon the right which the French had possessed for sixty years. He was dating back only to the capitulations of 1604, but as a matter of fact, the French already held the right when William Harborne went out to Constantinople. The point was evidently decided in Lannoy's favour, for two or three years later, when the Flemish merchant whose case had been the cause of dispute was unjustly imprisoned by the Bassa, Lannoy wrote in much distress that it would be a great dishonour to the English nation if, after living many years safely under the protection of the French and Dutch, he should now be so ill-treated, " being under the English banner " (p. 420). This dispute about protection did not disturb the pleasant personal relations between the two consuls, and they continued excellent friends, working in harmony for the good of their several factories (see p. 285), xlviii At the end of 1664, great consternation was caused by the flight of two of the Aleppo merchants, Messrs. Staunton and Bishop, leaving their affairs in great confusion and owing very large sums to the Turks. The creditors sought to make the whole factory liable, but Lannoy proved, to the satisfaction of the judge, that no man was to be questioned for the debts of another unless he was bound for them, as was expressly stipulated in the English capitulations. The creditors, how- ever, appealed to Constantinople, and in view of the possibility that judgment might go against the English, Winchilsea put the question, who was to pay ? The Levant Company answered that " the interested persons' estates " must bear the charge. But Bishop and Staunton had left no estate behind them, and Winchilsea did not find that he had any right to take the masters' estate [i.e., the property of their principals in England] to pay for the servants' crime. Eventually, the Company acknowledged that they themselves would be obliged to make good any payments insisted upon (see Col. S.P. Dom., 1665-6, p. 249) ; but whether they were called upon to do so, the papers do not show. Towards the end of 1664 we find the first notice of the Rev. Robert Frampton, chaplain to the factory, who introduces himself to Winchilsea as "an old son of the Church of England and a loyal subject to his Majesty " (p. 336). In days to come his name was to be well-known to England, for as Bishop of Gloucester, he was one of the seven bishops sent to the Tower by James II. When, in 1666, he was sent to England by the factory, reports came to his friends in Aleppo of his being made chaplain to Prince Rupert " in the ship when they drove the Hollanders from our coast," of his preaching before the King, to his Majesty's great content, and of his appointment as chaplain to the King and to the Rolls (p. 449). But, in spite of these honours he returned to his charge at Aleppo, as he had promised the factors before leaving them. There is a letter from him in October, 1667, recommending a secretary to Winchilsea, and he is mentioned incidentally a year later. He appears to have returned finally to England in 1670. An interesting feature of Lannoy's letters from Aleppo is the news contained in them concerning affairs in India and Persia. He corresponded with the President at Surat and the English agent at Ispahan, and also received intelligence from the Latin fathers at Bussora and Bagdad. These were exciting times in India. In June, 1661, news reached Aleppo of Aurunzebe's seizure of the crown of the Great Mogul. A little later they heard of his attempt to entice his deposed father, Jehan Shah, out of Agra castle. But the old Mogul refused to stir, sending him word " that if he would cut him off he might, but he would not leave his prison (p. 152). Reports followed of his treatment of his brothers, his " burning " desire to rout out the Portuguese, his supposed death. In 1665, we hear of the famous rebel, Sevaji, founder of the xlix Mahratta Empire, and of the clever trick of the King of " Vizapore " [now Bijapur], who, calling the Mogul to his aid against the marauder, and being by him relieved from further danger, " slipped his neck out of the collar and left them two to grapple." A year later we read of Aurunzebe's invasion of the Deccan, his reduction to terms both of the King and the rebel chief, and his subsequent defeat by the Deccan army, due as the Mogul general declared, to Sevaji's treachery. In 1667, he had to divert his army to defend his empire against a " very large incursion " by the King of Persia, and was making great preparations to invade that country when the death of the King put an end to the design. This is the last we hear of his wars, but in 1668, Lannoy tells how grievous the Mogul's zeal to promote his own creed and to gain proselytes was towards the poor Banians and Hindoos, who were "tra- paned" by his wicked agents and forced to become Moham- madans. His " reverend mollas " assured him that his diligence and fervour would make him equal to Mahomet in Paradise, but while humouring his churchmen, he was vexing his nobles and soldiers, and it was believed he would shortly have trouble with them (p. 506). At the time of Winchilsea's embassy, the power of Portugal in India was fast waning, and the Dutch were everywhere getting the upper hand. In 1661, Lannoy wrote of them : ' They range in the South Seas at pleasure, and have most part of the trade thereof in their own hands. The Spice Islands of Malacas and Banda &c., with the trade of Japan and China, are wholly theirs. Last year the sale of their goods did amount to above 200,000?." (;;. 151). A year later the President at Surat reported to the same effect. " The Dutch at this time in India are the only lords of the sea and seacoasts in all places where they trade, and are making themselves masters of the islands of the South Seas, wherein all the spices are, and now only in their hands. They have so far of late prevailed upon the Portuguese that not above five sail of ships in a year are employed by that nation, and they by stealth more than strength " (p. 209). All who have studied sixteenth or seventeenth century Household Books know what an extraordinarily large part spices played in the cookery of those days, and also in the bills, and can realize the importance and great money value of the trade. When, upon Charles II. 's marriage with Catherine of Portugal, it was arranged that not only Tangier but some station in India should be yielded to him as part of her dowry, Winchilsea hoped that Ceylon would be fixed upon, especially on account of the great quantity and fine quality of its cinnamon. It was true that Colombo, the chief place in the island, was in the hands of the Dutch, but he thought it might easily be gained, either by treaty or conquest (p. 88) . The Portuguese, however, Wt. 29495. Fi d 1 knew better, and Bombay, with its dependencies, was agreed upon, although there was a clause in the treaty that if, by the joint forces of England and Portugal, Ceylon was recovered, the English King should have half the conquests made, the city of Colombo excepted. Failing Ceylon, the ambassador was well satisfied with the choice of Bombay, and believed that such a door would be opened to all trade as would make England " again " one of the most flourishing kingdoms of Christendom (p. 99). Before beginning to trade from it, however, it was necessary to get possession of it. Letters from India brought news of the sufferings of the English towns on the island of Angediva ; of the rapid wasting away of the little army, of the death of Sir Abraham Shipman, the commander, and all his officers. In his will, there being no officers left, he appointed his secretary, Humphrey Cooke, " lieutenant general of his Majesty's forces," and shortly afterwards this irregular com- mander gained possession of Bombay, on consenting to forego the dependencies which should have been surrendered with it. There are a good many notices of the English factory at Surat, taken from letters written by Sir George Oxinden to Lannoy. In one of them he gave an account of Sevaji's sudden attack in January, 1664, when he destroyed two-thirds of the town and carried away plunder valued at above a million sterling. The remaining third was defended and saved by the merchants and seamen (these last hastily summoned from the English ships in the harbour), who had gathered in the Company's house, and the Mogul was so pleased by their spirit that he remitted their customs, gave them many privileges and sent the President a handsome present (pp. 313, 323). Notwithstanding native wars and .Dutch aggression, by " prudence and good conduct " Oxinden managed to keep his factory safe and prosperous, and in very good esteem of the country people (p. 507). On the other side of the Indian peninsula, matters did not run so smoothly. The factory at Fort St. George had been for some years under the control of Sir Edward Winter as agent. In 1666, the East India Company, being dissatisfied with his proceedings, his appointment was cancelled, and George Fox- croft sent out to take his post. Lannoy sent an account to Winchilsea of what followed. Unfortunately, the invaluable series of " Letters of the East India Company," edited by Mr. William Foster, has not yet reached this date, but Bruce's account in the " Annals " shows that matters happened much as Lannoy related them. He said that Foxcroft's enquiries into certain abuses enraged Sir Edward, who believed that some of his own actions would be thereby brought to light, and that, in fact, the examination was to that end. Throwing up his seat in Council, he entered the Fort with many followers in a mutinous manner, whereupon the agent had him and two other of the ringleaders put under arrest. But he so wrought upon the captain and soldiers of the Fort that they shortly afterwards assembled tumultuously and in arms in the courtyard, declaring their intention to seize the agent for treason. In the struggle which followed, one of the factors was killed, and Foxcroft, his son and another factor, wounded and made prisoners. Winter took the Fort and the town again into his own hands, and it was feared that he might lose or betray it to the Dutch (p. 441). For the next year or two, the Company appear to have been so much in the dark that they did not know which of the two men was in command, or even whether Winter had given it up to the Dutch. In May, 1668, Lannoy reported that it continued in its unhappy position ; Winter still in possession and the agent under restraint (p. 506). By this time, however, the Company had determined what to do, and in the following August, commissioners reached Madras, took possession of the Fort, insisted on Winter's withdrawal and re-instated Foxcroft (Cf. Annals, vol ii, p. 245). We several times find mention of the famous French traveller, Jean Baptiste Tavernier, in relation to the purchase of precious stones, &c., and especially in connexion with a diamond engraved with the English arms, about which enquiries were being made. By whom this was sent, or to whom it belonged in the first instance, does not appear, but it was in Tavernier's hands at Gombroon in 1667, where it was seen by the East India Company's agent, Stephen Flower. Flower agreed to purchase it for 1,500 dollars or thereabouts, but one Van Wick, who managed the affairs of the Dutch at Gombroon, and at whose house Tavernier lodged, got it into his possession and prevented Flower from obtaining it. Tavernier was then going on to Surat, and Flower gave two packets of letters into his charge to carry to the President, but when opened, they were found to contain nothing but blank paper. Oxinden was very angry, and although the Frenchman protested that Van Wick must have got the letters surrep- titiously from his trunk, he was only half believed, and did not manage to clear himself from the suspicion of neglect, if not treachery. Whether the Dutch agent was guilty of pilfering the letters or not, we cannot tell, but, whatever might be said for his honesty, his veracity was certainly not above suspicion, for, apparently while the English were still exulting over their early victories in the Dutch war, although possibly after the Dutch agent had received the news of the undecided " four days' battle " in June, 1666, which the Hollanders claimed as a victory, he told the Governor of Gombroon : "that in their engagements with England they still had the better: that in one of their fights, they had slain his Royal Highness the Duke of York, Prince Robert and many of the nobility, taken several of our ships, blocked up all our ports, and were masters of the seas, the States refusing to make peace until they had brought our nation into subjection, aa they had done in India ; saying further that the Kings Ill of England and France, in respect of their riches and power, Were no more in comparison with the High and Mighty States than were a couple of boys to an elephant." Of Tavernier, Lannoy wrote that he had been often sent to India, Persia, &c., by the Duke of Orleans and others, to gather rarities for them, and had received many civilities from the English nation (pp. 436, 477). He was next heard of in Persia, with the silk caravan bound for Smyrna, and report said that he and a Dutchman in his company had brought up vast quantities of jewels in India, which they were carrying into Christendom. Tavernier had given 7,000. for a diamond in Ispahan, but he was far outdone by the Dutchman, one David Bazu, of Amsterdam, who had paid 100,000?. for a single stone, and had moreover, had to take up money at 46 per cent, in order to purchase it. There can be no doubt about the price as reported by Lannoy, as he writes it out in words, not in figures (pp. 282, 493). Eventually Winchilsea himself saw Tavernier, who told him that he had sold " the diamond seal ring of his Majesty " to Van Wick at Gombroon for a thousand dollars, but that after the purchaser's death, it was sent to the Dutch General and his Council at Batavia. The origin of the jewel is never mentioned, but it seems probable that it was one of the jewels pawned by Charles II. during the Exile. When Winchilsea first went out to Turkey, his official correspondent in England was Sir Edward Nicholas, who reported the happy settlement of the kingdom and the obedient zeal and obsequiousness of Parliament ; made complacent reference to the Conventicle Act, imprisonment of Quakers and execution of regicides ; noticed in passing the abortive schemes of the " Phanatics," and gave scraps of the general news of the day until the autumn of 1664, when this faithful and long tried servant of the Stuarts had to announce that his Majesty " found it convenient for his service to employ a younger man," and had appointed Sir Henry Bennet to take his place. The same letter contained the information that the King had also found it convenient to sell Dunkirk to the French, for 500,000 pistoles (p. 221). From this time Morice was Winchilsea's usual correspondent, and there are only two or three letters from Bennet. Morice's are much upon the same lines as those from Nicholas ; English news, doings of the Parliament, and, later, the business of the Earl of Bristol and the Dutch war. From Williamson there is only one short note, announcing the " glorious victory " of Solebay, on June 3, 1665. Lord Clarendon's letters in relation to the manuscripts sent him by Winchilsea have been already mentioned ; another, written in September, 1666, informed Winchilsea that the King was very willing to send him his portrait and intended to sit for it. A postscript to this letter tells of the terrible fire, " which hath destroyed three parts of four of the whole city of London ; and we who live in the suburbs preparing for the liii same fate, fled from our lodgings and have hardly yet recovered our goods or our wits " (p. 434). Lord Winchilsea was very happy in his personal friends, being on terms of close intimacy with his brother-in-law, Lord Southampton, with his cousins, Sir Heneage and Sir John Finch, and with Sir John's fidus Achates, Dr. Baines. To Sir Heneage's judgment and experience he appealed for advice in all his difficulties, and seems not only to have asked for it, but invariably followed it. Amongst the papers of this period in the Collection is a series of letters written by Sir Heneage, then Solicitor General, to his eldest son, Daniel (afterwards Secretary of State and 2nd Earl of Nottingham), which show him as a most affectionate and careful father, keenly solicitous about his boy's studies, and still more so about his character. Reverence, loyalty to the church, consideration for those about him, are the constant themes of his exhortations, as well as diligent application to his books and care in the choice of them. One only wonders that he should think the exhortations necessary, for Daniel appears to have been such an extremely " good boy " that there must have been more danger of his being a prig than of anything else. His letters home were written in so superior a vein that his father suspected him of invoking his tutor's help in their composition, and urged him not to seek another's pencil to amend his own, " for who does not know when the crow wears her own feathers " (p. 211). One may suspect that the young man's devotion to his studies was rather irritating to the friends of his own age, for Sir Heneage sympathises with him upon " the unkindness of those who desire not to see any better example than they themselves are willing to follow," and assures him that he suffered in the same way himself (p. 217). It comes as almost a pleasant surprise when we find that the future " Don Dismal " had to be reproved for having a dancing master in the middle of the morning, when he ought to have been at his books (p. 244). Bishop Burnet once said that Sir Heneage or Lord Nottingham as he then was was " ill-bred," a statement which these letters alone sufficiently refute. On his son leaving Westminster School for Oxford, he is urged to write to Dr. Busby to thank him for his care and kindness ; when he takes a journey with his tutor, he is to be sure to bear all the charges, as in any case it is ' ; like to bring so much trouble " to the other ; if he dismisses his servant, he must " do it like a gentleman, and furnish him with money for his return decently." Daniel Finch left Oxford without taking a degree, a common enough thing at that time, but in his case, perhaps, due to his delicate health and the desirability of his going to a warmer climate. He crossed into Holland, through Germany to Venice and thence to his uncle, Sir John Finch, at Florence, " accompanied by his father's warning not to let the civilities of Flanders or Germany cheat him of his health, nor those of liv Italy of his religion. As for money, he was not to trouble at all about his expences, or to lack anything of pleasure or conveniency ; a rather rash permission in many cases to his cousin Maidstone, for instance but explained by Sir Heneage's closing words, " knowing your temper so well as I do." The young man had been ill at Venice, which troubled his parents very much. His father warned him against the " chirugiens," who, he feared might be " too busy " in order to increase their profit ; his mother urged him not to stoop, for it was " neither handsome nor wholesome." Both rejoiced when he was safely in the care of those learned physicians, his uncle and Dr. Baines (pp. 394, 401, 403, 404). In one or two of the later letters from Sir Heneage we get a little information about himself. He has been three times to Mr. Lely, to sit for his picture. He plays at bowls, rides, and reads ballads, and can look with pleasure on his grey hairs so long as he hears good news from his beloved son. After the great fire, he is busy building himself new lodgings in the Temple (in place of those destroyed), which will cost him " near " a thousand pounds, when they are finished. Then he will know his losses by the fire. The end of this letter both throws light on Daniel's character, and illustrates the change in the meaning of one of our words : " Preserve the reputation you have gotten of a very serious man, and be assured that 'tis no part of the wisdom of Italy to be a sceptic. . . .While others take religion only into their discourse, do you avoid all talking of it, and let the world see it in your conversation " (pp. 433, 446). Besides Lady Finch's letter to her son, there are two very charming ones written to her husband when she was at Bath, with her younger children. The two boys were getting good, she thought, from the Bath, especially little John ; it had taken away his yellowness and made him very merry, and he was immensely delighted with the guide who taught him to swim. The poor lady herself longed to be back with her husband, and was afraid he did not take enough care of himself. " Pray send me word," she begged him, " how you are in health ; because I hear by your letter you rise early and go to bed late, and I doubt you study too hard, which I am sure will prejudice your health." A few days later, she rejoices to know that half the time is spent, and that she can begin to think of coming home. Bath is very hot, but she refreshes herself daily with the thought of being again with her husband and children, in " the fresh air of Kensington " ! Sir Heneage then lived in what is now Kensington palace. The next letter is full of her little John and the pleasure she has with him ; he dances, sings, entertains the company, and brings all the beggars in the town to her ; since he lias heard that his brother Charles has been acting as chaplain at Kensing- ton, he insists on doing the same; he is still so pleased with his swimming master that he is resolved to recommend the King to Iv have him also, and a kind friend having sent his mother some venison, he has invited the parson of the town and their landlad, to come and partake of it " (pp. 467, 468). It is quite sad to think that this engaging little boy did not live to be a man. When Daniel Finch had been abroad two years, he was summoned home, but finding that he was anxious to go to France, his parents consented that he should spend the winter there, to make himself sufficiently master of French for conversational purposes, and to perfect his fencing, riding and dancing. He afterwards obtained a further extension of leave, and was still in Paris in the following June, 1668, when his father ends the last letter to him noticed in this volume, by a half humorous apology for warning him against the plague and the danger of being out of his lodging late at night ; these, he wrote, " are your Mother's cautions." (pp. 478, 479, 509). The next volume, covering the period of Sir John Finch's x embassy to Constantinople, will contain many more letters and other papers relating to this branch of the family. The editor desires to express her grateful thanks to Dr. R. A. Nicholson, of Cambridge, for his kind explanation of many Turkish words. S. C. LOMAS. THE MANUSCRIPTS OF ALLAN GEORGE FINCH, ESQUIRE, OF BURLEY-ON-THE-HILL. RUTLANDSHIRE. VOL. i. G[EORGE], EARL OF SHREWSBURY to SIR THOS. MOYLE. [1537,] June 30. Eryth. " My chaplen, Maister Moretone hathe be[n] a suter unto Maaster Cbauncelor of the Kynges Majesties Court of the Augmentacyons for the assignyng of a boke concernyng a decree for the scite of the late Colege of Newport in the countye of Salop, the same rated at 6s. Sd. by yere . . . which scite, forsomyche as he was maaster theare was appoynted to hym for his mansyon with 101. stipend for keping of the cure by Sir Walter Mildmey knyght and Maister Kelwey when thei were comyssyoners for the assignment of stipends and pencyons ; which boke ys assigned by Maister Gosnold and examyned by Maister Duke, albeit Maister Chaunceler will not agree thereunto, for that as he thynkythe the same scite to be a greater thing in valew then yt ys in very dede, the same being in ruyne and decay, which my said chaplen wold repare this present somer if he had assurance thereof." I pray you therefore to move Master Chancellor for an assignment of the book to my chaplain, or else that he may be discharged of the cure, and the patron to provide for another curate. He cannot keep the cure himself, " by reason he ys with me in service and hathe moche syknes, but hyreth a preist who hath the most parte of his stipend, and to lyve theare all upon the peny, being a markette towne and a great cure, his habilite wille not extend thereunto nevertheles somtymes he repareth thyther to se the cure well and substancyally kept, to his great costes and charges." Holograph. 1 p. The PRIVY COUNCIL to the SHERIFF OF KENT, and the JUSTICES of PEACE of the same shire.* 1553, July 12. The Tower at London. " Whereas the qwenes highnes qwene Jane, beynge presentlye by juste tytle * Edward VI died on July 7. The Privy Council Registers contain no entries relating to the brief reign of the Lady Jane. Wt. 29495. Fi 1 in full possessyon of the Imperyall crowne of this realme and other domynyons and prehemynences thereunto belongynge, the ladye Marye, bastarde dawghter of the late kynge of famous memorye, kyng Henrye the eyghte, dothe not onlye be all the wayes and meanes she maye styrre and provoke the comon people of this realme to rebel! yon, but also sekethe meanes to brynge in greate forces of papistes, Spanyardes and othere straungeres for th'ayde of her unjuste and unnaturall pretence, to the greate parell and daunger of the utter subversyon of Godes holye worde and of the hole state of this realme; Albeit we nothynge dowte but this sedycyous and rebellyous doenges of the sayd ladye Marye, beynge well knowne unto you, wyll of themselfes well admonysshe you of your dewtyes to yours and owers sayd soveraygne ladye qwene Janes and the preservacion of the true relygyon and auncyent lyberte of your naterall countre agaynste foren powers, yet consyderynge what desolacion maye come to men of worshyppe and good degree and welthe by the sedycyons, rebellyons &c. of the baser sorte, we have thowghte good to sygnyfye unto you that oure sayd severayne lady Quene Jannes pleasure and commaundyment ys that youe shall notte only use all manner of travell and labor to kepe and preserve her Majestis people inhabiting nye abowtte youe in peace and good quiete, and to represse all others that shall goo abowte to move any tumulte ether by the pretens of the unjuste and fayned tytle of the ladye Marrye, being yllegitymate and bastard as ys aforsayd, or by any other means, but allsoo to putte your selves in order, with suche noumbers of horssemen and fottemen as you shalbe able to make of your servaunts, tenanttes and others under your rulles and offyces, soo as youe maye upon sendinge for or other knoleage geven youe, eyther repayre to oure veraye good lorde the Ducke of Northumberland, whoe having with hym oure veraye good lorde the Marquesse of Northamton, therle of Huntyngton and other personages of estate, ys presenly in the feylde with our sayd sovereynes power for the repressyon of the sayd rebellyons or otherwayes be employd for the defence of the realme as the case shall require. By your good travell herin, youe shall notte only declare [yourselves] good and faythfull mynisters of the quenes highnes and your contreye, but allsoo well deserve to fynde her hyghnes your good and gracyous ladye in any your resonable sutes, and us allso most readye to further youre sayd sutes accordynglye." Signed T. Cant., T. Elye, Jo. Wynchester, Bedford, Suffolke, Arundell, F. Shrewesbury, Pembroke, R. Ryche, W. Fetter [Petre], W. Ceacyll, J. Cheeke. Copy. 2 pp. PROCLAMATION of QUEEN MARY. [1553, July 19.] "Presente at the proclamacion made on Wennysday laste at London abowte four of the clocke at after nowne in Chepe proclaymyng my lady Mary to be quene of England &c. : The lord Mayior of London. The yerle of Shroysbery. The yerle of Penbroke. The yerle of Bedforthe, lord privy seall. The yerle of Arundell. The yerle of Worcyter. The lord Chamberlayne, Lord Darcy. My lord Warden [Sir Thos. Cheyne]. My lord Cobham. My lord Pagett. Sir John Mason. Sir John Baker. Sir Thomas Wrothe. Sir Wyllyam Peters. Secrytory Ceeke [Cheeke]. "And after commynge to the quyre of Pawles, where te deum was songe by the sayd quyre and played with the orgaynes before the sayd persones, the colle[c]t was readd by a preste of the same quyre prayinge for my lady Mary quene of Ingland the bells beyng ronge so ended and departed. The bringer of this copye dyd see and note theis to be done the day and tyme above sayd. God save quene Marye." 1 p. QUEEN MARY to the COMMISSIONERS FOR MUSTERS in Kent. [1557,] July 31. "The warres being open" with France, and the King having passed the seas in person to pursue the enemy, she desires them to appoint 400 able men of the manred* of their county, " as well in liberties as without," whereof as many to be horsemen as may be, and all to be well harnessed and armed, to serve for the defence of the realm " undre the ledinge of mete captains, gentlemen of inheritaunce or theire heires apparant " to be named by the commissioners. To be ready by the 16th of August next, and thenceforth to continue in such readiness that they may be called out at one day's warning. And whereas special letters have been written to certain persons named in the schedule enclosed to furnish such numbers of men as they are able, the com- missioners are to forbear taking any of the tenants or others under the rule of the said persons, or of any others in the service of her Majesty ; or the tenants or followers of " anie those noble men and gentelmen no we gon with our armie into Fraunce." " Yeven under our signet at our mannour of Richemond the last of July, the forth and fifte yeares of our reignes." Signed, Marye the quene. Countersigned, Francis Yaxley. * Vassals, men whom a lord can call on in time of war ; hence, generally, supply of men for purposes of warfare. 1| pp. Seal embossed. [See a similar letter to Cornwall, Cal- S.P. Dom., 1547-80, p. 94.] QUEEN MARY to SIR THOMAS MOYLE, knight. [1557,] July 31, anno. 4 and 5. Manor of Richmond. " The warres being open betwexte us and Fraunce, and the Kinge our deerest lorde and husband passed the seas in person to pursue the enemye, we have geven order, as mete is, (our honour and suretie so requiring) to have a convenyent force put in perfecte readynes and preparacion t'attende upon our person . . . and knowing your fidelitie and good will to serve us, have appointed yowe to bee one amonges other that shall attende upon us," bringing with you, of your servants and tenants, ten horsemen and fifty footmen well-appointed. To be in readiness, on a day's warning, at any time after the 16th day of August next coming. Sign manual, " Mary the quene." And below, J. Clyff (one of the Clerks of the Signet). 1 p. Seal embossed. W. LORD COBHAM to SIR THOMAS MOYLE. [1558 ?] Nov. 27. Dover. Understanding your friendly wish that I should be joined with you as one of the wardens for the bridge of Rochester, I render you hearty thanks for the same. " And because (as I am enformed) the countrie must have their voice and election herein by order of a writt, I have been a suter for such a writt in the Chauncerie, where there appereth no recorde of any such matter." If you have the form of any such writ, or know how it should be drawn, I pray you send a copy thereof to my house at Cobham Hall, or else to my servant John Wilkyns, whereupon he shall procure the like out of the Chancery. Signed. \ p. THE SAME to THE SAME. [1559?] May 29. London. Stating that he has caused Mr. Manwood to consider the case of the corporation of Feversham touching the payment of pontage, who, having agreed with the council of the town, the matter was " afterward put to the judges of the commen place." The judges having declared their opinion that they of Feversham ought to be free, he prays to know Sir Thomas' " determinate answer " as to what shall be done in this behalf. Holograph, I P. LORD COBHAM to SIR THOMAS FYNCHE and others. 1559, Aug. 1. Commission from William Lord Cobham. Warden of the Cinq Ports and Lieutenant of the county of Kent and city of Canterbury, to Sir Thomas Fynche, Sir Henry Crispe and Nicholas Crispe esquire, appointing them to take order " as well for the repairing and erecting of beacons and watching of the same " for the discovery of any attempts of a foreign enemy, in the lath of St. Augustine and the city of Canterbury, " as also to muster, gather togither, charge, levie, arraie in annure and leade all sorts of men meat for warres " with their horses, armour and munitions ; and to repair unto him upon summons " for repression of any rebellion in all convenient and forcible wise with sped in any part of the said countie." The business to be taken in hand immediately according to instructions herewith sent. Signed and sealed. 1 pp. The PRIVY COUNCIL to SIR THOMAS FYNCHE and THOMAS KEES. 1559[-60], March 21. Westminster. Thanking them for their diligence " in the examination of the conveyance of certain mares over the seas," and praying them to continue the same, and to use their best means " to learn out the whole disorder hereof " and by whom committed. Those found faulty are to be ordered to appear before the Council, and any " of such sort as will not appear," are to give good bond or be committed to ward until further orders are received. If the culprits are at a distance, the nearest Justices of the Peace are to be desired to take the like order with them, by virtue of these letters. And as the lords " would thoroughly understand the bottom of their deceit," the books of account of all customers, comptrollers and searchers by whom any of the said mares did pass are to be seized, sealed up and kept safely. Seven signatures, not autograph, but imitations of the originals, apparently l>y the Clerk of the Council, as this is the letter actually sent. 1 p. W. LORD COBHAM to SIR THOMAS FYNCHE and others. 1560, May 12. Commission as on p. 4 above, but adding the name of the Mayor of Canterbury as regards that city, and including the islands of Shepway and Harty, as well as the lath of St. Augustine's. Signed. 1| pp. W. LORD COBHAM to SIR THOMAS MOYLE. 1560, July 28. The Court. It is thought by the country " that the term of the graunt for the gathering of the toll for Rochester bridge was determyned at mydsomer last." I send my servant Wilkyns that you may account the time, and if you find that it is expired, I think the porters should be discharged. My said servant was granted the receivership of the bridge by my late father and you, but for the better answering of the monies, I have agreed to join with him in that office one William Sommer, " whose abilities and experience can well discharge the rome." I have passed my grant and pray you likewise to sign and seal the same. Signed,. \ p. KATHERINE, LADY FINCH to her son MR. MOYLE FINCH. [After 1563,*] Nov. 5. Is sending her man to see what is requisite for her to do touching Ikelsham Marsh. Touching her son's coming, she does not wish to confer about anything untill Mr. Sentleger can be present, who knows their affairs better than she does. Signed. -| p. SIR WILLIAM CECIL to THOMAS HENEAGE. 1569, May 22. Greenwich. As Mr. Boyar is not in the city, I have written to one Mr. Gaynes of the Temple, a brother in law by marriage of the Boyar who is dead.f " He is honest, and I thynk hable to gyve you some light how to walk in the dark bargan. In my opinion the pryce is over great by 20Z. yerly, for Boyar was wont to tell me that over his charges, he gayned not some yere above 26/. 13s. 4d., but yet in some other tyme he had for some speciall serch 13L 6s. Sd. at once, which was not common. ... If you can bryng it to a more resonable price it wer mete, and if not, require to have the office with a condition that at the end of on yere, yow may surrender it. . . . Use Mr. Osborns counsell herein." Holograph, f p. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1569, Aug. 9. Okyng [Woking]. " I receaved your letter at Otlandes, whan we wer expectyng the Quenes Majesty to ride hyther to Okyns. . . . Mr. Manners did impart to me your cause as it had passed with my lord of Lecester, and I am gladd to perceave by your letter that you can make so just an accompt of me and my good will, I wish I wer allweis so acquited for my good will, and though I never have nor assuredly can be, yet my determination, and the comfort I take to be in friendshipp unchangeably, shall be a cause for any good frend I have to mak such a reckoning of me as yow doo. "The other matter of Mr. Barten's, as I wold hym well, so am I very loth to be a dealer in those cases for some respects. You know that it may so happen, that some here now in Court, will think themselves interessed in any thyng that may prove chargeable to that Queen [of Scots]. Nevertheless, if Mr. Barten will send me a copy of his letters I will theruppon yeld that I shall find mete for me. " God send yow well to doo in your jorney, and us as well also. Commend me to your wiff, whose grete stomak wer metar for the Court than for Essex, except she dout that whan twoo brasspottes should mete, on wold bruse the other. I mervell she hath not, being so long a courtyar, lerned how nedefull pacience is in Court for all disensions. . . ." Holograph. 1 p. * Sir Thomas Finch died in 1563. Lady Finch afterwards married Nicholas St. Leger, and died 1586-7. t William Boyar, keeper of the records at the Tower, and of the Rolls of Parliament and of Chancery. JOHN OF DESMOND to [the EARL OF ORMOND]. 1569, Aug. 31. Camp at Karrygro. Praying him to order Sir Theobald Butler of the Cahir to desist from annoying that part of the county of Limerick which the Captain of the Geralds [James Fitzmaurice, Captain of Munster] has given into his (Desmond's) keeping. Contemporary copy. 1 p. [See S.P. Ireland, Eliz. Vol. XXIX, 60 (2).] Endorsed, " Coppy of John Earle of Desmond's letter." [This is a mistake. He was uncle to the then Earl.] THOMAS, LORD BUCKHURST to THOMAS HENEAGE. 1569, Nov. 16. Buckhurst. " As sone as my soonne was christened I was fullie purposed to have come to the courte but the dethe in London than incresinge I stode doubtfull what I shold do therein, resolving yet for the better to take the aier of Buckhurst for six or seven daies before my returne to the Courte. This much I praied my Lady Clinton by Mr. Farnam to aunswer for me to her Majesty yf happely she had herd her highnes to aske for me, And thus much I hartely pray you humbly to saie to her highnes from me, determininge with gods grace to be at the courte in the beginning of the next weke. I can not geve you so mayny thankes as you deserve for your so frendly advertisment of her highnes asking for me, you know I am wholy yours and more I have not to geve you. Fare you most hartely well and love me still as I do you most faithfully." Signed. 1 p. SIR WILLIAM CORDELL to THOMAS HENEAGE. 1569, Dec. 13. Melford. The monstrous and unnatural dealing of the northern rebels doth sufficiently witness the malice of their hearts, which God will resist and confound. " I did never thynk otherwyse but that the erle of Sussex wold every weye shewe hymselff bothe a trewe and a noble subject and I am glad that Sir Rauff Sadler, a man for his integryte and loyalte in servys mete to be trusted and for his wisdom and exsperyens fytt to be used, hath so honorable declared the Erie unto the Queens Majesty. . . . The proclamacyon lately set forth by his lordship doth well shewe hym to be suche a man as in deuty he ought to be and hath well disscovered what those rebelles ar. I hope to here dayly that they be dispersed for as I here some of ther confederates doth shrynke from them and that they be weker then they wer which I praye God graunte. " I did never meane to departe from hens withowte makyng of my lord levetenant of thes partes privy therunto and to have his lycence and favour therin as in deuty I ought to do and havyng wrytten unto his lordship he very honorable and curtesly both wyshed and advised me to tary here wher his lordship thought I myght do her Majesty 8 better servys then in any other place, the country being very populus where I lye and the most of them pore f olkes and greate nede of relefe and specially this Cristemas ; so that I am now fully pers waded to remayne her till the weke after twelfe daye and then ... I intend God willyng to do my dewty unto Her Highnes where she shall then lye. The8 partes (God be thanked for yt) ys in very god and quyet state and I trust her Majeste shall fynde here a greate nomber of very honest and dewtefull subjectes yf ther be occasion to use ther servys. I pray you, Mr. Heneage, remember my humble dewty unto Mr. Secretary, of whose good recovery I am glad to here of." Signed. 1 p. SIR WILLIAM CECIL to THOMAS HENEAGE. 1569, December 19. Windsor. In relation to the request of Innocentio Luo Catelli to be allowed to send a man on business into Flanders. Not being very well, and so unable to go abroad, he cannot procure such a passport as he would, but sends one under his own hand, to be delivered if Mr. Mersh knows of no lawful cause to the contrary. Signed. IP- SIR H. SIDNEY to the EARL OF ORMOND. 1569[-70], March 1. Commission from the Deputy (Sir H. Sidney) and Council of Ireland to the Earl of Ormond as general of the expedition into Thornond. Copy. 1| pp. {Another copy is calendared in 8.P. Ireland under this date.] SIR WILLIAM CECIL to THOMAS HENEAGE, Treasurer of her Majesty's Chamber. 1570, May 29. " From my howse in Stronde." Informing him that the Queen has " appointed money presently to be paid here in London " and to be received out of his charge of the loan, and that a man of Sir John Savage, collector for the loan money in Cheshire, is now in town. Signed. p. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1570, July 15. " I hartely thank you for your gentle answer. Sence your going hence, I have had occasion, with myn owne consent from my Lord of Norfolk to declare my self in oppen sort, to be secretly, evill, lewdly and falsely used, and have avowed that who so ever hath or shall saye and affirme that I have not delt honestly frendly and syncerly with the Queens Majesty, for the delyvery of my sayd Lord of Norfolk they doe saye untruly and if they will maynteane the same, than they do maynteane an untruth and a lye. Uppon this my defence of my self, secret meanes hath bene made to my Lord of Norfolk, to require me to desist herein, as a matter that no man doth or will avowe ageynst me, and that he doth thynk well of me, &c. And many other thynges hath herin 9 passed to long to write, but what in dede will come to reliev my Lord of Norfolk I can not tell, for whom I will not desist as long as hir Majesty will permitt me to sollicite, considering I am perswaded that more good may come to hir Majesty by his delyvery, being separated from the adheryng to the Scott Quene, than by his remayning in the Tower, wherof both the Scottish Quene and all others parcially favoryng hir pretence will make ther proffitt. Yesterdaye my Lord of Lecester and [I] omitted no entreaty nor perswasion for hym, but the planetts war [not] favorably conjoyned to yeld frendly aspects. You shall by others here how suddenly hir Majesty removeth on Teusday to Denham, and on Wednesday to Cheyniss. From France I here not but God gyveth the Admyrall prosperite but yet I thynk his scope is and must be a peace such as it may be. The Duke of Alva hath very curteoosly sent to hir Majesty knolledg of his preparations to the sea to be for the Queen of Spayne and yet hir Majesty doth arme hir shippes, ne forte veniant Romani. The french man Poygni, that is come to go into Scotland, shall not be suffred to chaff hym self with so long jornayes this hott sommer, but to go to the Scott Quene, we see no gret perill, and to gret uncurtesy to refuse hit. Mr. Dunch was here yesterday with 1,2001. for Berkshire and I sent hym to London. I have not yet command to wryt to Mr. Ashly. Fare ye well with your good wiff, whose cure must be to be voyde of cures (sic) and merry." Holograph. 2 pp. Seal embossed. SIB WILLIAM CECIL to THOMAS HENEAGE, Treasurer of her Majesty's Chamber. 1570, July 23. Cheyniss. Her Majesty wishes to know the quantity of your receipts and payments out of the loan, in order that she may give you warrant for the payment of the remainder to certain necessary purposes. " This present howre we have bene earnestly in hand with hir Majesty for my Lord of Norfolk, wherin my Lord Keeper hath very ernestly shewed hym self desyrouss to have obteyned, having offred him self to be bound in all that he hath. The end was that hir Majesty cold not mislyke of the matter, but sayd she wold do it of hir own grace, without our importunite. God send hir a spedy instynct to shew marcy in tyme convenient. "The Queens Majestys foote doth amend, though slowly. We talk of no removing from hence." Holograph. 1 p. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1570, July 24. Cheyniss. Repeating the substance of the previous letter. Last paragraph, in Cecil's own hand. ' ' I must nedes be com- mended to your good wiff, who I here saye was at my house 10 lately, for hir paynes therin I thank hir, being a very neighborly part." 1 p. SIR WILLIAM CECIL to THOMAS HENEAGE, Treasurer of her Majesty's Chamber. 1570, July 29. Cheniss. A letter from Sir Thomas Smith " signefyeth the sodayn deth of certen persons very neare his house, and therby it'semeth it wer inconvenient that hir Majesty shuld make her progress that waye. To this I beseche yow gyve hym answer (with excuse for my not wrytyng, being presently overwhelmed with busynes) that hir Majesty meneth not to mak hir progress into Essex ; and so hir Majesty hath willed that knolledg shuld be gyven to my Lord Rych and Darcy. It is ment here that after seven or eight dayes, hir Majesty shuld remove to Tuddyngton, and so furth as yet uncertenly, I can not tell whyther to Kenelworth. " I was bold yesterday to borrow your help for payement to my servant a little monny, which I will here repaye." Holograph. 1 p. THE SAME to THE SAME.* 1570, July 30. " I receaved your letter by this berer, wherwith for some on[e] sentence I was more perplexed than I cold be resolved with the rest, that was very comfortable and frendly. That I meane is where I (sic) wryte that I go nearely to work with you, for the appoyntyng of the money to Val. Browne. Suerly I was most sorry for the Queen's service, that I knew I cold not well require a greter some, comparyng your former certificates of receptes and paymentes, for in dede my Lord of Sussex was promised seven dayes before to have had 12,000/. being so much due in the north the begynning of this July, and therfor of necessite he is disappoynted and besyde this I was willed to procure from you the payment of 5,0001. for Irland, and I have answered that I know it can not be doone by you, and otherwise ther is no help for these extraordynary, for that Mr. Mildmay with the Queens Majestys consent hath shutt up all other payementes for the ordynary. I see not but if you had 40,0001. all wold be with hast called for. Such is the heape of charges wher no heapes ar of monny, as I am at my wittes end. I perceave the Queens Majesty is pleased with your absence for a tyme, as you shall I thynk understand by Mr. Manners or my lady Caroo. I can wryte no more, but trust that my sincerite of frendshipp shall be conserved with you, accordyng to yours. Holograph. 1 p. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1570, August 16. Tuddyngton. " ... I am occupyed in sendyng H. Cobham to the Duke of Alva and to the Queen of Spayne. If any body tell you that he also goth to Spyres * The answer to this letter is in Vol. I of the Calendar of the Cecil Papers, p. 479. 11 wher the Emperor is, I will not saye that it is untrew. But I do not saye so to any. We ar in hand to require more monny of you for my Lord of Sussex." Holograph. \ p. SIR WILLIAM CECIL to THOMAS HENEAGE, Treasurer of her Majesty's Chamber. 1570, August 19. Tuddyngton. From your and Mr. Smyth's letters " I first understood of the new found old stynkyng puddell. I thynk no otherwise than I myself have sene manny such growen of corruption." The Queen goes on Friday next to Wyne [? The Vine, Lord Sandys' seat], and I mean to be at " Bulegh " on Monday night. Dr. Story is come or brought to Yarmouth. Holograph. % p. Seal of arms. THE EARL OF LEICESTER to THOMAS HENEAGE. [1570,] Sept. 2. " Your servant hath byn with me here touching the wardshipp of Anto. Butler's sonne, my servaunt ; one that ever since the death of his old master, the lord of Tume [? Thomond] hath served me, and so honestly many ways as sewerly I was never more beholding to the good wyll of any servaunt than to him. And about six or seven weekes agoe, fynding him self in some danger sent a man expressly to me with a letter ... to get now promysse of the gyft of his sonne, which imedyatly uppon receipt therof I moved her Majesty . . . and I assure you hit was the first ward that ever I asked for my self." Her Majesty presently granted my suit, Mr. Secretary also giving me his good will, and so much was I bound to the father that I mean to requite it to the son, " in bestowing wholy all the benyfyt that ever any other might make of him, even uppon him self." I have not yet heard of the father's death, and pray that he may live longer. I most earnestly entreat you to think it no lack of friendship in me that I thus deal for him, seeing that " I never hard tyll now that you had made any meane for him . . . and I know you wyll wey me in this by the lyke in your self." Holograph. 1| pp. [Year date given in endorsement.] THE SAME to THE SAME. [1570,] Sept. 18. I should ere this have given you hearty thanks for accomplishing my request touching Butler's son. " I assure you, by the fayth of an honest man, I dyd never meane or intend to be sewter for him, although I hard many tymes of his dangerous sycknes, till at this tyme that he him self so ernestlye besought yt of me . . . neyther wold I have stucke to have releaced a better comodyty at your request save only for the promysse I made to him, in respect of the honest servyce he alway dyd to me." I am not }*et advertised that Butler is dead. " Her Majesties self hath honorably answered for my cousen Haddon ; and yf there had byn nede ether in this or shuld be 12 in the lyke hearafter, his absence shall not make me forgett the offyce of a frend toward one I love so well. ... I wishe him good health and you also, and so God kepe you bothe." Holograph. 1 p. SIR THOMAS SMITH to THOMAS HENEAGE. 1570, Nov. 6. Monthall. I most heartily thank you for your " lag of Madera wyne. ... It maketh a very good aqua vite, more myeld and gentle and pleasanter than that which is made of the lies of sack. . . . " When I was at Anker wick I was doble besegid ; without with water, that no man might com to my howse for water, nor we to no bodie but by bote, and that a good long jorney ; within I was besegid with a catarre and an agew that kept me in my bed and chamber all the while I was there, that never left me till it made me past goeng and ridyng, and that in six dais. ... I suppose it hath done me good, and skowred away the reliques of this contagious somer and harveste, encombraunces of lamenes and other imbecillities come unto me by the evill disposition of the aier ; and yet an other way I may dowte, for a cloth the more it is washed the more it is worne. . . . But what remedie. We were away and so do clothes also, washed and un washy d, clene and fowle. Tyme itself doth consume and eate up both us and them. Mary, som sooner and som later, but at the last all goeth one way. "... Altho I am all together a contrey man, yet if ther were eny good thyngs stirryng at the courte, I wold gladly here of them. I remember when I was a boy and a yong scholer of Cambridge, I cam with my tutor, Dr. Tailer, to an acquayntaunce of his, one of the Charterhowse at Shene. There the monk was marvelous diligent in enquiryng of newes, and could tell us more newes of the cowrte, of all contreys ye and of Cambridge also then we could our self. I like a yong foole thought it straunge that a man enclosed within strong waulles, having forsaken the world, and makyng profession (as aperid owtwardly) to thynk nothyng but upon God and death, was so curious to enquire of newes and so gredy to know and mark all mens doeings. This my stomak and myslyking of hym I could not hide, but tolde my tutor of it when we cam into the feelds ; and said he could not be an holy man as he was taken for, but a very hypocrite and a curious fole. . . . Nay, saith he, yow are a fole. for be he never so holy, yet he is a man still ; and the propert}^ of a man is to deseir to know all thyngs, whither it aperteyneth to hym or no. Yea niary, quoth I, for that was that which brought us furst out of Paradise, bycause we wold know good and evill. With that, he lawght. and I wene (saith he) so it wold do agayne if we were there, so depe is the deseir of knowledge fastenid in every man's harte, so that it might come lightly, but where paynes must be taken for it, there few men will pursue it. 13 " Thus you se, when I write to yow, I must still philosophice. ... All other pleasures be for tymes and places. That is never out of season, the contemplation of nature and truthe and the marvelous works of God." 1 p. closely written. DR. WALTER HADPON to THOMAS HENEAGE, Treasurer of the Chamber. [1570 or 1571,*] Sept. 4. From my poor house of Cray. I most unwillingly left the city before I saw you, but a violent attack of the stone prevented my going anywhere, except once to visit Osborne, who was so near. When the pain was a little better I came to Cray, where I am in hiding until I am stronger, or at any rate as long as it shall be permitted. I wish you and your wife all health and prosperity. Latin. I P> THOMAS, LORD BUCKHTJRST to THOMAS HENEAGE. 1570[-71], Feb. 1. " I attend your answer, and if it be her Majestys pleasure that I procede, as how I shold stay I know not well, all my cariage and the most part of my company being gon alredy so far as I am sure they will with Gods grace be in Frans before I can return them. Then I specially desier yf I shall not go on without seming to take knowlege of this differring, wherby my coming to that end may have the same thankes to her Majesty, though not the same effect to the french King as tochinge the honor to be done to his entry. I pray you return me answer with spede and under correction I do not se upon what ground I shold stay me though the day shold be differred in dede as I cannot think yt, both in respect of the Ambassadors message unto me yesterday as also for that I had like confirma9on by a letter from on of my servantes out of Frans whom I sent away long sins." Holograph. 1 p. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1570[-71], Feb. 8. I arived at Calis the 7 of this monthe about 4 of the clock in the afternone with a prosperous wind, after six daies tariauns at Dover. . . . Twoe daies before my coming to Calis, Monsieur Gordan the captain there, having some advertisement that I was embarked to aryve there that night, did himself and all his gentelmen captaines attend my coming without the gates two houres, and after, towardes night, left order to have the gates open two houres after the apointed tyme of their closinge, but al in vain ; for thoughe the wind served for Calis, the water wanted at Dover." When we arrived, " Monsieur Gordan was a hunting, nevertheles I was receved by his lieftenant and about twenty-four gentlemen with him, the grete ordinans.was shot- of and divers companies of harqueboziers at myne entry in to the towne very * Heneage became Treasurer of the Chamber in 1570, and Dr. Haddon died in January, 1571-2. 14 galantly discharged their peces. I was brought by the said lief tenant and all the gentlemen to my lodging, being a hous of Monsieur Gordan's within the towne, very faier and trimlye furnished, and after I had there reposede me self an hower, Monsieur Gordan himself . . . came to my lodging to visyte me, with a grete route of gentlemen and with maini offers of all the courtesye of the worlde. . . . " The next daie after our aryvall we remained at Calis . . . in which day Monsieur Gordan, about 8 of the clocke in the morning with a grete troupe of gentelmen came to visite me, and sent me word that he was only come to geve me a good morowe, and to desyre me and all my companie to dine with him that daie, which he did so ernestly as ther was no meane to denye him ; assuring you that we found marvelous grete chere and as courteis entertainment as cold be wished. Finally it is exceding grete the honor and courtesy which he hath showed to me and to all my company, which I pray you, as you se occasion, to ympart to her Majestic acordinglie. I have wrytten to my Lord of Lester and to Mr. Secretarye that I may have some dyrection from her Majestic what I shall do if this entry be again and again diff erred, as I am informed it is most likely to be. I pray you, further some dispatche for me in that behalfe." Holograph. 2J pp. THOMAS, LORD BUCKHURST to THOMAS HENEAGE. 1570[-71], Feb. 11. Boloin [Boulogne]. " I judge er this my letters ar come to your handes, which 1 wrote unto you from Calais, signifieng unto you therebi the whole maner of our interteinment there which was very honorable and with grete courtesy performed. Now again you shall perceve by thes that at our departure from Gales the governor with twenty grete hors and a twenty other curtales accompanied me two mile out of the towne, and wold have passed much farther yf T had not staied me self and all my company and so taken leve of him without any farther passing in respect of the marvelous ill wether in which we then rode. About six mile from Bullen [Boulogne] Monsieur Bornoiset a baron, a very proper gentelman of personage and of grete courtesy and civile behavier mette me, he was accompanied with Monsieur Bell baron, an other barons eldest soon and with a sixteen hors. Monsieur Bornoiset told me that by the Kinges expres comandment he was come to do me all the honor and courtesy he cold possibly devise and to accompany me even to the courte for so was the Kinges comaundment, so he brought me to my lodging in the base towne and then left me and within half an hower after came to my lodging Monsieur Kalliack governor of Bullen a welle aged man ... he gave me the offer of all the courtesies in the world, and so departed, and within a smal while after comes in to my lodging the maior of the towne and sixteen of his brethern with two bedeles with silver maces caried before them. The 15 maior him self had a grete stope of Ipocras in his hand, and all the rest every on a grete pot of wyne, the maior presented all thes guiftes from him self and his bretherne with a solemne oracion in french and I understode him by discrecion and answered him again in italian and he understode me by noddes, as the ape did the frier, but in good ernest the courteis intertainment that we receive is very grete and every meale yet the governor hath presented me with botles of wyne out of bis seller. Monsieur Bornoiset meanes all the way to honor me with hawking for he meanes as I understand to cary good store of hawkes and spaniels with him, and you know he doth me the gretest plesure of the world and specially now in this my vacant time of lesure. ... I can requit them again with no other courtesies but with greyhoundes and mastives, and some hacknies, and thes they have at my handes, Monsieur Gordan a brace of greyhoundes and Monsieur Kalliack a cople of mastives, wherof thei seme to make grete estimacion, and I have promised them at my returne plentye. I perceive by message from our Imbassader by Mr. Denny that I shall not nede to expect (sic) so long in Frauns as I thought of. Thus I end with many thankes unto you for your courteis letter by Mr. Cavalcante but most soroful for the sicknes of Sir Nicholas Throgmorton to whome I hartely wishe recoverye as to me self, both for my pry vat love to him as also for the publick utilytye of our comen welth, who may ill spare so good a member. . . . ' Holograph. 2| pp. THOMAS, LORD BUCKHURST to THOMAS HENEAGE. 1570[-1]. Feb. 15. Amiens. " I came to Mountrevill the 12th of this month, where Monsieur de Mailly, governor, receaved me without the gates, accompanied with certain of his captaines and gentelmen, he being on fote and I on horsback ; and after courteis salutacions I passed on to my lodginge, whether within half an hower, he with his saidd gentelmen came again to visite me, off ring by all courtesie to supplie any want that I or anie of my company should have. . . . I therefore earnestly praied him to performe his promise towardes me in the supplying of on[e] want which without him I must needes indure, and that was to have the companie of him self and such other gentelmen as were with him to be at supper with me." He promised to come, and within a short while sent his servant with half a dozen bottles of wine and two boar pasties. A little before supper he sent two companies of harquebuziers, with drums and fifes " geving me a very brave discharge of their peces." Next morning he escorted me five miles out of town, having sent some of his men before with two brace of greyhounds and a leash of bastard mastiffs of Brittany to see if we might have a course at the hare by the way, or have hunted a wiJd boar in a wood through which we were to pass, but " the boar was past from thens not half an 16 hower before we came." That night we came to Abbeville, where we were received with shot from harquebuziers before the gates, visited by the lieutenant, presented by him and the mayor with wine, and entreated with all friendship and humanity. " Thens we toke our jorney the 14th to Amiens, a citie above all others that I have sene most delectable with so faire, large and even stretes, so full of plesaunt walkes, so beautiful with eleven ryvers passing through the same in divers places, of sete and strencth so impregnable, and with so excellent and so rare a churche within the same, as I promise you I think I may justly preferre yt before any of thos in Italye." We were received with a great number of shot, and I had not been a quarter of an hour at my inn when I was visited by the mayor and twenty-four aldermen. The mayor made a solemn oration in latin, and presented me with " fowle of so many sortes, both quick and ded as I assure you yt might have been geven to a King. I replied thanks unto them with such poore latten as God had lent me," and invited them all to dine with me the next day. After the mayor came the sheriff, the attorney and the president of justice, each bringing a present of hippocras or wine. Next morning came the mayor and a dozen of his brethren, offering to shew me all the beauties of the city. We walked till dinner and saw very many things worthy of commendation. After dinner, he caused " certen of the best archers in the towne to matche them selves together ... at the buttes in a very faier place made for that purpose," and thence bid us into a fair house built in the garden where we found " a table of eight yardes long at the lest and a hundred severall banketting dishes thereupon, and in divers of them mine armes so well doon, and a ship, a chariot, grapes, a cocomber, a lemon, aples, a hogs fete and divers other thinges in sugar so lively counterfeted as maini of us were beguiled, taking them for natural!. . . . From thens we came to our lodging, where I found Sir Harry Noris, and after supper I took my pen forthwith to wryte all this unto you." 4 pp. THOMAS, LORD BUCKHURST to THOMAS HENEAGE. 1570[-71], February 21. Paris." ... For Sir Nicholas Throgmorton's deth, as I have just caus, so do I lamente the same right hartely . . . especially for the grete loss which her Majesty sustaineth by the deth of so worthy a servant, and the relme of so good a member. Thus you see how our frcndes faile in this world and that ther is nothing but transitorie tresure here, first our dear f adder, and now Sir Nicholas Throgmorton. . . . The best conifer fce that I can geve is this, that we which yet remaine unfained funds do love ech other hartely . . . therefore see that you love me still and make much of me : as you shalbe most assured for ever I will do of you," God has in nothing made me so happy 17 as by the honour and favour of her Majesty, and the love and friendship of you and the few other friends whom I have chosen. " Remember me to your self and to your wief, to John Farnam, Warcop, Ousley, Ralf Seldon, Edward Cordell and Sir Gawin Caroe [Carew]. Postscript. " The 23rd audiens is granted unto me. . . . The King doth diffray mi charge where I me self lie and doth in ech respect use me with so grete honor as I think more can not be wished." 2 pp. THOMAS, LORD BUCKHTJRST to THOMAS HENEAGE. 1570[-71], Feb. 24. " Heretofore her Majesty was fain to seke for newes at your handes ; now therfore I have taken such order as her highnes shalbe revenged on you, and you shalbe glad to know newes at her Majestys handes."* We are so nobly entertained here as I cannot in writing express it, and pray you " helpe in ymagination to conceave yt. I have no more but to enjoyne you that still you love me after the old maner, and I will put you out of doute I will never change you for any new frend in this world. . . , I cannot find here any such taffeta or velvet, with the ground of ash colour as her Majesty desires, " and for buttons and aylettes and goldsmithes worke, where I find here on[e] pece, I will see three in London, and that which there is bought for a crowne costes here two." \\ pp. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1570[-71], March 8. Paris." . . . Touching the brute of the Calis cat ... it is trew that a cat was kild and hanged up with a pece of an old halter, and with no other kind of scarf, God knowes, at the dore of a hous three or four houses distant from the hous where I was lodged, and not in my hous ; and this was interpreted by some that the same was doon by some of my company in despite, that so we trusted to se all the French men hanged, and we to reposses the towne ; which matter being brought to the captain (of whom we had receaved gretest honor) he uttred to Mr. Calvacant some wordes of unkindnes towardes the doer thereof." I, being at Bolein [Bologne], made a strait examination and finding no manner of suspicion that it had been done by any of my men, despatched my servant Reigmor to declare to him what I had done and to assure him that if any of mine had been found guilty, the man should have been sent to him for punishment. " ' Mary, quoth he, my lord saith well, and indeede I wold he were here so as I me self might ponishe him, if at the lest he be ani of my lordes company, for I assure you I wold ponishe him indede, for he sold be had doune into my sellar, and there shold he have the best wyne and chere * See letter to the Queen of this date in State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth. (Gal. 1569-71, p. 409.) Wt. 29495, Fi 3 18 I cold make him. Tell therfore my lord your master that I am fully satisfied herein and that Mr. Calvacante was over- hasti to tell him thereof,' . . . And toching his goinge to the courte, he told me the furst day I came to Calis, long before this cat was kild that he ment to be at the courte before me, to be present at the entrye, as all other captaines in Frans did likewise ; and when he overtoke me by the way ... he vysited me with the gretest courtesy in the world." Although in so great a troop as I carry, there may always be a knave, I do not verily believe that any of mine did it, or that it was done in any despite, " so as this interpretation that they made was very far fet. . . . " I was resolved to go my waies the 9th, and am now staide by the King til the 13th. . . . You may suspect a caus, and so do I. When I returne, I can tel you more then I cold when I went, a good dele. . . . " I pray you satisfy my lorde Burley toching the cat, for trust me, yt is not worth on of John Farnam's conyskins. " Commend me to John Farnam, Ralf Seldon, Warcop, Cordell, Mr. Hatton, Mr. Diar, Mr. Ousley, Sir Gawin Caroe and to all our frendes." 3| pp. FRANCIS WALSINGHAM to THOMAS HENEAGE. [1571 ?] June 1. Paris. Knowinge ho we dayngerowse matters and thankeles mariage matters are, I thowght it good to take some breathe before I gave my full opinion towelling this gentelman. Thowghe he be cholerike yet lackethe he not reason to governe and brydle the same. And you knowe that thes natures are the best natures, and commonly prove the best husbandes. Or ells shoold not you and I be in the hyest degree in sooche perfectyon as we are. Yet in this matter we shall doe well not to be judged neyther by Mrs. Henneage nor Mrs. Walsyngham, because they are partyes. " Yf all thinges ells faule owt to your contentement (I meane towching livinge) then may you proceade, wherof I hope you bothe shall receyve contentement, or elles woolde I forbeare to wryte, I assure you coram deo. This letter must be common to you bothe, because you are bothe aleake interressed in the matter. And thowghe I wryte now in hast, yet doe I not geve hastye judgement, havyng longe dysjested yt as you knowe. Nowe the plauntes be wattered, god geve the encrease, to whom I commyt you bothe." Postscript. That which I write in my other letter towching the sayd partye is trewe.* Holograph. 1 p. WILLIAM, LORD BURGHLEY to THOMAS HENEAGE. 1571, Aug. 11. I was right sorry to hear yesterday of your ill-health. " I am here sekyng for Idelnes, but though I come * The words in italics are in cipher deciphered. Heneage's only daughter and heiress, Elizabeth, married Moyle Finch in 1572, 19 nerer hir here than whan I follow the court, yet I cannot come into hir company : but if hir Majesty wold gyve me leave to contynew a whyle longer in my pursuite, I have so found hir steppes that I trust to come to hir lodgyng. Thus yow see I am come to love hir whom gret nombres of wise men contemn. I must to the court on Monday. " Monsieur de Fois [Foix] is arryved at Dover, and will be at Gravesend this night, if not at London." Holograph. 1 p. FRANCIS WALSINGHAM to LORD BTJRQHLEY. [1571-2, March 2.] Concerning an interview between a party sent by himself under the colour of a Catholic and one Darbyshire, an English Jesuit in Paris, in relation to the Scottish Queen. 2 pp. Copy. [Printed in Sir Dudley Digges' Compleat Ambassador, ed. 1655, p. 172. Also memorandum over leaf. " Sir Francis Walsingham writes thus of the King of France : Thus Sir you see for that he that is not settled in Religion, he is caryed away with worldly respects, a common misery to those of his calling." [The copy appears to be in a late nth century hand.] Sketched in pencil on the last page is the outline for a roof, which, with its " trusses " bears some resemblance to that figured in The History of Burley on the Hill, p. 65. CLARE HADDON to THOMAS HENEAGE. [1572?*] March 28. Cambridge. Though I know myself and am informed by my friends' letters, that your care of me when absent is no less than when I was present, yet I do not hesitate to spur, as the proverb goes, a willing horse, and to pray you to continue to protect me as you have so long done, for you see how few are those whose goodwill and assistance I can reckon on. As to the saying that all men favour virtue and learning, all men desire them for themselves and praise them in others ; but they only favour them when set off or enhanced by wealth and family. Some day I may make such my friends, but meanwhile must take refuge with the few I have mentioned, amongst whom I must give you the first place, if for no other reason (though there are others) than that you were my father's closest and dearest friend. For though there is nothing in me to attract the good will of any one, I measure their kindness to me by the closeness of the ties between my father and them. Latin. 1 p. Endorsed, " 1571, Clere Haddon to my Master." * The D.N.B. states that Clare Haddon died " about 1571," and his father in Jan., 1571-2. This letter was evidently written after Dr. Haddon'tj death. 20 THOMAS, LOUD BUCKHUEST to THOMAS HENEAGE. 1572, Easter Monday. For near two thousand years, philosophers have been writing and wrangling in their search for summum bonum, but have never found time to spend an hour in seeking out sumum malum : yet to discover and embrace the first is not more needful than to discover and eschew the other. " You wonder, I am sure, be this, to what marvelous end this straunge beginning tendeth, and shall I tell you. In few words then, Experto crede Roberto, if there be ani summum malum in erth beyond that mischevous malum of the stone, let me never have credit with you more. I have bene of late so thoroughly instructed and so felingly taught yt sins I saw you, as I thiiike verely for the time of my torment there was never man indured a greter, and I assure you I wold have thanked him ten thousand thousand times that wold have thrust a sword through me. . . . " Tomorow or next day I will crepe to the courte, God willing, to se her Majestic, for the which I long very much, and alwaies my mind gevethe me that I shall never be thoroughly well before I have beheld her noble face, whom God long preserve to her own best comforte and to all our felicities." 1J pp. SIR N[ICHOLAS] POYNTZ to his " Brother HENEAGE." [1572 ?] Sept. 12. Penley. " . . . Hytt pleasyd my Lade Marques to bystowe labor in writyng her epystle to my mother for a fewe testarns thatt she lent me. I am sory that I had nott thowght scorne to borowe of soche a rweachyd [wretched] princes, and when I machyd [matched] in the rase of thatt hongre kynred, I wolde I hade broken my ij thorns in won off theyr fowndations. I use but grose tearms, yeatt ar they soche ass my contre bridithe, and for her hast she shall tary, I care nott thowe she bylyvid the same. Thus I leave ray ling. I wyshe thatt yowe and my sistar had occation to travel! into Glosstar sheare, that I myght requitt yowr frindshyps showyd me when we weare last togeather." Not in his own hand. 1 p. SIR THOMAS SMITH to THOMAS HENEAGE. 1572, Sept. 16. Wodstock. " The newes of Fraunce remayneth as they did, save that it is said more that Rochell hath received in to it Strozy, what he hath done theer it is not knowen, it is feared no good. Our Scotts on that queenes party begynneth to wax more unruly syth these newes of Fraunce cam to them. That the prince of Orenge hath go ten Machlyn, Loveyn, Audenard and diverse other townes in Brabant and Flanders it is affirmed for certaign and that the Duke of Alva is gone to Valenciennes. That ther hath bene a batail betwixt them at Mons it is not yet affirmed hier by eny 21 letters, altho by word a great victory was talked on. Yt is not amis seyng all our neaghbores be so busy, that this realme be put in defence. And that is done. Yet I can not thynk that this yere eny thyng shalbe attempted agaynst us, but that the pope and all the confederates to hym for his sake if they durst and were able do desier it and wold attempt it I do not dowte. And the rather bicause the French Kyng of late by this cruel and treasonable killyng of the chief e heds of Christes flock, hath shewid hymself a devoute slave of the devill and Antichrist. God I trust will defend his flock both heare and there to, when his enemyes do most rage and thynk them selves most suer. ..." Postscript. " I wold gladly know when Water Williams went into Fraunce." p. Holograph. Seal of arms. SIR NICHOLAS POYNTZ to his sister MISTRESS HENEAGB^ 1575, May 19. Chanon Row. " Your frindly lettar I have veari leysurley considerid. . . . You wott well I was deseaved in her that no we do the govern, God graunt her long to live prosperously, but her forgettfullness, thoughe hitt disgraced me byfore the world and deminished my portion, hath benefitted my sowle, I dowpt not, and brought that ys left by God's grace into security for my posteriti. And for your wonder why I cum not to the Court, being so niar hitt, how wyllingly, tell me, wold you go into hell, to salute the devills their, though you weare standing upon the brink thereoff," but " wold retyar by your wyll to Copt Hale as I will by Gods help to Acton . . . and do not care the valu of your stinkinst wyde [weed] in your garden for the greatest personage living that intendith to do me wrong. . . . And all the harm I wyshe any of them ys that iff they be wyckid, they may be yet afore they dy made sayncts." As to my marrying, I shall never marry any woman in regard of her favour and personage. What my state and ability of living is you know well, but how well and quietly I can pass my time with a little, what malice I bear to ambition and how I despise and detest vanity, now had in veneration and practised in place of civility and godliness, God doth only know. " Now for Mistress Deny, her portion is to defray sumthing moer than her charge she wyll bring me, for exept I be falsely informed she hathe the park she dwellithe in and a 116Z. rent bysydes her parck, and sum wods in the forest, the certaynte whereof I wold be glad I did know. She hath no chyld in her care. This shall satisfy me iff she be a good woman and wylbe an obedient wyff. Butt iff Mr. Deny with this litle living hath given her his prodigall hart, then ys she nott for me, for so wold hitt be the spoyle off my children, and the beggeri off such as I myght have by her. ... If you procide for me, lett me not wyn her love like a foole, nor spend long tyme like a boy. As God shall help, I am moch trobled to think I must speake to any woman won loving word." 4 pp. 22 H[ENRY] WOTTON to THOMAS HENEAGE. 1576, May 6. Booton. I am bold to believe " that I can not aske any thing of my beste cosen that hee will deny me ; my requeste therefore is that the land which my father willed to be solde, which is the maner of olde Byland, I dying without children may retorne to Master Wotton ; for that if it please the lorde so to dele with me, I knowe not any way in the worlde so well to bestoe it or all that I have. . . . ' Holograph. \ p. SIR NICHOLAS POYNTZ to his sister, MISTRESS HENEAGE. 1576, Aug. 20. Announcing the death of their sister,* and asking what she thinks best to be done for the children. Fears that the husband " hath not the grace to show himself a natural father." Means to ride over into that country on Monday next to see Sir John Barkeley (who " came to hir two dayse byfoir she dyed ") and has sent secretly to Pittman " to detayne any writings from Sir J. that might tooch hiss childern." Wishes his sister to be as favourable to the father as she can, for the children's sake, as she will thus be the better able to help them. Touching their sister's sickness, she was taken with a fever, whereof she died four days later in a patient and godly manner. Holograph. 2 pp. SIR FRA. WALSINGHAM to THOMAS HENEAGE. 1577, Sept. 4. Purforde. Will do his best to further Mr. Manhod to the place of Chief Baron, knowing no man in England so fit for it. " He hathe greate ennemyes and thos that have chefest voyce hi chapter, bot perhaps tyme and other well handeling may bryrige them to be of an other opinion." Believes that the outrage upon his brother Beale was com- mitted " by pyrates and not by practyce," as his packet of letters was not taken from him. Holograph. 1 p. SIR CHRIS. HATTON to THOMAS HENEAGE. 1577, Sept. 25. The Court. " In geaving you a hartie welcome out of Kent, I am to let you know that her Majestie by meane of your absence hathe thought your jorney very ]ong, and at this present is moche trobled with the conclusion of the peace in Fraunce, the commyng downe of the Duke of Gwyes, who is already in Lorayne neere unto Namures with ten thousand men, which streingthe he offerethe to the ayde of Don John. The Marques of Haveryf is here in Ambassage from the States, uppon whose commynge all the lordes are assembled, and in weightie affayers as greately busied as at any tyme I have knowen them. At your good ley sure, I wolde * Frances Poyntz, married to Sir John Berkeley of Beverston Castle, co. Gloucester. | Charles Philippe de Croy, Marquis d'Havre. be right glad of your good companye, but I shold do you wronge to desire your leaving of the quiet ease you take at Copthall for our troblesome courting life ; and therefore when your selfe shall best lyke, you shalbe best wellcome . . . ' P.S. " Sir I thanke you muche for your frenche cooke whom as yet I have lyttell provid, but hope well of his connynge." Signed. 1 p. SIR NICHOLAS POYNTZ to his brother, THOMAS HENEAGE. 1577, Nov. 29. Acton. Through misunderstanding your letters I did not write to Mr. Secretary, but I hope that no one so grave and upright will heed the forged complaint of a varlet, my enemy, but will accept my answer. I have now written to him and send you the letter open, with my seal, to be delivered only if you like of it. If it may please you, talk yourself with Mr. Secretary touching me, " but do with all my hearte pray you nott to think hitt best for me to make my excuse there in my owne parson, exept by commandment I be therto forcid agaynst my wyll, and then must I wade throwgh thick and thin ass I may. . . . ' Postscript. " Bycause the matter yss such ass I wold not have knowon to any that servith me, therefor I have writon to Mr. Secretary in my owne scriblid hand." Holograph. 1 p. BRIDGET, COUNTESS OF BEDFORD to SIR THOMAS HENEAGE. 1577, Dec. 26. Exeter. " Good Sir Thomas, I have receved your letter, wherby I reape no smale comfort of the contynuannce of her Highnes great goodness towardes my Lord and me. Being the only thing we desyre by our lyf and service to mayneteyne, and every waye (as occasion may geve us leave) to increase. And wher by you I fynd her Highnes care to streach even upon myne, it is a thing I more (if yt may be) esteme, then her favor upon myself : whos yeres are now not long to contynue by course of nature, and therfore would be glad to joyne in that my happyness, thos who are better able to serve, and likelyer to contynue by her to be comaunded : And so would be most glad yt might pleas her Highness to accept my Lord Gray as one of myne, whose estate in that degree standing in worse termes, I most desyre to have yt amended : Ever carving that indyfferent mynd amongst my chyldren (of which I make no smale accompt of hym) most to releve them, who stand in most need. The abylytie of the man I will not speak of, becawse he is so nere me : Mary, tendring hym as I do I cannot but be greatly greved to see hym want the comfort of her favor, without the which our lyves are loathsome unto us. Well I will saye no more, but leave the success to God and her Highnes good pleasure. And for yourself I will now forbeare to yeld thankes wher deedes are fytter to be bestowed, restyng in goodwill every way as thankfull to you, as you are any way to be used 24 by me. So praing that I may be most hartly comended to iny Lady your wyf as to yourself, do forbeare further to trouble you, and byd you most hartly farewell. 5 ' Signed, " your assurede frende for ever, B. Bedforde." KATHERINE, LADY FINCH to her son ME. MOYLE FINCH. 1580,* Dec. 6. Eastwell. " Sonne Fynch I ame most willing to be with my good daughter in her travayle and to see my lady heanage and my lyttle ones butt if tyme will suffer I wold stay here untill after newe yeares day for that I do then appoynt God willing to have dyvers of my freandes and neyghbours heare with me and therfore lett me have my daughters opinyon by this berer for setting all matters apart the lord suffering I will not fayle to be with her : if this bearer may have the mesure of your parler I will send you hangings for the same or any other thinge in this house may pleasure you : and so with the lords blessing and myne and most harti com- mendations to your self and my good daugter from all your freands heare, I committ you and all yours to hys mercifull and continual] goodnes." Signed, Katheryne Fynche. 1 p. GEORGE WIATT to his brother[-in-law], MOYLE FYNCH. 1582, Oct. 19. " According to my promis I have moved my Lady (as your desiare was) tuchinge an asshurans by bonds betwene her selfe, my father Sentleger, and my selfe, on the one side, and your selfe on the other side, for your sisters mony. Whareto she will by no meanes condesend, affirminge that she will admit no alteration herein. . . . The controversye betweene Mr. John Audly and me I have gained and ther with a paire of glovese, which I bequeve unto my sister your wife, whome I am shuer he will not defraude of them, seinge he can not but know the dutes that belonge to wimen that is so parfect in Tullise offices. The place is as I saide in his first booke of Offic[es] in the treates of temperans. The woords are " Nostro quidem more cum parentes puberes fillii, cum soceris generi non lavantur. . . . ' 1 p. W. POYNTZ to his Master, SIR THOMAS HENEAGE. 1583, July 4. Heneage House. "I delyveryd your letters to Mistris Skydmore, and your token to her Majestie . . . and recevyd thys answer from her : that her highnes estemed much of the Jewell both for the rarenes and devyse, becawse ytt was the best that ever she sawe of that kynde, but she estemed muche more of the good wyll of hym that sent ytt, for whose sake she woolde weare ytt tyll hys retourne on that eare that sholde not herken to any thinge that sholde any wayes hurte hym that sent ytt ; and as the woorde amat iste sine fine was yours to her so wolde she have * Endorsed in error " 1560." 25 ytt hers to you I love sine fine. And besydes that, for so gentleye remembring of herr she sent you ten thowsand myllyons of thankes and wyll send you a token agayne before your retorne, which she prayeth may be sone, for she mysseth you all redye. Mr. Secretarye hath not byn well att ese synce your departure but hath kept hys chamber. I delyveryd your letters to hym, and he desyred a note whether to send to you in Yorke." I also delivered your letters to my Lady Lay ton, Mr. Brakenburye and the Earl of Huntington, who sends one to you and another to the Archbishop of York. I also enclose letters from Mr. Fenton (who is come to-day to the court) Mr. Bertie and my lady. The lowest price I can " drive it to here " for the stone for your terrace stairs is sixteen pence a foot, to have it laid, and I to find the carriage thither. It should be gone about presently for there is not so much stone hi London of that sort as- will do it. " My ladye hath wrytten to me that she ys muche offendyd for your coche, and sayth that my ladye Manwood hath a better then yours for twenty-five pounds. Yf any man have a better then yours for the pryce that you paye, I dare be bownde to loose a hundred pounds. Yf the losse of my lyfe had lyne on ytt I coolde do no more then I dyd." She orders me not to suffer her old coach to be new trimmed till she can be at the doing of it herself. I delivered your letters to Mr. Osborne " who hummeth and haeth at them " and says money is very scant and will have to be looked for. Postscript. " If your bracelet be donne at Hyllyardes, you shall receive it by this bearer. Hardret hath not one of those glasses you wrote to me for, nor yet any other." 2 pp. W. POYNTZ to his mistress, LADY HENEAGE. 1583, July 23. Heneage House. I have received your letters and sent those for my master by Talbott's man, who is ridden to York, and with them letters of Mr. Brakenburyes and Mr. Bartyes. Those to my Lady Warwick I have given into her own hands. She sends you thanks and commenda- tions ; also commendations to her cousin Fynche and his wife, and their daughter Anne. " I was yesternyght with Mistress Skydmore to knowe ho we her Majestic dyd, who delyveryd me a token from her Majestic to my master. Ytt was a butterflye of mother of perle as I take ytt, with this message, that her Excellencye knoweing that her Saiiguyne was farre in the colde north countrye where no [butter] flyes weare, dyd send hym that butterflye to playe with, that he myght allwayes remember her that sent ytt, and she her selfe dyd and wolde weare the bodkyn and pendant that he sent her on that eare that sholde heare nothing that sholde hurte him ; and further that she had sent to knowe where you weare, and understoode you were in Kent, and therefore prayd hym to haste home that she myght see you bothe, but she knewe not to which of you he sholde be best wellcome ; and further to give him a thousand thankes for the care he had to here from her. " All the newes that I can learne here ys that Mr. Parrett* who stale awaye my ladye of Essex daughter ys comytted to the Fleete, and Burrowes, one of the offycers of the shypps who was sent in the barke Talbott to take the pyrattes on the narrowe seas hath taken Mr. Purser the chefe pyratt hys barke and flye bote, and one Clynton, a nother pyratt and his barke, and one other with his pynas, whose name I cannot tell." I trust my master's stairs at Copthall will please him well enough. They will be 13 inches broad. I would have had them 14 inches, but necessity hath no law ; the time is so short that it was not possible to have the stones hewed, and you shall never have any of that breadth ready made. I shall be with Mr. Gull at the assizes, and on my return will certify your ladyship what is done. Postscript. " It ys thought the quene removyth one tewysdaye next to Syon, and from thens to Otelandes. The Lord Jesus bee with you." 2 pp. Addressed, " To the ryght woorshypfull my especyall good ladye and Mistress the Lady Henneage, of her Majesties most honorable privye chamber gyve these att Mote near Can- terburye with sped." SIR PHILIP SIDNEY to SIR MOYLE FINCH. 1585, Dec. 20. Flushing. " Cousen Fynche, Having nowe occasion for the furnishing of my bande of horsemen to become a begger unto many of my good frendes for horses, I have thought good emongest the rest to make bolde with you, Praying you to pleasure me with a serviceable horse out of your Quyrrie, Which I assure you at this tyme wilbe very wellcome unto me, And you shall fynde that I will deserve this favour at your handes. And so I comitt you to God." "Your very loving cousen," Signed, " Philip Sidnei." | p. W. POYNTZ to his mistress LADY HENEAGE. 1586, April 9. Utricke. On Easter even I came to Rochester, but found that her Majesty's ship the Bull was gone to Queenborowe, where I found her waiting for the captain, who was to bring down the treasure. On Easter Day at night he arrived, and next morning we went as low as Margate, where Mr. Edward Norrys came aboard. With the evening tide we weighed anchor, but when we came to the Foreland the wind had grown so great that the master and captain resolved to go no further. I was so importunate that at one of the clock he weighed anchor again and took * Sir Thos. Perrott married Lady Dorothy Devereux in July, 1683. 27 the seas. It blew so sore that it broke the yard of our foresail clean asunder, but they pieced it to serve their turn so well that by twelve of the clock that Tuesday we came before Flushing, and so to the Ramekyns Castle, where I went aland, and so on foot to Myddelborough and from thence to Anne we. There I took shipping to Dort and again to Vyenna [Vuanne] where I took a skewte which brought me to Utrycke. Here I found my master in good health, who was not a little glad of my coming, and so were all the company of English men. " I lacked not guydes to brynge me to my master hys lodgeing, for every gentleman that met me wolde needes bringe me . . . so gredye they were to heare of newes." After my master had looked upon his letters, he went to his Excellency [the Earl of Leicester], " who joyed not a lyttle att hys comeing, and I do assure your ladyship that ytt ys not possyble for a man to use any hi better sorte then hys Excellencye doth my master." 1 p. SIR MOYLE FINCH. 1588, July 24. The camp at Tilbury West. Commission from the Earl of Leicester (lieutenant general of the forces levied for defence of the Queen and country) appointing Sir Moyle Finch, her Majesty's treasurer at wars, to be colonel of a foot regiment. Signed and sealed by Leicester. Counter- signed Rych. Lloyd. Parchment. 1 sheet. 1588, Aug. 15. The camp at Tilbury West. Warrant from the Earl of Leicester, to all those whom it may concern, to be aiding and assisting to Sir Moyle Finch, treasurer at wars or his deputies, in the provision of such men, carriages, horses, boats, &c, as he may need in the discharge of his duties. Signed and sealed by the Earl. 1 p. Also Commission from Sir Moyle Finch to " the bearer," appointing him his deputy for the execution of the above warrant (recited). Signed and sealed. 1 p. R. EARL OF LEICESTER to SIR MOYLE FINCH. 1588, August 17. Stone. Warrant to make entry of Mr. Horsey and Mr. Hussey and their " companies of launcers," lately come up from Dorsetshire, in her Majesty's pay from the 10th inst, when they began to give their attendance at the Court, and also to imprest to them half a month's pay, to be defalked out of their entertainment. Postscript. Desires that the muster master may " repaire hither to Dertford presentlie to take view of theis gentlemen's horses." Signed. $ p. Addressed, " To Sir Moyle Finche knight, treasurer of her Majesties Army for forraine invasions." 28 THOMAS PINCH to his brother SIR MOYLE FINCH. 1588[-9], March 13. Dover. I write to request your wonted favour for some necessary help, in which you may stand me in stead, either by Mr. Vice-chamberlain's or your favourable letter to our two generals. " Beinge appoynted by Sir Fra. Dracke to the Fortune of Dover, was countermaunded by my Lord Generall to the William and John of Lime, a ship liking me very well. But as I was disapoynted in my former, so is theyr one Captain Ward disapoynted in the second, upon which occacion he laboreth to be shipped according to his former appoyntedment, against whom I labor to injoy my present possession." This matter will be decided before your letter can come to them, but perceiving you regard my credit, they will be the more favourable to me ; "in which your letter, I besech you let thanks be joyned for theyr good regard they had of me for your sake." My money was all spent long before I left Canterbury, towards my soldiers' victuals, but " such is the frindship I find of Mr. John Moore as that I have duringe the shipps lyinge here my lodginge and most of my meat and drinke, for which favor I besech you give him thanks for me." 1 p. E[LIZABETH] FINCH to her mother, LADY HENEAGE, at Court. [1589 ?*] April 27. Eastwell. This nyght late Mr. Fynch receved sum letters from his lawyers that kepes him ocupyed so as he prays you pardun him that he writes not to you, we can here send you no news but earnestly desiar to here sum thing from you we writ to you sence we herde any thyng from you, my thynkes we shuld here now of sum prety progres, so Copthall be not in the way I wolld be very glad of it for that I hope then we shuld se you here, wher I think surely you shuld fynd very good and swet ayre that shuld in sum sort suply such other lackes as you shuld fynd here with all, and so praying the lord Jesus to kepe you ever, with Mr. F[ynch] and my humbyl duty to my father and you I leve trobylyng you. . . . " I can not forgyt my parke but must nedes remember it, I am every day so besy abowt the seyng the tymber feled for it." Endorsed. " To the Lady Heneage, From Lady E. Finch, 27 Aprill." 1 p. Seal of arms. SIR MOYLE FINCH to his mother[-in-law] LADY HENEAGE. 1589, May 17. Eastwell. I do greatly thank you for the good news you send me. " We are here wher litle goeth forward with moch adoc. On Tuesday we send the children to Stubbes, of whoine I am well persuaded, for their booke * Moyle Finch was knighted 1584-5 ; but the wives of knights often spoke of their husbands as " Mr." 29 and other usage. I shall sone know how it will fall out. I wish that eyther you might tary at the Corte without hurt, or wold lyke to come hyther with so moch trouble, because I am more trobled to thynke that when you shold be at home, which is so seldome, I shold not be with you. I beseach you that the Parke may be remembered. ... I thynke that before her Majesties half promis be forgotten, it wer better spoken of agayne then after. . . ." Postscript by Lady Finch. " I must not forget my humble duty to my Father and you, with my thanks for his remem- brance of me." 1 p. W. LOED COBHAM to SIR Tnos. SCOTT and SIR THOS. SONDES, deputy lieutenants of East Kent. 1589, Dec. 5. London. Informing them that in accordance with the Queen's commission to him to appoint one or more provost marshals in his lieutenancy, " for the punishment of all souldiers, marriners, masteries men and other vagrant persons wandring abroad contrary to her Majesties procla- macion," he has nominated Thomas Nevinson of Eastry, gent., a person of good discretion and ability, to be provost marshal in the Lathes of Scray, Ship way and St. Augustines with the city of Canterbury. And for the better execution of the service, sends them instructions which he prays them earnestly to see carefully observed by the justices of the Peace and others. Moreover, as her Majesty is unwilling that the office of provost marshal shall continue at the cost of the country for longer time than is necessary to deliver the country of idle and vagrant persons, the money to be assessed for this charge is to be levied monthly, and " collected by three third parts of the taxation upon the pound in the last payment of the subsidy, as namely two pence in the pound of the valuation in lands for every of theis three monethes, if it shall happen to have soe long continuance, and three halfe pence in the pound of the valuation in goods monethly for the first two monethes, and a penny in the pound for the last moneth." One or two justices of the Peace are to be appointed in each lath to receive the moneys as they are collected, and pay them over to the provost marshals and their horsemen, according to the rate of their " service and continuance." Postscript. They are to give the provost marshal his orders in writing, and to acquaint the justices therewith, sending them copies of the instructions and of these letters. Copy. I p. CARDINAL CAETANO to the MARECHAL BIRON. 1590, Feb. 28. Paris. His Holiness has heard so much of your Excellency's valour and piety, from many persons, and especially by the testimony of Cardinal Moresino, that upon appointing me his legate in France, he laid it upon me as a principal commission to give you his blessing, as also to inform 30 you of his Holiness's views in relation to my mission, and to avail myself of your advice for the conservation in that realm of the Catholic faith, of which, he knows well, your Excellency has been at all times the valiant defender. But as, up to this time, I have not been able to see you, I desire at least to salute you by letter, and to communicate to you his Holiness's purpose in this my legation, viz. to uphold the Catholic religion and preserve the integrity of the kingdom for those who will lawfully succeed to it. It will be very pleasing to me if your Excellency could offer me any occasion to serve you, that I might show my high esteem for you and the fatherly goodwill of his Holiness. What more I have to say to you, I pray you to learn from the bearer, to whom I have spoken at length. Copy. Italian. 1 p. ADVERTISEMENTS from EDWARD GRYMESTONE. 1590, Aug. [10-]20. Dieppe. " The King understandinge that de Mayne was somewhat retyred meanyng to presse Parris more and to hynder all entrie of victualls, on the 25 of July caused the Mareshall Byron and the Baron of Byron to seise upon the suburbes of St. Martyn, St. Dermys, Mommartre and Set. Honore which [sic] then was Fervagues and Set. Luc ; this was don and they barricaded even at the gates of the towne with very smalle losse. St. Anthoriye's . Gate could not be shutt upp by reason of the Bastylle and the Bulwarkes, but to prevent all entringe the King hath daylie in gard 500 horse at Petit St. Anthonye's. " On the other syde of the ryver the Mareschall d'Omont, [d'Aumont] Monsieur Chastillon and La Verd}^! with their troupes did seize on the wholle suburbes so as nowthinge can come in or owt but by the King's permission. " The 27 the King was advertised that D. Mayne did bend his forces towardes La Ferte sur Tonarre which his nobylitie much rejoyced at. They all resolved to fight. The King gave commandment that all lewde women should depart the campe, that they should absteyn from swearinge and that every one should prepare himself for that happie daye. The King went himself the 2 of August to Laigny to assure the place and sent Monsieur Guytry to Meanx to discover the enemye. ' The 4 of August the King declared in cownsell the state of Parris and that they mynded to treate, so as they demaunded pasport by Monsieur Dandelotte who had byn taken prisoner, for the Cardynall Gondye and the Bishop of Lyons, their trayne, coches, mulettes and equipage, which was refused them. " Their pasport was accorded to come the next day to Petit St. Anthony whether the King would vouchsafe to come. " Sonday at one of the clock the deputies came and were receyved by Monsieur Byron, who brought them to the Abbey where the King receyved them with great courtesye, and 31 gave them audyence in his chamber in the presence of the Prynces, the Maresshalls, Offycers of the Crowne and those of his Cownsell. " The CardjTiall Gondy, who spake first, takinge the grownd of his speeche from the myseryes that Fraunce did endure sayd that the only desyre to see an ende of them had brought them to his Majestic, with charge from them of Parris to goe to the Duke de Mayne to treate a generall peace, and this was the somme of their charge. "The King causinge them to retyre, consulted what he should doe and after conference with eyther of them aparte he caused Monsieur de Revoll to see their comission which was to go to the King of Navarre and after to the Duk de Mayne to treate a generall peace. Then callinge them together he gave them this answere : " No man knoweth better then my self the myseries that my Realme suffreth. None hath more interest nor can better seeke and fynde the remedyes to theise mischiefes with more zeale and goodwill then my self, myseries which wee terme extreeme and daungerous synce the warr of the Ligue hath caused the death of our King and poluted the honour of the French Nation. " That he could be well pleased if any Potentate straunger should seeke to deale betwixt him and the Duk de Mayne, who is head of an army composed of Spanyardes, but to see his subjectes of Parris do yt he could not alowe of yt. They ought to have come to hym in an other sorte. " That Parris was his eldest daughter, that he did supporte ther daunger with sorrow and could subdue them by force if he pleased. He from whom they should take all their releif in extremytie would that they should receyve yt ymedyatly from him and not by the mediacion of the King of Spaigne or Monsieur de Mayne. " That with the helpe of God and ayde of his nobilyte he would hynder the King of Spaygne from plantinge of newe collonyes in Fraunce. " Yow ought, said hee, to dye for shame (you that ar borne and bredd French) to subject your selves to the slavery of Spayne, and to see 10,000 sowles dye for honger in your streetes of Parris. " The King hevinge made a longe and passionate discourse with them, concluded that Parris beinge in great extremytio they had most neede of present remedye ; he offred them 8 dayes to goe begge relief from the Due de Mayne, with charge that they should presently treate for Parris and that they should give in ostages to satisfie the accorde and if the Due de Mayne did not releive them then the capitulacion to take effect and the King to be receyved in Parris. Whereto they answered that they desyred to begyn with a generall peace the which was the course had byn always observed with the Hugonytes. The King answered with greate affeccion 32 that he desyred nothinge more then their good. After all that, fynding the cure of St. Severyn the King used him with so good termes as he protested with teares that if hee had byn governor of Parris they should yeeld the next daye ; And retournynge to the towne he so perswaded them to yeeld (as some say) that they comytted hym to prison. " Their extremytie is great. The poorer eat bread made of slate* and the Pryncesses made of oates, It is credebly reported that within the parrish of St. Martyn des Chamos there dyed within 2 dayes 900 children of famyne. Their streetes ar paved with dead carcasses and their rampiers ful of famyshed creatures cryinge owt for releif yet their hartes hardned and see not their own myserie, for they say twoe within the town cryinge the One Vive le roy and the other ' Yeeld, Yeld ' were both hanged. " Madame de Mayne sent her husband word that she had not bread for 2 dayes, disyringe him if he had no care of her yet hee would take pittie of his children and howse and eyther releyve them quickly or make a peace. " The Duke makes no hast to releve yt. Some thinkes that hee attends the Duke of Parma with his armye but the wyser ar of opynyon he will not come what shewe soever he make. But I hope he shall come too late for Parris, which cannot hould out longe. The King doth wishe his comynge and as yt seemeth feareth him not much for that he hath suffred St. Luc to come downe to Pont de Larche with 400 horsse and hath taken Cbasteau Gallard by composicion. " The King the 10th of August went with certeyn horsemen towards Meaux to discover the enemy, where comyng to a bridge of boates they had made over the Marne, commanded his gentlemen to leave their horses, charged their Corps de Guarde which was of the Spanyardes mutyns, drowned 200 of them, tooke eight of their commanders and made all the wholle army ready to move awaye and so he returned. " At Roan they ar in greate division, having three factions in the towne, but none for the King in open shewe. One is for Monsieur de Mylleray who houldes the Castell and the owld Pallace. Ane other is for the Vycount of Tavannes, and the third for the Governour of Newhaven [i.e. Havre de Grace], so as they say they ar barricaded one against an other and their gates shutte. " We have newes from Parry s that they contynewe still obstynate and yet in wonderfull great extremitie. The Due de Mayne treates harde to make his peace and speakes all the good he can of the King. The Chevallier d'Aumalle hath kissed the King's handes and retourned very well satisfied. "It is thought the Due de Mayne hath above 3,000 horse and 8,000 foote. The Duke of Parma is at Arras where he hath assembled the States to have their consentes to come * Slate or slat : pod or husk, as of peas, &c. Wright, Dialect Dictionary. 33 downe, the which is thought they will not grant him." 3 pp. Endorsed, " Advertisements from Deepe of the 20 of Aug. Stila nova." SIR ROBERT CECIL to his " cousin," LADY HENEAQE.* [1591-93?] "Your cousin shewed me your letter, which I am required to answer in her behalf, being most concerning my owne fortune. The lady that told you of her Mistresses resolution, I assure you for my part heares more then I do. . . . for more then Mr. Vice-Chamberlayne himself at his howse did tell me thereof, I have not to any purpose receavyd other advertisement ; only this my Lord did deliver to the Queen his great and ernest desire to leave the place to whom her Majesty would assigne it, having many moneths indured the burden of it ; to whom her Highnes answer was, that it shold shortly be don, and that to his comforte ; since which time he hath been sick, and but that my Lord Chancellor moving her Majesty likewise to the same effect, receavyd like answer ... I have not heard anything woorthy hope or credit. But for Mr. Vice-Chamberlaine's honorable answer . . . I can only promis him and you all love and service in requitall of your underserved favour and kindnes. " For the other matter your ladyship wisheth so well unto, I hope the best," nothing happening that " is other then of best hope and likelihood, which shall continue and prosper the better for your ladyship's good praiers." Holograph. 1 p. SIR THOMAS HENEAGE to his daughter ELIZABETH. 1592, September 15. "At Sherbourn the courte." " I thank you my good Besse for your letter, but bicause you wryte that your Mother feeles not herself well, thoe she wryte nothing thereof me, I pray you particulerly advertise me by this bearer (whome I send of purpose) how she doth. How we doo heare you shall knowe by your mother, to whome and to your self my Lady Shefeld most hartely commends her and praed me to send you word that she longed for lytle Besse. More I have no leasure for, but to wyshe me at Estwell. And so praye the Lord Jesus ever to blesse you. Your father that loves you, T. Heneage." Signed. \ p. Addressed, " To my doghter the Lady Fynche at Estwell." E. R[ALEGH] to SIR MOYLE FINCH. [1592.] The Tower. Your kinness and me ladis con- teneweth to the end and ever : wich must and douth bind me to aknooleg hit forever : for my sicke esstat I wryt to you the manner ther of befor : I contenew even so stell : * This was probably written to the first Lady Heneago (who died in 1593), as the second kept her title of Countess of Southampton. Wt. 29495. FI 3 34 yet have I such help as I may, but I will now tri your ladis medsen ; I thanke you for your advis to wryt to Mr. vis-cham- barlin : I will parforrfi hit to moro in such sort as hee may shoo hit the q[ueen] : I can most willingly wryt to him wher I asur my selfe of helpe : sine I have wrytten to me L[ord] Chambarlin wher I much hope for non : but so must I be reuled. I am dayly put in hope of my deliverey : but I protest I will not hope tell your fathar* [come ?] hether : I asur you treuly I never desiared nor never wolde desiar my lebbarti with out the good likeking ne [nor] advising of Sur W[alter] R[alegh] : hit tis not this in prisonment if I bought hit with my life that shuld make me thinke hit long if hit shuld doo him harme to speke of my delivery : but Sur R. S[ecill ?] was somwhat deseved in his Jugment hi that and hit may be hee findeth his eror : I pray you tell your ladi I reseved heer kind lettar from Cubbam [Cobham]: when wee mit wee will talke of hit : the to war standeth just in the way to Kent from Copthall : and who knooeth what will be com of me when I am out : the plage is gretly sesid and ever hath bin cliar heer a bout : and wee ar trew with in ourselfes I can .asur you. Towar, ever asureedly yours in frinshep. E. R." Holograph. 1 p. [N.B. Ralegh and Elizabeth Throgmorton were believed not to be married until after their release from the Tower, but the signature of this letter (E.R. not E.T.), seems to point to an earlier private marriage.] QUEEN ELIZABETH to [Sin MOYLE FINCH] Sheriff of Kent, and the late DEPUTY LIEUTENANTS there. [1597,] April 29, anno 39. Palace of Westminster. Is sending Sir Thomas Wilford, knight, " a man of good experience in service," to muster 450 of the most able men of the county, to be in readiness to be committed to such captains as shall be nominated by the Council. Desires the sheriff to take care that Sir Thomas may be " assisted with all good meanes to execute this service." Sign manual, " Elizabeth R." 1 p. Seal impressed. QUEEN ELIZABETH to [Sm MOYLE FINCH], Sheriff of Kent. 1597, April 29. Palace of Westminster. Upon advertise- ment that the Cardinal of Austria, with a large force has entered France and is drawing towards the sea coast, which there is cause to doubt may be for the attempting of Boulogne or some other port town, she desires that six hundred men of the trained bands " or other best armed " of his county be " out of hand chosen " to be ready to go to the relief of such town upon order received. Sign manual. % p. Seal impressed. * i.e., father-in-law, the Vice-Chamberlain, Sir Thomas Heneage. 35 JUSTICE FRANCIS GAWDY. 1597, Aug. 1. Greenwich. Privy seal addressed to "our trusty and welbeloved [blank] Gawdye, one of our Justices of our Bench," demanding a loan of 60/. for one year, to be paid to Benedict Barneham or Thomas Lowe, aldermen, appointed collectors thereof. With receipt for the said sum, Nov. 12 following, by Thomas Lowe. 1 p. HENRY LORD COBHAM to SIR MOYLE FINCH. 1601[-2], January 11. " From my house in Blackfriars." Praying him to re-consider his appointment of the bearer, John Taillour, to be collector of the subsidy in Scraye Lathe, as he is at least eighty years of age " and oughte in regard of his yeerestobe priviledged," and there are divers others in the Lathe " of very good worth and value, and farre fitter for it.'? Signed, f p. THOMAS FINCH* to his father, SIR MOYLE FINCH. [1605,] Aug. 23. Padua. I have received your letters and the bill for 70?., and whereas you enjoin me to learn to ride, and bestow 20/. extraordinary upon me, " besides my moste humble thankes my uttermoste indevors shall be ever studiouse to deserve it. As yet I have not begunne to ride, yet I am in some waie of agreement with an excellent rider in this towne which pleaseth me much better then to turne backe to Florence or Naples, since besides the charge and trouble of revewinge those places before seen I shall be heer with equall hope of learninge well, and with much more commoditie for my studies, for the best professors of the civill lawe of Italic readinge shortlie in the scooles I shold willinglie be theyr auditor, neverthelesse reservinge no other will to my selfe then a desire to obey your comandes I shall rest in this place but till I hear your further pleasure. Signed. 1 p. [ Year date given in endorsement.] THOMAS SCOTT to LORD RICHE. 1605, Dec. 18. Though my name is scarce known to your lordship, I venture thus boldly to write to you in my own behalf, lest I should be prevented by the timely haste of others. " These temporall blessings of God lately bestowed uppon your noble sonne Sir Roberte Riche, give him occasion to inlarge his train of followers, both for fashion and necessarie use, amongst whome my humble suite is I mighte be inter- tained. ... I have heeretofore spent my tyme at the Inns of Courte, and since at the Courte itself, where I served an honorable ladie, the Marchioness of Northampton in place of her seacreterie, by whome I was preferde to the Earle of Cumberlande, but never imployed accordinge to my firste * Second son of Sir Moyle. Afterwards baronet, and Earl of Winchilsea. 36 appointment, his owne hopes falling shorte of that use hee expected in the present state, and his late death cuttinge off my loste service and givinge me libertie otherwise to dispose of my self and my fortunes, which I humblie presente to your honor and your noble sonne. . . . None shall folio we your lordship with more affection, nor discharge their service with more diligence and honestie. I beseech your honour not to censure this action of presumption, but prevention, and soe to graunte me your pardon. I had rather runn single with the tyme, then com after welaccompanied but too late." 1 p. SIR HENRY GAWDY to LORD RICHE. [1605?] Dec. 24. " I receyved your honors letters the mydest of this 24 day of December," and nobody would have been more ready to perform any office of love or duty to your honour or my late good uncle* than I ; but I hope your lordship will pardon my not coming upon this sudden, the way being long and the time short, so that I cannot do what I desire. No man has wished better to Sir Robert than myself (of my uncle's alliance), and none, I think, dealt so boldly with him for Sir Robert and his grand-child. For my part, I am sure there will be honourable performance of all my Lord Gawdy hath desired, and my being there, in this so unfit time to travel, might give reason to think that I " suspected more than cause required." I have always been forward in my love to Sir Robert and his wife, and shall be as ready " to perform any last part of Christian duty to Lord Gawdy when time shall serve as any that loved him most, and to continue, as I have begun, to Sir Robert, his faithful and loving kinsman. Holograph. 1| p. Seal of arms. JOHN Rous to NATHANIEL RICHE. [After 1605,] Jan. 7. Stating, in reply to a letter just received, that neither Sir Wymond Carye or any other of those mentioned ever occupied the close or pasture called Esthall close, by grant from the late Lord Gawdy ; the writer having had the same in use long before Sir Wymond ever dealt for the abbey, and having paid farm rent for it to the late Lord Gawdy up to the time of his death. Signed. \ p. Seal of arms. * Sir Francis Gawdy, Lord Chief Justice of Common Pleas, is supposed to have died in the first half of 1606, but if these letters refer to his death, as seems probable, it must have taken place at the end of 1605. It certainly was not so late as Dec. 1 606, for Sir Edward Coke succeeded to his place in June of that year. Indeed, Sir J. Rous's letter of April, 1606, (p. 37 below) implies that he was then no longer alive. His grandchild, Frances (the child of his only daughter, Lady Newport) married Sir Robert Rich in February, 1605. 37 HENRY UYLETT to SIR JOHN Rons, Wellington. 1606, April 5. King's Lynn. Concerning the interest due to his " Mother Grave " for two sums of 600Z. and 400?. The interest for the former sum should have been due last Christmas, but it had pleased the judge, then Sir Francis Gawdey, to renew the band, and make it fall due four months later, which is this April. His mother's humble suit to Lord Riche and Sir Robert Riche is that either the debt may be paid, or that new bands may be made, as those bound in the old ones are very anxious to be discharged. 1 p. Endorsed, " Mr. Violett of Lynn." SIR JOHN Rous to SIR ROBERT RICH. 1606, April 18. Wallington. Is sorry that he cannot send Sir Robert as much money from the estate as he asks for, and also that neither Mr. Oxborough, Sir Ralph Hall, or the Lynn merchants can arrange for its exchange in London. He will leave it sealed up at Riston, and has asked Mr. Rous to see how it can be paid, otherwise it must be sent for. When Sir Robert returns, he must remove his plate. Would have sent it to Sir Ralph's, but not having the key, dares not move it, as it is so loose that it would be bruised and spoiled. 1 p. Seal of arms. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1606, April. I think I shall have to go away before receiving your half year's revenue, it cometh in so coldly, and men will hold the ancient custom not to pay but upon court days. I have told some of them that you will not be bridled by their former customs, and that if they will not pay at your own time, others will. I desire the rather to be gone because your charge is the more for my being here, but I think it will be within two days of Easter before I can go home, and then even a little too soon, as a court is held at Shouldham Thorpe on Good Friday, when your tenants will pay and not before. Touching your sea-wall upon the common, as you cannot have the good-will of the tenants there to make an inset, I have gotten it mended in places the most needful. It is not much the better, but as it usually hath been mended, for a shift. There is no great opposition, except "by an idle headed fellowe that talkethe without understanding," therefore I think if we set a work to make an inset you may do it. Some of the tenants say if you will give them 20s. a year for ever, they will give their willing consent thereto, and if five acres be taken out of the common, as they talk, they must have no less. You must resolve of it speedily because the time of the year will not long serve for right seasoning and settling the wall. If you do not make an inset, the workmen say they must make a jetty, which in our country they call a groyne. This will stand you in little less than the whole charge of the 38 inset, accounting wood (which would be 101. at least) and men's labour, and would not be of so long continuance. Mr. Pinchbecke and myself are at an end for Blackborough Abby. He hath it for 40Z. this year until Michaelmas next. I have reserved the wood to your use. " I had muche to doe with him of and on ; at the first he would have wood and all." He says his son can prove a " lease parrole " from Lord Gawdy, but is too busy to come here, to which I answered that he would have been here to prove his strength if he had had any. He is to give you quiet possession of the Abbey house six days before Michaelmas, and of the land on Michaelmas day. [Here follow other business arrangements.] I only learned yesterday that the small tithes (calves, lambs, and pigs) of Shouldham Thorpe are due to you ; I fear from want of demand they are lost or near lost, being sold by those who should have paid them. The offerings also are yours, and I have charged Mr. Harrison, the reader there, to bring me in an account of them. He demands 50s. for serving the cure at Shouldham Thorpe, due half yearly, which is unpaid, and for the like cure at Shouldham 4Z. per annum, which it seemeth Mr. Shouldham hath paid him as usually he was wont. This Harrison used to farm the small tythes of Mr. Godbould, paying for them and the offerings 201. a year, but because Mr. Becke stands out and will not pay tithes, Mr. Godbould has let all sink, and so these small tithes " lie hi water." If Mr. Becke will not pay the tithes, you only are like to receive the loss, for Mr. Godbould is sure you will allow him to receive the full benefit from your grandfather's grant. Since I write these former lines, I have understood from Mr. Godbould that you and my lord would let Mr. Becke have the tithes for 501. a year, so I went to him again, " but the gent, is strait laced" and will not give more than the 45L which he offered before. 4 pp., very closely written. Unsigned, but in Sir John's handwriting. The date is mentioned in the letter. THOMAS FINCH to his father, SIR MOYLE FINCH. [1606,] June 10. Orleans. After a long journey, he is " arrived into France, and to this town the 25th of the last month," but has until now found no possibility of sending a letter. He does not offer to give any account of what he has done, knowing that his father would rather hear it hereafter by his tongue than now by his pen. Holograph. | p. [Year date given in endorsement.] Seal with device of a sunflower looking up to the sun. On either side, Finche. THE SAME to his sister, LADY TWISDEN, at her house in Redcrosse Street, London. [1606,] July 15. Orleans. To assure her of his affection and remembrance. 1 p. 39 SIR JOHN WENTWORTH to his father-in-law, SIR MOYLE FINCH. [1607?] June 24. Midsommer. "If you wold entertayne me of your counsell I wold give it you without fees ; and yet this I am aboute to give you, shold savor of a fee it is so good ; were I (I confess my ambition to you) of your worth in my estate, in the eye of the world still poynted at for honor, I wold not let such Skip Jacks oute of smale merrit to purchase continuall starts hi there degrees of place, whereof your selfe are more worthy in all respects, and not entertayne that which is often offered you ; my lady B. sayth that the union being a business of much consequence and treble, and men of all condicions employed hi there countrys service, whereof some that in tymes past and lately went bare footo in Socland [sic] the Kinge hath synce oute of his generall favor made some of them Earlls, to gratefy there greate paynes ; so that my selfe neither thinking it much paynes for them, being for soe good a service, and being ready to further such a busines in my best wishes, I think not but synce I have scarce worne any other then Spanish lether shoos synce I first went to scoole, I am allso capable of such honors if the Kinge will give them me ; but not to be to prowde, I wish your coming to save charges of coach hyer to Graves Inn, ellse I thinke to mak use of my sister to goe with her by Peckham and so with most desiers to waight upon you at Estwell ; we will make all convenient hast we can, and howsoever here or there we hope shortly to see you." Holograph. 1 p. HENEAQE FINCH to his father, SIR MOYLE FINCH. 1611, Aug. 14. I have been hindered from writing by " an exercise of the house,* where I was to instruct some of the young gentlemen, from which, without great necessity had enforced me, I could not conveniently spare any tyme." If the business with Mr. Castle is despatched I know no business to cause me to stay in town after our reading is ended, which will be by Monday next, or peradventure by Friday. I purpose to be at Peckham (having occasion to speak with my brother Twisden) on Tuesday night, and if it pleases you to send horses thither for my brother Frank and me, we will come to Eastwell, God willing, on Wednesday. I cannot find the record which you desire. Mr. Hagar says expressly that none of the Forest Records were ever returned, and that the best way is to enquire of such as have those papers which Lord Sussex' secretary then kept. If Mr. Wallenger, that then served Justice Browne, knew anything. I doubt not he would give you the best light he may ; but Mr. Risley, counsel with Sir Robert Wroth lay in his house last assizes, to whom, if he discovered your intention, they might gather on Sir Robert's side that you are not able to find the record . Therefore * The Inner Temple. 40 perhaps speech by word of mouth, slightly and as asked by chance, might be better than a letter. The writ against Mr. Elrington you thought better not to serve until the beginning of the term, that he might not have notice too long before. I shall be in London soon enough to take it out. Postscript. " I had occasion yesterday by reason of the invitation of some guests for Mr. Reader to see your house at Charterhouse, and to see St. Johns, where all are well. My lord North asked me how you and my lady did, . . and desired to have his service remembered." Holograph. l p. JOHN FINCH to his father, SIR MOYLE FINCH. [1612 ?*] "My extraordinary ill fortunes having driven me to much fruitless trouble and expence which has added to that which my labour was imployed to remoove ; And considering what my case is and what tis like to be, tis not hard for me to see how neare my former folly has brought me to a desperate fortune, such as (in the course I now stand) what is best for me to doe is not easily found ; what is good past finding. My choice is of ills the best, not of goods, and in it to putt on a resolution of content : But that can only prevent the like inconvenience for the tyme to come, not cure what is past. Both which ought and shall be, so farre as God shall enable me, the objects of my care. I humbly thanke you Sir that it hath pleased you to give me leave to make a bargain in future which may serve me for a helpe in present. And though it be but a badde one yet tis the best I have reason to hope for in the waye I now walke. I have spent much tyme about it and not without much charge (it having occasioned me to be better acquainted with the streetes then with my chamber or studdye, and more with Tavernes then the Temple Hall). . . . But I had rather venter myself some other way than lose so much of my future possibility. "And having well advised with my selfe what course were fittest for me to take I can finde none promissing fairer for the speedie repaire of my fortunes then that hopefull viage of that worthy gentleman Sir Harry Thinne, with whome yf it may please you to make me able to goe and venter as you shall thinke fitt and take order for my debts, which are under a 1,000 markes, so that yf I should miscarry, my debts might not be unsatisfied, nor I leave my suretyes in pawne for them (then which I should be content much rather to loose all hope of getting and give all fortunes to come) , I doubt not but that yf it please God that I returne safe, I shall easily make to you satisfaction for all, and make to my selfe a fortune besides ; yf I [do] not returne, my portion * In 1012, Sir Henry Thynno was planning an expedition to Persia (see Gal. S.P. Dow., 1011-18, p. 127). But before that he had intended one to Guiana, and later, in 1014, one to the East Indies (see Cal. Colonial Papers, East Indies, 1513-1016, p. 347), so that the date of this letter is doubtful. 41 will not be great and ventured (as I thinke) upon good ground. Thinke not this (I pray Sir) a rash desire in me ; For my fault is rather in taking too much deliberation before I resolve, then too little. Neither that my desire is to leave the studdy of the lawe, in which I have taken much paines, but to make my selfe more fitt for it, yf it please God (under whose protection I shall rest there as well as heere) I returne : The danger I thinke is not great, many have ventured as much and come safe. For my owne part had I the command of my selfe and abilitie to goe through in this enterprise I wold not be kept backe through the danger of fire or water. I see no cause for me to feare the danger of sea, or sea fight, or sea sicknes yf it should come to me. These things are common to all and trouble me not. There is nothing else but the heat of the countrye, which why I should not indure as well as others that have bin there and returned safe I know not. Thus commending this suite of mine to your good consideration which (yf it be not the last I shall ever make or trouble you withall) will I am sure be for me the best and least hurte to you, with my humblest duty to you I rest &c." 1 p., closely written. EDWARD DENNY* to SIR MOYLE FINCH. [1603-1614.] Promises to speak to my Lord of Canterbury about certain " fee deer " claimed by Sir Moyle, but fears " the walk is so weak " that there is small hope of raising three, as desired. Will inform himself of the forest division of walks so that he may better know how to perform his duty both to his Majesty and to his friend. 1 p. SIR MOYLE FINCH to his son, HENEAGE FINCH, at the . Inner Temple. [Before 1614.] Praying him to look after certain law business for him, as he himself cannot reach London in time. Believes that his son is too full of business to " entend it " himself, but hopes he may " for money procure to have copies taken of all that is needfull . . . and bestowe one houre to enforme some counsailour to draw the bill." Would like Mr. Edwards if he be not of counsell with the contrary party ; if not, his [Sir Moyle's] brother,! Mr. Hadd or Mr. Hendene, Hopes Sir John Wentworth will discharge Mr. Listar either " by paying at his time," by sale of land, or by " taking up money upon my band." 1 p. Postscript by Lady Finch. " If ther be any advantage in law to be takyn of your father in this busenes, assure you it will be had of him, therefore I pray by al meanes ... if your own busenes be so great that it will not spare you time * Denny was created a Baron in 1604, but his signature remained the same, and thus does not aid in fixing the date. f Sir Henry Finch, serjeant at law. 42 to do it yourself, yet I wish then your father payd for som counseler to look to this, for I cannot chuse but be out of dout al vantage will be takyn of him that may be." 1 p. Seal with griffin. LADY FRANCES TUFTON* to LADY FINCH. [Before 1614.] Concerning some matter in dispute between her husband and Mr. Chute, of which Mr. Tufton will speak with Sir Moyle at Ashford (Asford). Also thanking Lady Finch for her gift of " fair lobsters," and regretting that "Hathfield" will not afford any dainty to send in return. Holograph (?). 1 p. THOMAS FINCH to his father, SIR MOYLE FINCH. [Before 1614,] Oct. 1. Beverlaie. Concerning the gathering hi of rents and the reckoning of " arerages." Finds the price of wool much " baser " than last year. Has given order for the " drapes " and hopes in his next letter to tell of the sale of some of them. 1 p. TRAINED BANDS OF KENT. 1621. The strength of the trained bands of Kent, viz. pikemen, muskets and calivers, as they were mustered anno 1621. Lath of St. Augustine and city of Canterbury, besides the ports. Captains, Sir Peter Manwood, Sir Dudley Diggs, Sir William Lovelace the elder, knights. Total number, 1,030. Lath of Shepway and the hundreds annexed, besides the ports. Captains, Sir Nicholas Tufton, Sir Thomas Honywood, Sir Robert Darrell, knights ; Edward Scott, Thomas Smith, Humphrey Blechenden, esquires ; Mr. John Fagg. Total, 1,256. Lath of Scray, besides the ports. Captains, Sir Richard Sondis, Sir Thomas Norton, Sir William Lovelace the younger, knights ; Sir Thos. Roberts, bart. Total, 806. Lath of Aylesford and city of Rochester, besides the ports. Captains, Sir Percivall Hart, Sir Francis Barnham, Sir Thomas Culpeper, Sir George Rivers, knights ; Mr. Leigh of Rochester. Total, 987. Lath of Sutton at Hone. Captains, Sir Thomas Walsingham the elder, Sir Ralph Bosvill, Sir William Barnes, knights. Total, 576. Lances in the whole shire, 50. Light Horsemen : Lath of St. Augustine's and city of Canterbury. Captain, Sir Thomas Palmer, bart. * Nicholas Tufton was knighted before he married Lady Frances "about 1605," but, as stated before, it was not unusual for the wives of knights to speak of them as "Mr." 43 Lath of Shepway. Captain, Sir Timothy Thornhill, knight. Lath of Scray. Captain, Sir Edward Hales, bart. Lath of Aylesford and city of Rochester. Captain, Sir Edward Filmer, knight. Lath of Sutton at Hone. Captain, Sir Henry Bosvill, knight. Totals : Armed men .. .. .. 1,921 Musketeers 2,392 Calyvers . . . . . . . . 46 Lances . . . . . . . . 50 Light Horse . . . . . . 182 Total 4,591 The whole strength of horse and foot within the county of Kent, ... is 4,985. Notes by SIK HENEAGE FINCH. [1625, Dec. 1626, May.]" Memo. That at the howse of my mother the Ladie Viscountess of Maidston at East well in Kent I received uppon Thursday the 29th daye of December, 1625. a letter from the Lord Keeper written the 26th of December, as foloweth " ' Sir, his Majestye hath this day resolved to holde a Par- liament at Westminster the 5th of February next and doth fix uppon yourself e to be Speaker of the House of Commons, and hath commanded me to signify his pleasure unto you to prepare yourselfe accordingly. Now least this newes of an imployment of trouble and some charge should be unwelcom, lett me further as a frende that rejoiceth in your weale, advertise you that together with this commandment I received from his Majestye a verie confident expression of his gratious and good opinion of your faithfulness, worth and abilities, which was effectualy and very affectionatly confirmed by my Lord Duke of Buckingham ; and wishing you happy successe for the good of the publick and yourselfe, I rest your verie assured friende, Thomas Coventrye, S.C. " ' Hampton Court, 26 December, 1625.' " To which I made this answer and retorned it by the messenger. " ' It may please your good Lordship, I am and ever shalbe so confident of your noble favor to me that I did hope my humble suite when I latly waited uppon your Lordship might for this tyme have prevented my nominacion to this imployment. " ' Nevertheless I must acknowledg myself e most infmitly bounde to his Majestye for his grace and goodness to me, that in so publick and important a service is pleased to take me 44 into his princely thoughts. And if my abilities were sutable to my humble desire to doe his Majestye's service I should with much cherefulness undertake this. "'However I would not be subject to misconstruccion in seking to shunne the imployment. But if your Lordship uppon conference with my Lord the Duke of Buckingham his Grace (to whom I perceive by your Lordship's letters I have (as I am much otherwise) bene bounde in this particuler) shall holde it fitt to move his Majestye to conferr the service uppon some other, I shall holde it for an especiall favor to me, and I hope it wilbe no disservice to his Majesty. If otherwise I must in this as in all things els submitt myselfe to his Majestye's royall will and pleasure. Your Lordship's in all humbleness to be commanded, Heneage Finche. " ' Eastwell, 29 December, 1625.' " At my comming to London which was about a sevenight after, I did waite upon my Lord Keper, who tolde me he had not yet moved neither the King nor the Duke according to my letters, but would if I thought fitt ; but said he thought it would be to litle purpose, assuring me that it was the King's owne nominacion and he was not easily removed. And attending my Lord of Buckingham I received the like answer from him that it would be to no purpose and might be ill taken to decline the service. " He brought me to the Kinge to kisse his hande, and so I prepared for it. " And in regard my house at St. Bartholomews was too farre from the Parliament house I hired a howse in Chanon Rowe near Westminster of my Lord Viscount Grandison. " The Lord Keper about tenn dayes before the beginning of the Parliament spake to me for my spech. I not having then thought of it tolde him I would with as much speede as the business of the terme would suffer me, and did first sett downe the heads of the speech, that his Lordship might knowe the matter and then the lesse tyme before the day of presentation might serve for the spech it selfe. The heads I delivered him 29 January at his howse, which was thus." [Here follow heads of the speech, to the usual effect his own desire to be excused, praise of the King, &c.]. " The speech it selfe so soone as I had made [i.e. composed] it I delivered to my Lord Keeper which was uppon Sunday at night, 5 February. " Memo. That Monday 6 February the Parliament beganne and the Kinge and Lord Keeper spake to this effect." [Blank. The Lord Keeper's speech is given in the Old Parliamentary History, vi., 412.] " After the Kinge and the Lord Keper had ended their speches (sic) those of the Howse which were present were so many that the King did conceive my selfe with the whole Howse had bene there, and so beganne and both he and my Lord Keper ended their speches whilst the Privy Counsell of the 45 Howse and my selfe with divers other members of the Howse sate in the Howse expecting according to the ancient manner that the usher of the Upper Howse should have comme for us, which he did not. " Nevertheless after the retorne of those that were there which was the greater parte of the Howse by much, Mr. Treasurer taking information as others did privatly that the King had commanded them to make choice of a Speaker propounded my self as a person fitt to be their Speaker, which I excused to this effect." [Here follows an account of the usual pro- ceedings on such an occasion ; the Speaker's reluctance and apologies, the insistance of the House, his presentation to the King in the Upper House, the Lord Keeper's speech, &c. Then comes the new Speaker's own speech, which is printed in Rushworth, vol. i, p. 204, with hardly any variants, but with many small (probably printer's) errors, of which the following are the most important : p. 204, 1. 31, for " fall and reverse" read " fall as rivers " ; I. 48, for " still enthroned in the state" read " sits enthroned in the height." p. 205, I. 11, for "made in limning, but for public things . . . which the least eye may see " read " made in little, these are public things . . . which the weakest eye may see " ; 1. 17, for " will then think " read "will else think " ; /. 52, for " posterities " read " proselites." p. 206, I. 21, for " impudent elusion," read " impious allusions " ; I. 36, for " by your royal head " read " by your royal hand."] " This ended, the Lord Keeper rose again and went to the King and kneeled awhile, and then came back to his seat and made answer to this effect : [Touches on the various points of Finch's speech, the advantages of Monarchy, the end and uses of Parliaments, and the greatness and goodness of the King, especially as shown in his journey to Spain, where he had discovered and broken the snares laid both for his people and their religion. Justice now flourishes in all his courts ; the public services of religion and the sacraments have never been so duly per- formed ; priests and Jesuits, " that not long since gazed upon the sun at noon-day . . . dare not now walk in the owl light ; " and having discovered and revealed the designs of Spain, his Majesty has engaged himself in a great and chargeable war for the redeeming of his own, his father's, and the nation's honour, for restoring the Palatinate, and for settling the quiet of the Christian religion, now opprest and trodden under foot by Spain and the House of Austria.] Wednesday, March 15, 1625[-6]. " A speeche delivered by me to the Kinge at Whitehall, the whole howse going with me " : [Speech given in Rushworth, i, 216.] ' This was penned by a select committee and allowed by the Howse, and ordered to be so delivered to the King in 46 hcec verba, which I did accordingly, and the King spake unexpectedly to me, and I thinke to the Howse. I had not anything to take notes with, but out of my memory, when I came home, I did sett downe the heads of that I remembred : " The King spake to this effect : * " The answer you have given me to supplye me is so full that I thank you for it. And as he begann so he concluded with thanks for this but wisht it so speedy and in such measure as it might be of value to us and him, adding that it concerned us as well as him ; we should be the first that should suffer for wante of it, he should be the last that should be eaten upp. " He said he observed a parenthesis in our answer (a parenthesis not a condicion) to which he must make answer. He had observed in former tymes and in his father's tyme when himself sate in Parliament that no good King did ever use to stopp his eares against the just petitions of his people but ready to heare their grevances. But he gave us some fewe cautions. He wisht we should take care to present such as he might receive them with alacrety. That we should not so much labor to finde faults as to reforme errors ; much less fall uppon persons and finde fault with persons rather then with things, especialy not his Majestye's servants ; and above all not with such as were nerest to him and most estemed by him. " It was sometime said what shalbe done to the man whom the Kinge will honor. Now all the labor is how to dishonor him whom the Kinge honors. " In my father's tyme when he (meaning the Duke) was a means to breake the treaties [with Spain] you thought and said in your Howse (I may call it your Howse because though you were not all then present the Parliament is still the same) all was too litle that the Kinge could doe for him. " I knowe not what he hath done since to deserve your ill opinion. I have bene so farr from adding to him that all that he hath done since is but to engage himself, his estate and f rends for my service and towards those ends which were proposed by you. " This I speake by reason that some of your Howse (I cannot saye your Howse enterteined it), but some of your Howse preceded by way of enquiry uppon his person, a way of so dangerous and ill consequence that I holde it not fitt for the meanest person. " There was an other speech in your Howse but of that I forbeare to speake because it is in agitation in your Howse and I doubt not but you will doe me right therein ; only I mention it that you may knowe Mr. Chancellor brought the message from me." * This speech is printed in Rushworth (and thence copied into the Old Parl. Hist.) and there is another version at the British Museum (Add. MS. 22,474, fol. 10.) The differences between the two being considerable, it is interesting to have a third report, which, though not taken down during delivery, was written immediately afterwards, 47 " Nota. That before this speeche delivered by me, the Kinge sent a message to the howse by Mr. Chancellour of the Exchecker [March 14] to this effect : [Complaining of the speeches of Mr. Clement Coke and Dr. Turner. Printed in Rushworth, i, 218.] [March 7.]* Upon a conference desired by the Lords, by a committee of our howse, with a committee of theirs, which the howse yelded unto ; the Lord Archbishop first said to this effect : " [That the day before, a lord, zealous for the good of the country, had made a proposition! that the Parliament had now sat a month, yet had not entered into the care of what most concerned the honour and safety of the country, viz. : What course to take to withstand the designs of Spain ; whereupon the Lords had craved this meeting, that " a noble lord or two " might acquaint them with the matter.] Speech by the Lord Chamberlain (Pembroke). " Gentlemen, I am commanded by the howse of peeres to declare unto you the generall estate of the affaires of Christendom how they stood uppon the breach of the Treaties and how they now stande, and then to commande some particulars as the grounds why we desire this conference. " I will beginne with the generall and folow the order of tyme. Presently uppon the breach of the Treaty, the first most pressing consideracion of my master now with God was the state of Germany, where he founde nothing but his children disherited, the Protestant partie and true religion thereby almost ruined, a dyett ready to be called to take away for ever all hope of restitution, and no head to oppose. " The first stepp to resist this was an offer of Count ManselPs [Mansfeld] to raise an army and so to countenance a party to make head against these desperat designes, which his Majestye imbraced. "It is true the army had many misfortunes, some from Heaven, some by ill accidents which no councell could prevent, yet was it not altogether fruitless, for it gave encouragment to our Allies and specialy to that great and famous King, the King of Denmark, who being a cautelous and wary Prince sent my master worde he would not begin to showe himself till he might see him realy engaged ; that done he would sell himself to his shirte and shewe himself not only a brother but a servant unto him. " This of Mansfeld gave him assurance. He tooke this to be an ingagement and thereuppon entered into a treaty and undertooke the warre and brought an army into the field where in his owne person he commandes and (God be thanked) hath hitherto had prosperous success. * This is out of chronological order. See Finch's note on p. 49 below. t On March 6. See Lords' Journals, iii, 517. The proposal was made by Buckingham. 48 " The next consideracion was the state of the Lowe Countries, which presented themselves in a miserable condition, much affrighted with the losse of Breda sometimes helde impregnable, then by the death of a prudent, great and faithfull captain the Prince of Orange, and disharted by a great and mighty faction of Arminians which troubled them more at home then the enemy abroad. My master did not looke on those things to worke on necessities [sic], but wisly and gravly considering that this people was one of the safest out- workes from [sic] keeping the enemy from comming uppon our counterscarf (as I may so call it) he endeavoured to make such a peace with them as might be available to himself, which though it were chargable yet was not my master unmindfull of his owne security and advantage. " For as ofte as my master shall sett forth a fleete they are to be at the charge of the fourth parte and to have only a fourth parte of the spoiles. The landes and cities conquered are to be the Kinge's. Divers other particulers there are which are too longe to tell you. " This done, towards the ende of the peace (which is no newes to tell you) my master wanted money and was not punctualy able to performe the monthly payment to the King of Denmark, who thereuppon was solicited to fall to new treaties. " And uppon this occasion my Lord of Buckingham was sent into the Lowe Countries and though it were difficult at that tyme to be had he caried with him threscore thowsand pounds for that purpose, and his Grace, to his honor be it spoken, pawned his Jewells for thirty thowsand pounds more. " This strengthened the Kinge of Denmark and Maunsfeld, brought in the King of Sweden and Bethlem Gaber in the league for the liberty of Germany, from which none of the confederats are to departe till the Princes be restored to their right and liberties. The King of Denmarke wilbe fifty thowsand strong in the beginning of the yere and Bethlem Gaber will have a mighty army to fall in uppon that side. " And though the Kinge of France declare not himself openly to enter into the league yet there is good hope his friendship wilbe as availeable by assisting them with money and perchance with men or otherwise underhand. " And the Kinge of Denmark is agreed that when my master shall make a pourefull diversion sequall to the charge which our King is att there, his quota shall cease and what money shall comme from the Kinge of France for this business shalbe for the use of my master. " His Majesty by my Lord Admirall's care hath a fleete now ready for the bodies of the shipps, munition and powder. There wilbe nothing wanting but only for victualls and mony to pay the soldiers. Now we must offer to your consideracion whether you will not thinke fitt for the setting out of this fleete 49 that victualls be provided, the tyme being now seasonable and will shortly growe nought ; and to provide meanes to paye the King of Denmark, now likely to be master of the field ; otherwise he may make his condicions with the Emperor, withdrawe his army and so all those great forces of the enemy will irremediably fall uppon the Lowe Countries. " Now I have to request first that you gentlemen of the Howse of Commons will not weigh the importance of this business by the weakness of my expressions, secondly to my Lords that if I have forgotten any thing they will pardon me and supply it with their remembrance, knowing how extreme short a tyme I had and no notes to helpe me. " His Lordship recollected these two particulers, that with this fleete we may secure our coasts and free our merchants from these catching Dunkirkers, and that by the treaty with the States 8,OOOZ. the month is to cease in Aprill next." " Memo. This was before the King's message to us to knowe what supply we would give. And the message concerning Mr. Coke and Dr. Turner was also after this, for Mr. Coke's wordes which were first spoken were uppon that message of the King's concerning supplye. " Nota. The Monday after my answer delivered to the King, viz., 20 Martii 1625[-6], the Kinge wrote a letter to me in haBC verba. [Given in Rushworth, i, 214.] " I did bidd the clerke reade the letter itselfe. The howse heard it twice read and debated it, and appointed Thursday next for it, at which tyme it was said by some they desired to heare the necessities opened, which at that day was done by Mr. Secretary Coke, and made very great. The howse put off the debate till Monday, at which daye they agreed to give three subsidies and three fifteens, to be paid all within a yere ; the bill to come in when the King had answered our grevances. " Tewsday morning after, the King sent a message to the howse for the whole howse to attende him at Whitehall the next morning, and in the meane tyme to ajourne the howse and all committees. We ajourned it till Thursday morning at 9 a clock. I came to Whitehall and all our howse on Wednesday at nine of the clocke in the morning where the Lords and Judges were also, and the King and Lord Keeper spake as foloweth . " [King's speech, Lord Keeper's speech and King's second speech, all given in Rushworth, i, 221 el seq. The versions are almost verbatim the same, allowing for a few printer's errors. On p. 221, I. 29, for " Kingdonnow" read " Christendom " ; I. 38, for " because you shall see " read " because I hope you shall see." P. 222, I. 4, for " therefore the errand," read " therefore since the errand." P. 223, I. 11, /or "effect" read "respect"; /. 21, for " cautions of weight and discretion," read " caution, warrant and direction" ; 1. 23, for " procured " read " provoked." Wt. 29495. Ft 4 50 P. 224, L 9, for " carefulness " read " cheerfulness " ; I.' 15, for " erected " read " expected " ; L 30, /or " not come " read " not to come " ; L 30, for " expression " read " profession." P. 225, /. 12, for " time " read " thing " ; L 14, for " seem " read " seek " ; Z, 23, add " and in end, though with more dishonour, it comes all to one man's door."] Thursday morning after [March 30], the Howse ordered to enterteine no speech or debate of any other business till consideracion were had what answer to give the Kinge ; presently after the Lords sent a message desiring a conference with a Committee of our whole Howse instantly in the Faulted Chamber and the messenger made knowne to us that it was concerning an explanacion of some things that were yesterday delivered by the King and the Lord Keper at Whitehall. The conference was yeilded unto, and at their returne the Howse rose. And Friday morning Sir Dudly Digges, who was one of the six that were appointed for Reporters, reported so much as he conceived matter of explanation, and said that the Committees doubted whether the residue, being the greatest parte matter of apologie of the Duke and in some things depending here in the Howse, and other parte concerning forain negotiations, ought to be reported or no, which if it were resolved to be reported the speches were so longe that they desired tyme till next morning. After variety of debate it was resolved that all should be reported. And the next day the report was made, and a Committee of the whole Howse to consider, mj^self sitting by. And for the ease of them, they moving a Subcommittee to collect the speches, I gave them the speches verbatim as they were delivered by the King and the Lord Keeper which they tooke and appointed a Subcommittee of twelve to consider of them and of the explanacions, and acordingly to frame some fitt remonstrance to be brought back to the Howse to be presented to the Kinge, who sate that afternoone and all Monday forenoone and afternOone. [Here follow 8 blank pages, left for " the speeches delivered by the Lordes uppon the conferens praied by them," which speeches have not been entered.] The Humble Remonstrance of the Commons to the King. [Printed in Rushworih, i, 243, almost verbatim as here ; but on p. 244, 1. 11 from bottom, for " service " read " sorrow."] ' This was brought in by the subcommittee to the grand committee and with some alterations there presented to the howse [April 4], where with a fewe alteracions more it was made as here is written and so agreed to be engrossed and was presented to the Kinge by Mr. Secretary Coke to read, the howse leaving it to him and Mr. Chancellor of the Exchecker to agree betweene them who should doe it. The King appointed twenty or thirty of the howse, and the gallery for the place." [A page left blank.] 51 Petition of George, Lord Digby of Sherborne, to the House of Commons. " Humbly sheweing, that being sonne and heire to the Earle of Bristol, and desireing rather to succeede to unblemished honor then any other inheritaunce ; having understood that the honor and good name of the said Earle his father hath been much wronged by many sinister aspersions cast upon him by the Duke of Buckingham before both howses of Parliament, which dishonors will descend unto his posteritye (being upon Record) unless they shall be duely cleared : " Now forasmuch as the said Earle his father (as befitteth a Peere of this realme), hath for redress of his said wronges petitioned the howse of Peeres, where it is only proper for him to move : And hath there charged the Duke of Buckingham for the wronging of him hi point of his honor and allsoe for haveinge abused theire Majesties and both the howses of Parliament, as will appeare unto this honorable howse by the annexed paper, which is a true coppie of the chardg which his father hath given in against the said Duke of Buckingham : " He therefore humblie beseecheth this honorable howse hi the behalfe of himselfe and of his whole family, who are part of the body of the Commons : That as the said aspertions have bene cast in both howses uppon the said Earle his father, the which he no way doubteth but he will fully cleare hi the howse of peeres, soe you would be pleased in your high wisdomes to take some such course whereby satisfaction may be given unto this honorable howse for the clearing of the said aspertions, which is readie to be done by your supplyant in any sort this honorable howse shall thinke fitt ; or els that nothing may remaine uppon record to the dis- honor of the said Earle and his posteritye. And he shall ever pray," etc. Articles of the Earl of Bristol against the Duke of Buckingham, May 1, 1626. [Printed in Rushworth, i, 262.] [Under date May 1 hi the Journals is the entry, "A petition, with Articles annexed, from the Lord Digby, tendered to the House. Commons' Journals, i, 852.] This book contains 45 written pp., mostly in Finch's own hand. The rest of the book is blank. On the vellum back is ivritten, " Parliament. My brother speaker." MEMBERS OF THE COUNCIL OF PROVIDENCE to " THEIR HONOURS." 1640, June 17. Island of Providence. " Since Captaine Butler's departure hence, Captaine Carter and Mr. Gladman intruded themselves in despight of the rest of the Counsell to shoulder the whole burden of our Commonwealth ... so that we still remaine in an exceeding disordered condition, 52 and had not the God of peace and order taken more then an ordinary care and charge over us, our state might ere this have bine brought to utter confusion . . . True it is there were many occasions offered by them tending to discord and dissension, as their denying us that are of the Counsell the priviledge of Counsellors, and many other particular affronts . . . done by vile persons in the very face of the country, and that with Capt. Carter and Mr. Gladmans approbation, or at least connivence ; and yet the Lord turned it all into an occasion of shewing us his goodness in the continuall pre- servation of our peace . . . We forbeare to mention other particulars at this time, as Capt. Carters executing the office of Government without oath, banishing some, imprisoning others without alledging any cause or affording them the just priviledge of a trial!, and winking at horrible crying sins. . . . The wonderfull mercy of God towards us which we have now to declare to your honours, shall silence them for the present. Yet in the first place we cannot but humbly thanke your honours for that good incouragement which you sent us in a letter by Capt. Dell, which . . . coming so seasonably to us, was a meanes somewhat to qualify the furious spirits of those whom Capt. Butler had sett on fier against us." May 27, 1640. A frigate brought news of a fleet, supposed to be Spaniards, lying about ten leagues from the Rankadores ; whereat some of the inhabitants scoffingly made answer that surely they were not ships but boobies and those that had taken the power were no whit more watchful, nor bestirred themselves in preparations. May 28, Thursday. The supposed boobies proved to be 13 sail of Spanish ships, " all upon the wing ready to flye into our harbour ; upon sight whereof there was an alarme made by three great guns from our forts " and our beacons were fired, summoning all men to their appointed posts. They came at first very fair for our harbour, but upon sight of our forts, and of a man of war and two little frigates in the harbour they fell to the leeward, and spent the day in beating up again. Towards the evening, 9 of them came to anchor over against Brook fort, out of reach of our guns, the others being kept out by the wind and current. Their Admiral (of 800 tons) carried twenty, their Vice- Admiral twenty-four great guns. They had with them a ship called the Black Robin, formerly Lord Warwick's. The rest were frigates, of various burden. In this mean while, some of our islanders took two guns that lay useless (one from Warwick fort, the other from a frigate), one of which was sent by water to Victorious Bay, where the Spaniards assaulted us five years ago, but it was overset in the sea. The other was safely conveyed to the place intended, 53 The soldiers that belonged to the leeward division came up to the windward (save such as manned the forts), some this evening, others the next morning (May 29), as we expected the assault there ; for which cause we planted a brass gun in Blewfield's Bay, and also a great gun which came from the Black Rock fort. This proceeding was watched by their carvill, which had on board their governor appointed for this Island, who being himself in person to make the first assault, did judge (as it appeared) this (i.e., Black Rock) the likeliest place for an assault, by the weakening of this fort by the removal of the said gun, and also because the gun at the Black river's mouth (a place convenient to land in) was at this time dismounted. As their ship passed along she received some shot from our forts, and a small vessel sent to sound our channel to the windward, " being skared by a shott from the Windermost Fort, winded an home and returned to her fellowes. "All this while we expected to have a parley with them but wee had no such kinde dealing from them, minding (as it seemes) the event of their former so doing, and therefore would now proove wiser (as they supposed) by forbearing their rhetorique and trying their strength at the first." May 30. They plied a little to the windward and there anchored again. In the afternoon their boats went from vessel to vessel, as if for consultation, and we expected an onset, but there being no passage for their greater vessels without coming under command of three of our forts, they were better advised than to adventure their ships into such danger, or their boats where their ships could not succour them. " All this while our men cheerfully attended . . . only those that had taken upon them to bee our chiefe commanders shewed now in the time of danger no small weaknes and pusillanimity, being so farre from directing or incouraging others that they needed it most of all themselves. Our deputy Governor, Generall, Admirall, Counsellor of warre and Counsellor of the land (with all which titles he was pleased to imblazon himself e in publicke) . . . had not now so much spirit or power left in him as to use but the words of command, and where intreatyes did not prevaile, he rested himself e content." God put it into the hearts of many, as well of the common sort as others, to propose things convenient for the business ; "he liked all, they acted all, and all agreed ; insomuch as he neither commanded nor they obeyed ; our order was a disorder, and yet all wrought together for our good." All this while our enemies delayed to make an incursion upon us, partly as we conjectured hoping " to gett some intelligence of the state of our island by runnagadoes (as they might well do) seeing many English and negroes had formerly so desperately adventured to flee from us to them in 54 severall boats and kanooes, . . . but blessed be God, they failed of their expectation." About four o'clock on Saturday afternoon their fleet fell down to the leeward, and we exchanged shots with them as they passed along. Perceiving by their drawing near to the shore that they meant to assault us, our men hastened to attend the enemy (some, as Capt. Badcock and his company, being already gone) ; but before starting they came near to Warwick Fort, and " gave an exceeding great showt, which much revived the drooping spirits of the weaker sexe, who for the most part were there gathered together, amongst whom were some bigge with childe, others with infants hanging upon the breast and little ones in their hands, fearing the accomplishment of our Saviour's woe upon themselves . . . and so they, with the ministers, while the enemy did lay siege to us, did by the powerfull engine of praier lay siege to heaven." Had your honours seen the strange behaviour of those who have so bitterly inveighed against us to you, you would have required no further testimony to justify us, for seeing what a price they now set upon the exhortations and prayers of those whom in times of safety they had opposed, one would scarce have judged them to be the same men. Our soldiers were not a hundred men, although the forts were drained to strengthen them, and scarce enough left in them to manage the guns ; " for those that had taken upon them the command of all had much weakened the land by sending forth neere about halfe the strength of the same in sundry vessells at sea to take purchase, some whereof were gunners of forts and other officers besides . . . Of those fewe left among us, seaventeene were officers, whereof there were but three of your Honours' ordeining; these for the most part were but as cyphars and lookers on, being so needlesse for the present occasion that God himselfe seemed to put them out of office in affording them no roome for an employment, that he might have all the glory of our great victory unto himselfe alone. ' This small company marched with all speed to repell the enemy at his landing, some of them bareheaded and bare- footed, and for other clothes having scarse enough to cover their nakedness. In this their travell, being about three miles, they were wearied by reason of their much hast, and surbaited* for want of shooes, yet through the goodness of God they were not disheartened, but came to the place of the enemies assault both opportunely and courageously. ' The enemy being now come to an anchor directly against the Black Rock fort, began to plye his great ordnance against the same and the shore adjoyning. On the other side, our men plyed ours upon them also, having but about three or foure guns that could reach them, whereof two were at the Black * Footsore or chafed. 55 Rock fort ; one at the Black river's mouth (now lately mounted) and another at Goats Point. And thus the fight began, being just that day twelve moneth after that Capt. Butler went hence for the taking of Truxilla. [Margin. The fight began about sixe of the clock at night and continued till about eight.] One of their vessels, viz., the carvill, drewe neerer the shore then the rest to make the better way for the more secure landing of their souldiers under her gunnes ; but (blessed be God) that neither she with hers, nor any of the rest with their ordnance, did any hurt at all, unles it were to our trees." In the meantime, they filled nine boats with soldiers, the first whereof only rowed, and towed all the rest at her stern. They steered first towards the Black river's mouth, at a point which would have been far more convenient for them and dangerous for us than the place where they afterwards landed, induced thereto we suppose by the unreadiness of our great gun ; but when they saw it mounted and playing upon them, they were utterly scared thence to a place far worse for them, about half way between the river's mouth and the fort. " They came along singing with a dreadful and formall tone pero diabolo cornuda, sa, sa, sa." When they came within musket shott of the shore, their small shott began to fire, so that all the boats seemed to be on a light fire at once. Then their boats came on ground, they crying out Victoria, victoria. Meanwhile our small shot plied them very courageously, killing many, and the very shore itself fought against them, being of slimy, slippery stones, and beset with a high cliff only to be climbed in certain places and with difficulty. Moreover our great gun at the river's mouth did good execution, but having spent her five cartridges of powder (so ill provided was she) was then spiked least she should be seized by the enemy. " But as for him who tooke upon him to be Generall, he utterly forsooke the leaguer, and sheltered himselfe in Black Rock fort, where at the time of the fight he lay upon the battery, pretending thereby to viewe how our shott took place in the enemies vessels ; but those that best knewe him conjectured it to bee rather for feare of the enemies shott." Moreover, after the fight began at the boats, the commander of the fort, which was then not at all assaulted, gave orders (in the General's presence, and no doubt by his command, as he and the commander fled out of the fort) that the guns should be spiked (which was done), the fort evacuated, the powder and match carried to Fort Warwick, and the garrison also to repair there, the only reason given being that they might all die together. Their orders would have been obeyed but for the vehement outcries of the bystanders, who with much ado brought them back into the fort, but they did not resolve to abide there till the fight was over, which (it pleased God) was not long 56 after. A certain gunner unspiked one of the great guns, which together with the small shot from our leaguer did so good execution that the enemy cried for quarter, "some lying on the beach and others swimming in the sea (many whereof were drowned) and crying for mercy with their mouths full of water, indeavouring now to returne to their boats againe, out of which their officers had at their first landing pricked them forth with rapiers." The other gun could not be unspiked, " and the Generall (being willing, as it seemes, to quitt such a place of danger) went himself e three miles for a paire of pincers, and tooke upon him a new office, to wit to fetch powder and shott for others that were more willing to fight then himself e." The enemies were now vanquished, " yet through the darknes of the night our men knew not of it, especially being so busied in fight that they could not minde the enemies' crying for quarter ... so that for halfe an houres space, they never ceased pouring in shott among them, till they had scarce an enemy left to shoote at." In the heat of the battle, many of ours had cried out " for God's sake, powder and shott," which one of our Captains stopped, lest the enemy should hear and be encouraged, " and so bid them that were thus destitute to doe as he did, who betooke himselfe to the throwing of stones, for which service our negroes thinking themselves to bee as sufficient as others, presently put themselves forward, and did good execution by this meanes." He who took upon him the command of Warwick fort, and was appointed to furnish all places with ammunition, not only did not send us any of his own accord, but told those who came for it to come again on the morrow. Moreover, he intercepted the victuals which our soldiers had provided at their own cost to be sent down to them, and " whiles they were falling in on their enemies, he fell on their victualls. . . . Moreover, after supplying his owne fort with the spoiles of his friends," he carried the remainder on board a man of war in the bay, for what cause we know not, unless to make the captain hia friend to carry him away if he saw danger. This also was judged to be the reason why the General wished to retire into Warwick Fort, viz., to provide for his safety by flight to the man of war. To return to our enemies. They next sent a fresh supply, viz., a small frigate with a boat at her stern, both filled with soldiers, but by the way met with such opposition from one of our forts, and were so saddened by the spectacle of four of their former boats (which were all that returned) that they returned to their fellows with the said boats, " fraighted for the most part with dead carkasses and wounded men ; so that of the 300 which they sent forth in their first supply, which were of the choicest and stoutest souldiers in the whole fleet, there were but two only that escaped slaughter or wounds. This we heard by a Frenchman that was taken since in a Spanish vessell." 57 Some few of the enemy escaped into the woods, but were either taken or came in of their own accord. One of these last (who came in the next morning, being Sunday) was the Governor appointed for this Island (though we knew it not till afterwards), who told us that the fleet was from Carthagena. All these prisoners were put to death forthwith by " him that took upon him to be Generall," although the appointed Governor and those with him had " yielded up themselves complete in their armes, which they resigned upon promise of quarter."* The next day (Monday) we took another prisoner who is yet alive, and, as we hear, is to go for England. All this while, we suffered not the loss of one man, and had only five hurt, two of whom have since died. Of these two, one had twice plotted to run away in a boat, and the other a little before the fight, had broken out into " fearfull and desperate curses." The other three are in little danger. Divers others were wonderfully preserved, two having their hats shot through on their heads. The number of our enemies is said by the prisoners to be 1500, though they landed only 300, by reason that two of their biggest boats were lost in a storm. The appointed Governor had with him 600 men, sent to inhabit this Island, and he had sworn upon the sacrament either to take it or leave his carcase here. They brought with them a great wooden cross to set up for their standard, besides many other small crosses, pictures and images, which were found about the bodies of the slain. "One of them was observed, having receaved a mortall wound, to teare his gods from about his neck and to throwe them away with indignation ; another of them was slaine through the picture of their Lady Mary, which was shott twice through as it did hang about his necke. They brought with them also pardons (which were found about the slaine) to lye with virgins and women, whom they might slay or keep alive at their pleasure ; but as for the men, they were all to have bine putt to the sword, as the prisoners confessed." Both during and after the fight, our men were put to exceeding straits for want of water, " so ill were things ordered among us." May 31, the Lord's day, we expected another onset, but they stirred not at all till about eight of the clock on Monday morning (June 1) when they weighed anchor, set sail, and after making show of going to the windward, suddenly bore off again and made to the offing and so departed. Their carvill stayed somewhat after the rest and made false fires (as they had done the two nights after the fight), which we conjectured was a sign for any of their men who might have escaped into the woods. They might the rather expect this * When this information reached England, orders were despatched that, if found true, Carter was to be sent home a prisoner. See Col. S.P. Colonial, 1571-1660, p. 320. 58 because so few had returned to their ships again, for the Governor of Carthagena (as the prisoners confessed) had told them " that we would fly away like so many sheepe at the very sight of an enemy approaching ; and hence it was that some of our enemies coming on shore had their muskets fastened about their bodies, bringing with them bottles of water, besides bread and cheese in their snapsacks, with pumpion seed and pease to plant, and some of them had candles and linstockes in their hands (as if the day had bine theirs beforehand.) But our enemies, perceaving no signe at all from their men, were utterly discouraged from making any further assault upon us, but departed." On Thursday, June llth, " we set apart a day of thanksgiving and rejoycing before our God, who had so wonderfully delivered us," assembling both English and heathens on the place of victory, which was aforetime known as " the Knave's acre," but now was termed the " Bloody Breach," " when, after sermon and prayer ended, we made a fier of the gods and idolatrous monuments of our enemies in the vie we and sight of our heathens, whom we did informe that the gods whom our enemies trusted in and called upon could neither save their worshippers from slaughter nor themselves from the fier. Thus the Lord turned for us our mourning into dancing, and put off our sack-cloth and girded us with gladness, and made this same a day of rejoycing and feasting, and a good day, and of sending portions one to another." [Here follow three pages of the " remarkable passages of God's providence " found in this great deliverance, as their own weakness, the exposure of their [political] opponents' cowardice, the storm which destroyed the enemies' biggest boats, the loyalty in adversity of the negroes who had often rebelled in times of prosperity, the killing of only two men, and those a runaway and a miscreant, &c., &c.] " Now our heartiest praiers shalbee that your Honours may bee stirred up to come cheerefully forth to the helpe of the Lord against the mighty . . . with a speedy and full supply both of men and ammunition, to defend both the inhabitants and your island against so potent an enemy, of whose fresh assault we are in continual] expectation." Signed, Henry Halhead, Richard Lane, Hope Sherrard, Nicholas Leverton.* 16 pp. THE KING OP FRANCE. 1646, Oct. 19. Paris. Pass for the Earl of Winchilsea and his suite. Signed, Louis. Countersigned, De Lomenie. French. 1 p. Seal. * Halhead and Lane were members of the Council, Sherrard and Leverton being "ministers." These four were, shortly after this, sent prisoners to England by the party in power, but were declared by the Court of Directors "not guilty of what was objected against them," and sent back honourably to the Island. Carter was re-called. See Colonial Calendar, 1571-1660, pp. 317-319. 50 DON MANUEL DB MOUBA COETBREAL, MARQUIS DE CASTEL RODRIGO, Lieut. -Governor of the Low Countries. 1646, Oct. 26 [n.s.]. Brussels. Permit for the Earl of Winchilsea to go from the Low Countries into France, with six servants and his horses and baggage. Signed. I p. Seal impressed on paper. CHARLES I. 1648, Sept. 28. The King's reply to the Parliament Com- missioners at Newport, given to them on this day. Signed by the King. 6 pp. [See Walker's " Perfect copye of all the votes ... in the Treaty held at Newport," 1-25.] THE PARLIAMENT COMMISSIONERS. Same date. Declaration that they cannot accept the King's reply, as it is not a direct answer to " the four pro- positions." They therefore return the paper. Signed by all fifteen Commissioners. 1 p. JOURNAL of SIR JOHN FINCH. 1651, October 1652, April." Wee sett out from London October 20, 1651. Tuesday, 21, we came to Rye, with my sister C[onway] and brothers C[onway] and F. F[inch]. Sunday, Nov. 2, wee sett out from R[ye], but by reason the winde was adverse returned. A larke pursued by a hobby flew into the hands of one of our company and was released at shore. Tuesday, Nov. 4, ten at night wee reentered our vessel which was taken from the Ostender, swift of sayl but not above 20 tun. The captain's name was Mausier, a man skilled in musick and mathematiques. He told me that sayling to the Islands of St. Christopher and Bermudas about 1639 there happened a storme wherein his own vessel and 70 more were cast away, and that he saved his life by swimming above 16 houres space. He told me upon his faith that he then did see two young ship boyes alive now in Diepe lye fast asleep in the midst of the storme upon a chest and that they came sayling upon the waves driven by the winds to the shore and that in all that space the chest never turned ; being awaked they were some time before they remembered they were cast away by a storme. He told me that the first meridian, which was always held to be in the Azores, was found by the experience of the last 40 years last past to be in the Islands of Cape du Vert." There was a report in England in August before that the Barbadoes were drowned, which was thus occasioned. A Holland vessel bound for that island having past the line where the wind is constant from east to west fell below the Barbadoes, the captain being hi drink or mistaking some points of the compasse. So it being impossible to returne 60 back he thought the place swallowed by the sea and so told them at Amsterdam, who sent it to London. I asked this captain how he could at all returne seeing he must needs passe the line. He told me that they return by the shore and that the wind from the shore breakes in upon the trade wind as they call it and by keeping neare the coast of the land they cross the line. I payed for my portage 13s. 4dL and from Rye I came by 10 of the clok Wednesday morning Nov. 5-15 to Diepe. The haven is a safe road when you are in it, but by many circuits you come into the port, so that strangers are forced to have a pilot for which each passenger shall pay | pistoll. And though wee came without such a shallop yet wee were forced to pay a quart d'escu to land. " The castle of Diepe is the house of the Duke Longeville. Wee were sent to by that Governour to know if wee knew any thing of the taking of Jersey and by that means wee got into the castle, which hath alwayes double guards and two drawbridges to passe. It commands the harbour and is well stored with guns. Theres space to lodge 10,000 men in it. Here Henry the 4th was beseiged by the Duke of Maine. Nov. 6-16 I hired a horse from Deape for 66 sols, to Rouen where I came that night. It is the biggest city in France next to Paris unlesse Lions stand in competition with it. But it is seldome free from the plague by reason that it is encompassed on every side with hils, so that the aire is not free. The vew [i.e. vieux] Palais is a place well moted and furnished with guns commanding both the town and the river. In it was one brasse peece of 25 foot taken from the Germans. Theres alwayes a garrison in it and then a Marquesse was Governour. The church of Nostre Dame built by the English (as appears by the stones of the walls, whose situation make the letters which spell the word God) is very large and hath two towers, in one of which theres a bell of 40,000/6. weight. One of the towers is called the Butter Tower, being built by Cardinall Amboyse, Archbishop of Rouen, out of that money which he gott by indulgences to give leave to eat butter in Lent. The church is richly endowed and hath more rich ornaments than any church in France unlesse St. Denis. But out of one the Priests garments wherein ther was a diamond Queene Katherin Medicis when shee was married stole it and putt a topaz in the roume of the same magnitude, which is as bigg as an hazell nutt. From Rouen the river Sequana runs to Haver de Gras, but over it there is a bridg of boats which was made by reason their other stone bridge was ill founded and is halfe fallen down, a common fault of the French bridges. From Rouen I went with the messenger for 121. to Paris on Saturday and came thither the Sunday, Nov. 9-19. " Paris is farr more populous then London and somewhat bigger because rounder, but I doe not think it so long from the Port Sainct Denis to the Port St. Marceau as from 61 Westminster to the Tower. The streets are more durty then London, yet one may walke cleaner because the streets are better paved. There are so many bridges in it that it causes inundations in the lowe parts of the city, and these bridges are so ill built that they fall down often, there being above a doozen houses destroyed with severall people drowned by the decay of a new bridge neare to the Pont d'Oiseaux and about 10,000 pistolls lost in a new bridge made for the enlarge- ment of the Hostell Dieu. Cardinal! Richlieu intended to cut the Seine into the Loyre to prevent these inundations. And though Paris is situated so low and all the filth of the houses emptied into the streets, yet the plague is very rarely amongst them ; but the diseases are most frequent amongst them are the dropsy shed stone and fievres. And the Paris physitians, be the disease what it will, alwayes open a veine and praescribe a ptisan and a purge of manna. " I was acquainted with Sir K. D[igby] who lodged in the Colledg of Bon Coeur. After the death of his Lady V[enetia] S[tanley] whom the King caused to be opened upon suspition of some poyson his enemies had suggested to have been given, he lived in Paris like an Anchorite in a long gray coat accom- panied with a great English masty [i.e. mastiff] and his beard down to his middle, till the Princesse of Germany came to visit him and told him 'twas not fitt for a man of so great parts to bury himself e alive, after which time he began to leave of that old fashion and viseted the Princesse of G[ermany] so often and gave her so many presents that the Prince sayd either he was a cockold or Sir K[enelm] D[igby] a foole. And after there was a report that he was married to Sir B[althazar] Gerbier's daughter, but it was not so. But he I thinke promoted her to the English Nunnery in the Faux Bourg St. Marceau by the Fosse, where on her probation, she being a famous beauty, the Queen of France with all the nobility came to see this unusuall example. And the Queen with her own hands cutt of her haire which was flaxen, but after two moneths of her noviship shee run away from the monastery and lives miserably now deprived of her ornament of haire. " About the 15 of February there was a lady sent by the Queen of France to be made an abbesse to the English Monastery and was sent by 400 horse to the English Abbesse and was created an abbesse of a place in Flanders by the Bishop of Dole upon pretence that shee would deliver up the town to the Prince of Conde, though the truth was her sister was married and her brother-in-law to gett the whole estate put her young against her will into Religion (a thing common in Spain). But after ten dayes 10 or 12 cavaliers with their swords and pistolls and a coach broake down the dores of the monastery and pretended an arrest from the Parliament of Paris to fetch her out, which the Abbesse would not obey. But shee was ready to be gone with them and is not yet heard of. The Abbesse sent to the Parliament to know why they 62 had given an arrest but they denied it. Mr. White at Lyons knew a nun that was crooked and her younger sister upon her marriage day came to see her who writt to her father that unlesse he did comfort her within four houres shee would kill her self. But her sister forgott to deliver the letter to her father till at night her father asking her if she had seen her sister, she remembred it. Her father immediately came to the monastery with torches but found his daughter in her chamber hanged upon the beam. " I spoke with two sisters, Mrs. Molins two Staffordshire gentlewomen ; among other things they told me that by confession the Duke D'Elbreuf gott his child the now Prince Harcourt. For the nurse after six years confessed shee had changed the child and was enjoyned by the confessour to tell the Duke of it, who by that means gott his sonne. Sir K[enelm] D[igby] told me that he went to Dr. Lamb in the Tower by persuasion of the Duke of Buckingham to convince him of apparitions, which he had denied to my Lord Cherbury, and Lamb told him that he would show him somewhat. But he did nothing but make him looke in a cylindricall glasse and broughte shapes of some horrid thing with him and bid him see in what terrible shape it rose, who discovering the imposture he told him in fine that his businesse was to be a pimpe and bid him name what lady he desired, and that my Lady of Purbeck being hated by the Dutchesse of Buckingham because she had then never a child and by the Duke because he would have helped her to one, it so happened that there was found a dead child in the privy of her house which being emptied by the next neighbour was strait spread abroad. The Dutchesse accused my Lady of murdering her child, who remembring that shee had turned away a servant upon suspition of having a child sent a constable and apprehended her who, animated by the Duke of Buckingham, accused my Lady of it. My Lady desired the child might be taken out of the grave (for they buried it after the Crowner had done his office) to see if it would bleed. The child had been above 10 weekes dead in the privy and was bound up in clouts to keep it from the filth. My Lady notwithstanding the fowel stench touched it and no blood came, which her enemies laughed at saying it could not come out of a body corrupted. The wench she touched it boldly also, crying I am as innocent as you, when strait the blood gushed out of the nose and ears. Her enemies cryed now the body was bruised shee [Lady Purbeck] would make it bleed if shee touched it, shee touched it but no blood would come ; she tooke the wench by the hand to make her touch it but she run back and falling down upon her knees confessed the fact. But my Lady would not suffer her to be pardoned least it should be said shee had bribed the wench to confesse it. The M. of Wa : (?) borrowed the Queen's Jewells upon pretence of buying them and pawned them for so many pistolls at a 63 banckquiers ; after the Prince Harcourt's plate upon pretence of inviting the Queen to supper and pawned yt, after that, Sawlius (?) plate upon pretence of dressing an altar and pawned that. This Mr. G. of I[rish ?] Coll[ege] in Paris told me. " There's one Sharbrand [? Sabran] who married my Lady Leake's daughter, an ugly fellow sent to England for an agent, where he sent word to my Lord of Dorset, who desired to know in what condition he came, either of an agent or an ambassador, these words, Je suis qui je suis. My Lord replyed being Chamberlaine, If he be God Almighty he can provide a lodging for himselfe ; I will not meddle with any for him. Mrs. Lake lives miserably with him ; her mother my Lady came over about March the 9th, 1652. But yet her case is not so sad as that of Mrs. Apsfield of Lancashire who married Monsieur de La vail and had two sonns by him ; but after his death entring upon her dower, his brother said shee was his whore and not his wife, and though shee brought proofe of her marriage and shewed 50 letters wherein he called her wife, yet the Parliament of Paris adjudged it no marriage and the second brother hath gotten all the estate from her. " One Bonaville. that sells wine at Navarr College Gate, and is one of those have the monopoly to hang the churches with black at funeralls, told me that he distributed with his own hands above 12,000 pistolls at Cardinall Richlieu's death for masses and offices to be said for him and yet that was not the tenth part, but when his body was to be buried and was carried from the Sorbon there was above 4,000 Covisters (?) that would have taken the corps and thrown it into the Seine had it not been well defended. " In Paris the Palais Luxemburgh, the house of the Due d' Orleans, built by our Queen Mother, is the best house in all respects ; but why shee would be paynted naked in the gallery I know not. The Carthusians are nigh to this who, though they never eat no flesh, yet feed upon macreaus [macreuses] Scotch barnacles. They doe not allow Bezar* because the stone of goats, nor any medcin comming from flesh in any case. To study chymistry is forbidden by their statutes as Father Mignet told me. They pray at least 11 houres in the 24, so that they have little time to study. "The coadjutor, Bishop of Corinth, was made Cardinall about February 12th ; he expected his cap so long that he told the Pope's Nuncio he would make a cardinall's capp so poore a thing that the meanest abbott in France should not desire it. Cardinall Mazarin's library was sold when I was there about March 2. The English Nunnery thrives well, their choice musick drawing all the nobility of France thither. The Archbishop of Paris would not suffer that monastery till the Bishop of Chalcedon being Cardinall Richlieu's favorite made the Cardinall move in the buisenesse, * Lapis bezoar, supposed to be an antidote for poison. 64 who sent the Archbishop word he should never be Knight of the Holy Ghost unlesse he would give way to the foundation. The house in which the Bishop of Chalcedon lives he hath given to this Nunnery in which there's one of Prince Hartcourt's daughters. They are Augustines ; 4001. every one payes for admission ; the abbesse gave 3,000?. English. " Cardinall Richlieu sent Sir Thomas Gage and Mr. James Yates to the Bastile because that theyr names were mono- syllables and he had notice that an English man with a monosyllable was the Spanish Intelligencer. Sir Thomas Gage being a boy was by the Bishop of Chalcedon's means released but Mr. Yates stayed longer. At Tournay College there's a picture of one of that College executed at London according to the manner of the execution. The like I saw at Dijon in the Carthusians church, of the Carthusians executed by Henry the 8th, but there they are represented to be boyled in cauldrons and all for refusing to consent to the marriage. In Tournay College one shewed me a peece of the Crown of Thorns ; every year at Easter holy oyl is sent from Paris to London for christnings, and the altar stone upon which the chalice stands must be consecrated by a Bishop, but diverse can obtain leave from the Bishop of Chalcedon to consecrate five or six, because the Bishop dare not goe by reason the religious orders will not admitt him but made a particular Act of Parliament be framed to banish him, the Jesuites having great friends, and the dissention at this day is great betwixt the Seculars and Religious. " One may be of the clergy and yet marry, for to have the tonsura prima is enough for that and by vertue of that cutting off a little lock of haire a man may possesse any ecclesiasticall preferment, as the Prince of Conte who hath at least 40,0001. in church preferment per annum ; and the Archbishop of Rhemes was lately made so at 18 years of age. Mr. Walter Montague gott the promise of the first Abbey that fell, and there died one who had six, of which the worst fell to his share through the Queen of France whose favourite he is, by reason he was then her servant when shee was hated by Cardinall Richlieu which was before shee had children, but after the Cardinall had sent for St. Isidores finger out of Spain and had caused prayers to be made for the Queen that shee might have a child they grew better friends and there's the picture of a father hanging up in the church belonging to the Charite in the Fauxbourghs St. Jermin who saw a child presented to him by the Virgin Mary and was told that it should be the Queen of France's child, upon which reasons the child now King is called A Deo Datus. All this came to passe after the Duke of Orleans refused to marry Dutchesse Guilliaume, Cardinall Richlieu's niece. My Lord Montague as I heard (from Mr. Sh.) when he was abed, made one of his priests come when he was familiar with his wife who was a Protestant and with holy water to besprinkle them and to 65 use In Nomine etc. that he might have a sonne. Upon whom when he had settled his estate he would have disinherited him, and seeing he could not by law, tooke a journey in his old age to Rome that the Pope might by a Ban procure his sonne to resign his estate ; but the old man died in his journey in Flanders. " Sir Henry Crompton, sent embassadour to Portingall, where they stand infinitely upon their honour, was overtaken at Nantes by a messenger from the King of France who, enquiring for the Portingall embassadour, found Sir Henry fast asleep upon a stone in the street next his Inne ; enquiring for my Lady he found her buying of tripes in the markett and loading a man to carry them home, which shee afterward did in Portingall disguised. Sir Henry gott to be embassadour by being asked if he knew a fitt man for the place and next morning saying he himself e woud take it, but he had a secretary, who after was agent, that made his speech for him and told him when he was out, but so loud that Sir Henry being deaf the bystanders tooke notice of it ; he died in Paris wretchedly, when the second sonne gott a good estate by the will. About Feb. the 8th in the chappell of the Oratorians, right against the Carthusians', I heard Dr. Stephen Goffe recant the Protestant religion ; he was my Lord Jermin's chaplain. Mr. Messenger, the Queen's Under Secretary, mam-ing Mrs. Haines a way ting gentlewoman, when he could no longer conceale it, about Feb. 26th left the Louvre a little before Mr. Hobbs was banished for his Leviathan. Mrs. Lane March 4 came to Paris and is called the King's mistress. " The Hostel Dieu for the number of diseased is a famous hospital but there's eight in a bed. But the Charite is the best accommodated that can be, as well as any gentleman in his own house. I beleive there's about 200, every man ini a bed singly. The paynes of those religious persons which I tend them is to be pitied. Upon the Pont Neuf there's an excellent statue of Henry the 4th on horseback in brasse, but the inscription saves that Lewis the 13th erected it by the advice of Cardinall Richlieu, who erected in the Place Royall another for Lewis the 13th. Cardinall Richlieu being in the head of an army in Flanders, the Queen Mother gott a counsell called being then at Luxemburgh, where they deliberated what should be done with the Cardinall, who had discontented all the nobility and stood high onely in the King's favour. Some were for his banishment, some for perpetual imprisonment, some for his beheading. The Cardinall returned victorious and comming to Paris told the King what enemies he had and the King assured him that no hurt should be done to him there. So soon as he came in publique, he was accused of treason by the Queene and her friends and shee urged he might be committed, but the King refused. Whereupon the King, by the perswasion of the Cardinall, went to Fontainbleau or some castle neere Paris. The Queen immediately followed, desiring to hinder the Wt. 29495, FI 5 66 conference of the King and the Cardinall, where when shee came the Cardinall set a guard upon her lodging and commanded some of. them to tender a means of escape into Flanders unto the Queen who snatcht the bayt and giving a reward to her counsellors was conducted by them into Flanders. So soon as shee was there the Cardinall got her proclaimed traytor under pretence that shee joyned with the Spaniard ; and after he beheaded all her counsell that gave their votes to behead him and imprisoned those [who] were for his imprison- ment and banished those who were for his banishment. And because shee was received in England he gott masse to be permitted to be heard in the Queen's ChappeU and after gatt that for the ground of a warr against the King. Causinus [Nicolas Caussin], confessor to Lewis the 13th, pers waded the King not to deal so hardly with his mother, which, so soon as the Cardinall understood, he ymprison'd the pen, baisine, fourk and knife from Paris. " The church of St. Louis of the Jesuites built by the Prince of Conde, the King and Cardinall Richlieu, is a very fine structure ; but Pere Barton an English Jesuit there sayes that they ow 5,000/. English for that building which the King hath not yet payed, for which they pay use. The altar is too low there and not possible to be altered with convenience. I went out from Paris to St. Denis where the Prince of Conte is Abbot where there's an immense treasure. The Sorbon College is the best built College in Paris but not so well built as many in our University. There's a chappell there a very rare edifice for a small thing, but in every part of the chappell and house Cardinall R[ichilieu's] armes are engraven. There's a difference between the Jesuits and the Sorbonists concerning some points of predestination which gives them the name of Jansenists because they defend the doctrine of Jansenius a Bishop, which points differ little from Calvinisme. The Sorbonists about September, 1651, sent three of the doctors of Sorbon to Rome to know whether to assent to St. Austen was erroneous but could nor yet cannot gett audience. " Thursday, March 14, I sett out from Paris in the boat of Barsus. One Father Mignet a Carthusian was in our company, whose man the first night where he lay, rose out of his bed which joyned to mine and tooke my breeches, which I being cold missed and putting my hand out of the bed to reach them found them between his knees which I plucked from him with difficulty, the fellow counterfaiting a sleep and holding fast ; and I passed it by as so. That same day wee passed Corbell [Corbeil] a strong town of which by reason it abounds with peaches it is said Corbell empeasche Paris. March 15 wee passed Montreau [Montereu] a very strong town where the Count Grandison and my Lord Digby were to lodge that night with 6,000 men. " Saturday 16 at noone I came to Sens which is Sens Bourgoing and hath a Bishop belonging to it. From hence 67 it's usuall to take the commodity of the Bourrique or Post d'Asne to Auxerre, but there was none to be had so that I was forced to walk on foot from thence to Auxerre, 13 leagues. At Auxerre one usually takes coach for Chalon, but I stayed there from Sunday 17th till Tuesday 18th (sic) and though wee had the assistance of the chaunter and soubs-chaunter by reason of the souldiers no coach would venter. The Count Grandison comming forward, 'twas as hazardous to stay so wee went out but met with three souldiers in the streets who asked whither wee went and at the Port a fellow, under pretence of giving us advice, came to see whether wee were bent and told us he was goeing to Crevan [Cravante] and that he came to Auxerre from Crevan to fetch his tasse, a silver cup he had left there ; but after we had gone a quarter of a leauge the fellow made a hault and run back to the town with all speed, which wee perceiving and it being rainy weather when wee sett out,went back again, and on the morrow Wednesday the 20th went to Vermanton 5 leauges from Auxerre, where wee found a garrison and had a fellow to lye in our chamber, and by the advice of the priest went out of the road to Chalon towards Dijon. " Friday the 22nd wee came from Noye [Noyers] to Monbard where a souldier came and told us wee were in danger to be robbed. The next morning wee went to Monsieur Brauen for a convoy a league which wee had, but after wee were gone two leagues further were sett upon by eight souldiers and led to the side of a wood and there robbed, but not beaten or misused. Wee came to Baineux where meeting one Monsieur Bellart that married Mr. Scarlet's daughter at Norwich, who knew f Kensington and my friends, one Durbain suspected wee I had more yet to loose and so this mountebank Wednesday^ 27 pretending buisenesse to Sans Seyn [St. Seine] accom- panied with an other mountebank went with us ; and upon the way his comrade told me he beleived I had a bill of exchange for 1,000 francks. At Chanseau they told us wee might buy powder, that being the best in France, onely to know whether wee had pistolls. At the gate of Chanseau going out after Durbain had been absent a quarter of an houre hee tooke his leave of us and sayd he could not goe to Sans Seyn but must visit a patient a mile off. Wee parted but after wee had gone a league I spyed him running after us by the side of a wood which made us run to overtake three horsemen in sight, and so by that means escaped. Thursday 29th they came with a third who had brought their guns to our chamber where first they told us that souldiers would come that night to Sans Seyn and therefore wee should doe wisely to part. Mr. Baines asked why that third man came ; Durbain answered to tell the souldiers not to come which he had told the day before ; then hee added that the souldiers officer sayd he would cutt of our ears for saying wee were robd, which made Mr. Baines presently say he would stay till that officer came to justify 68 it though wee had there in our chamber a guide and our breakfast ready to goe for Dijon. They then desired me to write a note to the Inne at Baineux that they might have what things wee left. I perceiving their intentions was to be able to counterfait our hands in case they could get our bills of exchange told them I would not write. So they parted solemnly from us as pale as death to heare wee would not goe, and yet within halfe an houre returned to see whether wee were as good as our words, and so blessed be God wee scaped massacre, and so on Good Friday, March the 29, marched to Dijon with two sergeants in the head of 300 foot though we went a mile before them. " Dijon is not above the bignesse of Cambridge. In it is a church built round like the Pantheon at Rome and open at top, by the inhabitants sayd to have been an Ethnick Temple but by the Benedictines of 1,400 years standing dedicated to Benignus, the disciple of Poly carpus, who planted the faith in Burgundy. St. Bernard's father's house, a quarter of a league from Dijon, is a place of devotion and a convent of about eight Bernardines. I was sick till Thursday of an asthma. ! We went Friday April 5 to Beaune where there's the best wine of France, but though it getts the name 'tis onely the creve of the hills which are exposed to the south whose wine the inhabitants pay 5 sols, the pint, that in the valley is but 2 sols. and but ordinary wine. The hills yield but a small quantity. To Chalon we came Aprill 6, which wee had as little time to see as Beaune (a pretty town where there's the best hospitall of France). In Chalon the Prince of Conde hath a small I but pretty house, and the Nostre Dame de Chalon is famous for miracles, before whose shrine I saw many crutches hanged up which they say were the vota of the healed. " Sunday, Aprill 7, wee tooke boat for 20 sols, the head for Lions but lay all night on the water that wee might reach Mascon [Macon] by morning, which is a pretty town but in passage wee could [not] see it particularly. To Lyons wee came on Tuesday, Aprill 9 ; every man pays a sols for entrance and no man is permitted to lodge there unlesse he hath a tickett. There's two strong cittadels upon the water to hinder the passage when they demand the doanne. The east side of Lions is compassed by the Rhosne which joynes with Arans Soune a furlong below the town. Arans runs through the middle of the city, so that that halfe of Lions which is east- ward is a perfect island ; the other part is so high that there's above 180 staires of ascent in some places to goe to the houses of religion and petit [?] streets. 'Tis much about the bignesse of Rohan but hath none but merchants in it. I dealt with Monsieur Metrast the correspondent of Monsieur Pollart bancquier at Paris, two honest and able men, and with Monsieur Fountaino an Italian from Venice. " On Sunday Aprill 4-14 for 181. I tooke horse with the messenger for Geneve but so extreamly sick that I was, besides 69 asthmaticall, generally distempered. Wee had a cold east / wind all that day ; I eat no thing nor the next day till noone (except a little broth in the morning), when at Nantua I eat a little. There's a little lake betweene two cliffes of a rock of an incredible depth but the people say that and that of Geneve are bottomlesse. Tuesday, April! 6-16, " wee passed within 2 leagues and a halfe of Geneve a castle called L'Escluse which is situated under a rock of an unmercifull heighth and below a vast precipice in whose bottome the Rhosne passes. It's impossible to passe to Geneve from Lions but by this way, and but two men a breast can stand in the passage. This castle and all the country betwixt this and Geneve belonged to the Duke of Savoy, but this castle was stormed by the Genevois and in the interim men lett down by ropes from the top of the rock and so taken. They sold it for 50,000 crowns to the King of France who stiles himselfe their protector, but I thinke nothing protects them more then the inaccessible mountains which an army can with difficulty passe. " Geneve is seated at the end of the lake, which is on the north east side of the town, after the beginning 20 mile in breadth and 30 in length, and on the other side upon a hill it is walled and compassed with a ditch but not so fortified but that other towns are better provided in that kind. There's a perpetuall garrison and every night there are sentinells upon the lake which they chayn that no boat can passe, and upon the walls. About 50 years since they were attempted by the Duke of Savoy, whose army was within 6 leagues of them but pretended friendship and in the mean time corrupted him that sett the watch and about 60 gott into the town men of quality, but offering to ravish a maid that went to call a midwife to her mistress they were discovered and taken and all hanged and there heads at this day are hanged up in case of warre. The Switzers and they are in a strict league offensive and defensive, so that Basile, Berne and two other Cantons if they have warre are to send them 2,400 men and the Genevois if they are in warr are to send them 1,200 men and to pay them for three months at their own charge. They have alwayes two years provision of corne in the town. Every Saturday they cry the lands of those men that are in debt and sell them to them will give most. They punish here malefactors of all countries ; whilst they doe justice, the town gates are shutt, the bridges drawn and sentinells sett, which happened on Tuesday, Aprill 6-16. A Savoyard was condemned for a witch and scorched first almost to death then hanged and afterwards burnt. It rayned and yet wee were forced to stand an houre out of the town till execution was past, it not being lawfull to lett down the bridg. There was not one executed before in 30 years. "On Wednesday, Aprill 7-17, I came to the house of Monsieur Parost that married a Welsh woman ; he was steward to 70 I Monsieur Beleivre the French Embassadour. In three dayes, i finding English beere and conveniences, after a purge I was per- fectly well. They every Sunday shoot in the arquebuze and the bow at a mark and with a screwed gun shoot at 450 paces levell ; he that shoots best getts a pewter dish. In May they chuse their Kings of the bow and the arquebuze who are met with the town in armes and clad in silver lace, that day onely lawfull to weare in Geneva. And they contribute about 20 pistolls to the King, who, if he be a strange gentleman made free, adds about 40 more to make an entertainment ; one that hath thrice been King is freed from taxes. They are so good marksmen that there are 2,000 in the town will at 400 paces shoot within the compasse of a circle halfe a foot diameter. They have the time allotted for their shooting from 12 of the clock on the Sunday till three. " They have about 12 ministres which they give about 40 [I. ? ] sterling to per annum. They preach every day in the week and on Wednesdayes there are Italian and Dutch sermons, there being a great quantity of both those nations there. C[alvin] when he began to preach here first had like to have been thrown into the Rhosne which made him give them a farewell sermon at St. Peters, their great church, but after three years came again. He lived the next house to Monsieur Parost and was so used that a fellow built a great tower to take away the prospect of the lake from his best chamber. Diodati, their ministre, died in debt above 20,000 crowns by the mis- government of his wife and children, one of which, intended for a minister, getting a wench with child fled the town. He and all the men of the best quality take pensioners. Those that dye are carried out of the town and thrown into the pitt without any thing said concerning them, nor is it lawfull to make any solemnity at the death of their friends or for a mother to mourn for her child. The government of the town is by syndicks and the counsell of 25, who are subject to the councell of 200 [sic ; see below] in an appeal and matters of difficulty. "It's not permitted to any to weare satin or silver hi the town by reason there being a parity, luxury in apparrell would undoe the meaner sort. At church the servants and others sitt as they come and no distinction of places or pews. If any powder their hair they are called into the Chamber of Reformation if they be of the inhabitants, but strangers have more liberty. If any notice be taken of any loose carriage they are called thither. There's no good water in the town, that of the lake feeding the springs and that nourished by ;the hills of snow, which begirting the town make the ayr raw and unwholesome, so cold that in vintage time they have gathered their grapes up to the midleg in snow. " Monday, Aprill 12-22. Diodati their minister was banished the town for saying there was no religion amongst them from the meanest to the Lords of the town, but upon the 71 peoples outcry the Lords sent for him again who after a year or two returned again. Their government is aristocraticall ; consists of a Councell of 25 and 300 and 4 Syndicks. The Syndicks are four chosen yearly out of the 25 which are called Lords of the town. This 25 was chosen by the Councell of three hundred, but now if any of the 300 dye the 25 name the man that shall succeed, but the 300 may dislike but they cannot chuse any man unlesse nominated by the 25. They trye any malefactour by the lawes of Geneve though his crime be committed hi a forrain country. They give the strappado to extort confession if the person accused denies the fact, for they cannot condemn unlesse the party acknowledges the crime. In their Councell of the Clergy there is alwayes some of the 25 sitt with them and they can take nothing into their consideration till the 25 have first voted it an ecclesiasticall matter and then they cannot be putt to death, nor is their excommunication followed with any other punish- ment. One was excommunicated here for drinking a health to the Devill, but upon the testimony of their confederates in Languedock that he repented he was readmitted into the church after two yeares. The number of men of armes is about 6,000. They have many granaryes supplyed with corne that they may not be surprised, and quantity of ammunition ; though it is hard to beseige them because they cannot be begirt but by lying in the French and Switzers and Savoy dominions, so strait are their territories. L'Escluse, Aprill 26, was surprised by one from the King who desiring onely to hear masse being upon service, sent his men before. The Governour gave him leave and four men with him, who, when masse was done, rose up and seised upon all the disarmed men and gave entrance to those he had sent a little before who returned upon the alarum. " The town is an Imperiall town and in the Bishops time owed fealty to the Empire and still retaines the Spread Eagle and the Key as monuments of both the Emperour and the Bishop. In their church, St. Peters, there lyes buried the Due of Rohan, who hath a faire statue of marble begun, but the executor returning to the Catholick religion, there's no body to finish and no inscription upon it. In a cloyster adjoyning there lyes Sir Roger Townsend, who dyed of the small pox, and they point to the place where Beza was buried but there's neither stone nor inscription. Calvin was buried at Plainpalley, but for fear his bones should be stollen, was removed and layd in a place amongst the others which no body now certainly knowes. " The Duke of Savoy antiently had two forts upon the lake which hindred ingresse and egresse, but corrupting a fisherman who served the fort to carry 12 or 14 of them [in] his boat and sending about 100 more in white which they in the garrison tooke for goats they slew the sentinell in the first, second and third wall and so gott to the main gard, who 72 unprovided, ran away and gave them time to open their gates, lett in their men in frocks and so gained the place which they demolished ; and shortly after the other. In Geneve one may see great hills of snow from which in the winter time there descends wolves in the night and devoure dogs and catell without the wall. " There was a student here accused for stealing 100 pistolls to whom the strappado was offered but he denied the fact. Shee who was condemned for a witch confessed upon condition that she might not be burnt alive after she had once denied it. In Spain if one endures the torture thrice he is free though a 1,000 witnesses saw the action. My Lord Cottington being in Spaine, one Antonio used to be employed by him to fetch and carry things, who, being liberally rewarded by my Lord, came to him and told him he had a desire to serve him and bid him name the man he would have dye and he should be kild without delay and trouble him no further. My Lord told him that he had received no injury from any man. He bid him therefore to keepe private what he had said to him which my Lord promising added that if he had occasion he would make use of him. My Lord sitting a little after upon the seat of justice with the Judges a great uproar was made and a fellow brought to the Judges and accused by all the people to have killed a man hi the streets. So soone as he appeared my Lord Cottington knew him to be Antonio and he made a sign to my Lord to hold his peace. He denied the fact. To torture he went, which was to cutt a gash to the bone and draw upon and down in the wound a rugged string ; three several houres this fellow endured and so was acquitted, and all the people wayted on him to his house with all imaginable honour. Mr. C. told me he had it from my Lord Cottington. " One Dupon begun to bring in the religion into Geneve and was the first refused the sacrament of extreme unction. So by degrees they grew strong enought to confront the Bishop, who retiring, they would not lett him come any more, but seised all his revenue and the rest of the church. The Bishop lives within 5 or 6 leagues of them. At Basil they give their Bishop an allowance. They are all Calvinists not out of choice but necessity, because they are a medley of all nations and cannot admitt sects among them. Julius Caesar built a bridge, some say over the Rhosne onely, some over the lake, where there are yet to be seene at the bottome great store of piles. " From Geneve I tooke horse for Milan. The first night I lay at Evian ; the day following dined at Boverette, the end of the lake Lemanus, which is 40 miles long, and in some places 15 miles broad as about Tonoon. I lay at St. Mauritio and the day following I lay at Sion which Sedunum is the Bishops seat of all that Pais de Vallais. It's a town strong by reason of the passage to it which is narrow, and it hath a castle and 73 a citadel! besides. Betwixt St. Mauritio and Sion there's a cataract of waters so great that it is able to make a little river, but, falling so praeruptly down, the violence of the water beats it selfe into a small vapour which, like a smoke, arises from the stream and like a small rain wetts you at the distance of 30 yards. The sun then shining upon it made us a perfect rainbow, the situation of which altered its heigth as wee altered our distance. " From Sion I passed the day following to Briga at the foot of the mountaines. The whole journey from Boverette thither is between them, but through small valleys ; and yet upon those hills which a man would thinke inacessible you may see little villages of wooden cottages on the sides of them. This whole country is in league with the Switzers, especial! those of Berne and no friends to the Duke of Savoy. The country is scarce conquerable by reason it's impossible to passe any other but one way and there the passage is so strait a 100 may defend it against a million. Sion, they say, was never taken by Caesar. From Briga I went over Sampion [Simplon] in ascending of which I observed a tree to grow out of a peece of a rock fallen down on the top of which there was not so much as mosse, and where the water gushed out of the rock the stone was so soft that it would yeeld to my finger like earth. I dined on the top of the mountain but by reason of the abundance of rain could not gett through the mountaines but lay among them in a cottage that night." 19 pp. of very small writing. A small 8vo. book, covered in vellum. SALE OF THE KING'S LANDS. [1652.] Documents endorsed " Proceedings in the late times for sale of the estates of the King, Queen and Prince." 1. Report by Richard Graves to the Commissioners for Removing Obstructions in the Sale of the Kong's, Queen's and Prince's lands, on perusal of the evidences, &c., concerning the claims of Thos. Chester, Esq., Sir Maurice Berkeley and Philip Langley, Esq., upon the Chase of Kingswood, co. Gloucester. 14 pp. Endorsed, 4 March, 1652J-3]. 2. Report of the Same to the Same, concerning the interests claimed by John Newton and John Mallett, Esquires, and Henry Weston, gentleman, in the same Chase of Kingswood. Nov. 25, 1652. 18 pp. 3. Extracts from records, in relation to the King's rights to the " said King's wood." Signed, Ri. Graves. 5 pp. 4. Petition on behalf of Newton, Mallet and Weston to be allowed until " Thursday the 18th of this instant November for their appearance before Mr. Graves." Signed, Thomas Lee. Respite for a fortnight granted. Endorsed, Nov. 11, 1652. 1 p. 5. Certificate on oath by Thomas Lee, gent., that he requires more time for examining the deeds to clear Mr. Newton's title. Nov. 11, 1652. 1 p. 74 6. Petition of Newton, Mallet and Weston to the Com- missioners ; that, " their evidences being lost or dispersed during the late troubles, they will be necessitated to have recourse to records, which will require time," and so pray for respite until the next term. Respite granted. p. Endorsed, July 16, 1652. 7. Request on behalf of Thos. Chester, John Newton and others, that they may be permitted to use certain depositions taken temp. Elizabeth and James, in the Court of Exchequer, " touching the very lands now in question " at their hearing on the 25th of this instant November. Signed, Thomas Lee. p. 8. Petition of Robert Fairbeard that, he having long attended concerning Kingswood Chase, a day may be fixed for the hearing. Signed. \ p. 9. Petition by Capt. Adam Baynes of Wimbledon, who is in treaty for the said Chase, that the claimants, who seek delay in order to destroy the woods and get in the Michaelmas rents, may be required to make good their claims without delay. July 14, 1652. 1 p. 10. Further petition by the Same to the same effect. States that on " July the 21 instant," he contracted for the Chase " on behalf of divers originall creditors." 1 p. 11. Request by Mr. Lee on behalf of the claimants that their ancient writings may be referred to Counsel to certify therein. Referred to Mr. Graves. \ p. 12. Request by Mr. Lee, on behalf of the claimants, that their hearing may be respited from the 5th to the 25th of this instant November, as their writings have only just arrived, and (it being term time) their Counsel have not had time to prepare the business. Respited accordingly. | p. 13. Certificate by Mr. Lee, confirming the above statement. Nov. 11, 1652. I p. 14. Petition of Chester, Berkeley and Langley, showing that they have attended Mr. Graves, " of counsell for the State," and have been long in town with their evidences, to make good their claims, but by reason the title for the Commonwealth was not ready, nothing could be done, wherefore, in respect they live near Bristol, almost a hundred miles away, and that their Counsel are shortly to go the Circuit, they pray for a day in next term for proving their claim, and that in the meantime the Commonwealth may put in their charges. Underwritten, " 2nd Fryday in Michaelmas terme." Endorsed, July 16, 1652, 1 p. OLIVER CROMWELL'S ARTICLES with Algier. 1655, May 2 o.s. Articles agreed upon on this date, " by General Blake's order in the presence of Robert Brown, consul, and firmed by Mahasram Bassa and Hakine Aga." Endorsed, " Articles of Algier word for word out of the Turkish." (Probably copy made in Oct., 1660.) 2 pp. 76 CHARLES II. 1658, March 13. Brussels. Pass for Heneage, Earl of Winchilsea, to travel into Italy and other countries. Sign Manual, countersigned by Sir Edward Nicholas. Impressed Seal of England. Parchment. HENEAGE, EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1658. " An account of the places I passed through in my travell, begunne the 23 of Sept. n.s., 1657 ; ending June the 5th, 1658." Sept. 24. Calais. Oct. 1. Dined at Deepe, lay 28. Boulogne. at Tots [Totes]. 30. Passed Abbeville 2. Dined at Roen. and lay at Eu. 4. Many [Magny]. 5. Pontoise and lay at Paris. Tooke post there the 15 of November for Lyons. Nov. 15. Lay at Nemour. Nov. 18. At Moulins. 16. At Briar [Briare]. 18. AtTerrare [Tarare]. At the Three Kings at Lyons early the 19. Tooke boate the 22 upon the Rhosne for Avignon. Nov. 22. To Givaux. Nov. 24. Poussin. 23. Condrieux. 25. Avignon. Thence for Marceills. Nov. 28. To Chanon. Nov. 29. To Marceills. The 5 of Dec. tooke shipp for Constantinople ; the 6 drove back againe. The 7 Dec. tooke shipp for Legorne; the 11 arrived there, where began my quarentine, and lay a shipp board untill the 17 Dec. and then removed to the Fanale. Dec. 25. Ended my quarentine by the G. Duke's especiall favour. Dec. 28. Arrived Pisa. The 29th, the Cardinall's coach carryed me a hunting, and to visit the Duke at his returne ; who presented me nobly with wine, sweet-meates, cheese, &c. Dec. 30. Visited the Cardinall and the Prince. Jan. 3. The Duke sent his coach for me to go a hunting. Jan. 4. Te Deum was sung for the birth of the Infanta of Spayne. Jan. 5. Tooke leave of that Court. The 6 Jan. beganne my journy for Florence and lay at Empoli. Jan. 7. Arrived at Florence. Jan. 8 and 9. Saw the churches, the Pallace and Poggia Imperialis [Poggio Imperiale] and the Gallery, &c. Jan. 11. Began my voyage for Venice. Lay at Lyana [Lojano] the 11, by post the 12 to Bologna, where I was obliged to the signori Francisco Maria and Renaldo Bovia [?]. Jan. 13 to Ferrara, the 14 to Papozzi, 15 to Chioggia and to Venice the 16. Thence to Padoua the 5 of Feb. s.n. 76 Voyage to Rome ; 28 Feb. to Venice again [from Padua] 2 March, Chioggi; 3rd to Primata Hostellaria; 4 March to Ravenna afoote 18 miles; to Rimini 5 March. March 6. Senegalia. March 11. Mouchia [Muccia] 7. Ancona. Castella. 8. Loretto. 12. Spoletto. 10. Macerata. 13. Otricoli. To Rome the 15. 14. Castello novo. March 20. Removed to Ecc mo Signer Angelo Corraro, Venetian Ambassador, to St. Mark's pallace. April 7. Envited by the ambassador to Principe Pales- trino's pallace at Frescati, called Bell Vedere ; 9 returned. April 23. Returned for Venice. Lay at Civita Castellana. 24. Alta Strettuna. April 30. Rimini. 25. Hosteria Nuova. May 1. Faenza. 26. Tollentino. 2. Boulogna. 27. Loretto. 3. Ferrara. 28. Ancona. ,, 4. Loreo. 29. Fano. 5. Venice. Voyage by Germany to Dorpt, from Venice. May 12. Castell Franco. May 15. Botsen. ,, 13. Grinio [Grigno] in ,, 16. Pesarain-theraugh Tyrol. (sic).* 14. Trent. 17. Atstenaugh [? Alt Steinach]. May. 18. Dined at Insprucke and lay at Swarths [Schwatz]. ,, 19. Lay at Degarsawf monastery in Bavaria. ,, 20. Monaco [Munich]. May 23. Ulme, dined ; lay 21. Ausperg [ Augsburg] . at Gestening [Geis- ,, 22. Gansbourg [Guns- lingen]. burg]. 24. Hanstat [Canstadt?]. 25. Penson [Pfcorz- heim ?]. May 26. To Heidelberg at dinner ; lay at Heppingham [Heppenheim]. May 27. Francford. May 28. Mayence, by boat. 29. Past Coblenz and lay at Enguire [Engers ?]. June 1. Cologne. ,, 2 and 3. Passed Dusseldorpe, Weysell, Rees, Skinken-schance and lay at Nimegen the 3rd June. Passed Bommell and Gorcum and lay in the boate. Arrived at Dort the 5 of June. 4| pp. E., LORD CONWAY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1658-9, March 17. Kensington. I should earlier have returned my thanks for your former letter, but was " then interrupted by a great company of Parliament men." Yours of the 13th inst. I received last night. * Possibly some place in the Pesseier-thal ; in which case the traveller went via Meran. t Probably the noted Benedictine Abbey of Tegernsee, suppressed in 1803. 77 " I conceave your lordship hath convinced all your friends of the reasonablesse of your travells by the happinesse of the successe. Demonstration is the certainty of reason . . . It is a great mistake that some men thinke youth the proper subjects for travell, who never carry away more then the description of a church or some garden or at the most to learne exercises and modes, whereas wise men will not converse with such who can make them no returne. But all this while, my lord, I presume you had your ladyes consent , for having given yourself e to her, you had no more the power to dispose of yourselfe. . . . " The proceedings of our Parlament is very slow, they, are not able to governe themselves, and therefore I thinke will hardly be able to governe Kingdomes, they have donne nothing yet, but the Commonwealths men finding their party too few in number, labor to necessitate a Dissolution that the Government may remain unsetled, and mony unprovided. This is the present state of things in the Howse of Commons ; the other Howse have passed a vote, or a bill, to take away all the priviledges of the antient Howse of Peers, and all here- ditary honors, thinking heereby to ingratiat themselves. But the Commons answer them, they are content they should dissolve themselves, and doe their worke, but they will not treat with them. " Your little Godsonne presents his humble duty to your Lordship, and my wife who hath not set her pen to paper these nine months, begs your pardon and my Ladyes till next weeke, she presents her humble service to your Lordship and that you will be pleased to present both of ours to her Ladiship is the humble request, &c. 2 pp. Petition of PHILIP, EARL OF PEMBROKE to Parliament. 1659, July 12. About June 1658, his wife Katherine, Countess of Pembroke, exhibited a petition against him to the Commissioners of the Great Seal, accusing him of unkind- ness, violence and cruelty, and praying for an order for maintenance out of petitioner's estate. In answer to this, he denied all acts of violence and cruelty, and desired (as he still desires) her again to co-habit with him, promising to receive her with all love and affection, and to provide for her as became her quality as his wife. The cause came to hearing on June 25 last, when Commissioner Fountaine behaved himself with so much passion that petitioner could not in reason expect any justice from him ; and without due consideration gave judgment (together with Comr. Tirrill) according to the annexed paper. And although petitioner made it plainly appear that he had never given his wife any reason to complain against him, and had received no portion with her, yet Comr. Fountaine declared he would give her her whole jointure of 1,500?. a year, and if her jointure had been so much more, she should have had it. Prays for con- sideration and relief. 1 p. 78 Referred to a Committee. Overleaf. Ordered, that the Committee shall meet on Aug. 8, when both sides are to be heard. Signed, William Say Annexed, Adjournment to Sept. 26 ; dated Sept. 9, 1659 THOMAS SPENCELEY to HATTON RICH. 1659, Nov. 23. Concerning the rents of his farm. " I hear of a warrant, and its certainlie true, that is come to the cheife constables hand, for him to give notice to everie one that were chardged with horse and armes, by an Act of the last Parliament, to pay ten pounds for our horse and armes upon the first of December, to the Treasurer appointed by the Committee att Norwich. What the countrie will doe in itt I knowe not ; I presume itt wilbe leavied by force yf denyed. I knowe no remedie." 1 p. Seal of arms. THE MARQUIS OP ORMOND to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1659, Dec. 17. " My Lord, I am made beleeve that you will not bee displeased to bee assured of my service and of any respects to you this way, both which I am prepared to pay you upon the accompt of your zeale to the good old cause and by an obligation of kindred much valued by mee ; I hope it will not bee long but that cause will bee hopefully set afoote againe in which Coll. Finch may bee no unusefull person to your Lordship, the rather that serveing under your orders hee will have a double obligation to bee as hee hath formerly bin dilligent and faithfull, you will therefore excuse my re- comending him to your Lordship who desire upon all occasions to bee knowen as your Lordships very faithfull and very humble servant O." Holograph. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to KING CHARLES II. 1660, May 1. London. "Sire, since the late great oppressions of justice and honour, I have had no opportunities any other way to represent my duty and services to your Majesty, but by endeavouring to act what was neither safe nor prudent to write. And though I neither have nor ever shall suppose my life fit to be kept, when it can be layed out to the advantage of your Majesty's service ; yet I thought it a part of duty not to inclose my life in a letter, when by it I hop'd to give a more real testimony of my loyalty from the feild, then from my closet. But Sir, your Majestyes King- domes are now full of joy and already feele so much of the prosperities that come along in your retinue, that in this new pleasure and transport I cannot be temperate or restrained from congratuling to your Majesty that which none but evil men and evil angels can envy, I meane the hearts of your people, which now breake forth from their inclosures of feare and tyranny and feele a new and strainger joy, too big to be either expressed or concealed. And because this is the 79 first effect of our liberty, I have with all humility made this addresse that I may have the honour to receive your Majesties commands ; of which I shall render account with my life and fortune, with all diligence and duty ; your Majestye's service being in it selfe the greatest honour and to me the most ambitious desir of, &c." 1| pp. Endorsed, " A coppy my letter to the King." THE EARL OF WENCHILSEA to LORD CHANCELLOR HYDE. 1660, May 1. Essex House. " Since every thing that is honourable and worthy hath beene sullied and afflicted by the impure tongues and hands of dishonourable and unworthy persons, I have lesse cause to wonder that both your Lordship and my selfe have been misrepresented to each other. But I account happy that I truly understand the worthinesse and excellencies of your Lordship and so fully satisfyed of your justice, fidelity and wisedome, that as I thinke his Majestic fortunate in such a Minister of State, so I shall account myselfe happy in such a friendshipp as I shall esteeme yours to be to those to whom you shall bee pleased to impart it. My Lord we are full of hopes and expectations of his Majesties retume ; and it will bee a pleasure to me hi that day of joy, to see in his councell and family so wise, so just, so faithful! a person as your Lordship, and I beseech your Lordship to believe that you have none here who with greater truth " shall professe himself your servant. Copy. 1 p. THE SAME to THE MARQUIS OF ORMOND. 1660, May 1. Essex House. Your Lordship hath much honoured me and my family by vouchsafing to acknowledge the cognation of our houses. You have been pleased to recommend to me my cousin Finch, whom I will endeavour to serve with such diligence as shall show my readiness to do you service. " I hope that before it be long I shall kisse your Lordshipps hands in England, and in the midst of that publike joy, which begins now to invest this Kingdome for the returne of our glorious Prince I shall feele a perticular deliousnesse [sic] in the restitution of your Lordshipp to that splendour which your birth and virtues have long since made to be your due. My lord, amongst those many that honour you, your Lordshipp shall find no services more ready, no regards more affectionate then those which shall bee passionately pay'd to your Lordshipp by your Lordshipps most humble servant and cosen." Copy. 1% pp. THE SAME to CHARLES II. 1660, May 5. London. " Although my passionate desires of attending your Majesties person thrust me forward to the seizing of the first opportunity, yet I suffered my desires of 80 attending your Majesties service to prevaile ; there being reason great enough in this, at least to equall the passion of the other. But because the General hath promis'd he will give me the command of Dover Castle, which is to be prepar'd for the service and reception of your Majesty ; and your Majestyes affayres in the Howse require a continuall watch- fullness and perticular treatment, I could not obtaine of myselfe to be willing to humor my desires to the diminution of your services. For although I am impatient untill I receive that blessing to waite on your sacred person, yet I shall then receive more satisfaction, when I shall have prosperously conducted that portion of the publick business which is under my care ; and therefore, that I may now stay here I did procure of my friends to excuse at present my personall attendance on your Majesty, with as much regret as I shall recive pleasure, when the Bills which are now in projection shall be contrived and fmish'd, to your Majesties satisfaction ; of which I shall take a care equal to that desir I have of being placed in your Majesties faire opinion and esteeme." Copy. CIPHER. 1660, May 19-29. The cipher used by the Earl of Winchilsea with Sir Edward Nicholas and Sir Henry Bennett. A numerical cipher, rilling two large sheets. The words or syllables are printed, the numbers (going up to 1052) being filled in with the pen. At the bottom is printed, " Brux. 29 of May 1660, st. no." CHARLES II. to THE TURKEY COMPANY. 1660, June 25. Court at Whitehall. Recommending Heneage, Earl of Winchilsea, to succeed Sir Thomas Bendyshe as ambassador to Constantinople. Copy. 1 p. Endorsed, " His Majesties leter to the Levant Company touching my Ambassy." Unsigned. \ p. ANGELO CORRARA to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA, in London. 1660, Aug. [6-] 16. Venice. Rejoicing over his Majesty's happy Restoration. Italian. 1| pp. CHARLES II. to THE SULTAN MAHOMET HAN. 1660, Aug. 25. Whitehall. Copy of Lord Winchilsea's credentials. Letter Book, p.1\. English. 1 p. Also, Same date. The like credentials, acldressed to the Grand Vizier. Ibid. p. 72. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1660, Sept. 19. Indented articles between the Earl of Winchilsea and the Levant Company. Sealed with the common 81 seal of the Company, of red wax in a metal case. Large sheet of parchment. [There is a copy of these articles in 8. P. Dom. % calendared under date.] The EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1660, Sept. 28. His Majesty's private instructions to the Earl of Winchilsea, appointed ambassador to the Porte of the Grand Signer. Sign manual. Countersigned by Sir Edw. Nicholas. 6 pp. Seal impressed. CHARLES II. to the EARL OF WENCHILSEA. 1660, Sept. 29. Whitehall. Recommending the case of James Man, merchant of London, and his sons, James and George Man of Leghorn, from whom a considerable estate is said to be detained by William Pearle and Francis Driver of Con- stantinople. If these latter cannot be made to give satis- faction, they are to be sent to England. Sign manual, counter- signed by Nicholas. 1 p. Also, Same date. A like recommendation for Henry Bowyer, merchant of London, who some years since wrongfully sustained great loss at Tunis, " almost to the ruin of himself and his family." Signed ut supra. 1 p. SIR THOMAS BENDYSHE to THE SAME. 1660, Oct. 10. Pera. Thanking his Excellency for kindness shown to his son, and expressing his pleasure that since it pleases his Majesty to recall him, he will have so honourable a successor, " whose fayre reception in this Port, and quiet and easie establishment here " shall be his care and study. 1 p. Seal of arms. SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS to THE SAME. 1660, October 12-22. Whitehall. I have received your Lordship's letters by your secretary, Mr. Ricaut, and shall do all I can to get the Algiers business expedited before your departure. " As touching the King's allowing to every voluntier trooper Si. a yeare, I shall forbeare to say anything of it to the King, for that in other countries (where there are deputy Lieutenants who doe procure and list voluntiers) there hath been no such demand made, nor do I believe the King intends any allow- ance to any such voluntiers." I see no occasion for your repair hither before going to sea, but if I shall, I will give you notice of it. Pray tell me when you set sail for Turkey. Holograph. 1 p. LORD CHANCELLOR HYDE to THE SAME. 1660, Oct. 14. Worcester House. "I have your Lordshipps favour of the 10 and can hardly yett believe that you will Wt, 29495. yi 6 82 leave Englande without seinge London agayne ; you heare of the sadnesse at Essex house, for the death of my poore Lady Awdry, and the extreme sicknesse of my Lord Duke of Somersett much increased it ; I doubte he cannot hold out longe, the Kinge was this afternoone to see him. I can yett give you little accounte of the dispatch for Argiers ; ther was direction at the councell table to the Secretaryes, to confer with my Lord Insiquin and some merchants who came from thence, and so to make the dispatch, but I doubte ther attendance at the sessyons table hindered them from makinge any greate progresse in it : I wish your Lordshipp all imaginable happinesse." Holograph. 1 p. PAUL EICAUT to the EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1660, Oct. 16. London. " This day the Committee met twice concerning the businesse of Algier ; ... tomorrow is againe appointed to give a full end to it." In the evening I shall have the despatches, and hope to see you on Friday morning at the latest. The Secretaries desire you to retard your voyage until I come with the Algier Instructions, and several of the Turkey Company think that this would conduce to the service. 1| pp. CHARLES II. to THE SAME. 1660, Oct. 17. Whitehall. Desiring him to give his best endeavours to further the security of the English trade in the Levant, by preventing any sudden breach with Argiers and obtaining a renewal of the former articles of peace, by sending Lawrence to Argiers with the King's letter, and authorizing the consul there to enter into a new treaty, " if they close not " upon the letter. Sign manual. | p. Endorsed by Winchilsea, " His Majesties letter to mee." Instructions for ROBERT BROWNE, Consul at Algiers. 1660, Oct. 17. Whitehall. 1. To deliver his Majesty's letters to the Governor, when brought by Lawrence. 2. If they do not agree to confirm the peace, to procure " a competent time of warning " for the merchants and others, before any breach shall ensue. 3. If necessary, to employ a sum not exceeding 200/. to " such in power there as have best interest." 4. To follow the instructions of the Earl of Winchilsea. 5. To demand the liberty of those servants taken with the Lord Inchiquin and his son. Sign manual of Charles II. Countersigned by Sir Edward Nicholas. Seal impressed. 1 p. SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS to the EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1660, Oct. 18. Whitehall." I have acquainted the King with the contents of your severall letters to me. By this 83 bearer, your Lordshipp will receave a full dispatch concerning the business of Algiers, which, when you come before that place, you shall doe well to send for Mr. Browne the consul, and deliver to him to be presented to the Bassaw or chief magistrat there ; and I pray be carefull to send from thence an account of what you have done, and how the Bassaw doth enterteyne his Majesties ratificacion of the former treaty made with that place. I wish your Lordshipp and your noble lady a happy voyage, and shall in all occasions be very sollicitous to serve you." 1 p. The EARL OF WINCHILSEA to CHARLES II. 1660, Nov. 6. Lisbon. Informing his Majesty of his safe arrival in Lisbon, after a most violent storm, in which the Plymouth lost her mainmast, and the pumps were almost " disappointed." Mr. Maynard's kindness has persuaded him on shore, and he has been visited by many nobles, sent by the King and Queen Mother to offer help. Capt. Allen is allowed to chose from the royal stores all he needs and they hope in five days to put out again to sea. Letter Book, p. 4. 1 p. THE SAME to the EARL OP SOUTHAMPTON, Lord Treasurer. 1660, Nov. 6. Lisbon. I send your Lordship a particular account of my voyage hither which I pray you peruse. Several of the nobility here have made me their visits, and I have collected what intelligence I could. Don Francesco de Mello, late ambassador in England, assured me that as fair a correspondency passed between our King and the King of Portugal as could be wished, and that Lisbon was as much English as London. The like did Don Antonio de Sousa, who was ambassador in England in 1643, but these may be merely compliments. I have caused Mr. Maynard, our consul here, to make enquiries concerning their inclinations to a union with England, and he tells me the Council is much divided, but Mr. Russell, Don F. de Mello's secretary, is going for England, which can only be to endeavour to mitigate the severity and rigour of their propositions sent from thence. I perceive no provisions made here for sea, though the Spaniards threaten them with a fleet and troops, now at Cadiz. Their poverty here is so pungent that they have seized the bishops' estates, on the ground that the Pope having created no bishops since the revolt of the kingdom, the sees are become vacant and the revenue accrues to the King. In my opinion Tangier " would bee a convenient port for our King's shipping, both to curb and bridle- all the Christian shoare and to make invasions on the Moores by land, whensoever they practise their accustomed pyracies," 84 They are endeavouring to raise a militia here, besides the troops of the army and garrisons, but the King of Spain means, it is said, to invade them in four places, so that their army being divided, they would be the less able to resist. Also they fear an invasion by sea against Lisbon, which lies open and unfortified. Some forts are erecting, but if a sudden surprise came before the works are finished, they have no other defence but a multitude of undisciplined inhabitants. Yet " wee find them infected with their Spanish flegme, gravitie and slowth, which . . . would bringe on them an inevitable ruine, did their enemies take advantage of it." I am not yet received at court. Letter Boole, p. 2. 2| pp. The .EARL or WINCHILSEA to SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS, Secretary of State. 1660, Nov. 6. Lisbon. " .... By the best information I have procured, I find theyr condition [here] exceeding low, having neither strength at sea, any considerable army by land, or money wherewith to compass either ; insomuch that from Don Francesco de Melo his mouth I understand the pro- positions from England are very like to be embraced, and that his secretary Mr. Russell will forthwith be dispatched with intimation thereof, and with orders only to endeavour a moderation in some particulars, but I am well assured theyr necessities will enforce them to yeeld to his Majestys termes." The Algier men have taken another English ship. There are yet five English frigates in port. Letter Book, p. 5. p. With note that letters were also written to Sir Nicholas Oudart, Sir Heneage Finch and Sir Edward Bering. THE SAME to CHARLES II. 1660, Nov. 12-22. Since my last letter, " the Portugalls have endeavoured to exceed" in their courtesies to the English, making proclamations of penaltie on any who should injure or affront them," and keeping strict guard at night for the protection of my servants. My reception by the King was retarded, partly that the court might mourn " as well as your Majesties at home for the Catholicke losse of our deare Duke [of Gloucester] in whom all Christendome is concerned," but chiefly because they would have had me bare and the King covered, which, as your Majesty's ambassador and a peer of England, I judged would be some derogation to your Majesty and to me. But it being concluded that the King should be uncovered as well as myself, on the 7-17 of this month I was conducted, well attended, to the court, where " was scarce absent any person of qualitie or eminency, to make my reception the more solemne and courteous." The next day I received notice that the Queen expected a visit, and so entered her chamber, " though I cannot say her presence, for I saw none but antient matrons in the roome, composed in their countenance and like statues without motion, and as 85 sometimes like Moses in the Mount, I heard a voice only . . . for there was a screeene betweene her Majestic and myself, which was excused afterwards by reason of her old age and indisposition of body, which made her unfit for the sight of any visitants." The Queen assured me that affairs between England and Portugal were so likely to be united that nothing could interrupt a happy conjuncture, and bid me let your Majesty know so much. And as Mr. Russell, the Conde de Odemira and the Duke of Calaval all assure me, she kissed the papers received from England, and said " that none but an angell could be authour of so good a message and that your Majestic asked lesse then what they were ready to give." Yesterday I received so noble an entertainment from the Conde de Odemira, governor to the young King, that Spain appears to me, in spite of vulgar imputations of famine and penury, to have more luxury than our more fruitful and northern climates. I understand privately that Tangier is almost sure to fall into your Majesty's hands, and I am infinitely rejoiced, for it is a place of so high advantage " as to make all these parts of Europe tremble at your new African dominions ; and Asia will bee more in awe and my presence there more respected, when I can bee seconded by so powerfull and dangerous neighbours ; and being your Majestic will bee in some manner obliged to constitute a governour in that place of the Romane religion, bee pleased to cast an eye on Col. Finch," who will serve you as faithfully as any of our English church and principles. We are informed that Hullil, the Cromwell and tyrant of Algier, has been strangled, with his wife, by his own people. I am now upon my departure and must make an end of this tedious letter, which I hope my zeal to your Majesty's service will sufficiently excuse. Letter Book, p. 8. 4 pp. The EARL OP WINCHILSEA to LORD TREASURER SOUTHAMPTON. 1660, Nov. 12. Lisbon. " On the 7th present I was attended in his Majesties coaches by the Master of the Ceremonies and the whole factory of English merchants here to audience with his Majesty of Portugall." [Gives an account of his audiences with the King and Queen mother, as in the pre- ceding letter.] " I have been earnestly sollicited, even by the Queen herselfe, to obtein the embassy from England hether, which I have hitherto refused, as unwilling to quitt a certain good for an uncertain better ; but if the treaty should at last produce a match between his Majestie and the Infanta here, it might indeed be worth acceptance, and I would nothing doubt, with the continuance of your Lordship's favour and assistance, to acquitt my Turky employment with mine own honour and the free consent of the merchants. In the mean time, I have, 86 on her Majesties request, undertaken a correspondency from Turky, so far as may in no wise intrench on his Majesty's interest or good pleasure." The Brazil fleet sets sail two days hence, and Don Antonio de Souza tells me of their further intention to set out twenty ships of war ; but the first design will so drain their port of shipping and men " that the latter must certainly end where it began, in vaine discourse, unless the English with some favourable supply answer theyr greedy hopes." I have had a further visit from the Conde d' Odimira and the Duke of Colaval, who both assure me that his Majesty's demands will receive a satisfactory answer. I cannot recommend as fit a person to be agent here, in case the treaty require it, as Consul Maynard, and the only advance he desires, above his present consulage, is 300Z. a year, whereas no man can undertake that employment apart for less than twice so much. Knowing your intimacy with Lord Roberds, I have presumed to refer him to your Lordship, whose votes together will help much. But if an agent may not be thought of, I request you to procure licence for him to furnish the King here with a hundred iron guns, which they have urgent need for. I find that neither Goa nor any other place in the power of Portugal can be of so great advantage to his Majesty as the island of Ceylon, which affords cinnamon the most and the best, above all others. The chief city, Columba, was about two years since surprised by the Hollanders, whereby Portugal is debarred from the greatest benefit of the island, and Holland has only a bare city, all the fruit about it being destroyed by the natives. This might make his Majesty's demand the more obtainable, and the city may easily be gained from the Hollanders, either by treaty or conquest. Yesterday I was honoured with a magnificent entertainment at a country seat by the Conde d'Odimira, together with the Duke of Colaval, the Visconde de Castello Blanco and Don Francisco de Melo. This last is at length confirmed in the second embassy, and may suddenly return for England. From Algiers we have news " that Halil, the late Cromwell of those parts, is cutt in pieces by the people, whose revenge spared not also his poore wife. . . . " Being now hastening on board, is brought by Antonio de Sousa, from her Majesty the Queen Mother, to my wife, a very stately Jewell of diamants, costing here about 300Z. sterling, together with a large stock of rich essens and perfumes." The next port I shall touch at is Malaga. Letter Book, p. 6. 2 pp. With notes of letters written at the same time to Sir Edward Nicholas, Col. Charles Finch, and Sir Heneage Finch ; this last being more particularly about obtaining the embassy at Lisbon, if the match with the Infanta takes place, in which case, he would resign the Turkey employment to Sir Edward Dering. 87 The EARL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD CHANCELLOR CLARENDON. 1660, Nov. 12-22. Lisbon. [For the most part a repetition of that to the King above.] The Ambassador for England, Don Francisco de Mello, may possibly be put out of his employment, having the Conde de Torres for his secret competitor. An English ship, bound for Alicant, has been taken by four Algier men of war, upon pretence of having Spanish goods aboard. Being afterwards chased by a French fleet, " the vessell was lost and the goods confiscated as a shipwracke, though the men escaped the condition of captives." As yet the peace is not so wholly broken with those pirates but that I may compose it. " Yesterday I received a generous entertainment from the Conde de Odemira . . . when we had so much freedome in all our conversation that I thought myselfe in England againe, especially when we remembered your Lordships health and my Lord Treasurers, which was performed by the Portugalls with no small ceremonie and devotion." Letter Book, p. 11. 3J pp. TREATY WITH ALGIER. 1660, Nov. 23. " A narrative of the Treaty with Algier," begun on above date. By Lord Winchilsea. Letter Book, p. 16. 9 pp. The EARL OF WINCHILSEA to ROBERT BROWNE, Consul of Algier. 1660, Nov. 26. Plymouth frigate, before Algier. " It is much to our trouble that your negotiations in the treatie of Algier hath had such ill successe, and my expectation, advice and attendance in a bad roade, so insignificant and fruitless. You know wee cannot condescend farther, . . . and therefore my advice is to you that you deliver my letter, give them what faire words and hopes you can of a conclusion, so as not to make them absolutely desperate of a peace ; desire their letter once more to the King, and obtaine libertie for yourself to bee the messenger. By which meanes you may deferre their piracy on us for some time, and secure your own person and estate if you find no other remedy." You must still endeavour a peace according to your instructions, but if it cannot be effected, must give notice to all the English factories you can reach, of the danger of a breach. I can do no more but " wish you a safe deliverance out of our enemies hands, and securitie in a place of more faithfullnesse and reason." Letter Book, p. 29. 1 p. THE SAME to the KING. 1660, Dec. 3-13. Plymouth frigate, before Messina. Since my departure from Lisbon, I have been at Algier, " a journey 88 which, by reason of the season of the yeare, the barbarous humour of the people and the danger of a bad roade," only my obedience to your Majesty could have engaged me in. I have endeavoured to conclude a peace with that piratical nation, but have not been able to perfect the agreement, unless I had consented to conditions neither honourable to your Majesty nor beneficial for the merchants. It was finally agreed that the former articles should stand in force, and the peace be esteemed as yet firm (only that the difference con- cerning the searching of English ships should be left in suspense) until your Majesty shall intimate disapprobation, so that you may, at your pleasure, declare an open defiance, and compel them to your own terms. Letter Book, p. 24. 2pp. The EARL OF WINCHILSEA to his brother [in law] LORD TREASURER SOUTHAMPTON. 1660, Dec.* 3-13. Plymouth. Messina. Giving an account of the violent storms which they had experienced on their way to Algier, and of a contention between the captain of his ship and a Turk who wished to go in it to Constantinople, as to passage money. Winchilsea and the consul, fearing evil results to the newly released English ships and captives if the Turk returned on shore with angry complaints, have furnished 501. from money sent to the consul to use at his discretion, and hope the King will approve. It would be one of the greatest felicities in the world if he could persuade his Lordship " out of a letter " sometimes, of counsel and directions ; but knowing how tedious an employ- ment writing is to him, and how difficult to be procured by the dearest of his Lordship's relations, it will be happiness enough if he will order Sir Philip Warwick to express his thoughts and give his advice, always " so dear and precious " and now more so than ever, when the distance between them is so great. Letter Book, p. 26. 2 pp. THE SAME to SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS. 1660, Dec. 3-13. Plymouth, Port of Messina. Gives an account of the storms they have encountered, for six tedious days. The Eaglet was taken by the Algier pirates, but released again on sight of her royal commission, and " in her safety" it is hoped the merchant ships will be out of danger. " Poore Capt. Browne, who brought mee his Majesties order in his behalf, I was no wayes able to serve, his ship being since retaken from Algier by the French, to whom they directed mee for recompense ; and as little could I doe for the poore Lord Bryan or his father's servants ; Ramadan, the now usurper, claiming his lordships freedome, which I * Dated November by mistake. feare is not to bee recovered by us but by the generall remedy of a fleet of ships." I shall however try to procure a letter from the Grand Signer to Ramadan in his behalf. " Ramadan hath promised to write a letter to his Majesty signifying his resolution to search our ships, notwithstanding my absolute dissenting therein ; and that Mr. Browne, now Consul there . . . shall carry it himself, in answer whereto, if his Majesty shall dislike it, and rather renounce the peace, his rude phrase was : ' He knows.' ' All this trouble is due to Cason's neglect, for hi the articles he made with them, they were in no wise prohibited from seizing strangers' goods or men. " And now I crave leave to acquaint you that as all the consulships of Turkey (save those the Company reserves hi their articles) are properly at my disposall, so, if any bee imposed on mee, a great part of the benefit of the embassy is taken from mee. Yet, as I heare, that of Tunis is allready begged from his Majestic and that of Algier strongly in chace ; to which, and all others in that kind, I desire you to give a stop." Besides, they cannot be admitted but by a barat or com- mission from the Grand Signor, which none can procure save myself at Constantinople. The Consul of Algier, until of late, has always been allowed an annual pension of 400/., without which his expences cannot be defrayed, which " would be of a sad consequence to all that bee or shall bee enslaved, and the owners of all ships and goods that may bee taken by them. " I arrived here yesterday, that I might convey home this account of Algier and other matters, and might also refresh myself some hours on shore, after a tedious voyage, but so rudely am I here treated, that neither the guns which I shot to their fort were returned, nor, after my addresse to their praticke house, in twenty-four houres space did the face of a gentleman appear to give me at least an answer." At last some inferior fellows brought me word that their Vice-roy was out of town and no pratique could be had, whereupon I resolve to sail to-morrow for Smyrna. Letter Book, p. 29. 2J pp. The EARL OF WINCHILSEA to the CONDE DE AYALA, Vice-roy of Sicily, at Palermo. 1660, Dec. 8-18. Messina. Stating that being sent by his master, King Charles II, now happily restored to his throne, as ambassador extraordinary to the Porte, he and his wife have arrived at Messina, desiring to refresh themselves there a little after the discomforts of their voyage. Before dis- embarking however, they think well to announce their arrival to his Excellency, and must not fail to inform him of the honour and courtesy shown them by D. Francisco de Villa Padierna, Stratago of this city. Hopes that his Excellency will of his goodness, excuse their resorting to him for 90 protection. They know not how it is that they have failed to gain the goodwill of the magistrates of this city, who, by various acts, have excused themselves from their obligation to give the help which was due to foreigners and distinguished ministers. But this negligence will not annoy them, if it is compensated for by the favour of his Excellency and the Signor Stratago, of which they are in no doubt, seeing that the good correspondence between the two Kings cannot fail also to exist between their ministers. Letter Book, p. 32. Spanish. I p. The EARL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD TREASURER SOUTHAMPTON. 1660, Dec. 9-19. Messina. Stating that as, for four days, he was refused admission to Messina " upon the scruple of pratica," for want of a bill of health, he had resolved to depart ; there being nothing to detain him but a desire that his wife should breathe awhile ashore to refresh herself. The Stratago or Commander of the Castles, however, being a Spaniard " and so naturally more civil than the Sicilians," obtained pratique, furnished him a house, invited him ashore, and showed him much civility and respect. The six Jurati, in whose hands is all the civil power and who never approve what the Stratago does, " being allwayes in opposition to the Spanish ministers," neglected him in every way, which barbarous rudeness he has made known to the Vice-roy at Palermo, from whom he is sure they will receive a severe admonition. Letter Book, p. 33. 1 p. Original in S.P. Turkey, under date. With note that the same letter was written to Sir Edward Nicholas. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1660, Dec. 17. Smyrna. Has arrived here with a prosperous gale, and no inconvenience save a small distemper of body, now abated. His stay will not be more than two or three weeks ; no longer than will enable him to settle what business has to be despatched and to ease himself on land from the tediousness of his voyage. Letter Book, p. 34. 1 p. The same letter sent to Sir E. Nicholas, the Turkey Company and Sir Heneage Finch. THE SAME to SIR THOMAS BENDYSHE. 1660, Dec. 17. This is to let your Lordship know I am on this side of the world, and ready to return your kind salute with expressions of the same friendship. When I arrive at Constantinople, " I shall cast myself wholy on the direction of your experience, whose office I come not -to invade, but relieve you from the charge of your weightie employment, who have stood so long centinell on the guard and defence of your country. As you are pleased with my succession of you, so it is a satisfaction to mee to bee preceded by one of your deserts, whose worth and prudence hath affected the office 91 with that respect and reverence of strangers " that I shall have the reflection of your fame and reputation. Letter Book, p. 34. 1 p. The EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR THOMAS BENDYSHE. 1660, Dec. 17. Since sealing his letter he has heard the complaints of the Levant Company of their past losses " by the admittance of Louyses" [base French money], which would have daily increased, to the ruin of their trade, if his Lord- ship had not " so timely layd a helping hand to the remedie of this grievance." His Lordship will do good service by procuring the forfeiture of such money, and of all other of that stamp which shall enter the Grand Signer's dominions. The French consul and divers of his nation start to-morrow for that court " to use their best interest to preserve their owne selves and the reputation of their false mony," wherefore he must^ be vigilant and speedy. Letter Book, p. 35. 1 p. THE SAME to JONATHAN DAWES. 1660, Dec. 17. Rejoicing that he intends to remain at Constantinople, both for the enjoyment of his company and conversation, and for the benefit of his advice and experience. Letter Book, p. 36. 1 p. SIR THOMAS BENDYSHE to the EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1660, Dec. 27. Pera. Your Excellency's kind expressions surpass not only my expectations but my merits, and I fear you will find on your arrival minvit proesentia famam ; but what you shall also certainly find is my faithful zeal to serve you. Your commands against the " Lewises " I immediately put in execution by demanding audience of the Vizier. When I see him, I shall accomplish your desires to the utmost of my power. 1 pp. Seal of arms. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1660, Dec. 29. Pera. The Vizier has given orders that none of the " Lewises " shall pass, that what come in future shall be confiscated and that " those moneys sealed in the French consul's hand should be sent to the mint here, they receiving their value, according to their weight." Has informed the Vizier of his Lordship's safe arrival at Smyrna and intention for this port, together with his " high qualifi- cations and extraordinary honour, which required from the Port a respect correspondent thereunto." This he has promised his Excellency shall have. 1 pp. PATRICK SYMSONNE to the EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, Jan. [1-]11. Yaslovietz. Understands, by Mr. Gait's and Mr. Bonithon's letters, that his Excellency has taken 92 him under his protection, and granted a " battulation " upon those goods which his enemies have robbed him of, carried to the Porte, and as he hears, sold. Prays that any others which shall be brought thither may be stopped until he arrives at Warsaw, where he will procure an order from the King of Poland. Hopes this may be done before the present parlia- ment be concluded, " in which we have great expectation of a most desired peace with the Muscovite, since his ambassador is living still at Warshaw." Will send other documents to evidence his right to the ashes [i.e. potashes] and the wrongs he has and yet does sustain. 1 p. [There are several other letters from this writer and his brother William, on the same subject and in relation to his trade in potashes, the last being dated Feb. 26-March 7, 1668. The letters are most of them sealed with their coat of arms, viz. three crescents in chief, over a star.] The EARL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD TREASURER SOUTHAMPTON. 1660[-1], Jan. 3. Smyrna. " I cannot but condole with your Lordship our mutuall losse of the Duke of Somerset, whose owne worth and merits might make his death lamented by all his relations and the whole kingdome ; but more especially it is to be resented by mee, who have lost one by whose assistance and authoritie my interest and memory might in my longest absence [have] beene preserved." And truly now I have cause to fear that at this distance I may be reckoned also among the dead, unless your Lordship will remind the King that he has a minister in these parts of the world who " hopes to live neerer under the shadow and refreshment of his Majestic." Lord Bath promised me that when my Lord Duke died, and he was promoted to be groom of the stole (as promised) he would use his interest that I might be one of the gentlemen of the bedchamber. The King gave me some hopes of this, but as it is not probable that either he or Lord Bath will remember me in the matter, I pray you to continue me in his Majesty's memory. Letter Book, p. 37. 1 p. SIR THOMAS BENDYSHE to the EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1660[-1], Jan. 4. Pera. As the officers that keep the Dardanelli Castles have lately trenched upon the privileges of the English by staying their ships until a small present be given, and he fears lest some such abuse should be offered to his Excellency, he has obtained and is sending an order forbidding such practices. 1 p. CONSUL RICHARD BAKER to THE SAME. 1660[-1], Jan. 17. Smyrna. Has received the Grand Signer's orders forbidding the bringing in of the base money called " luises." " Yesterday the Cadde [i.e. Cadi judge] circumcised a child, and soe could nott be spoken with, butt the drogerman shewed itt to his sonn (who, he sayes governes the father) who promised to do much." Complains that the French and Armenians dispute his right " to take whole consulage " on strangers' goods bound on English ships (as ordered by the Turkey Company), and that the English also declare that the Company cannot justify taking more than formerly, or the making orders for other nations. 2 pp. CONSUL BAKER to the EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1660[-1], Jan. 20. Smyrna. On the same subjects as the preceding. The orders against the Luises have been proclaimed in the town. 2 pp. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1660[-1], Jan. 29. Smyrna. There are now four great Holland ships in the bay, and more expected. " If your Excellency find nott owt a way, they will gett away all the trade, for they take butt one per cent, consulage, and soe all the Armenians, Jewes, and yea the English them- selfes lade their goods on them, by which they gett away all the consulage, and the Company will have none ; and this, I beleive, is States policy, contrived at Amsterdam whereby to ruine our shipping and this trade," for although the Act doth not permit them to bring these goods to England, they carry them to Leghorn and there put them into an English ship. " I had need of some skill to countermine affaires here, and I wounder how itt could be formerly donne by those that were not acquainted with marchandizing affaires. The flocke follow the bell- weather, whose businesse is to oppose the Company's orders, making a seperated interest. How shall a howse divided within itself e stand ? " The Holland ships that are expected will bring 500,000 zelots, which it will be necessary to have forbidden and re-coined. 3 pp. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1660[-1], Feb. 9. Smyrna. Announcing the death of his Excellency's servant, Mr. Bargrave. He is buried at Sante Venaranda, whither they all accompanied him ; " his wife most disconsolate, and to be admired for her love and care of him." 1| pp. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1660[-1], Feb. 11. Smyrna. Concerning his difficulties in the matter of consulage. As to the false money, he will do what he can, but the customer is bribed (it is said by the French), and the money is carried to all parts. Has sent often to the Cadi, but he says he cannot punish without clear proofs, and will not prohibit the money either to enter or to pass. 4 pp. 94 The EARL OF WINCHILSEA to NICHOLAS PENNING. 1660-1, Feb. 15. Pera of Constantinople. I am, praise God, arrived at the port of my employment after many various hazards, which you will see from my letters to the Company, as also my reception here, and audience with the Grand Vizier. That with the Grand Signer has been deferred. In con- sideration of my interest at the English Court, the expence and danger of my voyage, and especially my " taking off my hand from the forraigne consulage, to which I knew I had so strong a title," in order to benefit the Company, I think it but reasonable that they should make some addition to my yearly salary ; and desire your assistance as my friend, " that I who am a Peere of England and ambassadour extraordinary that first came to this place may not have cause to repent my voyage." Letter Book, p. 38. 1 p. THE SAME to JOHN BUCKWORTH. 1660-1, Feb. 18. Pera. Acknowledging his past kind- nesses, praying for a continuance of them, and begging him to consult with his cousin, Sir Heneage Finch, in any matter of moment in regard to his affairs. [The rest of the letter is to the same effect as that to Penning, above.] Letter Book, p. 40. 1 p. With note that like letters were written to Sir Wm. Vincent, Sir G. Smith, Mr. Bernardiston and Mr. Elias Harby. CONSUL BAKER to the EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1660[-1], Feb. 18. Smyrna. Complaining of the conduct of the Dutch, who plot all they can to out the English from the trade. " The newes from England is the death of the Princes Royall [i.e. Mary, Princess of Orange] ; the queene mother and faire Infanta of England are returned for Paris, the Parlyament dissolved with all content both to his Majestie and people ; 32 Acts passed ; the excise of ale and beare graunted to his Majestie for life, all but Generall Munkes regiments of soldiers are disbanded and paid off; the peace with Spaine at a stande, the match with Portugall goes in treatie. . . . " I beseech your Excellencies sense of the capitulation which the Company have bound me to, in 5,000?. forfeiture. Neaver consull yett demauncled two per cent, on the goods English men laded or received by strangers' shipping. I intend to putt it in execution . . . [but] I shall have much adoe with them about this businesse." 2| pp. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1660[-1], Feb. 22. Smyrna. Concerning the disregard of his Excellency's orders against the exporting of potashes, especially by Mr. Arnold White. 95 It is said that a Chous [steward or government agent]* is coming down to seize on all the ships in the road for the Grand Signor's service, which makes the Hollanders to post away, as they are almost all richly laden. 3 pp. CONSUL BAKER to the EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1660[-1], Feb. 26. Smyrna. Has found his dmggermen slothful and remiss ; also they give intelligence to particular factors, and so " the member is furnished to warr against the body," and all he himself does is known and may be prevented. He has therefore given them notice to leave at the end of their term, and prays for a veratts [commission] for Solomon filiolo de Moyse, of whom he had good information in England, and who gives him much satisfaction by his extraordinary parts and fidelity. [The rest of the letter is in relation to the export of potashes, and the bringing in of bad money.] 2| pp. CONSUL BENJAMIN LANNOY to THE SAME. 1660-1, Feb. 26. Aleppo. I have received your Excellency's letter and my commission, for which I return my hearty thanks and shall ever endeavour to prove myself your faithful servant. I have written to the English President of Persia and the President at Surat, to correspond with me, especially touching the affairs of the Dutch and Portugalls. The Fathers at Basora and Bagdatt (through whom I send my packets to Spahaune [Ispahan] and India) advise me of a considerable advantage the Hollanders lately obtained against the Portugalls fleet about Goa, but give no particulars. I have acquainted the factory here of your Excellency's arrival and of your care of us. Amongst the particulars which we intreated you to procure was the repair of Moratt Bassa's Bridge,| " a place where our goods, both going and coming from the scale, in the winter tyme receive great damage." The bearer of this, the Shabender [commercial magistrate or consul] of this place, " a person of power and a loving friend to our nation " hath entreated me to write of the necessity for procuring an order in this matter. 1 p. Seal of arms. The SULTAN MAHOMET HAN to CHARLES II. [1660-1, March 1.] Acknowledging his Majesty's letters [of August 25] and assuring him that his merchants shall be protected ; that his new ambassador has been cordially received, and that the old one has free licence to depart. Dated the 10th day of the moon of Regiep, 1071. Letter Book, p. 72. Translation, 1 p. Also a like letter from the Grand Vizier. Ibid. 1 pp. * Spelt variously by the English writers, clwus, chiaiifi, or clriau. I The necessity of this work is urged in very many of the letters. The EARL OF WINCHILSEA to the KINO. 1660-1, March 1. Pera. Announcing his safe arrival, his reception by Sir Thomas Bendyshe, and his audience of the Grand Signor and Vizier, which, by Bendyshe's endeavours, was solemn and honourable. Is sorry a person of Bendyshe's worth has fallen under his Majesty's displeasure, being confident that " his affections were alwaies sincere to the royall interest, as may appeare by his sufferings in the unfortunate rebellion and by his resolutions not to beare any office or authoritie under unlawfull powers untill licensed by the grant and dispensation " of his Majesty's father. If credit may be given to the testimony of those residing at Constantinople, he hath never owned any title but that of his Majesty's ambassador, or treated in any other name. He prays only to come to a fair hearing, and if convicted is willing to submit to the heaviest punishment, but if found innocent, begs to be restored to his Majesty's favour. Letter Book, p. 43. \ p. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1660-1, March 1. Pera. I must render your Majesty humble thanks for my secure and comfortable accommodation in the Plymouth. The appearance of such a vessel here has not only done honour to me, as your Ambassador, " but affected the great Emperor himselfe with an apprehension and terrour of his Majesties navy." Capt. Allen has behaved himself with all prudence and vigilence. " Being placed in this station by your Majestic, I shall keep my centinell and stand upon my guard untill such tyme as your Majestic shall think fitt to relieve me, knowing no greater contentment and satisfaction in this world then that which may most be agreeable to your Majesties pleasure." Letter Book, p. 44. | p. THE SAME to LORD TREASURER SOUTHAMPTON. 1660-1, March 1. Pera. I send you enclosed a narrative of my voyage from Smyrna, my arrival here, and my audience. The Turks have ill-treated me at my first arrival, for they have a design on all the English ships here (the Plymouth not excepted) to carry soldiers to Candy, and I have had to sacrifice one to save the rest. This is the Smyrna Factor, which was seized by command of the Vizier, and so obstinately held, in spite of my opposition, that I believe he would have made a total rupture rather than give way. This Vizier is a man of stronger natural parts and more refined resolution than any that has governed the Ottoman Empire. Having the sole power in his hands, he has purged the body politic by cutting off (partly by his own hands) six thousand bashas and great men, whose estates have flown into his own coffers, save such rivulets as he has let pass by 97 to his master ; and indeed the Empire was so rent by factions that a resolute spirit was necessary, who cut off those members he could not cure. He is punctual in his word, pays all debts to their day, severe in his punishments, generous in his rewards. He hates all Christians, and hopes to conquer all Italy and Rome, though he is aged, dropsical and affected with gout and jaundice. The Grand Signer is not more than twenty-two years old, and wholly governed by the Vizier, whom he calls father. His treasuries are vast and rich, containing the riches amassed by many predecessors, There is no ambassador residing here but one from France, whose ill-treatment by the Turks has rendered him contemptible, for deporting himself at an audience as became his office, his son was dragged down stairs by his hair, and he himself sent prisoner to the Seven Towers for two months. He is now released, but deposed from office, and kept as a hostage for a messenger the Vizier is sending to the King of France, to know whether he will have peace or war. The resident or Bailo of Venice, Balarino, is a man of excellent report, and has shown me many civilities, but he is " in the nature of a prisoner." The Emperor's resident, who was the first to send to salute me on my arrival, " is so unfortunat as to have a druggerman whom hee knowes to bee false to him and a spye to all Christendome and yet dares not remove him because of his interest and familiarity with the Vizier, by whom he is imposed." There is also a Dutch resident, who has complimented me in the usual manner. Letter Book, p. 44. 3 pp. Enclosing : A Relation of Lord Winchilsea's passage from Smyrna to Constantinople, and his audiences there. Ibid. p. 47. 7 pp. {Printed. London, 1661.] Copies also sent to Sir E. Nicholas, Sir Heneage Finch, and the Turkey Company. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIB EDWARD NICHOLAS. 1660-1, March 1. Pera. Desiring to have a bed and an official seal, as Sir Thos. Bendyshe informs him has been usual with former ambassadors. Letter Book, p. 56. p. [Original in 8. P. Turkey.] THE SAME to his cousin, SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1660-1, March 1. Pera. I have by several letters told you of my voyage and the state of my body and fortune, " for you who are so much myself e, my familiar and intimate to all my secrets, ought not to bee a stranger to my concernments, on whose councell and fidelity I must repose my greatest Wt. 29495. FI 7 98 trust for the management of my affaires at home, and walke partly likewise by your rules in the government of my f orraigne negotiations here." [Refers him to his " Narrative " for what has happened since he wrote last, and repeats what he has said to his friends in the Company (see letter to N. Penning, p. 94 above) concerning his claim to an increase of salary.] I hear they intend to add 2,000 dollars, which is above 5001. sterling, though I desire you to insist on more, if feasible, as I was promised 4,000 by Sir William Vincent and others. If you will discover how they are inclined, and the best way to have my desires moved hi the public court, I am confident they cannot refuse to increase my allowance. None is like to prove a more powerful friend to me than Mr. John Buckworth, who is one of the greatest adventurers in these parts, and in whom I have great confidence, by reason of his secret good offices to me before I was acquainted with him. If Sir Thos. Bendyshe applies to you, be civil to him, for his own sake and mine, as he has been extraordinary obliging to me. " Hee is a person who, though hee may have some blemishes and clouds cast upon him, yet I have reason to beleive he hath binne allwaies faithfull to the King's interest, and is so confident his innocence will carry him above all accusations that he desires nothing more then by a legall tryall to vindicate his honour." I am so sure you will reserve your ancient kindness for me in my absence, that I do not fear to trouble you, even amidst your most serious and weighty employments. Letter Book, p. 57. 2 pp. THE EAKL OF WINCHILSEA to THE QUEEN [HENRIETTA MARIA]. 1660-1, March 2. Pera. Regretting that his hurried departure from England had deprived him of the blessing of kissing her Majesty's hand and congratulating her safe arrival. Hopes that she is now safely returned to France " to the celebration of the happy marriage of the incomparable princess " [Henrietta], whose prosperity and glory he shall ever desire ; and prays that her Majesty's own joys may be consummated in the greatness and happiness of her royal issue. Ibid. p. 60. | p. THE SAME to THE EARL OF ST. ALBANS. 1660-1, March 2. Hopes that their friendship may be continued by a correspondence, in which the distance of his own station, with its " difference of custom and humours " may enable him to afford his lordship something of novelty and divertisement, while in return he will receive from his lordship news all the more welcome from his affection to his own king and country. Sends by Mr. Hedges the relation of what he has met with in Turkey, in which, though he finds not the " ceremonies and quaintness of the French Court " yet he will perceive " there is a barbaritie refined, and the 99 rudenesse of this people mixed with art, and the pride of the Ottoman Emperors surpassing any greatnes or ostentation of our Christian princes." Letter Book, p. 60. J p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE QUEEN OF PORTUGAL. 1660-1, March 2. Pera. Assuring her Majesty that his gratitude for her favours is so great that his desire to engage himself for the good of Portugal is only second to his care for his Master's service. To show that he has not forgotten her orders, he sends the bearer, Mr. Anthony Bokenham, to tell her how things go where he is now. Ibid. p. 62. Spanish. p. THE SAME to THE CONDE DE ODEMIRA. 1660-1, March 2. Announcing his arrival at Constantinople after passing through many and great dangers, and assuring him of his desire to further the cause of Portugal. Ibid, p. 62. Latin. | p. THE SAME to LORD CHANCELLOR [CLARENDON]. 1660-1, March 2. Pera. My business here, next to the honour and interest of my Master, is the protection of the merchants, in which I am glad to have so good a patron as your lordship, for if the reports be true of the strict league of friendship between England and Portugal, and " those townes of so much importance [Bombay and Tangier] to bee resigned into the hands of his Majestic, such a doore will be opened to all trade as will make England againe to bee nombred amongst the most flourishing kingdomes of Christen- dome," in which happy result I believe your lordship has been a chief instrument, and return you a thousand thanks, on the merchants' behalf, for your care and vigilance. Ibid, p. 54. 1 p. THE SAME to THE KING. 1660-1, March 3-13. Pera. Stating that no public minister at the Porte has the like esteem with himself ; " the Vizier hardly knowing there is a Dutch resident, the French ambassador being daily affronted and disgraced, the Emperor's resident under a suspicion, and the Bailo of Venice under a confinement at his own house "; so that his Majesties interest " is only that which is courted and considerable." Ibid. p. 41. 2 pp. [The original letter is in S.P. Turkey, under date.] THE SAME to THE DUKE OF YORK. 1660-1, March 3-13. Pera. Thanking his Highness for granting him safe conduct by the Plymouth, and hoping that by the care of so discreet and able a commander as Capt. Allen has shown himself to be, she will return with all speed and safety. Ibid. p. 43. i p. 100 CONSUL BAKER to THE EARL OF WINOHILSEA. 1660[-1], March 4. Smyrna. The factors who used to receive private intelligence from the druggermen have signed a paper on their behalf, but Mr. Taylor, the Treasurer [Walter Coventry] and the most judicious merchants will have no hand hi it. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS. 1660-1, March [4]. Pera. A long letter concerning his treatment at Algier, reception at Constantinople &c. Letter Book, p. 54. 2 pp. [The original is in S.P. Turkey, under the above date. This copy is dated March 1.] THE SAME to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1660-1, March 5. Pera. Letter of recommendation for Sir Thomas Bendyshe. Ibid. p. 59. p. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1660-1, March 5. Some years past, the commander of the Goodwill (Stephen Michell) agreed to transport certain Mahometans from Tunis to Smyrna, but soon after, meeting with some Malta gallies, without the least opposition delivered the men into the hands of their enemies. Those of Tunis immediately seized the goods and estates of Mr. Henry Bowyer and Co., London merchants, who have yet no redress, and Sir Thomas Bendyshe desires that a warrant should be granted to the English consul at Tunis, to make a moderate levy on English goods, and so to satisfy them. Has the King's letters authorising him to do what is consonant to justice in the business, but fearing unknown difficulties, prays his " oracle " to counsel him. Postscript. Thinks it might be beneficial for Bendyshe to go to Grand Cairo, but having heard some of the Turkey Company complain of the great charges of the business there, forbears to act until he knows how grateful it may be to the Company, and how lawful to erect a new factory. Ibid, p. 59. 1 p. THE SAME to LORD TREASURER [SOUTHAMPTON]. 1660-1, March 6. Recommending to him Sir T. Bendyshe's desire to be agent at Cairo, and asking him to consult Sir Heneage Finch in the matter. Ibid. % p. THE SAME to THE GRAND DUKE OF TUSCANY. 1660-1, March 6. Recommending Mr. Anthony Bokenham, and praying that when he passes through his Highness's territory he may be spared delays from quarantine &c., in order that he may as quickly as possible pursue his journey towards England. Ibid, p* 61, Italian. % p. 101 THE EARL OF WINCHILSBA to SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS. 1660-1, March 6. Pera. Stating, that in consequence of his importunities, the Grand Vizier has promised to stay the messengers from Algier (when they come to offer their yearly presents and homage) until the " ancient capitulations with England are confirmed and Lord O'Brien is released." Sir Thos. Bendyshe wishes to be made agent at Grand Cairo, where he has a son engaged in the trade and believes he could erect a factory with very good results. Letter Book, p. 57. \ p, [Original in S.P. Turkey.] SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS to THE EARL OP WINCHTLSEA. 1660-1, March 14. Whitehall. I have received several of your lordship's letters, from Lisboa, Algiers, Messina and Smyrna, but could not tell where one from me might find you. I hope that ere this you are safely arrived in Constantinople. " Both his Majesty and the Lords did very well approve of your good endeavours at Algiers, but rest very unsatisfyed with the Governours peremptory resolution of searching all English ships ; and though his Majesty doe with good reason expect at least as good termes as the late Usurper had from them, yet he will not at present expresse it, but will take a fitter opportunity." I doubt not but you have heard some part of what has occurred here since your departure. " The Phanatiks had layd a generall Plott all over the kingdome, and actually broke forth in this Citty into some weake attempts to embroyle affaires ; but by the unanimous vigilance and activity of the whole Nation haveing been frustrated, they and others (who want not malice enough) are discouraged, wee hope, from any further designes, and wee at present (thankes be to God) enjoy a perfect quiett ; for the better preservation whereof, his Majesty hath caused a Proclamation to be published, forbidding all private meetings and assemblyes of the Phanaticks and Sectaryes. The fro ward humour of the Quakers not complying with this Order, and obstinately refuseing to take the Oath of Allegiance, hath filled all the prisons in citty and country with that sect of men. It pleased God to deprive us of the Princesse Royall of Orange the 24th of December last, who dyed of the meazles. The sad affliction that loss brought upon this Court was one reason that the Queen and the Princesse Henriette returned presently after for France, being attended by the Earle of St. Albans whom his Majesty dispatched thither as his Ambassador Extr[aordina]ry. By the inclosed copy of the Ordinance of both Houses of Parliament you will perceive how wonder- fully justice did at last overtake that execrable Tray tor, and some of his archest complices. It was punctually executed on the 30th of January last, which day was by 102 Act of Parliament observed as an Anniversary solemne fast and humiliation for the horrid murder of his late Majesty. That which at present makes the greatest part of our enter- tainment here is the great preparation which is every where makeing for his Majesty's Coronation, proclaimed to be the 23rd of April next being St. George's day. Presently after, viz. the 8th of May following, a Parliament is summoned to meet at Westminster, and another on the same day in Ireland. That hi Scotland your Lordship may remember was called before your departure hence, and hath in all its proceedings acted very much to his Majesty's interest and satisfaction ; being now upon the tryall of the Marquis of Argile and his comerades. The Cardinall in France is lately dead, which is expected will produce a great change in their affaires, and no prejudice to his Majestys. The Treaty with Denmarke was concluded and signed some weeks agoe, and the Danish Ambassador is thereupon returned home to his Master. That with the States, as also those with Spaine and Portugall, proceed but slowly. Prince Maurice of Nassau arrived here lately as Ambassador Extr[aordina]ry from the Elector of Brandenburg ; and one is expected dayly from the Grand Duke of Florence . . . ." Postscript in Nicholas' own hand. " The Lord Dungarvan, eldest sonne of the Earle of Corke, is to marry the Lady Jane Seamore. The Lady Marchiones of Winchester dyed Sunday last of a consumpcion. "My most humble service to your Lordship's noble Lady." Signed. 2 pp. ANTHONY BOKENHAM to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, March 14. Smyrna. Gives an account of his voyage from Constantinople. The morning after their arrival, the Consul and nation came to wait upon Sir Thos. Bendyshe to the shore, where he was " received with all handsomenes at the Consulls house." His resolution to lodge at his daughter's house (in compliance with her " passionate importunity ") gave some discontent to the Consul. Finds " so much of that divell jelousy and suspicion amongst them here " (having already occasioned the cashierment of two of the dragomen, to the great disservice of the nation, as they tell him) that if his lordship does not interpose, " they will post to irreconcileable dissentions and distractions," which will give both him and themselves a standing trouble. The general opinion is that Mr White is injured, " though they allow not his liberty of speech if directed against the Consul, which Mr. White solemnly vowes it was not, . . . but where there wants an accommodating temper, all passages will be liable to distrusts." To himself, both Consul and factory have been very kind, voting him 250 dollars towards the expences of his voyage. 1| p. 103 THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR HENEAGB FINCH. 1660-1, March 24. Pera. . . . "Not any ambassador hath binne more frugall than I have binne since my arrivall here, nor any ever received with that honour ; but yet all provisions are at present treble the price, which, together with the furniture of this house and that in the country (which hi moveables and horses alone, amounts to 2,800 crowns at a very low rate) then a sable vest and some other furres which I was necessitated to buy, hath putt me in debt here nigh 1,000 pound English ; but whenever I shall leave this place, those very things will bring mee in as much, within one or two hundred pounds. Sir Thos. Bendyshe and all my predecessors did runne much more in debt at first." I doubt not but to pay it out of my savings the first year, for I intend in three or four days to go into the country for the summer (to study my health, which is somewhat impaired by the tedious whiter voyage) where I shall save almost half the expense I have here. It is but fifteen miles off, and when I have business here, it is but coining hither the night before. " I am exceedingly caressed by all the publicke ministers, especially by the Venetian Ambassador and the German resident." I gave Sir Edward Nicholas notice last week of the proba- bility of a war speedily between the Grand Signer and the Emperor, which might bring about a peace with Venice, and desired him to consider that I had no allowance for intelligence or messengers to England in case of suddenly needing advice how to carry myself here. My Master's interest is the only one considerable, and in case of any treaty, he will certainly be the arbitrator, and I would have as good tools furnished me to work with as is usual in such cases. Also, I have no credit for money on the King's account, " no, not to pay the carriage of a letter. I doe not propound to the Secretary of State to have any, but only to consider whether it bee my Master's interest or no to leave me here so bare of money and intelligences, and withall not to expect that I can make bricks without straw ... In the meane tyme I shall have my eyes open, and diligently watch all opportunities." I pray you acquaint my Lord Treasurer and my Lord Chief Justice, Sir Orlando Bridgman, with this, that they may help to forward my Master's interest with all speed, lest opportunities be lost. Letter Book, p. 65. 1| p. CAPT. ROBERT HUDSON to THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA. 1661, March 24. Smyrna. Complains that the Turks (of whom he had 500 on board) insisted on his going into the nar- row harbour of Canea, where, the water being shallow, they ran upon their anchor and made a leak which was with much difficulty stopped by divers, all their bread, powder &c., being spoiled. Prays his Excellency to try to obtain some 104 satisfaction from the Grand Signer, especially as they had not received one stiver from him, " which, in all such services hath formerly been a custom. Canea is strongly walled, and " moated with a dry graft," yet both Turks and Christians say that if the Venetians had staid but three hours before it in September last, they had been masters of it ; but they only took some cattle and provisions from the Greeks, and retreated. They have a stronghold on each side of Canea, and the Greeks, " daily revolting from the Turkes, doe keep what provision possibel they can from the towne, so that everything eatable is doubel the price was ever knowen, and the Turkes in great feare, the Christians in hope, of a great fleete, both of French and Spanish to come this summer." Arrived at Smyrna on the 17th inst., where he means to careen his ship, and then go for England. 1 p. Seal of arms. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to MARTIN, his STEWARD. 1661, March 25. Desires to know what moneys he has received, and what burden of the debts is eased by them. Would have him consider whether it were fit to sell part or all the estates in Yorkshire, towards satisfaction of debts and purchase of lands in Kent, so as to contract the chief of his estate in one county, but this is not to be done unless the Yorkshire lands can be sold to advantage and a good bargain made in Kent. The expenses of settling his family have been great, but he hopes to be clear in a year, after which he will begin to send money for the discharge of his debts in England. . . Letter Book, p. 67. 1. p. CAPT. THOS. ALLIN to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, March 29. Smyrna. Has been kept at this place much longer than he expected, first waiting for the Prosperous (a ship of great value), and afterwards for a fair wind. The emulations between the consul and the merchants grow very high, and the latter are much annoyed that the consul keeps in his hands a letter from his Excellency to the treasurer and factory, excusing himself by saying that he knows Mr. Barnardiston has a copy. He writes himself " Ricardo Baker, console per sua Maesta della gran Brettagnia, di Scio, Metteline, Smirne &c." whereas other consuls only wrote themselves " console per natione Englose." His Excellency will hear more of this from some of the merchants who are going to Stamboul ; amongst others, " my honest countryman," Mr. White. Mr. Edwards has sent on board twelve pots of sherbet, which shall be presented to his Majesty, as desired, with his Excellency's tenderest affection and service. 1 p. Seal of arms. 105 ANTHONY BOKENHAM to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, March 29. Smyrna. Is still waiting for a fair wind. It is whispered amongst the Flemings, " who speak perhaps what they would have," that his Majesty is assassinated, but the story is considered groundless. Things in the factory are at that pass that if the druggermen are re-admitted, the Consul will quit his station. He rejects all offers of mediation, resolving, as he says, "to be a consul or no consul." If he appeals to the Company, it will spare his Excellency trouble, but will make those irreconcileable who now desire a fair understanding. 1 p. Seal of arms. CONSUL BAKER to THE SAME. 1661, March 31. Smyrna. Finds himself much " discon- sulated " by his Excellency's letter, having hoped for encouragement and support. Gives at length his grievances against the factors, and declares that his only sin has been his obedience to the orders of the Company. As to the claim of the factors that the druggermen are not under the consul's orders, when the treasurer once said as much to Sir Thomas Bendyshe, " Sir Thomas told them that he was the Company's officer, but that those were his, and that he would place and displace who he pleased," since when the factory has not meddled with the druggermen until now. " How can it be expected that either your Excellency or myself shall do anything without we have faithfull men about us " whom we can trust. Sir Thomas Bendyshe embarked on the 29th. I served him as was my obligation to an ambassador. 3J pp, THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD ST. ALBANS, Ambassador at Paris. 1661, April 1. Pera. Some months since (as I believe your lordship is informed) the French ambassador, magnifying to the Vizier the greatness of his master, and threatening revenge for the injuries his subjects had sustained, the Turks, who cannot suffer anything that savours of a threat, struck his son in the face, dragged him by the hair of his head out of the Vizier's palace and committed the ambassador to the Seven Towers, where he was kept two months. Since his release, no audiences or addresses from him being accepted by the Vizier, the French are left without protection, which indignity to a public minister, in violation of the sacredness of his office and against all the laws of reason and nations, must needs be so highly resented by his Christian Majesty as not to be reconciled without greater satisfaction than Turkish obstinacy is likely to condescend to, besides which, the Vizier's expressions used of the ambassador and his nation plainly manifest his hatred of the French, and how little he values a friendship with them. 106 Since then there may be war between France and the Turk, and that trade must be continued, it would be for the honour of our master if the French who traffic here should come under the protection of the English ambassador, and I think you would do his Majesty a service if you procured an order from the French King to his subjects to use only this protection if their own ambassador is recalled, for there is no one here so powerful to defend them as myself. The German resident is in disgust by reason a war is likely to ensue between the Emperor and the Grand Signer ; for Chimianus having taken upon himself the government of Transylvania without the Grand Signer's consent, the latter has refused to send him his standard unless he sends his son a hostage or comes himself to receive the honour, which he denies to do. The Grand Vizier is resolved to make war upon Transylvania, and as the Emperor is supposed to abet Chimianus, the Vizier is jealous of him and the common rumour is of a war with Germany. I have, besides, heard talk from the German resident to the same effect. The French and German ministers being withdrawn, there remains only the Holland agent, a man so inconsiderable that the Vizier scarce knows there is such a person, therefore it would be an indignity to his Majesty and to myself if the French should prefer one before me " who can in no manner stand hi the least com- petition with me." I believe your lordship hath that kindness for me, that did this business relate only to myself I should not want your assistance, but since his Majesty's honour is concerned " I know you will be passionate and violent." Letter Book, p. 68. 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS. 1661, April 1. Pera. Has intimated to Lord St. Albans that war between France and the Turk is probable, in which case the French ambassador being recalled, the nation would need protection, and could not be better secured than under the English flag. Has therefore desired his lordship to procure an order from the French King to that effect. Ibid. p. 70. | p. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] THE SAME to JOHN LANCE, at Marseilles. 1661, April 1 . On the same subject as the preceding. Praying him to further the matter at Marseilles. Ibid. p. 70. p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, April 2. Aleppo. Our Emyn [customer, superin- tendent of the customs] now going to Constantinople is the person who demanded duty upon moneys and silk contrary to our Hatsheriffe [licence from the Sultan J, and forced us to give him 2,500 dollars before we could despatch our ships then in port. He has been tampering with our Bassa 107 and Cadi to have Arrs [certificate] that we paid no such duty, and will no doubt try, at Constantinople, to put trouble upon us. We therefore pray you to let your druggerman have an eye upon his actions at Court, that if he attempts anything, your wisdom may prevent him. The Fathers at Basora write that the Hollanders have taken from the Portugalls a considerable fort in India called Inkker ; also that Mr. Samwayes, who was appointed agent in Persia, is dead. 1 p. Seal of arms. ARNOLD WHITE and ARTHUR BARNARDISTON to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, April 2. Smyrna. Rejoicing that he has supported them against the consul " hi the bargain of potashes " and assuring him that they will follow his admonition to show due respect to the said consul " so long as he doth act for the Company's interest," but declaring that he has tried to divide the interests of the Company and the factory, and has inflicted no small grievance upon them by turning away the chief druggerman, and putting in his place " a Jew, branded with an infamous name " and unacquainted with the English tongue. 2 pp. THE FACTORS OP SMYRNA to THE SAME. 1661, April 3. Smyrna. To the same effect as the above. Signed by 31 merchants. 2 pp. Endorsed, "The factory of Smirna, being the Major part." CONSUL BAKER to THE SAME. 1661, April 4. Smyrna. Complaining of the ill-conduct and opprobrious language of some of the factory, who come in herds to his house, protesting against his carrying out the orders he receives (concerning consulage) and declaring that other consuls have had the like orders but have not executed them. Cardinal Mazarin is dead ; the Portuguese match at a stand. 'Tis said the Earl of Bristol is gone to Flanders about a marriage with the Principe de Limo, and that the King of France will not permit his brother to marry with our princess. Madan Massella [qy. Mademoiselle] of Orleans* going to Leghorn to marry with the Duke of Tuscany 's son. 2 pp. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1661, April 4. Since sealing my letter, I have received your Excellency's, and " cannott butt stand amazed to understand that any body, much more that many, should affirme that I should mis-call Mr. Pent low . . . for never was I guilty in my life to use any scurrilous language, even to the meanest * The lady meant is the Princess Marguerite Louise of Orleans. 108 of men, much less to a merchant in publique court. Lord God, amouneste what people do I live ! What will they nott attempt, write or doe to accomplish their endes ! " My lord, on the faith of a Christian, this is a true account of the matter. In a court where the factors were desired " to swear to their entries," Mr. Pentlow declared no one would swear without a consideration, to which I replied that such as swore for money " were knights of the post, and were to be found in St. Pawles," and that such oaths were void in law. Three weeks later, upon a proposal to make an advance to pay the treasurer's bills, Pentlow refused to lend anything, and declared that it was not he that was a knight of the post, and that I had lately come from Pawle's myself. To avoid " scandal and ill-example to youth " I have warned him not to come to my house, " except it were for his devotion and justice," and he still stands exiled from it. 1J p. WALTER COVENTRY, Treasurer at Smyrna, to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, April 4. Smyrna. Defending the conduct of the consul, and complaining of his opponents, who " would rather make a faction than compose the breach." The druggermen were not positively dismissed by the consul, but declared they could not live upon their salary, and behaved so scorn- fully to him, that if re-admitted, he " would finde worser service from them then before." The malice of the factors to the consul " is grounded upon no other score but his . . . performing his obligations with the Levant Company, to prevent the defrauding them theire dutyes. . . . Some of this factory have had severall meetings, the permission of which was the beginning of our late unhappy tymes in England, and will here tend to a further rupture . . . unlesse your lordship will put a period to theire faction, leaveing the choice of the druggermen to the consul." 1| p. SAM PENTLOW and JOHN FOLEY to THE SAME. 1661, April 4. Smyrna. The enclosed for your Excellency has come in a French ship from Livorno. We presume it is from Tunis, " whence Consul Byley and the Aleppo merchants with him were, God be praysed, safely arrived at Livorno, [having] obtayned their liberty by the extraordinary greate endeavours of Consull Thos. Browne," after being detained and sorely threatened to be made slaves. The people of Algier begin anew their insolency, having taken an English vessel, the Rainbow, out of which they took all strangers' and some English goods. This is of great perplexity to our nation, both in Italy and England. It is said the Maltese have surprised a rich Tunis ship with 80 passengers, bound hither or to the Porte, which is pleasing, if it prove true. 109 We should be glad to see our consul conform himself to your order and not endeavour to infringe our privileges. The greatest part of the factory have prayed him to restore " Signer George " to his place of druggerman, which would prevent greater animosities. We should gladly see former differences composed, and a right understanding henceforward between him and the nation, such as his predecessor delighted in. f p. JOSEPH EDWARDS to THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA. 1661, April 5. Smyrna. The major part of the factory have subscribed an answer to your Excellency. " I have firmed amongst the rest, to swimm with the stream, and stand upp for our priviledges, but if I might have obtained my desire, truth had bene sett off hi soe moderate a dress as should not have tended to exasperation .... I hope you will prove soe succesfull a moderator as to stifle this smoake before it break out into a flame." April 6. " The consul hath re-entertained the chief druggerman upon submission, which I hope will be a meanes to continue an admirable correspondence for the future between him and the nation." 1 p. Seal of arms. Also letter from Arnold White, dated April 6, concerning the re-instatement of Georgio Homero, the druggerman. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to his brother[-in-law, NICHOLAS] TOKE. 1661, April 6-16. Pera. Owing to his great expenses, his commissioners must not expect any moneys the first year, but afterwards they will (by God's grace) have occasion both to commend his frugality and rejoice at his coming hither. Touching his park, he wishes the planting of trees to be carried on, and especially that some white thorn be sown or planted in the triangle wood to harbour birds. Wishes to hear how his estate in Sussex is let, and what improvement he may expect in that at Maidstone. For the rest of his estate in Kent he can expect little improvement, but wishes they could let four or five hundred acres of his woodlands to able farmers to convert into arable and pasture, for besides the improvement this would bring, it would raise about 1,000/. towards payment of the debts. Desires a general survey to be made of his quit-rents, &c., and for the rest, prays his commissioners to do with his estate as with their own. Wishes the estate in Yorkshire could be sold to advantage, and with the approbation of Capt. Hulse (who understands it better than any friend he has). Does not want to be too hasty, but would rather lose 100J. a year " and have the rest in Kent and Sussex than continue the trouble of that northern estate." Sir Thos. Dike has offered him a farm in Sussex, which he will take if it can be got on good terms. Though now at so great distance, his heart is still in Kent. Letter Book, p. 75. 1 p. 110 THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA to SIR EDWARD DERING. 1661, April 6-16. Pera. Your letter is the only one I have received out of England since I left it, and I am forced to be obliged for my news from thence to Italians and foreigners. There is like to be a war here between the " Emperor of Germany " and the Grand Signer, and between the latter and France. I am now in effect the only ambassador here, and in the case of these wars there would remain only the Holland agent besides myself, which will be both to my master's advantage and my own. " I presented the Grand Signor four greate mastifs, one of which hath killed a lyon before the Grand Signor, though the dog was much wounded. Another of them last weeke did the like to a beare, which hath caused great admiration in the Turks. . . . The Vizier hath given me three English slaves out of the Grand Signer's galleys, and hath promised me as much favour in the renewing the capittulations as I can wish." Letter Boole, p. 76. 1 p. THE SAME to DR. WEDDERBOURNE. 1661, April 6-16. Pera." Though I am at this greate distance from you that before I can expect an answer, wee may bee in another world, yet we must not want hopes of often returnes, and of meeting againe in England ; though I confesse, were it not for the Duchesse of Sommersett, my Lord Treasurer and some few other freinds of myne, I should seldome thinke of England, unlesse it were of my master, (whom God preserve), . . . for I have received deep wounds there, in the losse of the Duke of Gloucester, who was one of my chief est patrones, then that of the Duke of Sommerset, who was a reall father to mee. I might reckon up my Lord Finch allso. [Gives an account of the injury done to his health by his sufferings at sea, and by being obliged to go to his public audience when he was in a fever and had an " imposthume " behind his ear. By dieting himself sparingly and staying in country air, he is now almost well.] " My wife hath bin in as good health here as ever she was in England ; however we shall bee very glad of your advice touching both our healths, especially for those diseases which are most subject to this countrey, as malignant feavers, fluxes, and to prevent the infection of the plague. Pray send me by the first ship that comes a greate deale of barley, for barley water, some syrups of mulberries, gilli-flowers, violetts, some conserves of barberries, rasberries and slowes." Present, I pray you, my duty to my lady Duchess, and my humble duty to the Duke of York. Ibid. p. 77. 1| p. THE SAME to THE KING. 1661, April 10-20. Pera. Has never failed to inform his Majesty of anything worthy his knowledge, but has the Ill misfortune to be still without advices, so that he is forced to pick up his intelligence from others. Grieves to find still " treason and rebellion boiling in theire stomackes who but lately dranke so deepe " of his Majesty's clemency ; which he imputes to the sparing of those who were the cherishers of former and encouragers of future rebellion, but hopes they have long since tasted of his Majesty's justice and severity. Has redeemed three of the English slaves hi the Grand Signer's " Bania," and hopes to obtain the other three with the expence of a little money. Letter Book, p. 78. 1 p. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1661, April 10. Pera. Gives him a brief account of the letters, " being a mixture of business and compliment," which he is sending at this time [i.e. the letters calendared below]. Sir Edward Nicholas " being so backward, if not neglectful " in writing, he has now written to Sir William Morice. Prays him to deliver all the letters with his own hands, and to endeavour to get him an allowance for intelligence, as he cannot in reason place the expence of messengers (in matters of State affairs), to the Levant Company's account, and if he receives no allowance from his Majesty, is " little better in effect than a grand factor for the merchants " and he believes the first ambassador so restrained. When the Earl of Denbigh (then but Viscount Feilding) was at Venice, with the same title, " the King gave him merely for the title's sake, five or six hundred pounds yearlie extraordinarie." Does not beg the like kindness from his Majesty (well knowing that as yet his coffers are not very full) but modestly expects some consideration for those who are any ways instrumental in his affairs. In case of a breach with the Emperor and with France, there will be overtures of peace from Venice, and his Majesty is most likely to be umpire, and may have gratis more interest than the French kings have spent freely to compass. In this Porte little or nothing is to be done without money, but with it, he hopes to be able to do as much as any other ambassador. The French ambassador has been sick, and alleges that as the reason for not paying him a visit ; the Venetian bailo would come but cannot, being confined to his house, but has sent many compliments. Has received a visit from the German resident and has returned it. Is desirous to send his secretary to the King to beg the honour of the Garter, the bestowal of which would be greatly to his Majesty's interest, as causing foreign princes to put the greater confidence in his ambassador ; but wishes if possible to have his cousin's advice before despatching his secretary. Ibid. p. 79. 2 pp. 112 THE EARL or WINOHILSEA to THE MARQUIS OF ORMOND, Lord Steward. 1661, April 10. Pera. Excusing his silence on the ground of much business and ill health, thanking his lordship for his courteous offers of friendship when he was in England, and begging the continuance of his favours. Letter Book, p. 81. I p. THE SAME to SIR PHILIP WARWICK. 1661, April 10. The want of intelligence from England has put me upon enquiry after a correspondent in whom I may safely trust, and knowing there is none I can more freely desire that kindness from than yourself, makes me not doubt that in your leisure hours you will give me an account of such occurrences as are worthy my notice ; in lieu of which I promise you a reciprocal correspondence. I pray you present my affectionate service to my Lord Treasurer and my sister, and assure him that I never intended or expected him to put himself to the trouble of answering my letters, only I beg him to give me his advice by your pen. Ibid. p. 82. f p. THE SAME to the Secretary, SIR WILLIAM MORICE. 1661, April 10. Apologises from not writing earlier, but knows that he has shared Sir Edw. Nicholas's letters. Complains of lack of letters from England, or from the public ministers abroad to whom he has written. Gives intelligence concerning the ambassadors and agents at the Porte and the prospect of war [as in letters above] and urges his need of money for intelligence, &c. In case of urgent affairs he must send a messenger, as all or most of his letters are opened in Italy. Prays that the enclosed may be given to the Duke of Albemarle. Ibid. p. S3. 2 pp. THE SAME to THE DUKE OF ALBEMARLE. 1661, April 10. Hears with no small contentment of his Grace's fame and glory, who having been so good an instrument hi restoring happiness and peace, now continues to preserve it, as was shown by his wisdom and vigilance hi the suppression of the late mutiny in London. Sends, for the entertainment of his Grace's leisure hours, some particulars of affairs in Turkey the long continued power of the Vizier, the Turks' strength by land and sea, and the present designs by and against them. Offers these particulars as a testimony of his respect to his Grace, who was the first general he ever served under. Ibid. p. 84. 3 pp. THE SAME to LORD CHANCELLOR HYDE. 1661, April 15. Pera. Congratulating him on the great honour befallen him in the marriage of his daughter to the 113 Duke of York, and of the birth of a son to his Highness by the Duchess. Rejoices in this addition of honour and happiness to one who has merited so much of the King and country, and has shown so much favour to himself. Letter Book, p. 87. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR WILLIAM VINCENT. 1661, April 15. Thanking him for his constant correspond- ence, this not being a kindness he receives from many of his friends, nor yet from the Levant Company, whom he has " courted with all possible inducements to a correspondence " but in vain. Applauds his vigilance and success in helping to suppress the late rebellion in London, and hopes, if any more such occasions should arise, that his Majesty may have " no less worthy commanders." Ibid. p. 88. | p. Some of the FACTORS OP SMYRNA to THE EARL OF WlNCHILSEA. 1661, April 15. Smyrna. Thanking his Excellency for his letter, but entreating him to " recall " that part which concerns the druggermen for further consideration, as they conceive that these officers depend upon the election and approbation of the consul, whose authority would otherwise be most seriously diminished. Signed by Walter Coventry, treasurer, Samuel Taylor, Jasper Clotterbooke, Richard Langley and 13 others. 1| p. Endorsed (by Ricaut), " The lesser part of the Factory." FR. EUSEBIO VELLES, Guardian of the Holy Sepulchre, to THE SAME. 1661, April [16-J26. Jerusalem. In the 350 years during which they have been guardians of the Holy Sepulchre, they have never had such a scandal as has now been caused by two Frenchmen, as is shown by the annexed writing. As these men declare that they are about to go to Constantinople, and there make such a clamour that the guardianship will be taken out of the hands of the Fathers, his Excellency is earnestly implored to protect and defend the said Fathers to the utmost of his power. Italian. 2 pp. FRIAR ANTONY PONTANA to THE SAME. 1661, April [17-]27. Jerusalem. Is forced to return to Rome on urgent affairs belonging to the Holy Land. Believes the reverend Father Gustos will have great need of his lord- ship's assistance at" Constantinople. Two Frenchmen have been at Jerusalem, Charles Duplessis, who proclaims himself a counsellor of the King of France, and Christopher Cadeaw, who says he is that King's secretary's son ; and these two have made great " rumour " " because the fathers doe not name the Kinge of France in their common prayers (which Wt. 29496. 8 114 they use to doe every day in procession) before the Kinge of Spaine, the Emperour, and all other princes ; and because the Gustos would not condescend to his request, findinge the opportunitie of makinge him a Cavalier of the Holy Sepulchre, the Most Reverend Father giveing him the sword o King Godfred, and after would put on the spurre, this man to[ok] the sword and pointed it at the brest of the Rev. Father, and did sweare if he did not publickly name the Kinge of France, that he would kill him there ; with greate diligence he escaped him." The Frenchmen threaten to go to Constantinople, and the Fathers trust to his Excellency's assistance in the matter, which he is earnestly prayed to afford them. 1| pp. WALTER COVENTRY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, April 28. Smyrna. Protests against being con- demned without a hearing. States that the delay in giving his Excellency's letter to the factory (of which complaint has been made), was caused by escorting Sir Thos. Bendyshe aboard the Plymouth, where the most part of the nation remained until the Sunday night. On the Monday, the letter was imparted to the factory, when " Mr. Isaacson was pleased to impute it as a great crime that it should be sent about on the first of April," a thing which was entirely accidental. 1| PP- CONSUL BAKER to THE SAME. 1661, April 29. Smyrna. I called the nation together, to invite them to my house for the keeping of his Majesty's Coronation, but some said they had engaged to keep it at Bojaw. I urged that we might all be " entire friends " and assured them that if I had done any of them wrong, I was ready to ask forgiveness, reminding them " that it was a shame that other nations should be witnesses of any disagree- ment betwixt us." Your secretary, Mr. Isackson, was present at our Coronation celebration (at our own charge), and it was done in the best manner we could. Your Excellency writes that you have sent Mr. Isackson " to close upp the breaches," but, since his arrival, they are trebly augmented, " and I cannot expect otherwise, since I am unhorst and putt on foote ; every prentice boy spirnes me, and other make sport at their victorie." As to the man I desire for druggerman, it is not many months since that Mr. Pentlow and others would have brought him in, " averring that in all Turkey there was nott a man to be found more fitt or able for the place." 2 pp. RICHARD HARDY to THE SAME. 1661, April 30. Smyrna. Rejoicing in Mr. Isaacson's arrival, who " hath in two courts soe demeaned and carryed himself e that his patience, care, vigilance and impartiality is much to be applauded." 1 p. 115 ANTHONY ISAACSON to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, April 30. Smyrna. I arrived here upon St George's day, and found that the day, in honour of his Majesty's Coronation, was being celebrated by all, some with the Consul at his house, others in the country at Bojaw. I was no sooner arrived at Mr. White's house than the Consul sent two servants to invite me to his table, and urged it so much that, though weary, I could not deny him. He made a very handsome entertainment for the company, and the factors' guns made the whole town to know of that day's Allegrezza. When dinner was done, I retired with the Consul and gave him your letters. He had the discretion not to show his friends any discontent by his looks, but, when the company were gone, he began to open more freely, and to lament, not only his misfortune in being, as he said, misinterpreted by you, but likewise that you should give the victory to his opposers, and so take away his authority. I told him of your reasons for sending me, and of your displeasure against him and the treasurer for their usage of your letter of the 18th of March ; as also that you required a court to be held and your letter there read. He appointed one on the 26th. Then I delivered your letter, " And spared not to make the Court sensible of the treasurer's great neglect therein, which the Consul excuses, and takes uppon himselfe, though I thinke the weight thereof will bee too greate a burthen for his back." The next day another Court was held, when the allegations against Ignatio were discussed. The malice against the poor man is very great, but his crimes, I think not so. The whole factory, save four or five, have voted his continuance, and, though the Consul declared he would not own him, my answer was that he should be druggerman until your Excellency's pleasure was known. Thereupon he said he was un-consuled, and that the power of the druggerman being taken from him, he could do the Company no good service, to which I replied that whatever his power was, your Excellency's was greater and you must be obeyed. " Though I cannot but esteeme the Consul very weake, impertinent, indeed much unfitt for that office he bears," yet is he most to be blamed for listening to the treasurer, a choleric, passionate man, instead of being governed by the vote of the Court and advising (as directed in his articles) " with foure of the ancient standers upon the place." The Consul tells me that since my coming the breach has been wider, to which I answered that those whose privileges I had (from you) confirmed, were the cheerfuller, but that as for abetting any one against him, my conscience told me that moderation had been my greatest crime. I find the man extremely dejected, and do not advise your Excellency to go to the length of removing him, as I believe he would recover damages of the Company, whereas, if you let him alone, in a few months you will have the Company's resolution about him. 5 pp. 116 THE FACTORY OF SMYRNA to THE EARL OF WINOHILSEA. 1661, April 30. Thanking him for his letters, and assuring him of their willingness to submit to his commands. 39 signatures. 1| pp. SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS to THE SAME. 1661, May 2. Whitehall. Your letter from Messina and the earlier one from Algiers came to my hands within a few days of each other. The King approves of your carriage in the treaty with Algiers, but "is much unsatisfyed that those of Algiers should decline to condescend to the Articles they formerly graunted to Cromwell (that horrid Usurper), and apprehends not only the dishonour thereof but the infinite inconvenience it wilbe to the English trade to have their shipps lyable to the serch of every pickerrone." We hear from the merchants that you have had a more honour- able reception than ever any Ambassador from England, at which all your friends are very glad.* " The London print will acquaint you with the magnificent solempnities lately here att his Majesties Corronacion, which was performed to the admiracion of all Ambassadors and others that were spectators, and indeed the oldest man and greatest travellers in these partes say they never saw soe great bravery in France, Germany, or any where else. If you shall receave any letters for any consulshipp within your province, I pray let me know of it, and I shall informe his Majesty of your right to appoint all such officers within your province, and then I am confident his Majestic wilbe soe just to your lordshipp as to leave the same to you. There are now a considerable squadron of shippes preparing to goe to sea for severall imployments, and more are dayly making ready. All things here are in great tranquillity, all rich and wise men blessing God that they are soe wonderfully restored throughe God and the King's mercy to their former Gouverne- ment and Govournors. There is now a legall and orderly parliament summoned and the eleccions by the Commons are of the most discreete and best affected persons in all the kingdome ; only the Citty of London made choice of some that formerly had bene very rebelliously inclined, which made all Counties and other Corporations the more carefull to choose good men ; The houses are to sitt on Wensday the 8th of May next, and all men promise this wilbe a happy parliament. My Lord Chancellor is made Earle of Clarendon in Wiltes, there were five other Earles made and six Barons att the Corronacion, as I suppose you have heard from other handes. I heare the Lord Dungarvan is to marry the Lady Jane Seamour, your lordshipps sister-in-law. The * The opening paragraph of this letter and the sentence about the consuls are copied into an Irish Entry Book for 1061 (S.P. Ireland, Charles U., Vol. 308, p. 43). 117 people here grow every day more passionately affected to the King's person and government then other, and all the subtle artefices of the factious presbiters and sectaries cannot make the people either to dislike anything the King doth or to approve of any of ther schismatick wayes : In Irland and Scotland all thinges precede very well, and with great submission to his Majesties will and pleasure in all matters. The parliament in Scotland hath sate ever since December last, and there is one alsoe summoned in Irland where it is to sitt the same day as here in England, viz. : the 8th of this month. The Marquis of Argyle is upon his tryall in Scotland, and soe are some other traytors of that kingdome ; wee shall shortly heare what will become of them, it's beleeved they will receave the just reward of their wicked doinges. There are here in hand Treaties with diverse Princes and States, as with the Ambassadors of Spain, Sweadland, Portugall, the States of the United provinces, &c., but none of these are yet fully concluded, only that with the King of Denmark's Ambassador is finished, and some of the others wilbe shortly perfected. I have this day receaved the King's command for the preparing a graunt of the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer for Sir Antony Ashley Cooper, now Lord Ashley of Wimborne St. Giles. I pray present myne and my wive's humble respects to your noble lady. . . ." Holograph. 3pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE EARL OF ST. ALBANS. 1661, May 3. Pera. Again urging him to obtain the French King's order (in case of there being no French Ambassador at the Porte) that his subjects trading there " weare the English flag and bee secured under the English protection." The French Ambassador has now received his " leave for departure," but one Roboli, a merchant, remains in the nature of a consul, " who cannot possibly, in any contingencie whatsoever, continue his office." An internuntio is lately arrived from Poland, but is confined to his house and guards set upon him by the Vizier, because the King of Poland refuses to give up Constantine, lately fled into his country. The aforesaid King is inclined for war, hoping for the assistance of the Emperor and almost all Christian princes, " so that now both Christians and Turks will respect the English power and interest in this Court, myself being left here the only and sole Christian Ambassador." Postscript. Since the writing of this I understand that a French resident will suddenly arrive, therefore I desire your lordship to desist from procuring the command I mentioned, unless you learn that the report is false. Letter Book, p. 88. 1 p. 118 THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS. 1661, May 3. Pera. To the same effect as that to Lord St. Albans, above. The Grand Signor's affairs do not go on prosperously in Egypt, there being discontents and flames and an inclination to throw off the Ottoman servitude. The Vizier has sent Mahomet Bassa to be king there, late Teftador or Lord Treasurer and married to one of the Grand Signor's sisters ; " by whose moderate spirit and popularitie hee hopes to overcome those furies which he despaires to doe by armes. At St. John de Acria, not farre distant from Jerusalem, are great rebellions, above 40,000 men being there in armes against the Turke, all which is hoped may be appeased by the arrivall of this Bashaw." Letter Book, p. 89. 1| pp. {Original letter in 8. P. Turkey.] ANTHONY ISAACSON to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, May 6. Smyrna. The question of the chief druggerman is settled, but I cannot yet proceed to my other design for peace and amity between the Consul and factory, " because, should they agree and passe an amnestic " (which I thinke the Consul would be heartily glad of) and your Excellency should afterwards write resenting his miscarriages, there would not want those who would impute the further dis- tempers to your proceedings. I think it better therefore to keep the wound open rather than salve it up too soon, hoping before long to hear again from you. 2 pp. SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS to THE SAME. 1661, May 10. Whitehall. Since my last, I have received yours of March 18-28 from Constantinople, being the first from those parts. " By my former, I gave your lordshipp an account of the King's most magnificent Coronacion. . . . Wensday last, the King rid in state to the parliament house, havinge first heard a sermon in the Cathedral Church att Westminster ; The persons elected to serve in the Commons house are soe well chosen, as we have great hopes that this will proove a very happy parliament, there being few presbiterians of it. I am very glad to find by this your last letter that your lordshipp had soe honorable a reception from the Grand Seigneur and his principall Ministers there ; and you doe well to uphold and magnify his Majesties power and strength att sea, which in truth is farre greater than ever, and the Kinge takes soe very great delight in shipping, as he goes every weeke at least once to vissitt and take order for accomodating his shippes and navigation ; there is now a fleete of aboute 20 sayle of good shippes of his Majesties preparing, which wilbe reddy to put to sea by the end of this moneth, under the comand of the Earle of Sandwich, Vice-Admirall of England, and are to ply towards the Streights, 119 and I beleeve if Algiers doe not condiscend to agree to the same articles of peace that were by them graunted to Cromwell, they may be made to repent it. All the Captaines of this fleete are expert and tryed, good and valiant seamen, soe as wee expect some notable service wilbe donne by this fleete, whereof Sir John Lawson is Vice-Admirall. ... I wish there might be a peace betweene the Grand Signeur and Venice ; what you heare there I have likewise from diverse other partes, that there is like to be a warre this summer betweene the Turke and the Emperor of Germany, for which the Princes of Germany are making preparacions alreddy ; and some here apprehend that the Sweades may by a secreat correspondence with the Turke give the Emperor of Germany some trouble, it being very certeyne that the Sweades are making all the preparacions they can for warre, notwithstanding they have att present noe vissible ennemy, or cause for it. There hath never used to be allowance given to any Ambassador att Constantinople for intelligence, and that place is soe remote, as any intelligence from hence hither (it's conceaved) can be of little use here. . . . " The King on the 8th of this moneth, att the opening of this parliament, declared in his speech to the members of both houses, that he had contracted a marriage for himselfe with the Princesse of Portugall, and that the dispatch of the league and alliance with Portugall and concerning the said marriage was sent away by an expresse by the Portugall Ambassador. This (thoughe displeasing to the Spaniard) is very acceptable to all his Majesties subjects here unlesse to some popishe people in the kingdome, who are more affected to Spayne then Portugall. My lady Jane Seamour was marryed on tuesday last to the Lord Dungarvan, eldest sonne of the Earle of Corke, who hath setled a very great estate on that marriage. . . ." P.S. ' I read to the King your lordshipps last letter which gave his Majestic very good satisfaction." Holograph. 2% pp. THE EARL OF WENCHILSEA to SIB EDWARD NICHOLAS. 1661, May 14. Pera. The French Ambassador is resolved to pass by all his affronts, in hopes of keeping his place after his death for his son, if the present Vizier's age and infirmities should carry him into another world. The internuntio from Poland has had audience : " Before him were carried 70 heads of Cossacks, subjects of his master, lately slaine ; whether out of terrour or scorne to him I cannot tell, but certainely it is a strange barbarous manner of receiving foreign messages. . . ." The Grand Signor goes speedily to Adrianople, and the Vizier to the New Castles, which makes me fear that I shall be forced to attend the Turkish camp this year ; it being usual " to compel the most eminent ambassadors " to do so in these expeditions. I shall avoid it if I can, but " there is 120 little contest against Turkish obstinacy and fury. The Polish Internuntio was threatened this day, that if his master did not deliver up Constantine ... his country should be entered with fire and sword." Letter Boole, p. 90. 1 p. [Original in 8. P. Turkey,] THE GRAND DUKE OF TUSCANY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, May [16-] 26. Florence. Has not only granted a free passage to Mr. Antony Bokenham through his territories but has given orders that he shall be allowed to embark on one of the galleys with which his brother, Prince Mathias, is going to Marseilles. Signed. Seal. Italian. 1 p. ANTHONY ISAACSON to THE SAME. 1661, May 19. Smyrna. A French ship from Marseilles has brought us London letters. "It's still believed that wee shall breake with the Spaniard, my Lord Chancellor and theire Embassador having been upon high tearmes with each other, and the Earle of Bristoll, who was going Embassador to the King of Spaigne, beeing past over to Ostend, was recalled by his Majesty ; and there is some doubt wee shall not bee long ere wee trye our strength once more with the Dutch. The match with Portugall it's thought will goe forward, but if the kingdome in generall make no better choyce of members than they of London, I feare his Majestie may have more reason to have continued then disband his army, the foure burgesses for that citty beeing Alderman Fowke (the first that was proclaimed traitour by his Majestie of blessed memory) Alderman Love (one esteemed rather enclined to the Levellers than monarchicall government), Alderman Tompson and Capt. Jones (two presbyterians), though Jones of late yeares hath been esteemed both honest and able; but the choyce hath much disgusted his Majestie. Knights of the shire for Kent are Sir Thos. Peyton and Sir John Tufton, and except it be hi corporations (which are the nurseries of faction) it's believed few or none will bee elected but such as are loyall and right principled. ' The Consul hath been very busie with his pen to the Turkic Company, giving the factors the tearme of English Jewes, and the auncient standers hee compares to bell-wethers, which leade the flock which way they please, so that your Excellencie by this will guess what peace is like to bee amongst them." 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS. 1661, May 22. Pera. You may, perhaps, reckon the information of affairs here, by reason of the distance, the little intercourse between the two Crowns, and "the negotiation of former Embassadours (which was nothing antiently but the support of merchandise and trafficke) to be 121 impertinent to matters of state in England ; yet, I can assure you it was allwayes a grosse mistake, and the interest of his Majestie might as well have beene promoted here as in the more neere parts of Christendome." There are now oppor- tunities of advancing his Majesty's power and honour as good as any parts outside his dominions ; and if I can but receive a just countenance, I doubt not but to interest him in the umpirage of peace between Venice and this Porte. I have used all means to add this honour to my master, for when I saw the French interest decline, and the Ambassador dismissed, I thought it a fit opportunity to catch up what he had managed with such ill success. And so, after many kindnesses between the Venetian Bailo and myself, I freely offered the power I had in this Court to the service of the Republic, saying plainly that I thought it an honour due to my master to be umpire between them and this Porte. The reply was that they looked upon me as the most honourable Ambassador here, and that the Bailo had written to the Senate in my behalf, but that at present they were engaged to the King of France to be their mediator. If the Senate found that this King could no longer serve them, there could be no more proper instrument than myself. I know that the Vizier will not accept the mediation of France, and I know also that there can be none here capable of it but myself, and that there never was a time when peace would be so grateful to the Turk, now so hardly beset on all sides. It would therefore be a strange neglect in me to let slide this opportunity, but I despair to compass it without some support from home. Unless the seeds I sow are blessed by the dew of his Majesty's favour, I can never expect success ; but, if he will acquaint the Venetian resident at London of his desire to become umpire, and that he claims it as his due, I make no doubt but to conquer all opposition. Postscript. The French Ambassador now resolves to depart, and is preparing for his journey. Letter Book, p. 91. 3 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD TREASURER [SOUTHAMPTON]. 1661, May 22. Pera. " I believe your lordship knowes my disposition to bee an enemie to idlenesse and an inactive life ; . . . my reason likewise tells mee that my dutie is not performed in standing a meere centinell on the guard of my country without obtaining some glorie to my commander." I have entered into a thousand thoughts how I might best promote my master's interest and my own condition, and believe that making his Majesty umpire between this Porte and Venice will add to the glory of my Prince and to the speedier recovery of my own fortunes. I enclose to your lordship the letter I have written to Secretary Nicholas, by which you will see the nature of my design, and how I have endeavoured to make the Secretary sensible how much my master's honour is concerned in it. I pray you to prevail 122 with his Majesty to countenance me, and with the Secretary to negotiate the matter with the Venetian resident. Letter Book, p. 94. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE KING. 1661, May 22. Laying before him the whole matter of the umpirage, and praying him to move it to the Venetian resident. Postscript. Does not venture to " chalk out a rule " for his Majesty, nor does he think this very instant of time proper for the treaty, though convenient for the preparations to it. Nor will he determine how honourable it might be for the Venetians to conclude a peace for themselves, deserting the Emperor, who probably, at their instigation, began the war. But he prays to be armed with such instructions and authority as may enable him to negotiate if " contingencies present." Ibid. p. 95. 1| pp. ANTHONY ISAACSON to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, May 28. Smyrna. Re-iterating complaints of Consul Baker, and reporting speeches made by him against his Excellency. The factory is now "in a combustion " on learning what Baker wrote into England, not long after he reached his post, and unless his Excellency removes him there will be nothing but confusion in the factory and ruin to the trade. 3 pp. Enclosing : A long letter full of accusations against Baker, and praying for his dismissal. 31 signatures. 4 pp. CONSUL BAKER to THE SAME. 1661, May 30. Yesterday Mr. Isackson and all the nation kept his Majesty's birthday and happy restoration at the charge of the Company (at the consul's house). Compares the charges of the English and Hollanders, and fears the latter will shortly " eat " the former out of the trade ; for the English factors " stand up for their private, while the public goes to ruin." 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE KING. 1661, June 3. Pera. There being now no French Ambassador at the Porte, and the lives and fortunes of the French merchants being therefore exposed to the cruelty and covetousness of their enemies, they have begged him to solicit his Majesty to send him a commission to act as their protector, and letters to the Porte to give credence to him in that capacity. Letter Book, p. 97. p. 123 THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1661, June 3. Pera. Stating that he requested Mr. Jonathan Dawes, on his way to England, to negotiate with the Marsellians concerning their traffic and the English pro- tection. All things being now concluded with them, he prays for his Majesty's licence, and letters to the Porte desiring that the French trade may be continued under the protection of his Ambassador. Letter Book, p. 97. p. THE SAME to LORD ST. ALBANS. 1661, June 3. Pera. On the same subject. Prays him to procure a licence from the French King to his subjects " to secure their trade in those parts under the English banner." Ibid. p. 98. p. THE SAME to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1661, June 3. On the same subject. Prays him to be pressing with the Secretary to use all speed in sending the despatches to Mr. Dawes, who is waiting at Marseilles for his Majesty's grant before he signs any agreement on Winchilsea's behalf. Ibid. p. 98. p. THE SAME to LORD TREASURER SOUTHAMPTON.* 1661, June 3. To the same effect as the preceding. Ibid, p. 107. | p. THE SAME to JONATHAN DAWES. 1661, June 3. Instructions and authority to negotiate the above matter with the merchants at Marseilles on his lord- ship's behalf. Ibid. p. 99. French. 2 pp. Also : Instructions concerning what he is to do in his lordship's affairs when he arrives at London. 1. To make the Levant Company to know what trouble he has taken in their business. 2. To let them know the dearness of all things at Con- stantinople, and that they ought to increase his allowance by at least 2,000 dollars a year, and pay the expenses of his Algier Treaty. 3. To engage his lordship's particular friends hi this matter, viz. : Messrs. John Buckworth, Barnardiston, Penning, Paul Prideaux, Dawes' brother, Sir George Smith, Sir William Vincent, and any others of most power in the Court of Assistance. 4. On delivering his letters to his friends, Dawes may discourse freely of his lordship's way of living, of the * A note iii the Letter Boole states that these four letters of J uiie 3 were to be sent forward in case Mr. Dawes had good success in his negotiations at Marseilles and not otherwise. 124 advantage the enterprize will be to his estate, " and that the embassy is not the less honourable because it is remote." 5. In discourse with the Lord Treasurer, Sir H. Finch and Chief Justice Bridgman, to say how desirous his lordship is to serve the King above any Ambassador that preceded him, and that if he has not success, it is due to the little countenance he receives from his Majesty, and the want of correspondency from the Secretary and his own " most knowing friends." 6. To discourse concerning the umpirage, and the advan- tage which would accrue from it ; and also concerning the French affairs, according as he finds them after his negotiations at Marseilles. 7. To advise with the Lord Treasurer how he may get an allowance for intelligence ; and the importance of it. 8. To provide six lusty mastiff dogs, to be sent by way of Cologne (directed to the Conte d'Egone di Ferstenberg a Colonia) as a present from his lordship to the Emperor. 9. To go to Eastwell as he passes through Kent ; to give his lordship's blessing to his son and other children, and to discourse with his brother Toke, his steward Martin, and Mr. Walrond about the improvement of his estate. Letter Book, p. 107. 2 pp. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, June 5. Aleppo. We learn from Spahaune " that Oran Zebe is fully possest of the Great Mogulls crowne in India, and is unlikely to be molested therein, having killed his elder brother, keepes his father and younger brother prisoners, and Sultan Susa, his elder brother that is Prince of Bengala, is able to do him little hurt. The King of Persia is sending an Ambassador with a very large present to Oran Zebe to congratulate his safe possession of the Crowne." Ettoman Doulatt, the Grand Vizier [of Persia] is banished, which put things so out of order that Agent Buckeridge has been able to do nothing. The new agent, Mr. Mathew Forster. who was sent to reside at Spahaune in Mr. Buckeridge's place, writes from Gombrone that the Dutch have so far prospered in their attempts upon Macasar as to fire some vessels in the Road and surprise one of the forts, " which would be incon- siderable if the people were unanimous, but their discontents with their government makes them careless who are their rulers . . . and the Dutch are now like to be little lesse then masters of that place, which is the most considerable of all in the South Seas." The East India Company have narrowly escaped some very heavy losses. The Mayflower, bound for East Coromandel, in her homeward voyage encountered so great a storm near the Cape that it was a miracle she escaped, but was so much shattered that she had to bear up for Surat, where Capt. Curtis, 125 her commander, reported she could never be so repaired as to voyage to England. The Smyrna Merchant, Captain Fisher, was wrecked upon a small island between St. Lawrence and the Main, but most of the Company's estate in her, being silver, was saved. 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to HIS SISTER, THE COUNTESS OP SOUTHAMPTON. 1661, June 8. Pera. Praying her to keep him in her lord's remembrance, when his business nearer hand diverts his thoughts from his remote and absent friends. Also to move the Lord Chamberlain or some other powerful friend, for an increase of his allowance. Mr. Dawes, the bearer (the principal English merchant at this place), who knows his manner of living and is intimate in his counsells, will give her all news of him. Letter Book, p. 101. 1 p. THE SAME to SIR ANTHONY ASHLEY COOPER. 1661, June 14. Pera. The bearer, Mr. Jonathan Dawes, a very discreet man, will relate to you the affairs of this place, but being so much obliged to your friendship, I cannot but impart to you my thoughts on the reports in England touching my embassy, " as that heere are no matters of state to bee employed in, but only marchandizing and the pro- tection of traders ; that these are infidells and therefore it concernes us not to meddle, no further than only the securing of commerce. This is a very auntient errour in our climate, and not yet rectified as it is in the southern countries." But trade must be subordinate to the interests of state. If it were either my Master's interest or the Grand Signer's to break off commerce, how could it continue by the intercession only of merchants ? History shows the advantage other nations have had of us " when their Ambassadors made peace and war betweene the Emperor of the Turks and other potentates, and that our Ambassadors have been (for the most part) but passive," either from wanting instructions or opportunity. Consider this juncture. [Gives a resume of the position of affairs.] Is not this a time to step in and gain the position of umpire of all the affairs at this Porte, " which the French have had this hundred years past, and not employed it to that good to Christianity as I know my Master will ? As for those who say these are infidells, and do as much as imply, therefore wee must neglect the doing our- selves and others good, I shall answer them with a story of a puritan marchant, who, being offered by an Indian a great bargain in Jewells, neglected for a time the purchase, and would first read to him the new Testament ; but, in the mean- time, comes an Italian merchant and got the bargaine for himself, and meeting afterwards the puritan, asked him if 126 there was anything in the new Testament against the purchase he had made ; who, being madded for the opportunity he had lost, threw for anger the Testament into the fier ; so the Indian lost his conversion and the hypocrite his purchase and Testament too." Another discourse is that this employment is below me. " Can it be below a subject and a servant to represent his King and master? Or is it more honourable to be an Ambassador amongst the Dutch butter boxes, and to be confined to a Dutche's nest, then to be employed at this great Court with a mighty Emperor, seated in the center of the world, and the large field of a vast empire to act in ? I shall leave to the world to judge, yet it deserves consideration how much the Emperor of Germany, the Kings of France and Poland, together with the Senate of Venice do honour this ambassie, for that some of them give the power of martiall law to their Ambassadours ; others what monies they demand without account ; power to pardon traitours, &c., and do employ the greatest of their nobility and senators, sending them with a more costly traine then to any other Court of Europe whatsoever, and have many times reaped fruite answerable to the charges they have been at. As I hope my Master will for the royall ship he did send with mee, which gave me such an occasion to magnifie the greatnesse of my Master as hath strucken an admiration and awe of his Majestic into the proud Vizier himselfe. This eagle hath not his wings dipt like to that of Germany, and deserves as well an eye into her actions as any state whatsoever, especially for us, who may do them mischiefe and can receive none from them (which makes them to court us) and as our great Master is the true ballance of Europe and law-giver of all marittime affaires, so his eyes must be like those of eagles from on high prying afarre off into all places and actions, and doth deserve a more able minister and servant then myselfe to negotiate in so considerable a port." But my heart and hands shall never be wanting to augment his honour and if I may but have good intelligence, advice and materials, I will render a good account. Letter Book, p. 101. 2 pp. THE EARL or WINCHILSEA to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1661, June 14. Prays him to read copies of his letters to the King and Secretary, and to return his " most serious and deliberate advice." Again urges him to procure the com- mission and letters needful to authorize him to act in regard to the treaty with Venice. Ibid. p. 103. | p. ANTHONY ISAACSON to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, June 14-24. There is come here a kinsman of Lord Chancellor Hyde's, one who was formerly in these parts with Sir Henry. He designs for Pera, to ask your Excellency's 127 assistance for possessing him with the house and lands pur- chased by Sir Henry in the Morea, and which the said Sir Henry made over to Consul Gattwood, who died there a little after the arrival of Sir Thos. Bendyshe at Constantinople. I believe Mr. Ricaut may find something about the business in the books of the Cancellaria. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE KINO. 1661, June 15. Pera. Recommending Mr. Jonathan Dawes, " a person better knowne heere by reason of his long aboad, then m his own country, to which his affections gave him no desiers to return whilst it was not blest with your Majestie's government, or the church unsettled (sic) with that peace and order it now enjoyes." Could ill spare one so experienced in the secrets of the Ottoman Court (gained by long acquaint- ance with the eminent Lord Treasurer, now King of Egypt), but his desires to see his country in its present happiness and glory were so strong, that no persuasions could prevail over them. Letter Book, p. 104. | p. Also : Letters of recommendation for Mr. Dawes to Sir Heneage Finch and the Duke of Albemarle, same date ; to the Senate of Venice and the Grand Duke of Tuscany in Italian, June 17-27 ; and to the Lord Chancellor, June 20. Ibid. pp. 104-106, 111, 112. THE SAME to LORD TREASURER SOUTHAMPTON. 1661, June 17. Pera. Recommends Mr. Dawes, who, by his great experience and acquaintance with persons of the highest quality, has helped to bring things to pass which might otherwise have failed. He will acquaint his lordship with all affairs at the Porte, and will especially ask advice concerning the King's title in his capitulations. His Majesty has hitherto been called Crawle, which means indeed a sovereign prince ; but the Grand Signer himself assumes the title of Podeshaw, i.e. Emperor, and gives it to the Emperor of Germany and the King of France ; therefore it is not fit that the King of England should be called by a lower title. But nothing can be done in this place " without presents and corruptions," and no intelligence comes from England, nor any allowance of moneys. Renews his complaints on these heads, and once more prays his lordship, who was his preserver in England, to be his protector out of it. Ibid, p. 109. 1 pp. THE SAME to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1661, June 17. Pera. The hopes of a war between the Grand Signer and the Emperor seem to vanish, for the German Resident (a person of much honour and sincerity) hears from Vienna that his master resolves to stand " as a neuter and 128 at a gaze on the affairs of Transylvania " unless the Turks put a Turkish governor and garrisons into the country, which the Grand Signor has sworn he designs not to do. Letter Book, p. 110. | p. [Original letter in S.P. Turkey, but dated June 21, probably the date of its actual despatch.] THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR GEORGE SMITH. 1661, June 17. Pera. Thanking him for his two letters, and expressing his pleasure that Ricaut is likely to have " good acceptance by the Company to be chancellor here." Was very modest when he wrote that he had spent 300L at Algier and Messina, as he might justly have claimed that his salary should begin when his employment did, instead of asking only what he paid out of his purse and resting satisfied with the loss of his time and pains. Though peace was not concluded, he saved the Company and the Italian merchants much, " as the redemption of two ships that were prizes out of the harbour, besides severall English that were in the market to be sould for slaves." This is already acknowledged from Italy, and he expects thanks from London also. But he has had so much experience of the kindness, generosity and affection of the Company that he cannot believe there will ever be occasion of ill-understanding between them, especially while he is assured of the good offices of so cordial a friend as Sir George himself. Ibid. p. 111. I p. SIR WILLIAM MORICE, Secretary of State, to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, June 18. Whitehall. " I had the felicity to receave those letters which you did me the honor to write. I longe since saw a letter of your Excellencyes in the handes of Mr. Secretary Nicholas, which caused me to believe that he corresponded with you, from whom also you had your dis- patch, and thereuppon I was not forwarde to give you the trouble of my pen, but since I finde that he hathe not kept up the intercourse, and that you complaine of the wante of that intelligence which I feared had beene an impertinency to give you, I shall henceforth redeeme my former omission by my frequent interpellation, and in my chartes render you a prospect of the state of your country, and in my next to such embassadors as his Majesty hath lyinge abroad (which are only my lorde St. Albans in the courte of France and Sir George Downinge at the Hague) I shall prompt them to correspond with you. Ther is yet in vewe a likelyhood of a breach betwixt Englande and Spaine. The Spanish Embassador, whose heate is at a higher degree then his dis- cretion, did often vainly menace that the next day after a marriage should be concluded with Portugal, he would denounce warre against our master. The first publicke notice that was given of the conclusion therof, was by the King to 129 his parliament, and thereuppon, the Embassador began to packe up his baggage and put on the face of departinge, but affaires are not trusted to his proper conduct, he receavinge orders from the Counte Fuensdalgue, leiger at Paris, who, by an expresse, injoyned his stay. It was longe before the King would admit him to his presence, he 'havinge given som resentment by printinge som papers and talkinge somewhat prodigally of the Chancellor, yet he hath since had audience, but in milder accents. His master is in no capacity to make warre with our Kinge, his treasuries being empty, and all the powers he hath beinge little enough to be auxiliar to the other branch of his house, in hazard to be blasted by the Ottoman, and Spaine itselfe beinge in no good posture, where of late have beene some mutinyes about the base money commanded to be current. There is no little probability of a peace betweene Spaine and Portugall, some traverses have beene about it, whereunto the Spaniard is the more facilitated, because of the defensive league or quarranty betweene England and Portugal, his Majesty havinge espoused the quarrel of the later in the alliance of mariage. The Infanta bringes the King two millions of crownes Portuguse, halfe in hande, and the other moyty at a yeeres ende. Ther is beside som advantages (and those very considerable) by enlargement of empire and privileges of trade. His Majesty had very good resentments of your offerture of interposinge his mediation for a peace betwixt the Grand Seigneur and the Venetian, and it is his pleasure that as occasion shall present it selfe you lay holde therof, and not suffer (if you can prevent it) that any other beare away that honor from him. He was not free to make any allowance for intelligence, beinge loath to introduce new charges, and for this he saith he knowes no president. The Dutch Embassadours have beene heere almost a yeere, yet have advanced nothinge hi their treaty ; there are som umbrages in his Majesty toward them about their comportment to the Prince of Orange, and there prepara- tions sent to the East Indyes against the Portugal, after the King had offered and they accepted his mediation of peace. We are not like to have any firme union, but as yet we are not ready nor forward to make a breach. Holland was very wilh'nge to strike up a peace with Portugal and protested that if Zealand would not concurre, they would withdrawe their contributions, and treate singly, but the East India ships very lately arrived, bringinge acceptable newes of their successes in those partes, are like to divert their intentions. My lord of Sandwich is gonne with a fleete of 14 or 15 good ships (and 5 or 6 others) into the Mediterranean to offer peace to those of Algier, Tunis, Tripoli, which, if they refuse to accept uppon honorable termes (the cheife is that of not searchinge our ships), he hath commission to doe them all the mischiefs of warre, and if that happen it may perchance startle you at the Porte, but you may assure them his Majesty intends Wt. 29496. 9 130 no breach of allyance and amity with the Grand Seignior nor hath any designe or intent to make any attempt upon any of the cityes under his dominion or protection, but only to reduce and chastise those pyrates. The insurrection that happened heere last Christide in this city was represented to you through multiplyinge glasses ; a few desperate enthusiasts (they were never 30 in one body, nor 40 in all) who had first lost their witts before they did their loyalty, put themselves in armes in hope that Christ would visibly com from Heaven to head them, and were soone suppressed, though som blood was spilt in doinge it. Had the number beene greater of such resolute men so armed, the effects might have beene mischievous, but the sense of our weaknes that time indicated a necessity of a better standinge force and occasioned the erectinge of three troupes of guards (the King's, Duke of Yorke and Duke of Albemarle's) one regiment of horse, under the Earle of Oxford, and two of foote commanded by the General and Colonel Russell. The parliament is very complyant with the Kinge, whose influence alone preserves the acte of Indemnity indemnified; nothinge notable hath yet passed save the restitution of bishops to the Lords house, and an act for a free contribution to the Kinge, not exceedinge two hundred pounds for Commons, four hundred for Lords. We are like to make and keepe a stricte and firme alliance with France. I presented your letter to the Duke of Albemarle, and I heerby give you my very humble service." P.S. " Since this was written the letters receaved from Holland certify that at the meetinge of the Estates, notwith- standinge the opposition of Zealand and Gelderland, they have by pluralitye of voyces voted a peace with Portugal. Zealand saith it is contrary to the Union to determine by plurality, without consent of all, but Holland replies that the peace with Spaine was concluded 1605 by plurality of voyces." 1| pp. Seal of arms embossed. THE EARL OF WESTCHILSEA to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1661, June 21. Pera. A nuncio is expected in a few days from the Emperor, *so I fear that the war, of which we had such hopes (as tending to divert the armies of Austria from any designs against his Majesty) " will end contrary to our desires." I should have thought myself happy if his Majesty had made me an instrument to foment the differences, which I believe I could have done without being discovered but for the want of correspondence, " and the esteeme you have that the affairs of this country hath no influence on the successe of England."* The French Ambassador departs as soon as his ship is ready ; one M. Blondel is said to be coming in his place. Letter Book, p. 113. 1| pp. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] * * The passage here abstracted is in cipher in the original. 131 THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD TREASURER SOUTHAMPTON. 1661, June 22. Pera. Informing him how the French Ambassador had obtained the office of mediator ; viz. : by request of the Venetians to the King of France, who there- upon sent letters to the Grand Signor, desiring to be accepted in that office. Would willingly have the like letters from his Majesty, in blank, to use if opportunity present, and is thinking of sending his secretary to England to solicit them, but will wait till he hears from England and Venice. Cannot prosecute the design of a trade between Turkey and Portugal till he has orders from thence and from home. It would be easy to introduce an ambassador, or to procure licence for their traffic to be protected under the English banner. Is sending him six pots of sherbet. Letter Book, p. 114. 1 p. ANTHONY ISAACSON to THE EARL or WINCHILSEA. 1661, June 22. Smyrna. His Excellency's letter and warrant to the factory and commission to himself have been received. Sent the Cancelliere and some of the mer- chants at once to read the letter to Mr. Baker, who is ready to render all obedience to his Excellency's commands. For the honour conferred on himself, he esteems himself eternally obliged, and will in all things square his actions according to his Excellency's commands. Knows that the change in affairs will create him many enemies, but entirely trusts hi his Excellency's protection and favour. Mr. Coventry's term as treasurer being over, Mr. Adrian Death has been elected. 1 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE PRIVY COUNCIL. 1661, June 24. Pera. Assuring them that he has done his utmost both in regard to commerce and to his Majesty's affairs, although, owing to the lack of orders and intelligence he has not been able to serve them as otherwise he might. Though some opportunities have passed, others remain, and the place is not so remote but that the success of affairs there might have influence on England. If he were not left entirely in the dark, is sure he might further the King's service. Letter Book, p. 115. | p. Enclosed in a letter to Sir George Lane, to the same effect. THE SAME to THE COUNTESS OF SOUTHAMPTON. 1661, June 24. Pera. If I did not know that my lord tells you what he hears from me, I should write to you oftener, for I know that you will rejoice hi my good fortunes and lament in my bad ones. " Both my wife and my little daughter are (God be praised) in good health, and I beginne to find that ease and tranquillity of mind which for some yeares I have been a stranger to ; for since I have scene the 132 deliverance of my country and my King restored, I have thought in the next place of the provision of my family and recoverie of my owne fortunes, in which I have now so good successe . . . that I hope, when I next see you, it shall be with fewer anxious thoughts then when I left you. [The rest of the letter is in relation to his claims upon the Levant Company, and the measures to be taken to procure their consent thereto.] Letter Boole, p. 116. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE KING. 1661, June 24. Pera. Praying him to notice the passage in cipher in his letter to Secretary Nicholas (of June 21, above), which may serve to show his Majesty that some things may be acted here as advantageous as in other embassies not so remote. If he had been so happy as to receive more commands, he could have been a more active instrument in his Majesty's service. Ibid. p. 118. | p. THE SAME to THE DUKE OF ORMOND. 1661, June 26. Pera. Congratulating him on being made a duke. All men are sufficiently satisfied of his lordship's " great fidelity and meritts, even in the apostacy and worst of times, and in the greatest of tryalls," but it is a great con- solation to loyal servants and subjects to see that his Majesty " doth not forget those who have so emminently suffered for himself e and his most blessed father." . Ibid. p. 118. \ p. THE SAME to ANGELO CORRARO, Procurator of San Marco, Ambassador Extraordinary residing in England. 1661, June 26. Pera. Congratulating his Excellency upon his arrival in England, and honourable reception there. Regrets that he cannot exchange his present post for that of Ambassador to Venice, but must be contented to stay where he is, his chief desire, after the service of his King, being to be of use to the Republic, without which, and his intercourse with Signer Balarino (with whom he has made a firm league of friendship) he would be utterly weary of the place. Italian. Ibid. p. 121. p. CONSUL BAKER to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, June 27. Smyrna. " Your warrant was notified me, and Mr. Isackson is in my place." I humbly pray to know the proofs against me, and my accusers, and the matter laid to my charge, that I may clear myself ; " the very Inquisiton itt selfe admitts nott that any man of propence mallice, or where his interest or advantage, promoatement, &c. [is concerned], shall be taken as informers or wittnesses." When all is truly represented to your Excellency, I am confidently assured that no exception can be taken. 1 p. 133 SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, June 28. Whitehall. This is my fourth letter to your lordship. Since my last I have received yours of March 1, 4 and 6. The King is well pleased with your diligence and prudent proceedings. When Sir Thomas Bendishe arrives I will ask him concerning the bed that used to be given by the King to his Ambassador. " But as for the scale, it seemes by the coppy of the late King's warrant, which you sent me, that it ought to have bene delivered to you by Sir Thomas Bendishe, upon his surrendering of his place of Ambassador, and I know not what impression the scale ought to have; I have spoken with Sir Sackville Crow about the bed and scale, and he tells me he had noe bed, and doth not remember what the scale is, but of these thinges, when Sir Thomas Bendishe arrives, I shall doe what in it may be effected for your lord- shipp's satisfacion. The Lord O' Brian came hither about Whitsuntide last, having paid and given security for his ransome and his father's. When I shall from Sir Thomas Bendishe understand what he intends concerning his being agent at Cairo and att whose charge that imployment is to be, I shalbe able to say some thing to you of that matter, but the King having never had any such minister there, nor having any occasion for any, unless the merchants desire it, I suppose that imployment will not be suddenly conferred on any, and not att all, unlesse att the merchants cost. . . . Your lordshipp will find in the inclosed in cipher what may be fitt for you to communicate to the Ministers there upon occasion, to prevent any misunderstanding. I humbly thanke your lordshipp for your offer to me of the nominacion of a consul for Algiers, but I know noe man that I can recommend for it, and I conceave that the person who is now in it was placed by the Bang's warrant or com- mission, before your lordshipp was designed Ambassador, but how fitt he may be for that place I know not. Wee are here in great expectacion whether the warre between the Emperor and the Grand Seigneur will proceede this yeare, and whether there be any likelihood of a treaty for a peace between the Grand Seigneur and the Venetians. The sending of Mr. Hudson's ship by the Gr[and] Seig[neur] to carry provisions to Candi, notwithstanding the opposicion you made, was somewhat strange and unfriendly, but there was noe remedy. . . . ' ' The Lord Roberts is made Lord Privy Scale ; the Portugall Ambassador is this day feasted by the King att Court, and goes within two days to Portugall with the treaty of marriage, which was signed some dayes since. Holograph. 2% pp. Enclosing : Memorandum chiefly hi cipher, with which is a decipher as follows : As zounding* the ill useage of his Majestie's subjects by those of Algiers the King hath pay* a fleet * " Zounding " (687, 341) is probably a mistake for C27, 341 (concerning) ; and pay (290) for 299 (sent). 134 of above twenty ships under the command of the Earle of Sandwich to Algiers, with instructions to demand their performance of the articles formerly agreed on by them with the English, and particularly that according to that agreement, they shall not visit or search any of his Majesties subjects, ships, nor interrupt them in their trade; and in case those of Algiers shall deny to agree to the same, then his lordship is to use all hostile meanes to force them thereunto, his Majestic requiring no more from them then they formerly agreed unto by treatie with the usurpers. The Earle of Sandwich set saile six dayes since with a faire gale, and by my former letters sent some time since by the way of Vienna, I gave your lordship a hint of his lordshipp's preparing to goe with a fleet to Algiers ; to that end your lordshipp shall doe well to acquaint the Grand Vizier, and if you thinke fit the Grand Signeur also, that the King's affection and friendship to the Grand Signeur is as entire as ever, and that hee conceives what hee doth to induce those of Algiers to doe his subjects right according to the former treaty will not bee disagreeable to him." [The memorandum is in Nicholas's hand ; the decipher by Ricaut.] THE EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, June 28. London. " By your lordship's letter beareing date the 12 of Feb. last I received the wellcome newse of your safe arrivall att Constantinople, and the satisfaction of seeing myselfe continued hi your memorie, which I shall studie to deserve in some measure by the per- formance of any service in my power. The getting of Turkish horses into England, I apprehended a worke of so much difficultie as I thought it not reasonable to trouble your Lord- ship with it, nor is it easie to finde men that understand well the chewsing of them, and therefore I resolved to content myselfe with such as these neerer parts of the world do afford. I am now leaveing this towne and retyreing for some tyme into the countrie, where if your Lordship can think me any wayes usefull to you, your commands shall readily be executed. . . ." Holograph. 1 p. Seal of antique gem. CHARLES II to THE SAME. 1661, July 3. Whitehall. Desiring him to use his best endeavours to procure the liberty of Signor Mark Anthony Delfino, a nobleman of Venice and brother-in-law to Signor Morosini, Ambassador Extraordinary in England, from whom his Majesty learns that the said Signor Delfino, " in his gallant carriage and behaviour against the Turks in Candia, was by them there taken prisoner and made a slave, and, because 135 he was sonne to the governour who commanded in that kingdome, was sent to the Tower of Constantinople, where he yet remaines." Sign manual, countersigned by Nicholas. 1 p. Endorsed as received May 25, 1662. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1661, July 8. Pera. Stating that the differences and dissensions in the factory at Smyrna had grown so high in consequence of the indiscretions of the consul there that he has discharged him, and put in another till the Company decide what to do. The disposal of the place is in the Com- pany, but he conceives he has authority to act in cases of emergency ; the whole trade was hi danger of destruction, if he had not appointed one of a more prudent spirit, and he was worn out by continual complaints and importunities. Prays his cousin to vindicate him if his action is spoken of as too rash and severe. Has difficulty in managing affairs at Constantinople, and must walk very circumspectly on account of the Vizier, for he being " a great tyrant, violently obstinate and malitiously froward," it does not do to draw the cord too tightly, lest his fury should cause him either to break the capitulations, or offer some insult ; and the honour of the English Ambassador once invaded, the Turks would trample on it ever after. Letter Book, p. 119. 1| pp. THE SAME to THE EARL OF ST. ALBANS. 1661, July 8. Pera. Has parted from the French Ambassador " with all the demonstrations of civilitie and freindship," and thinks it would be well if his lordship would send to congratulate his arrival, and take notice of the said friendship. Ibid. p. 120. p. ANTHONY ISAACSON to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, July 8. Smyrna. They have received the good news of his Majesty's coronation, and of the thankful assent of Parliament to the match with Portugal. On the vote that Dunkirk and Jamaica " should henceforward be esteemed a right belonging to the Crown of England " it is said the Spanish Ambassador was very high, made protest against the Council and Parliament, and so went away for Dover ; but further advices say that he returned to London on hearing that the Dutch Ambassador had congratulated the King's choice of the Infanta, " lest the Hollander should be scared to yield unto those demands his Majestic hath made of them," which they will have to do if it be true that the Dane and Swede have concluded a peace with England. Twenty frigates are fitted out for Lisbon with the Duke of Albemarle (but he rather believes it to be the Duke of Ormond) to fetch the Infanta, and ten more to go against the Argier men-of-war, who have been plundering English ships. 136 Prays to know if he may write himself " Consul for his Majesty " as he is told other consuls have done (except hi the late troubles). " The Company's charter is confirmed, at the expence of 1,500Z., and this hath made greate distraction among themselves, those that are free men of the citty requiring those that are not to take theire freedomes, or else to have no benefitt of the charter." Encloses copies of the propositions of the major part of the factory to the Company, which he thinks very reasonable. 1| pp. [Enclosure not with the letter.] THE KING OF POLAND to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, July [10-]20. Warsaw. Recommending to him the business of Peter [sic] Symson. Signed Joannes Casimirus Rex. Latin, p. Royal seal impressed. SIR GEORGE DOWNING to THE SAME. 1661, July 11. Hague. "This place is at this time very barren of news ; the treaty betweene the Ambassador of Portugal and this State, which hath bin so many yeares in hand, was upon the point of being concluded, but I have put a little stop in the way of it, it not standing very well with the present posture of affayres betweene England and that crowne. De Ruyther hath bin a long while going with about twenty saile for the Straites against the Turkes, but the truth is they were unwilling to let him go untill they had theire East Indie ships home, and sought which way the Earle of Sandwitch went, but theire East Indie ships being now seven of them come in which are valued at 700,OOOL sterling, and onely two more expected and the Earle of Sandwitch being gone towards the Straites, de Ruyther is fitting away also. The treaty betweene his Majesty and this State is yet but young ; his Majestys Commissioners having receaved two projects from the Ambassadours of this State the last weeke, they gave one to the said Ambassadours and no further as yet is that businesse advanced. Sunday was a seaven night the treaty betweene our King and the King of Portugal for the mariage was signed by his Majestys Commissioners and the Ambassadour of Portugal, and the King since that treated the said Ambassador at dinner in the presence and as this day the said Ambassadour intended to imbarque for Portugal. His Majesty's second fleete for the Southward and a good fleete for the Channel will be ready about the midle of July old stile. ..." 1 p. ANTHONY ISAACSON to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, July 12. Smyrna. By news-books just received, "wee may guesse the Marques of Argyle's heade to be in the same place where Montrose's was. Severall acts burnt by the hand of the hangman. I pray God the publick disgrace of 137 the Covenant (though I thinke it deserve much worse) begett not bad bloud, for, as I may in reason conjecture, the greatest feare in England of new disturbances is from the Presbyterian pulpits. There is good hopes of peace with Holland, though believed it would be better for our trade if they were beaten into tearmes." It is confirmed that the Algier men-of-war took six of our ships ; the greatest discredit to us that possibly could be ; "to yeild up all their goods (being for strangers) rather then fight a stroke. . . . Sixteen saile of frigatts are coming out to force them to better conditions." I am still at Mr. Arnold White's, for Consul Baker is so confident of being re-admitted that he will not part with the house, though half the rent is paid by the Company. It is whispered that he means to make application " to some above the Company," for which cause I have sent a copy of your warrant to Mr. Sam. Bernardistone, to deliver to Sir Heneage Finch if he shall see cause. July 13. Consul Baker has summoned the factory to communicate to them a letter from the Company. If the Company proceed in a violent way, I fear they will get little or nothing. 2| pp. THE FACTORY OP SMYRNA to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, July 12. Smyrna. Acknowledging his letter and warrant for displacing Consul Baker and appointing Mr. Isaacson, to which they have all submitted, and enclosing their proposals to the Company, which they hope will meet with his Excellency's approval. 27 signatures. 1 p. [Enclosure not now with the letter.} FATHER BONAVENTURA DE BTJRGO, President of the Holy Sepulchre to THE SAME. 1661, July [14-]24. Jerusalem. " The Most Reverend Father Guardian of Jerusalem heareinge from Father Antony Garlin, alias Pontanus, that your lordsipe cane much prevaile and healpe us in Constantinople . . . hee dit com- mande me to writte these fewe lines. Therefore I pray your Excellence to macke the favour and grace for the Holy Lande and for your poore countreman, as to healpe our Commissary, whoe is called Father Ludowicke Flemengger, and he is alsoe caplan of the Ambazador of the Roman Emperor. Milord, your antecessor, Lord Bendishe, was greate benefactor and friende unto all oure fathers heare and in Constantinople, soe that continually he dit defende these holy places against the Pathriarcke of the Greekes, whose [sic] wee have onely enemy in these partes. ... I humble beseeche your lordsip to have me excused that I wrotte the enclosed letter in Latine, for I cannott writt in Englis soe welle, for there is foure and twanty yeares sence I left England, and all the time sence I was in Polande and Italic, where I had noe practise neither occasion to speake Englis." 1 p. 138 Enclosing : A more formal request from the same, that his Excellency will give his assistance to the above-named Father Ludovick. In his apology for writing in Latin, he calls English " Lingua materna." July 20, 1661. Latin. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE KING. 1661, July 31. [Belgrade*]. " The blessed newes of your Majestie's coronation, and the happy alliance betweene the Crowns of England and Portugall, by the marriage of so incom- parable a consort as your Majestic hath chosen, ... no sooner arrived this station your Majestic hath fixed me in, but I conceived so unimaginable a joy as was sufficient to have transported my body as well as my desiers to the feet of your Majestie's throne, to congratulate so much glory and happinesse in your Majestie," did not your service enchain me here. I have therefore despatched my steward expressly with this letter " to let your Majestie know that there is one heere, though at this distance and in this barbarous country, that rejoices as much in your Majestie's prosperitie ... as any of those whose zeale and devotion is enflamed by your daily presence. And if your Majestie will bee but pleased graciously to smile upon this message, which comes from a long journey and a sincere affection, and some times to cast a thought on your minister and subject here, it will bee a strange cordial! to support my spirits, who can think no place comfortable nor pleasant that is not blessed by an immediate influence of your Majestie." Letter Book, p. 125. i P- THE SAME to QUEEN CATHERINE. T 1661, July 31. " When I was designed on an embassie to this place, good fortune in a storme drove mee into Lisbon at a time when the happy nuptialls were treated betweene my master's and your most sacred person. Even then I prayed and laboured for the same successe, knowing that as my master was the most incomparable prince of the world, so there was no consort so worthy of him as such a princesse as yourself, in whom God and Nature had bestowed all the endowments to make you perfect. I cannot therefore at this distance but send an expresse messenger to congratulate such a conjunction of all good in one center. . . . And if I may, though unknowne, long absent and farre distant, live in your Majestie's knowledge and remembrance, your Majestie will imitate the divine goodness, which measures not human deserts by the frequent address of the body but by the sinceritie and true affections of the worshippers." Ibid. p. 126. | p. * On the Bosphoms, about 12 miles north of Constantinople. 139 THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA to THE PRIVY COUNCIL. 1 6G 1 , July 3 1 . Belgrade . Desiring such orders as may enable him to negotiate for a free trade between Portugal and the Porte (which he finds those of Portugal are well inclined to) ; urging the matter of the umpirage, and complaining of the lack of money for intelligence. Prays their lordships to consider how, in case of a war with Holland, the trade of the Levant may be preserved, which must certainly suffer, if the same course be not taken as the Hollanders do, by maintaining the trade with considerable convoys. The barbarity of the people, the loss of his dear daughter by the plague, and the constant fury of that infection, would alienate his affection from the place where he is, were it not that he is content to be wherever his Majesty has been pleased to put him. Postscript. Has just heard of his Majesty's design against Algier. Thinks it strange it was not communicated to him, but has now taken what course the time permits, and hopes " what breach soever happens shall give no disgust to this Port." Letter Book, p. 126. 2 pp. THE SAME to LORD TREASURER SOUTHAMPTON. 1661, July 31. Belgrade. The death of his dear daughter, taken from him by the plague, "the epidemical disease heere of the summer season," has given him great reason to be displeased with the country, but in order to serve his King, his country and his own estate, he is resolved not to be dis- couraged from the design ; doubting not but that five years' banishment will fully restore his fortunes. Prays that if, upon the settlement of the Queen's family, any office may be procured becoming to his absent condition and quality, his lordship will interpose on his behalf. This is his only chance of success, as the King has never given him any thing from his immediate hand, and he must needs say he thinks it hard that he should be the only Ambassador who receives nothing from his Prince. The French Ambassador, employed here on the same terms as himself, " besides his salary from the Levant Company, had also his allowance from the King of 1,500/. yearly, which hi twenty-three years time so enriched him that he departed with a treasure of 60,OOOZ. sterling." His game is now frugality, " and since the proifit of former times in buying Jewells is not to be expected," he must moderate his expenses, to which end he has reduced his family " to that number as is neither too meane nor yet of too much ostentation." Postscript. The Grand Signer has 150,000 men on the frontiers of Germany and Transylvania, and there still seems a likelihood of war with the Emperor. " All the Bashaws of 140 Greece are commanded to attend the Great Signior in this expedition, and great preparations are making." Letter Book, p. 128. 1| pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD CHANCELLOR CLARENDON. 1661, July 31. Belgrade. " The place where I reside is neither so remote nor so obscure but the fame of your lordships good conduct and prosperous successe in the management of his Majesties affaires hath reached common eares, who stand in admiration of your lordship's wisdome, and are filled with expectation to what height of glory such solid and well grownded enterprizes may tend. Your lordship's speech at the opening of the Parliament hi May last, I have read, hi which there is such a conjunction of rhetorick, policie and religion as becomes so great an oratour and so wise a statesman, and by which I discover that series (sic) and approaches your lordship made to every step of his Majesties advantage, that I cannot but applaud your advice for suppression of future rebellions at home and the securing of us against enemies abroad, by the happy alliance betweene the Crownes of England and Portugal!, that no humane force can seeme to shake at present ; . . . which makes me remember that friendly contest I had with your lordship in Parliament, whilst we both strived for the interest of our common Master, concerning the uniting Dunkirke and Jaimaica to the Crowne of England, which being better understood was [? as] I perceive since, by your lordship, as then not seasonable to make so publicke a declaration, will teach mee heere after to submit to your lordship's judgment, and with an implicite faith to resigne my whole reason to the determination of your lordship." If, when your lordship has scanned my letters and proposals to his Majesty's Council, you would be pleased to give me your advice, such as a son might expect from a father, I should think myself happy and infallible, as having my directions from so wise an oracle. My present afflictions for the death of my dear daughter, snatched from me by the plague, make me not to enlarge further to your lordship." Ibid. p. 132. 1 p. THE SAME to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1661, July 31. Belgrade. Stating that in view of the probable war with the Emperor, he has " gained " the inter- preter of the German Resident, who knows all the secrets of that Court, and will give him knowledge of everything. Thinks it very strange that he had no information of his Majesty's designs against Algiers. Ibid. p. 131. p. [Original letter in S.P. Turkey.} THE SAME to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1661, July 31. Belgrade. I have sent my steward, Knevet, expressly to congratulate his Majesty's happy 141 marriage, my joy being such " that I think a hundred pounds too little, when it can demonstrate my affections to the King and revive my remembrance with him." I pray you procure me the letters I desire from the King, for a treaty with Venice is daily expected, and if I am not provided, an ambassador from France may take up the office, and so our King lose the honour and benefit. I believe I might justly challenge the Order of the Garter as due to my quality and my former services, "especially since I see it bestowed on my Lord Strafford and others, with whom I esteeme myself in all points equal " ; the greatness of my charge deserves the honour, and it would give weight to my negotiations in the Venice treaty. My friendship with the Venetian Bailo, Balarino, daily increases, which you may intimate to Angelo Corraro, the Venetian Ambassador. In all things I desire to be ruled by your judgment, and " can only find this fault with you, that you answer not the doubts and importunities of your absent friends ; ... as if wee that are at this distance were either dead or should never returne." Letter Book, p. 123. \\ pp. THE EAEL OF WINCHILSEA to THE VIZIER AZEM BASSA. 1661, July 31. Belgrade. Complaining of the piracies still committed by those of Algier, in spite of his Excellency's commands, and the friendly address to them from England. Has advice that a strong and well-equipped English fleet is about to enter the Mediterranean, and though the design may be only against Spanish territory, yet it is to be sus- pected " that the Algier insolencie may have provoked his Majestic to take his due revenge." Informs him of the King's intended marriage with the Infanta of Portugal, upon such advantageous terms as will make him the most mighty of all Christian princes, and may bring about a war with Spain. Ibid. p. 130. 1 p. [Noted as translated into Turkish.] THE SAME to SIGNOR MARC ANTONIO DOLFIN. 1661, July 31, O.S. Belgrade. Thanking him for kind condolences on the death of his daughter. Italian. Ibid. p. 124. | p. THE SAME to SIGNOR SEBASTIAN MOLINO, hi the Seven Towers. 1661, July 31. To the same effect. Italian. Ibid. p. 125. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, Aug. 4. Aleppo. Giving news from England, viz : the zeal of the Parliament, " endeavouring to outdo the last;" the popularity of the King's intended match with the Infanta of Portugal ; the despatch of ships to take 142 possession of Tangier and Goa ; the removal of " several prisoners " from the Tower to Newgate, in order to their execution, and the beheading of Argyle. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE KESTG. 1661, Aug. 5. Zacharlichioi. The fame of your Majesty's greatness having now reached the most remote parts of the world, I have daily addresses from all sorts of Christians, who hope that your piety may empower your Ambassador to aid them. And thus I have received letters " from the Fathers Guardians of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem, who, being at present oppressed more then in former times by the insolencie and covetousnesse of the Turkes, know not where to have recourse with more securitie then under the protection of your Majestie's Ambassadour ; and therefore have complained to mee of the extravagencie of two French pilgrims, who committed such outrages upon Good Friday, and offered those violencies to the priests for not praying for theire King before the Emperour and other Kings, that it is incredible to believe that the French heat should have so much of phrenzie and madnesse in it." The Fathers pray me to be vigilant that the malice of these persons do not prejudice them at the Porte, and to obtain the confirmation of those immunities (so long preserved inviolable) which are now threatened to be invaded with the highest sacrilege and profaneness. Knowing your Majesty's piety, I have presumed to give a favourable answer to their request, being careful to do nothing which may harm the Greek Church or our own. Letter Book, p. 133. 1 p. THE SAME to the Reverend Father EUSEBIUS VELLES, guardian of the -Holy Land and of Mount Sion. 1661, Aug. 7-17. Zacherelichioi. Acknowledges his letter and that of all the holy family, and assures his reverence of his readiness to show his devotion to those holy places by furthering their affairs at the Porte by his protection. Is astonished at the fury and excesses of the two French knights, outraging the Christian religion in the most holy place, and on their arrival, will not fail to use his interest (which is not small) to have them punished as they deserve. As regards the affairs of the Holy Land, he prays his reverence to send him a distinct list of their demands, and he will then endeavour not only to preserve but to augment their ancient and just privileges. Italian. Ibid. p. 134. IP- TEE EARL OF SANDWICH to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, Aug. 8. O.S. Royal James, Bay of Algiers. I see from a letter of your Lordship's that the Grand Vizir resolves to detain at Constantinople the messengers coming from 143 Algiers with their presents " untill our antient capitulations with Algiers were confirmed, and my Lord O'Bryan should be released. . . . Upon the 13th of June last, I came out of London, and about a week or fortnight before that time my Lord O'Bryan having his liberty was arrived at London . . . but his servants as yet are unjustly detained in Algiers." I arrived here on July 29, and proposed the articles which I enclose. The Governor and Divan stumbled at the second (that our ships should be free from searching) " and without much considering the rest, sent me answer that they would have noe peace with mee rather then admit that article," and the next day, I riding with the fleet about a mile from the town, and having offered them no manner of provocation, they shot at us from all the forts the whole afternoon, killed some men and damaged divers ships. We replied by bestowing broadsides upon them for two or three hours, and "as we hear by slaves that swam since unto us, we are not behinde hand with them in killing their men and doeing damage to their ships and forts " and the houses in the town. We have waited vainly seven days for wind and weather to carry in our fleet and the fire-ships to destroy the ships in the Mould, hi which time they have made a strong boom of masts from the Mould head to the Fish gate, and mounted more guns, making the work very difficult and hazardous, so that we resolve to desist from that attempt, and dispose ourselves for annoying them at sea. A very good squadron will be constantly plying between Cape Tunis and this Bay. I myself am bound for Lisbon, by his Royal Highnesses com- mand, where I expect to meet another fleet from England, and hope to have the honour of escorting the Queen thither. Signed. 2| pp. Enclosing : " Propositions for peace, tendered by the Earl of Sand- wich to Algiers." 2| pp. Also, Copy of the above letter by Paul Ricaut. ANTHONY ISAACSON to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, Aug. 8. Smyrna. Sympathising with the Earl upon the death of his " dearly beloved lady Mary." The fleet with the Earl of Sandwich, having left the Duke of Ormond [sic], ambassador for his Majesty, in Portugal, thence proceeded to take possession of Tangier, and so are designed for Algier. Sir Thomas Bendishe is gone from Leghorn over- land for England. There are two Quakers arrived here, on the Zante, bound for Constantinople. They showed me a proclamation and pass in their favour, but I told them it signified nothing as to this place, and that unless they have your Excellency's order, they shall not remove hence unless to return from whence they came. I have seen a letter from Consul Baker to Sir Wm. Vincent and Sir George Smyth, " ray ling against your Excellency, 144 tearming you the countenance! and encourager of faction. ... If this man wrote in such a style before you outed him, what can your Excellency imagine he hath since done ? " It is by his means (as I have seen by another letter), that your Excellency yet wants the additional allowance of 2,000 dollars. In my opinion, Smyrna is no fit place for him to abide in longer. 2| pp. ANTHONY ISAACSON to THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA. 1661, Aug. 10. Smyrna. Again sympathising upon the death of Lady Mary ; and congratulating his lordship that he has not only extinguished his (official) debts, but is "in the way now to purse up something." When Consul Baker received the letters from the Company, it was rumoured about the town that they meant to re-instate him. The Dutch consul, upon this, sent to congratulate the good news, " for which, if it lye hi my way handsomely, I shall be quitt with that Hogen Mogen* gentleman." I am sure your Excellency might, if you told the Vizier that most of the Dutch ships that put in here come directly from the Venetian service. If they could meet with a handsome check, there would not come so many, " to the detriment of our shipping and ruin of the trade." 2 pp. RICHARD BAKER to THE SAME. 1661, Aug. 12. Smyrna. " Since I am so infortunate as to be in the displeasure of your Excellencie in such manner as that your honnour vouchsafes nott to answere my last letter, I am determined (though indisposed and dogge dayes, and the plague being so greate there) to present myself most humbly at the feet of your Excellencie, not doubting but that you will receive me into your mercey." You cannot conceive with what malice these men here have persecuted me, every one of whom " I have as tender bowells of compassion for as if they were my brothers." f p. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1661, Aug. 14. Smyrna. Had all things ready, and him- self about to put foot hi the stirrup, but want of sleep and fever prevent him. Writes this in bed, but if God gives him health, will still pay his vows to his Excellency. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1661, Aug. 20. Zacherelichioi. Has desired timely notice of any design upon Algier that he may so represent it that the Porte may not look upon it as a breach of the * i.e. agent from the Hoogen Moogens (corruption of Hoogmoogende, high and mighty, the title of the States General), as the English often called the Dutch. 145 capitulations, and meanwhile, hearing report of such a design, has preferred a complaint against the injuries suffered by English subjects from pirates, hoping thus, in any case, to prevent mischief ensuing. Explains his proceedings in relation to Consul Baker, whom he is sending to England to answer the charges against him. Letter Book, p. 135. 1| pp. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1661, Aug. 20. Zacherelichioi. As I have now an oppor- tunity to forward the war between the Emperor and the Porte, and am moreover, the only Christian ambassador here, " I believe I have that share of matters of state hi my hands which former English ambassadors in this place could never pretend to ... and may deserve to be regarded as one of a greater trust than the mere concernment of merchandize and trafficke, and consequently to have other encouragements from his Majesty, and allowances thereunto, than the merchants' pension." The umpirage will but bring glory to the King's crown, and the protection of the French merchants is nothing but an honour to his Majesty, but if I am to keep the scale even, and divert the Emperor by any obstruction the Turk can make him, the King should defray the charge, for nothing can be effected here without presents and corruption, and with them " the whole Empire may be commanded." But I am wholly naked, without encouragement, instructions or money, " so that I beginne sometimes to think I must be forced to sit downe and neglect all the occasions whereby to serve my King and country," and therefore, dear cousin, I pray you to make the Lord Treasurer and the Secretary understand that I am the only foreign agent in these parts who has not allowances or a credit to raise money. I have lately been applied to from the Guardians of the Holy Sepulchre to be their protector, and to procure the punishment of two French gentlemen who offered them insolencies in their church. Surely such important negotiations require his Majesty's encouragement. I have received but one letter from Secretary Nicholas (dated the 2nd of May), " a letter of very much civilitie and intelligence of the common transactions," but I wonder he has not advised me of his Majesty's design against Algier. I doubted much whether to mention the matter to the Vizier, but, being informed by a hand so authentic as yours, I have written to the Vizier and sent a druggerman to the camp. [The rest of the letter is in relation to the removing of Consul Baker.] Ibid. p. 137. 4 pp. THE SAME to THE GRAND DUKE OF TUSCANY. 1661, Aug. 20. Zacherelichioi. Congratulating him on the marriage of his son, thanking him for allowing free passage Wt. 29495. FI 10 146 through his dominions to Mr. Bokenham, and recommending to his favour " mio cogino Finchio " [i.e. Sir John Finch]. Italian. Letter Book, p. 141. | p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD CHANCELLOR CLARENDON. 1661, Aug. 20. Assuring his lordship that, in regard to Consul Baker, he has not acted from passion or malice, but to vindicate the King's honour, impugned by reflections on his ambassador, and to satisfy the merchants. If Baker be not made an example of, the same factions will arise between the merchants and the ambassador as in Sir Sackville Crowe's or Sir Henry Hide's days, though indeed, in this case, four fifths of the merchants are on his own side. Ibid. p. 142. H PP- THE SAME to THE PRIVY COUNCIL. 1661, Aug. 20. In defence of his conduct in removing Consul Baker. Believes that as his Majesty's chief minister in these parts, his power is unlimited where danger to the merchants or other of the King's subjects is involved, and in this case, was induced to a severity which ambassadors have seldom had to exercise, by Baker's ignorance, nourishing of factions, ridiculous behaviour, scorn of foreign nations and neglect of the Company's interest. The merchants importunately declared that their trade would be ruined and their quiet amongst themselves dissolved, unless he was removed. Has therefore sent a warrant for him to be shipped to England. Ibid. p. 136. 1 p. STEPHEN BASIL, Prince of Moldavia, to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, Aug. 20. Assuring his Excellency of his willingness to assist him in all possible ways, and especially in regard to some business unspecified. Signed in very elaborate characters. Latin. 1 p. Seal, very deeply impressed on paper. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD TREASURER SOUTHAMPTON. 1661, Aug. 22. Zacherelichioi. The plague rages terribly at Constantinople and in the camp, so that the Grand Signor has left the army at Callipoli and removed with his court into Asia, a thing not usual to the Turkish customs. " The Turks do now generally fly and shew more feare than formerly, for it is not to be imagined the great slaughter it hath already made, and yet it increases daily. ... If God preserves me alive, I shali, after it is over, give your lordship such a relation as will not cause in you a little wonder. . . . ' There is no question but that the Vizier hath resolved uppon a great warre by land, . . . yet some do apprehend 147 that the German Emperour, being alarummed by our Kings greatnesse and match with Portugal! , will condescend to any conditions, so as that he may bee able to assist Spaine." The resident of Germany said so much to me (in effect) some months since, but now, fearing I may excite the Turks to that war, he has sent me word that his Csesarean Majesty was resolved to keep a good correspondency with our King, even though a war should happen between England and Spain. This resident has great sums of money in gold, some of which I kept for him when he thought the Turks would have pillaged his house, and here any thing is to be done by corruption, so that I have reason to be watchful least, after all, this war turn into a league between the two Emperors. Had I now fitting provision, there is nothing my Master can desire but could be effected here, but the Vizier is old and dropsical and cannot live a year, as the doctors say, and if he die, all things will change, the interest of other princes may prevail again, and France would send another ambassador. I pray you, hasten the King's orders how to bear myself concerning the Emperor, a Portugal ambassador, and Venice. If the war against the Emperor should be composed, I have secret information that the Vizier intends to assault all the Venetian territories in Dalmatia at once, in hopes that some one of them may fall into his hands. It would be very prejudicial for the Turks to be masters of a port in the Adriatic Gulf, within 70 or 80 miles of Italy ; yet the Venetians are in despair of defending them all, or even the city of Candia itself if twenty or thirty thousand men come before it, as they easily may do. For this cause, the old senators of Venice desire peace, and the Senate has refused to promise the Emperor either money or the continuance of their war ; " but the young nobility (being the major part and who only get by warre) are doubted will obstruct peace and bee too high in case a warre first happens with the Emperour ; so that the wisest of the Senate wish for some losse, that they may all seek peace before any new accident should obstruct it." Letter Book, p. 143. 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY. 1661, Aug. 22. Zacherelichioi. " That your Grace may bee acquainted there is a house of the faithfull amidst the enemies of Christianitie, and such as beleives the articles and is obedient to the canons, and observes the regular decency of morning and evening devotions, according to the commands and prescription of the Church of England, I have directed these presents, to make this publicke profession, and as a sonne of that Church to submit myselfe to yonr Grace, as next to his sacred Majestic the supreme governor in ecclesiasticke affaires. ' Though I was willing to leave my country upon the desier I had of serving his Majestic in this honourable though remote 148 embassie, yet the wishes I ever had to see our Sion flourish and our Church in its auntient splendour and glory did some- what abate that alacrity. ... I have alwayes entertained a most reverend esteeme of our English prelates, who have been so renowned for their learning and pietie, and therefore am so farre from repining at theire recovery of theire antient honours and restauration to Parliament, that I desier your Grace to accept of this voluntary subscription as my owne absent vote and assent for their admission ; whose presence will hallow the House of Peeres, which have been by so many acts prophaned and unblessed since their expulsion." Letter Book, p. 145. 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE BISHOP OF LONDON. [1661, Aug 22 ?] On the same subject. Rejoices at the restoration of the Church to her pristine glory, who, without bloodshed or violence has risen like a phoenix from its ashes ; and also that the House of Peers will now again be styled by its ancient title of Lords spiritual and temporal. Laments that he cannot confirm the good work by his vote, but, if it please God for him one day to return home, will to his utmost endeavour and power support that government of the Church " aunciently received from primitive traditions." Ibid, p. 146. I p. THE FACTORY AT SMYRNA to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, Aug. 29. Smyrna. Regretting that the Company should be so prejudiced against them, and that his Excellency gives credit to what is said. It is far from their thoughts to " capitulate " with the Company their only intention being to submit certain proposals to their consideration. Signed by Adrian Death (treasurer), Joseph Edwards, Sam. Pentlow, Arnold White, John Foley, Arthur Barnardiston, Sam. Reynardson, Thos. Barnardiston sen., Samson Waringe, Charles Edwards, John Chetle, Edward Strode, Jno. Hunger- ford, Richard Smithsby, Thomas Lucy jun., Alexander Myers, Richard Hardy, Sam. Boscawen, George Carew, Weymouth Carew, Charles Brandon, Richard Carew, Richard Uvedale, John Weld, Richard Noore, Richard Onslow, Thomas Blechynden, John Temple, William Goodwin, Jos. Langham, Thomas Farrington. 2 pp. ANTHONY ISAACSON to THE SAME. 1661, Aug. 30. Smyrna. [The first part of the letter is concerning dues and brokerage.] When your Excellency's letters and warrant arrived, Consul Baker was in the country, but the news of your order to send him off was soon divulged (by the bearer of the letters). " My lord, the bird is fled, but whither I cannot tell, though believe hee is protected by the Dutch Consul. . . . 149 Probably by this means the conveniency of these ships here may bee lost, and then the fox will againe unkennell. In the interim I shall give Sir Heneage Finch an account of all," and order all proof to be given to him. Your Excellency's warrant for the Quakers shall be obeyed. Your other warrant (as to Baker) was to try fair means, and if that would not prevail, to use rigour. " I attempted in a civill manner, and he promising to give mee answer, hath forfeited his parole, and left me now only in a capacity, if eer I light on him, to be as severe as possible. His flight argues his guilt, and if hee remaine close in hopes to have confirmation or re- admission, I thinke hee must have more than usuall recom- mendations to persuade your Excellency to yield to it." The house he had usually belongs to consuls, but he has taken it in his own name, so I shall not take possession without your order. 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD CHANCELLOR CLARENDON. 1661, Sept. 2. Zacherelichioi. Sending him a copy of his previous letter despatched by his steward, as he hears that the latter is sick on board his ship, and fears it may be the plague, and prove fatal. Postscript. For intelligence refers him to the enclosed. [Perhaps the paper of Sept. 4, below. The postscripts of letters were often added, at a later date.} Letter Book, p. 149. \ p. THE SAME to LORD TREASURER SOUTHAMPTON. 1661, Sept. 2. Has nothing with which to trouble his lordship, until he receives instructions from England to proceed in the negotiations which he has so hopefully begun. His lordship will perceive by the intelligence enclosed that the treaty between the two Emperors is broke out into a war, perhaps forwarded by those " who, at present, are not fit to own it." Ibid. p. 149. | p. THE SAME to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1661, Sept. 4. Zacherelichioi. Common tongues here report nothing but a war. If this happen, it will cause the imprisonment or retirement of the Emperor's resident, to supply the defect of which (it being necessary for the Austrian interest not to want a minister here) I am told that efforts will be made to introduce an ambassador or agent from Spain, who would transact the German affairs, and give wounds and frequent assaults to diminish the power and honour my master hath here, and destroy the English trade by a league with this Porte. His Majesty now beginning to extend his dominions in the Mediterranean sea, becomes a dangerous neighbour, and they may think by this new league to abate the English trade. Also if the Spaniard were free from fear of Turkish invasion in Italy, he could 150 withdraw forces thence to invade Lombardy, while Turkey could make the longed for assault on Venetian territories. Thus I believe a Spanish ambassador will certainly be introduced, unless opposed by vigorous action on my part, in case of war ; while in case of peace, the reputation and friendship the German Resident has here, seconded by his master's purse, and that of the King of Spain, will make him " stand in a strong competition" with me in this place, where even the very Empire itself might almost be bought and sold. The French and Venetian ambassadors have always opposed the admission of a Spanish minister with all their power, as in the case of Allegretti (about fourteen years since), and their chief weapon was money ; by which they made his entry impossible save at a rate which Spain then thought too dear. The same, I doubt, must be my game, and a provision of money from his Majesty is the only means to frustrate our adversaries. A Portuguese ambassador here would fortify my power, and his counsel and assistance with money would relieve me in my consultations, and also would support the English interest if I were to fall (as it may please God) in this common pestilence. I shall not want the assistance of the Venetian ambassador, and though he has not much power, and can contribute little money (the Senate being impoverished by so long a war), yet his long experience here may make him not a little useful. But till I receive instructions and credit, I can only be vigilant to observe all that passes, and try to keep the balance even, and give a check to the various confederacies, though, without money, I cannot defeat them. Letter Book, p. 150. 2 pp. [The original letter is in 8.P. Turkey, but it is given here at considerable length, as showing Winchilsea's position at this time.] INTELLIGENCES. [1661, Sept. 4. Zacherelichioi.j The latter end of July, the Grand Signer and his army left Constantinople for Adrianople. The plague raged so violently in his camp (seven or eight hundred a day dying of it) that he had thoughts of going to Magnesia in Asia, but hearing of the ill success of affairs in Transylvania, decided to march to Adrianople. Aug. 21-31. Pera. The Prince of Wallachia writes to his father at Constantinople that the Turkish army had retired towards the upper parts of Buda, after some skirmishes with the Imperialists. Aug. 24. The plague has continued in and round Constantinople for three months, " in which time it hath made that slaughter as is incredible," and the Greeks and Turks ; flying into the country, have infected the villages. Having lost my daughter by this "disconsolate disease," I fled from my house at Yerlique to Belgrade, and the infection coming thither, again altered my station to Zacherelichioi, 151 where yesterday one died, but as my wife hourly expects her delivery, I can only put my trust in the providence of the Almighty. Aug. 28. Varadin, it is feared, may be regained by the Transylvanians, and a great action was expected betweed the Turks and Hungarians. The Queen Mother has been impor- tunate with her son not to go to Adrianople " by reason of the fury of the plague," desiring him earnestly to return to Constantinople . Sept. 4. The plague rages so horribly at Constantinople, that though three fourths of the city was burned last year (and not much of it rebuilt) and the court and army are absent, " there are carried out of Adrianople gate only, 1,700 dead bodies a day. It is esteemed the most prodigious contagion that was ever heard of." Letter Book, p. 147. 1| pp. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, Sept. 7. Aleppo. I have received expresses from the agent at Spahaune of June 15, and the President of India, from Surat of April 15, both concerning the East India Company's affairs. The agent at Spahaune tells me that the King of Persia hath so wasted his treasure that he could not raise any considerable army if he needed it. He desired to make a small hunting progress, but the poverty of his Court was such that they could not accompany him. Yet their pride and outward bravery are not at all abated, and all imaginable mischiefs are practised to maintain it. Justice is asleep, oppression reigns over all, especially over the poor Christian inhabitants, who " are frequently induced to apostacy," to escape from their great burden ; and if strangers at Spahaune have to try the justice of that Court, " they must either buy it or go without it." The Dutch are more puffed up than before by their taking of Macassar ; though it will yield nothing, and must be main- tained at a great charge. " They raigne in the south seas at pleasure, and have most part of the trade thereof in their owne hands. The Spice Ilands of Malacas and Banda, &c., with the trade of Japon and China, are wholly theirs. . . . Last yeare the saile of their goods did amount to above 200,000?." If our East India Company must (as is believed) seek their right to the half customs of Gombrone by force from the King of Persia, it is believed the Dutch will leave no means unattempted to frustrate them " for they will not easily be hindred from so great and profitable a trade as that is to them, and principally for the vent of their South Sea, Japon and China commodityes." The Portugalls in India are "not only subjected to the Dutches pleasure, who block up Goa six months in the yeare . . . but the Arabs of Muscatt doe yearely take vessells of great value from them." 152 The King, Orang Shaw, now the Great Mogul (formerly called Orang Zebe) has got into his hands the eldest sou of his brother Dara Shaw, " so that there only remaines out of his possession his eldest brother, Sultan Sooje and his eldest son, Sultan Bung, who are fled for Pigu. He would faine entice his father, Shaw Jahaun, out of Agra Castle, and after- wards reside there himself, but the old Mogull his father is resolute, and sent him word that if he would cutt him off, he might, but he would not leave his prison." 2 pp. Seal of arms. ANTHONY ISAACSON to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, Sept. 9. Smyrna. I have made the strictest search for Consul Baker, but in vain. I am told he lies close, in hopes of letters from his Majesty, building his hopes on some friendship with Mr. Ashburnham, but I hope the application to Sir Heneage Finch will do his business for him. The Smyrna Factor departs in three days, and if the Consul appears afterwards, I know not what to do with him, for I would not be at the trouble of keeping him prisoner unless you require it ; but I desire your warrant to inhibit our nation from converse with him, and a command to the Caddee to search any houses suspected of entertaining him. 1| pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD TREASURER SOUTHAMPTON. 1661, Sept. 12. Yarlique. I have already at large told your lordship how the advantages here put into my hand by Providence were like to slip away, because " the slowness of the despatch at home cannot runne so fast as to overtake the flying opportunities of this country," so subject to change as that " he that to-day is raised from the dunghill and exalted to bee Vizier Azem, is perhaps degraded to-morrow, strangled, and his body cast naked from where he was taken. . . . These alterations do often non-plus great statesmen heere, . . . but experience hath taught others a better game, to keepe a faire and freindly correspondence with all persons who are in the way of preferment, presenting them with ordinary toyes in theire meane condition, and some little respects of a more than usual freindship, by which they are so endeared (the Turks being in such cases naturally gratefull) as to remember it afterwards in the highest and ultimate point of their greatnesse. This is the Venetian Bailo's maxime, and it hath been mine too, with no ill successe." The Vizier, as I told you, is very old and crazy, and I shall never have the same power with any other, " for his tyrannic and injuries to other nations have engaged him to a kindnesse towards the English interest," lest he should raise a general combination of all Christendom against him, and with instructions I could have done miracles. The Secretary will have communicated to you the design to introduce a Spanish ambassador here. It would be well to 153 consult with the Venetian resident in London, who, I believe, has had advice thereof from his Senate, " with no small apprehension and terrour of the ill consequences it will bring to the republick." I have sent one of my druggermen to Adrianople, and in case of imminent danger, should venture to act and to dis- burse money, charging bills upon your lordship which I pray you to satisfy. Letter Book, p. 153. 2 pp. SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, Sept. 12. Whitehall. This is to acknowledge yours of the 1st and 20th of April, and the 14th of May. I formerly sent to you by way of Vienna, but now that the war (as we hear) begins to be so hot between the Emperor of Germany and the Grand Seigneur, I dare not adventure any more that way. I hope your lordship will not be necessitated to go to the war when the Grand Seigneur himself goes, for that I much doubt it will be very inconvenient for you. I herewith send you a collection of the occurrences of these parts, and also the King's seal, " whereof you are to make use in such extraordinary occasions as former ambassadors in that place were wont to do, and not on any ordinary busines. " The parliament is to meete here about the 20th of November next, when it's generally believed there wilbe much donne for the settling of his Majesties revenue, and in other affaires importing the good of the kingdom, which the shortnes of tyme would not permitt to be donne before the late adjournement. The parliament in Ireland met the 6th of this moneth, and all things there proceede very well and much to his Majesties satisfaction. . . . " As concerning the business of the Kinges mediacion to make a peace betweene the Venetians and the Grand Seigneur, my brother Secretarie tells me he hath written to you some tyme since his Majesties pleasure therein, but what it is I know not, and shah 1 therefore say nothing to you on that particular. The Dutchesse of Somerset, and all that noble family are (God be praysed) hi very good health, and my lady Jane Dungarvan is breeding. ... I perceave your Lordshipp may be mistaken in your intelligence concerning the warre betweene the Emperor and the Grand Seigneur, for all letters from Germany say the warre in Transilvania and those partes growes every day more hott and feirce then other, and that there is small hopes of peace there. Wee have as yet noe certeine advice what successe the Earl of Sandwich had at Algiers, but the merchants from Marseilles write that there hath bene some fight betweene parte of his Majesties fleete and the pirates of Algiers, but mencion nothinge of the successe." Holograph. 2| pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE KING. 1661, Sept. 13. Yerlichioi. Informing his Majesty of the birth of a son who is to be dedicated only to his service ; to which 154 end, and that he may be engaged not only " by the common nature of a subject and the inherent loyalty of his parents " but "by as many endearments of relation as his present tendernesse and innocence are capable of," his Majesty is prayed to vouchsafe " to make him a Christian." Thus he would be bound at the font in strongest vows, as he could never perform his promises to God without an entire resignation to his Majesty's commands and would bear his name as a badge and remembrance of his duty. Letter Book, p. 157. \ p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1661, Sept. 13. On the same subjects as that to the Lord Treasurer of Sept. 12, above. Ibid. p. 155. \\ -pp. [Original letter in S.P. Turkey.] THE EARL OF SOUTHAMPTON to his brother-fin-law] THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, Sept. 14. Southampton House. " I believe from many handes your lordship might understand the evidence of the good affections and wisdom of the late Parliament (yet continued and to meet againe in November) in asserting the great rightes and prerogatives of the Crowne in the Militiae, and for securing his Majesty's person, making even wordes treasonable, if proceeding from an ill designe, and asserting these and other things, even against the authority of the two Houses, which you know was the ground of our late unhappy warres, and I hope what in this kind is now past hath pluckt up such doctrines by the root, and had we had tyme, or rather had we not in this conjuncture supposed it fitter to declyne pressing for taxes, I beleive we had had a fuller coffer then now we enjoy, which you know is very natural for a Treasurer to complaine of. Our affaires in Portugal and at Algier (which last we are yet hearkning after, the lame post that brings the true newes not yet being arrived, and the successe thereof, at least as it wil be interpreted by your great Emperor, will in a great measure governe your pretences in that Court) you are soe nigh that you can heare sooner than we. ... I am glade to finde your lordship soe active and find all point at two soe good things as the Kings honor and your owne repaire of fortune, soe as I hope your services for the Crowne will recompence what your loyalty to it brought upon you ; and in both these ends, your lordship may assure yourselfe my interest here shall advance your concerne there. I observe the Venetian Embassador's answere to you was, as very respective soe very cautious, which probably wilbe more free now that the French Embassador is retired, and his masters interest in that Court dayly appeare soe inconsiderable. 155 If his Majesty (by Mr. Secretary's conferences with the Venetian Resident here) receive any encouragment to offer his umperiges, I will endeavour to have a power lodged in your lordship's handes which you may make use of as there is occasion, and it wilbe an evidence of your lordship's good judgment if you use it not, without ther be a great probability of effecting somewhat that shalbe worthy such an appearance of his Majestys. My next shall acquaint you what progresse I make." Signed. 1 p. PAUL RICAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, Sept. 15. St. Demetrius. After holding some con- sultation with Dr. Marcellini, I have this morning been to wait upon the [Venetian] Bailo, telling him that I was sent in your Excellency's and my lady's name " to desire the favour of him to do that act of charity in the place of the Prince of Venice to bee Godfather to your lordship's young sonne, and to joyne himself with his Majestic of England in that Christian office." He received the proposi- tion with a great deal of complacency, and is ready to perform the office whensoever you command. " The plague, God be praised, is much abated, not a third part so many dying of that disease as before, being now turned to agues and malignant fevers." 3 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIGNOR GIOVANNI BATTISTA BALARINO. 1661, Sept, 16-26. Yarli-chioi. Thanking his Excellency for kind congratulations on the birth of his little son, and for his promise to come in person [to the christening]. Italian. Letter Book, p. 158. | p. ANTHONY ISAACSON to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, Sept. 17. Smyrna. I have sent all the papers con- cerning Consul Baker to Sir Heneage Finch, " though I conceive the said Consul's flight, or rather lying close, will be to reasonable men sufficient argument." All my labours to find him have been fruitless. [Concerning brokerage, &c.] I have not had a court since your Excellency's last letter, but have acquainted the factory of your kind reception of their voluntary oath. If the Company be not hoodwinked, they will see the benefit they make by the allowance of half duties to the factors, for I have sent them a calculation showing how little the factory have gained while the consulage is advanced double. I hope, for your Excellency's honour, that the displacing of Baker has redounded to their benefit, for I am confident that neither by fair means or foul would he ever have brought the factory to it, though I believe your Excellency will win them to a willing compliance. I desire however to have your warrant to menace those who yet remain obstinate. 156 I am confident that Baker and his abettors (who are but few) have been severe against me into England, but the assurance of your protection and my resolution to be service- able to the Company makes me go on cheerfully, or if needs be, resign willingly, knowing that none will have any true occasion to rejoice at my dismission. 2 pp. PAUL RICAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, Sept. 18. Pera. Concerning his son's christening. As to the order of the table, Doctor Marcellini is of opinion that being in an obscure village, much state will not be requisite, and that it will be well to have a large table, " at the upper end your Excellencies both to sit ; at some distance from thence the rest of the company. . . . The Doctor him- self desires to be excused for being present, because his occasions will call him another way." Postscript. The doctor now tells me the Bailo will be at Sareri on Saturday early, so we must make haste with our business. Signer Georgio and Mr. Hiett will meet him there. Provision of fish must be made for two meals. Andrea, the apothecary, will come himself with his sweetmeats. .4 pp. THE FACTORY AT ALEPPO to THE SAME. 1661, Sept. 18. Thanking him for exposing himself to danger by going to Constantinople about their affairs when the contagion was so great. 24 signatures. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to his Serene Highness THE PRINCE OF VENICE. 1661, Sept. 22. Zacherichioi. God having been pleased to comfort him for the loss of his daughter by giving him a son, he has without delay procured a promise from his Excellency Signer Balarini to stand as godfather in the name and place of his Serene Highness, together with his Britannic Majesty, so that nothing now remains but to offer grateful thanks both to his Highness and his minister. For we do not owe more to those who give us birth than to those by whom we are made Christians. What happiness then is it to have a son who will bear the name of Mark in token that in time to come he will fight bravely under St. Mark's banners, and who will be thus dedicated to the service of the Republic, as to that of the altar. He will also bear the name of Charles, and the union of these two will be a happy omen for a lasting faith. Latin. Letter Book, p. 158. \ p. THE DUKE OF ORMOND to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, Sept. 27. Whitehall. I received your lordship's letter of June 26 on the 6th inst.. and return you my most hearty thanks for that demonstration of your affection. Sir George Lane will tell you what passed at the Council Board upon your letter to the Lords. If any way I can serve you, I shall cheerfully embrace the occasion. Signed. 1 p. 157 SIE GEORGE LANE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, Sept. 27. Whitehall. Stating that his lordship's of June 24 has been delivered to the Council by the Duke [of Ormond] and fully considered by them. Sir Edward Nicholas and Sir William Morris, being present, assured his Majesty that they had given his lordship a full account of all things necessary to enable him to proceed in his negotiations. Excuses himself from acceding to Winchilsea's request for a correspondence with him, on the ground that all matters can best be answered by the principal Secretaries of State. Signed. 2 pp. ANTHONY ISAACSON to THE SAME. 1661, Sept. 28. Smyrna. " I should think it strange that Consul Baker should write your Excellency, but that of late his pen is habituated to it. Of intention to wait upon your Excellency, or his indisposition contracted by your displeasure against him, for certainty I should have heard of it ; ... as for his indisposition, I believe it was magis animo quam cor pore, and that not so much for any past but feare of future displeasure." I cannot yet learn where he is, nor do I much desire it while there is no English ship in port. I p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD TREASURER SOUTHAMPTON. 1661, Sept. 30. Pera. Recapitulates the contents of former letters. Believes the Venetians will be compelled to give up Candia. The French urge them to resistance but afford no help, and the Spaniard is watchful only of his own advantages. If the Venetians were to maintain the fortress for thirty years, the Turks would wait with patience, and in the end " behold the Republick bankrupt and destroyed." If he could mediate the treaty with Venice, it would be of no small benefit should his Majesty bring his fleet into the Mediterranean, and in case of a war with Spain, the Venetians might " arm against Milan, and so divert the forces of Spain from attempts against England." Concerning the christening of his son. The godmother is " my lady Duchess " [of Somerset], as on other like occasions. Letter Book, p. 161. 3 pp. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] THE SAME to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1661, Sept. 30. Pera. Is rejoiced at the continued success of his Majesty, and much encouraged that his letters have given satisfaction. As regards his allowance for intelligence, he did not desire it in order to send " diaries of the common transactions " the reports of which he knows fly faster than he can send them, but to have a narrow inspection into the negotiations of Christian princes at this court, and discover their secret 158 designs. This cannot be done without spies, and spies cannot be got without money. As regards peace or war, believes the winter will pass quietly, but that next summer there will be a rupture. Letter Book, p. 164. 2 pp. [Original in 8. P. Turkey.] THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to COUNT LESLY, Gentleman of the Chamber to the Emperor, and Governor of Slavonia. 1661, Oct. 1-10 [fitc]. Pera. " Your lordships of the 18th July came to my hands but on the 5th of October. ... I have heard so much of your lordships fame by common and perticular reports, and the deserved preferment of your lordship by his Csesarean Majestic . . . that I cannot but with all affection returne my salutes to your lordship, accounting that penne or reporte happie that first brought you notice you had a servant heere." Being at present far from the Court, I cannot give you such good intelligence as the German resident, whose prudence, discretion and punctuality will omit nothing worthy your lordship's information, only I cannot but acquaint you " of the strange slaughter the pestilence hath made this summer through this whole empire, which hath raged with that fury as if it would have destroyed the whole human race. . . . The massacre hath been so generall that the armed bands of all Christianitie could not have done halfe the execution as the invisible arrowes of the contagion." Ibid. p. 166. 1 p. Enclosed in a letter to the German resident, at Adrianople, praying him to forward it. Italian. \ p. ANTHONY ISAACSON to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, Oct. 4. Smyrna. A Ragusean vessel has been ordered by the Jew merchant that freighted her, to put herself under the protection of the French. " Formerly all strangers came under the English, but Consul Prideaux in his tyme refusing to protect one, and the St. Giuseppe being seized on, and our shipps of late surrendering so easily to the Algier men, hath made them seeke out where they conceive they may be most secure." Perhaps his Excellency might move the Ragusean ambassador in the matter. The ship's name is the Madonna di Conceptione e St. Antonio di Padua. 1^ pp. ANTHONY BOKENHAM to THE SAME. 1661, Oct. 7. London. Mr. Russell (now Bishop of Cabo Verde, &c.), has returned from Lisbon with the ratification, but brought no answer to your letters* from the Queen Mother. He says that Portugal desired to be included in our peace with the Grand Signer " not for trade sake, but for reputation * Probably concerning an ambassador. See endorsement of letter. 159 and securitie from piracies." As regards your lordship's business, I do not let him suspect that you have any motive but your respect for that Crown, and I do this the rather " because of the grandezza I perceive he lately assumes, whether for Cabo Verde 's sake (whence at every word he is greeted, even by the Lord Chancellor himself, with title of lordship) or that the King hath promised (an honour he much boasteth of) to receive his Queene from his hand, or both, I know not." As to your lordship's expectation of an augmentation from the Levant Company, the displacing of their Consul hath so altered them that you can at present hope for no extraordinary kindness. Your lordship's actions at Smyrna are represented as subserviency to a faction, the presents made to you looked upon as bribes, your letters to persons of quality here as the making of a party, and your recom- mendation of me as "an art to supplant my successor." 2 pp. Endorsed on the covering sheet : " Concerning the sending an ambassador hither from Portugal." THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1661, Oct. 19. Pera. His fears of a Spanish ambassador begin to vanish, for the quarrel between the Emperor and the Porte becomes hourly more difficult to reconcile, and the German ministers " endeavour rather the securitie of their own estate here, and to purchase it with Spanish monies, than to think of new designs for others." Believes that the complaints of those of Algiers will prove vain, as the chief ministers at Adrianople all seem to think that they deserve punishment. Consul Baker is fled. The French send no new ambassador, and the late one will probably not advise it until this Vizier is dead, " who hates both him and the French nation." Letter Book, p. 167. 2 pp. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, Oct. 21. Whitehall. I have received yours of July 31, and wonder not yet to find any notice of your receipt of any of mine. This bearer, whose indisposition hath retarded my despatch some weeks, will give you his Majesty's seal, which I shall not need to tell you is to be made use of only in cases of necessity. As to your lordship's complaint that you had not more timely notice of his Majesty's designs for Algiers, I refer you to mine of the 10th of May and 27th of June, in the former of which (long before it was thought fit for it to be commonly known) I gave you an intimation of it, and in the other a full account of his Majesty's resolutions and the Earl of Sandwich's commission. " And as for the wonder that your lordship seemes to make that you have not power to mediate betweene the G\rand] Signor and Venice,* your * The words in italics are in cipher, but a decipher is attached to the letter. 160 lordship's wonder seemes very strange here, for when by his Majestie's command I had spoake with the Resident of Venice concerning it, hee seemed very cold and desired no order might be sent to your lordship till hee shall understand his master's mind therein to whom hee hath wrote concerning it. " The Earl of Sandwich is at present with some part of the fleet at Lisbon, haveing left the rest to crosse before Algiers, where wee expect the late disorders happened by the death of their chief e (who was stabbed upon a mutiny of the people) will facilitate the obtaining of our demandes. The forces to be sent to Tanger under the command of the Earle of Peterborough are marched downe towards Portsmouth, in order to their embarking ; and the ships designed to fetch the Queen from Portugal! will be ready to follow them very shortly. There happened here a fortnight since, at the entry of the Ambassador Extraordinary from Sweedland, a sharpe contest between the French and Spanish Ambassadors coaches about precedency ; severall persons, their servants, were in the quarrell killed, many wounded, and the Spanyard remained master of the place ; which hath so irritated the French Court that it is imagined a breach may follow between those two Princes, notwithstanding all their other tyes of amity and relation. Things remaine very quiett and peace- able here, as well as in Scotland and Ireland, which wee hope the Parliament will take care to provide for att its next meeting, which is to be the 20th of the next month. The treaty with the States proceeds very slowly, and wee are now upon one with the Sweed." Holograph. 2 pp. Two fine seals of arms. SIR JOHN NICHOLAS to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, Oct. 21. Whitehall. The bearer of this will deliver the seal you desire, with supporters to it, which is more than his Majesty's signet hath. But as for the bed, the Master of the Great Wardrobe [Sandwich] being upon the employment your lordship knows, it will be no easy matter to procure one. If after his return you think fit to insist on it, you shall not want my endeavours. Your lordship's want of knowledge of Lord Sandwich's design was not out of neglect, but in obedience to the commands of secrecy. " Though that place was found much better fortifyed then was expected, yet we hope the riding of the fleete under Lawson before their port, will bring them to as good termes as they formerly granted to the Usurper. The Earl of Sandwich is at Lisbone, whence we shall expect our Queene about two moneths hence, all particulars being fully adjusted for the mariage. The Earl of Peterborough is to go speedyly with 3,000 men to take possession of Tanger, which place the Portugais resign up to his Majesty upon this marriage ; and I wish it may be of that advantage to this nation that some expect. The alliance between this Crowne and Denmark is renewed more 161 strictly then formerly ; that with Sweade is neer a conclusion, but the treaty with the States of Hollands Ambassadors proceeds slowly. The pretensions of our East India Company to satisfaction for losses in the Indys is the great remora to it. His Majesty hath at present only these Ministers (besides your lordshipp) abroad ; the Earl of St. Albans, Ambassador Extraordinary in France, Sir Richard Fanshaw, Envoye Extraordinary at Lisbone and Sir Geo. Downing at the Haghe : there is no agent or ambassador from his Majesty in Spain or Flanders, Sir H. Benet being returned and made Keeper of the Privy Purse to his Majesty. Here was lately a contest (wherein severall persons were slaine and wounded on both sides) between the French and Spanish Ambassadors about precedency at the entry of the Sweedish Ambassador into this place ; the Spanyard though inferior in number got the place, which hath so warmed the young French King, that he seemes to threaten the breach of the late concluded Peace between those two Crownes in revenge for the affront, unlesse his Queene's intercession prevaile to the contrary, who is now expecting every moment to be brought to bed. Since Cardinal Mazarin's death that King hath shewed his activity and ability s far beyond expectation, and his proceedings with Monsieur Fouquet his Surintendent des Finances hath gained him a great reputacion in the world : And if he put his finances into that good order, which it's said he intends, he will grow more formidable than any King of France hath been these many ages. " Our Parliament meets againe the twentieth of the next moneth, wherein the great busines wilbe the setling of his Majesty's revenue, which we believe wilbe made much greater then the income of any of his predecessors. ..." 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE GRAND MASTER OP MALTA. 1661, Oct. 21-31. Pera. Stating that one Roger Fowke has received notable injury from corsairs sailing under the flag of Holy Religion, and that he is constrained by the petition of the said Roger to appeal to his Eminence's great benignity to do him justice, that the chief lords of the Holy Religion may not aggrandize themselves by plundering a nation with whom they have maintained for many years a close corres- pondence of peace and friendship. Is quite satisfied that the nation will never have cause to lament over the least injury received from the arms of St. John. Letter Book, p. 171. Italian. % p. THE SAME to IBRAHIM BASSA of GRAND CAIRO. 1661, Oct. [21 ?]. Recommending to his protection the ruined estate of the English Consul and nation under his Wt. 29495. FI U 162 dominion, who have been violently oppressed and injured by his predecessors in that government, but who, he hopes will now enjoy justice and defence under his Excellency's noble and generous spirit. Letter Book, p. 171. p. THE EARL OP WESTCHILSEA to THE VIZIER AZEM. 1661, Oct. 24. Offering condolences and regrets on the death of his father, the late Vizier, but rejoicing that he has been succeeded by a son who will (he believes) inherit his father's virtues and " continue a favour for his friends, and prize them whom his discerning eye knew best to esteeme." Ibid. p. 172. | p. THE SAME to THE RICE CATAPH or Lord Chancellor.* 1661, Oct. 24. On the same subject. Does not fear any loss of privileges hitherto enjoyed. Ibid. p. 173. | p. Also a like letter to the Chachayah [qy. the Cheya Bey, i.e. official steward] of the Vizier. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, Oct. 24. The agent at Spahaune having failed " to procure satisfaction of the King of Persia for the half duties of Gombroone which belong to the English East India Company, in a fair and peaceable way," another course was intended. He had taken his leave of that Court, and was going for India. From India the only news is that the remote factories there have received the joyful news of his Majesty's restoration, which has occasioned great rejoicing among them. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to ANTONIO PERONE, his druggerman, at Adrianople. 1661, Oct. 25. I see that the Vizier Azem is dead and that his son has succeeded him, and that the other ministers are settled in their places, especially the Chechyah and Reis Effendi,* but as this country, more than any part of the world is subject to changes, before giving presents we will see these lords firmly settled with probability of continuance ; but mean- while, that none may take offence, and to satisfy the officers expecting presents, you may proceed as follows. Deliver the letters to the Vizier, Reis Effendi and Chechyah of the Vizier with compliments upon the son's succession, and the continuance of the officers in their old posts. In the best way you can, excuse the delay of the presents. It cannot appear a new thing because, on similar occasions, our predecessors have put off audience for more than six months ; but if the officers are so pressing that the presents can no longer be delayed without offence, then you may demand of the Vizier his reply to our letters, procuring under * Winchilsca explains Reis Cataph [i.e. al CuttabJ and Reis Effendi as Chancellor. The true meaning is Chief Secretary. 163 his hand an invitation for me to come to Adrianople, and after that has been despatched three or four days, you may begin to negotiate concerning the provision I ought to receive from the Grand Signer, such as has been the custom with my predecessors and the Polish and German ambassadors on like occasions ; in the meantime providing me a good house. I have to-day received news that our fleet is before Algier, with 22 great ships of war, which have begun to batter the city and to burn the ships. The issue is not yet known. The report cannot fail to arrive here in a few days, therefore it will be necessary to go again to the Vizier Azem, to renew our complaints against those barbarians, saying that they have taken six English merchant vessels without regard to our capitulations with this Porte, and after the arrival of this merchant fleet, being desired to make peace on good and reasonable conditions, had refused to give satisfaction upon these terms, with scorn and contumacy against the authority of the Grand Signer, as being a people independent of him, and outside his protection. You must inform the Vizir and the rest of all these things, praying them not to take it in ill part if this insolence is punished by the arms of my prince, although we do not yet know what has happened since the arrival of our fleet. On the arrival of the Cheya Bey, pay him a visit on my part, and manage all things very secretly in this conjuncture, when I confide much in your good and skilful management. Letter Book, p. 174. Italian. 1| pp. THE EARL OF WINOHILSEA to THE RESIDENT OF THE EMPEROR. 1661, Oct. 25. Pera. Thanking him for congratulations on the birth of his son, and stating that by letters from Christendom it appeared that war was not declared between England and Spain, but that affairs inclined the rather towards peace. Ibid. p. 175. Italian. p. THE LEVANT COMPANY to THE FACTORS OF SMYRNA. 1661, Oct. 25. London. Sending a copy of their last.* " And now wee expect the oathes sent by us bee duely administered there ... on penalty that any factor refusing it shall not bee further employed there, and that any principall employing him in the mean time shall pay the broke of 20 per cent, on his goods." Ships' masters refusing shall be no further employed by the Company. Are sending out treasurers to Aleppo and Constantinople and desire Samuel Taylor to enter upon that employment at Smyrna, to whom Mr. Death is to deliver up the accounts and balance. Attested copy. 1 p. [Entered in the Company's Letter Book, but dated Oct. 28. See Cal. S.P. Dom., 1661, 1662, p. 126.] * Probably their letter of Oct. 21, in favour of Baker, and refusing to acknowledge Isaacson. See Cal. S.P. Dom., Charles II, 1661-1G62, p. 117. 164 THOMAS STANTCXN* to THE EAEL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, Oct. 26. Aleppo. "Your Excellence being placed by his Majesty in these parts for the government and protection of his subjects, I have now assumed the boldnesse to make this addresse unto you, your unspotted loyalty and your noble, generous minde giving me full assurance of your favour and care for the very meanest of his Majestyes and your Excellencye's servants. My lord, my case is this. In the yeere 1643 I entered into his Majestyes service in Sir Arthur Aston's regiment of horse, where my first preferment was Cornet, then Lievetennant, and afterwards, the regiment being given to Sir George Bunckley, my Captain had occasion to leave the service and left mee also in command of the troope. After the warre was ended in '46, I returned back into Suffolke, which is my country, and there continued till '49 in hopes of an opportunity of doing his Majesty further service. But then his affayres beeing reduced to that desperate lost condition and the tyranny and oppression of the rebells growing furious and insupportable, I did by the advice of some friends apply myselfe to merchants affayres, and by their favour setled myselfe in Spaine, from whence, after three yeeres residence there, I did remove myselfe, and by Sir John Fredericks and some other friends incouragement came hither, and am now here setled in an employment inferior to noe mans upon the place. Your Excellence may have taken notice that in his Majestyes additions to the Companies Charter there is one clause that none but sonnes or servants of freemen of the Companie shall have liberty to reside as merchants or factors in any part of the Grand Signiors dominions or Seigniory of Venice. At that age when I might have beene bound to a merchant, as before related, I was in armes for his Majesty, which prevented it. And now the Consul heere and some others at home, who, in the late rebellion gave but little evidence of their loyalty to his Majesty, doe intend to make use of this clause for the ruine of my employment, resolving if possibly they can effect it, to send mee off the place. This Sir John Frederick beeing sensible of, and to prevent it, sent mee out an indenture dated the 10th December, '55, signed and sealed by himself, . . . and ordered mee if any question were made of my freedome I should produce that indenture, wherein I was bound to him. The Consul pressing it hard upon mee in Court to declare to whom I was bound, I accordingly produced my indenture, to which noe man had anything to say, and hee is prevented at present from doing mee any mischiefe. But since, hee hath indeavoured privately to stirre up men against mee, telling them hee is very confident it is only an * Apparently the Thos. S taunt on of Horringer or Staunton, Suffolk, who, in 1646, compounded on Farringdon Articles for having been a major of horse for the King, paying a fine of 1G(M. See Col, Committee for Compounding, p. 165 act of favour of Sir John Frederick, and that they ought to looke after their priveledges, and propounded to have mee put upon my oath, which I refused, telling him hee had noe power to administer any such oath, soe hee is forct at this time to sit still. But I have good information that hee hath written to Mr. Pennyng the husband [sic] who is my enemy, and to severall others to use some meanes to examine the businesse at home, and if it bee possible for them to effect it I shall assuredly bee sent home, which will bee a totall ruine to my employment. His Majesty could never meane that his favour to the Companie should extend to the undoing of those loyall subjects who had served him in his warres." I therefore humbly pray your Excellency to acquaint his Majesty with the case, and procure his command to the Company that all who have served him or his late Majesty in their wars may be admitted freemen for as small a charge as any, or that they may enjoy abroad the same privileges as sons or servants of freemen. In the interim I further pray that you will send me privately an order to the Consul not to give me any disturbance until his Majestys pleasure be known, this order to be used only hi case of need, and the whole business kept private, especially the passage concerning Sir John Frederick, as "I would not by any means give Sir John any disgust, beeing soe much obliged to him. " We are very sensible here of your Excellencyes justice upon the Consul of Smyrna, and hope it may deterre ours from proceeding in his unworthy designe of dividing us into factions. His late practises in it have been soe palpably discovered that hee will scarce bee able to effect it, noe man in the factory now believing a word hee speakes. But honour is not to be expected hi a mungrell, who hath beene in with all those who were uppermost, and was employed by Cromwell in severall occasions. I wish his time were out, and some honest, loyall gentleman sent hither." On the 19th packets came from the Indies both to him and to the Dutch. The latter sent theirs off by express to Scanderoon, for a French ship ready to sail, and arrived in time ; the Consul would not be at the charge of a special messenger, but sent his packet by a French messenger going two days later, which arrived too late. The contents are believed to be of importance, and " it may possibly have a bad effect that the Dutch letters are gone forward and the English not, and although hee bee of a Dutch race, I cannot bee soe severe as to conclude hee did it in their favour, but certainly it was a very great neglect. His Majesty may often have occasion of sending and receiving packets this way . . . and if, in respect of my former service, your Excellence shall thinke mee a fit person to bee recommended for that trust, it shall be discharged with all immaginable care and fidelity." 2 pp. 166 ANTHONY ISAACSON to THE EARL OF WINCHTLSEA. 1661, Oct. 26. Smyrna. Consul Read advises that our frigates appearing before Algier were shot at, which was answered two for one, so now we are at open defiance, of which you may make the best advantage by first complaining to the Porte. Signor Georgio and Mr. Hiett will tell you how Sir Thos. Bendy she addressed himself to the Vizier in a case of the like nature, when General Blake fell upon them at Tunis, so I will not presume to speak further of it. Consul Baker has so far prevailed on the Company by his plausible letters that they seem to approve of all he does or writes (this being before they knew he was displaced), and they have prayed his Majestj^ to send off this place Mr. Arnold White and Mr. Sam. Pentlow, upon the bare and false infor- mation of the Consul against them. I hear also that they mean to pray his Majesty to desire you " not to side with the factory," against the said Consul ; esteeming the common good no otherwise than as it tends to their own purposes. But those so unhandsomely dealt with " have still confidence that these vapours will vanish when they in England are made sensible how busie the said Consuls penne hath bin against your Excellencie." 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHLLSEA to ANTONIO PERONE. 1661, Oct. 31. Desiring him to tell the Vizier that matters make it necessary for the ambassador to come to Adrianople, and to pray him to give orders to the Caimacam [his deputy] ; but to do this in such manner that the journey may be delayed for a month or two, as may suit with his plans, yet that the order may be ready if needed. He is then to demand fitting provision, but if he finds difficulty therein, is not to stretch the cord too tight. After despatching the order, he need not get ready a house or order the chous [steward], until he receives further instructions. Letter Book, p. 11 6. Italian. %p. ANTHONY ISAACSON to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, Nov. 1. Smyrna. Prays his Excellency to chastise the " few obstinate ones " who still remain refractory (as regards swearing to their entries), chiefly, he believes, out of malice to Mr. White and Mr. Pentlow, because they were so forward to swear. Mr. Clarke, " our minister," endeavours, amidst all these broils, to deport himself as a mediator, " and though he hath had some unhandsome provocations, yet hee conceives it more suitable to his function to leave revenge to God Allmighty ... for which cause he humbly entreates your Excellency to excuse him from being brought upon the . 3 1 _ C3 O L stage. 1 p. 107 THE EARL OP WINOHILSEA to ANTONIO PERONE. 1661, Nov. 10. I see by yours that you have not altogether understood mine of Oct. 25, for my directions were to renew our complaints against those of Algier, and to inform the Vizier of the arrival of our fleet, without saying anything of the issue, which I said was uncertain. However, the mistake being made, there is no help for it. I now send you a letter for the Vizier, saying that they of Algier had plundered many English merchant ships, regardless of our capitulation with the Grand Signor, and that in consequence of the petitions of our merchants, my Prince has sent a fleet to demand satisfaction. On the arrival of this fleet, the city began to fire cannon against them, on which the English repaid them in the same coin with small damage to the city, but since have taken two or three vessels of Algier on the open sea ; and that this is all that has happened. Also, I have said that I thought well to give this intelligence to his Excellency to forestall evil tongues, hoping that he will compel the barbarians to make peace with us on good and fair terms ; and that my master could not do less, seeing that they had said to me in Algier, with unsupportable insolence, that they considered themselves independent of the Grand Signor ; had treated with us separately, and in times past, had carried on a war with us, without any regard to this Porte. All these things you may discourse of with the Vizier and the others whenever you have opportunity. I hope you have already got my order to repair thither, in such manner that I may delay my journey if I prefer ; So you can say to the officers that in a short time I am coming in person or, if not, will send the presents. You may provide a house furnished with necessary things at so much the day, so that I may not need to carry goods from hence ; make some small provision of wood and see that it is all clean and wholesome at my arrival. Letter Book, p. 176. Italian. 1J pp. THE SAME to LORD TREASURER SOUTHAMPTON. 1661, Nov. 11. Pera. Sends a copy of his letter to the Secretary, and prays for his countenance against Baker. The town is full of the English attempt upon Algier, which was well known before the news came to himself from his correspondents in Italy. Thinks that in a matter of such importance, advices should have been sent him, either from England or the Admiral of the fleet, and is sure that " in Cromwell's time, upon the like exploit at Tunis, an expresse was sent to the Ambassadour heere before others had the least notice or suspicion of it." Ibid. p. 181. 1 p. THE SAME to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1661, Nov. 11. Pera. The plague being abated, I have returned here, but the death of the old Vizier has given a 168 fresh interruption to my work. It is strange that he should be Vizier for five years and die in peace on his bed, and still more strange that his son should succeed him, supplanting so many ancient and experienced Bassas. He follows his father's rules, and seems to hope to overawe the world by his severity. " Some heads of great men which his father disposed of by will, he hath alreadie taken off, and others . . . remaine in the black list of his father's testament." He is as proud and cruel as his father, and has strength to put in execution his rigorous laws, so that the people applaud the father's clemency, who only chastised them with scourges, but this with scorpions. The late Vizier prescribed certain maxims to his master, the Grand Signor, as not to hearken to the counsel of his women, to amass wealth by keeping his subjects poor, to be always on horseback, and to keep his armies in motion. There are great difficulties for the new Vizier to encounter, for Mortazza, Bassa of Babylon, threatens high, and the Spahis or Turkish horse are said to be marching for Adrianople in defiance of the Vizier's orders. Letter Book, p. 179. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1661, Nov. 11. Pera. " . . . The newes of that fame and immortall glory you have newly acquired to our family by your incomparable reading hath flowne to Constantinople, where I am confident, were the Tiirks but capable of your language [they] would be so charmed by your tongue to wish theire legislative power in you and gladly be civilized by your eloquence. ... I cannot believe that amongst all those honours and laurells are conferred on you, you will forget your friends at Constantinople, whose interest, with yours, are engaged in the same bottome, so that to my owne con- cernements I remaine secure and satisfyed of your vigilance." Ibid. p. 182. 1 p. THE SAME to THE VIZIER AZEM. 1661, Nov. 11. Pera. Informs him of the proceedings of the British fleet at Algier, and hopes that he will compel the people there to a peace, which he doubts not the King his master will embrace upon reasonable terms. The people of Algier boasted (when he was there), that they were independent of any. and in former times made peace and war without any regard to the Most High Porte. Ibid, p. 183. | p. THE SAME to JONATHAN DA WES. 1661, Nov. 11. Pera. Thinks the succession of the new Vizier a fitting time to renew the capitulations, as the same 169 presents will serve for both occasions. He must go to Adrianople, but this he ought to do in any case, to become personally acquainted with the new ministers, and it may save his having to follow the Court to Belgrade. If the Algier pirates come to complain, and there is none to make defence against them, the Turks might issue such orders as would require a much greater sum to procure the revocation of than will cover the cost of his journey, especially as the French, Dutch and other nations all greatly " aggravate the action of the English at Algier." Letter Book, p. 178. 1 p. CHARLES II to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, Nov. 14. Court at Whitehall. Desiring him to intercede with the Vizier on behalf of one Patrick Simpson, a Scottish merchant hi Poland, whose goods have been seized by the Prince of Moldavia, and who is repairing to Con- stantinople in hopes of procuring redress. Sign Manual. Countersigned by Lauderdale. Seal. M. BARON, French Consul, to THE SAME. 1661, Nov. [15--J25. Aleppo. Thanking his Excellency for kindnesses received during his visit to Constantinople. Arrived at Aleppo five weeks ago, but is still suffering from a fever taken at Cyprus. French. 1 p. Signed. THE FACTORY AT SMYRNA to THE SAME. 1661, Nov. 16. Smyrna. Approving of his Excellency's intended visit to Adrianople [on the grounds given in Winchilsea's letter above], and agreeing (although they are nearly 4,000 dollars in debt) to advance their quota of the expences, hoping that Constantinople and Aleppo will do the same. Signed by Adrian Death, treasurer, Joseph Edwards, Arnold White, Sam. Pentlow, Arthur Barnardiston, John Foley, Alex. Myers, Samuel Taylor, Richard Onslow, Ph. Davies, John Weld, John Chettle, Jos. Langham, Thos. Laxton, Thos. Farrington. Richard Hardy, John Temple, George Carew, Sam. Boscawen, Weymouth Carew, Robert Pennyng, William Goodwin, Richard Carew, Charles Brandon, Richard Hodges, Edward Strode, Edward Allen, Richard Smithsby, Sam. Reynardson, Tho. Barnardiston sen., Charles Edwards, John Hungerford, Richard Uvedale, Thos, Blechynden. 2 pp. ANTHONY ISAACSON to THE SAME. 1661, Nov. 18. Smyrna. Thinks that an example should be made of one of the factors who remain obstinate, and knows none who " deserves it so much as Mr. Richard Langley, 170 hee being the most peremptory man of all the factory, and one that presumes his father's greatness and interest in the Company will bear him out, in whatsoever he does." Neither he nor Mr. Coventry have signed any of the letters sent to his Excellency. The town is full of reports that Consul Baker is to be re-established. 2i pp. ANTHONY ISAACSON to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, Nov. 23. Smyrna. " The Swedes Embassador landing at Tower Wharf e, his Majesties coach was sent for his reception. The Spanish and French embassadors sending theires, upon Tower hill begun a hott dispute, insomuch that the Spanish rapier was too long for the French, and therby three of the French coach horse and postillion killed and six other men. What this will produce tyme must discover, his Majestie beforehand forbidding both their going that day, being jealous that there would be some quarrell for precedency." I am advised that the letters giving notice of Consul Baker's being displaced have reached England, and the Company are so inflamed that they have voted me " for ever incapable of serving them in any office, or to receive a penny for the tyme of my being here." They have likewise voted Consul Baker's re-establishment, although Sir Heneage Finch told them it would much redound to your Excellency's dishonour. I must appeal for vindication to you, who made me consul here and to whom I have given exact accounts of my proceedings. They have voted that a factor here shall act as vice-consul until their letters reach your Excellency. I believe you will assert my innocence, for whatever votes are passed against me are only for my obedience to your commands. 2 pp. [THE DUCHESS or SOMERSET] to THE SAME. [1661], Nov. 26. Essex House. " My lord, I have latly had the hapines to receive divers letters from your lordship. That which you sent by the way of Poland I receaved about three weeks since from a Scotchman that lives in the citie, and hee said it was sent to him out of Poland by a cuntriman of his. Your lordship's seale was broken and it was sealed again with a little seale of hard wax ; and hee wrote that the Prince of Moldavy sealed it, and that hee met with it by chance that sent it ; but his frend tould mee that hee thought that the prince did allso opon it. But I perceive hee hath a ' piege ' to him, becaus hee would have had mee writen to your lordship in his behalfe that sent it (called Patricke Simson) who hee saith that prince hath injured. That letter was very sad and gave mee much trouble for our great losse, and feare for your great danger (but God bee praised you have scaped it). Some few dais affter that, I receaved your letter from Marceilles, whearin I found your great care for the 171 conveying of my deeds safe (that you had executed) wherein you oblige mee much, and 1 have acknowledged the favour long since and few dais affter that I receaved a short one which came in the shipe with the fine present you had sent mee, which was only of that concerne, and some ten dais since I receaved that of the 13th of September which brought me the good newes of my daughter's safe delivery and your intention concerning the crisning, and in that and one that I receaved since of the 27th from the secretary you mention a letter to his Majestic to bee enclosed hi my first which I have not receaved. I find by your last that my daughter was then in as good a condition as was possible, and the child allso strong and well, notwithstanding the great hassards and often chang of nurses, which is great joy to mee, and [that] you have made so grat a crisning and geven so good reason." Holograph. 2 pp. THE FACTORY AT PERA AND GALATA to THE EARL OF WlN CHELSEA. 1661, Nov. 27. Pera. Requesting the Earl to " take the trouble on him of a journey to the Court," which they believe will tend to the public benefit, and the prevention of many mischiefs. Signed, William Hiett, treasurer, Robert Frampton, John Bonithon, Chris. Lowther, Andrew Bendyshe, Wm. Pearle, Fras. Dryvet. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD TREASURER SOUTHAMPTON. 1661, Nov. 28. Pera. Sends a relation of the last mortality, to satisfy his lordship's curiosity, and to show the hazards he himself undergoes for his Majesty's service. Begins his journey in a few days. His letter to the Secretary will show the state of his affairs. Letter Book, p. 186. 1 p. THE SAME to SIR HENEAQE FINCH. 1661, Nov. 28. Praying his assistance to get better terms from the Turkey Company, by using his rhetoric to persuade the merchants of the reasonableness of his demands. Need not furnish arguments to one who has so large a stock of reason and eloquence at his command. Ibid. p. 187. 1 pp. THE SAME to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1661, Nov. 28. Pera. Complains of his treatment by the Company, and prays that his Majesty will summon the Governor before him, and threaten to recall his ambassador if right be not done him. Hears that Venice has offered Candy to the Kings of Spain and France, and that the latter is arming "what possibly he can." Ibid. p. 184. 2 pp. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] 172 THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR GEORGE DOWNING, Envoy at the Hague. 1661, Nov. 28. Pera. Expressing his pleasure that the King has ordered a correspondence between them, and giving a brief sketch of the position of the various ambassadors at the Porte since his arrival, to show how necessary it is that his Majesty's interests should be guarded there. The death of the Vizier, " the ablest and faithfullest minister that ever served this Empire," obliges him to go to Adrianople, especially to prevent any misunderstanding from the late attempt at Algier. The present Vizier follows his father in his rigour and tyranny, " and bends his thoughts only to make a warre uppon Germanic." The Holland resident has not had the good manners to pay him a public visit, which deserves to be taken notice of by his masters. Letter Book, p. 189. 1| pp. THE SAME to THE EARL OF SANDWICH. 1661, Dec. 2. Pera. Thanking him for his letter and informing him of the steps taken to prevent a misunder- standing with the Grand Signor, in relation to the affair of Algier. Ibid. p. 191. 1 pp. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1661, Dec. 3. Pera. Congratulating him on the great honour fallen to him in the convoy of the Queen to England. Hopes that her Majesty may chance to remember one who laboured, amongst the rest of her true servants, to bring about this blessed conjunction, and prays his lordship to put her in mind of him. Begs him also to say what the King of Portugal's present resolution is, as regards an ambassador to the Porte. Ibid. p. 193. 1 p. THE SAME to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1661, Dec. 4. Is starting on the morrow for Adrianople. Has received a letter from the Earl of Sandwich, giving a perfect relation of his proceedings at Algier, which has arrived very opportunely before his departure towards the Court. Ibid. p. 190. p. SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661, Dec. 5. Whitehall. I have received yours of the 4th, 13th and 30th of September, and am glad at length to find that some of mine have come to your hands. My last was by Mr. Hedges, treasurer to the Company there. " Since that, the Parliament, according to adjournment, mett here the 20th past, with vigourous resolucions of loyalty and 173 affection to his Majestys Service ; and the next morning the first thing the House of Commons fell upon was to vote an immediate present of 1,200,OOOJ. for the supply of his Majestys present affaires, particularly the expences of his Navyes ; which generous effect of their zeale hath given a great reputation, as well as a reall assistance and aid to his Majestys affaires at home and abroad. The next day they concluded upon the way of raising that summe, which is to be by a taxe of 70,OOOZ. per mensem. In the next place they called before them such of the late Kings murtherers as were exempted from pardon and remaine prisoners in the Tower, in order to have the lawe passe upon them, a Bill being committed for that end. They are at present upon the Bill for the settle- ment of the Militia, and have already resolved to raise twelve hundred good horse for the publicke security on all emergencyes, which they will constantly maintaine at the publicke charge. All things continue well and quiett here, notwithstanding the inveterate malice of the phanaticks and the old violent presbiter ; but 'tis believed this excellent Parliament will in good time take a round course with both, in a faire way towards which the Episcopall government is setled in Scotland, and severall Scotish Bishops are to be here consecrated the next Sunday ; that nacion for the most part being wearied out with the imperious insolences of the Presbytery. This weeke the ships designed to bring over our gracious Queen sett sayle for Portugall, as also those other that carry over the Earle of Peterborough and 3,000 foot and 100 horse under his command for the garrison of Tanger. Wee have of late had no newes from our fleet in the Streights, save that part of them crosse before Algiers, to secure our trade and vexe the pirates ; and that the rest were towards the mouth of the Streights with the admirall the Earle of Sandwich. Concerning what your Lordshipp offers for a mediation between the Grand Seigneur and the Venetians, I told you in my last how the Resident of that State here had desired it might be suspended a while, till he could know his master's mind in that point ; however I will take care that a power be sent you by the next safe conveniency, to be made use of by your lordshipp if there shall happen an occasion. As to the allowance your lordshipp desires for the procureing and entertaining some ultimate intelligence amongst those that manage affaires there, I have moved in it, but find the King's occasions for money so great and many as I despaire of prevailing ; especially since it is an expence not usually brought upon his Majesty by your lordshipp's predecessors in that place; but I shall be ready to give my best assistance in it, upon your lordshipp's addresse to those that have the management of money es here. The Spanish Ambassador (the Baron de Batteville) is still here, though the report be, that he is shortly to roturne for Spaine, and Dr. Steph. di Gamarra to succeed him here. Signed. Seal of arms. 2% pp. 174 ANTHONY ISAACSON to THE EARL OF WINOHILSEA. 1661, Dec. 7. Smyrna. Most of the factory are full of discontents, and some not very well pleased at what your Excellency wrote. After reading the Company's letter, I declared that I was placed here by your command, and when you pleased to revoke me would most willingly resign, it being much to my prejudice to act for those who entertain such hard thoughts of me. " Mr. Taylor, whom they would have vice-consul, is a person I love and honour," and most willing to submit to what your Excellency requires. If all men had been of his temper, I should not have had such unjust measure from the Company. Mr. White and Mr. Pentlow, not finding their names mentioned in the Company's letter, nor hearing of any order for their being sent off the place, are resolved in three days to set forward to wait upon your Excellency. 1| pp. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1661, Dec. 11. Smyrna. You will have seen, by the Company's letter of Oct. 21 to the factory that they have interdicted those who petitioned your Excellency from sitting or meeting about their affairs, because they made an appeal to you without the Company's licence ; so that if a consul here should betray the merchants to the Turks, or commit all manner of evil, " the factory must first write home to them before they can complaine here, and, in the interim, be involved in misery and trouble." The factory owns your Excellency for the supreme authority in Turkey, and if making an appeal be so heinous a crime, and they may not have their votes in court, I know not how they will be able to raise moneys (unless the gentlemen who have not been guilty of petitioning will do it) for any occasions. The character and reward they give me for my service, I refer wholly to your Excellency's consideration, but my -comfort is that " at the same tyme theire letter was read, when dirt was throwne in my face before the whole factory, Providence had taken care that your Excellencyes letters should arrive, to vindicate my innocence." Mr. White and Mr. Pentlow will acquaint you fully with all passages here. 2 pp. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1G61, Dec. 19. Smyrna. A Frenchman reports that Consul Baker died some time ago at Settalia, and a Jew in town has taken his oath to the truth of this. By what we can gather, it was on about Sept. 23, on the very day he arrived at that place, whither he was conveyed by the Dutch Consul's janissary. "Be he dead or alive, both the Dutch and the French must have had a hand in his escape. , . 175 And if your Excellencie could be quitts with them, it is but reason, provided they might smart, and not know whose hand hath hurt them." 1 p. THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA to SIGNOR BALARINI. 1661, Dec. 23. Adrianople. Thanking him for his kindness to Lady Winchilsea, who cannot express her gratitude herself, not knowing the Italian tongue. Italian. Letter Book, p. 195. | p. THE SAME to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1661, Dec. 24. Adrianople. The messengers from Algier are expected daily. Is not over confident of victory over them as they come armed with the arguments of rich present, " which have always prevailed more with the Turks than the strongest reasons." Has got the additions desired for the capitulations, and is in great favour with the Vizier. Things seem to tend to a composure with the Emperor. ' The Vizier is more a lawyer than a soldier ... a man secret and of few words." Ibid. p. 196. 1| pp. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] THE SAME to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1661, Dec. 27. Adrianople. I make no doubt but that I could convince you that my resolution is regard to Consul Baker is well grounded, but as you advise me to re-admit him, I resign my judgment to your own. I have therefore sent for him and for Mr. Taylor (whom the Company destined to his office) to meet me on my return to Constantinople, and if he will make such submission as shall salve my honour, I may probably re-admit him, though I believe the Company will be the first to regret it, " for being a man of unbridled passion and intem- perance of tongue ... he will, in a few months, destroy the greatest part both of the traffick and navigation. But I am resolved to have no further disputes with the Company to perswade them to theire owne good," and if they perform their articles with me, I shall interpose no further in their affairs, except to protect them at this Court. The additions to our capitulations have been granted by this Vizier, " and as yet all things carry a face of friendship and fair correspondency, and are like to continue," unless the presents of the Algier messengers prevail above justice and reason. Also the pretences here at Court that several janissaries were aboard the ships taken by the English and were sold in Spain, will render my opposition the more difficult. My stay here will depend on the movements of the Algerians, " who, as I am informed, forbeare to come to towne until they heare I am departed, that so with the less opposition their complaints may take place with the Vizier." Ibid. p. 197. 21 pp. 176 TANGIER. [1661.] Resolutions concerning the government of Tangier. H PP- SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661-2, Jan. 2. Whitehall. I have now received yours of the 19th of October, for which this comes to return my thanks. His Majesty takes very well your timely care to possess the Porte with the justice of his carriage towards those of Algiers, and doubts not but the Grand Seigneur will disown their perfidy and licentious piracies, whereby they disturb the commerce of all these western parts. Baker, the Smyrna consul, is, it seems, dead and another chosen by the Company, so your lordship is freed from further trouble in that business. I had provided a commission for you to mediate between the Grand Seigneur and Venice, but the Resident of that State came to me as I was finishing my packet " and told me he had received a returne from his Masters to the offer his Majesty had made of his endeavours in that friendly office ; and that they found the termes they stood on so distant each from other that they could conceive but small hopes from any applications of that kind, and therefore desired his Majesty to spare himself that trouble, which his Majesty commanded me to signify to you." The enclosed will give you an account of our occurrents here. Signed. I p. M. BARON to THE SAME. 1662, Jan. [9-J19. Aleppo. Praising the behaviour of M. de la Noy [Lannoy] in a little dispute which has occurred between the Bassa and the English, and praying his Excellency to look upon the miseries of the poor Franks in Cyprus, who, without his protection, will assuredly be obliged to quit their post. French. 2 pp. ANTHONY ISAACSON to THE SAME. 1661[-2], Jan. 10. Smyrna. The Dutch consul being gone, I have spoken with his janissary, who tells me that about a week after your Excellency's warrant arrived for sending Consul Baker to England, the Dutch Consul, M. Oliva and Mazaret sent the said janissary to carry him to Settalia, where he was to be in the care of the French Consul. Consul Baker often complained of pain during the six days journey, and being very ill on his arrival, desired to repose for some hours. He locked himself into his chamber, and after four or five hours they knocked at his door, but receiving no answer, forced it open, and found him dead in his bed. The next day he was buried, but his disease I cannot yet learn. When the janissary returned, he was enjoined secrecy, but his master being now gone, he thought he might reveal it to me without danger. 177 I humbly conceive that so high an affront should not be passed over, and though the consul be gone yet Oliva and Mazaret remain, " and I think there might be inquisition made for his blood " or some other way found to make them smart for their insolency to your Excellency. 1 pp. Seal of arms. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1661-2, Jan. 13. Adrianople. Informing him how he has " disappointed " the Algerians, whose messengers had come with complaints against the English. For he had beforehand made the Vizier so apprehensive of their designs, and " laid so good a foundation by small gifts and friendship with the principall officers . . . that instead of receiving the countenance they expected, they were severely reprehended." Has obtained the renewal of the English capitulations, with very advantageous conditions for the merchants. [News of Turkish affairs.] Has received a very civil letter from the Earl of Lesly, inviting him to a correspondence, but (he being a gentleman of the bedchamber to the Emperor and of his Council of War and State), has answered cautiously until it is clear " how the interest of his Majesty accords with that of Spain." Is pleased to find, from Nicholas's letter of June 28, that he has as punctually obeyed his Majesty's instructions as if he had divined them beforehand. Letter Book, p. 199. 5 pp. [Original letter in S.P. Turkey.] Also, letters to Lord Treasurer Southampton and to the Privy Council on the same subjects. Ibid. pp. 206, 208. 1 1 PP- [The original of that to the Council is in S.P. Turkey.] THE SAME to THE EARL OF SANDWICH. 1661-2, Jan. 13. Adrianople. Announcing his success in the affair of Algier, wherefore he not only congratulates his lordship on his late success against the pirates, but wishes that he " may again returne from the same place with new laurells and trophies of victorie." Gives an account of the negotiation and its results. Ibid. p. 204. 1 p. THE SAME to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1661-2, Jan. 13. On the success of his negotiations as above. Has been as frugal as was consistent with the honour of his embassy, yet fears that sordid spirits amongst the Company (who grudged his entertainment at Smyrna) will repine at every petty charge as too prodigal, which was in order to make his equipage " as splendid and honourable as was agreeable to the present condition and difficulty of affaires." Ibid, 207. 1 p. THE SAME to SECRETARY MORICE. 1661-2, Jan. 13. Adrianople. Assuring him that though he directs his letters to Secretary Nicholas, (from whom he \Vt. 29495. FI 12 178 had his despatches, and his ancient friend), they are meant for both secretaries equally. Letter Book, p. 210. J p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1661-2, Jan. 23. Pera. Has only now received Nicholas's letters of May 2 and 10, sent by way of Vienna, together with those of June 28 and October 21, sent by Mr. Hedges. Believes that if the Chia Bey, whose friendship the Venetians had bought, had kept his office [as Lieut. -General of the Janisaries], the war with the Emperor would have been in a much more forward condition. Ibid, 210. | p. THE SAME to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1661-2, Feb. 1. Pera. Consul Baker's death having put a period to the controversy, he hopes the Company will not create new embroilments by revenging themselves on their factors for appealing to himself. Has sought all means to make amends " for infringing that point of privilege which they so highly resent of displacing their consul," and though the appointment now falls to his disposal, he has commis- sioned Mr. Taylor, who was designed by them to succeed, and has " revoked Isaacson, against whom they had a' prejudice, from the employment." Prays Sir Heneage, as a good friend to both parties, to advise them, in electing a new consul, to be careful to choose a man " of a moderate and sober spirit, who by impertinencies and indiscretions may not make the Companie as ridiculous and hated by forraigne nations as the former did," and create differences between the principals and their factors, whose interests ought always to be united. As to himself, he finds the Company consider they have sufficiently rewarded him in voting his salary to be paid in weighty money while his articles only mention current money (which here is only two-thirds of the other) ; but no ambassador has ever been paid on these lower terms, and the Company must have a strange opinion of his necessities if they thought he might be hired at a meaner rate than his predecessors. For this vote therefore he does not thank them, knowing that though the word used may be "current" a wise judge and honest jury would interpret it to mean good and weighty money. The differences at Smyrna were contrived in England by a party who, to bring their sons and relations into a better employment, resolved to ruin the most ancient and principal merchants at Smyrna, finding a proper instrument in the hot humour of their late consul, and the governor also being guided by a lord who himself had some design upon the Turkish Embassy. Mr. White and Mr. Pentlow (accused as the incendiaries of all the mischief) are the chiefest merchants of Smyrna, and have been the first to follow all the Company's regulations when Baker's party have dissented. Ibid, p. 212. 2^ pp. 179 THE EAKL OF WINCHILSEA to ANTHONY BOKENHAM. 1661-2, Feb. 1. Pera. Heartily hoping that the Company will appoint him as their new consul at Smyrna, a post for which, by his prudence and moderation, he is so well qualified. Letter Book, p. 214. I p. THE SAME to JOHN BUCKWOETH. Same date. Thanking him for the real effects of his friend- ship and kindness, and for his pains in persuading the Levant Company to pay him in weighty money. [The rest of the letter is on the need of an increase to his salary and hi relation to Consul Baker.] Postscript. Mr. Hedges is just arrived. Ibid. p. 215, 2 pp. THE SAME to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1661-2, Feb. 1. On Jan. 27 received Sir Edward's letters of March 14 and Sept. 12, " which though tedious in the way, were yet like good freinds, not the lesse welcome for arriving late." The rout and total defeat of Chimianus will probably clear the suspicion of the Emperor's assisting him, and so bring about a perfect league with Austria, which he fears will be the cause of introducing a Spanish ambassador, and of throwing the Ottoman force upon the Venetians, whose coffers are exhausted and their soldiers unpaid, while the French forces have been withdrawn from Candia. Ibid. p. 217, 1 p. [Original letter in S.P., Turkey.] THE SAME to JOHN CASIMIR, KING OF POLAND. 1661-2, Feb. 8. Concerning the affairs of "Peter" Sympson. Ibid. p. 218. Latin. | p. [Reply to letter on p. 136 above.] THE SAME to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1661-2, Feb. 11. Pera. The Court shortly returns from Adrianople, all thoughts of war with the Emperor (since the rout of Chimianus) being laid aside. " Heere is now againe happened the same case which fell out about this time the last yeare concerning Capt. Hudson " ; for the Grand Signor, having occasion to send troops to Candia, has taken up an English ship now in port, the Maidenhead, Capt. Kempthorne commander. None of my arguments will prevail, for which I am very sorry, as she will run great danger from the Venetian fleet in the Archipelago, and also because such compulsion much discourages our ships which trade with this place. I must therefore recommend the Captain's petition, that in case they fall into the Venetians' hands, his Majesty would enjoin the Venetian ambassador to write to the Senate that neither ship nor merchandise must 180 be judged prize. The captain has always been a person of loyal principles, and such we are bound to defend and encourage. I know not how the forcing our ships into this service can be held a breach of the capitulations, it being an ancient practice here. At this very time a French and a Dutch ship have been taken on the same terms, and so I dare not insist too much in the matter, lest I should draw too hard on that cord, which I do not wish should in my time, be broken. Letter Book, p. 220. 1 p. DUKE AND SENATE OF VENICE to THE EAKL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662, [Feb. 19-] March 1. Ducal Palace. Thanking him for his kindness to their resident minister at Constantinople, and especially for asking the said minister to be godfather to his Excellency's little son. Italian, f p. SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS to THE SAME. 1661-2, Feb. 27. Whitehall. I have not yet had an opportunity to acquaint the King with what your lordship desires in yours of the 28th of November, concerning the Turkey Company's carriage to you, but hope to give you a full account in my next. " As for the newes spread there of the Venetians' thoughts of quitting Candy to either France or Spaine, upon compareing the present juncture of affaires, wee find no reason at all here to creditt that rumour ; for though the French have for some months last past noised abroad the preparations they intend for the Mediterranean, yet are their numbers much too inconsiderable, and their other designes in all probability so different, as there seemes no great danger of what your Lord- shipp writes. . . . All things proceed very well here for the advantage of his Majestys service, and the publicke settlement ; the House of Commons continueing on all occasions to give signall testimonyes of their great affection to his Majesty and his interests. ..." Memorandum enclosed : " Richard Christophilus Cornaro, Lord Turke. " His Turkish name was Ysuf Chaous, Natif of Constantinople, Duke of Ncgropont, which title his predecessors have. His mother lives at Pera neere Constantinople. Her name is Yse Hanum, borne at Cherkasia [Circassia], daughter to the Count of Cherkasia, neere the black sea towards Russia. Your Lordshipp is desired to enquire whether really there be any such person or not, such an one being here a suppliant to the King for some relief e." FR. EUSEBIO VELLES, Guardian of Mount Zion, to THE SAME. 1662, March [4-] 14. Jerusalem. Sending for his acceptance models of the Great Temple of the Holy Sepulchre, and of the Church at Bethlehem. Italian, 1 p. 181 CONSUL WILLIAM CAVE to THE EARL OF WENCHILSEA. 1661-2, March 11. Smyrna. Announcing his appointment as consul, and safe arrival. " Wee sett sayle from the Downes the llth of February, in company of a squadron of shipps under Sir John Mince [Minns], who carryed my Lord Peter Brough (i.e. Peterborough] and his souldyers to Tangery, and arrived there the 29th [sic] ditto. The next day my Lord went on shore, and after his owne regiment of foote was landed and drawn up in the parade, the Portuguese Governour deli vered the keys of the towne unto him, and hee tooke possession of the forts and castle. There was a designe (as I was informed) carryed on by the Spanyard to have landed severall forces in Africa, to have taken the towne, which they say should have beene yeelded to him, and to that end had drawne downe souldyers to Gibilterra and Tarriff, which the Dutch fleet in probability should have transported, they hovering up and downe in those parts, but the Earle of Sandwitch lyinge at anchor before Tangery with fowre frigates . . . cutt off all correspondency, not sufferinge any boate to goe in or out without strict examination, which no doubt frustrated that designe. The Earle of Sandwitch was pleased to tell me that he had certaine intelligence from Argier that there were 24 shipps belonging to that port utterly destroyed, by reason the mould hi a great storme was broke downe. ... I thought fitt to give your Excellency this short account, in regard I have heard since my arrivall how acceptable service you have done for our whole nation in gettingc the discountenancing of those pyrates att the Grand Signer's court ; soe that I hope in short time the nest of them will bee quite destroyed. 1J pp. Seal of arms with crest. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1661-2, March 12. Pera. Rejoicing in the assurance given him, by the frequency and kindness of the Secretary's letters, that he still has part in his affection, and expressing his conviction that the King and his dominions " cannot but be prosperous and blessed by the management of so wise and good a minister." The preparations for war are now wholly against the Venetians, and people talk loudly and freely of a change of the principal ministers. " It being now the time of the equinoctiall, in which these revolutions are most customary, makes the general expectation more pregnant." Letter Book, p. 222. 1| pp. [Original letter in S.P. Turkey.] THE SAME to LORD TREASURER SOUTHAMPTON. 1661-2, March 12. Pera. Requesting him to move his Majesty for an allowance for intelligence, which Mr. Secretary has promised to second. There will probably be a great alteration of the chief officers of this Empire. It is. supposed to arise from the Queen Mother 182 and Kislir Aga, chief eunuch of the Grand Signer's women, both highly discontented with the Vizier, " whose fortune being to fall, is accompanied commonly with the ruine of all his favorites and those in present power with him. [The rest of the letter as to Nicholas, above.] Letter Book, p. 224. li PP> THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to CONSUL GILES JONES [at Venice]. 1661-2, March 12. Pera. Assuring him that his intelli- gences are so particular and most commonly so true, that he reposes great confidence in them. Some of the advices have been five months on the way, but they are not the less welcome for being tardy. Thanks him also for his safe conveyance of letters, which he need not refuse because a higher title is not given on them (as he finds it is the ancient style of that country), though he may do well to try to persuade them out of their ancient road. Postscript. You may acquaint the Secretary of State that both my master and the King of France style me their loving cousin ; that he may perceive that I come as an ambassador extraordinary, and an earl and peer of England. Ibid, p. 222. 1 p. THE SAME to PRINCE GREGORASCO, VAIVODE OP WALLACHIA. 1661-2, March 18-28. Thanking him for his kindness touching a coach and other matters. Italian. Ibid. p. 245. | p. THE FACTORY AT ALEPPO to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1661[-2], March 18. Thanking him for his care of them, especially in their contest with the late Emin [customer]. Fear they may have trouble with the new one, their hattasheriff [licence from the Sultan] not being renewed, and also consider that the Company will be put to much inconvenience "by the now almost unpassableness of Morat Bassa's bridge"; but the Company at present " thinke fitt to exercise such a jealous care in matter of their expenses," that the only thing to be done is to represent the matter, and wait for them to apply remedies. His Excellency's last bill has been paid without any demur, so that matter must have been misrepresented to him. Signed, Benjamin Lannoy. Will. Mellish. Gamaliel Nightingale. Edw. Halsteed. Jno. Newman. Wm. Croftes. Rich. Sprignell. John Wood. Wm. Hussey. Thomas Hunt. Hauly Bishopp. Thomas Stanton. 183 Tho. Betton. Alex Travell. Tho. Whincop. Fran. Hemsworth. Wm. Ashbie. Tho. Niccolls. Tho. Palmer. Ed. Bovey. Richard Flyer. Anthony Pennyng. Joseph Carew. Henry Hunter, jun. Henry Griffith. John Pouldon. Richard Lake. 2 pp. On the same sheet as the letter of April 10, below. Also, Duplicate of the same. THE EARL OF WINOHELSEA to THE EARL OP NORTHUMBERLAND . 1661-2, March 20. Pera. Sends this not to revive his remembrance, but only to make tender of his service. The bearer, Mr. Isaacson, lately one of his secretaries and consul of Smyrna, deserves his Lordship's countenance and favour. Letter Book, p. 226. | p. THE SAME to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1661-2, March 20. Pera. A report is whispered that Count Isdring has taken and demolished some considerable forts on the Turkish frontier, and that some forces have been sent against him, which if true, will revive " the spirits of dissension," believed to be wholly pacified. "A Turk* and a pensioner of mine, and one that is acquainted with the, secrets of the Grand Signor, gave mee yesterday this secret intelligence, that there lately arrived an Italyan of the kingdom of Naples, habited in a Turkish dress, who hath assured the Vizier that Gaietta, a port in that king dome should be delivered into the power of the Grand Signor if he thinks fit to send a sufficient army to possesse it, of which he has procured such confidence and beleife that he is despatched for Tunis with order to be supplyed with forces from them for this design, but the discovery^ whereof I thought myself e obliged | to make, which I have accordingly done by the most cautious means 1 could contrive." The Bassa appointed as Governor of Algier had orders to treat with me before his departure. After keeping him waiting three hours I gave him audience, but told him I had no power to treat, and that he must apply to those authorised for the business. He prayed me to tell his Majesty that they will accept his conditions if only one ship be sent to proffer them ; so that the world may not think they are compelled to submission " by an overwhelming force." Ibid. p. 243. 2 pp. [Original in 8. P. Turkey.] * Tho words in italics are in cipher, undeciphered (as they are also in the original letter amongst the State Papers), but can be read by a key found amongst the papers. | Written 849,36 (firelock, y) in evident error for 845,36 (discovery), and 668,8 (cannon, d) for 588,8 (obliged). 184 Also, letter to the same effect (omitting the passage in cipher) to the Earl of Sandwich. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD COOPER. 1661-2, March 20. Pera. Assuring his lordship of the respect and esteem he has always entertained for his virtue and abilities, and recommending Mr. Isaacson. Letter Book, p. 226. \ p. Also, letters to the same effect to Lord Roberts, the Earl of Carberry, Secretary Morice, and Lord Treasurer Southampton. THE SAME to LADY FINCH. 1661-2, March 20. Pera. " I cannot but condole the sad losse of your honoured lord, who in his life endeered mee by so much of his kindnesse, and at his death bequeathed so bountifull a testimony to my family. And since that I have some interest, as related to the good of my sonne, in that pleasant seate of Moate, I wish to see it at my returne as delightfull and flourishing as in the time of your Lord, who your Ladyship cannot but remember, hath often in my presence used this expression That hee would never give you Moate, did hee beleive you would cut the timber downe or deface it. I beseech your Ladyship to consider that though the law will not call this action into question, yet it is, in cutting downe the timber, a breach of that confidence your Lord reposed in your Ladyship, and an undoubted injury to the right of my sonne. . . . But I have so strong an opinion of your Ladyship's justice and of that reverence you beare to the memory of your deceased Lord, that I cannot give eare to any such reporte, much lesse afford [it] the least beliefe." Ibid. p. 228. I p. THE SAME to SIR JOHN BOYS. 1661-2, March 20. Pera. Praying him to use his interest with Lady Finch " for not cutting downe the timber in Moate Park," a thing not agreable to the will of her late husband, who (confident in her faithfulness to his wishes) has left her the Park " without impeachment of waste." Ibid. p. 228. | p. THE SAME to THE KING. 1661-2, March 20. Pera. Sending assurances of his zeal and devotion by Mr. Isaacson. Ibid. p. 230. | p. THE SAME to SIR ANDREW RICARD, [Governor of the Levant Company]. 1661-2, March 20. Pera. Assuring him of his friendship and desire to serve him. The bearer, Mr. Isaacson, late consul of Smyrna, has been so prudent, just and active in the discharge of his office, that the most violent of his enemies 185 can object nothing against him but that he was solely con- stituted by Winchilsea's commission. Prays Sir Andrew to " befriend him to a good reception with the Company." Hears that he is displeased with Mr. Hardy at Smyrna for signing the petition (with the rest of the factory) against Consul Baker. The work of composure will be obstructed if, after all is past, signal displeasure is maintained against their own servants. Letter Book, p. 232. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to JONATHAN DAWES. 1661-2, March 20. Pera. Rejoices to hear of his safe arrival in London. Is glad the fury and clamour concerning Baker are allayed there. All things are composed at Smyrna, which were before confused by having a mad consul. Prays him to move concerning his allowances and to consult Sir H. Finch, of whom the Company has a due esteem, as has all the world besides. Hopes, since the storm is over, that Consul Isaacson will be well received. Ibid. p. 233. 1 p. THE SAME to LORD CHANCELLOR CLARENDON. 1661-2, March 20. Pera. Assuring his lordship that he stiU has a lively sense of his favours, and often contemplates the happiness of their King and country, " in the present and past difficulties of affairs, under the management of so wise a minister." Ibid. p. 230. | p. THE SAME to THE DUKE OF ALBEMARLE. 1661-2, March 20. Pera. Deploring his late illness and expressing his joy on his Grace's recovery, a joy shared by the whole of his Majesty's dominions. Recommends Mr. Isaacson. Ibid. p. 231. | p. THE SAME to THE DUKE OF ORMOND. 1661-2, March 20. Pera. Joins " in the common joy of all Ireland " for the restoration of his Grace to that lieutenancy, the deserved reward of his wisdom and virtue ; and wishes sincerely that he may number as many years in the enjoyment of that honourable office as he has done minutes in exile and deprivation. Recommends Mr. Isaacson. Ibid, p. 232. \p. THE SAME to ANTHONY BOKENHAM. 1661-2, March 20. Pera. Had hoped to welcome him as consul to Smyrna, but since he is supplanted by another, wishes that other may have the same virtue and abilities, and give contentment to the factory. Ibid. p. 236. | p. 186 THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to NICHOLAS PENNING. 1661-2, March 20. Pera. Assuring him of his diligent efforts on behalf of the Company, and asking for his help in obtaining his promised additional allowance. Letter Book, p. 235. 1 p. Also, a letter on the same subjects to Sir George Smith. Ibid. p. 237. 1 p. THE SAME to SIR EDWARD PEERING. 1661-2, March 20. Pera. On his reasons for dismissing Baker, and on his efforts to benefit the merchants in the renewal of the capitulations. Ibid. p. 238. 1J pp. THE SAME to SIR JOHN NICHOLAS. 1661-2, March 20. Introducing Mr. Isaacson, and sending some few Turkish curiosities for Sir John's father [Sir Edward]. Ibid. p. 239. \ p. THE SAME to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1661-2, March 20. Prays him, now that the Company is pacified and another consul sent forth, to urge the matter of his increased allowances. Also to prevent Lady Finch from cutting down the timber in Moate Park. Is sending an " antient Greeke Evangelist," given him by the Patriarch of Constantinople with a great deal of reverence, and also some Turkish curiosities, as a present to his Majesty ; but if Sir Heneage thinks them not worthy the King's acceptance, the book is to go to the library at Eastwell, and he may dispose of the toys where he thinks they will be most welcome. Ibid. p. 240. 1J pp. THE SAME to THE GRAND DUKE OF TUSCANY. 1661-2, March 20-30. Pera. Recommending Mr. Isaacson, to whom he has trusted some things of profound secresy to impart to his Highness, more fit to be told by word of mouth than by writing. Prays for a continuance of his Highness's favour, and assures him of his devotion. Italian. Ibid, p. 242. f p. THE SAME to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1662, March 25. Pera. Believes that peace may now be made with Algier on his Majesty's own terms, though being a stranger to the secrets of the King's Council, or his Majesty's own designs, he is not competent to give advice in the matter. If however the war is continued, he prays for instructions " what to say to the Vizier." Ibid. p. 246. 1 p. [Original letter in S.P. Turkey.] 187 SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS to THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA. 1662, March 27. Whitehall. I took my first opportunity to acquaint the King with the contents of yours of January 13, and he expressed a very gracious liking of what your lordship had done for the advantage of the merchants there, and of your prudent applications to possess the Porte with a fair account of his Majesty's intentions as to Algiers. We have a report flying here that the Grand Seigneur had peremptorily enjoined those " barbares of Algiers " to make peace with his brother the King of England, but as your letters are silent on the subject, the report has obtained little credit. As to what you wished concerning the Turkey Company I have advised with some of your best friends, and they seemed to dissuade from the course your lordship designed to have taken with them. I endeavoured what I could for the bed, but as Sir Sackville Crow never had any, nor any other minister there, I cannot persuade them here that it is to be allowed, nor will they believe that Sir Thos. Bendish had it, at least from the King, " his Majesty being then under a confinement by the Parliament, and not in a condition to provide himself those conveniences." The Hollanders are making offers to join our fleet against the pirates of Algiers. It would be convenient to know from your lordship " how those people and their late carriage to us stand and are like to continue in the esteeme of the Grand Seigneur and his Ministers." The Lady Dungarvan is delivered of a daughter. Signed. 2 pp. ANTHONY ISAACSON to THE SAME. 1662, March 28. Smyrna. Has arrived safely, in seven days from Pera, and in two days hopes to depart on the Ann frigate for Ligorne, and thence for England. The new consul appears civil to all ; but the Company still persists in embroiling those " who are minded to be quiet." All the merchants refuse to sign the recantation for supplicating his Excellency, " which certainly is intended rather for the defamation of the graunter then anywaies for the castigation of the petitioners ; for when, in a Turkey court, it was objected that, to that tyme, petitioning his Majestie's ambassador was never held a crime, the Governor made a ' psh ' at it, and used words to this effect, that hee doubted not but God would open your Excellencies eyes, and that, for the time to come, you would act more honourably." The Company have sent orders that Consul Baker shall be paid not only his salary but a gratuity of 1,000 dollars " for the good service done them in his life-time," while they refuse either salary or gratuity to Isaacson himself. Mr. Death still waits for his Excellency to send positive orders to Mr. Taylor to pay the balance of his account. On 188 reaching England, Isaacson will, (if he can reach the King's ear) acquaint his Majesty that no previous ambassador has equalled his lordship in honour, nor been so unhandsomely treated by the Company. 1| pp. Seal of arms, with crest. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to MARC ANTONIO DOLFINI, hi the Seven Towers. 1662, March 29. Expressing his sorrow at seeing so noble and generous a youth shut in between the walls of a prison, who might be the comfort of his home and the glory of his country. Needs no further motive to desire his honour's liberation, and when Signor Balarino thinks a fitting occasion has arrived, will not fail to do all that lies in his power. Prays that he may enjoy happy days in the holy Feast of Easter. Italian. Letter Book, p. 248. 1 p. THE SAME to SEBASTIANO MOLINI, in the Seven Towers. 1662, March 29. Thanking him for his kind courtesy in wishing him a happy festival at this holy Eastertide, and reciprocating his good wishes. Longs with all his heart that he might greet him in freedom, and has never ceased to hope and endeavour for his restoration to his country and his family. Italian. Ibid. p. 249. | p. SIR WILLIAM MORICE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662, March 29. Though there is an amiable correspondence betwixt me and Secretary Nicholas, yet he does not impart to me what is sent him from abroad, and I know nothing of what you have communicated to him. Not knowing what you hear from others, I shall write the less, lest I trouble you much. " There is a great harmony betwixt the Kinge and his Parliament, especially the House of Commons, which are perfectly complyant with him, and have donne greate thinges for him, havinge given him the greatest gift that ever subjects gave their prince, to wit 1,200,0002. to be paid by 70,000/. monthly til the sum be completed ; they have passed an act for imposition of 2s. uppon every hearth yeerly which will by our computation amount to 4 or 500,OOOL annually, and this is setled on him and his successors ; they have constituted a militia and given the Kinge power to raise for two yeeres 70,OOOZ. once every yeere to pay that militia if it should occasionally be drawne together. The lords, to shew the honor and service they have for the Kinge, have denyed themselves and assented to be set to armes at the imposinge of deputy leutenants, though commoners ; their private interests strikinge saile to the publicke peace and safety. We have taken possession of Tangier in Barbary, where we have transported 3,000 men under the conduct of the Earle 189 of Peterborough. We have sent forth Sir Abraham Shipman to assume into his handes the Isle of Bombay in the East Indyes, which was also delivered up to us by the Portugal. My Lord of Sandwich lyes yet in the roade of Lisbon ; we have intelligence the Queene will embarque on Monday sevenight, others conjecture that seinge the Spanyard is equippinge a great fleete at Gales which threatens Portugal with som naval impression, as his land forces (which are great) menace an invasion by lande, that the Queenes will not willingly suffer this fleete to goe out of that roade until another arrived, which is now heere in furnishinge, consisting of ten sailes, and to remaine there for the service and assistance of his Majesty of Portugal, and is to transports from hence on like account two regiments of horse and as many of foote, under the commande of the Earle of Inchiquin. What effect this may produce in order to our correspondence with Spaine may be doubtful. We have fixed an allyance with Denmarke and Sweden and in all probability shall in fewe dayes conclude with Hollande. The French Kinge in a defensive league with those Estates, hath expressly made guarranty of their fisheryes contrary to the expectation of his Majesty and much to his disresentment, yet my Lord Holies is speedily to be sent to that courte to lye resident there. I wish I might have the honor of your commands to serve your lordship heere in any thinge." Holograph. 1 p. ANTHONY ISAACSON to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662, April 2. Smyrna. "I lately gave your Excellencie an account of my arrival here, at which tyme the captain of the man of warre was in such fury as I thought I should not have had tyme to have finished that letter, but he being perswaded to the calme of two or three daies stay more, hath given me the opportunity once more to present my humble duty." I humbly beseech you to remember Mr. Adrian Death, " and not let him be ruined, and your owne honour suffer in his losse, to satisfie the peevishness of those that love to bee crosse, and believe . . . that your Excellencie will syde with them in anything." Signer Abraham Symonds tells me plainly that your Excellency hath not a greater enemy in England than the Governor [of the Levant Company]. It is your interest to keep fair with all, " else I could give you such a character of one that is your neighbour . . . that your Excellencie would say (what I believe) latet anguis in herba . . . for I am informed that the party I mean (even amongst your noble relations) rendered your proceedings against Consul Baker as prodigious and unreasonable, which I read with astonishment, knowing how much obliged he is to your Excellencie." l. 190 SAMUEL TAYLOR to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662, April 3. Smyrna. Having now only charge of the treasury, he must not interpose in what belongs to the consul, " who indeed, more than seemes very zealous and active in executing the Company's orders," and will, it is hoped, in a short time (for neither the waters nor men's minds become calm the instant a storm ceases) establish a peace and a flourishing tranquility in the factory. 1| pp. FRA ETJSEBIO VELLES, Guardian of Mount Sion, to THE SAME. 1662, April [3-] 13. Jerusalem. Is sending two of the brethren to treat concerning the affairs of the holy places, and prays his Excellency to protect and assist them. By them he sends the model of the Great Temple of the Holy Sepulchre for his acceptance. The gift is small in itself, but will be magnified by his Excellency's kindness, seeing that the Holy Land has produced the wood, and that the holy places are there represented. For here is the most holy Sepulchre of Christ, the place where he was nailed to the cross, the hole in Mount Calvery where the cross was planted with its precious treasure of the world's redemption ; in short, all the holy places of Mount Calvery, the sepulchre of the most glorious Virgin Mary, all the parts of the brook Cedron and others around the valley of Jehosaphet, together with the blessed manger of Bethlehem. There is also another model of the church of the said city of Bethlehem. Italian. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE FRENCH CONSUL at Aleppo. 1662, April 4. Pera. Congratulating him upon his appointment. The druggerman of Consul Lister has been delayed, but will set off in a few days. Roger Fowke com- plains that the French owe him a great sum of money, disbursed when he was consul. Does not wish to meddle in the business, but recommends the matter to his conscience and justice. Italian. Letter Book, p. 249. | p. THE SAME to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1662, April 5. Pera. Is told that 50,000 janissaries and other troops are marched out of Asia towards Buda, and that Alii Bassa is to demolish a large fort which Count Isdring has raised near Kanisia. Sends a letter from the Senate of Venice, showing " the courtship they use " to him and which he hopes will hereafter turn to advantage, though at present he sees no opportunity of interfering in their affairs. Ibid, p, 250. ^ p. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] 191 FRA DOMINICO DE LABDIZAVAL, Procurator of the Holy Land, to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662, April [5-]15. Jerusalem. It is now three months since the father superior sent his Excellency the writing giving the matters which they desire from the Grand Signior, especially as regards the places usurped twenty-four years ago by the Greeks, after having been in the hands of the fathers for 350 years. At the present time the said Greeks have in their hands the half ruined church of Betlem, to the great regret not only of the Christians but of the Turks, for, if no remedy be found, it will soon be entirely destroyed. The fathers are sending the bearer of this to the Porte, to assist in the negotiations and to look after their convent at Galata, and pray his Excellency to continue the favour and protection he has hitherto shown them ; also to accept the models which the brother will offer to him. Italian. 1 p. Petition of the GUARDIAN, &c., OF JERUSALEM to THE GRAND SIGNOR.* [1662, April ?] In the first place, they pray to be confirmed in their present possession of the following : 1. The convent of San Salvatore, with its three gardens looking respectively to the north, west and south, and the adjacent houses, opposite the convent. 2. The chapel called " del Passimo," outside the gate of the Temple of the Holy Sepulchre, and adjoining Mount Calvery. 3. The Holy Sepulchre of Christ, with the Chapel of the Angel, and the great arch outside the gate of the so-called Chapel of the Angel, with the lamps, great and small. 4. Our Church within the Temple of the Holy Sepulchre, with our habitations above and below, with the galleries, Chapel of the Magdalene, and the chamber and piazza in front of the said church, with the lamps. 5. The place called the Invention of the Cross, where St. Elena found it, with all the lamps. 6. That on Palm Sunday and on other feasts, there may be a procession to the Holy Sepulchre, first of the Greeks and other nations, as they have always had, and also the procession to Betfage [Bethpage] called of the Ass or Betania [Bethany], on the same Sunday. 7. The tomb of the Most Holy Mary, in the Valley of Giosafet, with the tombs of St. Joachim, St. Anna and St. Joseph, with our lamps, and that no other nation may celebrate mass in them, as at the present we enjoy them. 8. The grotto in the garden of Giesemani, where Christ our Lord prayed, and sweated blood. * This paper is in the same handwriting as the preceding one, and was probably sent with it. It may, however, be the writing referred to as having been sent three months before. 192 9. Our convent of Betlem, called St. Catherine, with the grotto of the Innocents, and tomb of St. Jerome, St. Eusebius and other saints, with the gardens which look to the north and the tombs in them, with the entrance to our convent by the great church. 10. That no one shall molest our Turkoman or interpreters of Betlem and Jerusalem, and that the Christians of that city, town or country may any of them follow the Roman rite, or that which they please to do. 11. The convent of Nazareth, with its gardens, as we enjoy them at present, and that none shall molest the poor Dreuisi [Druse] inhabitants thereof, nor any be found by the officials to pay more than by old custom. Item. The confirmation is prayed for of the other convents and hospices of Rama, Giafa [Joppa], Gaza, Acre, Saida [Sidon], Damasco, Cairo and Alexandria, which serve as a comfort for the poor Christian pilgrims who come and go, and that the poor brothers arriving at the ports of Sur [Tyre], Caifa [? Haifa], Castel Peregrino, Ssesarea, Tortura [? Tanturah] shall not be molested by the officials demanding cafarro or douana as Deruisi, which they have not, nor any- thing to do with money. Item that when the said poor brethren arrive at the gate of Jerusalem they may enter freely, with the money which they bring from Christendom for their subsistence ; and that they may be free to go out to make their devotions on Mount Olivet, and to sleep there on the night of the Ascension, as also the day of the Assumption of the Most Holy Mary in her Holy sepulchre ; also in the house of the Nativity of Most Holy Mary, called Salaie ; also in the church of the Nativity of St. John Baptist on the mountain of Judsea, and in Bethany at the tomb of Lazarus, and other devotions. The above named places are those which we enjoy and which are in our possession, and places which we visit ; for which we pray the confirmation of the present Grand Signer. The under-written places are those which were usurped by the Greeks twenty-four years ago, after having been under our care for 350 years, and of which we desire the restitution. 1. Mont Calvery with the four arches, the hole of the Holy Cross and the place where Christ our Lord was crucified, with the gallery or arches above and below, with the tombs of Godfrey of Buglon [Bouillon] and other Kings, and all the lamps. 2. The " Copuleta " of the Holy Sepulchre of Our Lord, with all the Terrace, and that above the Chapel of the Angel, with all the lamps. 3. The stone of the Unction, where our Lord was anointed, with the two candlesticks and our lamps. 4. The gallery or arches above the prison of Christ looking towards the Greek church, with the altar which stands at the gate of the Holy Sepulchre and Greek church. 193 5. All the grotto of the Holy Stable, with its three doors, two facing the north and south, and the third connected with our grottos and tombs of saints, above-mentioned, with all the lamps. 6. The great church above the said grotto, with the two doors facing the west, which lead outside, and the stable just within the entrance. The two gardens facing east, called the " Citrangoli." 7. Our ancient tombs, with the other grotto, called that of the Innocents, and the cistern. It is also desired that there may be put in the Hatserif the things mentioned below : First, that we may again have our convent of the Nativity of St. John Baptist, which, by the barbarities of the Arabs, was abandoned and is destroyed except the church, and also licence to build some rooms and to repair the church if needed. 2. That we may repair the great church at Betlem which is of wood, and has had ill-treatment, threatening its utter ruin, and that we may also repair and build up our churches and convents which are in danger of ruin. 3. That we may buy houses and lands with our money as do other nations. 4. That when we ask the officials to open the Holy Sepulchre for some needful purpose, we may not be denied. 4. That on the death of the Guardian, the Procurator or any other brother, the officials make no claim to anything, nor hinder the burial ; and also that on the death of any pilgrim, they may not claim his property or alms, as is the use and custom. 6. That the visitors of the churches, sent by the Bassa of Damascus, are to have nothing to do with these, viz., of Jerusalem, Bethlehem, Nazareth, Rama, &c. 7. That the Bassa and Cadi shall not interfere with or take by force, grain, oil, bread, silk or merchandise, or claim more than the old and ordinary customs. 8. That when anyone soever shall give any order against the French or their places, no credit shall be given to it unless the person is ready to answer for it at the Porte of the Grand Signer. Italian. 3 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE BASSA OF CYPRUS. 1662, April 8. Has received many complaints from the merchants dwelling in Cyprus of their ill-treatment by his predecessors, but hopes that they will enjoy justice and protection from himself, and especially recommends to him the English consul stationed in the Island. Italian. Letter Book, p. 251. | p. A letter to the same effect was sent to the Mufti. Wt. 29495. n 13 194 CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662, April 10. Aleppo. This present Emin, like the last, detains money brought by English ships for the factory, " except they receive it by weight." Prays his Excellency to procure an order forbidding this, seeing that they pay no duty upon moneys, and the weighing " is both a trouble and a charge." Mr. Mun Browne, the treasurer appointed by the Company, has arrived and been confirmed by the factory. l pp. THE FACTORY AT ALEPPO to THE SAME. 1662, April 10. Aleppo. Have resolved to supply what- ever money is needed for renewing their fiattazeriffe, or in opposing the present Emin if he gives them trouble (as they hear he intends) about the customs ; and pray his Excellency's care in the matter. Signatures the same as on p. 183 dbove> excluding Lannoy, Bishopp and Penning. 1 p. THOMAS STANTON to THE SAME. 1662, April 11. Aleppo. Thanking his Excellency for the " provision " made with Sir Edward Nicholas on his behalf. Sir John Frederick informs him that he need fear no further disturbance. Complains that the Company have sent them the form of an oath " wherein they keep not within the limits of their charter," and to which the merchants do not hold themselves obliged to submit, either by his Majesty's grant or his Excellency's warrant. The ruling part of the Company " are become so lofty and tyrannical that they seem rather States than the subjects of a monarch." 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to EUSTACIUS DABISA, Vaivode and Prince of Moldavia. 1662, April 16-26. Pera. Recommending the bearer, Mr. John Bonithon, merchant, who is on his journey to England. Italian. Letter Book, p. 252. | p. SAMUEL TAYLOR to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662, April 17. Smyrna. Lamenting his condition, as being " ensnared in bonds (unknown to former treasurers) not to pay anything without the Company's orders, unless for accustomary, necessary and unavoidable charges." He is "so terrified with the thoughts of acting without the Company's orders " (though convinced he must obey his Excellency's warrants) that he resolves to pray them to appoint another 'treasurer. 2 pp. CONSUL CAVE to THE SAME. 1662, April 21. Smyrna. Has presented his barratt [commis- sion], and been very civilly used by the Caddee, who promises all 195 justice to the English nation. Mr. Taylor is much troubled that his Excellency should have the least suspicion that he will not comply with his warrants, but his orders are positive to pay nothing in such cases (as Mr. Death's) without the Company's orders, and he has had to enter into bonds for 2,OOOJ. to obey them faithfully. 1| pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIB THOMAS BENDYSHE. 1662, April 22. Pera. Thanking him for his letter, and reciprocating his expressions of friendship. Is now indifferently well inured to the climate and experienced in the affairs of this country ; but has so intractable a Vizier to deal with that he is deprived of much of the contentment he might enjoy under a more courteous minister. The father, though barbarous enough, and (as Bendyshe knows) inhumane, was yet of more generous and gentle disposition than his son, who so hates all Christians " that the churches that were by the fire in Gallata and Constantinople burnt downe and the ground purchased againe of the Grand Signior and re-edified by the religious, are sentenced to be againe demolished . . . and the builders condemned to a severe imprisonment." Notwithstanding all this, he thanks God he passes with honour and conserves the privileges of trade, and hopes, in spite of the malice of his enemies, to return home with honour and a good conscience, and with the thanks of those whose estates and beings are now under his care. Letter Book, p. 252. 1 p. THE SAME to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1662, April 25. Pera. I am confirmed in my belief that the long treaties between the Emperor and the Grand Signor will at length break out into a war, unless the Emperor " finds some occasions from Christendom to divert his arms . . . which the German Resident sayes may bee occasioned uppon the difference about the dukedom of Loraine." This Vizier exceeds his father in severity and abhorence of Christians and their religion. The ground of the churches burnt down here two years since " was purchased at a deare rate of the Grand Signor by the Greeks, Armenians and Romanists, but with[out J licence to build in the forme of churches, or therein use any more rites or services of religion. But these religious being too forward in theire zeale, not only re- edified them in the forme of churches, but resorted thither publickly to theire divine service, which the Vizier hath made use of as a welcome opportunity to demolish and levell their churches with the ground, which he doth with much passion and malice, and committed those who had the chiefe hand in the building to a severe imprisonment ; excepting only my chiefe druggerman and interpreter, who yet escapes free of any molestation by the security he enjoys under my pro- tection." 196 Having had this day an audience with the Grand Vizier, " who utters little and dissembles much," I gather that he has secret designs towards war. The Emperor contends that the fort of Kanisia " was erected by his order and shall be maintained by his arms," while the Grand Signer threatens to demolish it, "if the strength of his empire can do it," and is covertly sending forces daily towards the frontiers on pretence that there they shall receive their pay. The fleet of about sixty gallies, much better built and armed than those of last year, will depart in four or five days. Letter Book, p. 253. THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA to SIB GEORGE BENYON. 1662, April 28. Pera. " Whilst your sonne was enter- tained here in my service, it was his fortune to place his love on an attendant of my wife's, and afterwards to marry without any knowledge or privacy of mine. Your sonne being departed ten months since made your daughter in law desirous to follow him, whom my wife hath found so usefull that nothing could have obtained her a willing licence to depart hence but the obligation and duty to her husband. . . . She hath deported herself e heere with that reputation, modesty and discretion as may render her worthy of a relation to your family. And therefore what errour or inconvenience hath beene in the marriage, I could wish were overlooked, . . . and that you would receive her into the number of yours, being confident you will receive as much satisfaction in her as in most whose vertues and good qualities are their greatest dowery." Ibid. p. 255. f p. THE SAME to SIGNOR BALARINO. 1662 [April 28 ?]. Expressing his great regret on the loss of his Excellency's goods in an English ship, by encounter with the " barbareschi." But such is the world ; one cannot hope in all things to reach the desired end, and he trusts that many future successes will compensate for this ill-luck. Has ordered his secretary to obtain all the light possible on the subject from the captain and super-cargo. Italian. Ibid. p. 255. } p. SAMUEL TAYLOR to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662, May 11. Smyrna. Stating the orders which he has received in a letter from the Company [of March 24 ; see Col. S.P. Dom. under that date], in consequence of which he does not dare to pay Mr. Death's balance, as his Excellency desired. 1 p. PRINCE JOANNES ZAMOSKI to THE SAME. 1662, May 14. Zamosc. Praying him to continue his aid to " Peter " Symson (in the matter of the goods detained from 197 him by the Prince Palatine of Wallachia) by informing the Vizier of the true state of the case, and through him, procuring restitution. Signed, Latin. 1 p. Seal impressed on paper. Endorsed : " From Prince Zamoschi." THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to PRINCE GREGORASCO, Vaivode and Prince of Wallachia. 1662, May 18-28. Regrets that the speedy departure of the Prince's Grand Marshal prevented him from showing as much respect as he desired to do. Prays that the coach he desires may be made at once, so that he may be able to use it this summer. Italian. Letter Book, p. 256. p. THE SAME to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1662, May 20. Pera. Yours of the 27th of February, with the papers of news, engages me in a thousand obligations. I infinitely rejoice in the prosperity of my country under the blessing of his Majesty's government, and your cordial affection to me deserves so many thanks that I can never hope to extin- guish my debt of gratitude. A messenger has come from the Emperor, whom the German Resident intimates to be a gentleman belonging to the Secretary of State, whose assistance he desired when his gout and other infimities would not allow him to attend his public office. " Whatsoever notion he comes under, his message was so pleasing to the Vizier that he returned from his audience much con- tented, with three caftans or vests, which are allwayes demonstrations of the Vizier's favour." The Emperor is now willing to agree to many terms formerly thought impossible, and the factions are so high among the Grandees here that I am confident the Vizier will condescend to very moderate terms, that he may be free to attend wholly to the preservation of himself and his affairs at home, where such are the artifices of his enemies, " that every hour he hath a new game to play for his life." For besides his father's enemies, he has acquired others of more danger, as the Queen Mother and Kislir Aga, or chief eunuch of the women, who bear him a mortal hatred. His chief counsellor and confidant is " a shecgh, a religious Softa, or an illuminated preacher, one that pretends to bee inspired and to have new revelations. He hath perswaded the Vizier that the too much indulgence to Christians, by per- mitting them to live amongst the faithfull, and licensing the publicke sale of wine, hath been the cause that the progresse and enlargement of the Turkish Empire hath been so long at a stand, and of the unparalelled fires in Galata and Constantinople, and the last yeare's unheard of pestilence. By his incitement the Vizier againe demolished the Christian churches (as I formerly wrote you). In fine, this enthusiast is as inveterate and pernitious to Christian profession as the Presbyterian and Scotch-kirkman to the rites of our church 198 and religion. And thus wee may see what disorders and confusion hypocrisy and Puritanisme introduce in all places, where they gaine a superioritie. A few dayes past, the Vizier caused the Maimar bashee, or chief of the carpenters and masons, to bee strangled, upon pretence that he had given licence to the labourers to build the Christian churches. In his house were found 500,000 dollars in ready mony. by which wee may see the strange covetousnesse of the Turkes, who are the most greedy in the world of gaine, and the most uncertaine of the enjoyment." The Vizier has received a letter from the King of France desiring continuance of friendship with the Porte, and that the son of Monsieur La Haye, former Ambassador here, may be admitted to his father's place. The Vizier speedily con- sented, " declaring that the Grand Signior's armes were open to receive all that came with submission and respect." When Monsieur La Haye was at Adrianople, he was " publickly beaten and his teeth struck out in presence and by command of the Vizier. This tamenesse in the King of France makes sport for the Turkes, and renders all Princes in Christendome the like subjects of their scorne. And those here who under- stand the late passage betweene the Ambassadors of the Kings of Spaine and France at London wonder the King of France should be so tender of his honour in maintenance of the dignitie of his Embassadour there, and yet slight so notorious a violation of his Embassadour here, . . . which was never offered before to the sacrednesse of that office, with half those aggravations of infamy and dishonour." I am informed from the Morea that Capt. Poole, commander of the Anne frigate, having landed men to cut wood in the Bay of Clarentia,* they were surprised by the Turks and twenty- two of them killed or taken. I shall demand satisfaction from the Vizier against the Bassa of that place ; having also made other complaints against him on behalf of the merchants. I have also complained against the Bassa of Tripoli, whose ships carried an English ship, the William and Sarah, " very rich from Venice," into their port, and robbed nearly all her goods. I believe I may obtain orders for restitution, but they will be little available. In my opinion it were better the King had open wars with Tripoli as well as Algier, but I humbly refer this to his Majesty's better judgment. I have enquired concerning that Christophilus Cornaro you write of, I " and believe him to bee an imposture ; his title of Duke of Negropont must bee a meere romance, for the titles of the antient Greeke families are so extinct that none can pretend to an antient pedigree : only one family pretends to bee allied to the lineage of the Emperours," and that is doubtful. " The name of his mother, Yse Hannum, makes her a Sultana, for that name of Hannum is given to none but to women of the Emperour's family ; and I perceive nee * Chiarenza or Glarentsa t Sec p. 180, above. 199 confounds himself so in his titles that he knowes not whether hee had better bee an antient Greeke, or a new noble Turke." Postscript. Since writing the former, I have demanded from the Vizier the freedom of the men belonging to the Anne frigate. He says if they did injury to none, they shall be released, but if they had resisted and slain Turks, they must remain captives. I replying that if they killed any in their own defence it was no crime, he proposed that certificate of the true state of the case should be made by the Bassa and Caddee of Morea. I opposed this, as being parties concerned, and he has referred the matter to the General of the Fleet at Scio. I have written to the consul at Smyrna to send the commands to him by some person of discretion, and to make him a present to incline him to favour our cause, "without which, in this country, no justice can be expected." Hereafter all captains should be warned "to be very careful! in their wooding on the Turkish shoare." Letter Book, p. 257. 4 pp. [The original letter is in S.P. Turkey, but it has been calendared here at some length, as the matters of which it treats are frequently alluded to afterwards.] CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHTLSEA. 1662, May 21. Aleppo. Complaining of the " very trouble- some " conduct of the Emyn, in insisting on their goods being " embaled " only in packages of a certain size. The French and Dutch have given him presents, in order to get permission to make larger ones, but the English factors think this a dangerous precedent and wish the consul to withstand him. They entreat his Excellency to procure an order for embaling as formerly and to get their hatcheriffe renewed or confirmed before the general ships arrive, otherwise the Emyn will certainly use his utmost power to prejudice the factory ; and he has so wrought with the Caddee that the latter takes his part. 1 pp. Seal of arms. SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS to THE SAME. 1662, May 22. Whitehall. I am much obliged to your lordship for the kind expressions in yours of the 12th of March. " By our last letters from our Fleet in the Streightes wee have notice of a sharp encounter between Sir Jo[hn] Lawson and severall of the Algiers pirates in the port of Bugia, where our men by a brave and resolute action in the heat of seven forts and severall Turkish men of warre, tooke four vessells laden with corne intended for the supply of Algiers, disabled and seized their Admirall, and sunke their Vice-Admirall. The Dutch have endeavoured a peace with those of Algiers, haveing in order to it, admitted of divers unworthy passages, and condescended to a sordid truce for eight months ; but the articles projected for the future peace and offered to them by those pyrates, were immediately rejected by the States 200 Generall as dishonourable, but indeed for not being of any advantage to them in their trade, so as they have resolved to addresse themselves to his Majesty, for a future conjunction of their forces against those common ennemyes of commerce and good order. The 14th instant her Majesty the Queen, after a long and troublesome passage of thirty-one dayes, landed happily att Portsmouth, whither his Majesty went hence on Munday in the evening ; haveing that day passed severall publicke bills of great importance, as those of the Militia, of Uniformity, of an Imposicion of 2s. upon each chimney, and so prorogueing the parliament till the 28th of February next . . . . . the King and his parliament are parted with perfect demonstracions of mutuall satisfacion and confidence, which crowns all their other expressions of loyalty and devocion to his Majesty. . . ." P.S. "This day by letters from Portsmouth, the newes was brought of his Majesty's being married there yesterday ; which Heaven blesse with a numerous progeny." Signed. 2pp. Seal of arms. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1662, May 24. Pera. The terror of his Majesty's fleet has driven those of Algier to seek refuge under the protection of the Grand Signor, and they have begged him to send them a new Bassa, whom they promise to obey. This has persuaded the ministers here that Algier is again wholly loyal, and a part of the Grand Signer's dominions, and therefore not to be subdued by any other Prince without a breach of peace. But as the Grand Signor will not create more enemies than he can encounter, he publicly disavows the piracies of Barbary, yet covertly encourages them to spoil the Christians, and to all complaints of damage done by them gives one answer : that their ships may be destroyed at sea, but their towns and forts are not to be touched without his revenge. " This I speak not with any respect to my owne preservation ; for let his Majestie in his wisdome consult his owne renowne, and by other successes make a recompense for the losse of trade here, and let mee and mine bee a sacrifice for the glory of his Majesty and the welfare of my count rie." There is now so good hopes of compliance between the Company and me that I believe I shall not need to appeal to his Majesty. The peace with the Emperor is partly con- cluded. Letter Book, p. 261. 1| pp. [Original letter in S.P., Turkey.]* THE SAME to LORD TREASURER SOUTHAMPTON. 1662, May 26. Pera. Giving an account of the business of the Anne frigate. Adds the information that the affair * For six months from this date, there are no letters from Winchilsea amongst the State Papers, Turkey, at the Public Record Office. 201 was accidental, for the Bassa himself, passing by the place called the Black mountain, between Patras and Gastone, saw the great ship riding and sent to see what she was. The Turks finding some cutting wood, supposed them to belong to the Venetian fleet, and fell upon them, killing eleven and taking eleven more captive. In the encounter, two Agas [officers], with others, were killed on the Turks' side. Has written " a very effectual letter " to the Captain Bassa [Lord Admiral], to whom the matter is referred, but " as none in this country come ever to demand a favour with empty hands," a present to the value of a hundred or a hundred and twenty pounds will be necessary. Hopes his lordship will accept his bills for this amount, as it would not be fair to charge it upon the merchants. Letter Book, p. 262. \\ pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE CAPTAIN BASSA. 1662, May 26. Pera. A ship of war belonging to the King of England's fleet, arriving in the Morea as convoy to some merchant vessels, and being in great need of wood, sent some sailors on shore at the Monte Negro to get some from a little wood by the sea, far from any inhabited place. But while so engaged, and doing harm to no one, some horsemen came upon them and seized twenty two of them, who remain slaves in the hands of the Bassa of Morea. Upon hearing of this, we made complaint to the Vizier Azem, who has remitted the affair to your Excellency, as also the execution of his orders against Durach Bey and Zachari Effendi, who have been the ruin of our trade in those parts ; of all which your Excellency will be the better informed by the bearer of this, to whom we pray you to give credence on our behalf. Italian. Ibid. p. 265. 1 p. THE SAME to THE BASSA OF MOREA. 1662, May 26. Pera. Demanding justice against certain of the Bassa 's officers, who for years have spoiled the English with impunity. And now, the mariners of a ship of war belonging to the King of England have been murdered or made slaves, simply for cutting some wood in a desert place. The Vizier has forbidden the permitting of any such disorders in the future, and has resolved that the Bassa shall give account of his proceedings to the Captain Bassa. Hopes, however, that his Excellency will not only liberate the Englishmen, but remedy the other injuries done to the English nation, so that the King, his master, may not need to lay a complaint before the Porte. Italian. Ibid. p. 264. 1 p. THE SAME to SIGNOR MARC ANTONIO DOLFINI. 1662, May 26. Pera. Stating that he has received letters from the King his master, desiring him to do his utmost to 202 effect Signer Dolfini's liberty, which he shall most heartily do whenever his Excellency Balarino shall judge that a fitting opportunity has arrived. Italian. Letter Book, p. 264. p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to ADMIRAL Sra JOHN LAWSON* 1662, June 13. Pera. Yours of April 29 tells me of the honourable peace with Algier effected by your valour, diligence and wisdom. I wish all your endeavours may be crowned with the like success and that you may return home from Tunis and Tripoli with new laurels, to the increase of his Majesty's glory. I told Lord Sandwich of my conference with the new Bassa of Algier before he departed hence, whom I found very inclinable to a peace with his Majesty. I have now dispersed an account of your negotiations in the English factories of this country, and to ships departing this place shall give a pass or certificate to evidence them subjects of our King. I shall take it as a particular favour if you will send me a copy of the new capitulations at Algier (and any others) as soon as possible. At your arrival at Tunis, I doubt not but you will hear of the surprise of the William and Sarah by pirates of Tripoli, who took out of her not only strangers' goods but English ones of very considerable value. If you could make a demand there, it would be of more force than any orders sent from here. Ibid. p. 266. 1 pp. CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662, June 30. Smyrna. Concerning an assault made by certain Turks of the Captain Bassa's galley upon some of the English merchants (in which one of the Turks was wounded), and the Turks' unjust accusations afterwards. The Captain Bassa, in a rage, demanded that the merchants should be delivered to him to be tried, but the consul, " not being willing to expose our merchants to the fury of a Bassa whose power was unlimited," has arranged matters by a money payment of 2,050 dollars. 2 pp. Seal of arms. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to PATRICK SYMPSON. 1662, July 1. Pera. Has received his letter, with the recommendations of his business from his Majesty and Prince Zamoisky, and will afford all the assistance imaginable in his power. All he can do at present is to inhibit all subjects of his Majesty from intermeddling with any potashes transported from Moldavia, and obtain the like from the Dutch and French. Hopes this may constrain Sympson's adversaries to yield to a reasonable composition. Ibid. p. 268. p. Also, letter to Prince Zamoiski on the same subject. Ibid. p. 268. p. 203 THE EARL OF WINOHILSEA to FATHER EUSEBIO VKLLES, Guardian of the Holy Land. 1662, July 10-20. Pera. I have received your Reverence's letters by Fra. Pacifico di Bonifacio, sent as commissioner to this Porte, to whom, both for his sacred function and his own merit, I will give all possible aid and protection. I have also by him received the model of the Temple of the Holy Sepulchre and the Holy Manger, for which presents, both for what they represent and for their exquisite workmanship, I offer warmest thanks, judging them well worthy of my master's acceptance, to whom I have sent them with assurances of the kindness of the Holy Family towards me, in response to which I doubt not to receive fresh orders from his Majesty to pay the utmost attention to the weighty affairs of the Holy Land. But truly, during the rule of this present Vizier, who is the greatest possible enemy of the Christians, as is shown by his destruction of the burnt churches in Galata, there will not be opportunity to make any claim upon the places usurped by the Greeks ; for it will be as much as we can do to keep the privileges and churches which are still held, without disturbance, unless God should soon provide a remedy for their insolence and a solace for the churches in this dominion, when I might with better success give proof of my devotion to the Holy Land. Italian. Letter Book, p. 269. 1 p. Also, letter to Fra. Domenico del Ardizaval, Procurator of the Holy Land, to the same effect. Italian. Ibid. p. 270. IP- THE SAME to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1662, July 10. Therapea. My controversy with the Com- pany being now decided, only two things remain which concern me, viz. : ejecting out of court those who petitioned me, and disallowing Mr. Death's accounts for what he paid Consul Isaacson by vote of the factory, confirmed by my warrant. " For the former, I slight it, as well as the factors, and for the latter, the sum is not so great as to deserve debate or create new quarrels about it, only it is heavy when it falls on a single person." The Company's action cannot be justified, they having made the factory judges of their expences ; and I, being by his Majesty's commission a judge here in matters between his subjects, could not but do right to Mr. Death, even against the Company themselves. I pray you, use your persuasions in his behalf. Ibid. p. 271. l pp. THE SAME to LORD TREASURER SOUTHAMPTON. 1662, July 10. Therapea. As my settlement in my charge does not afford so much matter as the novelty of my first entrance, I shall only in cases of moment or when my affection enjoins me to enquire after your Lordship's health and 204 condition trouble you with my letters, although in my writing " I so fancy the presence and conversation of your Lordship, that the very action becomes full of contentment and satis- faction." For my health, an indisposition of five or six weeks, though not so violent as to confine me to my bed, has made me very weak, but thank God I am now upon the amendment. Though I am far, and like to be long absent, I know that your favour will not be abated, nor your affection forgot, when it shall please God to bring me home again. Letter Book, p. 272. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1662, July 12. Therapea. I send you copies of the King of France his letters to the Grand Signer and Vizier, and the Vizier's answers thereto, concerning the admission of Monsieur " Le Haye," the son, to this embassy. The Grand Signor returned no answer save by his Vizier, "because as they say, in all their registers and archives they find no examples that ever the Grand Signor wrote to any Christian Prince who had not his Embassadour residing actually at the Porte." The peace with Germany is said to be interrupted " about the surrender of a castle in Transilvania into the hands of the Turkes, from whence they have been by the Imperiall armes forced to retreat with a considerable losse." I send you four pots of sherbet ; if you like it, pray advise me, that I may send you more. I have lately been very sick of a fever and ague but am now (God be praised) upon my recovery. An Ambassador from Poland is speedily expected here. Ibid. p. 273. 1 p. THE EARL or ST. ALBANS to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662, July 19. Paris. Being upon the point of leaving this kingdom and my ambassage, 'tis a duty I owe to the ambassage to give you notice of it, and 'tis a duty I owe to my inclinations to pay you my respects and offer you my humble service. " I am going this jorney, which begins Monday next, with the quen my mistres, who after the banishment of many years is returning to Ingland with the resolution of ending her life near the King her sonne. She is invited with soe muche tendernes of his part and goes soe willingly of her owne part that it is to be expected they will afford one another very great consolations, and if please God to continue those beginnings of quiet and settlement that by his good hand seem to be layed at present they are like to be very hapy, and his Majesty one of the greatest Kings that our nation hath ever had. I leave heere a flourishing kingdom and hope to find one at home in the same condition, I am certayn it was soe a moneth since when I parted, and thear is nothing but good happened since. They will be preserved soe very muche by the happy 205 union that is now between them whiche continuing they will have very little to fear either from forrain enimies or domestik embroilments." Holograph. 2 pp. CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OF WENCHILSEA. 1662, July 31. Smyrna. Stating that, in conformity with his Excellency's warrant, he has seized certain goods of Mr. Thos. Farrington, who had refused to pay the Company's " brokes " and used reviling language to the officers. 1| pp. Seal of arms. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE PRINCE OF VENICE. 1662, Aug. 3. Pera. Offering thanks for the magnificent gift by which his Highness had added to the already weighty obligation which he had conferred in presenting (by the person of his minister) Winchilsea's little son at the font. Latin. Letter Book, p. 275. \ p. SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662, Aug. 4. London. Yours of the 20th of May, after long delays, is come safe to hand. " In my last to your Lordshipp I gave you an account of the peace Sir John Lawson (his Majesty's Vice-admirall in the Mediterranean) had att length forced those of Algiers to condescend to ; which yields us the same termes wee att first demanded in our trade in those parts. Since which Sir John being jealous the Articles were not in some particulars so full or cleare in the Turkish (for he had likewise made them made them signe a translacion of them in French which is very ample) he hath since returned before Algiers, and caused them to signe another draught in Turkish, which in some points is fuller than the former, and more to the advantage of his Majesty's subjects ; whereupon he is since with his squadron gone to oblidge Arzilla to the like aggreement with his Majesty, whereof wee doubt not but to receive a good account speedily, as also of those other of Tunis and Tripoly, whose condition will certainly follow that of Algiers in this particular. This peace with Algiers, together with the good condicion of his Majesty's affaires att Tanger (whither the Earle of Peterburgh is speedily to returne with a considerable supply of provisions) gives no small creditt to his Majesty's Government and interest in those parts ; and came especially seasonable to the state our affaires was then in with Holland, who had been severall months undermineing us in that peace with Algiers, and endeavouring to monopolise their friendship to themselves by base and unworthy condescensions. Their Majestys are yett att Hampton Court, but intend to returne hither in few dayes. The Queen Mother arrived from France 206 the last weeke, and remaines att Greenwich till Somersett house be ready to receive her. All things continue very well and quiett here, notwithstanding the malicious designes of some inveterate rebellious spiritts. It is reported the peace between the Emperor and the Grand Signore is concluded, att least the Court of France endeavour to begett creditt in the world to that rumour." Postscript. Mr. Isaacson is arrived and has brought me the bottle and six portfeuilles. They are the finest of the kind I have ever seen and I return my humble acknowledgments for them. Signed. 2 pp. SIR JOHN NICHOLAS to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662, Aug. 4. Whitehall. I have received your letter by Mr. Isaacson, and acknowledge myself so much obliged to your lordship that neither he nor any other recommended by you shall want my utmost service. I am almost without hopes of encompassing your Lordship's desire for a bed. Sir Sackville Crow, as he tells me, had not any, and though Sir Thomas Bendish had an order for one " yet that obtained it not." Your Lordship is so constantly furnished with our news from my father, that there is little to add. " The peace with Holland is as good as concluded, there being but one single point in difference, and that not of extraordinary consequence. This will be of great advantage to his Majestie's affaires abroad and at home, where the seditious spirits of the Presbyterians are not kept up by any one instance more then the hopes of a breach with the Low Countrys. " My Lord of Ormond arrived safe at Dublin this day sennight, where he was received with extraordinary testimonys of joy : there is no doubt but by his prudent management of affairs he will give his Majesty a good account of that kingdome, and settle it in a florishing condition. All things are very quiet and peaceble both there, in Scotland and here, though there are many ill men in each who wish it otherwise, and by their discourses would give an expectacion of troubles, but they are no more then discourses which are given out to keepe up the hearts of their party ; and they have these good effects, that they make the King's friends more watchfull, and have cauvsed the dismantling of Northampton, Coventry and Gloucester, and the putting of some men into Shrewsbury and Chester. The Militia is now setling over all the kingdome according to the new Act. My Lord Treasurer is Lord Lieutenant of Kent, which is only intended during your Lordship's absence." 2 pp. Seal of arms. THE EAEL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD TREASURER SOUTHAMPTON. 1662, Aug. 4. Pera. " Understanding that a new Act for settling the Militia of England is to passe, by which of 207 necessary consequence all commissions of Lords Lieutenants must expire, I cannot but foresee that many will judge my absence a fit advantage to invade my office. And herein I have more ground of jealousie from the information I lately received from Sir Tho. Peyton, who advises me that the Duke of Richmond desires during my absence to bee my colleague. Truly, my Lord, to have a partner in the office of Lieutenancy suites not well where the government is monarchicall, and I looke on this modest demand in the Duke to bee the first step to crowd mee out, and assume the whole power unto himselfe." I should despair of getting my commission renewed, if I had not your Lordship to protect me, and to put his Majesty in mind of his promises that my long and remote attendance on his affairs should not abate his favour. If necessary, I be- seech you to endeavour to obtain the Lieutenancy for yourself, being assured, if the charge is in your hands, I "need neither fear a co-rival or the resignment to myself when it shall please God to give mee the honour and happinesse againe to see your Lordshipe." Since I wrote last, I again relapsed into a lingering fever, but " am now in a hopefull way of amendment. I shall endeavour what I can to conserve my health, that I may live yet to see my friends at my returne." Letter Book, p. 276. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1662, Aug. 4. Pera. Concerning the Lieutenancy, to the same effect as in preceding. Has received a letter from the Turkey Company full of kind expressions, and answered it with like civility, and has once more urged his claims for increased allowances, &c. If granted, the money shall be entirely devoted to the discharge of his debts in England, for which also he now hopes to spare something from his income. For, being at his first arrival 6,000 dollars in debt, for furnishing himself with furs, household stuff and other things, he has since " by frugalitie and good management got allmost upon an even score," so that now every quarter something considerable will give a helping hand towards the conquest of his English debts. Does not wish this to be known, as he desires to surprise his friends, "without raising them to impatience and a high expectation." Ibid. p. 277. H PP- THE SAME to SIR THOMAS PEYTON. 1662, Aug. 4. Pera. Yours of the 7th of April was infinitely grateful. Your apprehension of what I may expect from such co-rivals as the Duke of Richmond is no groundless jealousy, and I doubt not but that I should be supplanted had I not some friends at home to appear in my behalf. I 208 have written this post to my Lord Treasurer and my Cousin Solicitor, who, together with your assistance, are, I am confident, sufficient to encounter any party. I should, without any other information, have " judged your own regiment in a good and orderly posture," whatever I may think of others, who from differences amongst them- selves or want of knowledge, " suffer the publicke affair to runne into the present confusion. I have wrote to my deputy Lieutenants ... to perswade them to an unitie, that the common businesse may not through private piques receive any interruption." Letter Book, p. 278. 1 p. THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA to THE DEPUTY LIEUTENANTS OP KENT. 1662, Aug. 4. Pera. Had hoped at his departure that their care of the Kentish Militia would have been such that their regiments would have been in a posture to be an example to other counties, " and to make those who repine at the happy government of his Majestic despaire of introducing what they impatiently hope for." But he is sorry to hear that there is so much omission in their musters and so little care of some regiments, besides divisions amongst themselves and some underhand dealings, that their affairs have " runne backwards, and lye open to the censure of the bordering counties," and their safety to the King's enemies. Conjures them, as they love their King and country, " to contend in promotion of the publicke designe," which in his absence will be an unspeakable contentment. Ibid. p. 279. J p. SIR HENEAGE FINCH to his son [DANIEL FINCH]. 1662, Aug. 7. " I will not deny you the satisfaction of a journey to Bath, especially in your tutor's company ; not that I believe it will much improve you in logick or geography, but because I hope it may bee for your health, as well as your content, to take a small journy and ayre yourself for a week. I advise you to take a servant to wayt on you, and if you use the bath, as I doe imagine you will for curiosity's sake, bee sure you bee well lodged neer the place, and well tended when you come out of it, for it will be necessary for you to keep your bed an houre or two. . . . And because your going is like to bring so much trouble with it to your tutor, I require you to bear the whole charges of it. If you return in convenient time, 'tis likely that Dr. Bayns will give you a J visit before hee leave England. " Mr. Brome Whorwood hath gotten a small token from mee for you, 'tis such as I had then about mee, a piece of good but light gold. He will offer you great freindship, for having a fair estate and park near Oxford he will invite you to the 209 recreations of it, which I would not have you to accept, by no means. Receive the offer with civility, but let your tutor refuse you that liberty. He hath undertaken to carry both your tutor and you to the tavern, which 'tis possible he may prevayl in, comming with a token from mee, though I should be glad he might be deceivd. But by this you may guess at the man, and the reason of my counsell. Your mother is in good health ; your sister is thankfull for her token, and as soon as she hath learned to write you are like to receive the first fruits of her skill. There is a box with a silk gown sent you, and the carriage paid. God Almighty blesse you. Present my service to Mr. Woodruff. 1 p. Seal with crest. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to PRINCE GREGORASCO OF WALLACHIA. 1662, Aug. 11. Pera. Praising the beauty of the coach and horses which have safely arrived, as a gift from his Excellency. When he made inquiries about them, he never dreamt of their being sent as a present, and on learning from the prince's father that he was not to pay for them, he felt ashamed of his importunity. Can only offer grateful thanks, and assurances that if he can ever be of service at the Ottoman Court it will give him great satisfaction. Latin. Letter Book, p. 280. 1 p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662, Aug. 12. Aleppo. From the Bay of Bengal, letters have come from the Chief of Ballasore, " that most of the English factors are lately dead." The President writes from Surat "that the Dutch at this tyme in India are the only lords of the sea and sea coasts in all places where they trade, and are making themselves masters of the islands of the south seas, wherein all the spices are, and now only in their hands. They have so farr of late prevailed upon the Portugall that not above five sail of ships in a yeare are imployed by that nation, and they by stealth more than strength." On the coast of India they are possessing themselves " of what possible can be obtained, not only against the PortugalLs, but also upon the Moores and Gentues." About five years ago they took some towns on the island of Zeiloan [Ceylon] " just at the point of the Cape Cormorin " [and now they have taken Quiloan, a port 20 leagues off the point, and*] plentiful in pepper. The fishing for pearls there is their own. Cranganore, ten leagues to the northward, is now besieged by them, in order to the taking of Couchin. They have blocked up the haven and rivers, and it is feared the Portugalls cannot hold out long. The Dutch are trying to exasperate the Great Mogul against them. When he was prince, he besieged a city called * The passage in square brackets ia supplied from a duplicate of the letter. Wt. 29496. FJ U 210 Diu, in the bay by Goa, and was repulsed, " who burnes in revenge to rout out the Portugalls." The President writes " that the English East India affaires are brought to that passe that they have neither honour nor reputation in that country " and no commission or power to right themselves. The Great Mogul has sent an ambassador to the Bassa of Basora, and amongst other presents an elephant in one of his own junks, which 'tis supposed the Grand Signer will not take very well ; but some conceive the presents are intended for the Grand Signor himself. The Dutch, " understanding of his Majesties match with the Infanta of Portugal!, are very zealous to possesse themselves of so much as possible, before his Majesties ships may arrive to prevent them. The kingdome of India is now confirmed in the hands of Orang Shaw, all his brothers and their children being in his possession, only some report that Sultan Sooja, the Moguls second brother, is privately gone for Persia. The MoguU has cut off his younger brother, after his long imprisonment." The King of Persia's ambassador has arrived, and presented the Mogul with gifts to the value of 200,OOOZ. sterling. Another letter from a good hand in India says that the Portugals there are in a very low condition, and dejected beyond measure. The Dutch have brought their works within pistol-shot of Cranganore, " which when they have taken, they intend for Couchin, and doubt not but to make themselves masters thereof." If his Majesty send considerable forces, the Portugals will certainly in time deliver up their possessions to the English, rather than let themselves fall into the hands of their cruel enemy the Hollander. 3 pp. Seal of arms. Also, Duplicate of the same. M. BARON, French Consul at Aleppo, to THE EARL OF WlNCHELSEA. 1662, Aug. [12-J22. Aleppo. Assuring his Excellency of his respects and desire to serve him, and explaining that Mr. Fouk's complaints to his Excellency of what the French nation owes him will do him no harm " mais bien son peu de conscience, et le peu de respect qu' il a eu pour ceux qui avoient les ordres du roy tres Chrestien." 4 (small) pp. CONSUL CAVE to THE SAME. 1662, Aug. 13. Smyrna. Prays him to write " a sharp letter to the factory," telling them that he expects a more due obedience to his warrants, and " more stricter observance " of the Company's orders. 1 p. Seal of arms. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1662, Aug. 14. Pera. Has received his letter of May 22 with the blessed news of her Majesty's safe arrival and her happy conjunction with his Majesty. 211 A courier from Germany has brought letters less satisfactory than were expected. " The truth is, the Christian Princes, perceiving the Emperour recede from his resolutions of warre with the Turke, which before were laboured for with so much violence and interest by Rome and all Italy, and that the cause proceeded from feare of what dangers might arise to the Emperour in Alsatia after his engagement with so powerfull an adversary, have againe renewed their endeavours to take off the jealousie of any designe of the King of France against the Emperour ; which being also seconded by protesta- tions from that King, to afford him all help and assistance and not to encroach the least foot upon his dominions, hath produced great uncertaintie in the Councell of the Emperour, resolving to leave the determination to the diet at Possonia. . . . The Turkes, guessing at the designe, presse the Emperour's resident either to have a present peace or a speedy declaration of warre, which puts him on all the artifices and contrivances hee can imagine to follow his master's instructions to continue the businesse for some time in a dubious condition. : . . He seemes much dejected, and anxious of the successe of the warre, which as hee sayes, is commonly on that side most prosperous which is most inclinable to peace " ; and the Turkes being most reasonable in their propositions and desirous to avoid a war. There are rumours of the revolt of Mortaza, late Bassa of Babylon, " a man of great courage and good conduct ; hee was said to have an army of 46,000 men, and that hee was fled to one of the most powerfull Arab Kings and married his daughter," but the report begins to abate. Letter Book, p. 281. 1| pp. THE EARL OF WINCHELSEA to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1662, Aug. 19. Pera. The Reis-Effendi or Lord Chancellor [sic] has acquainted the German resident that the Grand Signer allows the Emperor three months to send an ambassador to confirm the articles lately agreed upon, and to demolish the fort built by Count Isdring. The next day the Grand Signer gave orders to prepare immediately for war, but it has been resolved to defer the expedition till next spring. " The French nation have been threatened to bee wholly destroyed in their estates here if they bee found, as is reported, fomentours and causers of this warre." Ibid. p. 282. 1 p. SIR HENEAGE FINCH to his son [DANIEL FINCH]. 1662, Aug. 23. Saturday. I send you the enclosed from your brothers, and would be glad you should return them an answer " without acquainting your tutor, or seeking his style, or at least his pencill, to amend your own. This kind of artifice deceives nobody but the young student, for who 212 does not know when the crow wears her own feathers. Dr. Bayns hath written you a large treatise of good counsell in his own phrase, which, though I know you do not want, yet I would have you take kindly when you see him, for he that intends a respect to you must always find himselfe respected agayn. " I charge you to frequent the publique prayers, and study to reverence and defend, as well as to obey, the Church of England. You will give mee but a sadd account of your time in the University if you return either factious or indifferent in the point of religion. Nothing can betray you to errors in religion sooner then the having too good an opinion of those who are not sound themselves. Bee sure you never trust your own judgment in things of this nature, nor submitt to arguments only because you have not witt enough to answer them. . . . Your brothers and sisters are all well. Send .your mother an account of your journey. Your uncle and I Dr. Bayns are still at Tunbridge Wells." 1 p. [The last part of this letter~is' 'printed by Miss Pearl Finch in her "History of Burley-on-the-Hill" p. 166.] THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR JOHN PEYTON. 1662, Aug. 25. Pera. Approving of his " preferring my Lord Buckhurst before any other in that command " and of his recourse to the Lord Treasurer for advice and assistance. Letter Book, p. 283. I p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662, Aug. 28. Aleppo. Our Emyn still detains our cloth, tin and other goods, demanding duty in kind, which would be a great vexation to the factory. He knows that to take his duty thus would not be to his advantage, but hopes by this means to force a present. " His carriage is very faire, but he is not at all to be trusted." I question not, however, but that when he sees that I will not " present him " he will let the nation have their goods. The Bassa and his ministers seek all occasions to hurt our nation. A few days ago, some English, coming forth of a garden, found the Bassa " right against the dore at prayers." They turned away, but the next day, he threatened by his Capsler Chiause [one of his chief servants, cf. p. 218] that if I did not make him a present " the next Englishman he met, he would drub him." To this I returned answer that the gentlemen had given him no suspicion of affront, and that I was astonished he should use such threatening words. A few days afterwards, a French surgeon was fetched to a Turk dying suddenly of apoplexy. On his return he was seized and kept in custody till he proved that he was a Frenchman, when he was released, they " letting words fall they would have done much if he had proved an Englishman." 213 Our nation have received their money (brought by the caravan) without weighing or trouble, yet the Capsler Chiause afterwards declared that the English took it by force, and would not suffer the Emyn to seal or weigh it. These passages will show your Excellency how ready these ministers are to put trouble upon us. If you would take your opportunity to lament against such dangerous practices, it might haply prevent further mischief. I resolve to let the Bassa know that we expect good usage, according to our capitulations, and meanwhile I have ordered the factory to be careful not to give the least occasion of offence. Letters have come by the Prosperous, which has reached Scanderoon. Sir John Lawson has been at Algier, and is now at the Straits' mouth, waiting upon the Hollanders. Sir Henry Vaine executed and quartered. Lambert was brought to the place of execution and there reprieved. 2| pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to COL. GIOSEPPE DETTI, in Bucharest. 1662, Aug. 30. Pera. Every day brings him new proofs of the affection of the prince [of Wallachia], The coach is much to his liking, light and pretty, and he is full of gratitude for it. Italian. Letter Book, p. 284. | p. THE EAKL OF SANDWICH to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662, Aug. 31. Whitehall. Your lordship's letters testify both your great care and wisdom for the King's service, and your respect to my own particular, for which I return you many thanks. Our differences with Algier and Tunis are ended, " wherein I hope the Grand Signior will finde content, in that there needs noe further trouble to reconcile us " ; but the Tripolizes we are yet in doubt of. A squadron is going thither to endeavour a peace with them, and you will do a very good work if you can bring the Grand Signior to promote it. " It is no small comfort to me that his Majesty's affairs have succeeded so well in the Mediterranean, and that God hath prospered us with a happy conclusion of the voyage in bringing home the Queen safe unto the King my master, a foundation of great happynes to the nation." Being now at home again I shall be happy to receive any instructions whereby I may do you service. Signed. 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1662, Sept. 2. Pera. His Majesty having conferred an ample commission on Mr. Giles Jones as consul at Venice, has excited the envy of his adversaries, which may probably " blast him " in the King's esteem. Knew him at Venice five or six years ago as a person of loyal principles, and zealous 214 towards his Majesty, besides the " reputation hee had as to other matters in the world," and recommends him as one worthy of countenance and favour. Letter Book, p. 284. \ p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662, Sept. 2. Aleppo. Letters from Surat advise me of the taking of Cranganore by the Hollanders. There were 300 soldiers prisoners and the Portugal governor was slain in the siege. The Hollanders were gone on to besiege Couchin, which if they take, it will be a great loss to the English trade, " in regard it will be difficult to procure pepper, cardamons, and cassia ligna." The Dutch admiral, Ruyter, has been with his squadron at Algier, to demand the same articles as ours, but was repulsed. The Algier men of war have taken seven Hamburgers, one Biscay man of war, and two Spanish ships coming from the West Indies to Cadiz. The Spaniards have taken a frontier town from the Portugalls, losing 4,000 men in taking it. " Suddenly after arrived my Lord in Chequeene [Inchiquin] with his forces, and it was thought there would be a sudden engagement." There is a report that the peace between England and Holland is absolutely concluded, but my letters mention no such thing. lp. On the same sheet : A copy of the letter of Aug. 28. CHARLES II to THE SAME. 1662, Sept. 12. Whitehall. Desiring him to obtain the Grand Signior's barrat [warrant] for John Erlisman, Esq., appointed agent and consul at Tunis. Sign manual, counter- signed by Morice. 1 p. CONSUL CAVE to THE SAME. 1662, Sept. 12. Smyrna. Is sending Thomas Farrington to Constantinople, in compliance with his Excellency's warrant, but prays that if he acknowledges his fault and promises future obedience, he may be received into favour. Is sorry "'to see some of the factory soe farr abett Mr. Farrington's cause, to accompany him in nature of a triumph out of town." 2 pp. CONSUL LANNOY to THE SAME. 1662, Sept. 15. Aleppo. Sending a long account of the unjust dealings of the Bassa and other ministers. A number of the factory were one day riding out, accom- panied by one of the Consul's janissaries, when the said janissary, by accident, rid over a boy and hurt his forehead. 215 The janissary immediately took out a hodgett [affidavit] for his protection and satisfied the boy's father for the child's hurt ; but the Bassa clapt him into chains and threatened to strangle him if he would not accuse the Franks of having done it. He also sent for the father and mother, and threatened to ruin them unless they would declare the same. He next demanded " the seven Franks who were abroad that day " that he might proceed against them for the shedding of Turkish blood. The Consul refused to give them up, stating that it was well known that no Frank had hurt the child ; that the janissary had acknowledged having done it, and that if he came to the Bassa, he should bring the whole nation with him. In the end, the Bassa sent for the Consul and the nation, and produced witnesses, poor people, who swore that a Frank had done it. The Consul boldly declared that the witnesses were false and ought to be hanged at the city gates, that his duty was to protect his countrymen, not to betray them, that if he could not have justice there, he would seek it at Constantinople, " and so left them." When he went out into the court of the seraglio, he was met by the Capsler Chiause, who told him he was committed to the castle by the Bassa, and forced him to go along with him, but after two hours he was released. The next day he summoned the nation to consult what was best to be done, and it was resolved that every man should keep his own house until the Consul gave him orders to go forth ; that the trade should be " battulated " and the houses kept shut up, until his Excellency could provide for their security, otherwise both the factory and the estates of their principals might be ruined. The Bassa and Caddee have now made hodgetts that a Frank did it, and that the boy is dead. For his Excellency's satisfaction, the Consul has taken the oaths of Mr. Samuel Broad and Mr. Francis Hemsworth, two of the factory who saw the janissary do the hurt, and the whole factory are willing to swear that no one of them did it. The janissary is still kept in chains and hourly threatened if he will not declare a Frank did it, but hitherto has refused. It would be well for him to be sent for to Stamboul. The boy is quite well. His Excellency is earnestly prayed " to prosecute this business to that height that exemplary punishment may be inflicted upon these ministers," for if lightly passed over, the factory will daily be outraged with one false pretence or other, and it will not be safe to continue there, " nor agree- able with his Majesty's honour for his subjects to suffer such affronts, contrary to the capitulations." The Caddee is a very corrupt man, and the Chiau and Capsler Chiause are very bad instruments, and have great power over the Bassa. 3 pp. Enclosing : A letter from the Factory of the same date, imploring his Excellency's protection from the " horrid 216 affronts " now put upon them. Signed by the same factors as the letter on p. 183 above, with the additional names of John Sheppard, Thos. Croft, Richard Nicoll, Bezaleel Sherman, Robert Priaulx, John Verney, Thos. Langham, Arthur Pyne, Sam. Broad, Mun Browne, William Dickons, Thos. Hartopp. 2pp. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662, Sept. 16. Aleppo. Suggesting that it would be well to tell the Vizier " that the English at Aleppo were all leaving and acquitting the place, and would have done it by our present shipping in port, if possibly they could have ended their businesse." This may make the Vizier desirous to know the reasons, which his Excellency may demonstrate to be their unjust sufferings . Postscript. The Bassa has just sent to him a person of quality, by whom he finds that the said Bassa begins to repent what is done, so that he hopes in two or three days to put affairs in a better posture. Has been making preparations to wait personally upon his Excellency, which has so frightened the Bassa that he knows not what to do. 1 p. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1662, Sept. 17. The Bassa has again sent to know what may be done, to heal the difference. Has demanded the public and condign punishment of the false witnesses, and the giving up of the false hodgetts, &c., made by the Bassa and the Caddee. These terms have been agreed to. 1 p. SIR HENEAGE FINCH to his son [DANIEL FINCH]. 1662, Sept. 20. Saturday. " Your mother, your brother and sister are all safely returned from Kent, where I received your letter, by which you write me word you had received 30/. of Mr. Fifeild, and yet by the enclosed note I find you had not received it, but it was to bee repayd you after I had payd it at London, which I could not do before this day because I came not to town untill last night, yet I suppose it- will come time enough. Your cosin, Edward Dering, will shortly salute you with a latin epistle, by which you will find he learns apace. I hope you do so too. Nothing can make me happy in this world but a prospect of some vertue and industry in you, which I pray God to grant you in a great proportion." Postscript. " Present my service to Dr. Allestree, and my very great thanks for that excellent sermon which hee lately printed, and sent me a copy of," also to Dr. Mayne for his excellent latin sermon ; " and be sure you forgett not my service to your tutor." 1 p. 217 THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to PRINCE GREGORASCO, PRINCE AND VAJVODE OF WALLACHIA. 1662, Sept. 24. Pera. Sends him some glass flasks and English sweetmeats, not in any way as a return for the coach, but as a very small offering of affection. Latin. Letter Book, p. 285. | p. Also, a letter to COL. GIOSEPPE DETTI at Bucharest, on the same subject. Italian. Ibid, p. 285. \ p. THE SAME to JOHN BUCKWORTH. 1662, Oct. 2. Pera. Has ordered Mr. Mun Browne, treasurer at Aleppo, to invest 1,000 dollars for him in silks or galls, or such other commodities as shall bring his money home to the best advantage. Prays Buckworth to make sale of them with all convenient speed (yet not with such haste as to lose the profit of a good market), and to pay the proceeds to Mr. Amos Walrond, secretary to the Duchess of Somerset at Essex House, to be employed towards the payment of his debts. Ibid. p. 286. | p. THE SAME to GAMALIEL NIGHTINGALE at Aleppo. 1662, Oct. 2. Pera. Has received a present of two horses from the Factory at Aleppo, which was not so welcome for the value thereof (though that was very generous) as for the evidence of their kindness towards him. Sends thanks to Nightingale for his particular activity in the business, and prays his advice concerning his design of laying out at Aleppo what money he can spare for England. Ibid. p. 286. \ p. THE SAME to his brother TORE, and the other Commissioners of his estate. 1662, Oct. 2. Pera. Concerning the 1,000 dollars which he is sending to England (as in the letter to Buckworth above), in vested in silk and other commodities. Now that he is "ad- vancing upon a clear score," he will be able to send 200/. sterling quarterly, if his friends can so improve his estate thereby as to make 12 per cent, profit ; otherwise, it will be a loss to send it over, as he can make the like or a greater advantage here. Prays them to keep 200J. (of the 500Z.) in hand, to help them- selves out of " plunges or extraordinary necessities " and to pay the debt to Lord Scudamore's daughter. Postscript. Desires their care of the park at Eastwell, that he may find his new woods and walks well grown at his return. Ibid. p. 287. 1 p. SIR HENEAGE FINCH to his son [DANIEL FINCH]. 1662, Oct. 4. " It is a very great satisfaction to mee that you have not been discouraged from pursuing those studyes 218 which I require of you by any unkindness of those who desire not to see any better example then they themselves are willing to follow. It was my fortune there', as it is yours now, to meet with the same inconvenience, and for the same reasons. But you must look upon the University as the way to greater things, and therefore, however others divert themselves, bee you sure to keep on a constant and regular motion, and you shall quickly find yourself to gett ground of your fellowes." Your uncle and Doctor leave this town next week. Dr. Allestree hath been with us and given us a good account of you. 1 p. [Mostly printed in " The History of Burley-on-the-Hill" p. 166.] THE EARL OF WINCHLLSEA to THE PADRE FRA. DOMINICO DEL ARZIVAL, Procurator of the Holy Land. 1662, Oct. 10. Pera. His desire daily increases to act as protector to the Holy Land and to augment its privileges, but he finds himself much hindered in speaking on its behalf, seeing that the protection of those holy places is not mentioned in the English capitulations. For this cause, the Fra. Santo di Osimo, with the consent of Padre Fra. Pacifico di Bonifacio, commissioner for the Holy Land, is undertaking the journey to Jerusalem, to report the state of affairs and confer with his Paternity how this obstacle may be removed. Italian. Letter Book, p. 288. | p. THE SAME to SECRETARY NICHOLAS. 1662, Oct. 16. Pera. " ... I have so wrought into the good opinion of the Turks, that the great ministers doe publickly in discourses of their warres against Christendome declare that the Port hath no friends but the English, for that in their encounters and combats at sea, they see the banners of all nations displayed against them, the English only excepted. The French have so ill a repute, and accounted so false and perfidious, that their interpreters have an ill wellcome in all their addresses, and I believe if in France they were sensible how little the coming of an ambassador from thence were esteemed, they would scarce venture the second affront." That you may guess how great the English interest is : when I lately complained of the ill-treatment of our merchants at Aleppo by the Bassa there, and demanded satisfaction, the Vizier immediately promised to send a messenger to do me justice, and with orders that an evil instrument of the Bassa's there, one of his chief servants, whom they call his Capisler chiausee, should be brought to the Porte in chains. But I pursued the business yet farther, and the Vizier has promised that the Bassa himself shall be removed and brought hither, 219 where I shall prosecute him still farther, both as an example and to secure him from taking a revenge. If the Vizier be as good as his word, it will redound much to his Majesty's honour here ; there being no precedent that ever an ambassador had interest and power to displace a Bassa. Letter Book, p. 288. \\ pp. Enclosing : INTELLIGENCE. Mortaza Bassa is fled to the King of the Churts [or Kurds], whose daughter he has married. The Churts are a people who border upon Armenia, their country made inaccessible by mountains, and the people numerous and expert in war. The Vizier has ordered the Bassas of Asia to be summoned to go against the Churts, and demand Mortaza, but a great revolution in Georgia has diverted the whole design. The Turks have no great desire for war with the Emperor, but unless their demands are complied with, they are resolved (though very unwillingly) to break, and it is said that 200,000 Tartarian horsemen will be joined with them. The Emperor is fortifying his frontiers and increasing his forces, and the German Resident has given up all hopes of peace. The Turkish merchant fleet of 70 sail, bound for Alexandria, was encountered by the Venetians near Samos, who are said to have taken all but 16 of them. Some may have found refuge among the islands, but their loss is certainly very great. Out of shame and anger, they are resolved to recompense the Venetian by land the ruin which he has worked them by sea, and orders are given to mend the highways and bridges between the mountains of Morea, the design being to fall on Cataro and other Venetian territories in Dalmatia. The Emperor is fortifying his frontiers and daily increases his forces. The German Resident has now no hopes of peace. Ibid. p. 290. 3 pp. THE EAKL OF WINCHILSEA to THE EARL OF SOUTHAMPTON. 1662, Oct. 16. Pera. I hear that the Turkey Company hath presented me with 2,000 dollars, which I conceive they mean to add to my yearly salary, but that it may not be a precedent, they call it a gratuity. " The manner how they bestow it on mee is not materiall, so I find the benefit at the yeares end," as a good help towards the payment of my debts. I have written the public news to Sir Edward Nicholas. If your Lordship will sometimes put the King hi remembrance of me and can assure me that I am still hi his memory, it 220 will make the days here pass with more cheerfulness. Letter Book, p. 296. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to PRINCE MICHAEL APAFI, PRINCE AND VAIVODE OF TRANSILVANIA. 1662. Oct. 21. Pera. Assuring the Prince of his desire to do all good offices with the Grand Signor on behalf of Transilvania. Latin. Ibid. p. 297. 1 p. CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662, Oct. 27. Smyrna. Mr. Farrington has arrived, the factors have been summoned, and his Excellency's letters and Farrington's submission read to them. Letters from England (of Sept. 1) state that all is quiet, " onlly some eighty persons of quality were discovered in the Temple* for coynadge of money. . . . The French fleete and Sir John Lawson mett, but the French before had taken downe their flagg, and upon meeting saluted him, which was answered by Sir John." 1 p. Seal of arms. NICOLAS PRAZMOUSKI, Grand Chancellor of Poland, to THE SAME. 1662, Nov. 1. Leopolis [i.e. Lemberg], On behalf of " Peter " Symson, merchant. Signed " Nicolas a Prazmou, episcopus Luceoriensis, cancellarius regni supremus." On the seal, his name appears in its Polish form. Latin. 1| pp. STANISLAUS POTOCHI, General of Poland, to THE SAME. 1662, Nov. [1 ?]. Leopolis. To the same effect as the preceding. Latin. Signed. 1 p. Seal. JOHN CASIMIR, King of Poland, to THE SAME. 1662, Nov. 3. Leopolis. A long letter upon the business of " Peter " Symson. The merchandise is specified as "merci- monia distillatorum cinerum sylvestria." Signed, Joannes Casimirus rex. Large and fine seal impressed on paper. Latin. l\ pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE EMPEROR LEOPOLD. 1662, Nov. 5-15. Pera. Praying him to be godfather to his infant son. His representative at Constantinople has been persuaded to hold the child at the font and there gave him the name of Leopold, on [this] St. Leopold's day ; who is therefore to be consecrated to the service of his Imperial Majesty and the Roman eagles. Ibid. p. 299. Latin. 1 p. * See Cal. S.P. Dom., 1661, 1662, p. 586. 221 THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA to THE STATES GENERAL. 1662, Nov. 5. Informing them that he had prayed their representative at the Porte to stand sponsor, in their name, to his infant son, who, he hopes, may one day serve in their armies, and from their admirable discipline learn to protect both his own fatherland and their dominions. Latin. Letter Book, p. 300. 1 p. THE SAME to COUNT LESLEY. , 1662, Nov. 6. Pera. Informing him of his application to the Emperor. Ibid. p. 301. I p. SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662, Nov. 10.* Whitehall For yours of the 14th and 19th of August, and 2nd of September, I tender my humble acknowledgments. " Wee heare that the Emperor of Germany is soe appre- hensive of the designes of France against some partes of his dominions, as he is resolved to make peace with the Grand Seigneur on any reasonable condicions, and some late letters say the peace betweene these Emperours is alreddy concluded, whereof you will (before this arrives I presume) have more certeinty. I suppose you have before this the advertisement of the great breach that hath bene lately betweene the Pope and France upon an affront given by the pope's soldiers att Rome to the Duke of Crequi, the French Ambassador there, but that busines, by the Popes submission, is now like to be accomodated, much to the French Kingcs honour, and some say the French inclines the rather to accept of the submissive offers of the Pope, that he may the better proceed in his designes in Germany, which are conceaved to be great. I suppose your Lordshipp will heare before this, that the King our Master hath agreed with the French King to render into his handes the towne of Dunkirk, which is soe full}' agreed on that the King our Master hath sent some to receave the sum he is to have for it att Callais, and hath given orders for delivering upp Dunkerke upon the French Kinges payment of 500,000 pistolls. The King having found it convenient for his service to imploy a younger man in my place of principall Secretarie of State, hath bene pleased to ease me of the weight of these imploy ments, and to make Sir Henry Bennet serve in my place, having given order for a gracious recompence to me for my twenty one yeares service to him and his father (of glorious memory) in that office ; I assure you it was not my seeking or desire (as some here report) to with- draw or retire from his Majesties service, but I hold it my duty to comply therein with his Majesties judgement, in * Tliis duto is filled in by a different hand. 222 making use of a younger man ; and I have donne it in pure obedience to his Majesty's pleasure, who conceaves this change wilbe for the advantage of his affaires, which I humbly tender and preferre to any interest of myne ; his Majestic is pleased to continue me still one of his privy Councell, and I shall serve him faithfully in that place. Your addresses are therefore henceforth to be to Mr. Secretarie Bennet, or Mr. Secretarie Morrice on all occasions relating to your Lordshipps imploy- ment for his Majesties service. If I may in anything be of use to your lordshipp, I reteyne still the same affecion to serve you, thoughe I have lesse power." Postscript. ' ' When anything shalbe in my way to serve Mr. Gil[es] Jones, consul! at Venice, I shall not forget that he hath bene especially recommended to me by your Lordshipp." 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE DUCHESS OF SOMERSET. 1662, Nov. 12. Pera. It hath pleased God to give me another son, born on the 28th of October, and made a Christian on the 5th of November, when the residents of Germany and Holland " vouchsafed me the honour, in behalf of their Masters the Emperor and the States Generall, to substitute themselves godfathers at the font, and gave him the name of Leopold William." Your Grace's former goodness towards me has given me confidence to conjoin you as gossip with them, " for having received this blessing from your Grace on all my children at their baptisme, I should account this unhallowed and unfortunate to bee only exempted from your Grace's benediction." My wife is in perfect health and comforted with the hope to live and return again to the blessing of your society. Letter Book, p. 303. 1 p. GAMALIEL NIGHTINGALE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662, Nov. 13. Aleppo. Thanking him for his gracious letter, and only regretting that they could not procure " more beautiful horses " to send to him. Mr. Mun Browne has put all his Excellency's commands in execution ; " a more punctuall and abler person " could not have been preferred. " These tymes are so verry dead as wee are at a stand how to make any investments advantagious. Our last letters from England advise whyte silk to bee the best commodity, in respect but little lately gonne ; at present it is reasonable here, yet probable will ryse upon shipping comeing in, which we shall have in quantyty this spring." 1| pp. CONSUL LANNOY to THE SAME. 1662, Nov. 13. Aleppo. Our general ship, the Dover Merchant, and the Prosperous are now both dispatched. The 223 Dover Merchant, a very rich ship, intends directly for England ; the other will touch at Legorne. I hope we shall now pass without disturbance till July next, at which time we may expect another general ship, and I trust by then our hatasherijf will be renewed. Your Excellency's last tells us " that our Bassa would be mezouled" [disgraced] and a new one sent in his place, but that the Grand Vizir expected a present for it. When he is mezoukd, I shall take out ars [certificate] against him, but whilst he is here, shall be very careful to give him no advantage against our nation. A person of quality desired me to meet the Bassa at a banquet in his garden, but I excused myself, saying that I had made my complaint at Stambole against him ; that such proceedings could not be passed by without full reparation, and that " I durs't not for my head but acquaint your Excellency with what had past. . . . " A few days past, the Patriarchs both of the Greek and Armenian Churches, with severall Bishops of the Latin Church, came to visitt me, where they mencioned under what grievous oppressions they were, and to what an extremity of poverty their people were reduced . . . praying God for your Excellency's happinesse as the only instrument of their hopes in opening the dore that their complaints might be heard against their oppressours, which before was shutt against them. I incouraged them not to feare our Bassa, who, I assured them would be suddainely called to an account, and I doubted not but would be removed, if not cut off. I further advised them to stand firme, and to be ready with their witnesses against him when occasion should offer." The Bassa has been trying to bribe some of the Christians to declare that he has not extorted more from them than other Bassas have done, but such care has been taken by the Patriarchs that he has not prevailed. A Cappigee Bassa [chamberlain] is come to the Seraglio from Constantinople, but as your Excellency said none was to be sent, I have taken no notice of him. The President at Surat writes me that the Dutch " in a boasting vanity brought to Swallow [Suwali] Marine, ten miles from Surat, 300 poor prisoners, Portugalls, amongst which were five persons of quality, and turned them almost naked on shoare." The President has sent 200 in a vessel to Dainaon [Daman] to one of their own cities, and the other hundred he treated three days, and having refreshed them, sent them over land. The condition of the Portugalls is such that if his Majesty does not presently help them, the Dutch will root them out. The Dutch were going to the Mogul with a large present of horses and Japan rarities, and it was believed their design was to crave leave to take Diu and Dainaon ; one lying on one side of the bay called Cambay, and the other on a headland against it, " which, if he should grant, the port of Suratt were lost, and all India as to trade 224 for any but themselves ; not a juncke could pass out but at their pleasure. . . . The Dutch have three times indeavoured to take Couchin by storme, but with the losse of many men they have still bin beaten off by the valiant Governor, Signer Ignatio Seremento." If his soldiers, black and white, be resolute and faithful, the Hollanders will not take it this year, and for the next, the Portugals hope to be under his Majesty's protection. The Queen of Couchin, a woman of 100 yeares of age, is a prisoner aboard the Dutch ships. They intend to carry her for Batavia. 3 pp. On the same sheet as the letter of the 15th. Nov. 15. -Since writing the above, I have learned how diligent the Cappigee Bassa hath been in serving the Bassa's interest, "not in the least appearing a friend of the Christians ; nor producing any command . . . from the Grand Signer or Grand Vizier." It has been agreed between the Bassa and the Caddee that the latter should write to the Grand Vizier, saying how willing the Bassa is to give the Christians satisfaction, and asking if the money shall be paid to the Grand Signer's use or repaid to the Christians. It is feared from this that the money will go to the Grand Signer or the Vizier, " to procure prejudice against the Christians "; to prevent which the Patriarchs entreat you to procure audiences with the Vizier for their deputies there, that they may rightly state their case before their enemies have corrupted his judgment. The whole Factory has just come to entreat me to recom- mend earnestly to you the matter of the Bassa. Everyone in these parts is enquiring what reparation we have had or are like to have, and if something remarkable is not done, they conceive our condition will be more dangerous than before. 1 p. CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662, Nov. 17. Smyrna. Complaining that the French consul has persuaded a Ragusean ship to come in under his protection, and praying his Excellency to inform the Resident of that Commonwealth at Constantinople of what the captain has done, " contrary to his agent's advice here," and to ask him to send orders to the said captain " to leave the French " and follow the agent's directions. 1 p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE SAME. 1662, Nov. 18. Aleppo. Further complaints in relation to the Emyn's claim to take his duty in kind. Concerning Mr. Lowther, Lannoy has laboured therein as for himself, and will continue to give Mr. Hartopp assistance until the Emyn pays him, which he believes will be very shortly. 1 pp. 225 THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1662, Nov. 23. Pera. Concerning the birth of his child (at whose baptism the German Resident cast about his neck a gold chain with a medal of the Emperor), the money given him by the Turkey Company, the money disbursed at Algier, &c. Sir Thomas Peyton informed me "of the danger my office of lieutenancy incurred by the Duke of Richmond, but [I] did not in the least suspect any secret or concealed contrivance in him against me, no more than I had reason to hope for so entire and seasonable friendship and favour from my Lord Chancellour ; and therefore the present made to him in my name of the Greeke Gospell I so well approve of, that I know not on whom it could have been bestowed or placed with more advantage." Your expedient of placing my lieutenancy in the Lord Treasurer's hands till my return, I heartily approve of, " being infinitely satisfied to have any charge or trust of mine reposed in so secure and able hands." The breach of peace between the Emperor and the Grand Signer seems every day more wide. It is murmured that if the Grand Signor marches next spring to the frontiers, the Vizier intends to demand the company of some Christian ambassador, "so as to be ready to interpose upon treaties and accommodations (as the like example was in the person of the English Embassadour, in the last warre with Germanic)." My desire to escape so troublesome an engagement will put me to oppose it to the utmost of my power, but when my denial can be no further safe, I must submit ; in which case I would gladly know of you whether I had not better send my wife to England rather than continue her here, in a barbarous and desolate country, during my absence with the Turkish Court ; which, how long it may be, one, two or three years, it is impossible to divine. The journey also would involve expense, the Grand Signer's allowance not clearing all charges, which I should not like to charge the Company with, yet have not power to impose upon his Majesty. I infinitely desire your advice and counsel. I have here an eagle's stone, from the Egyptian deserts near Lybia, which " for the virtue and rarity of it " I intend to present to your lady. I have also a mummy coming from Grand Cairo which I shall send to you to dispose of, either to his Majesty or my Lord Chancellor, as you think would be most acceptable. Postscript. Pray remind Mr. Jon. Dawes of the six " masty " dogs to be sent in my name to the Emperor of Germanie as I long since promised the Resident here. I am ashamed he has caused me to break my word by not sending them sooner. Letter Book, p. 304. 3| pp. THE SAME to THE LORD TREASURER. 1662, Nov. 27. Pera. Last May I told your Lordship of the men belonging to the frigate Anne who were taken Wt. 29495. TI 15 226 captive. I made complaints to the Vizier, but found that the business could not be justified on our side, or the men recovered by virtue of our capitulations. The Bassa of the Morea lately brought the men here, to sell them to the Turkish gallies. " I judged it too great a dishonour to mee to bee a spectator of these men's miseries, fallen into it in actuall service of his Majestie; and it would have beene esteemed a great neglect in mee to see these men [put] to the oar." I therefore bought them for 350?. ; a greater sum than I can reasonably bear, and pray you to tell his Majesty of it. If he would defray part, or the charity of generous persons would assist, I might then redeem all the other Englishmen here (some seven or eight) who must otherwise spend the rest of their days in this miserable condition. I am infinitely satisfied to have my Lieutenancy reposed in your Lordship's hands until my return, and I can only express my sense of your favour to me, hoping when I see you to demonstrate my respect more fully. Letter Book, p. 312. If pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD HOLLES, Ambassador to the King of France. 1662, Nov. 27. Pera. Congratulating him on his prefer- ment to that honourable embassy, and rejoicing that their Master's affairs are in the hands of so able and deserving a minister. As to the affairs of France at the Porte, the departure of M. La Haye, " caused upon the great affront and most unhumane indignitie in his owne person sustained," left the affairs of their merchants under the protection of one Roboli, an ordinary merchant, authorized as agent by the ambassador. The King of France has suggested sending M. La Haye's son, without either resenting the insult to his ambassador or demanding satisfaction. To this the Grand Signer assented, saying that his Porte was always open to receive any that were friendly with it, but gave the answer only by the hand of the Vizier, on the ground that the King had not an ambassador here. Whether the disgust of this or other matters have retarded the ambassador, I know not, but some of the most considerable of the French here desire that you would use your influence at their court, to show the need of having their trade protected by some more powerful person. " The affront is of that nature as would bee scandalous for his most Christian Majesty to smother without some open acknowledgment made, which will with much difficultie bee extorted from the haughtinesse of the Turkish spirit." yet some means may be thought of by those of power in this court, to reconsile the difference. For other news, I refer you to Sir Edw. Nicholas, it being, on this appearance of war with Germany, not safe to trust intelligence, except under a " character " [i.e. cipher]. Ibid. p. 316. 2 pp. 227 THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR ANDREW RICCABD. 1662, Nov. 27. Pera. Acknowledging the kindness of the Company, in conferring a gift of 2,000 dollars upon him, and especially thanking Sir Andrew, to whom as head and Governor of the Company he feels himself particularly indebted. Letter Book, p. 318. \ p. With note that he has written also to Mr. Pennyng, Mr. John Buckworth, Sir George Smith, Mr. Jonathan Dawes, Sir Thos. Bludworth, Mr. John Joliffe, &c. THE SAME to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1662, Nov. 27. Pera. Concerning the redemption of the men of the Anne and other captives. His servants and the merchants have been liberal beyond their abilities, but without help from England " other poor, slaves, that have endured twenty-five and thirty years slavery, will rue so entire an exhausting of our charity, which was in a good manner designed to them." Ibid. p. 315. 1 p. THE SAME to THE LORD CHANCELLOR. 1662, Nov. 27. Pera. Thanking him for his favour as regards the Lieutenancy of Kent. Has presumed to send him " the Greek Evangelists, the antientest that the Patriarch of Constantinople could with the most diligent inquisition and scrutiny procure in any of the monasteries or churches of Greece "; but not trusting to his own judgment, has asked Mr. Solicitor to decide whether so mean a present is worthy of his Lordship's acceptance. [The rest of the letter is about the men of the Anne.] Ibid. p. 316. f p. THE SAME to CAPT. JONAS POOLE, Commander of the Anne Frigate. 1662, Nov. 28. Pera. As the captain promised to contribute 200 dollars. " being 50/." towards the redemption of the men of his frigate, Lord Winchilsea has drawn a bill upon him to that amount. Ibid. p. 314. p. THE SAME to SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS. 1662, Nov. 28. Pera. On the prospect of war with the Emperor, the appeal of Prince Michael of Transylvania to represent the wretched state of his country to the English King, &c., &c. Is sending to England the men of the Anne whom he has redeemed, and, if assisted from England, hopes not to leave one Englishman a slave in Turkey. The ambassador extra- ordinary from Venice, Signer Capello, is dead, to the great loss of the Republic, as Signer Balarino " is not esteemed of 228 half the sincerity that this honourable person was." Letter Book, p. 308. 3 pp. [Original letter in S.P. Turkey, but dated Nov. 27.] Enclosing : A PAPER of INTELLIGENCE. The army of the Bassa of Darbiquier, marching to the country of the Curdi, seized a strong pass in the mountains, and demanded the surrender of Mortaza, who was accordingly given up and has been executed. And thus ended " tne most generous and daring spirit of this whole Empire." Transylvania is much harassed and distressed, the Bassa of Varadin having, by orders of the Porte, extended his forces to the midst of Transylvania, and subjecting all to his power. The Prince has demanded redress from the Vizier, but gets no comfortable answer. Preparations for war go actively forward. Ibid. p. 311. 1| pp. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA. 1662, Nov. 30. Aleppo. Four Portugal fathers have arrived here from Goa, sent with letters of importance to their King. They desired a passage on the Prosperous, Capt. Chamblett's ship, and I gave them a letter, assuring the captain that " it would be very acceptable to his Majesty that any of his subjects should serve his friends in such occasions." But Capt. Chamblett refused to receive them unless they first each paid him 20 dollars, and put in their own provisions ; and a Dutch ship being in port, bound also for Legorne, they embarked upon her. " Before I had notice of what was past, both Chamblett and the Dutch ship was departed, which, if I had knowne in time, I would rather have paid the fraight double myself than such an affront should have bin offered." Ten days ago, the Cappigee Bassa [Chamberlain] told the Christians that he was sent from Constantinople to do them justice, and that the 40 sacks of money taken from them should be restored, but first he expected his cazmet [fee]. Hearing from your chief druggerman that one Mahmud Aga had been sent, and finding this to be the Cappigee Bassa 's name, I sent to the Caddee saying I understood him to be the person appointed to do us justice, and desired an interview. At the Caddee' s house, he told my druggerman that he had orders to do justice to the Christians of the country but none concerning our factory ; that your Excellency's drugger- man had promised him orders from the Vizier, but never sent them. This has much perplexed us, and we pray you to procure us the relief you intended us. The Patriarchs have sent to tell me that being sent for by the Bassa's Chiau [steward], they went not themselves, but sent twelve Christians to know his pleasure. He demanded a hodgett, which they refused, 229 and asked them why they did not give the Cappigee Bassa his cazmet, to which they replied he had done nothing to deserve it. Upon which, he struck two of them with his handjarr [dagger], cut off the beards of two more, and his servants grievously beat the rest with bastones. Then he shut them up, but one of them leaped through a window into a yard, in sight of the Bassa, who inquired into the matter and released the men. The Caddee has promised them satisfaction, but they have not yet got it. All the ministers have tried to persuade the Christians to accommodate their difference with the Bassa, but oould not prevail, and now the latter has paid them their 40 sacks of money, and the Cappigee Bassa is returning to Constantinople. 4 pp. THE FACTORY AT ALEPPO to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662, Nov. 30. Expressing their disappointment that the Cappigee Bassa has come without any orders on their behalf, and their fear that his Excellency's druggerman has not managed the affair rightly. They beg his Excellency to procure exemplary justice to be done upon the Bassa, otherwise they will not only appear ridiculous but will be subjected " to the daily affronts and injuries of every inferiour rascall." They have sufficient evidence of his suborning witnesses, his force upon the consul's person, and the opprobrious language used by his servants, his very hangman following at the consul's heels and wishing the word were but given him to cut off his head, that he might put on his sable vest. 27 signatures. 2 pp. SIR HENEAGE FINCH to his son [DANIEL FINCH]. 1662, Dec. 2. Tuesday. " I shall be very glad to see you and your tutor at Christmasse, and am well pleased that you take care so to contrive your journey that it may bee without the loss of any of those publique exercises which are to bee performed, some before and some after the solemnity, . . . only I must lett you know that if you have any occasion to employ taylors or such like artificers, you will find yourself very much disappointed unless you come at least a week before Christmass. . . . " I am very sorry for your tutors indisposition, but hope it will not be such as to hinder him from bearing you company to Kensington, where he will find a house full of kindness for him, and no want of anything but good com- pany and a library. " You owe Dr. Busby a letter of thanks for all his care and kindness towards you, and it were pitty you should come to give him a visit at your return from Oxford and be putt to the blush for not having saluted him by a letter. His late ague, of which he is but newly recovered, will serve you 230 both for matter and excuse, and really you ought to look upon him with double veneration, who hath been tutor to your father. Your brothers do eagerly expect you, your mother prays for you, and so doth your ever loving father." 1 p. Two or three paragraphs from this letter are printed in " The History of Burley-on-the-Hill," p. 164. THE EARL OF WINCHILSBA to Sra HENEAGE FINCH. 1662, Dec. 9. Pera. Mr. John Lance of Marseilles, who takes care of my letters, solicits me about 30 pistols which my brother John borrowed from him, in his passage through that city homeward. When my commissioners are in arrears with my brother's annuity, I should have opportunity " to attach to the value of 30 pistols in their hands, which after may be legally recovered from them." Letter Book, p. 319. \ p. THE SAME to GAMALIEL NIGHTINGALE, at Aleppo. 1662, Dec. 10. Pera. Informing him of his ransom of the eleven men of the frigate Anne, " upon confidence " given him by the merchants at Constantinople (who themselves have been very liberal) " in the generous contribution of Aleppo and Smyrna." Has written a general letter to his Majesty's subjects in Aleppo and Scanderoon to join in a coUection towards so charitable a work and begs Nightingale, both by his example and influence, to forward the matter. Ibid. p. 320. 1 p. THE SAME to MUN BROWNE, at Aleppo. 1662, Dec. 10. On the same subject as the preceding. Thanks him for care in investing in silk on his behalf. Ibid. p. 321. f p. THE SAME to SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS. 1662, Dec. 16. Pera. On the preparations for war with the Emperor, and the chances of an accommodation. Also on the possibility of renewed hostilities with Venice, or a war with Poland. Ibid. p. 322. 1 p. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] THE SAME to WILLIAM Mico, at Leghorn. 1662, Dec. 18. Pera. Desiring him to provide him with a handsome horse-litter, after the Italian fashion, for his wife. It is to be light yet strong, very decent but not over costly, and lined either with crimson velvet or Russia leather. Ibid. p. 323. | p. THE SAME to SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS. 1662, Dec. 19. Pera. On Capt. Chamblet's ill-conduct towards the Portugal Friars from Goa (see p. 228 above). This 231 same captain last year brought over two tigers, presented to the King by an Armenian merchant of Ligorne. but " had th3 confidence to assume the honour of the present to himself, and so robb the other of his Majesty's thanks." Has done his best to hinder his journey with the Grand Signor, but now finds that his presence will be of much advantage to his Majesty's affairs. At his first coming, he found the honour of the Embassy, through the distractions in England, much decayed, but has now repaired it by getting into his hands the business of the Princes of Moldavia and Wallachia, and the protection of the Greek Church, which the Patriarchs of Constantinople, Jerusalem and Aleppo have earnestly recommended to him. He doubts not but shortly to have also the Venetian business touching a peace, and earnestly prays for a licence to act in the matter. All these things make it important for him to be with the Court, and he begs for his Majesty's resolution in the matter. Letter Book, p. 323. 2 pp. [Original letter in 8. P. Turkey.] CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA. 1662, Dec. 22. Smyrna. Relating a "foul deed" which had lately been done at Smyrna. One Philip Davies, some- time servant of Mr. Langley, quarrelled with Capt. Fastolfe of the Smyrna Factor about a wager, and finding him in Mr. Joseph Edwards' house, " after some few vile words given, fired a pistol att his face, being some three yards distant " but by God's mercy it missed him. Cave secured Davies, and kept him prisoner until the captain left the port, since which time he has been out on bond. Prays his Excellency's orders. 1 p. Seal of arms. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS. 1662-3, Jan. 1. Pera. We are now advised from the frontiers that things proceed forward on a treaty. Ussain Chaous, who has been detained so long at Vienna that he was believed to be a captive, has returned, accompanied by the Baron of Gower, sent by the Emperor as inter-nuncio, to receive further information of the Turkish demands. The Turks know that the differences between Italy and France have inclined the Emperor to their terms " and that the Pope hath need of the Emperors and the Catholick aid, not to defend him from them but from his Christian sonne, which fills them with much joy and curiosity . . . and [they] thinke their daily prayers for the disunion of the Christian Princes have their due effect." The Venetian minister, Balarino, lately proposed a division of the Isle of Candy, as the basis of a peace, but " received a quicke and scornfull answer that if the Venetians would resigne up Suda and Spina Longa, they would then hearken 232 to what may farther bee proposed. This, I conceive, was not offered upon any hopes of successe, but that they might a little appease the irritated spirits of the Turkes, by evidencing their inclinations and endeavours for peace." I have nothing to add, but to wish you a happy new year. Letter Book, p. 325. 1 p. CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662-3, Jan. 7. Smyrna. " . . . The three consuls here [English, French and Dutch] are troubled by the Caddee about a letter that is come from the Vizier Azim to pay the same ship duties to the Captaine Bashaw when hee is within the Castles as when hee is without. Wee have beene all before him, but absolutely deny the payment of any such duty, being against our capitulations. ... I conceive the letter is not of that force as the Caddee would make itt, there being a clause in itt to enquire if itt bee a custome that any such dutyes are payd ; . . . however, the Caddee in a hasty humour . . . sealed up the howses of the druggermen belonging to the three nations, but, upon our appearance, gave order for the unsealing. Hee is very high, threatening to pull downe our howses about our eares, but [I] beleeve if such extravagant actions as these bee complained of by us, hee will bee ashamed to owne them. Yesterday we gave him our unanimous answer . . . [that] if he proceede any further wee shall send our joynt complaint by an express." 1| pp. Seal of arms. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1662-3, Jan. 8. To the same effect as the above and urging his Excellency to endeavour that either " a severe check " be given to the Caddee or that he be removed. 1-|- pp. Seal of arms. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS. 1662-3, Jan. 9. Pera. Having occasion to visit the Vizier, to acknowledge his removal of the Bassa of Aleppo at my instance, I fell into discourse with some of the principal persons of his court concerning the prospect of an accommodation with the Emperor. They seem to rejoice that the war with Venice, which for some years past has been slowly and coldly prosecuted, would now be renewed with redoubled vigour, by sending two armies into Dalmatia. They expect, next summer, to take Cataro, where they design to build an arsenal, and thence to annoy Candy " and have a faire prospect into Italy." If the Venetians omit this opportunity to make peace, and the Court once departs to the wars, no propositions would be hearkened to ; the Grand Signor's coffers being now full enough for greater conquests than the Venetian territories in Candia and Dalmatia. 233 There is a report from Mecca that the English have committed some spoils on the Turks in the Red Sea. If it come to the Vizier it will create me a great deal of trouble, and I can only answer that it was done without my Master's knowledge, who will be ready to give due satisfaction by punishing the offenders. The same pilgrims tell a story of the surrender of Aden to the English, but I do not believe it. Advice has come that the Beys of Egypt have mutinied and clapt their Bassa into prison. Letter Book, p. 326. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to MAHOMET, BASSA OP ALEPPO. [1663,] January. Pera. Congratulating him upon his late victory over the enemy and his appointment as Bassa of Aleppo. Hopes to renew their old friendship by means of the English consul and merchants, to all of whom he has given orders to show every possible respect to his Excellency. Recommends the said consul and merchants to his protection, especially against the unjust demands of the Customer. Upon their appeal, the Vizier has given order for the redress of their grievances, as his Excellency will learn from the consul. Italian. Ibid. p. 327. 1 p. THE SAME to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1662[-3], Jan. 11. Pera. I begin to lay aside my fears of being summoned to attend this Court to the wars, as affairs with Germany are in a probable condition of composure. I wish I had here some other person of fidelity to whom I could entrust my business besides Ricaut my secretary (of whose faithfulness I have had two and a half years' experience), for if I had to send on urgent matters to England, I should be obliged to deprive myself of his services here, and should have no one to whom I could unburden my thoughts. He is not only my secretary but the steward of my house, and " so modest, discreet, able, temperate and faithfull to me, . . . that I have removed him from my steward's table to my owne, and use him more like a friend than a servant," and yet his carriage towards me is the same as when he stood at a greater distance. I have a great desire to confirm myself in my Lord Chancellor's favour, and shall make it my study to furnish him with the best manuscripts I can, by the assistance of the Patriarchs of Constantinople and Jerusalem, " to the first of which I have presented one of our great Bibles of six volumes in diverse tongues . . . receiving from both a singular respect and esteeme, as one who they are sufficiently assured can contribute much to their securitie and protection." Ibid. p. 328. 2 pp. THE SAME to COLONEL DETTI. 1662[-3], Jan. 11. Pera. Thanking him for his letter, and offering good wishes for the new year. Apologises for the 234 trouble he is giving his honour in procuring certain coins which he desires, and begs him not to inconvenience himselL as it is not a matter which requires haste. Italian. Letter Book, p. 332. I p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to his brother TORE, and the other COMMISSIONERS of his Estate. 1662-3, Jan. 13. Pera. Stating that before this reaches their hands, they will have received 600/., the disposing of which for his benefit he leaves to their prudence. If they can improve his estate in Yorkshire, he will send a considerable sum, but otherwise, he can improve his money better in Turkey than in England. Commends to them the stocking of Eastwell Park with mares and young colts, that when he returns he may not need to buy any for his own saddle or his servants. They may also buy some young beasts, so that he may stock his park himself, "and every year or two, having gained their growth, to sell them off and buy others " ; and he prays them to plant a nursery of fruit trees, cypresses, fir, chestnut, &c., that at his return, he may be " divertised in those employ- ments." Money for these charges shall be sent, but in the meantime, if there be opportunity to buy good bargains, they are to borrow the money. The old common meadow and cow pasture before Eastwell House, lately put into the park, may be stocked if they think fit ; in any case they are to make no more hay there, unless sure that the ground will not be impoverished thereby. If stock is needed for the low lands at Wotton, or they judge it necessary to build any farms there, or to improve it "by inclosure, draining, plowing, or burning any part thereof, and sowing it with cole or rape-seed," he will take care that they are furnished with monies. Ibid. p. 332. H PP- CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662-3, Jan. 13. Smyrna. Giving the substance of a letter received from the Levant Company (dated Oct. 11, 1662)* in relation to " the sequestration upon Mr. Masters' estate." 1 p. MUN BROWNE [treasurer at Aleppo] to THE SAME. 1662-3, Jan. 20. Aleppo. Stating that all the factory have contributed to the redeeming of the eleven English slaves. The sum of about 500 lion dollars will shortly be forwarded to his Excellency. | p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE SAME. 1662-3, Jan. 21. Aleppo. Their Bassa is made Bassa of Caranania, and has departed with much grandezza. Is now * See Gal. S.P. Dom., under this date. 235 going to apply for arrs [certificate] against him, but doubts whether the Caddee will so contradict his former conduct as to grant it. With postscript, dated Jan. 26, stating that their new Bassa is expected in a few days. 1| pp. Seal of arms. THE EARL OF WENCHTLSEA to SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS. 1662-3, Jan. 28. Pera. " When I first understood you had resigned your office and retired to a more quiet and reposed course of life, I could not but conceive myself greatly concerned, in loosing the benefit of that satisfaction which your councell and correspondence have allwayes brought mee. Yet the consideration of the losse I sustaine hereby shall not cause mee to repine at the repose and felicitie your retire- ment and ease from the burdens of State afford you, but shall heartily wish that you may live many yeares to enjoy the comfort of that fame and renowne amongst all good men, which your loyaltie, wisdome and other vertues have made the fruit and reward of your long care and industry." I pray you to put your successor, Sir Henry Bennet, in mind to afford me the same intercourse by letters, and if anything I have written to you is necessary for his information, to be pleased [not] to leave him ignorant thereof. And though I know your design is to disentangle yourself from the encum- brances of the world, yet I shall not be so unmindful of our friendship as not sometimes to assure you of it. Letter Book, p. 335. 1 p. THE SAME to SIR HENRY BENNET, Secretary of State. 1662-3, Jan. 28. Pera. Assuring him of the " grateful reception " which the news of his appointment has met with at Constantinople ; congratulating him on his promotion, and praying him to continue the correspondence always held by Sir Edward Nicholas. Ibid. p. 336. \ p. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] THE SAME to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1662-3, Jan. 29. Pera. The Turkey Company wishes to interpose with a judicial authority in the cause depending before me between Mr. Masters of London and Mr. Edwards of Smyrna ; to take off the sequestrations laid on Masters' estate, and to remove the cause to London, a course I no ways dislike, but it is strange that they should no better consult their charter than to imagine they have power to over-rule my judicial proceedings in Turkey. I fear my former condescensions have encouraged them, and that they try " whether my easy nature will disgest such usages, that so they may prepaire a way for the future, to bind up Embassadours in covenants not to act in the most trivial I matters what shall not first be approved of ... in the Court of 236 Assistants, and so make them solely theirs, and not the ministers of his Majestic." But as I have made it my maxim, according to your advice, to maintain a good understanding with the Company, I have taken no notice of this occasion of displeasure, but on the contrary have tried to persuade Mr. Edwards to follow his suit in London, though I have not yet used any compulsion to constrain him to relinquish the advantage he has here. I leave it to you to discover to the Company the rashness of their commission to the Smyrna consul in this business, as their great opinion of you will make them sooner sensible of it than my most solid reasons. Letter Book, p. 337. 1 p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662[-3], Jan. 31. Aleppo. Stating that " the three patriarchs of the Christians " have been with him as deputies from their people, in the first place to offer their thanks to his Excellency for his heroical and pious aid, by whose means alone they obtained exemplary justice to be done on the late Bassa, and forty sacks of money restored to them ; and, secondly, to pray him to secure them from such sufferings in the future by procuring a Tiattasheriffe from the Grand Signor, declaring their past oppressions to be illegal and commanding that they shall cease for ever. Urges his Lordship to comply with their desire, by which he will not only give happiness to no less than 10,000 souls (" though that is a secret and scarce communicable ") but to the endless posterity which shall descend from them. 1| pp. Seal of arms. THE VICAR OF THE HOLY LAND to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, [Jan . 3 l-]Feb. 10. Jerusalem. Offering to his Excel- lency the same models as are enumerated in the letter of April 3-13, 1662, above (the wording being almost exactly the same*). In speaking of the brook Cedron, there is added, "where when he was taken on the night of his bitter passion, the treacherous Jews dragging him hurriedly along a very stony way, and he falling upon the stones, he left the impress of his most sacred knees, legs, hands, arms and other parts of his body, and especially the prints of his sacred feet. Italian. 1 p. SIR HENEAGE FINCH [Solicitor-General] to his son [DANIEL FINCH, at Oxford]. [1663, Jan. ?] ' You have so pleased your mother by the large itinerary you sent her, that shee proposes to return you an answer of great kindness by the hands of Dr. Bayns, whom you will see ere long. The verses you sent me are as good philosophy as poetry, and contayn excellent sense in very apt * Both letters are, however, quite clearly dated ; and also endorsed with their respective dates by Ricaut. 237 and significant expressions, which are the true ingredients of every wise and commendable discourse. But because this seems to mee to bee an incredible improvement of your parts in three months, I hope you will keep a copy, as I do, for you have raysed in mee a quarterly expectation of the like progress ; I wish you may make it good. " I would have an account of all your publique exercises, which I expect you should always perform in your turn, nor will I admitt of any excuse, for though others who are less disposed to study may take your forwardness in ill part, yet I presume nothing shall weigh with you more then the satisfaction of my desires. Bee sure to be present at all disputacions in the Hall, whither the fellow commoners seldome came in my time, and study the question beforehand, for one argument of your own choosing, out of those books which write upon the question, will be better managed by you then any argument which your tutor can putt into your head. " In the last place, I must advise you to that without which all your study, and your life too, is to no purpose ; that is, a serious care to serve God in your heart, who hath delivered you from so many sicknesses, bestowed so many blessings on you, and done you good all your life long. . . . Above all, study to value and blesse Him for His spirituall mercy es, which will be a necessary meditation to prepare you for the Sacrament, and I hope you intend to receive with the next opportunity." I wish you to present your tutor with 51. a quarter, " whose paynes I shall not look upon as discharged by any reward which you can give." I have just received another letter from you, with two to your brothers enclosed, " which I opened, and like well your stile and your kindness to them. There cannot bee too great an affection between brothers, and therefore I do exceedingly commend these beginnings. If your tutor would not suffer you to bear his charges, you must find some way to supply it by a present of greater value. Your mother and I intend shortly to go into Kent for eight or ten days." 2 pp. Printed (mostly) in Miss Finch's " History of Burley on the Hill " (perhaps from a draft or copy, as there are verbal differences and it is dated " Friday, Jan. 26." This date however, must have been written in error, as Jan. 26 did not occur on a Friday while Daniel Finch was at College}. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662-3, Feb. 1. Aleppo. Has used his utmost endeavour with the factory concerning the oath required by the Levant Company, and has read them his Excellency's letter. Hopes by his next to announce their compliance, but if any refuse he will not fail to put his Excellency's warrant in execution. 1 p. Seal of arms. 238 CONSUL CAVE to THE SAME. 1662-3, Feb. 2. Smyrna. " ... I render your Excellency humble thanks, both from myself e and rest of subscribers, that you are pleased to accept of that little charity wee freely gave towards the redemption of our poore countrymen, and I am very much troubled that neither your Excellencies persuasion to so charitable an act nor our example could prevayle with the rest to follow. . . . " I shall send to the French Consul! to lett him know I shall bee ready to bee assistant to him for the recovery of theire Jesuitts convent. Our Caddee is departed from this place. I hope a better in his roome will come ; a worse wee cannot have. ..." 1| pp. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662[-3], Feb. 4. Aleppo. Has had audience of the new Bassa, who was very friendly, and promised the factory all protection and good usage. The whole factory have declared themselves willing to take the oath demanded by the Company, but the most part " desired time to consider of that form which the Company had sent." Some money having come for the factory by the Virgin, he has detained " out of each factor's money refusing the Company's oath 20 per cent, untill he comply." Capt. Herbert of the Virgin has taken the oath, and orders have been sent to Mr. Loe, his Majesty's marine factor at Scanderoon, for all English masters and pursers of ships coming there to do so. 1 p. Seal of arms. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1662[-3], Feb. 5. Aleppo. Those who have taken the oath as it stands are Messrs. Mun Browne, Henry Hunter, Thos. Whincop, Arthur Pyne, Sam. Broad and Robert Priaulx. \ p. Seal of arms. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1662[-3], Feb. 7. The French consul, Signer Baron, has been summoned to wait upon the King of France at Paris, and is to leave his brother, Signer Pieter Baron, as his deputy. Expects a visit from him on the morrow and will learn all he can. It is given out that it is to have his advice in matters of trade ; but conceives there may be a war intended. 1 p. Seal of arms. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1662[-3], Feb. 16, Aleppo. The Bassa (who is about to start for Constantinople) has refused permission to the French Consul to leave without the Grand Vizier's consent. Has remonstrated with the Bassa, by M. Baron's request, telling 239 him that he cannot well refuse his consent when a proper deputy has been appointed ; but he will not yield unless the Consul gives him a further present, which he refuses to do. 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to HENRY BROWNE at Ligorne. 1662-3, Feb. 16. Pera. " That my cousin Finch and Dr. Baines were againe heard of, and proceeded in their journey towards Italy as farre as Lions was a strange noveltie to mee. I thought indeed they were out of the world, and resolved wholy to forget their friends, that their friends might as justly forget and neglect them. For since my departure out of England, now two yeares and a half agoe, I have not received one line or syllable from them, either in answer to my letters I am assured were delivered them, nor in correspondence to some tokens and demonstrations of my affection I made to Dr. Baines, which were neither beneath his acceptance nor his acknowledgment." I shall not write to congratulate their arrival in Italy, but if they at last think me deserving of a letter, I will answer it ; " but pray advise them, that it will be no sollecisme nor breache of the punctualitie is used in Italy, if I take as much time to returne answere to their letters as allready they have taken to answere mine." Letter Book, p. 341. 1 p. CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662-3, Feb. 21. Smyrna. A Ragusean ship has come in under my protection. Mr. Edwards thinks some part of the consulage his due, but this idea can be grounded only upon your Excellency's favour, for "neither French nor Dutch consul allow anything of consulage to the factor, though the ship comes wholly consigned to him." He may write that he procured the ships to come under English protection, but that is not true, as the Raguseans are a people quick to see what is for their own advantage, and ill-usage made them leave the French. l pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to the PRINCE OF WALLA CHIA. 1662-3, Feb. 22 s.v. Pera. Thanking him for the letters brought by Signer Spataro, who has also delivered to him. on his Highness' behalf, thirty silver coins, which, being antique and ancient are most welcome to him. Their engraved effigies shall sooner be worn away than the memory of such benefits and tokens of friendship shall fade from his mind. And that no kindness on the part of his Highness might be wanting, he has also received the invitation to be present at the nuptials of Signer Spataro. but begs to be allowed to send his secretary as his substitute, who in his name may discharge all offices, and offer his good wishes to the bridal pair. Latin. Letter Book, p. 344. \ p. 240 THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to COLONEL DETTT. 1662-3, Feb. 22 s.v. Pera. Has received his letter by the hands of Signor Spataro, together with the ancient coins, for which he has already rendered his thanks to the Prince ; as also he now offers especial gratitude to his Excellency for his assistance in the matter. Puts himself entirely into his Excellency's hands as regards the business related to him by Signor Marcellini, to whom he refers himself to give a further account. Italian. Letter Book, p. 345. | p. THE SAME to SIR HENRY BENNET. 1662-3, Feb. 24. Pera. The Grand Signor goes to Adrian- ople and the Vizier to Belgrade about the equinoctial. Ishmael, Bassa of Buda is to be Chimacham, or the Vizier's deputy here. It is he who some years past executed the barbarous order of the late Vizier Cuperli on the son of M. La Haye the French ambassador, " striking out with his fist, by help of his ring, two of his teeth." This M. La Haye is said to be coming to succeed his father in the Embassy, " where he will find his old friend the first to recompense his former discourtesie by more kind and civill usage, and that ring which sealed his mouth will be employed in sealing orders and commands for his due reception. . . . The most judicious admire that the King of France should so highly resent the ill-treatment of his Embassadours by his spirituall father the Pope, and father-in-law the King of Spain, and yet winke at so apparent a violation of the law of nations committed by infidells to the great scandall of Christendome. This the Turks discourse with scorne and pleasure, and feed their fancies with high expectations that the entrance of the French into Italy will prepare a way to accomplish their old prophesie of becoming masters of Rome, where the Turkish Empire shall arrive to the height and meridian of all its glory." The treaty with the Emperor is almost concluded, but those well acquainted with the Turks cannot believe that their vast preparations for war are only designed for the conquest of the few Venetian fortresses in Dalmatia, or that the Turks are so " ignorant of their advantage as to let slip such an opportunitie as the entrance of the French into Italic, wherein they are well advised the House of Austria is not meanly concerned." I wish they may not be only deluding the Emperor until the army be met in a body and the forts resigned, with intent then to make further demands to which he could not consent. I have received his Majesty's letter stating that Mr. John Erlisman is made consul or agent of Tunis and desiring me to procure his confirmation ; in obedience whereto without " disputing " my own right as ambassador and by commission to dispose of the consulates I have procured Mr. Erlisman his barat from the Grand Signor, being ready not only 241 to resign my rights but my life itself to his Majesty ; but I pray you to inform him that the disposal of consulates in Turkey without my knowledge and consent is a diminution of the power which all ambassadors here have had. Since writing the above, I am informed by the German Resident that the last article of the treaty is now settled, yet the preparations for war continue. " The 17th of this instant was set forth the horse tayle, which is the signe or token that in a month the Grand Signor intends to depart." Signor Capello, late ambassador extraordinary from Venice, on his death-bed recommended to my care the transporting of his corpse to the sepulchre of his predecessors. I accord- ingly received it into my house, and was about to have it conveyed for Venice, but am obstructed by Signor Balarino either out of envy to me or malice to the dead, and so must wait another opportunity. Letter Book, p. 338. 3 pp. {Original in 8.P. Turkey.} THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIB WILLIAM MORICB. 1662-3, Feb. 24. Pera. Concerning the appointment of Mr. Erlisman, the removal of the Court, and the treaty with the Emperor, to the same effect as in the letter to Sir H. Bennett, above. The Grand Signor is " extraordinary impatient " to get to Adrianople, because of the great abundance of game, " and recreation he finds there in hunting." Ibid, p. 342. \l p. THE SAME to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1662-3, Feb. 24. Pera. The Grand Signor is making great preparations for his march to Adrianople. His tents " are lined with sattin and silver and gold twist," and cost 180,000 dollars. " The peace with Germany, which wee thought was once neere a conclusion, is now like to breake out into warre. The preparations are very vast, but the janizaries and horsemen, through a long peace, are become very effeminate, mutinous and unexperienced." My company with the camp is likely to be excused. As Ricaut may have to go to England, I desire to have another secretary to supply his place when away, " and besides, it was alwayes customary for all Embassadours of this place to have two." I pray you to seek me one " who is very able and temperate, and if possible of a good family ; one that writes well Lattin, and if hee can, Italian also. ... To such an one I shall willingly give forty, fifty or sixty pounds sterling a yeare or more, as you can agree." ... I pray, before he departs, present him to my Lord Chancellour, my Lord Treasurer, and the Secretaries of State, to receive their commands." Ibid, p. 343. 1 p. Wt. 29495. Fi 10 242 THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE EARL OF LESLY, at Vienna. 1662-3, Feb. 24. Pera. Your Lordship's most grateful letter tells me that the Emperor " graciously accepted the patronage of my young sonne, to whose service I have wholly consecrated him, and joyne with your Lordship's wishes to see him in the Imperiall army, a stout defendour of his Majesties and the Christian interest. . . . " For matter of the secrecy of the treatie betweene his Majestic and the Turks, I am not intimate to them [sic]," but the great preparations and the speedy departure of the Grand Signor with his camp and artillery towards Adrianople makes everyone suspect that it will end in war, " to which the entrance of the French into Italy, if they proceed, will give the Turkes a considerable encouragement. And if your Lordship will have my opinion, I conceive the Turks are resolved upon a warre, and I wish his Majestie's territories are not the prize they aime at." I shall be able to provide you with Arab horses by means of the English merchants at Aleppo, where are better than any to be found hi Egypt, and will give orders for two " as far as 300 or 400 crownes a horse " as your Lordship hath prescribed. Letter Book, p. 345. 1| pp. THE SAME to SIGNOR ANDREA CAPELLO, at Venice. 1662-3, Feb. 24. Pera. Lamenting the death of his brother, Signor Giovanni Capello, informing him of his endeavours to carry out the wishes of the deceased in relation to his body, which endeavours had been foiled per I'arte diabolicha di qualche spirito maligno, but hoping that with these letters, his Excellency will receive the bones of his beloved and much esteemed brother. Italian. Ibid, p. 347. 1 p. SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662-3, Feb. 29 [sic]. Charing Crosse. Yours of the 27th of Nov. last found me in a fit of the gout which hath kept me about seven weeks in my chamber, whence I doubt, I shall not be able to go for some time. " By my former letter, written in November or December last, I acquainted your Lordshipp that the King hath bene pleased to ease me of my laborious place of Secretarie of State, gratefying me in a most gracious manner for my former f aithfull services, to my abundant contentment and satisfaction, and hath made Sir Henry Bennet Secretarie in my place . . . Since the loth of October last (when I resigned upp my place) I have not meddled with any business belonging to the services of State, and I have now (out of my affecion to serve your Lordshipp) sent this your last dispatch to Mr. Secretarie Bennet, desiring him to know his Majesties 243 pleasure, and to send your Lordshipp his Majesties orders thereupon. . . . " The King is pleased to continue me still one of his privy Councell, and if in that capacity I may be able to serve your Lordshipp, I shall with much affection embrace the occasion and obey all your Lordshipps commands, but the truth is, I grow so infirme of health, as I am meditating to retire after some tyme to live in the country, and to prepare myself (after soe many various changes as I have scene in this world) for a better world, where there is noe change. The Kings affaires here and in all his three kingdomes, are (God be praysed) in a very happy and peccable condicion. The treaty with the States of the Netherlands was concluded in September last ; and that with Algiers, Tunis and Tripoly is likewise perfected by Sir John Lawson, but those of Algiers have broken it in some particulars alreddy, soe very faithlesse they are, which I suppose the Grand Seigneur will much dislike, when he shalbe acquainted with it. The Parliament is now here sitting, and precedes with all duty to his Majesties commands." Holograph. 2 pp. Seal of arms. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662[-3], March 3. Aleppo. An express has come from the new President in India, Sir George Oxinden, who reached Surat on Sept. 18. " The Earle of Marleburgh and Sir Abraham Shipman, with his Majesty's ships Dunkirck, Leopard, Mary Rose and pinnis Chestnut were there arrived. The Convertine was daily expected . . . the men in good condition. According to his Majesties commission they demanded the surrender of the Island of Bombay from the Portugall Vice-roy, who denyes its surrender upon frivolous pretences of defects in the instruments Sir Abraham brought out. . . . Sir Abraham Shipman hath since bin at Goa, to deliver his Ma'jesties letters to the Governors there, who, with their Councell, have given their consents under their hands for its delivery ; notwithstanding which, the Vice-roy will not deliver the island ; so that my lord of Marleburgh, in prosecution of his commission is designed for England with his Majesties ship, which the President will indeavour to lade, leaving the souldiers upon an island not many leagues from Goa untill further orders. . . . " The Dutch are now againe besieging Couchin both by sea and land, and will (as they write me from India) certainely carry it, they having great force. Their insolency still continues to the dishonour of our nation and damage to the East India Company." In October last the President sent the Hopewell down that coast with a considerable stock to the Company's factors at Porcat ; the said cargo to be " invested into pepper " to lade another of his Majesty's ships, while the Hopewell was to receive such goods as were ready there, and return to Surat. But the Dutch, meeting the Hopewell on the way, near Couchin, 244 would not suffer her to proceed, " so that for want of the goods of those factoryes, the President doubts his Majesties ships will goe home dead fraighted. . . . There hath bin a generall report for some months of the death of the King of India, but he is at present living, and the country in peace. The Dutch have had but coarse entertainement at that Court, and were returning back from thence without effecting anything." The King of Persia still refuses to answer the Company's letters concerning their right of customs. The affront offered his Majesty by the Portugals, and the insolency of the Dutch, are so much to our dishonour in those eastern parts, that " the Dutch send it flying as farr and as fast as they can." If pp. Seal of arms. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to his brother TOKE and the other Commissioners. 1662-3, March 4-14. Pera. To the same effect as that on p. 234 above. Will be able to send home 1,0001. during the next twelve months, and desires their advice what is best to do with it. Wishes his gardens and park to be as well kept in his absence as if he was there, and must have a good gardener. They need not stick at five or ten pounds a year more wages, so that the gardens be well looked after, and his plantations also. Letter Book, p. 348. 1 p. THE SAME to the EMPEROR. 1662-3, March 11. Offering thanks for the gold medal, with the Emperor's portrait, sent to his infant son, and expressing his determination to dedicate the boy to his Imperial Majesty's service. Latin. Ibid. vol. ii.* p. 1. SIR HENEAGE FINCH to his son [DANIEL FINCH]. 1662[-3], March 17. Tuesday. Directions concerning his " quarterage " and money matters. ' You may discharge your dancing master when you please. I think you did very ill to entertayn him at all in the mornings ; it was never your mother's meaning nor mine that you should loose an hours study for him. My chief cares and desires for you are that you may prove a knowing and a vertuous man, that which the town calls a fine gentleman being to my under- standing rather a libell then a commendation. The languages of Greek and Latin are no part of learning themselves, but only help to it ; they serve as keys to open those treasures of wisdome and knowledg which ly buryed in ancient authors. Learning consists in the knowledge of things, and not of words, else every schoolmaster would be as good as a philosopher. Labour therefore to improve your judgment, * The second Letter Book begins at this date. 245 not your phansy, else you will quickly meet wiser men then your selfe who never went farther then English. And because you are master of a great library for a young scholler, let me give you one advice more. Have a care of too much wantonness and variety in reading. The Italians have a proverb that a man ought to take heed of that man who reads but one book, meaning that he who reads but little, and thoroughly digests it, is most likely to prove a solid and judicious person. " I have not yet spoke to Dr. Allestree about your Easter preparations, but I will do. In the mean time, I pray hearken to your tutor's directions and use the helpes of such good books as you have." 1 p. [Extracts from this letter are given in " The History of Burley- on-the-Hitt," p. 165.] CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1662-3, March 20. Smyrna. Has received a letter from the Company (of date Jan. 22) ordering him " to administer the oath anew " to the factory. Five only have taken it, the rest declaring they had done so already. Prays orders how to proceed. 1 p. SIR HENRY BENNET to THE SAME. 1662[-3], March 23. Whitehall. His Majesty having honoured me with the succession to Sir Edward Nicholas, your lordship's letter of Nov. 27 past has been put into my hands. His Majesty approves very much of your comportment in that embassy, and the merchants seem much satisfied with your care and countenance of them. As to the good offices desired for Prince Michael Apaphi, his Majesty much commiserates his condition, as a prince and a Christian, but cannot, upon so general a knowledge, give you any directions, and so leaves it to your discretion to use his royal name as far as you shall think fit, as also to forbear or pursue your attendance on the Grand Signer, according as public affairs and your own domestic convenience shall allow, supposing that if the merchants require it, they will be willing to furnish you thereto. If that be done to your satisfaction, it cannot but be for his Majesty's honour that you pursue the journey, as both the Grand Signer's ministers and the Emperor's Resident desire it. As for an allowance for intelligence, I shall see what hath formerly been done, and very willingly be your solicitor to procure the same or more, if there be cause for it. In like manner, I shall willingly join with Mr. Solicitor in procuring you satisfaction for the money you so charitably laid out for release from captivity of eleven prisoners taken out of one of his Majesty's frigates. Herewith you will receive 9 ratifications of the three treaties made by Sir John Lawson with Tunis, Argiers and Tripoli, 246 as also three originals signed by them, " which being looked upon as exceedingly beneficial and advantageous to the trade and commerce of these his Majesty's kingdoms," he desires (according to the enclosed letter) may have the Grand Signor's ratification "in the same manner his Majesty hath ratified them here, the language excepted, which it is judged will be more effectual if it be in Turkish." You are to take great care to get an exact translation (in which the Turks at Argiers have been found unfaithful), and to use all possible means to procure the ratification. [Here follow directions for the distribution of the ratifications, when obtained.] If, however, the Porte refuses to enter into the ratifications, " you are to make the least noise possibly you can of it, for the ill-fame it will have," and to this end, the more secrecy used in the transaction the better. Signed. Draft and copy of this in S.P. Turkey. 5 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS. 1663, March 30. Pera. " By private letters and common diurnalls I received the intelligence of your resignation of your office, before assured thereof by your owne hand. I must confesse before I was otherwise informed from you I could not believe it possible that any thing besides your owne choice, sicknesse or death could have made a separation betweene you and that office in which you have had so many yeares practise and experience. I must confesse, as one who is your reall friend, with whom I have contracted an experience of some yeares, I am sorry it is so fell out ; and yet as you doe, I remaine fully satisfied in his Majestie's determination and pleasure. I speake not this in any derogation to the worthy gentleman who succeeds you, whose abilities for any thing I heare are equall to the greatest and most important affaires of state. And though Sir, I shall not bee so frequent nor troublesome in my letters, which were formerly due to your place and employment, yet I shall still continue my correspondence with you to give you some times assurances that I still retaine the same respect and affection for you." Letter Book, ii, p. 3. f p. THE SAME to DR. THOMAS BAINES. 1663, March 30. Pera. " I have at length received yours of the llth of February, which I must esteeme the more because it is the only token of your kindnesse that in my two yeares and a half's absence from England I have received, and the only evidence I have to show of your remembrance of mee. And therefore I am the more curious of it and place it amongst those papers and rarities which I judge the more estimable because scarce and with most difficultie to bee attained. I was, I must confesse, once allmost angry with , you, but this letter hath wholy pacifyed mee, and without the mediation of my wife I can freely tell you I am reconciled. 247 Yet if you intend to have a plenary indulgence and pardon, you must performe the penance of a pilgrimage to Constantinople. And then I shall wholy absolve you and account your other omissions made good and satisfyed by this meritorious action. And though I cannot assure you of finding here the rarities and quaintnesse of Italy, yet here may bee some thing worthy your time and observation. Howsoever, you shall not want a good and hearty wellcome." Letter Book, ii, p. 3. J p. THE EARL OF WENCHILSEA to his cousin, SIR JOHN FINCH. 1663, March 30. Pera. " Having had no letters from you in two yeares and a half's time after my departure out of England, I could not but then beginne to thinke it time to make complaints and resentments of it to some friends. I would faigne have framed excuses for you in myself, but I could fancy none but that of miscarriage, and that is so vulgar a pretence of those who are thus unkind and neglectful of their friends that it tooke very little credit or impression in all. Howsoever, as soone as I received yours of the 20th of January my good nature was immediately overcome and I beganne to forget all the unkindnesse could bee thought on by your former omission, and whatsoever you came short of in my former expectations was now fully made good and satisfyed by this letter. . . . And now I want nothing but your advice touching the preservation of my health (which I thanke God is perfect at present) and that you would send mee such things out of the Duke's fonderia as are good against poyson and the plague etc., such as hee some times gives to persons of qualitie. His kindnesse to mee herein I shall some way or other deserve. " I doe wish not only for my sake but also for your owne that you would see Constantinople before going into England. . . . This city with the glory of this great Empire I hold much better worth seeing then all Italy, only I confesse the latter to bee a better country in respect of the society of wise men to live in. But yet this in all other respects exceeds that, and with my owne eyes found the vast Thracian plaines to excel! all others I have yet seene. In case you should resolve upon a journey heither, give mee as speedy notice as is possible, and which way you designe, that I may send commands from the Grand Signer and other things for your more honourable reception. And if you have a desire to see any thing in this country, I assure you that none ever had a better advantage than you. For besides my power with the court, I am also Protectour of Jerusalem, and if you will returne by land into England through Poland, I shall bee able to serve you in that manner that I dare assure you you shall bee better received and more honnoured than any of your quality that hath passed that way under the degree of an ambassadour. 248 When I arrived first here my expences were vast, but now though I live better than any of my predecessours yet I beginne to lay up money. And as to my Master's power here, I doe assure you that it is more than all the other of the representa- tives have together, and that I have the best interpreters of any here, which is a great matter. " For newes I have not time to say much, and some things I dare not write without a character [i.e. cipher]. Yet I believe that you will heare speedily that the warre will breake out betweene the two Emperours. For the differences arise more and more, and all the souldiers of the Empire which can bee spared are ordered to march to Belgrade with all speed. Some things I may hence forward impart to you of great concernment, but you must then take the paines to make and send me a character." Letter Book, ii, p. 4. 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR J[EREMY] SMITH. 1663, March 30. Pera. Congratulating him on succeeding Sir John Lawson in the command of the Mediterranean fleet. " I am sensible that the awe those pirates of Barbary conceive at the sight of the frigates under your command will bee at all times more availeable than any commands or paper injunc- tions from this Court. And therefore when the rod you keep over them will not oblige them to maintain their honesty and faith, I shall then despair to see them reduced by the mere respect and obedience to their Emperor." Pray acquaint me with any novelties you encounter, and of the behaviour of the pirates. Ibid. p. 6. | p. THE SAME to RICHARD COLSTON, English Consul at Marseilles. 1663, March 30. Pera. Stating that in future he shall trouble him with the forwarding of his letters, not from any ill feeling to Mr. Lance, but because the consul is the more proper person to have things of public concernment pass through his hands. Ibid. p. 6. | p. THE SAME to THOMAS FOTHERBY. 1663, March 30. Pera. Acknowledging Lady Finch's honourable resolutions " not to leave Moat a naked farme." It was never in his thoughts that she " would exceed the compasse of her deceased lord's commands, or was ignorant of her owne power and right," and, though he thought it fit to remind her of her lord's own words, he begs Fotherby to assure her of his great esteem and honour. Ibid. p. 7. | p. Also, a like letter to his steward Martin. Ibid. p. 1. % p. THE SAME to JOSEPH WILLIAMSON. 1663, March 30. Pera. Thanking him for his letter, and assuring him of the satisfaction with which he looks forward to 249 a correspondence, both with Sir Henry Bennet and himself. Letter Book, ii , p. 8. p. [Original letter in S.P. Turkey.]* THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to JOHN PBESTWOOD. 1663, March 30. Pera. Thanks him for his accounts of matters in relation to the Levant Company and congratulates him on being chosen an assistant. Is much pleased with the orders they last sent for the regulation of their trade ; and their sense of his good management of their affairs gives him encouragement to proceed. If they would make their last year's present of 2,000 dollars an annual allowance it would still further stimulate him in his care of their affairs. Ibid. p. 9. 1 p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, April 4. Aleppo. Since my last, Mr. John Sheppard and Thomas Stanton have submitted and taken the Company's oath. " Most of the rest that are yet to take it are gone to visitt Jerusalem, and may returne by the end of the next month." I hope the command your Excellency has obtained for us in reference to our Emyn may stand us in good stead, but the new Emyn being at Stamboul, may I fear, procure one to the contrary of a younger date, for by such ministers they are easily obtained. 1| pp. Seal of arms. SIR HENEAGE FINCH to his son [DANIEL FINCH]. 1663, April 7. Tuesday. I send this by Dr. Allestree, " to lett you know that I have prevayld with the worthy doctor to bestow some discourse upon you in order to your preparations for Easter, which I wish may bee accompanyd with as many blessings as I know how to pray for. Nothing can make you truely wise but such a religion as dwells upon your heart and governs your whole life. . . . Bee sure you pay all reverence to this good doctor, who intends to afford you very great assistance in your other studies. . . . " Your Aunt Clifton hath a sonne. Remember my service to your tutor, have a care of your health, loose not the reputation which I am told you have gayn'd of diligence and sobriety." Holograph. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR WILLIAM MORICE, Secretary of State. 1663, April 7. Pera." The foregoing of the 24th of February is a coppie of my last, since which is come to my hands your courteous letter of the 29th of March of the last yeare. It was very long in coming, but I assure you, Sir, when it did arrive it was received with as much affection and * There is no letter from WmchiUea amongst the State Papers betweou this date and June 9. . 250 cheerefullnesse as is correspondent to the very great respect and honour I beare towards you. I was once of an opinion that all letters of publick ministers from abroad were mutually communicable between both Secretaries, but since I understand that though the correspondence may be amicable yet there may want equall freedome in communicating advises, I shall for the future bee more frequent and particular in my dis- courses to you, and as an earnest hereof send you at present the inclosed intelligence, which is what occurres of most importance and moment, and is all besides my hearty wishes and prayers for your happinesse and prosperitie." Letter Book, p. 14. p. Enclosing Intelligence. [Of which the copy actually sent is S.P. Turkey.] THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIB HENEAGE FINCH. 1663, April 7. Pera. I formerly told you of my apprehension that I might have to accompany the court to the frontiers, but I have contrived an ingenious and handsome excuse with no dissatisfaction to the Vizier. The court is now on its way, and I remain in my wonted station. I am now in a thriving condition and in a fair way for paying my debts, being resolved before I -leave this employment to see myself freed of all encumbrances, and " to have no after game to play at my returne." A very civil letter from Sir Andrew Riccard tells me that they are well satisfied with what I have done, and that all matters of misunderstanding are now to be left to your arbitrement, with which I am so well contented that I shall refuse no penalty determined by your award. [Renews his request for the 2,000 dollars yearly.] Now, whilst I am writing, yours of the 21-31 of January comeS to my hand. Your excuses for not writing are very satisfactory ; I know the multitude of your avocations ; and if you afford me so much of your leisure as to read my letters, and give me, in return, your counsel and advice, " I shall judge I have a large proportion of your time." Since I have evaded accompanying the court to the wars, the matter concerning my wife's return to England is out of question, " and the reflections I made before your letter arrived on the same arguments and censures of the world, which you happily concur in, make me resolve on no terms whatsoever to deprive myself of so much consolation as I enjoy by her company. " I have no thoughts of returning home before the time of my Embassie is expired, nor doe I affect so much the gayeties or am enticed by hopes of preferment from the court as to invite me to abandon the office untill my whole businesse is fully compleated. My thoughts and resolutions are now setled. I am accustomed to the constitution and temperament of 261 the climate and beginne to take a contentment in the country, and am fully satisfyed that should I attaine all the hopes the court can offer me they would come short of that reall and substantiall good I am reaping and harvesting here. And moreover I assure you untill I have your plenary consent and invitation to returne I shall not cast an eye or thought upon "England. " I am glad to heare my children thrive, and are in health, and I desire you to take order that my sonne Heneage bee sent to Wye schoole to accompany his brother. The eagle's stone I have inclosed in a box and ordered it to bee sent upon the first generall ship from Smirna, and directed it to my daughter Frances to bee presented to your lady. . . . "As to my estate in Yorkeshire you wrote mee nothing but what I expected. For Achlam, I ordered him to bee turned away for a knave. Throgmorton I knew to bee one and both of them are now employed. I wish they designe not to dishonour my estate and cry downe my rents to enforce mee to sell to Sir John Hotham and others at easier rates that they may get the greater bribes. Therefore my opinion at this distance is that a third person bee employed with them in equall power untill it may bee opportune to turne them both out." I formerly told you of my thoughts of sending my secretary, Ricaut, into England, but the expense of the long journeys makes me less forward in it. I wrote to Sir E. Nicholas, when he was secretary of state, for an allowance for intelligence, as other ministers have here, but was told it was never customary to grant it to this place. If you think that " by force of friends and reason" it might yet be had, I would give half of it to him whom you judge most instrumental in the procurement. The mummy I expect from Egypt is not yet arrived. As soon as it comes, I will forward it to England. Letter Book, ii, p. 10. 4 pp. THE EARL OF WINOHILSEA to H. MELLISH and H. BROWNE, at Ligorne. 163, April 7. Pera. I have received yours of Feb. 13, enclosing those from my cousin Finch and Dr. Baines, "It is the first I received from them since my departure out of England, and therefore 1 had reason in my former letters to resent it ; but since I have it under their own hands that they still remember me, I cannot but give way to my owne good nature, and suffer myself to be appeased with a few good words and a little kindness from my friends." I have tried to show you all possible favour concerning the tin and lead brought by the Mary and Elizabeth, and hope your goods will incur no other penalty than the usual consulage. Ibid. p. 14. p. 252 THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD TREASURER SOUTHAMPTON. 1663, April 8. Pera. " The advice of the happy marriage of your lordship's daughter with my Lord Percy came after the manner of good newes, flying slow and late hether. Otherwise, could the poasts have had as speedy notion as my good wishes, this letter had beene present at the marriage to have signifyed more seasonably my hearty desires and prayers for all prosperitie and contentment to the new married couple and your lordship's family. Howsoever, though I arrive thus late with my congratulatory joyes, they were I assure your lordship as early and ag fervent as any of those who had the advantage to publish them before mee. And bee pleased to intimate so much to the young couple on my behalf and my wife's, that so they may bee satisfyed there are some at this distance who nourish good wishes and an honour for them both." Letter Book, ii, p. 18. | p. THE SAME to SIR JOHN FINCH. j 1663, April 8. Pera. " Yours to me without a date, of the '10th of March [sic], I received." Ever since my arrival here, and the departure of the French ambassador, I have aimed at the honour of being employed in the umpirage between Venice and the Grand Signer, whenever a peace should come to be treated of, and I am entered so far into the esteem of the Republic, and have such power and credit with the Turks that I doubt not, when the time comes " to deliver the olive branch from my own hand." I expect to encounter opposition from Signor Balarino, the minister of the Republic, " both because he is ambitious of the glory himself, and because of his envy to me for having shown myself a friend to Signor Capello," their late extraordinary ambassador. This Excellency was a person of great honour and sincerity, and had always a particular friendship for me, so that with his last breath he recommended to me the protection of his family of servants, and the care of his dead body, to be trans- ported into his own country. I took the ' corps ' into my house, but was hindered in the sending of it by the I^orte officers, at the instigation, as I found, of Balarino, " partly to prosecute his Italian revenge upon the dead " and partly from envy to me. However, I packed the corpse in a secure chest, got it past the castles of the Hellespont without suspicion, and so aboard ship and safely conveyed to Venice. Some days afterwards, having occasion to ship some bacon for Smyrna, and knowing that the corpse was believed to be still in my house, I had the bacon nailed up in several cases, almost in the form of coffins ; and as soon as they were carried into the street, one of Balarino's janissaries gave notice to the Jews and Turks of the custom house, who, thinking they had found the corpse, immediately opened the cases, but found 253 but swine's flesh, their abomination. This nearly killed Balarino with discontent, as he had confidently written to Venice that I had mismanaged the business through want of secrecy, and that the corpse was still in my house. I knew of these letters but kept quiet until they had been gone three weeks, when he learned that the corpse was safe out of his reach. " So that now his owne letters will condemne him before the Senate, and evidence my zeale for their service." If you come hither, I hope to contrive a way for you to succeed me in this embassy, " if that 2,5001. sterling (at the least) by the yeare may be an invitation to persuade you out of Italy or England. But in this you must bee so profoundly secret as not to let your brother [Sir Heneage], know it, until! wee have agreed upon the manner, for Sir Edw. Deering is now in a faire way for it. " I have considered and laughed at the wanton marriage between Lady Copleman and Mrs. Stuart ; it is a strange peece of false heraldry ; I wonder which judged herself to partake most of the masculine sex, to act the husband." There are strange doings now amongst women, correspondent to the other extravagancies of our times. I send you here- with a character [cipher] that we may write the more freely 4~ to each other. Letter Book, ii, p. 15. 2| pp. CIPHER. 1663. Large sheet, endorsed by Lord Winchilsea, " My cypher with my cousin, Sir John Finch, Italy." Probably -t" his own copy of the one alluded to in the above letter. The numbers go up to 1,126. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR HENRY BENNET. 1663, April 8. Pera. Explaining his reasons for not accompanying the court to the frontiers, and expressing his willingness still to do so, if it would be in any way "available" to his Majesty's service. Letter Book, ii, p. 19. \p. Enclosing : Letter of Intelligence (another copy of which is in S.P. Turkey). Ibid. p. 20. 3 pp. THE SAME to SIGNOR TOMASO GOBBATO at Venice. 1663, April 8. Pera. Rejoices to hear of the safe arrival of the precious chest at Venice, and of the honours which were conferred on the blessed remains. Hopes soon to see him again, and learn all the details of the ceremony. Italian. Ibid. p. 23. \ p. SIR HENRY BENNET to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, April 8. Whitehall. Recommending Jonathan Dawes, the freighter of the William and John, who has freely offered to carry despatches and so has deprived himself of the advantage he might have gained by touching at particular 254 ports. Prays Winchilsea to secure him all possible privileges in the Grand Signior's dominions. Signed. 1 p. Seal of arms. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIGNOB SIMON RENINGHEN, Resident for the Emperor. 1663, April 9. Pera. Thanking him for his letter (announcing his arrival at and departure from Adrianople) and regretting to hear of his indisposition, when he so much needs health of body to support the anxieties of his mind. Is grieved there has been so much delay in finding the dogs which he promised to the Emperor, but hopes that before this time they are at Cologne. Prays him to take care of his health, and having done his part as a good and prudent minister, to leave all in God's hands. Lady Winchilsea sends her affectionate greetings, and the little Leopold kisses his hands. Italian. Letter Book, ii, p. 23. f p. THE SAME to WILLIAM Mico at Ligorne. 1663, April 10. Pera. Thanking him for presents of wine and gunpowder, and especially for a " setting bitch," which is pleasing to him above anything that can be imagined. The Rhenish and Muscadine have both proved "exellent good," the first being " proved by the palate of the Germaine Resident, who acknowledged that were he upon the river of Rhine, he could not drinke better." Ibid. p. 17. 1 p. THE EARL or SOUTHAMPTON to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, April 10. When I receive your kind letters, I owe you an account how grateful your advertisements are ; and when anything therein relates to your own concern, I am ready to join Mr. Secretary in forwarding it. His Majesty has ordered a privy seal for the repayment to you of the charges you had in redemption of those mariners taken in Morea. " Wee heare here your Emperor and his Grandees are likely to be very active, and should be very loth to heare the storme were like to fall on Christendom, which is soe distracted in it selfe and I believe more in peace then it wilbe longe after the King of Spain's death, which probably will bring with it quarrellous pretentions, and which withstands some active neighbor princes from being at present embarqued in any thing may be a clogg upon them then. Here his Majesty is sitting in Parliament of both Howses ; great affection and prudence. I could never give you a better account and therefore the harmony betwixt his Majesty and them I hope will have a very good influence on all his affaires." Signed. 1 p. Seal of arms in garter, with coronet. SIR THOMAS BENDYSHE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, April 11. London. I am sure your lordship will act very prudently for the good of the Company and their 256 trade; "nevertheless, were I not sure your greatnes would exempt you from their danger, I should advise you to be before-hand with them, for should you act with the wisdome of Solomon and the integrity of an angell, you could never escape their dirty mouthes, nor their unjust actions. They threatne to sue me (but I defie them) for doing those things which your honour hath don and must doe, while you continue there, but they begin not yet. Your lordship will meete Avith som cross minister at times while you remaine abroade, but ... I believe your quiet there will surpass all you could find were you here. " This day all Jesuits and preests are to depart England by proclamation on the 14th of the next month, those only excempted that attend the two queens. The Parliament sit dayly about settling the King's revennues, but nothing yet done." For the willingness your honour has expressed in countenanc- ing my son at Cairo, I shall ever be your grateful servant. 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1663, April 18. Pera. Concerning money matters and the management of his estate. Letter Book, ii, p. 24. f p. Also a letter to the Commissioners of his estate, on the same subjects. Ibid. p. 26. \\ pp. SIR WILLIAM MORICE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, April 21. London. I shall be very sorry to have been instrumental in any thing that may entrench upon your lordship's rights, but I was never advertised by you or any other that the disposal of the consulates was left to you. " I knew his Majesty had formerly confer'd som of them, and in this of Tunis there was one in possession who resigned it to Mr. Erlisman and surrendered his patent ; and this gentleman beinge sonne in lawe to Sir John Clobery, who had well merited of his Majesty, he was willing to gratify him in a request which he knew not to be to the prejudice of any, and to substitute a gentleman who was recommended to him as competent." Since your lordship is so clement as to remit the fault ignorantly committed, I should be doubly guilty if not cautious henceforth not to perpetrate a sin of knowledge. " All things are here calme and serene and like to continue so for any storme or cloud that we can foresee like to arise and overcast our faire dayes, though at the first meetinge of the parliament they complied not with his Majesty in that liberty or indulgence which his declaration preliminary to their convention held forth toward dissenters from the Acte of Uniformity, and insteed thereof not only quickned but sharpened the lawes against Papists, and obtained from 256 his Majesty a proclamation to proscribe all priests and Jesuits save such as by contracts of mariage were to waite on the two queenes, and by the lawes of nations to attend forraine embassadors ; yet his Majesty givinge way to that streame which sett so strongly as it was not to be turned, there hath beene since a perfect harmony betwixt him and the houses, though what addition they will make to his revenues, or supplement to his present wantes, we are not without our doubts which ballance our confidence. There hath beene not only som umbrage but som checks betweene the commons house of parliament in Irland, and the Courte of Claymes there, wherin the English conceive the Irish to have too much favor and the restitution of so many of them to their estates to be destructive to the English interest, and what may be the result thereof we are not without som feares, though we have good hopes." 1 p. Seal of arms. THE EARL OF CLARENDON to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, April 25. Worcester House. " I must make a thousande apologyes to you, and begg as many pardons from you, for havinge receaved so many favours from you with- out returninge my most hearty acknowledgements, which Mr. Sollicitor will beare me witnesse I have constantly resolved to doe, but I know not how the opportunities of sendinge have slipped by me unawares. So that I may not still ly under this reproch to my selfe, I write this to lodge in Mr. Sollicitors hande, to be convayed to your lordship when he meetes with the opportunity : By him I receaved the pretious book your lordshipp sent me, which inables me to be a benefactor to the university lybrary at Oxforde, wher it is placed with just solemnity and acknowledgement of your lordshipps goodnesse in the contribution. I give you most humble thanks for it, and do beseech you to believe that though I do not performe all circumstantiall and ceremoniall offices towards you by my frequent letters, I do omitt no occasyon of serveing you to my utmost power. I do not observe any advance made towards that pyous worke you propose for redeaminge Christian slaves, my Lord Treasurers and my indisposicion (both of us beinge lately oppressed by the gowte more than we use to be) havinge I thinke retarded this good worke, which shall receave all possible encouragement from me, and I do assure you all your commaunds shall finde a very ready obedyence." Holograph. 1 p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE SAME. 1663, May 5. Aleppo. There has arrived at Gombroon a Dutch ship from India, which was one of the fleet at the siege of Cochin, and relates that the said place was taken in January last ; that the Hollanders have utterly routed the Portugals, and are now sole masters of Cochin, where is 257 abundance of Cassia lignum and pepper, so that the Dutch have, in a manner, engrossed all the spices. If some speedy way be not found to advance the English trade in India, it will be past recovery. 1J pp. CONSTTL LANNOY to THE EABL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, May 10. Aleppo. A merchant of Antwerp having arrived and put himself under the protection of the Dutch consul, the French consul required him to come under his protection, " pretending that it was the priviledge granted the French King " that all strangers at Aleppo should receive no other protection but under the French banner. The contest between the French and Dutch grew to very high words, " both presuming that each had right." After they had contested fourteen days, I gave them notice that " neither of them had anything to doe in protecting the stranger, but only my selfe. The Dutch consul ... let fall his pretence. The French, fuller of words then reason, could not understand that his Master should be deprived of that honour," showing the capitulations made in 1604, which he said could not be altered without his King's consent. To this I replied that you had renewed the capitulations, with an article annulling all grants to the French of the protection of strangers, and that " your Excellency was not to ask the French King's leave what should be written in the English capitulations. If he found himself e aggrieved he might demand satisfaction of the Gran Signor," but neither he nor any other should infringe our privileges. He could say nothing in reply but that he should inform his Master how his due was taken from him by the remissness of his ambassador in permitting such a clause to be inserted into our capitulations, and doubted not but his King would procure it to be altered. 1| pp. Seal of arms. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE KING. 1663, May 20. Pera. The Turkey Company having some humble desires to submit to your Majesty, I have thought it my duty to introduce them to your royal feet, humbly imploring your Majesty's gracious help in redress of those abuses in their trade which interrupt their lawful enjoyment of the immunities granted to their society, the particulars whereof will be delivered by themselves. If my recommenda- tion find any acceptance with your Majesty, it will be such an evident testimony that I still live in your favour " as will adde to my dayes and contentment here, and afford me continuall matter of triumph and contemplation," that I, whose only delight is to please and serve your Majesty, have my service accepted, and remain in your favour, "a blessing and reward above which my endeavours can never merit." Letter Book, ii, p. 28. f p. Wt. 29495, w 17 258 M. BARON, French Consul, to THE EARL OF WINCHELSEA. 1663, [May 23-] June 2. Aleppo. My journey into France has been put off for some days, which has given me time to see the letters touching the Sieur Foulk. I have ordered the French nation in the Isle of Cyprus to send me all the papers, which shall then be forwarded at once to you, and I will abide by all that the arbiters appointed by you decide. "Sy ledit Sieur Fouk eust fait paroistre un peu plus de foy qu'il n'a fait, sans doute qu'il seroit plus a son aize qu'il n'est. Dieu le pardonne aussy au Sieur Draperis, qui a ouvert un chemin qui peut faire un jour du tord a la nation angloize, comm'il en a tres bien fait a la francoize." A few days ago, there happened a little contre-temps which, if the friendship between our two nations had not been very strong, might have chilled it.* It concerned one Sieur Fran9ois Vandrissen of Antwerp, come hither on business, whom M. de la Noye [Lannoy] pretended was under his protec- tion. I made known to him that there was no example of strangers in Aleppo being under any other jurisdiction than that of France, as is clearly set forth in our capitulations, but M. de la Noye informed me that he found the same thing in those sent him by your Excellency. I replied that I could not believe the King of England would claim for his officers to encroach upon the rights which my Master has possessed for sixty years, and said other things which were untruly reported to M. de la Noye and might have caused a quarrel, but we remain good friends, and I do not think he will demand a thing which has never been. I pray you to write to him as regards the future, for if he had met any other consul of France but myself, it might have cost him much money and trouble. French. 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR WILLIAM MORICE. 1663, May 25. Pera. Sending him the " occurrences " of the place, which he hopes " may not come altogether stale and useless " to him. Letter Book, ii, p. 29. p. Enclosing : Intelligence from Constantinople. The Grand Signer is at Adrianople, and the Vizier has begun his march from Sophia towards Belgrade, " which is no sign of composure [with the Emperor], especially the last envoye having been unhansomely received and returned againe without satisfaction ; besides, the Turkes encrease every day in their demands as the Emperour condescends, which is an evident token that there is nothing further from their intentions then the thoughts of peace." * See previous page. 259 The Cossacks, Muscovites and "Calmutz" are united against the Tartars, and have besieged Ozov, " the key and fortress of Tartary," which puts the Tartar Han to great difficulties, especially as the Grand Signer has summoned him to come to his aid against the Emperor with all speed, " for that hee would admit of no excuses whatsoever, and in case of non-complyance would constitute another in his kingdome. However, the Han is resolved to attend his owne affaires, and see the fire extinguished first in his owne house." The Cossacks will, it is believed, very much annoy the Turks this year in the Black Sea, who have sent a very inconsider- able force against them. The preparations against Venice are also very inconsiderable, " the chief e thoughts of the Turkes being this yeare intent to their prepara- tions by land." Signer Balarino has gone to Adrianople, to be with the Court. It is judged that he would have been more prudent to remain here, for if he has no new matter to propose (as a reason for going), "he runnes a great risk of being returned to his antient confinement in that place." Letter Book, ii, p. 30. l\ pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to his cousin, SIR H. FINCH. 1663, May 25. Pera. I send you a diamond ring, to be sold for the advantage of my estate. I bought it here at a very reasonable rate, and wish to make trial " what gains may sometimes bee obtained here in jewels." It cost me about 60/., but I would not have it sold for less than 100J., " for I believe so perfect a stone will yield a greater rather then a lesse price." My chaplain, Mr. Denham, wishes to return to England, and " because the little conversation I have here had need bee choice and good, especially to performe that function, I desire to have one of your election, a man wise and religious." I have also asked Sir Andrew Riccard about one, but said he must have your approbation. I have written several letters to Mr. Secretary Bennet but had no returns, so shall abstain for the present. I " know not the genius of his person " and pray you to advise me whether my letters will be acceptable to him, as if not, I will alter my correspondence to some other. Ibid. p. 32. 1 p. THE SAME to WILLIAM Mico. 1663, May 25. Pera. I Send you my coach and furniture (which in this country is wholly unserviceable) to dispose of if it will yield a tolerable price in Italy, "rather than to leave it here to be consumed with time and rust." You will receive some money from Mr. White to be remitted for me to England ; in which, as in many other things I 260 rely upon your kindness. I try to find something here to demonstrate my acknowledgments to you ; " but this country is so barren of all curiosities " that I as yet know of nothing that would be grateful to you. Postscript. Pray use your best arguments to persuade Sir John Finch and Dr. Baines to give me a visit here. Also, pray send me a tariffa of the value of jewels in Italy. Letter Book, ii, 33. 1 p. THE EARL OP WINOHILSEA to SIR JOHN FINCH. 1663, May 25. Pera. Sends him intelligence (as to Sir W. Morice, see p. 258 above) and prays for "a ball to try the goodnesse of water " and some antidotes of poison. " Both I and my wife challenge the performance of your promise of making a voyage hither with Dr. Baines " ; I shall use no motives but those intimated in my last letter, "for I have that confidence in your affection to mee that I believe the seeing mee and my wife are the best arguments." Ibid. p. 34. 1 p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, May 23 and June 6. Aleppo. Your Excellency's letters of April 25 have so fully answered what the factory desired to know, that Messrs. Gamaliel Nightingale, Alex. Travell, Wm. Hussey, John Verney, Thos. Hunt, Thos. Croftes, and Edward Bovey have submitted and taken the Company's oath. Only four or five are left, who say that until they have some employment, there is no need to take it. The French consul is writing to you about the business depending between Mr. Roger Fowke and the French nation, and has promised that the papers shall be sent to you. I p. June 6. The above has remained here for want of a conveyance. We hear that the States General have sent here a new consul, in place of the Dutch Resident's brother. " I humbly entreate you, if the French consul hath writt you, as he tells me he hath, to answer his letter by the first conveyance ; for he is so weake of judgment as to believe your Excellencie will condescend to let him have the protection of the strangers, because he sales his King's honour is concerned. ... I humbly conceive the plainer your Excellencie gives your answer to him, the better." Our new Emyn is daily expected. 1 p. Seal of arms. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE PRINCE OF MOLDAVIA. 1663, June 6. Pera. Recommending his friend, " dominus " La Forrest, a Frenchman, who is going to Poland on his own affairs. Latin. Ibid. p. 35. \ p. 261 THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA to THE KINO OP POLAND. 1663, June 6. Had received his letters in favour of ' Peter " Simsen, and will do his best to forward his business, but things move very slowly in these parts. Recommends Dominus La Forrest to his favour. Latin. Letter Book, ii, p. 35. 1 p. THE SAME to SIB HENRY BENNET. 1663, June 9. Pera. Stating that according to his instructions he is hastening to the Court at Adrianople, and referring him to his " large letter " of this same date, which he is sending by way of Smyrna. Ibid. p. 41. p. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1663, June 9. I shall endeavour to observe all your instructions given in your letter of March 23, and have sent my chief interpreter to Adrianople to procure leave for my journey thither. If it can be done without notice to the Vizier (who is with the army on the frontier), I shall depart in very few days ; if not, it will retard me a few days longer. I do not think the business will be difficult, for we desire no more than is in our capitulations. The only difficulties I make is, first, how to excuse the neglect of the letter to the Vizier, which has always been the first step to addressing the Grand Signer. The Vizier, with the insolence and pride of a Turk, will never admit of excuses for this neglect, and this might be a very great obstruction, but that the Vizier being at a great distance I may possibly frame some excuses which those near the Grand Signer, and not much concerned in his honour, may possibly accept of. Also, both in the letter and superscription to the Grand Signer his name was given as Ibrahim instead of Mahomet, but, by help of a knife and a good pen, I have corrected this and closed it again, so that no alteration is visible. There may be a difficulty in getting nine hattesheriffes under the Grand Signer's own hand, but if they cannot be obtained without paying an extravagant price, I will get three originals and the rest copies " firmed " by one of the chief officers. If the Grand Signer sends an Aga with his reply to his Majesty the cost will be very great. I therefore shall offer the service of my secretary Ricaut, whom I can ill spare, but whose knowledge and experience will be very valuable in the business. Ibid. p. 36. 5 pp. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to M. BARON, French Consul at Aleppo. 1663, June 18. Pera. I have received your honour's courteous letter of the 2nd of this month, and thank you 262 for your kind inclination to accede to my desire to make an end of Fowke's business, and for the liberty you give me to name the arbitrators ; but being on my journey to Adrianople, I pray you to excuse me, as I shall have no time for such matters until my return. I think it would be best for the arbitrators to be chosen by the parties interested, with engagement to abide by their decision. As to the privilege of protecting stranger nations, I can assure you that forty years ago that right was conferred by the Grand Signor upon the King my master, and there having at first been a contention (at no small cost) on this point, it was in the end determined in public divan, where both Ambassadors were present, and the sentence given in favour of the English ; and this has been newly confirmed in the capitulations during my own time here, so that I cannot give up that public right without evident danger and prejudice to myself. But I hope this will neither disturb our private friendship or public harmony, and have written to my consul to maintain a perfect union with you and the French nation. Italian. Letter Book, ii, p. 42. l| pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR HENRY BENNET. 1663, June 19. Pera. Within two days I hope to begin my journey to Adrianople, and from thence shall give you the best intelligence I can. A great storm is likely to fall upon the Dutch merchants in this country by the miscarriage of one of their ships, which " loading the Grand Signor 's goods and merchandize of Turkes in the Roade of Alexandria . . . was surprized by the Maltese and Venetian corsares, and carried prize into Christendome." The Turks believe that the Master of the ship was privy to the treachery, "as there are many violent suspitions thereof," and the Grand Signor, who is resolved to lose nothing of what he entrusts to Christian vessels, makes the Dutch Resident and nation responsible for the whole. The matter is proceeded to that height that orders are given to secure the Dutch estates at Smyrna, and the Resident is commanded to Adrianople, where, in all probability, if he will not engage to pay the whole loss, he will be imprisoned, and the whole estate of the nation in Turkey confiscated. This may have an advantageous influence on the English trade and interest in these parts. Ibid. p. 43. 1| pp. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, June 23. Aleppo. The new Emeen arrived a fortnight ago, and Lannoy has recommended the factory to be careful to give him just satisfaction in paying him his dues. 1 p. 263 MATTHEW LISTER, consul in Cyprus, to THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA. 1663, June 26. Larnica [Larnaka]. Your Excellency's reference of the difference between Mr. Fowke and the French nation to arbitration, is no more than reason, and what the said nation are willing to condescend to, as I have often heard them say. It is better for both parties than " to satiate the unsatisfied appetite of Turkish justice," on which way they have already spent too much. I pray you to furnish me with two commands : first, that no Bassa pretend to more than the usual present ; secondly, in relation to the Captain Bassa's demand that every ship " inpeted " since his being in office should give him presents, a thing never heard of before in these parts. The Malta galleys anchored in this port a few days since, but offered no incivilities, and are now gone, it is believed, to the armado. 1 p. Copy. Overleaf. A short letter, dated Aug. 28, sending the above. SIR WILLIAM MORICE to THE SAME. 1663, July 2. " . . . We are here in much serenity and without any apprehensions of disturbance. There is a great harmony betweene the Kinge and his parliament, who have at this session given him four subsidies to be paid within a yeare. There hath beene som attempt to surprise Dublin castle by som malecontents, inconsiderable persons, and theire designe as inconsiderate, their number few, their power ineffectual ; they were timely discovered, and by this time have Suffer'd (som of them) the reward of their treason. His Majesty thought his affaires in Scotland maleadministred by my Lord Middleton, and he hath transfered his charge on my Lord Rothes, who ig now made his commissioner there. The English armes are made celebrious by a victory obtained by the Portugal army against Don John, who commanded the Spanish forces which had taken Evora and distrest that whole kingdom, but in a battle strucke the 29 of May* a signal victory was acquired by the Portuguese and their auxiliars, wherein the English (as the Portugals themselves acknowledge) had the greatest share of this honor. Don John lost all his canon, cariages and baggage, the whole army beinge routed and driven out of the country. We have had our eyes longe turned toward France to observe what wilbe the issue of the treaty betweene that Kinge and the Pope, but that negotiation is now interrupted, and Rasponi returned to Rome and Crequi on his way to Paris, but the Pope hath made this advantage of the traverses, that the yeere is so farre spent as that nothinge can be donne by French armes this yeere and before the next there may be new emergencies. In the Low countryes there is som resentment and uneasines * The battle of Ameixial or El Canal, fought on the 8th of June, new style. 264 amonge the United Provinces, occasioned by a forme of praier composed and enjoyned by Hollande within their province, wherein the states of Hollande are named before the States General and other Kings, and the prince of Orange left out ; the blood begins to sowre there, but perchance wilbe kept from breakage out into an ulcer. That those of Algier have violated the league with those provinces, by seismge of som of their ships, is perchance better knowne to you then us, but we perhaps can better advertise you of the resolutions taken by Holland to prosecute the warre against those barbarians and of the preparations makinge in order thereunto. . . . P.S. " My Lord of Carleil is within ten dayes to sett forward for an embassy to the Emperor of Russia (who sent lately his Embassadors to his Majesty) and in his returne he is to salute the Kings of Sweden and Denmarke. My Lord Holies is sooner to sett forth for the French Courte." 1 p. Seal of arms, WILLIAM HEDGES to THE EARL or WINCHILSEA. 1663, July 21. Galata. " ... I heartily commisserate your Excellencies sufferings by reason of the heate ; the northerly windes beginne to settle here and have blowne soe fresh these two or three dayes that we hope your Excellencie may have been the cooler for them at Adrianople. The plague (blessed be God) is not soe much as talked of at Galata, nor doe I heare of its increase any where amongst the Turkes or Jewes. In two or three houses about the Four Corners some persons are sick (as I'm told they are generally every yeare) and but two only dead ; in other places not soe hott as possibly your Excellencie may have been informed." We have not a syllable of newes from any part of Christendom. 1 p.* CAPT. WILLIAM BERKELEY to THE SAME. 1663, July 24. Bonadventure, St. Jacamore's Poynt, Smyrna. Giving an account of his voyage from Tangier, by way of Malaga and Livornia, whence he sailed in company of the Amity, Captain Glide, "a very rich shippe, and wholly uppon the accompte of the English." As for news, " the Earle of Tivett [Teviot], formerly Lord Rutherford, is arrived at Tanger governour, and in 14 days time hath cast up workes aboute the towne, and builte two redouts, and all with the losse of one centinell ; soe that Tanger goes on verie sucksessfully, and I beleive by this time, they have taken in ground suffitient to maintayne all the horse and cattell belonging to the garrison. . . . Sir John Lawson and Mr. Chumney [Hugh Cholmondeley] is expected daylie for the carying on the worke of the moulde. At Mallago, * There are several other letters from Treasurer Hedges about this time, but almost entirely about money matters. 265 wee heard of the greate victory the Portugals have had of the Spaniards. . . . Don John of Austria his horse was killed under him and as some of those that ran from the fight and weare at Mallago (when we passed by) reported the English to be those that gave them the route ; charging the horse, whose generalls head is since taken off by Don John for his running away. . . . "It is believed that the Spaniards will not be able to doe any thinge more this summer, soe that the Portugalls are like for to recover all that they have formerly lost. " When I was at Livornia some fower months since, Sir John Finch tould me that if I should goe for Smyrna or Constantinople this summer, he would come with me to weighte on your Excellencie ; which caused me, when I was at Livornia, to send to him word to Florence of my coming -f- heere ; but received noe answer from him." 1J pp. SIR THOMAS ALLEST to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, July 28. Rainbow. The Downs. " ... I was much troubled for the death of my young lady, but rejoyced at the happy recruite the Lord hath bin pleaced to give you. ... I have bin employed upon the coasts of Spaine and Portugall, commanding ten saile of ships in the King of Portugall's service. Now Sir John Lawson commands that coast. Sir John Mennes having the Comptroller's place in the Navy Office, the King have bin pleased to give me the command of the Rainbow, and to weare his flag heere ; but I having a ranging head, thinketh it a little tedious to be bound to an anchor continually., without a little sport of sailing . . . but submit to anything to serve my Master. ... I am sorry to hear that any strife should arise betweene so eminent persons as my Lord of Bristoll against my Lord Chancellor," but hope it will be settled before the meeting of Parliament. " I was so unhappy as to be a merchant of iron-worke and nails in partnership with Sir George Smith and Sir William Vincent." They cost me 230J., I left them with Mr. Hyet, and cannot hear if they be sold or no. I pray you to speak to him about it, but not as from me. Signed. 1 p. WILLIAM HEDGES to THE SAME. 1063, July 30. Galata. I sent my lady's letter to Yerlikai and enclose the answer (wanting}. Mr. Charles is very cheerful and free from fever, which I believe certainly only proceeds from his teeth. All others are well and no increase of the sickness. We now daily expect to hear the welcome news of your Excellency's sudden return. 1 p. PAUL RICAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, Aug. 4. Adrianople. The Reis Effendi tells me that the Chimacam refuses to take 800 shequins, and that 266 if you would have your despatch to-morrow 200 more must be added. " I contended as much as I could, but in vaine, the Reis Effendi saying that he was ashamed of the avarice of the other, and offered to give his 200 to make up the summe." 1 told him I would write to your lordship and give him the answer to-morrow. Meanwhile, he will labour with the other to bring him to take the 800, which if he do, I told him you would present him with two vests. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE KING. 1663, Aug. 4. Adrianople. Has obtained from the Grand Signer a ratification of the articles of peace with Tunis, Algier and Tripoli, for which he has had to journey to Adrianople. Is sending Ricaut, his secretary, to deliver the ratifications, and thence to England, who will give his Majesty an exact account of all things. Is confident of his fidelity, " since the loyall sufferings of his family have allready been sufficient testimonies to vouch him, and prays, by him, to know whether he has committed any errors in his charge, which he will in all humility endeavour to correct. Sends his Majesty an Arabian horse, the best he can procure. Letter Book, ii, p. 46. 2 pp. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE DUKE OF YORK. 1663, Aug. 4. Adrianople. Is desiring his secretary to assure his Royal Highness of the " great honour and humble reverence " which he maintains towards his person ; for though so far away, he still lives under the shadow of his Majesty and the " umbrage " of his Highness, which extends itself to the remotest parts of the world, and his zeal is as great for his service "as any of those who daily receive new fuell" from his favours. Ibid. p. 48. f p. THE SAME to LORD CHANCELLOR CLARENDON. 1663, Aug. 4. Adrianople. The bearer hereof, Ricaut, my secretary, returning into England with ratifications of the peace with Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli, I have commanded him to give your lordship an account of what has passed here in the matter, that you may be able to judge of the stability of that peace which his Majesty with so much pains and expence has endeavoured to maintain. " I thanke God, I can of a truth and without vaine glory speake it, that the fame, esteeme and interest of his Majesty was never more exalted in this Empire then at present, for whilest all other Christian representatives are under a cloud and ill-looked on in this Court, I have the honour, through the bright beames of his Majesty, to appeare in the eyes of all without any prejudice or dissatisfaction. [Narrates the history of the Dutch ship, as on p. 262 above.] 267 The Dutch resident was sent for here and is committed to prison, and doubtless he and his nation will be made to pay the utmost asper. Commands being sent to secure the estates of the Dutch merchants at Smyrna, their traffic is at a stand, which must promote ours. His Majesty is considered the most sincere friend of the Porte, the benefit of the English trade the more considered and the greatness of his Majesty better understood, "which I never loose the occasion to extoll and magnify. " If your lordship apprehends I have committed any errours in the management of this Embassie, be pleased to informe me clearely, and I shall receive the correction as an evident token of your lordship's favour and friendship, esteeming it an extraordinary happinesse to have my wayes chalked out and directed by so undoubted an oracle." Letter Book, ii, p. 49. 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD TREASURER SOUTHAMPTON. 1663, Aug. 4. Adrianople. Having received his Majesty's commands to procure a ratification of the three treaties with Algier, Tunis and Tripoli, I repaired to Adrianople, and must confess that after my first audience things proceeded with little difficulty, the Grand Signor being willing to gratify his Majesty in all reasonable demands ; for since the other representatives are eclipsed by the wars and disgusts arisen between them and the Turks, the friendship of his Majesty is the more applauded, and his greatness the more esteemed.* I am sending the ratifications by my secretary, Ricaut, although it is with difficulty that I deprive myself of his services, but he is so well practiced in the affairs of this court, and so fit to do his Majesty service in Barbary (where he is to deliver the counterparts of the ratifications) that I have willingly consented to the inconvenience. I have charged him to impart to your lordship many things of my private affairs, for I have entrusted him with all my secrets and advised with him in all occasions, and " have found him so faithfull to my interest, and so sincere and prudent in his councells," that I rely much upon his negotiations for me in England, and beseech your lordship to afford him more than ordinary countenance. This journey, with the customary presents and fees, will amount to a considerable expense. I am sending you an account of it, that you may consider where, in equity, the burden ought to lie. All England is concerned in the benefits of the peace with Barbary. and so it ought to be a general charge of the traders to Spain, Italy and those parts. I beseech you to have a regard to the relief of the Turkey Company, "and let them not bearc the greater taxe or fare the worse because they entrust mee with their estates." Ibid. p. 51. 3 pp. * A very long letter to Secretary Bennet on this subject, dated Aug. 5, is in the Letter Book, but the original will be found in S.P, Turkey. 268 Also, Letter to Sir William Morice, to the same effect. Letter Book, ii, p. 55. 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS. 1663, Aug. 4. Adrianople. Assuring him of his esteem and friendship, and recommending his secretary, who will make a relation to him of all his affairs both public and private. Ibid. p. 53. 1J pp. Also, Letter to the Earl of Sandwich, to the same effect. Ibid. p. 57. f p. THE SAME to SIR JOHN LAWSON. 1663, Aug. 4. The bearer, Ricaut, my secretary, going into England with the ratifications of the treaty " which you had so happily by force constrained the barbarians to," and being to touch at Algier, Tunis and Tripoli to deliver the like con- firmations, I thought it probable it might be his good fortune to encounter you in the Mediterranean seas, and so give him this to assure you of my respect and friendship, and my wish to serve you, if it were in my power. Ibid. p. 57. J p. THE SAME to THE EARL OF TEVIOT, Governor of Tangier. 1663, Aug. 4. As the bearer, his secretary, may touch at Tangier, he takes the opportunity to congratulate his lordship's entrance into that honourable and weighty employment, wishing him " continually new laurells of victory and successe " and that his fame may be as renowned in Africa as his valour and wisdom have already caused it to be hi Europe. Ibid. p. 58. f p. THE SAME to THE COMMISSIONERS OF HIS ESTATE. 1663, Aug. 5. Adrianople. Their last letters are the most satisfactory of any he has had since his departure, and show the great care they have of his concerns. Hearing that Mr. Walrond had quitted the service of the Duchess of Somerset and fallen from her favour, his own duty to her Grace has demanded that he should cashier him from his service also. Hopes that his affairs may be now in so orderly a posture that the 501. a year salary may be saved. That rents fall " is but bad comfort," but he knows that his affairs are in such faithful hands that if he suffers therein it will be "in the generall and common calamity " of his neighbours. He takes very kindly their lending him money for renewing the leases of the parsonages of Challocke and Kennington, and also their great care concerning the parsonage of Icklestone, approving their delay therein, "rather then to gratefy the humour of proud clergymen who, forgetfull of all that is past, neither know themselves nor their function." Lastly, he thanks them for their kind design to have furnished money themselves "to have bought the timber of Moat," if 269 they could have had a good penny-worth, and assures them that he would sell Eastwell and mortgage his whole estate rather than they should suffer. Letter Book, p. 59. 2| pp. PAUL RICAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, Aug. 15. Smyrna. " Though I arrived but this morning by breake of day, something indisposed and sleepy, yet because I delight in performance of your lordships commands, my writing now is a recreation and my wearinesse is relieved by the thought and strong imagination I have that whilest I am busied thus in my pen I am also present in my discourse with your lordship. That night which separated mee from your Excellencie I must confesse I passed with a great deale of melancholy. I was troubled to leave your lordship and bee disjoyned from a patron to whom I was obliged beyond all measures and expression and possibility of recompence, but by that time I had meditated upon the time I wa likely to bee absent from your lordship and recollected the commissions I had received, and finished my prayers and good wishes for your lordship's happinesse and increase of honour, I found it day and myself neere a place called Kupri, about eight houres journy from your lordship's tents, where I reposed under some trees until! the evening ; and then proceeded to Malagra, ten houres journy farther, though through the errour of our guide wee wandered three houres in the night, so that before wee reached that conacke [resting-place] wee had beene 13 houres on horseback. Here wee also tooke our lodging in the shade, under some wallnutt trees, which, though I have heard from your lordship is not very wholsome, yet finding no other considerable trees in that country, judged that shadow more healthful than the open sunne, and so reposed as well as I could untill it was time to depart. That night I tooke a more knowing guide to conduct mee over a mountaine which I was that night to passe, usually frequented with robbers, very steep in many places and rocky, and such narrow and difficult passages that through the advantage of the way two men had beene sufficient to have encountered a farre greater number then ourselves. Neere the top the mountaine beganne to bee exceedingly pleasant, the highest part being a greene plaine with trees even and equally planted ; the prospect of the country on the one side and of the sea on the other, the prodigious precipices and the delightful confusion of the rockes appearing with the dim light of the moone and the silence of the night, rendered everything there a most pleasing object of the eye " ; but I remained not long, Supposing it not safe from the robbers. At ten next morning I reached Debolhayr [Bulair], two hours from Gallipolly, meaning to pass over in the night, but a storm prevented me until the morning after, when we took boats, and at eleven o'clock I was upon Asia shore. Having lost so much time, I travelled through the heat of the day (which 270 scorched all the skin off from my face), and in the evening, very weary, reached the Castles [of the Dardenelles]. The Caddee with much civility provided me with provisions and attendants, and the governor sent me six lusty musketeers to convoy me. This night's journey was the most pleasant of any, but "the melancholy of the groves and quietnesse of the night beganne againe to renew the sadnesse with which I parted from your lordship." Next day I arrived at Ayenee, where the Caddee provided me lodging, provisions, and a guard to the next, " who lived upon the entrance of the mountaines of Causdog ; a wild place, and as wild a Caddee, for being arrived at breake of day at his pityfull cottage, wee found him with a drooping, sad spirit, scarce able to speake a word, and on a suddaine hee was againe so cheerefull and lively, like a man half drunke, for his dose of opium beganne to worke (hee told us hee tooke it three times a day). He was over kind, called in for all his people, encharged eight or ten to conduct me through the mountaines and ordered two mules to carry the baggage," that my sisenals [sic\ might have a rest. And thus departing about six in the morning, " the men who went with mee, like right true borne sonnes of that country, finding their opportunity amongst the woods and mountaines, escaped and left mee; only the muleteer was bound to follow his mules, and hee served to guide mee to a pittyfull village in the mountaines, where the barbarous people seeing us afarre off, fled as fast as they could into the woods." I rode after them and caught three, making them swear to serve us till we freed them, which they did and kept their oath. The night following, we travelled fair and softly through the remainder of the mountains and next morning arrived at Chemar, near Edremita [Edremidj. From this place I travelled day and night, and entered (I thank God) well and in health this day into this city. 17th. To-morrow morning (God willing) I go aboard. I cannot get dry bills for the 2.000 dollars your lordship wishes to remit for England, but Mr. White has some silk on this ship, "on which hee would have mee take hypothecation." I am seriously considering this with the merchants, as the value to you might be considerable, and shall adventure to do what is most for your advantage. The business of the potashes remains in suspense, though honest men have sworn they saw the money paid. The merchants have learnt that we are to touch at Tunis, Tripoli and Algier, " but yet know not well what to make of it. They conceive there are many things in the darke which they cannot penetrate, and they and the Dutch are greatly possessed that it is all about a Portugall Embassadour." 6| pp. MUN BROWNE, Treasurer, to THE EARL OF WINCHTLSEA. 1663, [Aug.] 15. Aleppo. " . . . Your lordship's applause for my past carriage ... in the Company's affaires doth 271 more invite mee then their sudden stricktness to our factory, and cutting shorter some salleries which are altogeather nesessary, which sudden nearness of theirs may make my office as ill-beloved and troublesome as it hath bin the contrary. ..." Our consull and most parte of our factory are gone out of towne, some dyinge of the plauge in this cytie, so make bould to informe your lordship that there can be noe period put to Consull Fowke his difference with the Frentch, except your lordship looke upon him with your eye of justice ; for though the Frentch consull here saith he would be glad your Excellencie might be judge thereof, I know he meanes differently," and dreads an impartial examination. Consul Fowke having been turned out from the Dutch consul's, intends suddenly for the Porte, where I hope your Excellency will endeavour to right him if he is abused. As nothing can be done without money, he shall have some credit from me, " being my quondam master, and a worthy, though unfortunate man." Postscript. Our consul is now come to town, and I am going to the mountains, the plague rather increasing than decreasing. 1| pp. (Dated " July 15," but endorsed as above, which Lannoy's letter of Aug. 22 shows to be correct.} PAUL RICATTT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, Aug. 17. Smyrna. The horse sent for his Majesty is ill, and must be blooded before he goes aboard. White has disposed of his silk and now offers a dry bill, but only at 4s. lid. to the dollar, so that Ricaut knows not what to do. H PP- MARTINE DE MEYER to THE SAME. 1663, Aug. 18-28. Tripoli di Syria. Being vice-consul at Tripoli for the English as well as for his own nation, he prays his Excellency to assist him against an unjust claim made by the Dutch Resident there. He has refuted it for the present, but fearing further demands, desires an order from the Porte " that we may not be molested for the debts of the Flemish nation." Italian. 1 p. PAUL RICAUT to THE SAME. 1663, Aug. 18. Smyrna. Concerning money matters and the sale of potashes. Can find no Persian lambskins for Judge Twisden, as they are only to be bought at the arrival of the Persian caravans, but has given a commission for one to be bought and sent. 3 pp. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1663, Aug. 19. Aboard the Bonadventure, under sail in Smyrna Bay. Is now aboard, and the horse also, who is better. Cannot express with what cheerfulness he goes about 272 his lordship's affairs, which, if God gives him life and health, he shall perform with an integrity as sincere as becomes one of the faithfullest of his lordship's servants. Postscript. There are twelve or fourteen men aboard sick of fevers. 1 p. THE EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, Aug. 20.' Petworth. Thanking him for the expressions of kindness on the occasion of his son's marriage,* which he believes will prove as great a comfort and satisfaction to all the family as his lordship is good enough to wish. Holograph. 1 p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE SAME. 1663, Aug. 22. Aleppo. I should earlier have answered yours of June 6, if I had not been absent. The plague being very rife here occasioned' me to take a journey into Meso- potamia, where I continued some days at the river Euphrates. At my return, thank God, the contagion was wholly ceased. I have received the Company's new orders, have acquainted the factory with them, and shall take care that they be duly observed. Every member of the factory has now taken the Company's oath. At present we are in a very good condition with the ministers of state and have no very great need of the renewing of the hattasheriffe, therefore if this be not a convenient time, it may rest till a more favourable opportunity. Your Excellency's letter to Consul Baron was delivered him, " with whom I continue a fair and respectfull correspondency." The affair of Mr. Fowke, will, I conceive, be best settled there, not here. " The accident befallen the Dutch nation will fall very heavy," and the proportion required from hence will not easily be raised, their number being few and their trade not con- siderable ; yet they have been forced to engage for it before the Caddee, or he would have imprisoned them, and sealed up their warehouses. The new Dutch consul has arrived at Tripoli in Syria (Soria), but hearing of this accident he remains there, pleading indisposition. A few days since I received an express from Persia and India. The taking of Coucheene by the Dutch is confirmed, the particulars whereof I send enclosed. This loss is very great to the Portugals and likewise to the English, " prevent- ing the East India Company of severall commodities by which they formerly made great advantage, being now wholly in the Dutches possession." The late calamities have brought so much distraction upon the Portugals that their chief people * Joscelyne, Lord Percy, married in 1663, Elizabeth, daughter of Lord Treasurer Southampton, 273 have pressed upon the Vice-roy to deliver Bombay to Sir Abraham Shipman, but he is still obstinate. If he remains so, the Portugal Council mean to send a remonstrance against him to Europe. The Hollanders have blocked up the port of Goa with seven ships. Our soldiers at Angidiva are in good health, and the fortifications go forward. " From Surat the President advises me by his letter of the 6th April, that the Dutch have added Cannanore to their victory. It was resigned by threats, and not a gun shott nor sword drawne in the enterprize. So great a dread of the Hollanders hath seized the Portugalls that it is credibly beleived there is no place will stand out that they shall come before ; so that if there be not a speedy course taken, there will be nothing left for our soveraigne Lord the King. The whole pepper countries the Dutch lay claime to as belonging to their conquest, and doe allready forbid all English to trade in any of those parts." The Earl of Marlborough sailed from Surat on Jan. 5, in the Dunkirk, she being fully laden for England. " The 21st, after a tedious voyage, arrived his Majesties Convertine, with losse but of twenty men, soldiers and mariners. The 3rd February she sett saile to resigne the souldiers on board to their governour, Sir Abraham Shipman." The Leopard being sent for Porcat to load with East India Company goods, the Hollanders would not permit her to go unless the commander would engage to dissolve the Company's factory and never to trade there again ; which he refusing, set sail with an empty ship, very much to his Majesty's dishonour and the Company's prejudice. I send enclosed a copy of his protest and the Hollanders' answer to it. 4 pp. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WLNCHILSEA. 1663, Aug. 28. Aleppo. The Dutch Resident at Stamboul has apportioned 3,500 dollars to be paid by their "scale" at Tripoli, but there is but one Dutch house there, that of Signer Martino de Meyer, a person of great worth, and always a friend to our nation. He entreats your Excellency to speak with the Dutch Resident, for the 20,000 dollars imposed on Tripoli and Aleppo will ruin their trade, and his own share will be three quarters of the sum. He is my vice-consul at Tripoli, and I should be glad to do him kind offices. The Dutch merchants here refusing to comply with the Caddce's demands, he has imprisoned four of the principal of them. H PP- THE SAME to THE SAME. 1663, Sept. 1. Aleppo. The Dutch merchants have been forced, before they could free their persons out of prison, to give bills for 8,000 dollars : their persons and goods are to remain unmolested until they receive further orders from Wt. 29495. fi 18 274 their Resident. They intreat you to advise him in their favour. | p. [On the same sheet as the preceding.] SIR WILLIAM MORICE to THE EARL OF WESTCHILSEA. 1663, Sept. 3. London. " . . . The Kinge and the parliament parted with a good understandinge mutually though ther had beene som asperity and uneasines betweene them, it beinge incident to longe sittinge to hatch faction. They gave him four subsidyes, but the research into the necessityes of the Kinge which indicated them and the grounds and reasons of that necessity was not well resented, as beinge managed with som sharpnes and petulancy and liberius quam ut imperantium meminissent. The Kinge, therfore, to prevent such effortes is advisinge to retrench his expences, that his neede of their aydes may not animate such liberty, and the first step to that thriftines is the suspendinge all the dyets at courte, which is like to undoe many persons and unloose many tongues, and wherwith few are satisfied that he will gaine so much mony as he will loose honor. Before the recesse of the houses, my lord of Bristol had beene trinketinge between them and the Kinge, whereby som umbrage beinge given the house of Commons the Earle desired to cleare himselfe immediately to the house, where he was admitted to apologize in a longe and eloquent oration which tooke well with many of warmer temper but was disgusted by many sober men that loved the Kinge, whose honor was grated on by it ; and the Earle, to vindicate himselfe to his Majesty, who had sentiment thereof, aggravated that offence which he labored [to] excuse and menaced the Kinge, who theruppon proscribes him the courte, which so exasperated him that he avowed he would accuse the chancellor of high treason if he were not forthwith restored to the Kinges presence, wher when he could not be brought by threats, he exhibited a charge of treason against the chancellor, in the Lords house, which the judges (consulted with) declared to be no treason if the matters charged could be proved, nor could they commence higher then misdemeanors. To produce his proof of these he had time (more by the magnanimity of the chancellor and an excessive confidence then by intention of the house) until the first weeke of the next session of parliament ; after the recesse the Kinge first issued a warrant to arrest and convey the Earle to the Tower, which he evadinge by hidinge him- selfe, a proclamation issued commandinge him to deliver himselfe, prohibitinge any to conceale or harbor him, as letters also to the portes, requiringe he were not suffred to transport himselfe, but if he came to imbarque to seise and secure him, not- withstandinge all which he hath escaped us and som intelligence purports that he is gotte to Brussels. The Queene, that hath beene at Tunbridge and had som aversnes to those waters, is now at Bath, where the Kinge conducted her without any equipage of his owne, or traine of attendants besides hers ; 275 he intends to leave her there while he sees Portsmouth and huntes also in the New forrest, from whence he will reverte to Bath and bringe the Queene to London a few dayes before Michaelmas." 1| pp. ARNOLD WHITE and ARTHUR BARNARDISTON to THE EARL OF WlNCHTLSEA. 1663, Sept. 5. Smyrna. On business matters. From Livorno news comes that "The Earl of Bristoll his charge against the Lord Chancellor is much upon the people's tongues, but wee hope will bee prudently taken up, it being observed ominous for England when such tall elmes clash one against another." 1J pp. SIR HENRY BENNET to THE SAME. 1663, Sept. 7. Bathe. I am very glad to find you do not despair of getting the ratification of the articles formerly sent you. For the omission of the letter to the Grand Vizier and the error in the superscription to the Grand Seigneur [see p. 261], " you must blame a new secretary for it, who directed himself e as hee thought by those presidents that were left him, and promiseth to be more circumspect for the future." " In your letter there is mention of a terrible storme like to fall on the Dutch for the losse of a ship belonging to them, wherein were goods of so considerable a value belonging to the Grand Seigneur ; it is a hard matter to get us to lament any losse befalling them, especially in matter of trade, wherein wee take them to bee our troublesome ri vails. This is written to your Excellencie from Bathe, wher their Majesties with the Duke and Dutchesse have been these ten dayes in good health (God be thanked) ; to-morrow the Queen begins to use the Bath, from whence wee hope for good effects ; God grant them. . . . " Considering the cost hee must have been at, wee doe not find the Grand Seigneur hath made such a progresse this campagne as was expected ; however, the last newes tells us some of his forces had passed the Danube, and that it is certain the fright of them in the house of Austria mends the King of France's game throughout Christendome. . . ." Holograph. 4 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, Sept. 1 1 . Galata. Paper endorsed by Lord Winchilsea " The account of my expenses for my voyage to and my return from Adrianople, beginning the 23rd of June and ending the 10th of August, with all other expenses for the hattisheriffes." Total 11,135 dollars. 3 pp. Also, A separate account of that part of the total containing the expenses before his Excellency's departure, endorsed " Mr. Hedge's account." 1 pp. 276 PAUL RICAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, Sept. 10-13. Algier. At Tripoli we stepped on shore, delivered our writings and message (which were as gratefully received as I could expect) and " immediately departed to follow the fortune of our faire wind." We reached Tunis on Sept. 2, in the evening. Next morning I met our consul, Mr. Erlisman, and we went direct to the Dey's court and with due ceremony presented our confirmations. We visited all the great men of that city, who promised to maintain the peace, and so taking a small repast with the consul, we the same evening returned aboard and set sail. I wrote this from Tunis but for more security repeat the substance now. The mortality I then advised you of as so fatal to our ship " ended not there, for several! finished their dayes in their passage to this place." We have buried nine, some are still desperately sick, but about forty more are in a hopeful way of recovery. For ten days none have fallen sick, and the full of the moon being passed, we hope the infection is ceased. This day (I praise God) we arrived at this den of pirates. Upon our arrival a divan was called, and the Grand Signer's hattesheriffe read publicly, and kissed with much ceremony and reverence. We had many salams bestowed upon us, and assurances that they were resolved to maintain the peace. They desire us to remain until Saturday, which is their great divan, when great and small meet, the confirmations will be publicly divulged, letters written to his Majesty and the Grand Signer and we shall receive the full accomplishment of our business. This we do the more willingly as our chief business is here, and the other parts of Barbary follow the example of this place. "It seemes that since the peace with Algier it hath beene agreed that all English ships shall carry passeports from the Lord High Admirall, and the Algerians having of late met with severall of our ships at sea without passeports, sent them into this place," but through the diligence of the consul most of them have been cleared. There were, however, three here in great danger of being confiscated, when our opportune arrival put a stop to the rash intention of these villains. " By an English ship ten dayes from Tangier, wee have intelligence of the brave exploits my Lord Teviot hath per- formed against the Moores. Hee hath now finished his redouts and made them very strong, hath had severall skirmishes with the Moores, and by help of sparrs or iron bills cast in the ground gave their horse a signal! overthrow ; and at an other time undermined the earth a great distance round and blew up many hundreds in the aire. These policies so amazed the enemie that they have made peace with my lord, and the country is now open and Tangier aboundant and plentyfull of all provisions, and people and trade encreases there every day. My Lord Teviot is, after his good successe, returned into England to give his Majestie an account of 277 that place, and to bring more people with him for forwarding the mould, which they say, for want of men, proceeds but slowly. . . . " By a master of a ship lately come from London, it is reported that my Lord of Bristol hath openly in the House of Peers empeached the Lord Chancellour in presence of the Duke of Yorke of high treason, and layed fourteen articles to his charge, amongst which are the sale of Dunkirke and marrying his daughter to the bloud royall." Sept. 12. We have been at the Great divan, where we delivered the confirmations of the treaties, which they have laid up amongst their records, "but this wild heady people would force from mee the hattesheriffe, pretending that that was directed unto them." We went to the principal governor here but cannot regain it, it also being, laid up amongst their records, from whence no writing can be fetched. Sept. 13. We have been kept waiting for the letters to the King, " and now the peace which wee looked upon but yesterday to bee so stable and firme is this morning shaken to the very foundations, for upon the entring into the divan of some few captaines of ships, of which old Winter was the chiefe, after a long dispute with them of two houres, they concluded that the three small vessells now in port taken without passeports should be freed, but for the future they would detaine all English ships that they met without passe- ports, of which I understand there is a great number in the Straights, and in them make prize of what goods are found belonging unto strangers and detaine the ships untill they understand from the King whether hee approves of the peace in this manner ; and if the King will not accept a peace on these termes, they are willing to have a warre. For my part, I have hi these three dayes I have beene here seene so much of these people that I am of opinion it is impossible to maintaine a peace with them ; for they are so unconstant to themselves, that that which they themselves believe to bee peace todaye is in a few houres broaken and forgot." I am just now going aboard. Pray advise all whom it may concern of this my letter, that they may procure passports. 7 pp. JOSEPH WILLIAMSON to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, Sept. 16. Whitehall." ... We expect dayly your secretary here, and the issue of the negotiation our Cort putt into your hand, which is of great importance, wee hope, to tl\e confirmeing our peace with that people. The Dutch are equipping out a fleet under Vice-Admiral Cortenaer, with designe to have satisfaction for the injuryes they suffer in the Mediterranean ; and on it send a consul with what money they can gather from contributions for the redemption of their slaves at Argiers, etc." 278 The enclosed [probably the "Gazette"] will give you an indifferent good account of several considerable accidents of state which have happened here since my last. 1| pp. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, Sept. 19. Aleppo. Complaining that the new Emeen already begins to practise against the factory, and promising to keep a vigilant eye upon the merchants, that they may give no occasion of offence. The new Dutch consul has arrived, but it is believed that if the Dutch have to pay the avania [contribution] demanded, their trade will be ruined, and he will return to Christendom. 1 p. On the same sheet : Copy of letter of Sept. 11, concerning four Englishmen who went with the Duke of Marlborough. but were taken by the Arabs, and have been aided by the fathers at Basora and Bagdad. Has repaid the fathers him- self, but cannot support so great a charge. 1 p. [Calendared in S.P. Dom. under date.} FRA ISIDORO D'OGIONNO, President of the Holy Land, to THE SAME. 1663, [Sept. 23-]Oct. 3. Jerusalem. Announcing that he has been appointed to take charge of the government of the Holy Land upon the death of the Guardian, and praying for his Excellency's favour and protection. Italian. 1 p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE SAME. 1663, Sept. 30. Aleppo. This is sent by the Dutch resident's brother, Signer Frederick Warner, the late Dutch consul here, who is now returning to Constantinople, the new one having taken the office upon him. Letters from Marseilles mention a charge of high treason " carryed into the house of peares by the Lord George Digby [i.e. Bristol] against my Lord Chancelour Hyde," of which his Excellency doubtless has fresher information than they have, f p. PAUL RICAUT to THE SAME. 1663, Oct. 3. From aboard the Bonadventure, Cadiz Road, under sail. After sealing my letter from Algier, the enclosed from the Divan came to my hands, by which you will see that it is impossible to maintain a peace with that people without the constant appearance of a squadron of ships on their coast. After our departure from Algier, before day on Sept. 14 (where I was in danger of being drowned coming from the shore), we put into the road of Alicant, only to advise the merchants and English ships (of which there were at least forty small vessels) of the resolution of those at Algier, and found not two of them to have the Duke of York's pass. We arrived at Mala.ga on Sept. 21, where we found eighty sail of 279 English vessels, the best not above seventy tons, " which is a great wrong to the trade of England . . . and affords occasion to the pyrates of Barbary to seeke a breach, when they see that English prizes may be so easily purchased." On the 26th we arrived at Tangier and found Sir John Lawson riding in the road, with the Resolution, Phoenix. Antelope and Coventry. I immediately went aboard him and delivered your letter. He asked many questions concerning your Excellency's health and success and my lady's satisfaction in that country, "whose vertues are as much talked of at Tangier as in Turky. "It that day happened that Sir John Lawson made an entertainment for the governor of the towne and severall other gentlemen and officers; it was my good fortune to come in before dinner, and so I tooke share of the good cheere amongst the rest." There I found one Mr. Hugh Cholmely, a kinsman of your lordship, with whom I had much discourse of you and your family. I also saw Mr. H. Seymour, lieutenant of the Antelope, an ingenious young gentleman, whom I assured of my readiness to serve him, " as one who is a devoted servant to that most noble family." I had several private discourses with Sir John, who applauds the good service your lordship has done, and says you shall not want signal thanks for it from his Majesty. " The next day, being the 27th, I went ashoare and found the towne in a good and plentyfull condition. In the time of my Lord Peterborough (whose reputation in this garrison is as much diminished as my Lord Teviot's is extolled and adored) none durst so much as open the gates or looke over the walls. But as soone as my Lord Teviot arrived, at the same instant before hee entered into any house hee opened the gates and in person went about half a mile from the walls, where he designed his line and five redoubts which hee with an extraordinary diligence and admirable resolution applyed himself to, that in three or four dayes time working day and night hee had raised them so high as they became very defensible, all which time my Lord entered not so much as into a house nor reposed in any other place then at the outmost guard of the gate with his cloake about him and an ammunition pillow under his head. The Moores espying unawares strange kind of buildings to appeare, and fearing that it might bee something very prejuditiall, speedily attacked the forts with about 12,000 or 14,000 men led on by Guiland, but received a very great repulse with a signall slaughter of them and their horse by the crowes' feet which my Lord Teviot had caused to bee scattered in the grasse ; which they being then un- acquainted with and finding them in their feet and sitting downe to pull them out felt a worse wound behind. And yet these Moores were so couragious that they ventured to the very walls of the redoubts and there one upon the other's back shot in at the loopholes ; but the service was too hot for them, 280 *that ' with a very great losse they were forced to retire. Some dayes after with a fresh courage and more bold resolution they designed to make a second assault, but then the English souldiery beeing well in heart with the former successe met them in their outward trenches with all the force of the towne, leaving the walls to bee defended by the seamen of the fleet, who with the great gunnes made severall admirable shot to the great discouragement of the enemie, who that day could never passe the line, but in the evening were forced to retreat with the losse of 300 or 400 men. At the later end of the day and of the fight, Guiland sent a white flag to desire a treatie, which my lord granted and appointed for the next day. The place agreed on was my lord's tent, which hee had pitched a little without his workes. There hee met Guiland in person and agreed upon a truce for six months. A coppy of the articles I would have procured for your lordship, but could not obtaine them from the deputie governour. My Lord Teviot, having thus built severall forts, opened the gates, foyled the Moores in two fights and made a peace with them, and all in the space of two months, is returned into England to give his Majestie an account of all that hath passed, to receive new orders as to the establishment of the garrison, the building the mould and the acertaining the right and pro- prietie of the houses of the towne. The mould proceeds forward very vigorously, 300 men being employed in it every day, and have brought it a good way out into the sea. The breadth of it is thirty yards. The draught of it Sir John Lawson hath showed mee ; when finished will bee the best mould and rarest fabrick of the world. The worke is under- taken by the Duke of Yorke, the Duke of Albermarle, Sir John Lawson and Mr. Chomly. The towne is now plenty full of all provisions, and is the drunkenest place that ever I came into in my life. It hath a great trade with Tituan, especially in hides, and great caravans come in thither every day. The garrison consists of about 1,500 souldiers ; the other inhabitants may be 1,000 more of Portugalls, Jewes and merchants. I have seriously viewed the redoubts, one of which is a large fort very strong ; the others are three square and are situated to that advantage that the Moores cannot lurke now in ambush to kill our men from the walls as formerly they have done. I have also roade about the bounds allotted us by the capitula- tions, out of which if a man bee taken he is lawfull prize, unlesse he carry the passe of the governour, and then hee may travaile all over the country. The English butchers goe every day allmost to the market at Arzeile. The bounds assigned the English are about ten miles in compasse, in which our officers goe often to hunt the wild hog, and when they exceed their bounds with the company of the outguards of the Moores they have libertie to goe where they please. There are not above 50 horse in the towne, amongst which there are not above 20 serviceable. My Lord Teviot hath 281 gained so much reputation here that after the peace was made the chiefe men of the Moores came from all places to kisse his hand, having him in a very great esteeme and admiration. " And indeed I conceive much of the happinesse of this towne depends upon my Lord's returne, and the annexion of it to the crowne of England. For most of the garrison here coming from Dunkirke are affraid it should runne the same fortune of that place, which discourages all people from furnishing or repairing their houses, not knowing how long they may enjoy them. And indeed the great men in this fleet cry out how much they feare that Tangier will bee a morsell for the hungry courtiers. But I hope better things, for I cannot imagine the King should so little understand his interest as to release so faire a Jewell from his crowne, which all the neighbour- ing people beginne to feare and is their only discourse. " The first of October wee departed hence and the same day at noone arrived at Gales, where Sir John Lawson went to demand satisfaction for the injuries the Biscainers and Don Michael de Oguenda had done the English shipping, and to know if the King of Spaine would owne it. Wee found at our arrivall that the Spanish armada which was fitted out to meet the plate fleet was returned againe into Cadiz without them, and that in a storme six of their great gallions were cast away and between 800 and 1,000 men drowned, the hulls of which great ships I am now in sight of on the shoare. Another ship in the night fell foule of the Admirall and carried his foremast by the boarde, sinking herself by his side. I understand that the Duke of Alberquerque, who is x\dmirall of Spaine, hath sent a soft answer to Sir John, but as yet I know not the particulars." We are now under sail for England, and shall touch at Lisbon for twenty-four hours, where I shall visit Consul Maynard and thank him for his past civilities. Postscript. From England it is said that Lord Bristol is retired and obscures himself until! the next sessions of Parliament. 8 pp. Enclosing, 1. Letter from the government of Algier to Charles II., announcing their intention in future to take and detain all ships without passports [as stated in Ricaut's letter of Sept. 13, above]. Delivered on Sept. 13 (" end of the month Saphir 1074 "). Copy. 1 p. 2. Reasons why it is difficult or impossible to make Algier maintain peace, viz. 1, because the people are the dregs of the Turks, pirates and renegadoes, without religion, faith or honour ; 2, that the government is in the hands of the scum of the people, ignorant and inconstant ; 3, that they are overawed by the soldiers, hi whom " the itch of robbery prevails," and who cannot bear to see rich ships pass free out of their hands. 1 pp. 282 CONSUL ROBERT BROWNE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, Oct. 4. Argier. On Mr. Ricaut's arrival, I delivered the ratifications to the Divan, the event whereof did not answer our expectations, for " these rebellious people, whoe takes noe notice of any power, and obeyes noe command but that of theire owne wills," made little or no account of their sovereign's command, as Mr. Ricaut's letter will tell you. The Divan and soberer sort of people are desirous to keep the peace, but the soldiers, whose chiefest dependence is on what they get at sea, oppose it, " and soe longe as those which should command . . . suffer themselves to be swayed by the commonalty, there's noe thought of keepinge of articles, and to noe purpose to have peace with them whoe will not be kept to anythinge longer then the rod is over theire heads ; and if his Majesty must be forced to keepe a fleete to maintaine the peace, 'tis the same expence to keepe it to reuine them." They talk of sending presents to the Grand Signor. If they do, your lordship will be able to tell him what obedient subjects he has, and what account they make of his commands. 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR HENRY BENNET. 1663, Oct. 11. Pera. The surrender of a town in Hungary* has caused more joy than the taking of Babylon, and has so puffed up the Turks that they are as high as lately they were debased. Some months ago the Grand Chancellor wrote to the chief of the Eunuchs that if the Grand Signor would have that town taken, he should put out the Grand Vizier and make his <3on-in-law Vizier. The Grand Signor sent the letter to the Vizier, who immediately " cut off both their heads," and the Grand Signor has seized the Chancellor's vast wealth. He had 1,600 camels, 400 mules, 600 horses of the best, besides in- numerable ordinary ones, 4,000 girdles or shasshes of the best silk " never worn," 27 pounds weight of pearls, besides one chain of them worth 12,000/. sterling, 300 daggers set with diamonds and rubies ; 90 sable vests worth at least 90.000 dollars, besides swords and other rich furniture of inestimable value and a cartload of the best china. It is believed those of Hungary will betray what they can to the Turks, " because the Emperor will not allow them their religion, which here the Turks give liberty in to all." Letter Book, ii. p. 75. 4 pp. [Original in 8.P. Turkey.} CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, Oct. 16. Aleppo. Has had no further trouble with the Emin, and hopes now to continue a good understanding with him. An express bound for India, concerning the agree- ment between Portugal and Holland, has passed Damascus. Ursek Ujvar or Neuhausel, surrendered Sept. 25. 283 PAUL RICAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, Oct. 24. Lisbon. We arrived here on the 12th inst. in company of Sir John Lawson and his fleet, " which, according to the articles of marriage, were to cruise upon the coast of Portugall for the two first summers after the match, and now, the time being expired, this fleet is returning home." But the Admiral has to take leave of the King, and twelve days have been spent in ceremony, much to my trouble. I cannot with patience think of the length of this voyage, favoured with such blessed winds and yet so protracted by our visits to divers ports ; but seeing I am here I have made the best use of my time that I could to obtain information for your lordship. ' The face of the government is much changed since your lordship left this country. The Queene-mother, who hath beene so good a mother to her sonne and to her native country, is not only put wholy from having any part in the rule, but under the guise of a monasticall life is kept in that strict restraint that none can visit her but by permission and license of the Councell of State ; which leave Sir John Lawson obtained when hee sent to obtaine her commands and letters for England. The crime and allegation against her was a designe to set up her younger sonne in the throne, a youth of greater hopes then his brother, did not the loose education and libertie given him debauch him, contrary to the expectation of all his people. In the place of the preceding government is stepped in the Conde de Castelmelior, who is principall and chiefe favourite, and the Marquis de Marialva. These two act wholy according to their will, though the King, like a propertie set up to speake their minds, appeares only more in businesse then when your lordship was here, and is made believe by them that now hee transacts all matters of concernment, which power his mother tooke from him to assume unto herself. Yet for all this had it not pleased God the last summer to have given them a signall and strange victory over the Spaniard (performed allmost solely by the valour of the English, which the PortugalLs and all the world acknowledge) this citty had before this time beene in the power and dominion of the Spaniard. For here are many secret factions amongst them and diverse amongst the grandees, who nourish an affection for Spaine and privately wish well and act for them, some of which have beene executed, others banished, amongst which is the Duke of Calaval [Cadavall]. Others actually fled to Spaine, as the Duke Devera [D'Aveiro], the greatest and most considerable prince of this kingdome and since executed here in effigie. " The Bishop also of Lisbon is suspected by many, a great and wise statesman. It was hee who gave advice to the King to stamp all the silver coyne of his country and raise the value 25 per cent., with intention as some imagine to spoyle the traffick and move a mutinie amongst the people. But it hath proved quite contrary, for the army hath thereby in 284 a great measure beene supplyed and the most urgent necessities of the Crowne provided . The souldiers also before this victory for want of pay and the common people for want of correction were come to that height of insolence that at noone day with an outcry of mora el mal governo, with clubbs and swords broake into the houses of the Conde de Castelmelior, the Marquis de Marialva and the Bishop, and there robbed and spoyled according to their pleasure without opposition or other controulment, and the very streets of the citty became insecure for any who was thought to carry two crownes about him. But now this victory hath quieted the minds of all people, justice beginnes now to have its course againe and the common sort are againe perswaded they shall live under the government of their owne King. This victory hath beene seconded by the good successe of the taking Ebora, performed againe by the English, during which siege the Portugalls, mindf ull of the great service lately done by them and conscious that the ill-usage and bad entertainment past might discourage them contrary to what their valour engaged them to, sent downe the English consul Mr. Maynard with faire words and two months' pay to the souldiery then in the leager, and with promises of the whole payment of their arreares after taking of the towne ; with which the souldiers were so much animated that they intently fell to their worke and in two dayes tooke the towne whilest the Portugalls were little other than spectators of these actions. " The English army at present on the frontiers in their last muster consisted of about 1,500 men, the most of them of Cromwell's veterane successfull souldiers. They are commanded by Count Schomberg, a Frenchman, but speakes good English. The Portugalls have of late showed more kindnesse to our men then formerly, their quarters are good, and but five months behind in arreares. It is said there are treaties of sending more men for this place, but it is conceived our King will have better securitie for their due payment. Don Juan is returned to Badajos with an army of 22,000 men ; the Portugal! army is little lesse then that number. " Wee have here no newes from England, only I have endeavoured to discover how our King resents that Bamboin was not delivered, and I understand that Sir Richard Fanshaw, who was embassador here, hath demanded satisfaction* for the ineffectual! voyage of the fleet to the East Indies, and is returned home with what proposalls the Portugalls make for satisfying our King in that point ; and that my Lord of Malborough is a second time setting forth for the Indies. I have here visited my lord embassador's secretary, and hee tells mee that Sir Richard Fanshaw is designed embassadour for the Court of Spaine, where hee expects to be called, and that Portugall having more need of England then England * See correspondence of Fanshaw and Castelmelhor. Report on Mr. Heathcote ' MSS., p. Ill et seq. 285 of Portugal! may better maintaine an embassadour at London then our King at Lisbon. I have dined several times at Mr. Maynard's, who tells me how often he has written to your lordship and you to him, but, I perceive, takes it a little unkindly that he hath received no acknowledgments from you in return of his great entertainment. I have assured him that you will not be wanting, on your return home, to recompense the many kindnesses you received from him. I have also visited the English nunnery on your and my lady's behalf, where they so particularly asked after all who were with you that I wondered at their memory and observation. We are now at length going from this place. " I hope a speedy passage will make amends for all, and my diligence in your lordship's affaires in England will make good the losse of my time here." 6 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR HENRY BENNET. 1663, Oct. 26. Pera. Having received no satisfaction concerning the injury done to Mr. Sympson by the Dutch at Smyrna, he has protested to the Dutch Resident here, and ordered the English consul there to write to his honour. Letter Book, ii, 79. | p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, Oct. 27. Aleppo. Our general ship, the Eagle, has arrived at Scanderoon, being one of the richest ships ever come to these parts. She brings about 1,100 bales of cloth, 200 barrels of tin and other goods. To prevent the extravagant price given for " gaules " I last January made an agreement with the French nation, "that too many buyers might not appeare together and bid one upon another," but now one of our factory refuses to observe it, though the whole nation desire its continuance. I could not prevail with Mr. Sherman in a friendly way and so committed him to custody, but he has now by my order gone to the French consul, acknowledged his error and delivered to them a third of the gaules which he had bought, after which I released him. The French nation were so sensible of the justice done them that the next day the consul wrote to thank me, and remitted his third part. His letter and the resolution and warrant are enclosed. 2 pp. Enclosing, 1. Act of Court, dated Jan. 8, 1662[-3], that when the English factors bought gaules they should offer the French a third part, and vice versa. 1 p. 2. Copy of warrant for the committal of Mr. Bezalus Sherman, dated Oct. 26. 1 p. 3. Letter of thanks from M. Baron, dated [Oct. 26-] Nov. 5. Italian, \ p. 286 THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR HENRY BENNET. 1663, Oct. 28. Pera. Has received his Majesty's letter of June 21, touching the pirate in the Red Sea, but dare not deliver it, as there is a great error in it ; the Grand Signor being called Ibrahim instead of Mahomet. If it becomes necessary to deliver it, he must make a copy and state that the original is coming in another ship. Studies day and night how to increase traffic and protect English subjects, but the Grand Signor being at Adrianople and the Vizier in Hungary, it must cause more charge, by reason of journeys taken by his druggermen or even by himself. A Greek priest having undertaken to get the city of Candia delivered up to the Grand Signor has been made Metropolite of Candia and "despatched away with his desires." Two confidants of Balarino declare that Venice designs to let Candia be betrayed to the Turk, and having made peace with the Grand Signor, will demand licence to levy Christian soldiers in his territories, to oppose the French in Italy. Prays that if his Majesty designs to send him further instructions, they may come with all speed. Letter Book, ii. p. 79. 3| pp. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] RANDALL MCDONNELL, MARQUIS OF ANTRIM. [1663, October ?] " The answer of Randall, Lord Marquis of Antrim, to the charge exhibited against him by the Adventurers and soldiers." Begins, "Having already undergone the trial and examina- tion of this board upon a former charge against him by these petitioners." 3| pp. [See papers relating to his case in Cal. S.P. Ireland for this year.] SIR HENEAGE FINCH to HIS SON [DANIEL FINCH]. 1663, Nov. 7. Saturday. " Your good wishes and your prayers for my health, as they become you very well, so I assure you they are very gratefull and acceptable to mee. I am, I thank God, at present in such a state of health that I go abroad and do buisiness . . . [and] am not without hope, by God's blessing, to return ere long to my full strength. Till then 'tis fitt both you and I should have patience and rest satisfyed with the good pleasure of God. . . . ' Holograph. 1 p. CONSUL GILES JONES to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, Nov. 8. Venice. Praying him to do all he possibly can to procure the liberation of the illustrious Signor Marc Antonio Delfino, who has been for many years a prisoner in the Towers of Constantinople. His father and brothers have tried every means to free him from his slavery, but in vain. Acmet Aga, " Chiecaia " of the arsenal, a prisoner of the Republic, would be given in exchange for him, and possibly 287 some other considerable Turks joined with Acmet in the exchange. Signed in his own hand, " Your Excellencies most humble and obedient, but almost dying servant, Giles Jones." Italian. 2 PP- PAUL RICAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, Nov. 16-19. London. By the last post, of the 12th inst.* I gave your lordship an account of my arrival in London on the 8th ; of my immediate address to Secretary Sennet and of my introduction to his Majesty. What then passed was of common discourse, but his Majesty was pleased to refer me to a time of more privacy in the future. Since my abode here I have been wholly taken up in delivering your lordship's presents, paying visits, and other compliments, both at court and in the city. I have delivered the present of furs to Sir Heneage Finch, and the musk cod to my Lord Treasurer. " It could not but bee received kindly, though the greatness of such noble persons doth not usually flowe into high expression, and I question not but when I have occasion to make use of his friendship in the businesse of the garter that hee will prove himselfe faithfull and cordiall. The Turkish letter-cases I have also delivered to Sir Henry Bennet, who returnes your lordship many thankes for them, but hath beene so full of businesse in examination of severall trait erous complotters in the north" f that (as he tells me) he has had no leisure to receive me. I attend him every morning and hope this day [Nov. 17] I shall be heard. As to the garter, I have not spoken to Sir Heneage Finch, as he has no time but for his great employments and law affairs ; therefore after much considering it, I thought fit to open myself first to my Lady Duchess of Somerset, who, being greatly affected by my reasons, has promised to go to my Lord Treasurer about it. In the next place, I addressed myself to Sir Edward Nicholas, who is your real and sincere friend. He will urge it to my Lord Treasurer, "and conceives it may not bee very difficult, if there may bee more places void then one, for it is the custome to keep one allwayes vacant." In regard to the estates, as Lord Keeper Bridgeman believes that Mr. Walrond is both able and faithful and ought to be retained; as Sir Heneage is well satisfied with him and the Duchess not against it, Capt. Hulse and I have given order to Mr. Buck worth to pay him the money in his hands. Nov. 19. This morning I had long discourse with Mr. Secretary Bennet, and touched on all things necessarj' to your interest. Mr. Secretary expressed much in praise of your lordship and said the King was infinitely satisfied with your negotiations. As the matters I delivered to him were very material, he ordered me to give them as succinctly and pithily * This letter is missing. t See " Information " dated Nov. 26. Cat. S.P. Dom. 288 as I could in writing, to be laid before the Council. I hope to recover the expences of the Adrianople journey from the King, and have added something as to settling a resident at Venice, in case that business proceeds. As yet I have not been in Kent, but as soon as all these wheels move, I shall wait on my Lord Maidstone and attend to the matters of your estate. Mr. Buckworth thinks the business of the tin not fit for your lordship to meddle in, but if things go better, and he becomes interested in the farm, he offers your lordship to go shares. I labour cordially and diligently in your service, and endeavour so to expedite things as to return in the general ships next month, "for I have a longing desire to bee againe with your lordship. ... I make every day severall collections of new matter ... of strange, prodigious things which passe here in the world, . . . which, when I have the happinesse to see your lordship, will prove such stories as will make you for ever love Constantinople the better." Postscript. I am not presenting the horse until he recovers from some distemper caused by the sea. 6 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR HENRY BENNET. 1663, Nov. 21. Pera. " . . . We are all exceedingly joyed to hear of his Majesty's prosperity, and we do long and pray for those happy effects from the Bath which all good subjects and servants do so passionately desire and wish." Most of the Turkish forces are in their winter quarters, and many are returned into Asia. " If the German Emperor make no advantage thereof this winter, nor send his army first in the field next spring, I doubt the Turks will make a greater progress next summer." At Belgrade they daily make provision against the spring, but some report that they hope once more to deceive the Emperor under pretence of treating for peace. Cyprus is in so ill a posture that it might easily be taken by 10,000 men, especially as most part of the Asian forces are in Hungary. The castles are ill-manned, all the rest of the island cannot bring into the field above 2,000 spahis, and of janissaries, husbandmen and renegado Greeks at most 5,000 more, ill-armed, and without discipline or courage. The fortifications are decayed, they are negligent in their guards, and ill-provided with arms and ammunition. The island is plentiful and rich but ill-inhabited, yet if conquered by a Christian prince, it would be easy to bring people from the other islands, and so plant that kingdom, which would be a terrible blow to the Turk, and a great increase of dominion to the conqueror. Letter Book, ii, p. 83. 2 pp. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, Nov. 23. Aleppo. My last was of the 14th inst. thanking your Excellency for recommending the business of 289 India to Sir Henry Bennet, and acquainting you that all the factory save one had taken the oath of allegiance and that to the Company. Since then this person has also taken them, so I have not any in my jurisdiction but are conformable. The caravan has come with our cloth, tin, chests of money &c. The Emin put the cloth in the custom house and wished to do the same with the money, but I had it brought to my own house, and told him that if he yielded to bad advice and disturbed our affairs, "the trouble might for the present be ours, but the damage should be certainely his in the end." Great quantities of bad money have been of late brought into these parts by the name of new Perus, which I have endeavoured to suppress by forbidding my merchants to receive them. I have also prayed the Musselem and Caddee to take some order against this money, as, if nor prevented, it will ruin the trade. My chief drift in complaining to them was lest they should pretend that our nation had brought that coin into the country ; and I furthermore desired their chief officers to be present at the opening of our chests of money, which was accordingly done, and all found to be "good, weighty, old Seville and Mexico money ... so that God be thanked, we have hitherto passed without the least intrigue." The French have five chests which their consul endeavours may not be viewed, but I understand the ministers are resolved to see it. If any of the new Peru money be found, it will occasion the French nation trouble enough. The Levant Company have ordered me to make a seizure for consulage etc. owing to them by Mr. Philip Strode, deceased, upon the estate of Thomas Stanton and Hawly Bishopp, his assigns, but they refuse to pay, saying they have not sufficient of Strode's effects in their hands. I desire your Excellency to send me your warrant, as they have possessed themselves of everything and are certainly liable. At the last z inny the Musselem sent to borrow some cloth to adorn the seraglio. It has been customary for the consuls to send cloth and satins to adorn the Caddee's gate, but not the seraglio ; however, finding that the French and Dutch consuls had lent him satins and cloth of gold, I sent him some. But when the zinny was over, and the Caddee with thanks returned what was lent him, the Musselem cut off as much of the French and Dutch satins and cloth of gold as pleased him, before returning the rest. He also said that unless I would promise to send him 40 pikes of red cloth, what I had lent him would be kept. I thought it not convenient to make any such promise, nor to press for restoration of the cloth, as our goods, come by our general ship, were not then in our merchants' possession, but now I shall again demand it, and if refused, shall call him to account. 2 pp. Wt. 2949o, 19 290 PAUL RICAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, Nov. 26. London. I gave Secretary Bennet all particulars as he desired in writing [see next paper], and he now tells me that he has perused it seriously two or three times and read it all to the King, who much applauds your lordship's wise reflections, and has given order for instructions to be framed in accordance therewith, and a new letter written to the Grand Signer. " This weeke I presented his Majestic from your lordship with the ' cemyter ' and horse, and, from myself, with the capitulations dedicated to his Majestic. The King was much pleased with the cemyter, and highly delighted with the horse ; for I tooke such care of him, to get him into a good condition, that hee looked as well in St. James's Parke (where his Majestic came downe to view him) as hee did at Adrianople ; and the horse was commended by all for a curious shaped horse, and thought strange that after so long a voyage hee should retaine his flesh with so much vigour and comeli- nesse. The horse is ordered to bee sent to Newmarket, for the King hath a great opinion that hee is very fleet. Nico is ordered a very good reward." Yesterday I was before the Court of Assistants, and endeavoured to satisfy them as to the Greyhound. Having given them the grounds on which your lordship went, I think they believe you could not, in law or prudence, do otherwise, and I have intimated so much to Sir Heneage Finch, who now confesses that you have reason. I have been very tender how I have interrupted him during the term, and so have had to act many things on my own judgment ; but the end of the term in two or three days will (as he promised me last night) give me further opportunity of discourse with him. I insisted to the Company on your right to make dis- bursements in their service, and on the power of your warrants to save the treasurer harmless, and these and other points are to be debated at their next meeting, when they promise to resolve all. By the 15th of next month, the Bendy sh for Smyrna and Prudent Mary for Smyrna and Constantinople are designed to depart, and if God bless me, I intend to go with them, which makes me so busy in your lordship's affairs that I protest I scarce spare time to visit my own friends. Nothing troubles me more than that a proper man cannot be found to succeed Mr. Martin, so that your commissioners are for continuing Mr. Walrond. The Duchess has not shown herself averse to it, yet, if I mistake not, she still retains some displeasure against him. I come now from my Lord Treasurer, whom I have solicited concerning the money your lordship laid out for redemption of the slaves taken in the Morea. He was not disposed to see me, yet he sent out Sir Philip Warwick to say that at present he was indisposed, but when better " would seeke out the privy scale and order the payment. And that I might 291 presse the businesse farther, I addressed myself to my Lady Southampton, whom I allwayes find in an humour to oblige both your lordship and my lady. I implored her favour in minding her lord of this business, and found her very ready, which shee expressed in termes of abundant kindnesse and respect. As to the businesse of the garter, I am resolved to desist, for at present there is too much difficulty in it. Time and the promising prosperitie of your lordship will entitle you to it ; here are many great ones and favourites that stand in expectation of it ; and though there are many neither equall to your lordship in fortune nor parts who have procured that honour to have it placed on their shoulders, yet, as Sir H. Finch told mee, your lordship must consider as well who those are that want it and expect it, as those who allready have it. " It hath pleased God to call the little Lady Betty to another world ; the rest of your hopeful issue encrease in vertue and beautie. Within two dayes I designe for Eastwell, where I shall waite on my Lord Maidstone, and perform other matters in reference to your lordship's estate." 6 pp. MEMORANDUM for SIB HENRY BENNET. 1663, Nov. Memorandum by Paul Ricaut for Sir Henry Bennet, of matters entrusted to him by Lord Winchilsea, to be communicated to Sir Henry, "which were not judged fit to be inserted in his letter." That the Grand Signer wished an express to be sent to England, touching at Algier by the way, to learn how the late ratifications of peace with England had been received there. That on 5th Aug. the Chimacam or deputy of the Vizier delivered the ratifications, with a "prologue" of the strict union between the Grand Signor and the crown of England, and that the Grand Signor was resolved to keep no union with any Christian Prince besides the King of England, as was shown by his wars with the Emperor of Germany and Venice, the ill correspondence with France, and the imprison- ment of the Holland Resident. And therefore, if the King of England, who was the most powerful monarch in the world by sea, would aid the Grand Signor against the Venetians with his navy, the Grand Signor might do what would be advantageous for his Majesty's trade in return. The Ambassador could not do otherwise than acquaint his Majesty with this proposition, for though he conceives it in no wise suitable to his Majesty's affairs or the common cause of Christendom to aid the Turks at this time, yet that neither the general interest intrusted to him nor his own person may suffer " by a barbarous and unreasonable fury," he humbly offers his opinion touching the answer to be given. That " the republic of Venice is a prince Christian " and in league with England, therefore it would be unjust to begin a war without reason, but that his Majesty being a perfect 292 friend to both parties, offers himself as umpire to compose a peace, which, if not effected, he will then further consider this proposition. This answer will probably have these effects : 1. It will amuse the Turks, so that the English interest and estates under their power will be the better secured. 2. The honour of the umpirage between Venice and the Turk, which for long has been managed by France, will be transferred to his Majesty, and so the Venetians quitted of their obligation to that King. It will likewise be more grateful to the greatest part of the Venetian nobility, who have particularly good inclinations to the crown of England, and more friendship to his Excellency than th'ey could have to any French ambassador, the last having managed these affairs so badly. 3. It will acquit his Excellency from depending on Balarino, " a person full of artifice and design." If this advice be accepted it would be necessary that an agent, recommended by his Excellency, should be placed in Venice, with whom he may keep a correspondence. His Excellency likewise humbly proposes that since he is the sole Christian ambassador at Constantinople, the grievances of the poor Christians in all parts of the Turkish dominions are addressed to him, as well of the Latin as the Greek and Armenian Churches, but since he is limited by his instructions to favour the Greek beyond the Latin, he is " bound up from several good offices " which he might show to the Guardians of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem, lest they should be prejudicial to the Greeks. If his instructions were enlarged, he could more generally diffuse his assistance for the benefit of the Christian cause. He further proposes that his journey to Adrianople, for performance of his Majesty's commands, "which now lies wholly upon the Turkey Company," being for the common interest of trade, his Majesty would be pleased in some measure to relieve the said Company of all, or at least a good part of this burden ; " that they may not be wholly sufferers for having contributed with their purses " to that negotiation. I beseech your Honour to procure my speedy despatch, as the general ships for Smyrna depart in fifteen days, and if I miss that passage I shall be forced to a long and tedious winter journey. 4 pp. Annexed : Copies of documents relating to the treaties. PAUL RICATJT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, Dec. 7-9. [London.] " The attendance on my Lord Maidstone (who in all points of learning and vertue growes an excellent proficient beyond his yeares) and the other of your little ones the last weeke at Eastwell, hath made mee omit writing that weeke 's information. I was glad to see in the country your lordship's children so healthfull and 293 thrive so well ; the house and furniture carefully looked after, and all your lordship's friends and commissioners so encouraged by the frequent supplies your lordship hath made them . . . that they proceed with much delight in clearing your lordship's engagements and improving the estate." Dec. 8. Sir H. Bennet has promised me my despatches by the latter end of this week, which I am confident will accord with your expectation. I have discoursed with him at large, as also with my Lord Chancellor for some hours. The King has referred all to his ministers, so I have had no entertain- ment with him in private, but hope to obtain it on my departure. I have made a second attempt to procure the money disbursed at Adrianople, and used many arguments to my Lord Treasurer to induce him to afford assistance, " to which my lord replyed in short that to expect any such summe out of the King's coffers were a folly, and the prosecution of the businesse a losse of time." I then proposed an imposition on the goods of all ships trading to the Mediterranean till the Company was reimbursed. My lord seemed rather to approve this, and promised that if reasonable propositions were brought him from the Company, he would do his utmost to assist them. To-day I was summoned to the Court of Assistants. Great complaints they made, that their money should be spent without their order ; and said that your lordship, on receipt of your instructions for the negotiations, should have sent home to know where the money might be levied, " rather then to have used their estates for effecting what they never desired, nor knew nor consented unto." I answered that your lordship had but obeyed his Majesty's orders for the journey, but (that they might know you were very sensible of their great charge thereon) I had, by your orders, used all endeavours with the Lord Treasurer. When I touched the expedient by way of imposition, however, they were all against it, as impositions once laid on were never after to be taken off, and therefore desired me to desist from that way. If I could procure it from the King's revenue it would be a very acceptable service to them, but other means " were remedies worse then the desease." This morning Sir H. Bennet sent for me and I began to relate to him what had passed at the Court, to which he answered that you need take no further care as to this business, as the King would give the Company their answer. 4 pp. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, Dec. 10. Aleppo. Amongst the French money has been found a bag of the new Perus. having in each piece of eight but four " drams " of silver. This has so far benefitted the English that it has freed them from the suspicion of being the importers of that bad money. The Emyn is said to have friends at Court who are working to infringe the English privileges, and the more easily because several great men are 294 cut off who were formerly friends to the nation. Prays that by his Excellency's wisdom they may be prevented. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to FATHER ISIDORE DI OGGIONO, Guardian of the Holy Land. 1663, Dec. 11-21. Pera. The bearer, Father Pacifico "hath deported himself here with much fidelity and modesty . . . and with that care and circumspection in the affairs of the Holy Land as deserves exceedingly from you." I am also confident that your wisdom will distinguish between words and actions, and that your constancy will not only preserve but increase old friends. Letter Book, ii, p. 85. i p. THE EARL OF SOUTHAMPTON to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, Dec. 15. Your secretary returns to you with such answer to the most private part of your negotiation as in great measure concurs with your own judgment. It seemed very strange to me that almost in the same minute that the ratification was received at Algier, they should write to his Majesty a letter which in a manner breaks the whole treaty ; yet he is not insensible of the great kindness of the Grand Signor and his ministers, and when they [of Algiers] shall perceive his Majesty's resentment by the appearance of some of his fleet, your lordship's negotiation may reduce them to better conformity in the future. I fail not to take all occasions to speak to his Majesty of your activity and diligence, whereof he hath a very good sense ; so much so that he will recommend the good effects of your late journey to the merchants in general, which I hope will make them believe that it is unfit that they should receive the benefit, while the burden and charge lie upon that little you receive from the Turkey Company. And I hope your success in present affairs will discover to his Majesty your capacity for a better province. " Your lordship knows what expectations the German warr raises in the European princes and principally our great neighbor, with whom your lordship may hear some punctillios of honor are in disput, even with us, for the reception of our ambassador, which will at last, I assure myself, terminat in that which will not diminish us, for our master imposes not nor receives unequall conditions. We have a rumor the Dutch will make some tender of services to the Grand Seigneur upon some advantage for the cloth trade ; In this conjuncture, your lordship I assure myselfe will be very vigilant to attend their motions and be likewise soe cautious (for all interests are very ticklish now) that even a good bait be not too nimbly swallowed . " Our starrs here move seditious minds to follow their late practices and to permit noe quiet to others whilst they are 295 disturbed in their owne thoughts. But the care of his Majesty's officers and the good affection of the loyall party in all places make soe soon discoveries, that we will promise ourselves at last, as they heretofore triumpht in their success and prosperity, ther often failing and being frustrated will cure them of this megrum. His Majesty is sending down a commissioner of oyer and terminer into the north, and the sound of it will runn into the other quarters. . . . ' Signed. 1 p. Seal of arms. SIR EDWARD NICHOLAS to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, Dec. 23. Charing Crosse. I have with great content- ment received your lordship's of the 4th of August by your prudent and faithful servant Mr. Ricaut, and am very much joyed to understand by him how successfully you have performed the great charge reposed in you by his Majesty. The Grand Seigneur's ratification of the treaties with Tunis, Algiers and Tripoly was very welcome to his Majesty ; but since the receipt thereof those of Algiers have very causelessly and contemptuously violated their articles. " Albeit I have att present lesse power and opportunity to serve my friends or then I could wishe for their sakes, yet I shall ever with much cheerefulness and reddines embrace any occasion to contribute the best of my endeavours and industry to let the world see how much I truly honour your lordshipp and your noble alliaunce." Holograph. 1| pp. JOSEPH WILLIAMSON to THE SAME. 1663, Dec. 23. Whitehall. Thanking his Excellency for his last letter, and offering his services. Mr. Ricaut will bring all the news. 1 p. SIR HENRY BENNET to THE SAME. 1663, Dec. 23. Whitehall. Your secretary returning, I must acknowledge the letters he brought for his Majesty and myself of the 4th and 5th of August, with the several ratifications of the treaties with Tunis, Tripoli, and Algiers ; together with a present of an Arabian horse for which his Majesty will give you thanks in his own hand. He is perfectly satisfied with j r our comportment, and, in this particular transaction, finds that you have acted with extraordinary prudence and much benefit to his affairs, if those of Algiers will stand to the peace, of which we are in doubt, the populace having tumultuously prevailed against the will of their governors to violate it in some points. His Majesty resolves to secure the trade by sending a considerable fleet to the Mediterranean sea. Meanwhile, you are to complain to the Grand Signer of this behaviour, but to say that if they are willing to retract their errors, he will give power to his general " to peice up matters again/' believing that the fault docs 298 not proceed from the governors but from the avarice and inconstancy of the people, " generally composed of piratts and such as get their livelihood^ from them." *" Now it will bee fit I proceed to those points particularly intrusted to your secretaire's credential!, for which your Excellencie hath a new one given you in his Majestie's letter to the Grand Signer, according to which you are to expose to the chief e minister thereupon at your first audience, in returne to what in secrecy hee communicated to you, viz. that his Majestie valewes as hee ought to doe the friendship of the Grand Signor and this late effect and proofe of it in the ratifications now sent heither ; that his Majestie is ready on his part to doe all things that may justify his profession to correspond entirely and sincerely with such an amity, so it may not prejudice his friendship established with any Christian Prince. And on this occasion it would not bee unfit for you to expose how little and uncertaine an one hee hath with the Emperour, not only for the little or no communication or dependance betwixt the Empire and his Majestie's dominions but for the unconcernments the Emperour hath showen for his Majestie in all times, neglecting him totally when hee was abroad and having omitted to send him any congratulatory ambassy or message since his happy restauration, all other Princes and States of Christendome having done it in a most splendid manner. And this tale being well told by your Excellencie will certainely convince the Grand Signor that his Majestie cannot bee suspected of much partialitie towards the Emperour. As to the Venetians, the Grand Signer's other adversary in Christendome, it is true that all the good correspondence is entertained between his Majestie and them which can become such a friendship, so that it cannot bee expected a Prince so sacred an observer of his royal! word as his Majestie is should unprovoaked proceed to the violation of it. " But to shew the Grand Signor how ready his Majestie is and desirous by all lawful! wayes and meanes of the con- tinuation of his friendship, his Majestie offers the Grand Signor to bee the umpire and mediatour of a peace betwixt him and the Venetian, according to which the Embassadour or Resident which his Majestie meanes speedily to send to the Duke and Senate of Venice shall bee particularly instructed to doe all good offices and performe anything else tending to that end. And if this take effect, the Grand Signor wiU find much more ease in his affaires then hee can possibly have by the prosecution of the warre with the Venetians, how powerfully soever supported or assisted by his Majestie, whose late entrance into his kingdomes hath not yet put him into a condition to engage in any forraigne quarrells. And this wee hope will abundantly suffise to answer that * The following part of the letter 13 in a figure cipher, but the decipher made for the Earl (in Ricaut's hand) is with the letter. 297 court's expectations in returne to what they proposed to your Excellencie. " One thing more it will not bee amisse to adde for your Excellencie to make use of, if there bee occasion to come to a parly betwixt the usefullnesse of his Majestie's friendship and that of Holland, by showing their dependance upon the Empire and their late leave to make leavies of men there in defence of it and the emulation in which they put themselves at present of procuring their peace with Algier established and ours broaken, supposing with reason enough that that Government cannot with any satisfaction to their people bee friends with both. Your Excellencie is to take notice that what I write to you here of the Emperour is to bee made use of as a thing in your owne observation and not as intimated to you from mee, least too much hold should bee laid upon it and his Majestie pressed to some conclusions which hee would very unwillingly embrace, and consequently not only his service but you also in your person exposed by the refusall of them. It is good that your Excellencie use like tendernesse in the point of the Venetians, and upon the same grounds, though that negotiation being more avowable you may be boulder in it. "As to that point wherein your secretarye represented the restraint upon you in your instructions to favour preferablye the Greeke Churches to the Lattine by which you saye the Westerne Princes are disobliged, his Majestie consents that from hence forwarde your Excellencie take a latitude therein to doe what shall appeare to you most for his owne honnor and the satisfaction of this part of Christendome. "To the last poynt, wherein your Secretary recommends to and beseeches his Majestie to ease the Levante Companie in contributing to the extraordinary expence of your journeye to Adrianople, his Majestie answers that this peace with Algiers hath allreadye cost him sufficentlye and is like to doe much more in the future for the supporte of it, the principall effect of which will redownde to the saide Companyes, besides that there are no presedentes subsisting to justifye a pretencion to such payments from the king, which is sayde without any rcfflection upon your Excellencie's merritt towards his Majestie or an intencion to deminish any returnes to you thereupon from his bountye." 9 pp. SIR WILLIAM MORICE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, Dec. 23. Of the occurences here, you will receive a more satisfactory narration from your secretary's mouth than from my pen. " I shall in general only tell you that there are still many ill humors in these bodyes, and though quiet for the present, yet not abated in their malignancy. We doubt not by the prudent conduct of his Majesty and his ministers to prevent their gatheringe into an head, and if they should breake out 298 into a distemper yet it could not much inflame, the militia being so well setled, whereof there is a parte at their armes constantly in every county. Som grudgings of this kind of feaver have beene lately in the north, but the plot was laid and managed by persons inconsiderable for number and quality, who could no more have effected what they designed then have undermined a castle with their swordes. Foure of the judges are goinge downe to Yorkeshire with commission of oyer and terminer to trye som of the conspirators. In Scotland, the new commissioner, the Earle of Rothes (Middleton beinge laid aside), hath by som moderation allayed that heate which the violent motions of the other had irritated, but though episcopacy be there established, yet tis uneasy to them, and the bishops exert little of their power. In Ireland are great animosyties against the Commissioners of Claymes, whom the adventurers and soldiers suppose too prepense to the Irish interest, who have adjudged halfe Irland to those of that nation in the notion of innocents and yet but one parte of sixe of such pretenders are restored as yet. There lyes a new bill before the Council heere for the settlement of Irland, but the worke is like to prove tedious and intricate, and dis- contents there doe multiply and are not like to be easily or soone attempered. We are in straites for the scarcity of mony, which make trade shrinke though it never delated itselfe on your end of the world more then this yeere by occasion of the Turkes clothinge his army, and this penury of mony puts the State also into exigences, though the kinge endeavor to contract his expences, and in that consideration, hath put downe all dyets at courte (which gives great dissatisfaction) and made a stop and suspension of all pensions. The fleet of ten sayle of royal ships ready to sett saile for Algiers, the returne to the bosom of our church and communion by my lord of Bristol, the clashinges betwixt him and my Lord Chancellor, the intrigues of either faction, and the engaging and disposinge persons in expectation of the next parliament and the endeavors for an atonement and accomodation betweene them, being no secrets but the theme of common discourse, you will with more distinctnes and satisfaction in the particulars receave from your secretary. I shall only give your Excellency an assurance that I have great affection to your service and an high honor for your person, and shall covet and court all occasions to give you demonstration thereof." Holograph. 1| pp. PETER RYCAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, Dec. 26. London. Thanking his lordship for all his kindness to his brother, and assuring him of his own desire to serve him. 1 p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE SAME. 1663, Dec. 26. Aleppo. The Musselem has returned my cloth, since which I have given him a visit and been treated 299 with much respect. He promises all fair correspondence for the future. To encourage him, I gave him a present, and believe that I have secured his friendship. I have also given a present to the Emeen, and he has not as yet caused us the least disturbance. 1 p. THE DUKE or ALBEMARLK to THE EARL OP WENCHILSEA. 1663, Dec. 28. Cock-pit. "I received your lordshipp's letter, and returne you my heartie thankes for your kind remembrance of mee. I desire you by the first opportunitie to lett mee know whether the Great Turke goes in person uppon any expedition the next summer. All thinges heere are well. Now and then there are some little designes amongst the Anabaptists and Fifth Monarchy men, which are a people will never bee quiett, butt their designes are so weake and in- considerable that I am confident they will nott bee dangerous to his Majesty and the kingdome. I am now in hast and cannot inlarge, and therfore I desire your pardon for my brevity att this time." Holograph. \ p. Seal oj arms in garter, with ducal coronet. THE EARL OF CLARENDON to THE SAME. 1663, Dec. 29. Worcester House. " I have received yours of the 4th of August by Mr. Ricaut, whose dilligence and activity hath made him ready to returne at a season when I am very unfitt to give your lordship any account of myself e or of affairs here, having been these two and twenty dayes a prisoner to my bed with the goute. . . . " Your secretary will informe you what kind of reception the Grand Signer's ratification found at Algiers, and what our master is compelled and resolved to doe thereupon. It were to be wished that the Grand Signior would himselfe be soe sensible of this indignity and disobedience of his vassalls towards him, that thev might from thence be reduced to their duty." I hope you will persuade those in authority that the course our master takes was absolutely necessary for our trade in the Mediterranean, and that Sir John Lawson will, before the end of the summer, teach them to know themselves. Methinks the Grand Signer should not think it for his advantage to have a war with our master, which these perfidious pirates do in a manner involve him in, expressly contrary to his command. Your lordship has got great reputation in the managing of your business there, and I hope will get something else besides reputation. The Dutch believe that they have already composed their differences with the Grand Signor. I know you keep so exact a survey of our trade in those parts, that when you return, you will be able to make it evident how much it improved every year of your embassy. 300 T wish you " a safe and a happy returne to your owne country when you are weary of being out of it, and when I hope it will be fitter to receive you then it hath been these late ill years." The concluding words of the letter only in Clarendon's hand. 2-| pp. THE FACTORY OF SMYRNA to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663, Dec. 31. Smyrna. Certifying that " in the business of Mr. Weymouth Carew," they hold Mr. Carew's conduct blameless, and consider that the dvania is not personal but national, and should be borne by the general charges, seeing that the same thing might happen to any of the rest of them. Signed by Richard Mowsse, Treasurer, Walter Coventry, Samuel Taylor, Dudley North and 24 others. 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR HENRY BENNETT. 1663[-4], Jan. 3. Pera. A long despatch on Turkish affairs and the intrigues of the other ambassadors at the Porte against England. Believes it is for the King's interest for him to be always with the Court; "but the danger of the plague is great, the air and accommodation at Adrianople very bad ; that thought I do neither esteem my life nor fortune in com- parison of the public good, yet I have little reason to throw myself into the fire." Letter Book, ii, p. 86. 3 pp. {Original in 8. P. Turkey.] THE SAME to CONSUL JONES at Venice. 1663[-4], Jan, 3. He exceedingly compassionates the sufferings of Illustrissimo Delfino, occasioned only by his fidelity to his Prince and valour in his service, and would esteem himself very happy if he could promote his liberty ; but he is the son of a General, and possibly they detain him to exchange him for some greater person. Also long ago, in Sir Thos. Bendyshe's time, the affair was mismanaged, "and last summer worse, for the whole city knew it." Desires to be informed of further particulars and urges that the affair must be kept quite secret, or nothing can be done. Ibid. p. 89. 2 pp. THE SAME to SIMON DE RENINGHEN, Resident for the Emperor, at Belgrade. 1663-4, Jan. 18. Pera. Expressing his desire to see his Excellency again in Constantinople, and to assist him in making an honourable peace. Ibid. p. 91. Italian, p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1663-4, Jan. 25. Aleppo. The Eagle is nearly ready to sail, a very rich ship, upon which is laden about 1,800 sacks of galls, near 300 bales of silk, 200 sacks of goats' wool, 80 bales of gro. yarn, besides drugs and other goods. 301 " We continue a good understanding and correspondency with the ministers here ; enjoy our privileges and carry on our affaires with satisfaction and contentment. . . . The French nation are but in a bad condition, slighted and incroached upon ; the Dutch nation without trade." 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIGNOR BALARINO, Venetian Resident. 1663-4, Jan. 30. Pera. In favour of Thomas Gobbato,* whom he believes to be a faithful subject to his prince, and cannot imagine is guilty of any crimes towards his Excellency sufficiently grave to merit such lasting remembrance. Letter Book } ii, p. 92. Italian, f p. THE SAME to CONSUL CAVE. 1663[-4], Feb. 28. Pera. Has been sent for in haste to the Grand Signer. Prays Cave to show this to his secretary and hasten his return. Ibid. p. 93. f p. THE SAME to SIR HENRY BENNET. 1663-4, March 8. Pera. Has been summoned to Court by the Grand Signer, and is making his preparations, including a tent to lie in, as the plague is already at Heraclea, which is nigh the road to Adrianople. Has sent his first druggerman to delay his going (if possible) until his secretary returns, and shall try then to put the journey " quite off " but fears it will be very difficult. The Turks are now as low as lately they were high, having received heavy losses in Hungary. Great preparations are being made for the next campaign, but the Turks go very unwillingly to the war and are terrified with their late ill- success. They curse the Vizier as author of the war, and there are great murmurings of an insurrection. Ibid. p. 94. 3 pp. [Orignal in S.P. Turkey.] Also, Another letter, dated March 16, to much the same effect. Ibid. p. 96. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] THE SAME to GEORGE DRAPERIIS, his first druggerman, at Adrianople. 1663-4, March 19. Pera. Ricaut arrived on the 16th with answer from the King of England to the Chimacam's proposition, but as the answer is such as will give him grounds to make "new demands of chicqueens" [qy. sequins] and also because of the expence (the Turkey Company still lamenting their great charges), Draperiis is to get Winchilsea's journey put off, if with honour and safety he may, by pretending indisposition of health or whatever other impediment he thinks * There are other letters on this subject, in the last of which, dated August 17 and Sept. 13, the Earl thanks Balarino for receiving Gobbato again into favour. 302 fit, and which may possibly take effect " by the mediation of the presents, which are the chief motives that incline those ministers " to desire his company. If, however, he thinks things have proceeded too far to be retracted, he is to give no presents until Winchilsea arrives. Letter Book, ii, p. 98. 2 pp. SIR WILLIAM MORICE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. [1663-4,] March 24. Although mine of September 3rd came to your hands on November 16th, yet yours of November 21st only reached me on the 17th instant, the day after parliament first met after their prorogation. "The Kinge was informed it was like to be a thinne house of Commons the first day, and being loath to adventure busines of waight in a paucity of members, which might be more easily wrought and influenced, and being advertised that many of the members were on their way, and would be in towne by the ende of the weeke, he desired both houses to adjourne until Monday, notwithstandinge there appeared about 70 in the house of Lordes and toward 200 in that of the Commons. The great busines like to fall under agitation this session is concerninge my lord of Bristol, both in relation to his Majesty and to the chancellor. He offended the King before the last prorogation by sayinge to him that if he suffred his enemyes to have such accesse to and credit with his Majesty, he would raise such a storme as he should feele the effects thereof. None were present to heare the wordes save the lord Aubigny which is but one witnes, though som opine that the Kinge may be another, the case being not properly his, but the kingdoms, whose peace is concerned, but the major parte gainsay this. You have formerly heard how the Earle was proscribed the courte ; how a proclamation issued commanding him to render himselfe and forbidding any to receave or conceale him ; how he was indited for recusancy, and to defeat that prosecution how he turned protestant, came one Sunday to the church at Wimbledon and heard divine service forenoone and afternoone ; how he proved his conformity in the exchequer by four witnesses that were afterward all committed to prison, for not apprehend- ing him according to the proclamation ; and therefore I shall not trouble you with such repititions, but tell you that all our researches for taking him becomminge frustrated, and all negotiations for reconciling him to the Kinge and with the chancellor provinge fruitles (for nothing would content him without kissing the Kings hands and speaking a few wordes to him which was denyed him, but had it beene granted, he would have for som time have left the lande), and it being believed he would appeare and bluster in parliament, his Majesty sett sergeants at armes to waite at every dore and avennew of the lordes house with their maces and his majestyes warrants to arrest the Earle for high treason and convey him to the Tower, and this hath given som ombrage to many of the 303 peeres. The same day, which was the first of the convention, his house was searched at Wymbledon, but he was every where invisible. That morning he sent me a letter which he desired to be communicated to the Councel, wherein he declares that having falne under his Majestyes displeasure, to hie great sorrow, but without any fault save of som warmnes and indiscretion in the mode of offeringe som advise to his Majesty for his service, he thought no expedient so probable to allay that displeasure, as to retire himselfe and lye private, in which privacy he sawe his Majestys proclamation, and though it limited no time for his comminge in nor charged him with any particular crime, nevertheless he was going to render himselfe, but fell sicke on the way, and being now recovered, he found it to be the end of the meeting of the parliament, and being ignorant of the lawes, he desired the Counsel to advise and declare whither it were fitt for him to yeeld in himselfe, or lay clayme to his privilege as a peere. My duty prompted me to bringe the letter to the Kinge, who detaned it, but at Councel declared great resentment against the Earle. " The busines agitated in France about precedence betweene our Embassador and the princes of the blood is, after a long contest and many traverses, adjusted by this expedient ; that the Embassader had a forthnight since an audience without a solemne entry, and at St. Germain, not at Paris, and no prince of the blood nor any of their coaches present, which hath left it problemmatical who had the better issue of the controversy. We have not yet heard whither the lord Embassador Fanshawe be arrived at Madrid, who was imbarqued in that fleete which Sir John Lawson commanded to Algiers, to reduce the barbarians to conformity, or chastise their perfidiousness. The French have sett forth a fleete of sixteen ships and galleyes to attaque them, and they transport som land souldiers to raise and man a forte neere that towne to represse and restraine them. The Dutch fleete wilbe under saile within a weeke or two uppon like account with ours. My lord of Teviot is fortifying Tanger, and raiseth his workes in the face and midst of the assaults of Gyland, and the mole there advanceth prosperously. Monday the two houses mette together, and how his Majesty delivered himselfe to them, you may please to reade in the inclosed. The same day my lord of Northampton delivered to the Speaker pro tempore (viz. my lorde chiefe justice Bridgman, the chancellor beinge not yet recovered of the goute) a letter which was directed to the lordes in parliament, and which he said he had receaved from the Countesse of Bristol at the dore, but because his Majesty was not willinge the house should receive any addresse from him, they considering that they had no knoledge from whom the letter came nor what it contained, resolved to send it to the Kinge unbroken, for which they had his thankes. The letter containd matters 304 of high nature, and reflected on the Duke of Yorke. In our house, we have only voted that a bill shalbe brought in to repeale the acte for callinge and holdinge a triennial parliament, in the mode and way that therein is provided, and to enact a parliament shalbe called and held once in three yeeres at least, but without any such coercion as in the former acte." Holograph. 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to GEORGIO DRAPERIIS, at Adrianople. 1664, March 29. Pera. Much approves of the course Draperiis has taken to excuse his journey to Adrianople, but rather than strain a point, or endanger any loss of reputation, he would start at once. In private discourse with the chief men, Draperiis is to let fall that the Emperor has sent an ambassador to the English King to demand aid against the Grand Signor, " which request is seconded by the persuasions of most Christian princes," but that the King, from friendship to the Grand Signor, and {; several disgusts he hath taken against the Emperor, for denying him all help and assistance or friendship in the time of the rebellion of his subjects, when he remained an exile in foreign parts, is resolved to afford him no succour, either by men or money ; but that the Hollanders do permit levies in their country publicly to the sound of the drum for the Emperor." Hears that the Hollanders have a design to engross the whole trade of cloth into their own hands, and are making propositions to the Grand Signor which may wholly endanger the English trade. Prays Draperiis to keep an eye on this matter. Letter Book, ii, p. 100. If pp. Enclosing, Letters of apology to the Caimacam and Reis Effendi that indisposition prevents his going to Adrianople ; with thanks for their kindness to his druggerman. Ibid. pp. 101, 102. Italian. 1 pp. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664, April 2. Aleppo. The Nathan, Captain Clapp, has arrived at Scanderoon. On the way he was taken and carried into Algier, where they condemned his pepper, tin and some other fine goods, but released the rest of his cargo, which was of pilchards. The Mary Bonadventure was also taken, but ship and goods were released for a present of 700 dollars. The lading was pepper and fish, f p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE PATRIARCH OF JERUSALEM. 1664, April 5. Pera. Assuring him that not only this present holy Easter time but his whole future life will be rendered the happier by the sacred benediction sent him by his Holiness 305 (Beatitudine) y having the greatest honour and respect both for his office and his person, and looking upon him as a pillar, not only of the Greek, but of the whole Christian church. Wishes him a blessed Easter, and a long life full of happiness and prosperity. Italian. Letter Book, ii, p. 103. | p. LORD HOLLES to THE EARL OF WENCHILSEA. 1664, April 7-17. Paris. When I received yours, I was putting pen to paper to send you a letter from Madame desiring your assistance for such French in the Grand Signer's dominions as may stand in need of it, " who are supposed to be now in no very good condition of safety, in regard their King doth send aid to the Emperor." I obeyed her Royal Highness' command very willingly, both for her sake and its being an act of great charity, and also because it gave me an occasion to kiss your lordship's hands. You mention a former letter, seemingly concerning this very business, but I never received it. " As for Mr. Smith, I have done all which your lordship desired, recommended him to the Hollands Ambassador here, and written to Sir George Downing our Resident there ; it is trewly a very greate and high oppression and injustice, but the Dutch have of late been very bold with us, refuse us trading upon the coast of Guinee, claiming it to themselves by conquest from the Portuguez, refuse likewise rendring the Isle of Poleron, and putt twenty slurrs upon us, of which I hope they will not bragg in the end. I have here likewise mett with some dimcultyes, for I had audience but the 20th of the last moneth, and I came to this towne the beginning of August. The contest was about the precedency of the Princes of the Blood, who pretended to have their coaches goe before mine at the entree, an incroachment upon the rights of ambassadors obtained and practised only since our troubles in England, and submitted unto by the Spanish and all other ambassadors ; but I made it appeare that never any of ours did it, so at last with much adoe I had my audience, and no Princes appeared, and all was terminated very well. Your Grand Signer's greate preparations trouble us very much, I wish they were as forward in Germany for the defensive part, but a worke which must be carried on by a concurrence of so many severall heads and hands goes allwaies slowly on. Many yong gallants volontiers goe from hence, but the forces which this King sends are onely six thousand men, the numbers that his part comes to for the territories he holds in Germany, and which by the association of the Princes of the Rhine, of whome he makes one, he is bound to furnish upon all occasions, which may be well alledged for the indemnifying of his subjects within the Turk's dominions, that their King does no more but what he is oblidged to as a German Prince ; but I need not instruct your lordship what is to be said and done by you in their behalf es." Holograph. 2 pp. Wt. 29495. FI 20 306 THOMAS ANDREWS to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664, April 8. London. According to your lordship's desire, I have made diligent enquiry concerning the island of Jamaica, and am told " that the soyle thereof is wonderfull fatt, and at present is found too high for sugars, for that the canes run out to that heigth that the bodye thereof reteines but lytell substance." The people there "doe not much mind planting," as they cannot do it " without abundance of negroes or blacks, which some there had purchased with great charge, and had not been long with the English but toke there oppertunytie and need to the natives of the iland, which are not yett reduced, butt be up and downe the woodye places . . . soe that our people, since they have bene there, have not much improved the iland, but rather imploied themselves to fortifie the towne and haven, and to sett out shipps of warr, soe that at present it is rather a place of soulderye then of planting ; and indeede I heare of but very lytell trade from thence ; but I understand that at Seranam [Surinam] (which is more southerly upon the mayne land), our people doe plant much there, and have bene very sucksessfull. . . . ' 1 p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE SAME. 1664, April 23. Aleppo. The King of Persia has cut off four or five of his greatest ministers, and taken the government into his own hands, to the great contentment of the people, ' ' and not without some hope that the English East India Company's affaires may have better successe for the future . . . The Vice Re of Goa intends a fleet this yeare in the gulfe of Persia, chiefly against the Persians, which makes the Persians begin to repaire their old forts." Vessels have come from India to Muscat to buy corn, as for want of rain there is like to be a great famine there. Sir Abraham Shipman still remaines upon the island [of Angidiva] and (as the President hears) hath lost the greatest part of his men; "not so much by the bad aire as the want of necessaryes and their own deboistness." Of the officers he brought from England, not above three are alive. The Portugals have had some losses about Bassin, where Orangzeb's Moors continue conquerors. Since the Portugals have heard of our peace with the Dutch, they blame our King, who. they say, made it to their disadvantage. Their Vice Re, Antonio de Melo de Castro, still refuses to deliver Bombay, "though shakes for feare that an order will come very suddenly to apprehend him for disobedience unto his owne master. The Portugalls of all sorts conclude their Vice Re to be the greatest tyrant that ever came of his quality into India, his cheifest practise being rapine and stealing all that ever he can from them. The Great Mogull, Orangzeb, is struck halfe his body with the dead palsie. The Butch have 307 lost a ship ... at the island of Zeloone [Ceylon] in which was upwards of 60,OOOZ. sterling in money, which was coyned in Surat, out of consecrated vessells and other ornaments that belonged to the churches which they plundered from the Portugalls." 1 p. Copy, on the same sheet as the letter of April 29. RICHARD ONSLOW to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664, April 25. Smyrna. Complains that he has been mis-represented by Capt. Bradenham, and thinks it very strange that he should be accused of refusing to pay freight when it had never been demanded. " As to taking an oath to give true entryes and pay the Company their dutyes, it is what I have formerly and do now offer to take, but to sweare to observe the Company's orders without limitation, is what my conscience will not dispence with . . . they having already ordained what is inconsistent with my oath of allegiance . . . and I dare confidently say, many of them would account it an oppression if his Majestie should exact of them what they require from us. But seeing it is your Excellencie's pleasure that I shall not longer enjoy the priviledge of a factor without taking the oath prescribed by the Company, I have constituted and appointed Mr. John Babington, a person sworne, my assigne . . . therefore humbly intreate your Excellencie that Capt. Bradenham may deliver him the goods, and he will satisfy the freight. . . . The experience I have had of your Excellencies clemency, justice and moderation in governing us, hath begot so high an esteem and reverence," that nothing would trouble me more than to be esteemed an evader of your commands. 2J pp. Seal of arms. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE COMMISSIONERS OF HIS ESTATE. 1664, April 26. Pera. " ... In consideration of the great pains and care Mr. Dodson hath and doth take in the tuition of my son, I am contented he should have the use of the vicarage house rent free during my pleasure, and that five pounds a quarter be allowed my son Maidstone, to be at his own disposal." I am informed that the red deer have done great spoil on the young trees in Eastwell Park, wherefore I would have the new plantations well fenced. I would not have the red deer destroyed, but do not wish them to increase above the number of a hundred, and if for a year or two there be a few less it would not displease me, therefore you may, if the number is full, kill twenty of the oldest deer, who do most mischief and stay not within the park. Letter Book, ii, p. 104. 1 p. THE SAME to SIR ANDREW RICCARD. 1664, April 26. Pera. Thanking him for his many civilities and kind offices, Ibid. p. 105, | p. t 308 THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to COL. CHARLES FINCH. 1664, April 26. Pera. That you have received none of my letters is a great misfortune to me, " for as I am a hearty lover and a well-wisher to my friends and relations, I assure you that you take no small room in my thoughts and affections." I have not been un-busy to try to find some employment worthy of yourself and your family, and am glad to hear from Sir John Finch that, by his favour with the Archduke, he has obtained for you the command of a regiment in Italy. I wish the office were as beneficial as it is honourable, but you will do well to accept it " until a better fortune succeeds," and it may lead to something more equal to your merits. If, in some calm of affairs, you could take shipping to this place, you should find a hearty welcome. Letter Book, ii, p. 105. f p. THE SAME to WILLIAM Mico. 1664, April 26. Pera. Thanks him for his kind care and " punctual advices." Has received the oil, which is " excellent good," and the horse litter, which is very pleasing to his wife. Owing to her miscarrying of a son, she has not yet used it, but means to take much of her recreation in it this summer. Hears that the case of old Florence wine has arrived at Smyrna, for Mico's care as to which he returns many thanks. Ibid, p. 106. 1 p. THE SAME to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1664, April 26. Pera. I wish you had as much time and pleasure to write letters to me as I have contentment and leisure to read them. I shall hereafter observe your rule not to render you any ways accountable for my moneys. I know you are sufficiently charged with matters of greater importance, and while I have the benefit of your counsel and interest, " it were a disparagement to my own reason to expect a con- descension in you to the more toilsome and meaner offices of my concernment." [Concerning the postponement of his journey to Adrianople, and his desire to save expense to the Levant Company.] My wife has " lately had the misfortune to miscarry of a son . . . after he was born and baptized, in three days he died " ; but she is (God be praised) in a good condition of health again. Ibid. p. 107. 1| pp. THE SAME to THE KING. 1664, April 26. Pera. Thanking his Majesty for his letter, " adorned with the characters " of his own royal hand, which highly prized lines he has laid up with the others " wrote in the time of ruin and rebellion," and testifying to his Majesty's confidence in his loyalty. Is infinitely overjoyed that his negotiations are approved, and doubts not, when 309 recalled, but to deliver up his talent with some improvement into his Majesty's hands. Letter Book, ii, p. 108. $ p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR JOHN FINCH. 1664, April 26. Pera. I have, until lately, been in great +- hopes of enjoying yours and the doctor's company, but now < I can only "conclude you have taken a journey for Turkey by the way of England," where I understand this will find you. " But I wish that your journey hither might be undertaken on no worse terms than mine was, that is, that you might succeed me in this office, that by art and dexterous manage- ment this embassy might come to be entailed on our family. If your genius leads you hereunto, and that you can endure the Turkish air and a long continuance out of England, it may be now but time (though the state of my affairs will not for some years permit me to quit this office) to begin the foundation of your design." Your brother Solicitor, by his power with the Company, might introduce you at once, but it would be a better plan to give them testimonies of your own merits by frequent discourse and familiarity. I also advise you to visit and learn to know this country, " but you will think perhaps that the covetous desire I have to enjoy your company hath provided me with this argument." If you remain in England, you would do well to hold frequent converse with the merchants on pretence of my affairs, and I would then address all questions to you that may be between myself and the Company, and if you like, make you one of my commissioners, to further the design. Ibid. p. 109. 1 p. THE SAME to THE EARL OF SOUTHAMPTON. 1664, April 26. Pera. On the complaints of the Levant Company, the putting off of his journey to Adrianople, &c. Ibid. p. 110. 1 p. Also, like letters to Lord Clarendon, and (at greater length) to Sir Henry Bennet. The original of this last is in S.P. Turkey. Ibid. pp. Ill, 112. INTELLIGENCE. An ambassador has lately passed by tliis way, going from the King of Persia to the Grand Signer, to congratulate his victory at Wywar* over Germany, "for it seems the Grand Signer's successes have been so magnified in Persia that it was thought there he had almost brought all Christendom into subjection." The King was afterwards better informed, but it was too late to recall his ambassador. The Grand Signer having reason to believe that the Vizier has not been sending him true intelligence, is very ill-satisfied with him, and it is believed the first foil he receives will cost him his head. * i.e. Ursok Ujvar. tice p. 282, ubovo. 310 The Turks are not so cheerful about the war as last year, the wisest conceiving it unhappily begun, and the common soldiers running away in great numbers. Letter Book, ii,p. 115. 2 pp. Enclosed in the letter to Bennet, but not in S.P. Turkey. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE GRAND DUKE OF TUSCANY. 1664, April 26. Pera. Informing him at length of the case of Patrick Simpson, recommended to him by the Bang of Poland, and stating that the Dutch merchants have carried the potashes (Simpson's property) to Leghorn. Prays his High- ness to interest himself in the affair. Italian. Ibid. p. 117. 2pp. RICHARD MOWSSE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664, April 26. Smyrna. In obedience to his Excellency's warrant, Dr. Pickering* and Mr. John Broadgate have both promised to appear. Humbly prays that he may not be desired to put any warrants into execution, " the consul being appointed for that purpose, and beyond the limitts of a treasurer." 1 pp. Seal of arms. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1664, April 26. Smyrna. Has written this day by Dr. Pickering. Finds Mr. Broadgate [or Bradgate] very willing to obey his Excellency's warrant, but disenabled by the expence of the journey (which must be at his own charges) and his many infirmities. Heartily wishes that business of this nature had not happened in the consul's absence, as his livelihood depends on his employment as a factor, and his intermeddling with other matters may do him much harm. Mr. Broadgate has been intending to return to England, " having not much reason to bragg of any advantage by his coming abroad," so that a short time would ease his Excellency of all laments. The poor man is much dejected and sorrowful. 1 p. Seal of arms. CONSUL LANNOY to THE SAME. 1664, April 29. Aleppo. Complaining of the ill-behaviour of their " old Shabender " who, on all occasions, since his last coming from Stamboul, tries to disturb the affairs of the Christians in those parts. He declares he will either ruin the English or be ruined himself; saying that the Grand Signor " is but a young man and understands not his affairs," and when threatened with an appeal to his Excellency, speaks such slighting words as are not fit to be put to paper. His * In December, 1663, the Levant Company had written to the Earl of Winchilsea, desiring him to remove from Smyrna " Mr. Pickering, a physician of dissolute life once discharged from his family" (See Cal. S.P. Dom., 1663-4, p. 387). When summoned before the Court at Smyrna, he accused Mr. Bradgate, the " minister," of accusing him falsely, and was judged innocent by the Court. (Ibid. p. 508.) 311 Excellency is prayed to take some course to prevent the mischief he intends, as otherwise they will be forced to battulate their trade until they have more security. 1J pp. SIR WILLIAM MORICE to THE EARL OF WENCHILSEA. [1664,] May 7. " I have taken the occasion to reflect som light uppon your Excellency in what posture things stande heere, and what have beene our transactions in parliament, wherto you would not willingly be in the darke. At our first meetinge we repealed the act for a triennial parliament, the mode of conceivinge wherof was thought unsuitable to monarchy. We have past a bill for the better conductinge and regulatinge the collection of chymney mony ; som other billes are agreed uppon of common concerne, but the great busines hath beene a vote of the Committee of trade that the indignityes and injuryes offered this nation by the Hollanders is the great obstruction of our trade, and that his Majesty be desired to take such course as his justice and wisdom attended by his power shall direct. The house of Commons concurred with their committee and peeced out then* vote with a protestation that in pursuite of these endes they would stand by the Kinge with their lives and fortunes. The Lordes house agreed and conjoyned with the house of Commons and both waited on the King with a solemne addresse, wherunto next day he sent a gracious answer, thanking them for their care of and inspec- tion into trade, wherein consisted the honor and wealth of the nation, promised to examine the causes and grounds of the complayntes, and where he found cause, to demand satisfaction ; which if it were not given he would prosecute it in such wayes as should be necessary and expedient, wherin he depended uppon their aydes accordinge to their engagement. The warre is already in som sorte begun betweene private adven- turers at Gambia, where captaine Holmes, sett out by the Royal Company, hath taken a forte of 24 gunnes from the Dutch West India Company, and sunke one of their ships. All ships comming from Amsterdam or the Maez are put under regulation and to complete a trientance before they land or unload by reason of the plague at Amsterdam, and Zealand ships are prohibited to unload at all any goods save those consigned to English, having donne som dishonour to the Duke of Yorke by posting up som pretended bills of his which were not his, and had they been so, yet this is only donne in the case of banckrupts, but they have now given satisfaction by inflictinge punishment on the actors, as Holland had donne formerly, but all this tends to breed ill blood betweene the two nations, and are dispositions previous to a disease. There is heere an Imperial Envoy, the Count of Coningsegge [Konigseck], to intercede for succors against the Turke, but nothing wilbe donne to imperil your Excellencyes saftety, or hazard our trade there. . . . 312 Postscript. " His Majesty hath resolved the parliament shall this day sevenight be prorogued, and intends to demand nothinge of them this session." Holograph. 1 p. Seal of arms. CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664, May 17. Smyrna. Arrived safely on the llth inst. His Excellency's commission for the examination of John " Bradgate " has been executed, and the particulars are sent herewith. Is sending him to England, where he may make his answer to the Company. He is still " pertinacious in his way . . . and his carriadge is soe universally obnoxious, none cares for his company." It would be well to send him by the Prudent Mary, as there will be no other passengers upon her, "and that commander will handle him best." Thanks his Excellency for his many favours, so nobly and freely bestowed upon him. 1| pp. Seal of arms. JOHN FLESHER to THE SAME. 1664, May 18. Aleppo. Fears that his Excellency has been ill informed of him by Mr. Frampton. Does not owe a penny to him (or to any other) and has always been the more ready of the two to put an end to their difference. 1 p. Seal of arms. Also, a letter to Paul Ricaut, on the same subject and of same date. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE COMMISSIONERS OF HIS ESTATE. 1664, May 20. Pera. As to Mr. Walrond, since the Lord Chief Justice and my cousin Solicitor think he should be continued in his employment, I rest satisfied in their judgment ; and since he is " providing me a steward worth 1,OOOZ." I desire he may be a sober person, a gentleman, and of good reputation ; " to such an one, I shall not value 201. or 30Z. a year more than ordinary, as he shall merit." He must ride into Yorkshire, Sussex and other parts as often as necessary, for which end you may give him leave to keep one horse in Eastwell Park and two at Watton, at grass, besides his usual horse in the stable. His constant residence should be at Eastwell, though for the first year his presence may be most useful in the North. Let a survey be made of all my quit- rents, for which purpose the stewards of my manors must warn in juries, and the register thereof be entered in the court-rolls. When my cousin Solicitor is too much charged with business " to give you access," I would have you consult with Lord Justice Bridgeman, whose opinion shall be as valid as the other's. " At the next Christmas, I would have my son allowed a footman in a plain red livery, and if Mr. Dodson's wife be a 313 prudent, careful woman, I would have my son Heneage put to school at Wye with his brother, and also to my son Maidstone I would have you yearly allow a suit of clothes extraordinary." Letter Book, ii, p. 120. 2 pp. Also, Letter to Amos Walrond, consenting to keep him still in his employment, but urging him to comport himself with such respect to the Duchess [of Somerset] as will enable the Earl to continue him with " the more confidence and cheerfulness." Ibid. p. 119. 1 p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664, May 25. Aleppo. By a letter of Jan. 18 from Surat I am advised "that a few daies before, a great rebell of the Mogulls unexpectedly surprized Surat, burned downe and destroyed two-thirds of the towne, plundering and carrying away in money, jewels and portable merchandize to the value of above one million of pounds sterling, all in six daies time. The remaining part of the town was protected by the English East India Company's house, in which was 150 merchants and seamen. My packets from the President are not yet come to hand." We have letters from London of the 21st of March. " The parliament was then newly convened. . . . The Earle of Bristow privately endeavours to disturbe the peace by making factions. He appeared at his parish church and professed himself a protestant. The affronts lately committed by the Dutch to our trade, both in the East Indies and upon the coast of Guinea, hath much incensed his Majesty. It is conceived we may have another warr with that nation, both sides are fitting out ships, and his Majestic hath ordered Ms magazins to be replenished." If the French consul should write about the protection of strangers, the plainer your Excellency replies the better, ' ' because he retaines fancies in his head that the priviledge of protecting strangers belongs only to his King, and that none hath power to alter it." Concerning the consulage due to the Company by Philip Strode, deceased, the said Strode died here in Oct. 16GO, leaving Messrs. Stanton and Bishopp his assigns, to whom I gave possession of all his estate, but they have not yet paid anything to the Company. As to the difference between Mr. Frampton and Mr. Flesher, the latter affirms that it was adjusted in 1656 at Stamboul. He is a person of worth and credit, and though he came here intending to travel, he has settled himself in this factory. I know he abhors the doing of any unhandsome action, and pray you to have copies of what relates to the business taken out of the Cancellaria, when the truth will appear. A vizier called Useph Bassa has arrived here, who has orders from the Grand Signor to ride the circuit of these parts of the Empire, to do justice upon offenders and to force all spam's 3U and janissaries to the wars. I have sent him his present, and shall to-morrow pay him a visit. 3 pp. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664, May 27. Aleppo. I had audience yesterday of Useph Bassa, who received me with more kindness and respect than such persons usually give to foreign ministers, and "did often expresse how much the Grand Signor and himself did respect our nation," and promised us his protection. But to-day I hear that he is suddenly to return to Stamboul to be Chimacam there. | p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD CHIEF JUSTICE BRIDGMAN. 1664, June 1. Pera. Thanking him for his extreme kind- ness in regard to the affairs of one "so long absent and far distant," a kindness which has encouraged him to desire his commissioners to consult his lordship in all matters of import- ance, and (if his cousin Solicitor is too busy to give his aid) to rely wholly upon his sentence. And, to show how much he desires to make his lordship's judgment the rule of his life, he prays his resolution in the three following points : 1. Whether the ambassador is liable to be called to account by the Levant Company for necessary disbursements made for their benefit, but without their particular order? 2. If so liable, whether his warrant to the treasurer will be "a sufficient plea and bar " to keep the said treasurer indemnified ? 3. What judicatory power the ambassador has in civil causes between merchant and merchant, and how far his sentence is liable to be annulled in the English Courts upon appeal ? He does not send these queries because there is any dispute between himself and the Company, but merely for his own information, and therefore shall keep the answers entirely private, and never make any other use or mention of his lordship's favour. Letter Book, ii, p. 122. 2| pp. THE SAME to [DR. HENCHMAN], BISHOP OF LONDON. 1664, June 1. Pera. "For want of the presence and power of an English bishop whose jurisdiction might reach the clergy of England inhabiting within the dominions of one of the seven churches of Asia, I have adventured, by vertue of that commission his Majestic was pleased to give me, to supply that office my self, by discharging one John Broadgate, Chap- laine to the English factory at Smyrna, from his office there, and embarking him for England to receive farther what ecclesiastical censure your lordship shall thinke fit to impose upon him. An account of his misdemeanours your lordship will receive from the English Consul of that place by the 315 articles and proofes exhibited and deposed upon oath against him, which though sufficient in themselves to occasion his removall from this foraigne employment, yet I might farther bee induced hereunto by the characters of all that speake of him, which denote him a man of a most imprudent and petulant behaviour, one whose malitious spirit hath begotten those dissentions and want of charity betweene him and his cure as hath caused the neglect of administering the Holy Sacrament at the usuall festi vails of the Church, by which meanes the different sects of Christians in those parts are become scanda- lized and the Church of England dishonoured. Truly my lord it were worthy the pious considerations of my lord of Canterbury and your lordship to supply the foraigne factories with men qualyfyed according to the late Act of Parliament, that so heresy and schisme, which hath with so much care beene endeavoured to bee extirpated out of England, may not by transplantation take the deeper root beyond the seas and so the youth poisoned and infected who otherwise might by advantage of their estates and fortunes gained abroad become excellent instruments of the Church and State. Nor is it only requisite that chaplaines sent into Turkey bee men of orthodox principles according to the doctrine of the Church of England, but also men eminent for piety and prudence ; for having diversitie of religions and persons of various educations and manners to converse with, it is not lesse then necessary to bee supplyed with those whose practise in the world and knowledge of men might procure from all a respect and reputa- tion to our Church. And therefore I beseech your lordship would be pleased to take care that Smyrna be supplyed with such an one. " The great respect I have for your lordship makes mee take the greater liberty to advise your lordship herein ; for I have a great confidence in your lordships friendship and a great honour and esteeme of your ecclesiastical! dignitie, and I hope yet to live to returne into England to bee one amongst the rest of my relations who shall professe himselfe an honourer of your lordship, and prosper and succeed the better by the favour of your counceLLs and spirituall benedictions." Letter Book, ii, p. 125. 1 J pp. CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664, June 10. Smyrna. Yours of 1st June with the warrant for sending John Broadgate home upon the Prudent Mary I have received, and have intimated the same unto him. He asked if I would execute it. " I told him, if hee put mee to that extremity and did not yeeld due obedience there- unto, I should use more severity in executing it then hee was aware of." I pray that Mr. Ricaut may write to Captain Woodgreene to receive him, as the captain seems a little scrupulous, " saying hee was a factious, dangerous person, and might make 316 some disturbance in his shipp. ... If the parson make resistance, he shall know I am consul of the place." I shall write to the Bishop of London and the Company, and send them copies of the depositions. " Here is flying reports of a likelihood of warr with Holland . . . and Mr. Daniel Edwards writes his brother that the Parliament of England are resolved to assist the King . . . with their lives and estates, and have sent him their vote to that effect." If pp. Seal of arms. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to WILLIAM Mico. 1664, June 11. Pera. Desiring him to send two dozen pairs of white Italian gloves, two pounds of " camphire," and one pound of oil of petrol for fireworks. Also to pro- vide him yearly " four chests of red Florence " which is the only wine of Italy that pleases him. Letter Book, ii, p. 126. JP- THE SAME to SIR HENRY BENNET. 1664, June 11. Pera. A letter on Turkish affairs of which the original is in S.P. Turkey. Ibid. p. 126. 1 p. Enclosing, Paper of Intelligence (also in S.P. Turkey), in which the following passage occurs : " The latter end of this month the Grand Signer had by one of his women a sonne borne, for the joy of which seven dayes and nights were appointed for a continued festivall. At this solemnitie severall fireworkes being represented before the Grand Signer, a rocket fired by a Jew who was one of the masters of this worke had the misfortune to light neere the person of the Grand Signer, whereupon amidst ah 1 this mirth, the poore Jew was immediately condemned to receive 80 blowes on the soles of his feet and to bee afterwards hanged. The birth of this young Prince is judged to contribute much to the establishment and safety of this present Emperour and his mother, against whom the souldiery and people beganne lately to murmure, as fearing the extinction of the Ottomane family. For whilst his two brothers were under close custody and debarred from the meanes of having issue, and the Grand Signor esteemed in- capable of posterity, a few yeares would terminate that whole line." Ibid. p. 128. If p. THE SAME to SIR HENRY BENNET. 1664, June 11. Pera. Sends a letter from the Prince of Transilvania. but cannot imagine how he can suppose that the intercession of a Christian prince would prevail at the Ottoman Court in his behalf, or relieve Transilvania from her miseries, especially as the Prince is esteemed an "absolute minion " of the Turk. Prays to know how he is to be supplied 317 with money if war breaks out with the Dutch and he has to go to Adrianople. Letter Book, ii, p. 130. 1 p. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA to LORD TREASURER SOUTHAMPTON. 1664, June 11. " . . . This night I have received advice that his Majesty is likely speedily to be engaged in a war with Holland. In case it be so, I wish I had orders to go to Adrianople when I find it convenient, and that there were some orders taken for monies, because the Company still demands of me the charges of the last voyage. My being there sometimes may be of great use to his Majesty's affairs and to them ... I leave this to the consideration and wisdom of your lordship, earnestly desiring your lordship to remember Mr. Secretary Bennett to return me a speedy answer to this proposition, which I have but in brief acquainted him with." Ibid. p. 131. 1 p. CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664, June 17. Smyrna. Our parson continues very troublesome, and declares that " he is the Company's minister, and that neither your Excellencie or consul hath anything to doe with him ; . . . hee is the great compania of the Dutch padre, and communicates all unto him, and now wee are like to have warr with them may injure the Levant Company by telling whatever hee heares, more than his head is worth 10,000 times. . . . He hath got 200 dollars gratuity paid him, which the Levant Company formerly promised him, and if you send a janizary downe to see him safe on board, hee may pay his charges, and hee comes off well, having formerly slighted your Excellencies warrant, and will doe as much to this if not forcibly compelled. ..." 1 p. Seal of arms. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD TREASURER SOUTHAMPTON. 1664, June 24. Pera. Your lordship will remember that last year I was ordered by his Majesty to Adrianople, which journey occasioned some extraordinary expenses. His Majesty was pleased to approve of my negotiations, but judged the charges to belong to the Turkey Company, as he signified to them by his letters. The Company, however, still make demands upon me, " accusing me for laying my hand upon their treasury without their consent," and declaring that they look on me as their debtor for it.* There are only two ways to acquit me of these demands ; either that, by your lordship's powerful intercession with his Majesty, the money may become satisfied * See the Company's letter of Pec. 23, 1663 (Cal. S.P. Dom., under that date). 318 from the Exchequer, or else, if there be no hopes of that, that your lordship would summon the Governor and some of the Assistants before you, to represent to them the resentment you have of the continuance of their demands on me, after his Majesty hath so clearly signified his pleasure therein. It would be no strange or new example for the Turky merchants to bee put to charges in the affaires of Tunis and Algier ; the president whereof is notorious in the Turkish history, particu- larized in the 4th article propounded by Sir Thomas Roe from King James to Sultan Osman, for punishing those of Tunis and Algier, or else that the King his master, with his allies, would raise an army and punish them. . . . The like pro- position and complaint hee made to Sultan Morat, ... as your lordship may read more at large in the Turkish history in the raigne of Sultan Morat. And had the court beene at Adrianople in those dayes, these negotiations must in like manner have been treated there. "The Turkey Companie further complaine of my sending messengers, as a custome lately taken up. Your lordship will also find in the Turkish history, that Sir Thos. Roe sent one Robert Roe, in the same nature as I sent my secretary, by the Grand Signer's order, who saved the Companie (in the message he brought), a considerable summ ; for being otherwise intended to have been committed to the charge of a Turkish officer, the rewards and presents hee would have expected would have amounted to a treble value. Likewise Sir Thomas Bendyshe made a journy to Adrianople, to carry some orders from Cromwell to the Grand Signor, which was allowed by the Companie and which they never durst so much as dispute. Nor was the spending of a great summ thought amisse of by the Companie for sending away Sir Henry Hide, the lawfull Embassador from his Majestie, and sending two witnesses against him into England to take away his life. These latter I speake to your lordship in great privacy and confidence, to give your lordship a true character of the temper of the Companie, which your lordship may make use of as you see occasion. And seeing these cases are not muche different from mine, wherein there wanted not expences which in those dayes were placed to the Companie's account, I cannot but with very much discontent read their letters to mee on this subject, wherein they allwayes condemne mee in the expence without regard to his Majestie's commands herein, his approba- tion since, or any other reasons to the contrary. " Your lordship may bee pleased farther to adde that they ought to treat mee with a little more respect and ceremony in their letters then they usually doe, for I protest to your lordship that some times their letters runne in such a stile as a tutour or guardian would scarce correct his pupill with, in the yeares of his minoritie. And thus when they shall see that my interest is supported by so potent favour as your lordship's is at home, they will for the future owne mee with more respect 319 and referre as much voluntarily to mee as they have entrusted to other Embassadors. It is unreasonable to imagine that during the absence of the Court from this place, but in processe of time some accidents or occasions must happen which for the Turky Companies concernments must call mee theither, in which case I have declared to them plainely that notwithstand- ing all the cautions they have given mee to the contrary, I judge myself obliged to prevent as farre as I can any actions which may tend to a breach of our capitulations. And because these actions happen suddainly and unawares, before advices can bee given or returned from England, I must bee forced to make use of their mony to defray the extraordinary charges without their consent, unlesse I would expose their estates to those dangers which former dayes tell sad and melancholy stories of. And this hath beene the custome of all Embassadors of this place. And it is not only expresse and particular businesse that should call mee to the Court, for some times it may bee policy to preserve the interest and power of the English Embassador to appeare at the Court, by which meanes hee creates friends and discountenances enemies. " For truly, my lord, it is difficult now to walke in the beaten path of other Embassadors, for things are greatly changed from former dayes. The Grand Signer himself is more humoursome and extravagant then other Emperours have beene, his residence is at Adrianople and I at a distance, his ministers are forced to bee more corrupt by reason that their offices are purchased at high rates and presents, and entertain- ments exacted daily from them by the Grand Signor, so that Viziers and Bashawes rob and spoyle the people to live them- selves and pay their duties. And in former times their judges had pensions, and offices were not exposed to sale, but merit and deserts acquired the honours. The allowances also of this embassie from the Grand Signor were more large, by which meanes cmbassadors could live more splendidly and contract a greater honour and respect from the Turkes to their office, who of all people are guided most by the outward appearance. " But, my lord, it would bee worth considering that if any great overtures should present either of peace or warre in this place and should bee offered to his Majestic for mediation, who then should beare the charge of my journey and extra- ordinary expences. I cannot persuade myself his Majestic would have those occasions slighted, nor would thinke it reasonable that out of the small allowance I have, the charge, besides the paines, should happen upon mee. Nor is it just that the Turky Companie should support a greater burden then what is in order to the benefit and promotion of their trade. In cases of this nature, I beseech your lordship's advice ; for according thereunto I am resolved to governe and regulate myself. And that this embassie hath beene formerly a scene of great actions there are many evident and cleare examples. Sir Edward Barton in the dayes of Queene 320 Elizabeth mediated the peace between Sultan Amurath the 3rd. and Sigismond, King of Poland, and also attended the Grand Signer in his warres in Hungary. Sir Thomas Roe propounded to Sultan Osman the mediation of the peace betweene the Grand Signer and the kingdome of Poland, which afterwards in the time of Sultan Mustapha was by the assistance of the same Embassador concluded, and, in a letter of the Polish Embassador's, attributed to his good management and success. Severall other examples there are of great actions performed by the English Embassadours of this place, and I doe not despaire but the like accidents may happen in my dayes, which I question not by God's help and the favour of your lordship to performe with as much honour and successe as was ever acted by any of my predecessours. " My lord, I am sure I have now sufficiently tyred your lordship. The freeclome your lordship hath formerly given mee and the great esteeme I have of your wisdome and the confidence I repose in your favour must plead my excuse for this importunitie and trouble." Letter Book, ii, p. 132. 6 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE COMMISSIONERS OF HIS ESTATES. 1664, June 24. Pera. Next to the putting away of Throg- morton and Acklam and supplying their places, I desire that nurseries shall be formed, both in Kent and Yorkshire, of such trees as are " most profitable and delightful," viz : oaks, ash, elms, chestnuts, with some fruit trees and fir trees ; also "good numbers of abell trees [white poplars] which [you] may procure out of Flanders, by assistance of Sir Arnold Brames or some other merchant about my ponds in Kent, and lands at Watton, will be a speedy and rising profit." Good hedgers also will be needed for Watton. The best of these are to be had out of Hartfordshire or thereabouts, and they may instruct many others in good husbandry. If any carters or plough men are needed, it were best to take southern men, even though their wages are greater, "for besides that they are better husbands and more industrious than the northern, they will serve to be good spies," and will be an addition to the number of the tenants. They may live in the Abbey until better provision be made for them. On my return I intend to " build some farms," for about 100Z. apiece, of brick and stone, and with tiled roofs ; " some scattering cottages may also be useful," and in the town, a good inn. I am confident "that having the best built farms, and those not at great rents, I may have choice of the best tenants." In case I find it may be profitable, I shall beg his Majesty's licence to keep a market at Watton once or twice a week, and two fairs in the year, and "may be farther induced to lay out 1,OOOL or more to make a market place, and build shops and good houses, and contrive some way whereby to invite tradesmen, handycrafts and other useful inhabitants to live there." 321 I am well pleased with the beginnings of the plantations at Eastwell, and wish for the like on my other estates in Kent and Sussex. You will do well also to provide some colts and mares, which are best had in the North, "the most ordinary of which may run in my waste grounds in the North, and the others in my park, that so I may find my stables well filled at my return, which will save me a great deal of money, for I must have at least in my stable and park thirty serviceable saddle horses, beside coach-horses and cart-horses, and this I account will also be more honourable than taking in of joycements " [qy. agistments]. If the woods in my park cannot otherwise be preserved, the red deer must be destroyed. [The rest of the letter is in relation to his sending of moneys, and the purposes for which they are to be employed, the first being for "the payment of clamorous debts of poor tradesmen, especially such as are not upon interest."] Letter Book ii, p. 137. 3 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1664, June 24." ... All matters (I thank God) relating to my office and employment succeed in their usual, happy and unaltered course. The Turkey Company and I have nothing of difference or discontent, except only the demands they make on me for the last expences of Adrianople, . . . and since the Company hath chosen you an arbitrator in all cases of difference between them and me, I am wholly con- tented to commit the umpirage of this very dispute to your decision, and doubt not in the least of your sentence in my behalf, who are so well acquainted with the laws of England, the duties of ambassadors . . . and affairs in Turkey." I pray you to make them sensible how ill-becoming it is in all their letters to beat on this subject, with harsh expressions tending only to abridge my power to assist and promote their trade. Ibid. p. 139. 1| pp. THE SAME to THE BISHOP OF LONDON. 1664, June 24. Pera. Sends copy of letter of June 1. I cannot but further in relation to our Church acquaint your lordship "how into these parts and all the world which is knowne to our English navigation, the schismes and factions wee have at home extends it self. For commonly the captaines and masters of merchants ships being men ill affected and of different principles from the Church of England, make choice of mates, pursers and chirurgions of the like temper ; and amongst so many some happening to bee of nimble tongues, goe under the notion of gifted men, and so preach and corrupt the ignorant companie that sailes with them. Against such pestilent and dangerous persons I have given sufficient cautions in all consulates and parts of any jurisdiction, and it would bee Wt. 29495. FI 21 322 worth your Lordship's consideration and labour, in consulta- tion with those who have a particular charge of preserving soundnesse in the doctrine of the Church, to contrive some meanes to prevent the transportation of these apostles into the dominions of his Majestic and to correct heresie not only in the houses but in the ships of England. And so praying to God to blesse your lordship's labours and endeavours in the Church, I crave your lordship's benediction." Letter Book, ii, p. 141. 1 p. EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR WILLIAM MORICE. 1664, June 24. Pera. As I relate all things fully to Sir Henry Bennet, I know you cannot fail to be advised of all particulars, but will now, for your better information, give you a taste of some points concerning the present state of this empire. " The war with the Emperor of Germanie is by the serious and most juditious amongst the Turkes concluded to bee commenced at a time inauspitious and unfortunate, and founded without just and lawfull grounds. The reason of the first is the extravagant humour of the Grand Signor, who being given chiefely up to his pleasure, hath as yet showne no such symptomes of a warlike disposition as might promise a victorious end to so difficult a warre. The men also of great and generous spirits, good souldiers and ambitious to performe great enterprises, are much failed in this empire, by reason that Cuperli Vizier, the father of this at present, had, to preserve himself, massacred all whom hee judged to entertaine great and aspiring thoughts. The spahees likewise of the remoter parts of Asia growing poore and wanting the usuall allowances which use to bee given them by the Grand Signor to furnish them to the warres, are not able to provide their horses and armes, by which meanes great numbers absenting themselves, the Turkes army is much inferiour to those multitudes which former histories tell us of. How little ground the Grand Signor had to quarrell with the Emperour I conceive you may bee better informed than I, and have a more particular account of the summ of the severall treaties. Yet it is worth your consideration that the differences betweene these two great Princes arose at a time when there was one Kathya to the first Vizier (which is as much as his steward or assistant) who pretended to have a singular inspection into the state and affaires of Christendome, a man of an active and speculative braine, and as to what I guesse by some converse I have had with him, hee alone chiefely filled the Court with high expectations of the successe of this warre. ' The Grand Signor hath now a sonne by one of his women, by which meanes hee is confirmed with more safetie in his government. For lately the souldiery and people beganne to murmure, as fearing the extinction of the Ottoman family. . , . 323 " The Turkes, as naturally inclined to hearken to predictions and to bee superstitious in the observation of all unusuall accidents, make various interpretations on two severall things within a few dayes happened here. One is that crosse the moone on the Whitsun eve at night when neere the full was scene a sword as it were dividing the body of it. Another stranger wonder was a fiery meteor in the forme of a lance of a deep red colour which was on the 19th of this month at night scene by severall of my servants in the fields (I being then at my country house) to come from the westward, which being carried through the aire with great violence came at last to fall in the garden of the Grand Signer's Seraglio at Constantinople, and in the sight of many of that city there to vanish and spend its self. The interpretation of these signes I leave to the Turkes, or to those who pretend more to the prophetick spirit then I doe. " The intelligence from the frontiers I shall not venture to acquaint you with, who must doubtlesse receive them more certaine and fresh then wee can have them here ; and therefore shall for the present give you no farther interuption then to assure you of the great esteeme I maintaine for you, and shall not farther enlarge by reason of some distemper I have upon mee of heat and feaver." Letter Book, ii, p. 141. 3 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to M. BARON, French Consul at Aleppo. 1664, June 25. Pera. Is very glad to learn of the conclusion of the business of Fouke to the satisfaction of both parties. When his Christian Majesty demands of him his reasons touch- ing the protection of the foreigners, he does not doubt to give satisfactory ones. Ibid. p. 144. Italian. \ p. CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664, June 27. Smyrna. " ... I doubt I shall give your Excellencie some further trouble about the padre [Bradgate] who, as I am informed, is told by some that your power will not extend to send him home " ; however, I shall endeavour to execute your warrant, and hope to receive the warrant to the Captain to take him aboard. 1 p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE SAME. 1664, June 29. Aleppo. Letters from India confirm that most of Sir Abraham Shipman's soldiers are dead, and that without speedy recruit he will be much straitened. "The King of India, for the valour the English showed in defending their house at Surat, when all others suffered themselves to be destroyed," hath taken off halfe the customs formerly paid by them, and sent the President a horse and a surpaw. The Dutch with a great fleet "indeavoured their regaining of their beautifull island of Formosa, but were repulsed by 324 Coxen, the Gran Chinche's pyratt, who forced them to return to Battavia with shame and losse." It is reported that Coxen has taken Manilla, and is gone against the Molucco islands ; that he intends to stop up the straits there and hinder the Dutch from trading to Japan. Sir John Lawson has had good success at Algier, where the 18 English ships, with their men, taken by the pirates, have been restored to him ; but on their refusing to restore the goods, he declared open war, and has burnt and sunk three of their ships and taken a man of war. A most unhappy loss has happened at Tangier, where the Governor [Lord Teviot] and 600 men, going out to bring in wood for the winter, were surprised by the Moors and all cut off, three only escaping back to Tangier with the sad news. At the zinny kept here for the birth of the Grand Signer's son, I lent our Musselem, at his earnest request, two pieces of cloth to adorn his gate, which he hath been so uncivil as not to return, telling my druggerman that he had occasion for some ; " which by no meanes I shall not permit, for if once granted it will be a president alwaies hereafter." 2| pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR H. FINCH. 1664, July 2. Pera. Since I heard from your brother of your ill-condition of health, I have been in melancholy appre- hension, and a ship being now come direct from London without a letter from you, I should fear that your distemper was increased, but that the silence of my other letters " in a matter of so common an importance and concernment, is an argument of your health and welfare . . . Whilst I have been in these cares for you, I have not well escaped myself, for I have, for the space of ten days, been greatly afflicted with a fever, but at this present (I praise God), I have some remission of it." I understand that the difference between the Company and Sir Thomas Bendyshe is referred to you and Sir Edmond Hotshins [Hoskins], and doubt not but that you will determine it with such caution " as that your judgment prejudice not that authority which I must necessarily exercise in performance of my commission," and that I become not liable to a new rule and an unknown law. " I have had some thoughts of marrying my son with Mrs. Browne, a young gentlewoman in Kent, whose age and fortune might make a proper wife for him. and though they are both young . . . yet because I hear she hath already many suitors, and know that such matches are not always to be procured, I could wish that something were proposed in order hereunto, in that manner as may not oblige me, and yet may keep those that have the care of her in expectations, and hinder the enter- tainments of other matches, until such time as is fit for me to return and my son to mairy." Letter Bool", ii, p. 145. 2 pp. 325 THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA to SIR JOIIN LAWSON. 1664, July 2. Pera. Has received the account of his fortunate and politic proceedings with the Algerines, which " had been an extraordinary joy, had it not been allayed by the sad and fatal news from Tangier." Has not failed to tell the chief ministers of the little esteem shown to the Grand Signer's ratification of the peace and of the people's perfidiousness and breach of faith ; "to which they give ear but make but little reply, by reason that being unable, at this distance, to curb and reach that unruly people," they are ashamed to take notice of the neglect shown. Looks upon the Algerines as the most perfidious people in the world, and believes it is but lost labour to endeavour to reduce them to the maintenance of articles which they will only keep so long as the English squadron is near their coast. Letter Book, ii, p. 148. 1 p. THE SAME to DR. BARGRAVE. 1664, July 2. Will make the best inquiries he can, at Corinth and other places, for the gentleman he mentions, Mr. William Voysey, and if he is found, will endeavour his ransom. Since Mr. Fotherby has engaged for the repayment thereof, will depend upon his word, " for what otherwise, on the score of charity " he would freely have endeavoured. Ibid. p. 147. p. Also, A letter to the same effect to Charles Fotherby. Ibid, p. 147. p. CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664, July 11. Smyrna. Yesterday in the evening Mr. John Broadgate embarked upon the Prudent Mary. " He was somewhat long in considering what to doc, but perceiving my resolutions were to execute your warrant, he submitted." I have sent a copy of the depositions to the Bishop of London, with a short character, referring him for further knowledge to St. John's College, Cambridge, ''where hee was turned out of his fellowshipp, and dismist the Colledge. I beseech your Excellencie to follow him with letters to all friends, for hee thinks to returne triumphantly. I have beene troubled with two evills att once, the parson and my gout ; beeing now rid of one, I shall soone recover of the other." 1 p. Seal of arms. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1664, July 13. Smyrna. Our troublesome parson, as I wrote on the llth by Mr. Travis, embarked himself on the Prudent Mary, not giving me the trouble I suspected he would. " I suppose his continuall jarring with the factory, and beeing dayly baited by them, made him glad to bee gone ; though some . . . seemed at last to court him." 1 p. Seal of arms. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664, July 14. The Musselem has restored my cloth, " without craving any pikes." Next day I sent him the letter from Adrianople concerning our old Shabender, upon which he sent for the Shabender at a full divan, " and there caused the Chimacam's letter to be read, reproving the Shabender for what was past, and threatening him and all others if they should dare to disturb our affaires for the time to come." These letters will make the ministers more cautious in delaying to do us justice, and frighten those who would interrupt our affairs ; for which benefits we all return your Excellency hearty thanks. " After twenty days sicknesse it hath pleased God to take out of this world Mr. Taylor of Smyrna, who departed this life the 10th present. ... Mr. Wigly, his companion and fellow pilgrim to the Holy Land, intends in few dayes to return for Smyrna " and in his way to kiss your Excellency's hands. 1 pp. CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664, July 16. Smyrna. Concerning the stopping of some goods consigned from Leghorn by Mr. Henry Browne and Co. to Messrs. White and Barnardiston by the Dutch Consul, under pretence of their bearing the stamp of the Prince of Orange. 1 pp. SIR HENEAGE FINCH to his son [DANIEL FINCH]. 1664, July 30. " ... As for the account of your time and studyes, I hope it will be such when I see you that I may not be discouraged to trust your younger brother in your company, of whose time I expect a severe account, and rely much upon your example. But I must despayr of you both till you come to this perfection to choose study as the best entertaynment of your time. For while nothing but the fear of my displeasure or your Tutor's keeps you there, I am sure you cannot profit by it. ... My service to your tutor. God keep you." | p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE EARL OF SOUTHAMPTON. 1664, Aug. 13. Pera. My "great distemper of a strong fever " has interrupted both my tongue and my pen ; but now, thank God, I am returned to my former health. [Concerning the dismissal of Bradgate and the importance of having orthodox and pious chaplains, as in the letter to the Bishop of London, p. 314 above.] " But because the companies of merchants in England, which commonly are for the major part composed of factious members, will, upon right of presenta- tion, neither admit of the approbation or testimony of the 327 Bishop in the election of their apostles, it would be necessary that his Majesty should declare none capable of being sent or received in any foreigne factories but such as are accompanied with the testimonialls of some of the Bishops, which is no more an impeachment to the right of presentation the companies can pretend to, then the patron of a living who is obliged to present one qualyfied according to the late limitations of Parliament. And in this cause I have beene more large with your lordship by reason that my chaplaine at present here being desirous to returne into England I may bee supplyed with none but such as bee capable of this office by the law and accomplished with that pietie and discretion as is no lesse then necessary in a place of such diversitie of religions and sects, which 'for the honour of our Church require a man of more then ordinary endowments and prudence. I have wrote to the Turky Companie to provide mee a chaplaine, but one qualyfied with the former cautions. And this your lordship may be pleased to note, not as from mee, but as a common complaint of the forraigne factories, especially that of Hamburgh, which may deserve your lordship's farther enquire." As for affairs here, the Turks, upon relieving Kanlsia and taking the new fort of Count Serini, " were greatly raised to a high conceit of their own prosperitie and successe " ; to which being added the surrender of Zekelhyd to the Prince of Transylvania, they "scarce think they can lose any honour." The Grand Signor is now wholly resolved to change his imperial seat to Adrianople. The reason was supposed to be his delight in hunting, but now he has declared plainly that " the violence offered his father there [in Constantinople] and the records of the mutinies and rebellions of that place, fatall to his predecessors, have created in him not only a dislike but such a terrour thereof, that hee will sooner bee the first to set fire to Constantinople and his owne Seraglio " than consent ever to return there." Upon the late news of a defeat given by Count Susa [Souches] to the Turks [on July 9, near Lewa], their pride is somewhat abated, and they fear the recovery of Newhausell and Novigrade by the Christians. If the forces of the Vizier should also meet with defeat, either the Grand Signor will be forced to a dishonourable peace, or (the Vizier having been put to death, or at least displaced), a new Vizier will, for his own safety, persuade the Grand Signor in person to continue the war. Letter Book, ii, p. 150. 3 pp. Also, A letter to Bennet of the same date and on the same subjects, the original of which is in S.P. Turkey. Ibid. p. 156. 3| pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE DUCHESS OF ORLEANS. 1664, Aug. 13. Pera. Acknowledging the honour of her most gracious letter, and joyfully embracing the opportunity of assuring her of his duty and reverence. 328 It is part of his instructions from his royal master to protect to the utmost the Christian cause in general, and since her Royal Highness's commands commend to his particular care certain religious persons, he has a double duty incumbent on him, and hopes the succour and protection he is able to afford them may answer her Highness's expectations and demonstrate his obedience. Letter Book, ii, p. 154. f p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD HOLLES, Ambassador at Paris. 1664, Aug. 13. Pera. I have to-day received a letter from Madame, to which I at once send an answer. I have given my best help to such of the French nation as have in particular requested my good offices, but one Roboli here having been deputed by the last ambassador, and styling himself resident and agent for his most Christian Majesty though not himself capable to give protection to the subjects of France, is yet able to contradict any design I may have for the good of that nation. "The argument your lordship produces in defence of the King of France, if questioned by the Turks for his assistance given the Emperor, is doubtless sound and satisfactory in any nation where is reason or humanity ; but how the invasion the French this year make on Barbary is to be salved with the agreement of their capitulations, will be of more difficulty than I can speedily resolve. Perhaps the Turks may think it not time at present to take notice of it, and so the merchants be more easily secured, for which Christian work, as occasion serves, I shall neither be remiss by words or letters." The Turks are greatly swelled with the pride of their successes, and their insolencies to the Christians would now proceed to an insufferable burden, were not their spirits somewhat abated \yy the defeat given their forces before Lewa by Count Susa. I heartily thank you for your recommendation of Mr. Smith to the Holland ambassador in Paris. If peace be continued, I am confident that both law and common justice will give sentence in his favour, "and if, by the breach of war, his right be confiscated, this injustice will be an addition to the sins of Holland, amongst the injuries and other depredations they have made on the subjects of England." Ibid, p. 155. 2 pp. THE SAME to SIGNOR Gio. BATTISTA BALARINO. 1664, Aug. 17-27. Pera. Thanking him for taking Signer Gobbatto again into favour. Italian. Ibid. p. 160. [There is another letter on the same subject, dated Sept. 13-23. Ibid. p. 164.] CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664, Aug. 17. Smyrna.- I have told Capt. Penney, of the William and Mary, of your warrant to levy 165 dollars 329 upon him. He seemed ignorant of the business, but hoped he might make application to your Excellency. " Wee are here in a sickly condition, having lost two of our factory, Mr. Lucy and Mr. Goodwin, who departed this life last Tuesday. Mr. Weymouth Carew lyes desperately sicke but hopes of amendment. I thanke God I continue in health, for the preservation of which ... I intend to goe for Scio upon the Rose, with Mr. Joseph Edwards and Mr. Langley and one or two more." 1 p. Seal of arms. ANDREA [RIDOLFI] BISHOP OF CALAMINA to THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA. 1664, [Aug. 22-]Sept. 1. Pera. Expressing his joy at the liberation of Monsignor Soffiano, Bishop of Scio, at Adrianople, and his gratitude for his Excellency's great kindness to himself, in receiving him into his house and supplying him with all necessaries, with so much cordiality that if he had the tongue of a Demosthenes he could not express the least part of it. Italian. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to MONSIGNOR F. ANDREA RIDOLFI, Bishop of Calamina, Vicar Apostolic and Suffragan Patriarch of Constantinople. 1664, Aug. 23. Yarlichioi. With much comfort of soul I have received the news of the liberation of the [Latin] Bishop of Scio, and learn that that matter is now happily concluded. It is a great joy to me to understand that your Eminence found a refuge in my house, which will ever remain the more blessed by the abode there of so holy a prelate. My absence at my villa will have prevented you being received with the attention due to you, but I console myself with the thought that the religion of St. Fremcis prefers a poor and meanly furnished table, with sincerity of heart, to plenty and abundance accompanied by worldly pomp and corruption, and I render you hearty thanks for having thus honoured my house. Letter Book, ii, p. 160. Italian. 1 p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664, Aug. 26. Aleppo. Letters of the 4th of April from Sir George Oxenden, President at Surat, tell me that since their taking of Couchin the Dutch lay claim to the trade of the whole coast, not permitting the natives to trade in their staple commodities, nor to carry pepper to Surat or any other parts to the northward. This they do "to make pepper as sure their owne as their Spice Islands." Our ship, the Hopewell, has returned without her lading of pepper from Porcat. where we have an English factory, the Dutch having threatened that King with utter destruction, if he lets anyone have pepper but themselves. 330 Capt. Stevens, of the Chestnut pink, now at Basora, writes that he came from Angidiva on March 14 by order of Sir Abraham Shipman, whom he left very weak, there being no commission officers alive save one ensign, and not above 130 out of 400 soldiers. At Swallow-mareene a great fly-boat from Japan brought the Dutch the ill-tidings of the loss of five of their great ships, each one worth upwards of 75,000 pounds. They are now making war upon the King of Siam. The Queen of Acheene fears they intend to take some of her ports of Sumatra, and has written to our President desiring him to send a person of quality to treat with her. He has appointed Mr. Henry Gary, who has been there before and procured many privileges for the East India Company, and doubtless will do the like again. 2 pp. THE EARL or WINCHTLSEA to LORD JUSTICE BRIDGEMAN. 1664, Aug. 29. Pera. I hear from good hands that Mr. Walrond does not discharge my debts as money comes in, " but keeps it by him either to make his own benefit on the interest, or, working on the necessities of poor men, causes a good part of the debt to be remitted unto him ; by which means my debts upon interest are prolonged, and I disgraced in others as if paid upon composition." I pray you to discover the truth of the matter. Letter Book, ii, p. 161. 1 p. MONSIEUR BARON, French Consul at Aleppo, to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664, [Aug. 29-] Sept 8. Aleppo. Colonel Deti is at Tripoli, waiting to go to Damascus. He sent to me for some money, which I let him have, and assure you, that from respect to you, he shall receive attention wherever he passes, if there are any French there. The affair of the Sieur Fouk was ended at Cyprus, as you know, but now the procurator of M. Picquet, my predecessor, desires me to stay certain moneys in the hands of deputies from Cyprus, for the rent of the three or four years that the Sieur Fouk was consul there. As we who are in office must be most careful to do justice to those who demand it I have stayed the money, and give you notice thereof. As to the order of my master which fell into my hands some time ago, I have not published it, as it did not come directly from him. It was issued when the Comte de Brienne was still Secretary of State, and sent to M. Bermond, consul at Cairo, who, however, did not use it. French. 4 pp. CONSUL CAVE to THE SAME. 1664, August. Smyrna. I had some letters to send your Excellency by Hazard, " but hee is turned soe great a gentle- man " that he would not carry them. " His errand is to procure a command from your Excellency to sett up a taverne. 331 Truly, my lord, I have sufficient trouble with him who sells wine now, never being without complaints both from our own nation and Greekes; onely the conveniency for seamen is all the plea he hath, and upon that score was and is per- mitted. ... I have beene informed of many disorders com- mitted there which I have passed by. I hope your Excellencie will not countenance him in any such way, but that if he live here, he may work on his calling. If your Excellencie please that hee shall bee governed by mee heere, I shall teach him to give mee better language, and not to bee soe saucy as to condemn a consul. ..." The strange unhealthiness of this season makes mee take a voyage to Scio upon the Rose for some few dayes, intending to return by land. . . . Yesterday I buried my servant Samuel, who died of a high pestilential feaver." 1 p. Seal of arms. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIGNOE MARC ANTONIO DOLFIN. 1664, Sept. 8. Pera. Touching the Padre Provinciale, I forbid him my house for his infamous trick (burla vituperosa) in regard to one of my druggermen. For the rest, I freely confess that I have never had any occasion to complain of him, save that, conformably to my honour and friendship for your Eminence, I ought to show myself sensible of the injuries done you by this brother, and therefore embrace this occasion to show to the world my zeal and affection for your service. Letter Book, ii, p. 163. Italian. 1 p. CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664, Sept. 9. Smyrna. "I am returned safe from Scio, though wee mett with a hard encounter in our passadge thither"; running on a rock in the Bay of Smyrna, close to Cunny island. As to John Hazard, he sold wine in bottles at his house, of which I took no notice, but hearing of some disorder of seamen drinking there, desired him to keep better order, " for if the Customer (who is subashaw) had notice that he sold wine, it would cost him money and I could not help him. . . . If he may get a livelyhood this way, without giving dayly disturbance, I shall not gainsay it, but . . . hee is an idle fellow, will not worke [and] putts himself into the posture of a gentleman, though he hath nothing to maintain it." 2$ pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to PATRICK SYMSONNE. 1664, Sept. 13. Pera. Hoping that his business will have a good issue in Holland, and reminding him that Mr. Hedges, the Treasurer in Constantinople, has, for his occasions, supplied Mr. Smith with a good sum of money, which he hopes may be duly repaid. Letter Book, ii, p. 165. f p. 332 THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to WILLIAM Mico. 1664, Sept. 15. Pera. The Bostangi Bassa [Captain of the Guard] wishes to procure the ransom of a Bostangi who was taken by the Livofnese and is now in one of the Pope's gallies. If you can find him, and can "cut his ransom for a certain sum," I will get the money first into my own hands from the Basha, and then send you orders to pay the ransom. I have a great desire to obtain some exquisite cordials out of the Great Duke's fonderia, but conceive that to write to him immediately would seem to much familiarity, and so commend the office to you to impart my desires to his Highness as you shall find occasion. Letter Book, ii, p. 166. 1| pp. THE SAME to LORD HOLLES, Ambassador at Paris. 1664, Sept. 15. Pera. ". . . The Latin and Greek churches in Scio have lately had a difference, through the perverseness and pride of the Greek Bishop of that place, against the con- sent of his Patriarch." The matter came at last to the deter- mination of the Turkish law, as you will see by the enclosed paper, which those of the Roman Church in Scio requested me to transmit to his Majesty's ambassadors, that their grievances might be the better known to the world. I am likewise to acquaint your lordship of the perfect good correspondence between Signer Balarino and myself. I lately had ground to resent some matters very highly, but have now received entire satisfaction. I am informed that he has been com- manded thereunto by the Senate of Venice, whereby you may judge of their good disposition towards his Majesty, "and the esteem they have of my power here, as able to promote or obstruct their designs in this Court." The second defeat of the Turkish forces under the Vizier has reduced their affairs to a very distracted condition. They talk of peace, but as is believed, only to quiet the seditious soldiery and commonalty, for though, no doubt, they heartily repent of beginning the war, " yet the pride and greatness of this Empire will scarce submit to peace when the war concludes with so much disgrace and disadvantage to them- selves." Ibid. p. 172. 2 pp. Also, Letters on the same subject to Sir H. Bennet and Sir W. Morice. Ibid. pp. 167, 171. [The original to Bennet is in S.P. Turkey.] Enclosing : " The state of the late difference between the Latin and Greek Church in the Island of Scio," narrating the unjust means taken by the Greek " Metropolite " to get all the power into his own hands ; and the sufferings of the Latin Bishop and his followers. Ibid. p. 173. 2| pp. [A copy of this is in S.P. Turkey.] 333 THE EARL OF SOUTHAMPTON to THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA. 1664, Sept. 19. Stratton. Your lordship's found me in my retreat here, where I can do nothing but wish that your reasons may prevail, either at Court or with the Company, as they have done with me. "As soone as I come to London I'l experiment in both places, but expect difficulties in either, for the Court hath soe many publick expences, which exceeds its income, that a reason prevayles not, where a president or a custome cannot be alleaged (which I found, though I prevayled in the last 300Z. for the captives, which is paied to Sir Heneage Finch), and the Company hath soe little of generosity, that though they would be extraordinarily served, they would scarce pay ordinarily, and I think they have lesse mind to pay, or be civile unto a great and noble person then to one of lesse quality, which I .could have conjectured without your lordship's letter, which expresses the undecent style of theirs to you,* and those natures that could pay those observances to our usurpers, and soe little grudge the chardge they were then at, and soe unwillingly beare that which they now ought reasonably to support, show what minds feare masters. " All I can say to your lordship is, upon my return I'l trye both places, and doe your lordship all the service I can, and with great caution (to give noe offence to the Company) shew them how well I think they are served, and how little sensible they are of it ; and I'l consult what path I shall tread in with your lordships and my good friend, Mr. Solicitor. Your lordship is now upon an active stage, and if we interpose in it, I shalbe glade to play any game into your lordship's hand." Holograph. 1 p. HUMPHREY [HENCHMAN], BISHOP OF LONDON, to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664, Sept. 24. London. I have received your Excellency's of June 1 and a copy of the samef in which you express " a most pious care to preserve the sincerity of the doctrine and discipline of the English Church in those forraigne parts where our chief merchants negotiate ; I blesse God for this religious care in your Excellency, and I will be diligent to subserve your state by my acting here in order to the same end. I am very gladd that Mr. Broadgate, being so petulant and turbulente, is discharged from Smyrna and sent hither, where the lawes have provided sufficiently agaynst such insolent attempters. When he lands, I shall search after him and observe his wayes, and upon this advertisement, restrayne him from any bold adventures. The consul of Smyrna hath observed your Excellencies commands and sent unto me a transcript of the depositions agaynst Mr. Broadgate, and with them I shall charge him when he arrives. * Seep. 318 above. ~ | See pp. 314, 321 above. 334 My next care shall be to furnish that Factorie with a religious, orthodox, prudent and humble person to succeed there, but in this I shall not (I feare) satisfy mine owne desires ; for the Levant Company will challenge and assume the power of choosing and sending another chaplaine to the Factorie. I will interpose my directions and persuasions that a good man may be sent, and I will require from him that shall be sent an account of his fitness for that ministration, and more particularly, of his obedience to the discipline of the Church here. But I feare I shall not prevayle with the Company to use mine advise in the choyse of mates, pursars, and chirugiens, but they will pursue theyr owne designes to use those that they thinke will readily serve theyr proffit without any regard to sound religion. However. I shall highly honour the wisdome and zeale of your Excellency that with soe great circumspection endeavours to preserve those Easterne parts from the factious and schismaticall practises of that generation of men. I daylie pray for the honour and happiness of your Excellency, of your most religious lady, and all yours." Holograph. 2 pp. THE BISHOP AND DEPUTIES OF Scio to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664, Sept. 28. Acknowledging with profound gratitude his Excellency's favours to those of the Latin rite, and lamenting that although they had obtained from the Grand Caimacam favourable orders against the cursed [Greek] Metropolitan, yet the Bassa and Cadi (bribed by much money) have given judgment in favour of the Greeks ; who have seized their churches, demolished their altars, and broken in pieces and flung into the streets their pictures and other images. Trusting in his Excellency's protection they implore him to do his utmost to aid them to recover their churches as they have had them for more than a hundred years. Italian. 1 p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE SAME. 1664, Oct. 4. Aleppo. The agent at Gombroone writes " that there was arrived there upon a junke, Hodgie Burra Saheb, Queene of Deccan, and sister to the King of Gulculdah [Golconda]. Her design is to travel! up the country towards Spahane, to a place of great devotion, where one of their prophets lie, as alsoe the King her husband. She hath brought with her a vast treasure in jewels, gold &c." Our new Caddee promises very fair. The last was a good man. If he visits you at Stamboul, I pray you let him know the character I gave you of him. 1| pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to WILLIAM Mico. 1664, Oct. 5. Pera. Thanking him for oil, gunpowder and papers of intelligence, and acknowledging the honour done 336 him by the merchants in naming their new frigate by his title. Prays that a barrell of pickled herrings, another of red herrings, and some salt salmon and bacculear [baccalare, stockfish] may be sent for his Lenten provisions. Letter Book, ii, p. 176. 1| pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE FRENCH CONSUL at Athens. 1664, Oct. 5. Has received his information of the wrong done to the French trade, and also to an English ship, by a Greek, and sends an order from the Porte forbidding such conduct in the future. The Resident of Holland has promised to remove the man from office before the 1st of February next. Italian. Ibid. p. 178. f p. Also, A like letter to " Signer Giovanni Girand." Italian. Ibid. p. 178. | p. THE SAME to ROGER COOPER. 1664, Oct. 5. Pera. I have sent you a box of wild chestnut and " Cyprus " seeds, consigned to Mr. John Buckworth in London. The chestnuts are rather for beauty than use, " because it is an extraordinary fair tree, and bears a pleasing blossom in the spring, and grows speedily to perfection." Both these and the cyprus seeds I would have planted either in Finch's wood or the new nursery, but one quarter of them you may present to my brother Toke. The Cyprus seeds I hope will plant the wilderness I intend near the melon garden, and the chestnuts for some walks. I intend, at my return (if God blesseth me) to plant 500 acres with cherries, apples and walnuts ; all the land on that side the double dike, next Mr. Tuck's, and very much of Dod's farm and others in Eastwell and Wye ; the walnut trees to be next the hedges, to keep off the blasting winds from the gardens, and " for the fields within, one cherry and one apple tree, so that when the cherries be decayed, the apple trees and walnut trees may be grown to some perfection. This will increase my revenue, and beautify my estate." I desire you also to provide, against my return, at least ten thousand fir trees, " for I intend to plant whole woods of them." Ibid. p. 180. 2 pp. ROBERT FRAMPTON, Minister, to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. [1664,] Oct. 5. Aleppo. May it please your Excellency to read the following lines by a man not known to you, " nevertheless, an old son of the Church of England, a loyall subject of his Majesties, and an affectionate servant to your Excellency." Being lately with the French Consul (Monsieur Baron) he told me, as a secret, that this summer there came to his house " a man very considerable in all respects, sent from the west unto the east, about some businesses of great importance " ; 336 that your Excellency knew his business and that he (the Consul) furnished him with money, which he was sure to be re-imbursed by you. If he have not written to you, he will do it ere long. Meanwhile I crave leave to tell you " that though M. Baron be a worthy gentleman, full of many zealous and gallant thoughts . . . and devoted to your Excellency, yet is he, in my opinion, noe way fitt to be trusted with great secrets, his talke being too free and his choler masterlesse ; in a word, his discourse soe aery that tis rather like distraction than honest reasoning. These things I never should make knowne, for he is my freind, and shewes me love even to excesse, were it not to prevent such dangers as the concealing of them might produce." 1 p. [Year date given in endorsement.] THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR HENRY BENNET. 1664, Oct. 8. Pera. On the Grand Signer's impending removal to Yamboli, an obscure town out of all roads (a step which is believed to be contrived by the Vizier, to prevent him learning the true history of the summer's misfortunes). Also on the prospect of a peace with Germany, and the possibility of one with Venice, and the need in that case, that the English Ambassador should be with the Court. Letter, Book, ii, p. 183. 3 pp. [The original in S.P. Turkey.] PARIDE GITJSTINIANO, GIACOMO CASTELLO " ET COMPAGNI " to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664, Oct. [10-J20. Scio. It is needless for them again to relate to his Excellency the terrible persecution they have suffered from the Greek Metropolitan. Their only trust is in God, who may remedy all things, even when they do not dare to hope, and are weeping and afflicted in view of fresh persecutions daily designed against them. They pray his Excellency, as a slight token of their gratitude for his kindness, to accept a case of lemons and two vases of gum, which they send by Signor Georgio d'Andrea. As to a huntsman, they have not forgotten his Excellency's wishes, but are endeavouring to send one who will be entirely to his satisfaction. Italian. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE BISHOP OF Scio and others. 1664, Oct. 24. Pera. Deeply deploring the issue of affairs at Scio, and assuring them of his desire to serve the interests of the Latin rite when it is possible for him to do so. Letter Book, ii, p. 187. Italian. \\ pp. SIR WILLIAM MORICE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664, Oct. 31. " Our traverses and agitations with Holland, the presumption and prognostick of what may be the result thereof, and our great naval preparations to answer any whatsoever event, is that which convertes many eyes towards 337 us, takes up all the vogue here, and is only worth your notice from hence. I long since acquainted your Excellency how a fire was likely to be kindled between us, it smoked then, hath been fuelled since, and is now ready to breake out and flame. The Parliament had notice and tooke a sentiment of the in- juries and indignities done us by the Dutch, how they under- mined or retrenched our trade every where, and recommended to his Majestic the care and redresse thereof by proper remedies. His Majesty, with great temper and moderation, answered that hee would notify this to his good allies and demand satisfaction where it was requisite, and seeke to prevent any growing mischief, and doubted not but they would doe him right in accomodating things complained of, otherwise hee would seeke it by all expedients in his power. The Dutch presently take this as an alarme, fall to equippe ships with all imaginable diligence, not forbearing to worke upon Sundays, and his Majestic to prevent surprize, setts out a more then usuall Summer Guard under my Lord of Sandwich ; hee remandes his Envoy from Holland, not as the prologue to a rupture, but as an expedient to prevent it, instructs him in matters complained of, his demands of reparation, the wayes and modes of regulating trade, thereby to obviate farther quarrells, and thus imbued, remits him. In the interim the Afracan Company, that had suffered much from the Dutch West Indian Company and had often complained to the States Generall without fruite or redresse, resolved to take that right which would not be given them, and commence a kind of warr, which is a wild kind of justice, take sundry of their ships, and one of their forts at Cabo Verde, another at Cape-Corse (but to this wee can make good title, and it was a redemption from unjust possessors). They forthwith make by their embassador a sharpe complaint unto his Majesty, who with great equanimity tells them, that hee knowes nothing of this, not that it was done, or if so, yet it was done without his commission or authority ; that hee expected the returne of Captaine Holmes, who was accused to have been the actor, and being returned hee would examine the matters and take account thereof, and doe them right, if it should appeare due, but hee could not order the restitution before hee was sure of the wrong, nor condemne his subjects before hee heard them ; and hee had been demanding justice from them for his subjects three or four yeares and was yet delayed it, and they had pretences still of deferring it from the absence of one or another concerned, and the expectation of the returne of this or that person. The Dutch, not content with this discreet and rationall answer, supposing to strike terror by their quick arming, vote the sending twelve of their men of warr and four of the West Indian Companies to Guiney to recover their forts, and recompence their losses. His Majestie advises them to forbeare, tells them if they will espouse all the quarrells of the Companies it will be impossible to preserve Wt. 29495. Fi 22 338 the peace ; that if they would defend their subjects hee would not be wanting to protect his ; that hee should construe this as a breach of the Treaty, by the 14th Article whereof it is provided, that if any wrong or violence be done by the subjects of one Allye to the other, that if upon complaint and demand of satisfaction (if by proof it appeared to be due) in one yeare, then other remedies might be used to en- force it, but all till [sic] the yeare elapsed, but they by such precipitate arming seemed to protest against or renounce the Treaty. They persist in their resolutions, and continue their preparations, and send his Majestie a manifesto of their grounds and reasons of doing it, which hee interpreted justly to be a kind of grant of letters of Mart against the African Company and any of his subjects that should lend them any assistance. Hee equipps twelve royall ships and the Royall Company set out six more ; those with neare two hundred land souldiers (the Dutch having levied five hundred) fell downe the river under the command of Prince Rupert, and rode in the Dowries, expecting an east wind to fill their sayles ; wee being first ready, though they began first to equippe. But as the ships lay expecting such gales, Sir John Lawson arrived, having been commanded from the Mediter- ranean, and another sent thither in his place, and hee brought vehement presumptions that De Ruyter was gone from the Straights towards Guiney, and this intelligence put us to a stand. Wee were assured noe such order issued from the States Generall, and for lacke of victualls and sheathing, many of the Councell were confident there was noe such thing ; neverthelesse there were some that tooke the advantage to stay the fleet at home, whose principle it had been ever to begin the warr in the Channell nearer home, and most conceived that to provide against the worst that might happen, it was not advised to leave the Prince obnoxious to be entrapped between two fleetes, his being gonne, ours that remained being at first not able to intercept or repell theirs ; but the wind hath been favourable to us, having blowne westerly so long as that their fleet could not yet get out, and wee had time to furnish so many ships as to impede them. His Majesty gave them notice, if they attempted to passe the Channell, hee would take it for a rupture ; They thought to have frighted his Majestie by their brisk resolutions, and that hee had been so indigent of money as not to be able to sett out a fleet till the Parliament mett to supply him, and in the interim they should doe their worke ; but finding the greatnesse, both of his Majesty's courage and preparations, the Citty having lent him twice one hundred thousand pounds and the affections of his people growing towards him and a warr, they mixe water with their wine, and sing to another tune and lower note. They are in perplexity, and hold a wolfe by the eares ; their reputation is engaged to send, and the peace at a breach if they goe ; they have made some overtures to make satisfaction 339 in grosse and in the lumpe, for the wrongs and damages suffered by his Majesties subjects, but those offers are generall, not certaine or definitive, and attended with demand of restitu- tion of all places and ships taken by us in Guiney and New Netherlands (anciently a part of New England) whither justly taken or not, and before the examination of the matter of fact or right ; and there is noe satisfaction preferred for the great charge they have put his Majestie unto, by their precipi- tate equipping. His Majestie hath forty ships ready, and will have fifty about the beginning of the next weeke, and when the whole fleet is ready, his Royall Highnes (whom it is impossible to divert from it) will imbarque with divers of the nobility. Wee have an envoye at Stockholme, Mr. Coventry, and another at Copenhaguen, Sir Gilbert Talbot, negotiating with those Kings in this juncture, and in reference to the present posture of affaires." Signed. 2| pp. SIR HENRY BENNET to THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA. 1664, Nov. 1. Whitehall. Since my last letter, "there are hap'ned great alteracions, the first not unknowne to you at Constantinople, viz. the peace or truce betwixt the Emperour and the Grand Seignor, which hath rejoyced the greatest part of Christendome, though there are yet some not at all satisfied with it ; the French for not having been privy to the transaccion ; the Venetian for having been left singly again to defend their quarrell alone against soe powerfull an enemy, and last of all our neighbours the Hollanders, who, apprehending a rupture with us, would be sorry to see the Emperour and other Princes of Germany at leasure to make use of this conjuncture for the dispute of their particular quarrels with them, and according to this it will be fit your Excellency should know how near we are to a breach with those our unkind neighbours." [Here follows an account agreeing in its main points with that given by Morice.] " In this state wee are, God only knowing what will bee the successe of it; the guesses are that they will demand peace, which after such a provocacion would not be granted but upon termes of honour to his Majesty. By the King's command I signified to the Turkey Company his pleasure that they should more cheerfully supply your extraordinary expences. They do not yet agree, but his Majesty bids me assure you that he will take care in future to see you well provided, and that "he understands it is incumbent upon the Turky Company and upon them alone to see this made good to you." Postscript. "Some few days past news is come from New England that our countreymen there ressenting with the same spirit (as they doe in all places else) the wrongs done them by the Dutch, have proceeded to take into their possession by force a place ursuped by them upon us called New Amster- dam, to which they have given now the name of New Yorke, which hath augmented and inflamed their complaints upon us." Signed. 7 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to WILLIAM Mico. 1664, Nov. 9. Pera. Has received the Florence wine, which is good, but not so exquisite as that of the year before, which was " of a hard dry taste " while this is sweet. As to the gloves, those which he had used tear in the seames immediately, probably because they are " old sewed." Desires another dozen of the best sort and " latest made," and sends an old glove to show the size. His wife offers her best thanks for the chest of lady's wine and the barrells of olives and anchovies, which are all come safe to hand. He has also received the draft [drawing] of the Winchilsea, in a gilded frame, which he has placed in a room to which he often resorts. Hopes that the ship will always be prosperous under this name, and very profitable to her owners, and sends his own and his wife's arms, to be placed on the stern. Has likewise received the exceUent gun, and is much pleased with the greatness of the bore, the fashion of the stock, and the commo- dious gun-sticks, but though the barrel is " extraordinary good " he likes the dark blue colour usual in France rather than bright and the locks gray as they are taken out of the fire and the stock plain, not inlaid with ivory. Has lately had a gun made at Marseilles by one B. Coste which, as to the workmanship of the lock, and the curious grain of the stock, " which is walnut tree," greatly surpasses the other. Desires Mico to provide him with a great gun, " on purpose to shoot in a boat, or at land upon a rest, that may kill swans and wild geese " at the greatest distance possible, such as the Grand Duke has, or better if that may be, "as substantial and curious as is possible, only plain and of a dark colour," with rest, gunsticks, moulds for shot and bullets &c. The lock he would have made by B. Coste at Marseilles. As to the state of the French here, as yet they have not suffered, but the feeling of the Turks is shown by an incident at Adrianople, where one of the French druggermen demanding licence for their agent to have his wine free of impost, according to the rights of public ministers, the Chimacam took occasion openly to reprimand the infidelity of the French, "that under their banner all piracies were committed upon the Turks," and ordered the druggerman to withdraw, or else he and his agent and all the French nation should be sent to the gallies. Letter Book, ii, p. 188. 3| pp. THE SAME to SIR H. FINCH. 1664, Nov. 9. Pera. Concerning Walrond's conduct, and his own money matters. If the war with Holland goes on, he will not be able to remit money to England with advantage, 341 and finding that in consequence of the war with the Emperor many " here " become poor, and jewels are fallen to a very low rate, he has invested a good part of his money in them, and doubts not but that they will sell to great advantage in England. Letter Book, ii, p. 192. 3 pp. Also, Letter to his " brother," Capt. Nicholas Toke, on the same subjects. Ibid. p. 194. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to CONSUL MORGAN READ, at Livorne. 1664, Nov. 9. Pera. Is heartily sorry for the hard fortune of Consul Browne and the merchants at Algier, but little better usage can be expected from a government so wholly barbarous and devoid of humanity. Would gladly assist him, but commands from this court are of no validity there, as these ministers know very well, and so, " will scarce pretend to send any," knowing how little they are obeyed. Ibid. p. 196. I p. THE SAME to LORD HOLLES, at Paris. 1664, Nov. 9. Pera. The chief matter here at present is how the Turks take notice of the assistance given to the Emperor by the King of France, the invasion of Barbary, and the hostilities done them at sea under the French colours. " These matters no question but are resented by the Turk, but as yet, perhaps out of design to see the treaty concluded first with the Emperor, neither the French agent nor merchants have been either questioned or suffered." An incident at Adrianople, however [here follows the account already given, p. 340] shows that the Turk probably only conceals his displeasure for a time, and certainly unless some expedient be provided by the King of France to secure the estates of his subjects in these parts, they run a great hazard of being lost. I have done what good offices I could, and might do more if the French King would request our Master to command me to act vigorously therein. I desire this the more in order to " have opportunity of making this example of invading Barbery to be judged no breach of the capitulations with the Grand Signer, so as to serve for a precedent to us for the future, when his Majesty shall think fit to revenge the piracies of that country in the like nature." Ibid. p. 196. 2 pp. THE SAME to SIR HENRY BENNET. 1664, Nov. 9. The Prince of Wallachia is fled, but the old Prince of Moldavia is come to the camp, and the Vizier may probably pardon him. Many believe that the much talked of truce is only an artifice to quiet the people, in whom it has wrought a general joy, the wisest sort believing that had the Emperor prosecuted his victory, he might this winter have got as far as Belgrade. [Concerning the French druggerman, as on p. 340.] Ibid. p. 199. 2 pp. Original in S.P Turkey. 342 THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIB HENEAGE FINCH. 1664, Nov. 19. Pera. As my five years residence here expires in January come twelvemonths, I thought it not too early "to beginne to consider seriously with so wise and faith- full a friend as yourself the weight of arguments which may perswade mee to a longer continuance. For first I consider the hazards I have allready passed in my voyage to this remote place and the casualties of sicknesse which our bodies are subject to in climates so different to our naturall temper. Then I have voluntarily deprived myself of the societie of my children and relations and particularly yours, which requires alone strong considerations to recompense, and all to no other end then to cleare my debts and advance the revenue of my estate, or at least some thing before hand, so as not to come naked into England with no other provision then the bare rent of my lands. But because by that time this end cannot wholy bee effected, nor doe expect to peice out my wants by preferments and offices at home, inclining rather to a retired life and enjoyment of the fruit of my labours, at Eastwell, I thinke it hath more of prudence to resolve to continue longer, and most of honour not to frustrate the intention first designed, or to quit a certain good for one that is uncertaine though greater. " But by the way I would have you know that the Turky Companie wrote to Sir Thomas Roe before the expiration of his terme agread on inviting him to continue longer in the Embassy, and to induce him more forcibly to it, sent him a present of 500Z." I think I may with good reason insist on having as honourable and profitable terms, but in the method of managing this negotiation I must request your aid, as, whether the proposition of my continuance should come first from me or from them, and whether I ought to acquaint the King with my desire, and also to intimate my resolution to the Council or Secretaries of State. If you think the negotia- tion not proper for you, and that I ought to send Ricaut, I will do so, with orders wholly to regulate himself by your orders. I should agree to two or three years more, insisting upon the 500L as to Sir Thos Roe, " though not to break off upon the denial." I have written of this to my Lord Treasurer (but to none other), so that you may consult with him and also with Lord Chief Justice Bridgeman, " who is, I am sure, so much my friend as not to think a few hours' consideration of my business to be troublesome." Letter Book, ii, p. 201. 3 pp. Also, Letter to the Earl of Southampton, briefly to the same effect. Ibid. p. 204. Narrative sent by CHARLES II. to Parliament. [1664, Nov. 24.] "A Briefe narrative of the late passages between his Majesty and the Dutch, and his Majesties 343 preparations thereupon." Endorsed by Williamson, " Sent by his Majesty to each of the two Houses of Parliament the first day of this sessions." 16 pp. [Printed in Lords' Journals, under above date.] THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE DUCHESS OF SOMERSET. 1664, Nov. 28. Pera. I have written your Grace several letters of late, which I hope are come safe to your hands, and therefore need not repeat more than that (God be praised) we all continue in perfect health. Your Grace may remember that at my departure out of England, I agreed with the Turkey Company only for five years continuance here, but finding that my debts will not then be fully paid, I am forced to resolve upon a longer time, and have written to my cousin Solicitor to make the most advantageous conditions for me that he can, who will give you more particular knowledge thereof. Your Grace's secrecy will be requisite, as if the Company were assured that I am resolved to stay, they would be " more backward to condescend to those conditions I demand." Letter Book, ii, p. 205. 1 p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINOHILSEA. 1664, Dec. 2. Aleppo. The Levant Company write that they have recommended your Excellency to procure us an order that our Emeen may give us no disturbance ; but I do not apprehend that he will dare to do anything that may bring him into trouble, " with whom at present I have a very good understanding ; however, Turks promises of fair usage last no longer than they conceive may be for their advantage." t PP- THE FACTORY OF ALEPPO to THE SAME. 1664, Dec. 5. Aleppo. Concerning the flight of Mr. Stanton and Mr. Bishop, and the indignation of their creditors, who wish to put the debt upon the whole English nation there. Fear that the business may be carried to Constantinople, and pray for his Excellency's support. 2 pp. 31 signatures. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to ROBERT FRAMPTON, Minister at Aleppo. 1664, Dec. 9. Pera. I am much obliged by your caution respecting Monsieur Baron [see p. 335 above] but I have never written to him more than two or three times, in answer to his, " and should bee farre from confiding secrets to him upon so bare a knowledge ; especially his being a Frenchman would cause mee to bee more scrupulous in taking testimonies to vouch him free from his nationall imperfections." As to the gentleman who travelled from the west to the east, I know not who he means, unless an Italian to whom I gave a passport on the recommendation of the Prince of Vallachia, but never gave him countenance " further than the interest of one night's expenses ; but some men catch hold on all things, and a complyment ... is interpreted for an engagement, and an ordinary discourse for the height of friendship and intimacy." Guessing at your affections to me by your kindness, and already knowing your other deserts, I cannot but wish that your curiosity would carry you home by way of Constantinople that we might enjoy your society, and I might have an opportunity of evidencing my esteem. Letter Book, ii, p. 206. 4 PP- THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to MONSIEUR BARON. 1664, Dec. 9. Pera. Your last, touching Col. Deti, gives promise of a happy journey for him. When he was here, I gave him a passport, and showed him the courtesy due to all strangers, but I am quite ignorant of the motives for his journey, and not interested in its success, excepting as all generous minds must wish well to men of merit and virtue. Ibid. p. 208. Italian, f p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA. 1664, Dec. 10. Aleppo." The 3rd present, Mr. Stantori and Bishop ran away from Aleppo, indebted to the Turks upwards of 50,000 dollars. . . . The 4th present, I first heard of it, when his creditors, very many and powerfull men, came clamering to my house ; to whome I gave for answer, I was sorry for the disgrace our nation had received by so villanous an action, but could give them no other comfort then that they must seeke their satisfaction from them only whom they trusted, for no man was to be questioned for the debts of another, as was carefully provided for in our capitulations. This answer gave them little satisfaction. They made their laments to the Caddee and other ministers, desiring their assistance to force us to pay Stanton and Bishop's debts." The same day I was summoned to the Caddee's, where were several ministers and the creditors. I insisted upon the privileges of our capitulation, but the meeting ended by the Caddee declaring that our nation owed the debt and ought to pay. [Here follows a long account of the meetings and dis- cussions on this subject, in which by degrees, the officials were won over to a more reasonable view.] Ships have now arrived with goods consigned to Stanton and Bishop, some of which belong to themselves, some to Sir Sam. Barnardiston and his brothers, some to Sir John Frederick, Mr. Richard Holsworthy and his brothers. I have warned the captains not to unload, as I am sure the people mean to give us trouble when the goods are landed. If your Excellency could find out a way to preserve them, it would be very acceptable to the proprietors. At last I have brought the Caddee to give judgment that the creditors cannot pretend upon us. My next work is the 345 Emeen, from whom I endeavour to get an assurance that he will give us no disturbance. 1J pp. SIR GEORGE DOWNING. 1664, Dec. 16. Hague. " A Discourse written by Sir George Downing . . . vindicating his Royal Master from the In- solencies of a Scandalous Label. . . ." Printed pamphlet. 21 pp. CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664, Dec. 21. Stating that the Dutch Consul prays for his Excellency's assistance in relation to a Dutch seaman who was believed to have professed a desire " of turning Turk." On his strenuously denying this, he was on the point of being beheaded, but was persuaded by a renegado to declare himself a Turk to save his life, " on which he was immediately carryed in triumph, as their manner is." Though this business cannot be remedied, it is hoped some way may be found for helping in like cases in the future, indeed, the Dutch Consul had been told by his druggerman, before it was noised abroad, that the man might have been delivered for 40 dollars, " but the old man would not then spend an asper." 1| pp. CONSUL LANNOY to THE SAME. 1664, Dec. 24. Aleppo. Having received assurances from the Emeen, he has ordered the unloading of the two general ships, excepting the cloth and tin consigned to Stanton and Bishop, as to which he has declared that any concerned to look after these goods may order their landing, provided they give security to free the Company from damages. Postscript. The Russia ambassador has arrived at Spahaune, with a great train, and for presents, " 13 large Frisland horses, the like before never came to Persia," two rich coaches and many other things. When he nas audience, I am promised a perfect account of it. 1 p. M. BARON to THE SAME. [1664, Dec. 26-J1665, Jan. 5. Aleppo. Thanking his Excellency for his kind messages through " M. de La Noye," and regretting that he can give him no news, as no one has come from France or Leghorn for almost eight months. Postscript. Col. Deti has been ill at Damascus, but left for Bagdad at the end of November. French. 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE VIZIER AZEM, in Belgrade. 1664, Dec. 29. Pera. Congratulating him on his happy return from the wars, and upon the treaty between his master and the Emperor. Salutes him in the name of the King of Great Britain, who prays that all his Excellency's affairs may 346 have the happy result due to the valour and merit of so worthy a minister. Since his Excellency's departure, the capitulations have been well observed, and the ministers have shown great justice and kindness to the English nation, while he doubts not but that his Excellency knows that, during the war the English subjects have never done anything whatever against the said capitulations. Letter Book, ii, p. 210. Italian. 1| pp. Instructions to GEORGIO DRAPERIIS, druggerman. 1664, Dec. 29. Pera. On his arrival at Adrianople, he is to " enquire underhand " whether the creditors of Stanton and Bishop have made any appli cation to the court, and if not, to profess that his journey is only upon private grounds, so as to avoid giving any presents. But if any endeavours have been made against the factory, he is to declare that, by the capitulations, one Englishman (except he be a surety) is not liable for the debts of another, and no judgments can be given against the English, save in the presence of their am- bassador or his druggerman. In this case he may give presents where they may be placed with best advantage. Ibid. p. 212. 1| PP- THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR HENRY BENNET. 1664, Dec. 30. Pera. A courier has arrived from France and is going to Belgrade. It is reported that his message is altered from what was brought " whilst the holding of Gigeri gave a reputation to the French success in these parts," and that he is only to arrange about the coming of an ambassador. The Turks with joy embrace the peace, their forces being weakened, their chief commanders slain, and their army in terror that the Christians would not only recover all Hungary, but come to Adrianople itself. Trade is at a very low ebb, through the long absence of the Court, and the Grand Signer's obstinate dislike of Constantinople. Great preparations are being made for the German Ambassador, who comes to confirm the peace. A strange comet has been seen for twenty-five nights, and in clear weather is still visible. At first its tail pointed towards the north, but now towards the east. "It seems to be a great height ; such as are skilful in taking the elevation computing it above the moon. Its course in rising and setting is uncertain, and the motion seems extraordinary swift." The people "frame strange predictions of changes from it." Prays him to help in the punishment of Bishop and Stanton, who have brought such dishonour upon the English merchants by their infamous behaviour to the Turks. Ibid. p. 214, 3 pp. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] 347 THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to WILLIAM Mico. 1664, Dec. 30. Pera. Concerning the flight of Stanton and Bishop. As they may have sought refuge in Ligorne, he has written to the Grand Duke, praying him not to protect them. If " those gentlemen " are there, the letter is to be delivered ; if not, to be kept until their arrival. Letter Book, ii, p. 209. 1 p. Enclosing : The letter to the Grand Duke alluded to. Italian. Ibid. p. 213. 1 p. THE SAME to GEORGIO DRAPERHS. 1664[-5], Jan. 9. Pera. Desires him to find out the truth of a report that the Venetian Resident is preparing great presents for the expected German Ambassador, and also to ascertain the views of the Turks as to a peace with Venice. The Venetians having " evidently neglected " the English King's offer of mediation, any further proffers must be very sparingly made, but it would be well if the Turks could be induced to desire his assistance in the matter. Ibid, p. 218. I p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664-5, Jan. 11. Aleppo. The new Bassa's Chiau has come to Aleppo, with whom the creditors of Stanton and Bishop are tampering. I pray you to inform yourself when our new Bassa comes, and before he comes, to make him our friend. Copy, sent with letter of Jan. 21. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1664-5, Jan. 16. Aleppo. The Mussalem* (or Chiau of our new Bassa) has been labouring to revive the business of Stanton and Bishop, and has again sent for Mr. James Banckes, to examine him. The last time he detained him some hours in the seraglio. I send you a paper by the said Banckes, with my reply [wanting] and pray your direction thereupon. The trouble I daily meet with in our affairs here is very great ; "and if I give your Excellency too much trouble, as I fear I doe, I humbly crave your pardon." 1 p. JAMES BANCKES to THE SAME. 1664-5, Jan. 16. Aleppo. I am forced to trouble your Excellency, " in regard the consul of this place will affoard mee but very little assistance, in a case wherein I am wholly innocent, but hath suffered mee to bee fetched twice out of his house and imprisoned by this Mossalem's people, and am not yet at liberty, the druggerman being security for my forthcoming ; besides, the greatest part of my estate lyes * The governor of a town. "Chiau" here is used in the seuse of representative or deputy. 348 sealed up in Stanton and Bishop's house, hee refusing to stirr at all in their recovery." Two years and a half ago, my master, Sir John Frederick, sent me hither to his factors, Stanton and Bishop, and I was in their house when they ran away with a considerable estate of Turks' goods and money ; but I never knew of their intention, or received an asper of the money. I am sure that your Excellency will not permit the innocent to suffer, " though the consul hath pleased to say it will bee impossible for mee to live quietly in this place, whose reasons are kept to himself e." 1 p. THE BISHOP OF Scio to THE EARL or WINCHILSEA. 1665, Jan. [18-J28. Scio.- Writes but two lines in haste to say that they are sending his Excellency the best huntsman they can find in the Island. His Excellency may perhaps consider him stupid (idioto), but he is an honest man, and it is hoped he will give satisfaction. Italian. 1 p. WILLIAM TURNER and THOMAS BARNARDISTON to THE SAME. 1664-5, Jan. 20. Aleppo. " Heartily sorry wee are that our first address to your Excellencie should be uppon so un- pleaseing a subject, neither should wee now have sett penn to paper did wee not feare that Consull Lannoy might anticipate us, and soe cause your Excellencie to have some hard thoughts of us." Your lordship's servant, Tho. Barnardiston, arrived here in September last with his cousin, William Turner, Esquire (brother- in-law to Mr. Pelat Barnardiston of London)," out of a curiosity to see these parts and Jerusalem, whither intends to sett forward in few daies." Our recommendations were to the unfortunate house of Stanton and Bishop, and upon their flight, all the doors being sealed up, we could not come by any of our things. We fled to the Consul's house for refuge, and prayed his assistance for releasement of our things, which he promised in very friendly manner, as soon as the house should be opened ; but when this happened and we reminded him of his promise, he flew into a passion and said he had given none ; nor would he stir in the matter, or allow his druggerman to assist us. We have therefore drawn up a protest against him, not out of any malice, but because it may enable us in England to recover the value of our goods by law. 2 pp. CONSUL LANNOY to THE SAME. 1664-5, Jan. 21. Aleppo. " . . . Although Stanton and Bishop are fled from Aleppo, who were both factious and infamous persons, yet there remaines still so ill-principled in that family as endeavour to disturb peace if they durst," and especially James Banckes, " who is a person I cannot engage myself for, upon his bare bond." The Emeen will 349 not allow Stanton and Bishop's house to be opened, saying that what money they owe his serivan, Mustapha Chelebee, belongs to him and is the Grand Signer's money. The creditors have been at great charges to gain the ministers on their side, but the Caddee having once given sentence in our favour, they dare not act contrary. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to GEORGIO DRAPERHS. 1664-5, Jan. 23. Pera. The Bishop here has received advice of sinister designs against him, and is retiring to Smyrna for a time. I have not been intent to dissuade him, being " suspicious of the worst accidents," but as one who is his real friend, I desire to propose to you what may be the best course for his security ; which is to offer a complaint " that whereas it hath beene the custome for many ages that a Bishop from Rome should reside here without molestation or disturbance, and that now, certaine seditions being arose amongst his owne subjects, and denialls of his rights and dues, to his great injury and endeavours to expell him from his seat : that therefore his Excellency would grant a command that the Bishop, as in former times, may continue in his antient authority . . . without opposition or molestation." This might at any rate serve until the times are better. I promised the Bishop that you should act as far as possible, but must leave to your judgment what is best to be done. Letter Book, ii, p. 218. I p. THE SAME to SIMON RENINGHEN, Resident for the Emperor. 1664-5, Jan. 23. Pera. Congratulating him on the happy issue of his negotiations, and hoping to see him in Constantinople. The little Leopold begins in words to profess himself his Excellency's devoted servant. Ibid. p. 219. Italian. 1 p. SIR HENRY BENNET to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664-5, Jan. 25. Whitehall. Recommending to his care and friendship (by his Majesty's orders) Mr. Henry Howard of Norfolk, who has, to satisfy his curiosity, resolved on a journey to Constantinople ; he being " a person whose blood and merits must needs be sufficiently known " to his Excellency, and one whom the King " for all his good qualityes doth most tenderly love and esteeme." Holograph. 1 p. MATTEO MONGIARDINI to THE SAME. 1665, [Jan. 28-]Feb. 7. Scio. In consequence of the orders sent from Constantinople, their churches have been restored, but they learn that their Metropolitan and liis Greeks are going themselves thither, to endeavour, by means of the Patriarch there, to obtain contrary orders. Prays his Excellency's protection. He sends a case of oranges for her Excellency, and would have sent the jasmine but the weather is too cold, Italian. 1 p. 350 THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR HENRY BENNET. 1664-5, Jan. 30. Pera. The message brought by the French courier has come to light, and is no other than a re- presentation of the piracies committed by the Algerines on the subjects of the French King, and that he judged it reasonable to revenge himself, " reserving still his friendship and league with the Grand Signor entire and inviolate " ; and also intimating his desire to introduce an ambassador. The courier departed hence post to Belgrade, but by the way visiting the Chimacam at Adrianople, was received by him with violent abuse of the French, " affording them at every word no better terms than pirates, thieves, liars and the like." Were he prime Vizier (he said) he would bestow on him 200 blows and send him to the gallies, but now he would send him on to receive his due reward from the Vizier. The Grand Signor is diverting himself at Dimotochum, but is expected shortly at Constantinople to give audience to the Emperor's ambassador. [The rest of the letter is in relation to the Holland ships and their engrossing of the trade.] Letter Book, ii, p. 220. 2| pp. {Original in 8. P. Turkey.} THE SAME to SIGNOR BALARTNI. 1664-5, Jan. 30. Pera. Assuring him of his friendship, and of his desire to help Signor Dolfin. The present time does not seem suitable, but he hopes a better opportunity may occur after the arrival of the Vizier Azim. Ibid. p. 222. Italian. 1 p. THE SAME to GEORGIO DRAPERHS. 1664-5, Jan. 3 1 . Pera. If the Vizier is coming to Adrianople about Ramazan, it would save expense for you to remain there to congratulate him. If he is to remain there, you shall have provision for the usual presents, but if he is coming on to Constantinople, you need only compliment him for me, and say that on his arrival here I shall myself " tender him my respects with more effectual testimonies." I hear that since the recovery of the churches at Scio by the Latins, the Greeks are returned to Adrianople with new addresses. I know you will not be inactive in aiding your own Church, and your endeavours in that business will be very grateful to me. As regards the Tayin [allowance], you must represent (as from yourself) that the extraordinary respect shown to the Emperor's ministers and increase of the Emperor's Tayin will be very ill-taken by the King of Great Britain unless some more than usual respect is showed to me, since my master is as great a prince as any they represent ; that our journey is farther hither, and we their constant friends, whereas these are but enemies newly reconciled, and that you believe his Majesty will recall me and send an inferior person, who may with less 351 dishonour " digest this difference made, not between equals but inferiors, as a Resident is to an Ambassador." You should also instil into them the great preparations the French King is again making for Barbary, and to help the Venetians ; that they have no constant friend but my master, and that he is solicited by many Princes against them upon very good conditions ; and that when the Grand Signor has sent am- bassadors to England, they have had their Tayin and been treated at the charge of his Majesty. These may be good motives to persuade them that my Master's friendship is worthy the preservation, and I leave it to you whether to " propose the substance hereof" to the Chimacam or to any other. Letter Book, ii, p. 223. 2| pp. THE EARL OF WINOHILSEA to GEORGIO DRAPERIIS. 1664-5, Feb. 1. Pera. Last evening, as Mr. Townesend was going from my house to his lodging, he was met by the Odabashee of the Topgini [chief officer of the arsenal], and although he declared himself my servant, he was thrown down and bastin- adoed, with many abusive words concerning me and my office. As it is against the capitulations to punish an Englishman without due process, you must make a complaint to the Chima- cam, and obtain an order for examination of the business here, or for the punishment of him who has done this wrong to a merchant. The affair has greatly scandalized our nation, being talked of everywhere. Ibid. p. 226. Italian. 1 pp. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1 664-5, Feb. 4. Pera. I hear from Aleppo that the creditors of Stanton and Bishop are renewing their pretences upon the consul and factory. If you cannot get a command from the Chimacam that one Englishman (unless a pledge) is not liable for the debts of another, I would have you signify to some one, by whose means it may come to the Chimacam's knowledge, that I very much complain of this usage, as " it would be a very bad example for the future that no command . . . should be obtained without presents of greater value than the benefit expected." Do not part with any presents unless the business cannot be managed without them ; but if you cannot prevail, you may assure the Chimacam that after the command is given, I shall gratify him as largely as he can expect. Ibid. p. 227. 1| pp. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1664-5, Feb. 6. Pera. Informing him that the Chimacam of Constantinople has ordered the assailant of Mr. Townsend to be drubbed and dismissed his office, therefore no further notice need be taken of the business. The Levant Company wish him to procure the reparation of Morat Bassa's bridge. Prays for Draperiis' advice as to this. Ibid. p. 228. f p. 352 SIR WILLIAM MOEICE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664[-5], Feb. 7. I have had the felicity to receive three letters from your Excellency within a few days, and am not a little edified by your intelligence. ' The posture of our affairs is much altered here, that calme and security of peace which we lately enjoyed being now turned to warre, at least preparations for it. [Repeats the account of the parliament's vote and the king's answer given on p. 337 above.] " Forthwith heereuppon the Dutch begin to equip twenty ships with great noyse and ostentation. His Majesty, not to be surprised or to have only an harpe in his hand when they had a javelin, makes also his naval equipage and sends my lord of Sandwich to sea with fifteen or sixteen saile. While the two fleetes lye at distance and in quietnes, corns intelligence that captaine Holmes, who was sent forth by the Royal Company for Guiny, had taken som fortes about Cabo Verde, and som Dutch ships ; whereof the West Indian Company of the Netherlands put up their complaints to the Estates General, and they make them over to the Kinge by their imbassador resident heere, and demand present restitution of the fortes and satisfaction for the dammages. His Majesty answered that he knew nothing of the matter of fact, but was sure that Holmes had no commission or order from him to make any attempts upon any the subjects of the Estates, for he would not infringe the peace, but inviolably observe it-, if they did not necessitate him by their provocations to breake it. But he understood from the Royal Company that the West India Company of the Netherlands had taken twenty of their ships, offered them many affronts, donne them many injuryes, wherof having complained to there superiors, and demanded satisfaction, after divers yeeres delay, they could obtaine no redresse, and ' whither ' Holmes had now fought to take that satisfaction and doe the company that right which the Dutch would not give his Majesty could not tell, but it becom him to heare the partyes on all sides and examine the matter before he could give sentence or issue orders in the case, but he assured them they might expect all right and due justice from him when he should have perfect cognizance of the matters of facte. This answer, which might have satisfied reasonable men, they were not content with, but supposing to affright his Majesty with their briske resolutions or surprise him with their nimble pre- parations, they resolve to equip and accordingly doe prepare twelve ships with 400 or 500 land souldiers, to recover what they had lost in Guiny and to right themselves uppon the English there. His Majesty adviseth them to forbeare and surcease this course, which must needes drawe after it ill consequences, for if they would espouse all the rapines and violencyes of their subjects it would be impossible to preserve amity betweene them, and if they would defend the 353 West India Company (which was become a confederacy of pyrates) in wronge, he could not but finde himselfe obliged to defend his subjects in the right. Beside, what ever injuries were donne by the subjects of one ally or dammages suffered by the other, by the late treaty betweene the nations, a yeere was limited to seeke reparation, which must elapse without satisfaction given, until they came to extreme remedyes. Notwithstanding they persist in the first resolution, and publish a manifesto to justify the undertaking, whereof they sent his Majesty a copy, as it were in defiance of him. The King findes himselfe engaged to send a fleete in defense of his subjects whom they threatened to assault. Their fleete lay so long windbound that ours, consisting of twelve of his Majistyes and six of the Companyes, were under saile before them. Many traverses there were to reconcile and compound the busines, but while we were treating, to the rest of their injuries they adde this treachery, that whereas De Rutter was in the Straights with a fleete of fifteen saile against the pyrates of Algiers, and they had solemnly desired that his Majestyes naval forces there might acte in conjunction, or at least hold good correspondency with them, which was assented to, they turne those forces against his Majesty, and by a private order from De Witte, pensionary of Holland, and two or three more of that province, De Rutter leaves the Straights, sailes directly for Cabo Verde, findes seven or eight merchants ships there and one of his Majistyes. They had intelligence a day before of his comminge, saw him timely enough at his approach to have escaped or unloaded their cargous, and runne themselves under the safeguard of their castles ; but to the great losse of honor as of interest to the nation, they were infatuate and disanimated and uppon De Rutters entrance into the bay sent to demand what he required of them, who answered he had nothing to say or doe to the Kinges ship ; for the rest they soone came to capitulation that the ships should be let goe free, the cargous delivered to him uppon account, for which the Dutch West India Company should be responsible, but all the private goods and adventures of the masters and sailors be left to them. What is since becom of de Rutter or which way he hath directed his course we have no intelligence, but of his orders to goe from the Mediterranean I had notice timely enough, and com- municated it, but it would not be believed and was thought impossible. Sir John Lawson was about that time recalled from the Straights and Captaine Allen sent to command in his place, who hath since made peace with those of Algiers and might easily have frustrated De Rutters designe. The King finding himself thus deluded and injured, and the Dutch increasing their equipage and pretending to send more succors to Guiny which should passe the Channel in defiance of alf our resistance, his Majesty alters his determination of sending forth Prince Rupert who was General by sea and land of the Wt. 29495. FI 23 354 forces destined for Guiny, and in short time makes ready betwixt fifty or sixty saile of royal ships in three squadrons under his Royal Highness (who personally was imbarqued), Prince Rupert, the Earle of Sandwich, many young lords and gallants of the Courte attended the Duke in the expedition, but the Dutch finding our fleete too strong for theirs, mixt water with their wine, shrunke in their homes, and after all their vapors and vaunts, paid of their men and laid up their ships ; but his Majesty to revenge and repaire himselfe, tooke in a weeke or forthnight above 120 of their ships, and Allen in the Mediterranean fell on their Smyrna fleete, whereof he sanke two (one whereof worth ten tun of gold) and tooke three and had donne them more mischeife, but that the fight happened in a storme when he could not use his lower tire and had a weeke before in a darke night by the negligence and ignorance of the masters, lost two frigates that ran aground in the Bay of Gibraltar. The Duke, finding no enemy daring to encounter him, returned to land, so did the Prince, but my lord of Sandwich is still cruzinge at sea with 20 saile or more, and now and then takes a prize, as they doe somtime catch som of ours, but they uppon our first attaquing them dispatcht posts over land to warne all their ships to keepe close in harbore ; som of theirs have adventured by the north of Scotland but have suffered unexpressible miseryes. No warre is declared, their embassador remaines heere, ours with them, they have granted forth letters of marte, but we have issued none to the natives heere, chiefly because the saylors shall not engage in capers and privateirs until the royal fleete be furnished, mariners being our greatest wante, and partly because we would not appeare to be aggressors, but to be on the defensative, for the sheete anchor of Holland is France and the assistance hoped from that king, who by the articles of the late allyance, if they be assaulted, is obliged to furnish them with so many men ; and France professeth to be un- satisfied who is the aggressor and made the first assault, and uppon that account hath hitherto delayed them, not- withstanding their importunityes. We have no great confidence in the friendship of France and doe as little feare their enmity. We suspect they will juggle on both sides, but France is like to have som diversion, havinge designed 10,000 men for the assistance of Savoy against Genoa, and drawing downe other forces toward Flanders, where the Marques Castle Roderigo, that succeeded Sarazone [i.e. the Marques de Caracena] in that government, armes powerfully, and the Marques of Baden, that was General against the Turke, is com thither with one regiment, and eight more are expected of horse and foote from the Emperor, who (as it is said) shall have Flanders in dowry with the Infanta of Spaine. k His Majesty hath sent Mr. Coventry to Sueden and Sir Gilbert Talbot to Denmarke to excite them against Holland out of a sentiment of the injuries and indignityes donne them, and to 355 unite them more closely and firmly in an allyance with his Majesty, which negotiations are much advanced, and. the circle of Westphalia, consisting of the Elector of Brandenburgh, Duke of Neuburgh, Bishops of Colen, Mentz, Munster etc. all which have beene injured and damnified by the Hollander, are now mett together, thinking this a fit juncture to seeke their reparation ; but the parliament that mett in November have expressed great affection to his Majestyes service and the honor and interest of the nation, and have given him 2,500,000 pounds to be paid in monthly proportions within three yeares. We are equipping ships with all possible vigor and activity and before April hope to have imbodied 120 saile. The Dutch are not short of their preparations and are high in their confidence and vauntings." Holograph. 2 pp. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664-5, Feb. 8. Aleppo. The creditors are sending two persons, the Mufti of Mussell and Mahomet Chelebee, the Bagdad merchant, who sold his silk to Stanton and Bishop, to Constantinople. They are endeavouring to prove M_r. Barnardiston a partner with Stanton and Bishop, and it is to be feared that before the thing is ended there will be a great deal of trouble. To-day we expect the rest of our cloth by our two general ships. Mr. Barnardiston has sent orders to the captains not to land what belongs to Sir Samuel, Mr. Nathaniel or Mr. Pelatia Barnardiston. None of the factors seem to concern themselves with what belongs to Mr. Richard Holsworthy and his brothers. James Bancks demands the cloth belonging to Sir John Frederick and Mr. Chowne, but the captains refuse to deliver it until he gives sufficient security. 1J pp. FRA FRANCESCO MARIA POLIZZI, Guardian of Mount Zion, to THE SAME. 1665, Feb. [8-]18. Jerusalem. Informing his Excellency of his own promotion to the government of the Holy Land and imploring him to continue his protection and favour. Italian. 1 p. CONSUL CAVE to THE SAME. 1664[-5], Feb. 10. Smyrna. A command is come from the Vizier to stop all ships in port, to carry soldiers and provisions for Candia ; but the English, happily, having no ships here, will be only lookers on in that action. 1 p. A small ship from Venice is come in under English colours and Mr. Mowse, our treasurer, claims consulage, but I con- ceive that is only due when the commander and most part of the mariners are English subjects. Enclosing : The "manifesto," i.e. a list of goods and to whom con- signed. Italian. 1 p. 356 CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1*664-5, Feb. 14. Aleppo. Concerning the Emeen's refusal to deliver the goods brought by the Company's general ships until he has opened every bale and estimated his duty accord- ingly, " pretending that by the late renewed capitulations he had a liberty soe to do." His Excellency cannot appear too severe against the Emeen for his pretences, "for if he gaine the least ground upon our priviledges, we shall know no end of his troubles." These two ships will pay him about 25,000 dollars in duties, " which doubtless, if the Grand Signor or Grand Vizier were acquainted, it would occasion him to be severely reproved, if not ruined, for giving our nation such disturbance." 2 pp. ALDERMAN WILLIAM LOVE to THE SAME. 1665, Feb. 15. London. I have clearly discerned the design of some persons to disparage me to your lordship as a traitor and schismatic, it being obvious that the Company's just demands against Sir Thomas Bendyshe (whom I, amongst others, am entrusted to prosecute) would go but slowly forward if the Earl of Winchilsea was engaged to espouse the same quarrel. The Solicitor General has read to me a clause of a letter from your Excellency on the matter, and has advised me to defend myself. But I am more puzzled to guess at the accusations than to justify myself. ' ' Was it that I am a Non-conformist? If by that terme they meane one who concurres not in every point of church government (for in doctrinals I am a Protestant* throughout) I dare not disowne it ... and were the accusation reduced to that head, possibly I should give a better reason (I am sure it would be an honester) for my not conforming . . . than the informer can for accusing me " Was it that I frequently oppose the granting your lordship an unlimited power in disposing of the Company's money? I owne it to be true, and when your Excellency shall consider the strict oaths under which I am . . . and how inconsistent such a concession is with the very being of the Company, I am confident your lordship will much rather conclude that they who, unaskt by your lordship, seeme so willing to yeeld up their propertie, designe not your lordship's honour nor advantage in it, than that those who hold it unreasonable do you disservice ; since your noble mind can make no other use of such a power than to evince that though you are capable of wronging the Company, yet you will not, whereas the Com- pany's granting it would be attended with innumerable mischiefs, as (to instance no more) an overturning at once all their owne arguments against Sir Thomas Bendysh's placing * The word is used in its then very common sense, as the antithesis not of Papist but of Puritan. 357 many thousand pounds to their account, with little or no reason." These therefore, cannot be the reason, so I descend to what you yourself assign as the cause, namely, my letter to the consul of Smyrna, of which I send you a copy, and pray you not so to disparage my discretion as to suppose I wished to justify "so turbulent, impertinent, and unsteady a person as Mr. Broadgate," when my only aim was to keep up the Company's authority, which was plainly struck at by the application to your Excellency for a warrant to send Mr. Broadgate home a prisoner. Seven years ago we talked of laying down our charter, " to so low an ebb had some disorderly members of the Company brought the esteeme of our woollen manufacture in Turkey. But what an alteration is of late made through your Excellencies good conduct and countenancing the Company in requiring obedience to their late regulation, is visible to all beholders." You have revived a dying trade, and it could not possibly be to my interest to contend with you in any way ; I therefore pray to know my accusers, and of what I am accused. If Mr. Cave has done it, he has shown himself both ignorant and weak. I have taxed him home with it, and await his reply. Meanwhile, I pray your Excellency not to believe that, while I am discharging my trust to the Company, I am designing against your honour. 4 pp, [ When too late to trans- pose this letter, it was found that its true date is 1665-6, as shown by Cave's letter on p. 417 below. The letter enclosed being clearly written in 1664-5, led to the mistake.} Enclosing, Copy of letter to Consul Cave. 1664[-5], Feb. 10. London. When you see that I have kept your letters (the last dated 10 July) until I could answer them without charge of postage, you will con- clude "that I esteemed not their contents much to concern me." As to the question whether I moved the Company to recall you, " I assure you I did, because I could not apprehend it possible for them to assert their authoritie by any better way. For how slight a matter soever yourself e and others make of sending home Mr. Broad - gate prisoner, possibly upon second thoughts you may thinke it a high justification of the factors' attempt to send away Mr. Baker. And if it be drawne into president with respect to yourself . . . who is to be thanked ? That Mr. Broadgate is a person not overstored with prudence nor policie is evident enough, and so you had told the Company often, who required thereuppon an accompt of passages, that so they might condemne or vindicate him. Instead of which you appeale from them to the Ambassadour, and so get him sent 358 home, though as imediatelie dependant uppon the Company as yourselfe." 1 p. ALDERMAN LOVE to PAUL RICAUT. 1664[-5], Feb. 15. London. On the differences between Lord Winchilsea and the Company, especially as regards the journey to Adrianople. The chief point at issue "is in the dispose of their money, he resenting that they would limit him, and they that he would be boundless. And that I have taken their part I may not deny, not as thinking it possible for them to prescribe when and where he shall disburse every asper, but . . . holding it more equal that his lordship should beleeve they will allow of what is reasonable then for them to declare beforehand that they will approve of what ever an ambassador doth ; which power, though his lordship is of more noble principles then to abuse, yet have they reason (grounded on former sad experience) to take heed how they grant, not knowing how soone his lordship may please to retire home, nor who may succeed him." 1| pp. Seal with monogram. SIR HENRY BENNET to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664-5, Feb. 16. Whitehall. Recommending the Cavaliere Durazzo, brother to the Marquis of that name, late Ambassador Extraordinary to his Majesty from the State of Genoa, who intends to accompany the Count Lesly in his solemn embassy to the Porte. While in England with his brother he behaved himself much to the satisfaction of the King and the whole Court, and " by the particular devotion and respect he and his family are said to have " for his Majesty, he may very well deserve his Excellency's kindness. Holograph. 1 p. LORD CHANCELLOR CLARENDON to THE SAME. [1664-5,] Feb. 16. Worcester House. " This gentleman, who understakes this longe voyage to serve your lordshipp as your Chaplayne, givinge me notice of his purpose, though very few howres before he was oblidged to begynn his journy, I would not loose the opportunity of kissinge your hands, in acknowledgemente of the favours I have receaved from you. Since my last to you, I receaved the manuscript of St. Gregory's workes, for which I give you many thankes, but I see there must be more then ordinary skill in the perusall of those bookes, for though at first a very good scholar after having spent foure dayes upon it, assured me that it was very fitt for the University Lybrary, another more experienced in the hande and the language founde greate defects in it, and many leaves wantinge in severall places, so that I keepe it by me. 359 " My Lord Treasurer and I have not scene each other these two moneths, havinge so longe bene kept asunder by the gowte, which hath possessed us both with some severity, but I hope a few dayes now will bringe us agayne togither. Wee are now (I doubte a little to soone) imbarked in a feirce warr against the Duch, so that you will shortly heare our cannon even in those seas, and how the French will inclyne themselves in the quarrell, wee are yett farr from knowinge. You will tell us how the Turke is pleased with the behaviour of the French towards him, and whether he hath any immoderate affection to the Duch ; you will by the end of March or the beginninge of Aprill, see a fellow subjecte, a great Ambassadour with you at Constantinople, for the Count Lashly [Lesley] (a Scotchman) writes to me that he goes Extraordinary Ambassador from the Emperour to the Grand Signior for confirminge the peace, and I have writt to him that the Kinge would advise your Lordship to a very franke correspondence with him, which his Majesty would have you observe towards him, he beinge of very good affection to our master." Holograph. 1 p. CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664[-5], Feb. 17. Smyrna. The Anne and Elizabeth has arrived, bringing letters from Livorno with the news that Captain Allen has had a hot dispute with the Dutch near Gales [Cadiz], taking three ships and sinking two, one of these last (the King Solomon) being worth 1,200,000 dollars. Just before this engagement, Captain Allen lost two of his frigates on the rocks near Gibraltar, but saved the men, guns, masts and most of the tackling. I have received a letter from Sir Thomas Blud worth, giving some particulars of parson Broadgate's behaviour before the Company, "which was very ridiculous, for (to use his own words) hee told him that a yeares time would have binn ill bestowed by any att the University, to have produced so meane an orator or so slight an accuser." But the Company is angry with me for obtaining a warrant to send Broadgate home. Sir Thomas " endeavoured to stop the noise " by assuring them that the warrant was given from your Excellency's "care not to suffer the Company to be em- broiled," and was done by a commission which he could answer ; but this would not stay the zeal of some, and the matter was referred to a committee, "who voted it to bee injurious to the Company to have any minister of theirs sent home without their consent. My humble request is, that . . . in righting yourselfe, you would also doe mee the like favour ; for I send you here the copie of the Bishop of London's letter [wanting] ... by which your Excellencie will perceive how well your action in that case is approved of, though by the Company so unhandsomely dealt withall. There is (as some 360 write) one Mr. Luke chozen, who comes a minister upon the generall shipps." 2| pp. Seal of arms. CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OF WENOHILSEA. 1664[-5], Feb. 18. Smyrna. As the Anne and Elizabeth was " coming by the Dutch men of warr which lye without the Castle," she was fired at and boarded by them in a hostile manner. The master was brought before the Dutch commanders, who told him that he came with an English commission, but he showed them the Duke of Florence's patent, and declared that if they offered to detain him, he would send to Smyrna, " where no question he should have right done him ; whereupon . . . they let him pass, hee coming in under a redd antient, and under my protection. Wee looke upon this business here as a great affront offered us, and more especially to the Grand Signer, to have his port blockt up by Dutch men of warr ... It will bee very expedient that your Excellencie bee pleased to consult what is best to bee done ... in regard wee are in dayly expectation of English shipping, which may be surprised unawares. No question if they should offer to seyze upon any of our shipps in the Grand Signer's port, remedy might have binn found . . . however a command for prevention in such cases would not bee amisse . . ." If pp. Seal of arms. THE EARL OF WINOHILSEA to GEORGIO DRAPERIIS. 1664-5, Feb. 21. Pera. Approves of his design to meet the Vizier at Sofia or " Phillipoli," and sends the petty presents he asks for. Desires his advice in regard to coming himself to Adrianople, in case the Vizier remains long at that place. Letter Book, ii, p. 229. If pp. CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664[-5], Feb. 22. Smyrna. " . . . These are only to accompany the Customer himself e, who comming to take his leave of mee, desired a letter for your Excellencie. I cannot make any just laments against him, though our factory do not much approve of him, in regard hee lookes more strictly to his office than others have done," but your Excellency may please to give him a charge not to bring any new custom upon us, or act anything against our capitulations. A Quaker from Leghorn has arrived by the Anne and Elizabeth, and was very desirous to go with the Customer to Constantinople, " but fearing hee might make some great disturbance there, and give your Excellencie further trouble in sending of him back, I have stopt his journey," intending to send him back to Livorne. " I have had some discourse with the Customer concerning the two Dutch men of warr . . . , who promised to use his endeavour for a remedy." I pray your Excellency to take 361 some speedy course in the matter, lest our ships be snapped up unawares. The Anne and Elizabeth continues under the red ancient ; therefore I think the consulage cannot belong to the Company, " being in the nature of a Ragusian." Postscript. " The Customer not holding his day," this goes by Mr. Temple and Mr. Mellish. 2 pp. Seal of arms. NICOLAS PENNYNG to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664[-5], Feb. 24. London. I hope the Turkey letters will be to your content. " What poor Mr. Hedges will doe in the end for disbursinge of moneys without the Company's order I know not, unless you take him into your honourable protec- tion ; I dare not advise more about it. They have given your Excellency 2,000 dollars gratuity, which is supposed will heale all. I wish it may." p. JOHN JOLIFFE tO THE SAME. 1664[-5], Feb. 27. London. Stating that his lordship's efforts have so revived the trade of Constantinople (which the two that went before him had depressed to nothing) that he is enlarging his adventures thither, and assuring him that ' ' setting aside those differences that have arisen upon point of property (that their money is not to bee disposed without their consent, which by the English law is soe ingraven in the English nature that the Prince himselfe doth not assume power thereof against the meanest subject)," the Company have a higher esteem of his lordship's management of their affairs than of any of his predecessors. Sir Henry Bennet has very civilly assured the Company " that their consent shall bee taken to goe along with such commands as concern them in point of charge." 1 p. SIR ANDREW RICCARD, Governor of the Levant Company, to THE SAME. 1664-5, Feb. 28. London. Mr. Secretary Bennet com- municated to the Company yours to the King concerning a second Adrianople journey, to which they returned answer plainly and bluntly though humbly " that they were a company that had noe stocke nor publicke purse, and that they held themselves not obliged to disburse any money out of their particular purses other then what appertained to the necessary support of the trade ; which answer did at last so satisfie that Mr. Secretary Bennett tould some of us that we should heare noe more of any thing of that nature. My Lord Chancellor took notice of the matter in Council (the King present), at which time I declared before the Council your many good and eminent services, and all the soberer part of us bear just testi- mony to your encouragement of our trade, " witnesse the dispatch of foure great shipps fully laden with 18,000 broad clothes in these danger ouse times ; wherein the King, the Duke 362 and Councell have bin very kinde and favorable to us, against the opinion of his Majesties most eminent sea commanders." In testimony of their gratitude to you, they have ordered their treasurer to entreat you to accept 2,000 pieces of 8. I hope your Excellency will approve of Mr. Denton as your chaplain, who was recommended to us by Mr. Solicitor. " God hath bin pleased to direct us unto the choise of an excellent person [Mr. Luke] for that employment at Smirna, eminently knowne for his learning, piety and prudence, deservedly esteemed in the University, whereto he was agreate ornament, and his leaveing the same much lamented, after seventeen yeares hard and the best studies ; yet as much satisfied and pleased with this imployment as if the King had given him a Bishopprick, whereof in due time he may be as capable as any man I know of his standing ; yett the humblest, most modest, and the most contented person I ever mett with. . . . He is and ever was fully conformable to the doctrine and discipline of the Church of England." 1| pp. Signed. Seal of arms. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to GEORGIO DRAPERIIS. 1664-5, March 2-12. Pera. Hears that the Subashee of Belgrade has gone into his house in that town and dragged out and publicly bastinadoed his servant, for having begun to make a sepe in the house, as is allowed to every peasant. Desires Draperiis to obtain his dismissal from his office. Letter Book, ii, p. 233. Italian. \ p. THE BISHOP OF Scio to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665, March [7-] 17. Scio. Thanking him for his kind letter announcing the arrival of the huntsman, and stating that so far things go on favourably ; but the Greeks do not cease to threaten them, being still in hopes that their Metro- politan may bring fresh orders against the Latins from Adrianople. Italian. 1| pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to GEORGIO DRAPERIIS. 1664-5, March 9. Pera. Has already told him why he thinks it neither honourable or reasonable " to present the biramluks " at Adrianople, especially as the Dutch and French, who have had more important affairs there, have excused this charge. As, however, expectation has been raised so high, as to these presents, that they cannot be refused " without making public enmity with the Chimacam," he must yield to the shameless demands. But his only motive is necessity, and he would have the Chimacam told that he expects his help in procuring the Tayin, since he is so free and liberal to him with his presents. Letter Book, ii, p. 234. | p. 363 CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1664[-5], March 14. Smyrna. " ... I would willingly comply with your Excellence's request in wayting upon you by our generall shipp, but know not yett what tart letter I may receive from the Company for my last visitt, beeing informed some pennes have binn too busy in telling them I neglected my place." Some men, both in that and in the business of the parson, have incensed the Company against me. " I hope I shall doe nothing that I might bee ashamed to show my face for, . . . [but] I am not a little troubled that I should upon every slight occasion bee censured by those whome I have served faithfully. Concerning the French gentleman, Monsieur de Ligne, hee departed hence, with two other gentle- men that spoke Turkish and Persian, with the last caravan that went for Persia, but his designe is kept secret, giving out they went as travellers to see those countryes. " I shall bee very watchfull over the Dutch, and if possible mid some intimate of theirs that may give notice of all their designes. . . . There are letters of reprisall graunted upon the Dutch from his Majestie, and shipps dayly taken and made prize of." The Governor [of the Company] has been to the King for a convoy, but " hee persuaded them to stay awhile, in regard hee had recalled Allen ; but if they would have their shipps goe, hee would bee as good as his word, and graunt them a convoy ; so the latest letters say there was a convoy graunted of six shipps, two of the Kings and four merchant men made men of warr, whereof the Eagle was one, and they were to depart the beginning of February. Here is a strong report that Tangier is sold to the French, but cannot tell how to beleive it, comming onely from Marsiglia." 2 pp. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1664[-5], March 14. Smyrna. The Dutch convoy have left the port, but are hovering about the islands. I hope the men of war coming with our general ships may meet with them. That they may not surprise us unawares, I have a druggerman at Fogio, " who dayly lookes out to give notice to any English ship," and will remain there till the Dutch have doubled the cape. They have shot at a French ship, and would have boarded him, but having a fresh gale he got away. All their excuse is that they " supposed him an English ship under French colours, but this satisfys not the monsieurs, they intending to make their complaint at Constantinople." If I find the French Consul cordial, I shall endeavour " to bring an entreague upon them." (Written after making up his packet.) \\ pp. Seal of arms. CONSUL LANNOY to THE SAME. 1664-5, March 21, 23. Aleppo. Two letters concerning cloth detained by the Erneen, the custom to be paid there- upon &c. Copies. On the same sheet. 2 pp. 364 THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE DUCHESS OF SOMERSET. 1664-5, March 23. Pera. " ... I am exceedingly obliged to your Grace for your great care of my children, and par- ticularly for sending my sonne Will to Cambridge and Heneage to Chelsy. As for the allowance for Maidstone, I desire it may bee proportionable to his quality and condition " and beseech your Grace to take the advice of my Lord Bridgeman and my cousin Solicitor in the matter. I also pray you to press them to obtain for me the Company's yearly gratuity of 2,000 dollars, for having been here above four years, I have only received it twice. " K they have not paid this, it is by the malice of some Presbiterians amongst them, who are displeased at my sending home a factious Presbiterian minister from Smyrna, whom the Turky Company have so farre abetted both against myself and the Consul of that place, and in contempt also to the censure of the Bishop of London, who hath silenced him, that they have vented many approbrious speeches against myself " and have detained from the Consul a great part of his yearly gratuity. If his Majesty and my friends were rightly informed of this, they would better judge of the temper of the prevailing part of these merchants ; in which matter I believe your Grace may do me better offices than any other. Letter Book., ii, p. 235. 1| pp. THE SAME to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1664-5, March 24. Pera. I am infinitely obliged to my most gracious master for vindicating me in the unjust and unmannerly demands of the Company (for the money laid out at Adrianople upon his Majesty's service), after he himself had commanded them to acquiesce, "which is lesse respect to his sacred Majestic then was showne formerly to the Arch- traytour Cromwell." If the Company has stopped my gratuity " upon any dislike of my sending hence their factious minister from Smyrna, and vindicating the consul ... I hope you will use your endeavours to see me righted." Of this I have written more at large to my Lady Duchess. My wife and I desire our services to your lady, and are much rejoiced to hear of your recovery, heartily praying for the long continuance of your health. I pray you ask my friends to send me their letters in duplicate, for they often miscarry, " and may now also be intercepted by the base Butter boxes [i.e. the Dutch], who have lately offered an abuse to a French ship at Smyrna, which I hope the French will make them pay dearly for." Ibid, ii, p. 237. 1 p. INTELLIGENCE. 1664-5, March 24. Constantinople. The French courier has had audience of the Vizier at Belgrade, who was much more moderate than the Chimacam of Adrianople, "advising 365 the French for the future to bee more wise, and not to possesse the Grand Signer's townes and forts in Barbary, and (though their King might be provoked) to ruine the people of that country and burne and pillage their townes." Other matters he deferred until the arrival of a new ambassador, permission being given to the son of Monsieur La Haye to succeed his father. It is the vulgar report that the Turkish force is to be turned upon Dalmatia, but the " most certain and secret " design is to send a great part of the army to Candy, whither lately 1,500 soldiers have been sent, " and yet by the plague and other destructions, the Turks in that island are reduced to a bad condition." The Grand Signer still continues his aversion to Constantinople, and nothing but a forced necessity will reconcile him to it. Letter Book, ii, p. 238. f p. Enclosed in a letter to Sir H. Bennett of the same date. [The original of which letter is in S.P. Turkey.] THE BISHOP OF Scio and PARIDE GIUSTINIANO and TOMASO D'ANDREA, deputies, to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665, [March 29-] April 8. Scio. Although they are now in possession of their churches, the Greeks still try in all ways to molest and injure them, and now say that their Metropolitan is returning with the "maledeto papa." Pray his Excellency to do his utmost to procure the removal of this latter, for while he is there the Latin rite will never have quiet. The Greeks are now sending one to act against them at Constantinople, and in very truth, they are in danger of ruin. Signed. Italian. 1| pp. CONSUL LANNOY to THE SAME. 1665, April 14. Aleppo. Concerning the Emeen's proceed- ings in holding back cloth belonging to the merchants.* He expects a present, but if, after putting both the factory and his Excellency to so much trouble and expence, " he should be presented." it would occasion continual trouble, and every Emeen would follow his example. Prays his lordship to cause him to be made an example of, for if he should go unpunished after doing the trade so much damage it would be of very ill consequence in the future. Those stones " wherein are naturally the figures of trees, cannot be had in these parts . . . but are only brought from Mocha, a place in the gulf of Persia, and sent from thence, per via India, for England." He is writing to the agent at Gombroone to try to procure some of the best. When Stanton and Bishop fled, Mr. Loe had a horse in their stable, and books and papers in his chamber there, which are kept from him. Prays that orders may be sent for their deliverv to him. * There arc other letters during the next few weeks on the same subject, which do not need to be noticed separately. 366 Has received a packet from India, with letters from his Majesty's forces at Angediva, announcing the death of Sir Abraham Shipman. All his officers being before dead, he made his secretary, Mr. Humphrey Cooke, Lieut. -General of his Majesty's forces. " There was remaining on the island of Andegiva about 130 souldiers, two only dyed there this year. They were, the 16th June last, preparing for to take possession of the island of Bombain, having, upon receipt of his Majesty's packet . . . permission from the Vice-roy of Goa." The letters sent to President Oxendin, acquainting him with the probability of war with Holland, arrived time enough for the factories to secure themselves and the East India Company's estates from surprisal. The power of the Dutch in those parts is very great, " they having already eight men of warr riding at Swally [Suwali] Hole, which is the scale of Surat." The President writes that " they have lived free from molestation by Sevage, that great rebell that plundered Surat, who continually in (sic, is) roving up and down and hath seized several! townes in the MogulTs dominions, as he did Surat. Notwithstanding the King hath a potent army against him, he was lately gone far downe that coast, so low as Goa, upon some designe fortifying all passages, to secure the enemy from falling upon him. The Mogull is sending a great army against the King of Vizapore, which, being oppressed by the rebell Sevage, called to aid the King of India, who, freeing him from further feare of Sevage, [he] hath slipt his neck out of the choller, and left them two to grapple, looking upon Sevage as a bulwarke against the King of India, and hath privately assisted him with money to carry on the warr, himself not sending any force against him, for which reasons the King of India makes warr upon the King of Vizapore. The King of Gulcondah hath a great army upon his frontiers, fearing least the King of India's Army should fall upon him. . . . For the valour the English showed at Surat, in defending the Company's house and that part of the towne where it stood, the king has permitted the honourable East India Company trade free from customs for one whole year, both in and out, besides what future priviledges may accrue to them." The Queen of Atcheene, on the coast of Sumatra, having asked the President to send a person of quality to treat with her about settling an English factory there, he appointed Mr. Henry Gary, who embarked upon the ship Vine. Unfortunately, by the wilfulness of the commander, she was suddenly overset, but Mr. Gary saved himself by swimming until the boats took him up. The commander, two factors, six sailors and about 40 passengers were lost, with the ship and goods. The expection concerning the Muscovite ambassador's business and entertainment at the court of Spahaune is all come to nothing, as the ambassador died suddenly after his first audience. 2| pp. 367 INTELLIGENCE from ISPAHAN. [No date.] "His Majestie of Persia having made all things in a readinesse with great solemnity for the reception of the Russhia embassador, the 19th August ... all his lords of his Court being come before the pallace with all his officers and pentioners, which made a very fine show, the King at three o'clock in the afternoone himselfe appeared in his gallery." After an hour or more, the ambassador not having appeared, the King sent several pursuivants for him, but he would not go before a hawk (which he wished to carry) was brought to him. When he arrived, " the King was so inraged that he would not suffer him to alight of his horse untill an hour after, and when the sun was just going downe, the Master of the Ceremonies came to him, and pulling him almost by force off, and calling him giddee [fellow] made him come afoot almost half a quarter of a mile, and so carry ed him to the King ; at which time his Pis Cash [present] was ordered to be brought, which was so great that two-third parts of it could not be discerned by the people, it being quite darke . . . and his Majestie himselfe would not so much as looke upon it ... which disgrace so afflicted the embassador that he survived it not long, for the 25th Sept. following, he departed this life, the best part of his company being dead before." \ p. {Probably sent by Lannoy, at about the time ivhen he wrote the above letter.] CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665, April 14. Smyrna. I humbly thank your Excellency for justifying my proceedings against our factious parson ; the Company have, questionless, before this found that he deserved to have been more severely dealt with. 1 have communicated his Majesty's reasons for undertaking the war against the Dutch to the French, Armenians and Jews here, as likewise his Declaration, which I got translated into Italian. The Winchilsea is arrived, bringing news " that our navy is in a gallant equipage, expecting if the Dutch dare venture forth. Allen is called home. The newes of the selling Tangier is contradicted. . . . My Lord Bellasyse for certaine is going Governour of that place, with a recruit of 500 men." Our general ships come along with them and may probably be here this month. [The rest of the letter is in relation to the proceedings of John Evans, commander of the Winchilsea, who has been plotting to defraud the Company of their dues.] 3| pp. H[ENRY] HOWARD OF NORFOLK to THE SAME. 1665, [? April 14-]April 24.* Vienna. " Hearing that his Imperial! Majesty, for the confirmation of his late concluded peace with the Grand Signior, was sending of an extraordinary * Probably, but not certainly, new style. 368 embassadore into Turkey, which is a place soe worthy toe bee seen, and of which fame has spoke soe loudely, was ocasion that I did, a whyle since, obteyne the Kings leave toe see those parts by embrasing of this opportunity toe list myselfe in the sayd Embassadores treine, in which designe I was much the more encouraged by reason of his Excellency Count Lesley his beeing chosen out for that employment, whoe in having the honore toe bee a subject toe our King, dothe likewyse doe him and his countrey much honore. in being one of the bravest and most accomplished persons thatt I eaver heard of ; and with whom I fynde, that the antient freindship twixt my grandfather and his lordship has given mee soe good an interest (I having nothing of merit or any other acquayntance of my oune to introduce my selfe withall,) as that I doe by his favore justly promise my selfe one of the most pleasant and satisfactory jorneys that yett I eaver made, especially at this tyme, when the character of a papist, which is and ever was indealable in mee, rendres mee for noe other crime of my oune soe uselesse a drogne toe my oune countrye, wheare I may justly recon my selfe at present butt as a cypher, making noe figure at all amongst them. Being thearefore lately aryved in thease parts, and fynding that my Lord Embassadore stirres not hence till some tyme in May next, emboldnes mee to give your Excellency this treble, and to lett your lordship know that I hope, God willing, about the end of June next toe kisse your hands in Constantinople, toe which place, though I now neade noe other passe butt this Embassadores protection, yett in case that my curiosity doe heareafter make mee desier the sight of some other parts of the Turkish empier, I shall then rest opon your lordships favore for it, whoe I heare are allready soe farre in possession of the good graces of the Grand Vizier, as that hee will nott refuse your lordship many greater requests then this." Holograph. 2| pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSBA to THE BISHOP OF Scio and the deputies, PARIDE GITJSTINIANO and TOMASO D'ANDREA. 1665, April 15. Pera. Learning by their letters that the Church in Scio is still disturbed by the malice of the Metro- politan and his agents, he sent his secretary to the Patriarch of Constantinople, who by no means approves of the misdeeds of his Metropolitan, and promises to do all he can to avert the dangers which may arise from the discords between the two rites. Letter Book, ii, p. 239. Italian. | p. INSTRUCTIONS to RICAUT and DRAPERIIS, on their meeting with the Vizier Azem. 1665, April 15. They are to assure the Vizier of his Britannic Majesty's friendship, and remind him that no British subjects have been found serving under the Emperor ; to expound to him the business with the Chimacam of Adrianople ; 369 to excuse his Majesty's not affording the aid demanded, by reason of the war with Holland, which requires all his naval forces ; to show the great damage sustained by the English factory at Aleppo from the exactions of the Customer there ; to procure a command for Winchilsea's coming to Adrianople, if he judges it necessary, and to obtain a passport for Ricaut's journey into England. Letter Book, ii, p. 240. 2J pp. [There are other letters and orders to these two, sent to them at Adrianople.] THE EARL OF WINCHTLSEA to GAMALIEL NIGHTINGALE. 1665, April 18. Pera. Desiring him (his judgment being so good) to provide two good and handsome horses not above five years old, of the best breed, with good legs and long necks, such as will be most esteemed in England. If they are ready in a year's time it will be sufficient. Ibid, ii, p. 242. \ p. FRANCESCO MARIA POLIZZI, Guardian of the Holy Land, to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665, April [19-]29. Imploring him to support their just claim for the restitution of the most holy manger of our Saviour and the sacred Mount Calvary, unjustly taken by the Greeks twenty-five years ago, after the Fathers had held them for three hundred and [fifty] years. 1| pp. THE EARL OF ARLINGTON to THE SAME. 1665, April 20. Whitehall. My respect for your person and obligations to your kindred are such that I shall never need your excuse if I can serve you, " and I may with truth say I have had the good luck of late to have given my hand to the establishing your cousin Sir John Finch in an employ- > ment in Italy, which I hope will not onely bee to his Majestie's~ advantage and his owne satisfaction but your Excellencie's also, in finding such a hand in the midway through which wee may correspond better in the future. " I doubt not but you have received a full accompt of the progresse of our quarrell with the Dutch, which is now heightened to that point, that this very day his Royall High- nesse sett sayle with his Majestie's fleet from Harwich, expecting every hour to hear the Hollanders have done the like, which, though superiour in number to ours gives us noe apprehension beyond what the unhappy accidents of warre may produce ; wee have at least eighty ships of the best quality compleatly man'd and provided for in all points and our men infinitely impatient to come to an engagement, God preserve his Royall Highnesse person and give us successe according to the vigour and courage which accompanies the undertaking. And whilest wee are in such a one your Excellencie will not wonder that we are not able to separate any ships of warre for the protection of our trade in your seas ; it must therfore bee Wt. 29495. FI 24 370 your care in the mean time either to inhibite single merchants to venter themselves abroad, or to oblige them to associate themselves in such numbers as may secure them from the assaults of the Dutch, which, though not many, will yet bee perilous to them in those seas, and wee shall bee in some pain till wee hear the late Smirna fleet which went from hence is arrived safely ..." Holograph. 3 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to WILLIAM Mico. 1665, April 24. Pera. In reply to his letters of the 4th inst., thinks it better not to meddle in the matter of the redemption of the Bostangee [i.e. bastangi, soldier of the Guard], since, if he were to die or be taken on the way, the Bastangi Basha might not repay the money. Is greatly obliged for his care and punctuality, and knowing his judgment in guns, prays him to send two more, one a spingardo, and the other for shooting partridges and " gualies " [? quails]. Letter Book, ii, p. 243. 1 p. PAUL RICAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665, April 24. Adrianople. They (Ricaut and Draperiis) having arrived on Saturday, have visited the Reis Effendi and Kahya of the Chimacam. The Customer's servant of Aleppo has got a command, but the Reis Effendi, knowing it to be against the capitulations, has suspended it. The Chimacam, by his "smiles and obsequiousness," has won great favour with the Grand Signor, and all believe that his design is to supplant the Vizier. The Grand Signor continues his hunting with as much vigour as if he had only newly begun it. 4 pp. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1665, April 28. Adrianople. Having delivered all the presents, and obtained their passports, they hope to proceed to-morrow or the next day on their journey. The Emeen of Aleppo's servant has returned from Belgrade with an order for the English to pay the customs, which was delivered to the Beilickgi to be drawn up, but they having shown him that it is against the capitulations, he has " told the Aleppine plainely that it was impossible any such command could bee obtained, and advised him to persuade his master from further prosecution of this point." For this good service, they have ventured to give him a vest, which they trust his Excellency will not think ill-bestowed. 3 pp. CONSUL CAVE to THE SAME. 1665, April 29. Smyrna. The four general ships, the Sampson, Royal Catherine, Hanibal and Bachelor have arrived, " wanting 36 days from England." They all relate " England never saw a gallanter navy than is now in readines, treble 371 the force of what wee had last when wee bett the Dutch." The captain of the Winchilsea has paid in the " brokes " of the cloth. 1 p. THE CHIMECAM OF ADBIANOPLE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665, April. A letter, written in Turkish, on very highly glazed paper, and endorsed by Winchilsea, " A letter from Mustafa Passa, Chimecam of Adrianople, to me, touching Bagdatli, in April, 1665." THE BISHOP OF Soio and deputies to THE SAME. 1665, May [4-] 14. Scio. Thanking him for the fervour with which he has wrought with the Patriarch on their behalf. Have already notified his Excellency's care of the Latin Church to the Sacred Congregation of the Propaganda Fide. Signed. Italian. 1 p. PAUL RICATJT to THE SAME. 1665, May 4. Philippopolis. Yesterday, after five days' journey from Adrianople, we arrived here safely. To-morrow we shall proceed to Sophia, where we hope to meet the Vizier. " We are here lodged at the Metropolites, where we have received many civilities and a courteous entertainment. . . . The aire of this place is esteemed better then either of Con- stantinople or Adrianople, and I am confident the country farre exceeds the pleasures of them both for such who take their delight on horseback and in the fields, for I have never observed in all my former travails so long an extent of plaines for so many dayes journy " ; but the water is bad, and the wine far worse, being " heavy and hard of digestion, of a thick colour, without spirits, flat and unsavoury." I had ordered a small runlet of Palermo wine for such an exigency, but by negligence it was left behind. " The remainder of our journy is now through mountains and woods, very dangerous for amboscadoes of thieves, who unseene shoot passengers in their way," but in places of greatest hazard we shall take a guard. 2 pp. CONSUL CAVE to THE SAME. 1665, May 11. Smyrna. The Company has renewed their orders concerning their oath. All have taken it except Mr. Edwards, Charles Edwards and Charles Brandon. I have used all the arguments with Mr. Edwards that I can, but he puts me off ; it may be that a sharp letter from your Excellency might bring him to compliance. " The Company hath sent over a very sober, discreet person to officiate here, and a good scholer ; one Mr. Luke, recom- mended by most of the University of Cambridge, beeing a fellow of St. Johns Colledge ; and truly your Excellence 372 hath a very ingenious person for your chaplaine, who preacheth well, for wee have taken an essay of him." 2 pp. PAUL RIOAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665, May 12. Sophia. Having waited five days in vain for the coming of the Vizir, and finding no certainty of his leaving Belgrade, we have resolved to go thither, rather than waste more time and money here. It is murmured " that the Emperor's ambassador was dead in his journey." If he does not come, or delays, "it will worke strange confusions in the Turkish camp and prove fatall to the chiefe ministers," and will quite prevent our business, " besides the insolencies, robberies and pillages which we shall be exposed to at a time of anarchy. . . . Yet I hope and expect better, and upon that foundation, wee designe with God's help, to-morrow to proceed forwards," taking what care we can in that passage, dangerous from the woods and mountains, and from " the povertie of Spahees and Timariots which goe and returne from the warres." 2 pp. CONSUL CAVE to THE SAME. 1665, May 18. Smyrna. Valentin Berti, a Venetian, has taken his passage for Constantinople, intending to crave your Excellency's and the Dutch Resident's protection, the French having disowned him. A quantity of false money has been found in his house, for which he has compounded with the Caddee ; the French Consul refused to appear for him, and now sends this information, desiring that your Excellency may be warned. 1 p. Seal of arms. CONSUL LANNOY to THE SAME. 1665, May 19. Aleppo. A long letter on the subject of the demands of the Emeen for new and unjust duties. If he be not " prevented and ruined," the factory will lie open to all sorts of pretences, for already an officer of the last Emeen, Mustapha Aga, threatens that if Abrim Aga get his 5| per cent, he will get a command for the time past. Copy. 1| pp. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1665, May 20. Aleppo. On the same subject. Copy. % p. Enclosing, Letter from the factory, praying his Excellency to aid them in regard to this invasion of those privileges by which they have " got such advantage over French, Dutch and Venetian, that they cannot now bring a piece of cloth into the countrie." 34 signatures. 2 pp. SIR PHIL. MATHEWS to THE SAME. 1665, May 23. Jerusalem. " I am here at present a pilgrim in the Holy Land," and being extremely favoured with civilities 373 by the good Fathers upon your lordship's account, whom they acknowledge as their sole protector and benefactor, my duty to you and gratitude to them cannot lose this fair opportunity, when they are sending to pray your assistance " against the lying Greeks, who are continually coining new inventions to perplex the poor Franciscans, the guardians of the Holy Sepulchre. ... I beseech your excuse for my too much con- fidence. ... I am a gentleman, and one whose hott head and roving fancy has been inclinable per caminar il mondo and to visitt remote countreys ; and I hope, ere a brace of months make ther round, to have the honour to kiss your lordship his hands in Constantinople," on my way for England. 1 p. Seal of arms. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665, May 25. Aleppo. On the 20th inst., the Mussalem having demanded to speak with some of the merchants, I sent Mr. Nightingale, Mr. Griffith and Mr. Travell. He ordered them to pay the new duties, and upon their refusal, committed them to prison. I at once went to demand their release, but all he would say was that he had the Caddee's warrant for what he had done, and until the duties were paid he should keep the merchants. I replied that in that case, "he should keepe mee also ... for I would not go out of the seraglia untill the merchants were sett free." I tarried there six hours, until midnight, and at length procured their release upon promise that they should be forthcoming when sent for. On the 23rd he sent for them again and renewed his demands, but I told him that I had commanded my merchants not to pay one asper more than formerly, and " if any did, I would send him in chaines for England. He replyed, let them first pay the money, and then he cared not what became of them." The Emeen is doing his utmost to stop or delay my messenger, and, I hear, has given orders to the Caddees of several places to stop him and take away his packet. I am certain that our letters have been stopped or intercepted. Copy. 3 pp. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1665, May 27. Aleppo. Our messenger, the renegade Jew, has been stopped, and his letters for your Excellency seized. I have sent to complain to the Mufti, saying I believed it would cost the Emeen his head. I have employed a friend of the Caddee's to offer him a present of 300 dollars if he would respite the business of the customs until I got your lordship's answer. He said, if the present were made somewhat more, he would. I consented, and " immediately the face of our affairs was changed," the Caddee declaring that " he saw the hand of God in it," blaming 374 the Emeen, and granting us the time that we desired. To the Mussalem, a violent and rash person, I have had to promise double what I have given to the Caddee. Less than the Emeen's head will be too little punishment; and I hope you will be able to obtain it. " He will not be the first Emeene that was hanged in Aleppo for a lesse fault then his." I send a note of my query to the merchants in regard to battulating their trade, with their answer. Copy. l pp. Enclosing, The above mentioned note. " Gentlemen, the runnigado Jew which I sent for Stambole is brought back. There is nothing more left to be done but to battulate the trade, and that all the warehouses be sealed up, which will be the swiftest and surest post to Stambole that can now be sent. Therefore pray declare who are for battulation and who against it . . . " Underwritten. Declaration of the merchants that battu- lation is the only remedy left them. 36 signatures. Copy. 1 p. PAUL RICAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665, May 28. The Vizier's camp before Belgrade. We arrived here in good health on the 23rd, the ninth day after our departure from Sophia, and pitched our tent as near as we dared to those of the Vizier and other grandees with whom our business lies. The next day we had our audience of the Vizier and were vested, the King's letters giving no small countenance and honour to our introduction. We began to inform him of the state of affairs at Aleppo, " to all which hee replyed little more then yes and no, and we shall consider, according to his reserved and dubious way of treaty, and showing a cold manner in his reception of us." By the other officers, however, we are assured that the Vizier is resolved to change the Emeen, and that this government will countenance none who breaks the imperial capitulations. The Vizier referred our business to the Teftedar, and the civil treatment we have received from him and the Reis Effendi something eases the displeasure we have against the unhandsome carriage of the Vizier, for, not to hear our reasons, and to refer our business to the Teftedar, " evidences a very ill-intention towards your Excellency and the nation you protect." Count Lesly is arrived at Buda, and on this advice the Vizier begins his journey to-morrow towards Adrianople, in which we shall accompany the camp. 5 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to COUNT LESLEY, Ambassador Extraordinary from the Emperor. 1665, June 1-10 (sic). Pera. " ... I cannot but adjoyne my perticular joy to that of all Christendome, that his Emperiall 376 Majestie hath chosen so worthy and honourable a person for this extraordinary embassie, whose former prudent mannage- ment of the most weighty negotiations gives an undoubted hope of the good successe of this peace. It is also no small honour to Great Britain that it hath given birth to a person who hath performed so many glorious actions. I should esteem that the most happy action of my owne embassy in which I could any way serve your lordship." Letter Book, ii, p. 244. \P- [There is another letter to the same effect, dated June 24.] CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665, June 3. Smyrna. Complaining that Ahmett Aga, Voyvode of this place, has been "colouring false reans, and that to a considerable summe." All the nations are great sufferers by him, for he rules the Caddees, "and nothing of any busines can bee done but this man must be consulted withall, and hee is so great a briber, nothing can bee effected without giving large summes to him." Prays his Excellency to assist in the attempt to procure his removal. 1 pp. Seal of arms. PAUL RICAUT to THE SAME. 1665, June 3. Jagodina. On May 29 the Vizier and his army marched towards Adrianople, and not having finished our business wee are forced to accompany them. At this place the Vizier stays for a day's rest, which has given us time further to solicit our business, and we are promised a full dispatch at Nissa, four days' journey from hence. They now begin to give us better words and civil entertainment, and they have created a new Emin for Aleppo, who " will bee more cautious how hee makes a disturbance in this point, where he sees his predecessour is overthrowne . . . " As soone as wee are dispatched, wee shall endeavour to license ourselves from the trouble of marching with the camp In the meane time they give us a small tayin of three chiloes of barly a day, and ten loaves of bread, which hath more of honour in it then substance." 3 pp. JOSEPH WILLIAMSON to THE SAME. 1665, June 6. Whitehall. This is to give your Excellency an account " of the glorious victory it hath pleased God to blesse his Majesty with, the 3rd of June, upon the Dutch, off of our owne coast near Solebay, and thence prosecuted even into the Texell that night and the next day, with a totall defeat of the emeny, a losse of 30 of their best shipps, the least being forty and many fifty guns and upwards. Lieut. - Generall Opdam and his shipp of 76 guns and 500 men blown up ; Lieut.- Admiral 1 Cortenaer, Vice Admirall Tromp. Vice Admirall Schram, Vice Adniirall SteUingwerff killed ; Banker! 's 376 legg shott off, Tromp's Rear-Admiral blowen up, 8,000 men killed &c. In fine, my Lord, the victory is great and glorious, and so is the joy, I assure you, of this whole citty and kingdom. God continue us his favour, as it was eminent in this action in severall circumstances, the wind turning for us exactly that hour of our engagement, and so continuing all the time of it. His Royal Highnesse is very well, praised be God, and picking up stragglers on the coast of Holland." Holograph. 1| pp. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665, June 6. Aleppo. Much fears that his last messenger may have been overtaken and murdered, for the Emeen sent out several Ulacks [messengers] about the same time, and two of them are returned wounded, pretending that they were set upon by a party of Englishmen near Scanderoon, and stripped of their packets and their money. A formal complaint has been made against the supposed Englishmen, but the Caddee here laughed, and asked what Englishmen they were. He was told, " several mariners out of our ships, and some merchants that went from hence. My Lord, we have but one Englishman at Scanderone, and he a sick person ; not any vessell in port, . . . not one of all our whole factory but knowne to be in Aleppo. ..." The Bagdatine, chosen by the creditors of Stanton and Bishop, hath written from Adrianople for some papers. I verily believe some mischief is hatching against us there, which your Excellency's care must prevent. 2| pp. Probably sent with the above : " The state of the case touching the Avania at Aleppo, June 1, 1665." 1| pp. DEPUTIES OF THE LATIN COMMUNITY AT Scio, to THE SAME. 1665, June [11-J21. Scio. Sending, as a small token of gratitude, a case of oranges, two pots of the finest honey the island affords, two young jasmine plants, and a flask of aqua di scorso nera. Under the shelter of his Excellency's protection they have of late lived in safety, and in him alone (after God) they put their hopes for the final good end of the controversy with their enemies. Signed. Italian. 1 p. PAUL RICAUT to THE SAME. 1665, June 14. Sophia. Describing the efforts made to bring the Vizier to see the true case of the business of Aleppo. He at last acknowledged that the Emeen was making an innovation, and offered them a command. " But wee told him that your Excellency had not sent us so many dayes' journy for a bare command . . . but our recourse to him was to find some expedient that these bee obeyed, which wee 377 conceived could bee done by no other meanes then by an exemplary punishment of the offendour." The Vizier replied that if it were as we said the Emeen should be chastised, and that when he reached Adrianople he would further consider what ought to be done to satisfy your Excellency and repair the damage done to the merchants. " This is all wee have beene able to perform hitherto, though, God knows, wee have laboured hard, lost no advantages, and endured a great deale of inconvenience." Prays his Excellency to write a letter (of which he suggests the substance), to meet the Vizier at Adrianople and to send some one with the old " capitulations in Sultan Morat's time," the old and new registers &c. 5 pp. CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665, June 17. Smyrna. Having received your Excellency's battulation, prohibiting all trade until further order, I called the factory together, who all consented, only some questioned whether it extended to foreign goods. I conceived that it extended to all, but if your Excellency would admit of the buying goods brought in by strangers, it would be acceptable, " in regard there is a caravan of silke expected, which our factors hunger after." The French will else buy up all, and our nation be left destitute. I believe the Customer, Usein Aga, has been the chief in this business, and if you could find out what he pays for the customs of Smyrna, Scio and Vurla, we could easily prove to the Grand Signer that he makes treble the amount, putting the remainder in his own purse. 2 pp. Seal of arms. FACTORY OF GALATA. 1665, June 8 to June 20. Letters and declarations of the factory, in reply to queries of Lord Winchilsea on the question of his journey to Aleppo. They hope that Ricaut may obtain satisfaction concerning the Emeen of Aleppo, in which case they advise his Excellency not to take the journey ; pray not to be too much pressed for their opinion in a matter which does not personally touch them, but finally request him to go, as Secretary Ricaut has found it impossible to obtain a favourable answer. 7 documents, signed by William Hedges, treasurer, William Gait, Robert Frampton, William Hiett, Fra. Dryver, Henry Sharpe, Robert Hiett. About 6 pp. in all. CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665, June 22. Smyrna. Your Excellency will have seen by my letter by the Sampson, " how unhandsomely the Levant Company hath dealt by mee, in stopping my gratuity for two yeares, for nothing that I know, but servinge them faithfully ; but I perceive it is carryed on by Mr. Love, who either doth or would rule the whole Company ; nay 378 more, they have retrenched my salary ... to an imaginary dollar of 120 aspers, which I heare extends to something of your Excellencie's allowances." I am resolved, if not en- couraged by them, "not to serve them, for it will not keepe mee, and to spend my owne fortune and be rewarded att last with a flap of a foxes tayle, I know better . . . " Your Excellencie hath excellently well stated the busines of the Company as to their officers ; ... if the Company cannot give a trust and confidence to the ambassador or other ministers whome they employ, they must never think to have their affaires carryed on for their advantage, for lett them bee never so wise, they cannot foresee what may here happen to their detriment," and if an ambassador be so strictly tied up that he cannot act, they must smart for it. " I wonder whether that person Mr. Love hath taken the oath of allegiance and supremacy. It was for that hee layd downe his gowne, which it may bee, beeing forgott, makes him so malepert." I want nothing but their good affections for my true service, but when I see they reward such base fellows as Broadgate (for whom they have ordered 700 dollars) I cannot but speak. 3 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD TREASURER SOUTHAMPTON. 1665, June 24. Pera. Yours of Sept. 19 I received on April 8, and thank you for procuring me the 300?., but as you continue constant in your kindness, so do others in their dis- obligements. The Company design to deduct 30 per cent, from what they are obliged to pay, and so to "take this as a salvo for their purses," for the 2,000 dollars a year they promised me. Many other expences, even to so mean a sum as ten or twelve shillings they except against, and thus my pains are rewarded ; and though they confess that their affairs never flourished so much as under my guidance, yet they cry out I have violated their rights, "butt any wise man will thinke it a solecisme that they should thrive by oppression." Mr. William Love has flown so high as to write to the consul of Smyrna about one Broadgate a factious minister, sent thither by his instigation, but who gave so general a disgust to the factory that they unanimously complained to me about him that he wonders they complained to me and not to them, " as I depend as immediately upon the Company as any consul." What an affront this is to his Majesty's commission, cannot be hid from your judgment, "and certainly Majestic, that seldome brookes injuries, will not pass over soe highe an affront," but I leave it to your lordship to think what is fit to be done. I have writ to Sir Heneage Finch at large of the affair, and doubt not but that your lordship's benignity will forward his endeavours for my interest. Letter Book, ii, p. 247. 1 p. 379 THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR HENRY BENNET. 1665, June 24. Pera. On the same subjects as the above. The Company manage their business with such pre- posterous frugality, that to them must be imputed the ill- success of affairs. It is absolutely necessary to keep a druggerman at the court, for otherwise, commands might be got out and executed unknown, as happened when the customer of Aleppo got a command for almost doubling the English customs there, which if it take effect, will ruin the trade, and will cost much expence to "avoid." His Majesty's private instructions cannot be observed, for the Company disown the charges of what is done for him, he makes no provision for them, and in this country, nothing can be done without money. Letter Book, ii, p. 248. 1J pp. Original letter in S.P. Turkey. THE SAME to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1665, June 25. Pera. Yours of the 9th of March I received the 21st of June, and cannot but congratulate the honour his Majestic hath donne my cousin John, whose meritts having mett with such an employment, hath now an opportunity of shewing the world those abilities he is master off and honour- ing our family as much abroad as you doe att home. ' The joyfull newes of the hopefull expectation of my children is very acceptable to me, when I think they may live to expresse their gratitude to you and yours when I shall be no more and the grave hath terminated my zeale and affection to your service. The diamond ring you have, be pleased to give my daughter Frances, that she may keepe it as a memorial of my love, and receiving it from your hands she may remember also her obligations to you. " I cannot think the Company have that kindnesse for me they expresse to you, and that their strict proceedings are only in respect of my successors, not any dislike or jealousie of me. Their wordes are contradicted by their actions, and certainely that man is stupid who when he sees palpable effects will be cheated with vaine and shifting pretences. What clearer signe of their affections can there be than this enclosed paper of their exceptions to the Treasurer's accounts ? who having acted by my orders, in justice is to be by me indemnified. It is but a praeposterous argument of their love, contrary to their promise and practice hitherto, to deduct 30 per cent, out of my allowance. But I shall give you my sence to all the materiall particulars in order." As to the " cambio " in my payments, by which they would defraud me of 2,824 dollars, as I have never received more than 2,500 weighty dollars a quarter, so I never will take less. " If because aspers are clipt, more goe to make up the dollar, it is an accident which concernse not me, nor will I be prejudiced by it. 380 " For my chaplain, he hath no more then his predecessor and what he tells me was promised him. But why hath this exception layen dormant foure yea re only that the sume might encrease and so sound higher ? If he was as good a frend to the Directory as he is to Common prayer and would preach in a cloake instead of a surplesse, then I believe he might find from them a liberall bounty rather then any abatement, for Broadgate, whose unconformity to the Church and factious and turbulent comportment att Smyrna justly caused the complaints of all the factory against him, had his undecent passion and disturbance interpreted zeale to Presbytery and the cause, and so rewarded by them with 700 dollars. And I beleive discharging my duty in that buisnesse, as I was a sonne of the Church and a servant of his Majestie, was a cause of no small part of their ill will against me, as Mr. William Love hath sufficiently intimated. The allowance of the chappell clarke is also antient, but may be they think what is given to those that observe the ceremonies of the Church is an encouragement of superstition. . . . " For the feast of the 5th of November, it was ever kept att their charge, and hath not exceeded 101. a yeare ; and if they had disapproved of it, they should have wrotte to me about it. For I want their thankes, not their meat. For the feast att the King and Queene's marriage, as it was aggreable to the honor of our country and duty to his Majestie, so they show themselves little freinds to either in disallowing of it. And suer their respects to me must be very low when they will not permitt me the liberty which was never denied to my predecessors in so small a matter. " For the yellow shoes, it cost other nations more, and the Patriarch 200 dollars. And it is not for the honour of our country that our droggermen should weare red shoes like slaves and blew ones as Jewes. But twenty shillings is not so triviall a summe that those that seeke all occasions of quarrell and exception should passe it over." For the two Avanias, in that of Mr. Carew, what I acted was warranted by the whole factory of Smyrna, " who judged it national." And should the Turks once know that private persons were not to be defended by the public purse, they would fall on them one by one and quickly undo the whole. "And what indeed doe they pay their consulage for, but to be protected ? How hard would it be for one that with many yeares' industry and hazard hath gott an estate, should [he] be suffered to be oppressed with false pretences, and I looke on and be unable to assist him. . . . And the consequence of that airy distinction, nationall and personall otherwise than as it lookes upon the crimes of particular persons, as what they doe in drunken-nesse and lasciviousnesse is of a dangerous importance." For suppose the property is violated of one who has no money to spend in his own defence, are we to allow our Articles to be broken, because they are broken 381 only to one person and not to the whole nation ? " Nay what an absurdity is it to think the nation can be protected without the protection of particular persons, for the nation consisting of a number of particular persons, to protect the nation and not the particular persons is nonsence. And this was Mr. Carew's case. He would not vindicate a publick injury at his private charge, but offered to leave the country," which permitting, would have been to permit the violation of the capitulations ; and the expence would have fallen the more heavily on the Company, as he would have tacitly confessed himself guilty. Therefore I shall not regard their orders in this, unless his Majesty give me his positive com- mands therein. As to the Avania of the druggermen ; they were waiting on my secretary to the Dutch resident when he was assaulted by some drunken Turks. The janissary, defending him, struck the Turks, and they, knowing that they could only have revenge of the druggermen (who are Greeks and the Grand Signer's subjects) falsely swore that they were the persons who struck them. I thought myself bound to vindicate them, and it cost 150 dollars, which whether the Company are not bound to pay, " lett any man of reason judge. Smaller matters than this have sett kingdomes at variance, though they judge them private, not nationall ; and I beleive, should I be abused in my owne person, they would say it was not the embassador but the Earle of Winchilsea was affronted, so they might save their mony by such a distinction . . . " All their proceedings and orders are of the same stamp ; they are still drawn up with some provisoes that afford them shelter, but leave me naked to their pretentions : ' that nothing shall be spent but in cases unavoidable and of absolute necessity ' ; whereas there is no way of avoiding danger imaginable in this country but by mony, which, if I spend, they cry it was unnecessary." In the business of our late rupture with Algiers, they were sensible of their danger and bid me use my best endeavours to prevent it, but to act all at Constantinople, " which was as much as to say, follow your buisnesse, but doe not goe about it, for the Court not being here, I could act nothing. But in that buisnesse they had better luck than foresight, and though my letters did then effect it, yet twill be too much presumption to rely on it. . . . " How I shall behave myself e in these straits I shall desire your advice, for to maintain the dignity of his Majesties embassador and to be bound up with fallacious and ensnaring orders, are incompatible. " It is palpable they think their charter as good as Magna Carta, though to procure it in their first grant of the 35 of Queen Elizabeth they were obliged to pay the crowne 4,000/. per annum, which, in the beginning of King James, upon pretence of being 20,000?. in debt, they got to be excused of ; and since, they have acted upon such democraticall principles 382 as if they had forgott to whom they owe their allegiance, . . . for they think their commands can controule his Majesties commission, and the orders that come out of their counting house equall to those of the Privy Counsell. And Mr. William Love, one whom you cannot be ignorant of by his comportment in the House of Commons, hath declared as much, for he wrote to the consul of Smyrna these positive words : ' I was the man that mentioned the recalling you home for presuming to send Broadgate away prisoner, and that you should appeal to the embassador and not to us to have him sent away ; for the embassador depends upon the Company as immediately as yourself.' " If, when a man hath carried himself e with opposition to the Church of England, established by his Majesties and the Parliament's authority, and to the general discontent of the place he officiated in, it is not fitter to appeal to one who hath his Majesties broad scale for his authority, and is in the country as well to regard his Majesties honour as their profitt, than to a Company who hath nothing else to meddle with but their trade, none could fancy but such factious persons as think Princes only subjects' servants ; and it is high impudence in those that cannot controule a constable at home, to presume to command his Majesties embassadors abroad, and certainly such a boldnesse ought not to passe unpunished. It would be well if he were removed on this occasion out of the Company, where his factious disposition gives more disturbance than assistance to their affaires, though perchance that may be too light a punishment for one who hath formerly expressed so great a dislike, and now so great a contempt, of monarchy. "I have writte to my Lord Chancellor, my Lord Treasurer and Sir Henry Bennett, whose new addition of honor I am not certainly informed off, therefore pray excuse me to him that I faile in that ceremonie . . . " This, to be sure, will irritate Love against the consul, and make him endeavour, by all his interest in the Company, to ruin him, but I beseech you interpose your and all your friends' assistance to see he incurrs no damage by being a friend to me." I send this by means of Count Lesley by way of Vienna, and Mr. Harry Howard, who is with him and coming to this place, will inform Sir Henry Bennet how to send an answer by the same way. Letter Book, ii, p. 258. 5| pp. PAUL RICAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665, June 25. Adrianople. We are returned safely here, and expect the Vizier in about seven days, who being now better informed of the business of the Emeen of Aleppo, will, we hope arrange matters to good effect. If we cannot obtain what is desired, your Excellency's own presence might do so, and we pray you to say whether we should request licence for you to come to court. 4 pp. 383 Postscript, written later in the day. Your letter is come, desiring us to hasten a command for your audience at court, which shall be obtained immediately upon the Vizier's arrival. We will try to procure you the best house we can, but fear it will not be capable of half your retinue, " for your Excellencie knows the streightnesse of the cottages of Adrianople, and few seraglios will bee void upon the returne of so many Pashas and Agalars, together with the Vizier's court." 1 p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665, June 25. Aleppo. Informing his Excellency of the contents of a letter which he has received from the Levant Company, dated April 17. [See Cal. S.P. Dom. under date.] 2 pp. CONSUL CAVE to THE SAME. 1665, June 26. Sedeque. Has retired to this place in consequence of the plague " suddenly and fiercely breaking out in Smyrna, and espetially in the Franks streete neere the merchants' howses." If it should continue as it begins, he believes they must all " suddenly shut up " their doors. " From France 'tis wrote that Prince Rupert with his squadron had mett with De Ruyter's squadron comming about Scotland, consisting of thirty-two sail ; had taken and destroyed thirty of them, with the loss of the Prince his life, but noe confirmation of itt. 1 p. PAUL RICAUT to THE SAME. 1665, June 27. Adrianople. " The towne will bee so pestered with Pashas and Agalars that it will be impossible to have any house capable of your lordship's retinue, and therefore I am of opinion that your lordship should for the most part remaine under your tents, and content yourself with what house wee can procure in the city to make collation in, when you goe to audience and dispatch of businesse, but for the nights to bee in your tent, which will free your Excellencie from the great inconvenience of fleas and simeeches, which breed in these old walls of Adrianople. The Grand Signer hath ordered that all the souldiery shall remaine in their tents, which will free the city from being overpestered ; how- soever, in this great confluence the plague cannot bee wanting." Postscript. Count Lesly is advanced from Belgrade, and may be here in thirty days. 1| pp. THE BISHOP OF Scio, PARIDE GIUSTINIANO and TOMASO D' ANDRE A to THE SAME. 1665, [June 28-] July 8 n.s. Scio. Assuring him that in gratitude for his favours and protection prayers are continually sung in their churches for his health, happiness and prosperity ; and praying him to inform the Imperial ambassador (who, as they learn, has now reached the Grand Turk's Court) of their persecution by the Greek Metropolitan and his followers, that, all united, they may defend the privileges of the Holy Roman Church, and prevent this man from doing injury both to their churches and their people. Italian, f p. CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665, June 30. Sedeque. I have communicated yours of the 19th inst. to the factory, who are very sensible of the abuse endeavoured upon them by the customers, " and that the like will fall out here as at Aleppo, even to the ruin of the whole trade in Turkey, if not timely prevented by your Excellencies appearance at court, to stop such encroachments upon our capitulations . . . " Here are two gentlemen come to wayte upon your Excel- lencie, Mr. North and Mr. Mellish ; the former a younger son of Sir Dudley North, grandchild to the Lord North now living, a very civill and ingenious person ; the other, brother to Mr. Robert Mellish. I would not press upon others, least some capricious principall might take occasion to say hereafter, their servants were commanded from following theire business ; these two voluntarily proffering themselves . . . " There is nothing of newes, onely the rowte Prince Rupert gave 'de Rutyer ' with the loss of his life holds not good." The plague still continues in Smyrna, and I am retired to my country cottage, and, till urgent occasions recall me, shall stay here. 1| pp. Seal of arms. PAUL RICAUT to THE SAME. 1665, July 4. Adrianople.- On receipt of your letter we immediately went to the tent of the Vizier (who is encamped with the army) and demanded an arz for your Excellency's journey. He gave it to us with much courtesy, only asking if your affairs were so pressing that they admitted of no delay, as the Grand Signor would probably shortly come to Constantinople. "I replyd that the oppressions and injustice under which the merchants at Aleppo laboured were so great as admitted of no delay for their redresse." as he would see by the letter I gave him. He read the letter, and at the end exclaimed, " What a dog is this customer, who obeyes not the Grand Signer's capitulations," and so signed the order for your coming. We will provide you a house in the city the best we can, " but I am confident your Excellencie will scarce lodge one night in it. but rather choose, in some convenient place for health and water, to lye in your tents." 3 pp. Endorsed, July 4-14. Also, a letter from Georgio Draperiis of the same date, to the like effect. Italian. 1 p. 385 PAUL RICAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665, July 6. Adrianople. I hope your Excellency has received the command for your coming to this Court. We shall view the ground and consider where may be most convenient for your tents, for you cannot remain with any convenience in the city, " in regard that the Vizier and all the officers of the Court are hi the field and the Grand Signer's tent also." 2 pp. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1665, July 8. Adrianople. This, I hope, will meet your Excellency upon your journey hither, where I am overjoyed with the thoughts of the happiness of seeing you. " I dare promise your Excellencie in this affaire a great deale of honour, successe and speedy dispatch," your presence being very necessary, when the Bagdatli is likely to throw an impediment in our business which your authority will easily remove. We shall to-morrow hear whether the Vizier will appoint you a house or advise you to remain under your tents. 1| pp. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1665, July 14. Adrianople. We have excused to the Vizier your Excellency's not coming hither, which was done with the more facility because the Court is so shortly to remove to Constantinople that you could scarce arrive before the Vizier was ready to depart. The business of the Emin is put off until the Court is at Constantinople, in spite of all our protests. You cannot but conceive how greatly we are confused to see the labours and expence of three months blown away, but we shall try our fortunes again with better hope of success under the powerful presence of your Excellency. The delay is entirely due to the Teftador (Treasurer) who has opposed the Vizier's inclination to our part by "high words of the Grand Signer's interest and revenue, which, as hee sayes, ought to be preferred before the cause of Gaurs and infidells." The Reis Effendi (Chief Secretary) also favours or rather excuses the Emin. 3 pp. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1665, July 15. Adrianople. We have again proposed your Excellency's Tayin [allowance] to the Kahya, who replied that if the value of the Tayin were to be found in the ancient registers, the Vizier might be persuaded to renew it in your person, but that to induce him to increase it would be as impossible as to move the world. Three or four days ago the Vizier came (with other officers) to a garden in the city and thither sent for Signer Balarino, of whom they demanded the surrender of Candia. Signer Balarino said that was only in the power of his masters to dispose, whereon the Vizier told him to write to them "to consult well in time, before the Wt. 29495. vi 25 386 Grand Signer came with his conquering army to force it from them." Count Lesly will make his entry on Thursday or Friday. I shall not fail to compliment him and Mr. Howard with the ceremonies due to them. 1 p. PAUL RICAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665, July 22. Adrianople. Yesterday I made a visit to the Emperor's ambassador in your lordship's name. He received me with a great deal of respect and enquired particularly of my Lady and of the health of Mr. Leopold, the Emperor's godson, to whom hee brings a present of the Emperor's picture from the Emperor himself. I then visited Mr. H. Howard, who hath in company his brother, Mr. Edward Howard. He told me that your lordship " cannot bestow such a regalo on the Embassadour and his court as some entertainment with English beere, and therefore I could wish your Excellency could procure some . . . and if not, set Hans at worke to try the best of his art, for all the gentlemen, as well as the Embassadour, comfort themselves with hopes of drinking fresh beere out of your Excellencies scellar ; and this was also desired to bee advised your Excellencie from the Baron La Hay, a Scotchman, nephew to my Lord Lesly. " I am just now returned from seeing the entrance of the Embassadour, which was indeed performed with much state and greatnesse ; for, besides the Turks . . . the Embassadour had of his owne retinue about 150 persons very well clothed after the Hungarian fashion. Before him went his horse with ketle drumms, but did not sound, and two banners with the spread Eagle, but not displaid ; one of which, of a very rich embrodery, just before the Embassadour, was carried by Mr. Edward Howard. . . . The Embassadour himself was clothed very gloriously, and on his sable cap woare a rich feather adorned with diverse Jewells." Before him came eight led horses, and after him his litter, and three coaches with six horses apiece, " very richly guilded and adorned with glasse windows, after the new mode " ; then more coaches, containing gentlemen of his retinue. He passed through the camp, where the Grand Signer and Vizier viewed him from their tents, and thence through the suburbs to his house, provided and furnished at the Grand Signor's charge. Since the news of the burning of the seraglio, the Grand Signor's departure is hastened. The Queen Mother departs hence this night. The plague increases here very much, and I fear it will be transported hence to Constantinople. 3 pp. H. HOWARD OF NORFOLK to THE SAME. 1665, [July 24-] Aug. 3. Adrianople. I hoped to have seen you here very shortly, but hear from Mr. Ricaut that you will remain where you are in regard of the Grand Signor's coming so soon to Constantinople. I humbly thank you 387 for the honour you are pleased to do me and my brother, who shall not fail to kiss your and your lady's hands immediately upon our arrival at Constantinople, and I am sure that his Csesarean Majesty's ambassador will not fail of waiting on your lordship, and showing you all the respect and services imaginable. I doubt not also that you will render him all the civilities he can desire, and I " take the fredome to advertise your lordship onderhand that you cannot possibly stody to fynd out or meete with a greater regalo for him and all us his followers then some well brewed beere or ale, the which if your lordship bee nott at present furnished with store of, I beg of you to be pleased (if there be any such thing as a brewer in thease parts) to cause some imediatly to be purposely brewed, and withall for our present releafe (for we have store of sike and almost dying people that long for it) to procure as much beere as may be out of any Inglish or other ships which are or shall ere we aryve come into the port. I hope your Excellency will pardon this fredome I take since I know the wonted style of your generous hart to oblige all the world." Holograph. Endorsed by Ricaut as being new style. 1 J pp. HENRY HOWARD OF NORFOLK to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. [1665, July 29- Aug. 8.] Friday afternoon. Adrianople. My English letters of June 17 all confirm our great and signal victory against the Dutch, which news will be the best regalo I can present to your Excellency and the rest of our nation in these parts. I send you some of the letters. All the most intelligent of my correspondents agree " that upon the 3rd of June last the Duch had a most entier overthrow, soe as of 105 ships of theyres nott above forty five are as yett heard of to come into the Texell, some few others more northewards may possibly have gott in, and what we have taken, sunke and burnt are above twenty, some say thirty, the rest disperst : of seven of theyr admiralls all theyr ships lost, and five of themselves killed, and Trumpe, thoe thought lost, with five onely more saved himself e at the sinking of his ship. All their flag ships, (that is, the admiralls, vice and rere admiralls) lost abundance of their officers besides eight if nott nyne thousand men killed, and of our syde one ship and few persons of qualety, with about seaven hundred comon men, whose names the enclosed letters and printed papers save me the repetition, butt the best of all for us is yett to come, and I reasonably imagine has ere this dropped into our mouthes, for tis beleaved that the East Indian fleete in which most of all their rest of treisure is lodged, whoe knoe nott of their countreymens defeate, is now on theyr way homewards, and that within a monthe after this last fyght, they were expected to returne, soe as our neighbores the Hollanders have butt soe long tyme left in which they must now or never man out a new fleete, beate us and become masters of the narrow seas to conduct theyr riches home. My letters ad farther 388 that the people are in a maner ready owerly [hourly] to mutiny in Holland, and teare theyr governors in peaces, and I really belive 'tis nott impossible, nay, provable enough, that thease giddy headed multitude of boores may sone end in a tumult as they began, and from theyr first originall of rebelling gaynst theyr masters may now allsoe finish by rebelling agaynst one another to the end of the chapter : my other newse of most importance, is the great provabilety of our spedy breach with France, which I have many more resons and particulars to warant my beleafe in then is fitt or possible to be couched in this paper, of which, with some other particulars nott improper for your lordship's private eare and knolege, your lordship shall be served when I have the honore to kisse your hands. . . ." Postscript. I wrote this in haste last night, thinking to have got a messenger express. " The Hollanders are onder such a consternation at present as they know nott scarce how to look one the other in the face, and many already begin to make hudge court to the Prince of Orange ; all even almost to a man of theyr best officers and bravest fellows are lost, and if, as is infallibly belived, de Rutter with his East India fleete fall into our lape (c'est pour ashever de peindre) they are, in the opinion even of the Frensh (theyr onely supporters), in a disparing condition, and I wonder what answere my Lord Embassadore Hollis will have from the Frensh King when he, according to our Kings order, tells him that his master has obteyned such a victory gaynst the Duch, contrary to his French majesties belive or expectation. The Spanish and all other embassadores and publique ministers imediatly opon this happy newse at London came imediatly and congratulated the King and all our Courte, except the Mounsers, who forbore it four or five days, theyr Embassadore keping his chamber and pretending the tootheache for so long : butt the mayne consequence in deade of all this newse is, barely this in short : now opon this victory, and his Majestie and the Dukes great liberaletyes to the seamen etc., we are setting out anew besides our mayne body of our navy two fletes more (and so many men offer as we neade pres none) most of merchant men escorted well with some ships of war, whoe are forthewith to goe for the Indies and for Ginney etc. ; this most of all terifyes nott alone the Duch, butt frights allmost all our Christian neighbores, whoe butt now begin to see and aprehend at what rate we meane to ingrose the best part of the traffique of the whole world ; and thoe I heard lately a discourse here touching some rants of this Ottomon Emperor agaynst us and our making of a safe haven on the coast of Barbary at Tanger and many other ayery [airy] menaces of theyres, I doubt nott butt they, as well as others, will at last consider better and more esteme our power. ... If wee are like to rest long heare I will obteyne my leave of this Caesarian embassadore to goe away aforehand to Constantinople, but I rather hope 389 in a few days he will be dispached himself e, for on tewsday we are to see the Grand Signior, that of the Visier being past on thursday laste. 'Tis a great disaster at this tyme to the House of Austria to have lost the Archeduke at Insproke ; he was maried by proxy onely, and had nott yett seen his bryde. The comon voyce runnes that the Frensh caused him to be poysoned, and indede his soe suden siknesse and death looks like little lesse then poyson. All the Courts of Christendome are alredy in morening for him and I belive ere long will be anew for the Quene Mother of France. Our Queen Mother allsoe is ill and goes nott for France butt to the Spaw I heare." Holograph. 3. pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to CHARLES II. 1665, Aug. 5. Pera. Congratulating him on his great success over his proud enemies. Hopes that it may be the prelude to many more, and that, by the subjugation of the Dutch, the world may be filled with his praises and history with the relation of his victories ; and London adorned with as many triumphal arches as ancient Rome. Letter Book, ii, p. 263. f p. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] THE SAME to THE DUKE OF YORK. 1665, Aug. 5. Congratulating him upon the great victory won by his Highness' " conquering arm," and regretting that his employment makes it impossible for him to be " listed a soldier under so great and glorious a commander." Ibid, p. 264. | p. THE SAME to LORD ARLINGTON. 1665, Aug. 5. Concerning the late victory, the chance of a war with France, the parsimony of the Company and the difficulty in obtaining redress of grievances from the Turks. Is sending his secretary shortly to give an account of the true state of affairs. Ibid. p. 264. 1 pp. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] THE SAME to THE TURKEY COMPANY. 1665, Aug. 5. Pera. After a year and a quarter's silence, Ihave received your lettersof Feb. 24 and April 17. " lam glad you have made so fortunate a choice of ministers for the supply of this place and Smirna. Mr. Denton is a modest, ingenious person, and Mr. Luke, I hope, by his discreet carriage will attone for the crimes of that impertinent schismatick who was his predecessor, and show the difference that is betwixt a fiery, haire-brained zealot and a sober, pious, orthodox divine. Where the consul committed any irregularity in his proceedings towards Broadgate I see not. If it was in not expecting your sentence in the case, give me leave to tell you that in points touching his Majesties honor and conformity to the church, and of traitors and schismaticks, you are as little 390 judges here as in Westminster Hall, and upon examination of your charter, you will not find a syllable that can entitle you to such an authority ; though for what I acted, I have his Majesties broad seal and my private instructions to vindicate me, and should the consul himself be as factious in matters of state as he [Broadgate] was in matters of the Church, I should not scruple sending him the same way. . . . " For Dr. Pickering, if you think your information there truer than mine here, send me a positive order under your hands for his dismissal from the place, and I shall send him home. But how does it correspond that you think I have power to discharge Dr. Pickering, but holy Brother Broadgate is above all power but your owne ? " Concerning keeping a druggerman at Court, I think it as necessary to keep him there for the prevention, as send him for the remedy of misfortunes, but if you debar me of that latitude, "write me punctually what occasions and no other are necessary and emergent, without these loose generall termes, which are the seeds of dispute and contention, and snares for my actions." For Signer Georgio's son, it will be an act of charity, and show a grateful remembrance of his father's long and faithful service, to entertain him, his youth promising that he may become as serviceable to you as his father. For the avania of Mr. Carew, I acted according to the advice of the whole factory. I believe there never was or will be any national avania. In Sir Sackville Crowe's time, when he secured the goods of particular persons, the expence (which was not small) was borne by the public, and "the protection of the factors in the lawfull prosecution of their calling, is I think, an inseperable right and indissoluable privilege " which no regulations can deprive them of. Should the Turks once -feiow that private persons were to rely upon their own strength alone, "there would never be avanias wanting, but falling upon one by one, they would in time undoe the whole. And what indeed doe they pay their con- sulage for but to be protected? Or how can I in justice deny to give them what they pay for ? It is true I am not bound to defend the crimes of anyone . . . and so farre the distinction of personall and nationall is rationall ; but when he is unjustly and injuriously impeded in his trade, the case becomes every ones, and it may be yours to-morrow, as well as mine to-day." And the consequence may be very dangerous, for suppose, contrary to our capitulations, one is violated in his property, and has no money, " we must permitt the infringment of our priviledges, and lett them have the benefitt of that president in all future cases, because they are so discreet as not to fall upon the nation all at once, but pick them out one by one. . . . My commission from his Majesty does not exclude the poor from his protection, but gives them a larger share, as less able 391 to assist themselves ; and he cannot but expect you to defend his honour and his subjects' estates, "having given you consullage to defray that charge, and his Majesties royall grandfather remitted the 4,OOOZ. per annum which by our first charter, in the 35th of Queene Elizabeth, was to be paid to the crowne." The distinction between personal and national is an absurdity, for what is the nation but a number of persons, and to protect one and not the other is impossible, and only a shift to evade what you have a valuable consider- ation from his Majesty to support. " Lett me speake as an uninterested person, and as one that by my practice in this country may be also capable of adviseing you ; that the result will be farre different from what you designe, for it will rather augment then diminish your expence, and att last the frequent violation of the capitulations make them of no esteeme nor validity, and when there is no longer a respect for them, there is no more a safety for your estates." For Moratt Basha's bridge, I shall follow your advice. Mr. trough's books are not to be found. " Bagdatli (procurator for Stanton and Bishops credittors) made his demand upon me, and if I had not appeared, wee had been condemned 50,000 dollars, and all others that had pretences of the same nature were ready to fall upon us, expecting only the successe of the other. I would know whether, making his demand upon me in particular, the avania be nationall or personall, for I can easily avoid trouble to myselfe by suffering them to have the liberty of your factors warehouses. I comprehend not your meaning that the interested persons estates must make good the expence that shall happen. If you intend Stanton and Bishop, they left no estate behind them ; if their principalls, they are in England, where, if you can prove any conspiracy between them and their factors, the law is open for your remedy. But I cannot in justice seize any man's estate before I know he is criminal!, neither doe I find by my commission I have any authority to take the masters estate to pay for the servants crime. Though I, as well as you, think the businesse does not concerne you, yet if the Turkes are of another opinion, and will claim it from you, whether you will stand up in your owne defence or submitt, I leave to you. " I am obliged to you for the 2,000 dollars, and highly engaged to you for the 2,824 you except to in the treasurers accounts, which is an ingenious way of regulating an embassadours salary, and a great encouragement to make him act vigorously for you." [The rest of the letter is concerning Ricaut's intended journey to England.] Copy. 2pp. Headed, "A copy of the letter I send by Ricaut to the Company." [Not entered in the Letter Book.] 392 THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to CAPT. RICHARD HULSE. 1665, Aug. 10. Thanking him in warm terms for his great care of the estates, and stating that now as his debts are reduced to so small a compass that the ordinary revenue will easily master them he is resolved to save for the further improvement of those estates which have done so much for him. [Directions.] Sends " a draft of a horse-mill, and another invention to cast out water," which are very cheap, and, he believes, serviceable ; also designs for the town and his house at Watton. Is very willing to be at the expense of sending his servant Hall to see " the late great drains of the fens of Lincolnshire and the Level of Bedford, Isle of Ely and others thereabouts " and to take drawings of such works and engines as may be useful ; also to try to procure workmen and tenants for his " drowned lands." Letter Book, ii, p. 266. 4 pp. THE SAME to THE COMMISSIONERS OF HIS ESTATE. 1665, Aug. 10. Concerning his estate. Refers them for details to Mr. Ricaut, of whose fidelity and discretion he has had great experience, and whom in all things he considers as one of his commissioners. Is sorry to hear that the new works at Watton (which have cost so much money and pains) "are suffered by the neglect or malice of some to run to ruin." Commits the principal charge of his Yorkshire estates to Capt. Hulse (the trouble of which, if accepted, he shall ever esteem a singular service), and assures them all of his gratitude for their kindness and care during his absence. Ibid. p. 270. 2 pp. THE COMMANDERS of the general ships to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665, Aug. 11. Smyrna. An order having come from the Captain Basha that all ships are to be stayed in the port, " for that he may have occasion of them," the commanders protest against the Company's ships being taken for the Turkish service, and pray for his Excellencj^'s protection and aid in the matter. Signed, Sam. Chamblett, Jonathan Bradenham, Deyer Bate. 1 p. H. HOWARD OF NORFOLK to THE SAME. 1665, Aug. [13-J23. Adrianople. We hope next week to kiss your hands in Constantinople, and trust that before that we may have more particulars of our late victory, which as I understand by your lordship's of the 2nd " the Frensh, our ould enemies, endeavore to smother all in them lyes, but I hope with your lordship that we shall tewne the mounsers pipe for them ere long. I am extreame glad to heare your lordship has allrcady bothe provided beere and caused new to be brewed ; it will be the greatest regalo and moste accept- able favore your lordship could possibly find out to oblige this Embassadore and all his treyne withall." Holograph. 1 p. 393 THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE BISHOP OF CALAMINA. 1665, Aug. 18-28. Pera. Has heard with much joy of his Eminence's intention to bless Constantinople with his presence. Prays that God may grant him a safe journey and stay in this country, to which he himself will contribute all that lies in his power. Letter Book, ii, p. 272. Italian. | p. H. HOWARD to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665, Aug. [21-J31. Churlo. This ambassador is sending his steward, as he tells me, to thank you for your so many favours daily conferred upon him. I hope on Friday we shall arrive at the little bridge about three hours from Constantinople, and on Monday morning early enter the town. " Perhaps for a few days I shall be in decency forsed to lye at my Lord Embassador Lesley's house, yett I doubt nott butt ere long with my brother to embrace the honore of your Excellency's favorable invitation." Holograph. 1 p. THE DEPUTIES AT Scio to THE SAME. 1665, [Aug. 27-] Sept. 6. Scio. Again expressing their gratitude to his Excellency, especially for his druggerman Draperiis' activity on their behalf at the Ottoman Court. They learn that the Imperial ambassador has also orders to protect them, and rejoice that together then' Excellencies will take counsel for the defence of the Latin Church and rites. Italian. 1 p. THE COMMANDERS of the general ships to THE SAME. 1665, Aug. 29. Smyrna. Thanking his Excellency for his answer to their address and expressing then- joy that he is not only truly sensible of their sufferings but promises to use his endeavours to free them from this " Turkish violence." Signed as before. (See under date Aug. 11, above.) \ p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1665, Sept. 1. Pera. Our affairs here lie dead until the coming of the Vizier, when I hope we shall receive the justice our cause challenges. I send you a copy of the letter which Ricaut will carry to the Company some five or six weeks hence.* I have written to them in something a severer style than ordinary, and you may inform them that "it is a sharpness proceeds from love and not from any disgust," and that it is zeal for their good, not anger for their comportment to me, which moves me. I hope the success of the business at Aleppo will let them see that I have been both fervent and faithful in their concerns. * See p. 38U above. 394 Mr. Henry Howard of Norfolk and his brother are arrived here. I hope I shall persuade them not to go to Jerusalem " because of the dangers of that road, especially for persons of quality." All ships here and at Smyrna are stopped for the service of the Grand Signor, who intends to send the Vizier with a great army against Candia. I doubt it will be difficult to free our general ships from this embargo (even if half laden), their strength and goodness making the Turks the more desirous of them. I foresee the damage it will bring to the Company, and will do my utmost to prevent it. " I am much afflicted to heare of the encrease of the plague in London. God protect the Court, the fleet, you and your family and our relations from that contagion." Letter Book, ii, p. 272. 1| pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD ARLINGTON. 1665, Sept. 10. Pera. Concerning the arrival of Count Lesley and the Howards, the preparations against Candia and the embargo upon Christian ships. The Marquis of Durazzo is come from the Republic of Genoa to know if they may send an ambassador, to which the Vizier has replied, according to their old maxim, "that the arms of the Porte are always open to receive their friends." Has made a solemn visit to the Emperor's ambassador, which he has returned with equal ceremony. Ibid. p. 275. 1^ pp. {Original in S.P Turkey.} SIR HENEAGE FINCH to his son [DANIEL FINCH]. [1665,] Sept. 11-21. Monday. Surenden. " The news of your safety was so wellcome to us that we can easily forgive all the ill accidents which have befallen you, if any of them deserve to bee thought so ; for though it may look like ill fortune to bee left on shipboard, yet it made your deliverance from thence the sweeter, and your obligations to my cosin Finch the greater, to whom bee sure you present my thanks and all the service imaginable. I do not much lament the want of those advantages which wayting upon my Lord Carlingford might have brought you ; since I see they were so slippery and transitory I think all is for the best and so should you too. Travelling teaches every man how to shift, but you must observe too the special! providences which do protect and support you in such occasions, that you may remember them with gratitude both to God and men as long as you live. . . . Write to us from all places as often as you can. . . . When you come to Venice, Dr. Bargrave charges you to eat no oysters ; they are delicious but not so wholesome as ours. . . . You may divert yourself awhile with seeing the neer parts of Flanders, and return agayn to Ostend. Nothing but a firm resolution will keep you from the inconvenience of 395 drinking, but bee sure you never suffer the civilityes of Flanders or Germany to cheat you of your health, nor those of Italy to cheat you of your religion. Your brothers and sister remember you with great affection, and long to see their brother Heneage. Your mother and I pray for you both, that God would ever have you in his gracious custody." Postscript. " Let my cosin Finch know that I have writt by this post to Sir Edward Bering to have a care of his and his brother's concernments in Ireland." Holograph. 1 p. {Partly printed in " The History of Burley on the Hill"] THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE COMMISSIONERS OF HIS ESTATE. 1665, Sept. 12. Pera. Hears that his park at Eastwell is overstocked with deer, horses and cows. Desires to have about 100 red and 1,000 fallow deer, and no more horses and cowes than may be without prejudice to the deer. Has some thoughts of making an abatement to his tenants in Kent and Sussex of a fifth or sixth part of their rents, "and to take a fine for such abatements for leases of twenty-one years " with which fines he would buy more lands. Believes his rents would thus be better paid, and he could tie his "farms" to plant and build, and so improve the estate. Is confident that the grubbing up of four or five hundred acres of woodland in King's Wood, Nacolt [qy. Knockholt] and other places will improve his estate, and that the wood will pay for the buildings and enclosures. Letter Book, ii, p. 278. l\PP> LORD ARLINGTON to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665, Sept. 13. Sarum. " I hope your Excellency, having Sir John Finch for your correspondent soe much nearer than wee are and the means of sending to you, you will not have cause to complain of the want of knowing all our news, which God bee thanked hath been very good this year, excepting one particular, the raging of the plague at London, which drove us from thence in June and hath hitherto continued to increase soe much that wee are afraid it will bee long before wee returne thither ; for which reason his Majesty hath appointed the Parliament to meet him at Oxford in the beginning of October, purposing to remove his Court thither at the latter end of this month. " I suppose your Excellency received long since the happy news of the victory his Royal Highnesse made upon the Dutch fleet in the beginning of the summer, and his Majesties having prevailed upon him not to expose his person the second time to such hazards, soe that as the fleets seemed going out, the command of it remained with my Lord Sandwich, who being much ready before the Dutch and his game before him, being the intercepting the Smyrna and East India fleet of Holland then expected, hee made to the norward ; they being to 396 returne by the way of Scotland, and hearing they had sheltered themselves in Bergen, a great port of Norway, my Lord Sandwich detatched a squadron of the fleet, consisting of about 20 ships, reckoning in the fire ships, to make an attempt either to fire or take them, which the wind failing at that instant they had most need of it, and the Castles and the Dutch ships joining in resisting ours, they were obliged to retire, some of our ships much shatter'd, and betwixt three and four hundred of our men killed and without any other fruit to us then the letting the world see that Englishmen with what disadvantage soever are bold enough to undertake anything. After this disappointment, our whole fleet without the losse of any ship returned to our owne coast, at which time the Hollanders after much adoe got out their fleet to goe and convey home their merchants from Bergen ; and our news yesterday brings us the assurance that my Lord of Sandwich hath lighted on a parte of them and taken a considerable booty . . . soe that as our first conquest was the more honourable this is the more profitable to us and of infinite more damage to the Dutch." Lord Sandwich has lost only one frigate in taking this prey, and the Dutch are scattered by ill weather. I have received yours of June 24 and July 12. Concerning your complaint of the merchants' ill-usage of you, and Mr. Love's insolent speeches, I am very sorry and ashamed that his Majesty's recommendations have been so ineffectual, but I promise you that he and your Excellency shall be righted, and if his Majesty's arms are long enough for it Mr. Love shall be chastised. Mr. Jones, our consul at Venice, writes that great preparations are making there for the recovery of Candia. Signed. 4 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR GEORGE OXINDEN, President for his Majesty in India. 1665, Sept. 14. Pera. '' Though I am at Constantinople, and you as remote as the Indies, yet are we still under the notion of neighbours whilest wee both retaine our relation to the same country, and I hope before we dye it will please God, though never so distant at present, to confine our dwellings to a neerer compasse. In the meane time the character of your office and your good fame and the curiositie I have to understand the state and affaires of the East Indies invite me to a desire of correspondence with you which I shall willingly beginne in confidence of the like returnes from you, desiring to exchange the intelligence of Christendome for the newes of India. The common face of the affaires of Christendome in gennerall lookes very turbulent and clouded, threatning stormes of warre in all parts of it, especially in England ; where it having pleased God to blesse the arines of his Majestic with a signall victory over the Dutch, the French, 397 as emulous and jealous of this prosperitie, have resolved and accordingly promised the Hollanders to provide and maintaine for them at their owne charge 13,000 land men and 30 saile of ships untill the end of the wane. And as a beginning of this rupture, by my laste letters out of Italy, it was advised that his Majestie's fleet had taken 45 sailes in one weeke, 26 of which were bound for Holland with provisions and ammunition for warre. And to counterpoise the scale it is very probable that the house of Austria will joyne with us, which treatie is so farre proceeded that it is confidently reported that Ostend and New- port are to bee delivered into the possession of his Majestie. " Amongst the other curiosities of the East Indies, I have a particular liking to that drinke which they call tea, and therefore I must desire you to doe me the favour to send me by the caravans which come for Aleppo such a proportion thereof as may serve for two persons a whole yeare, and if it will keep, a provision of two yeares, with the best receipt how to make it, and with the vessells to make it and drinke it in, and a silver cup after the Chinese manner with wood in the midle. Also I desire some oyle and spirit of cinnamon, and that you would send me a list of such curiosities as are to be found in those parts where you reside. If when you cast your eyes homewards and intend for your owne country you bring with you a hansome cabinet for me, you will strangely oblige me, and I shall with many thankes repay you the charge. And for the things you send me heither I shall make good the cost to any you shall appoint, either at Aleppo or Smyrna, to receive it, and shall very much acknow- ledge myself engaged to you." Letter Book, ii, p. 279. 2| pp. THE EARL OF WINCIIILSEA to RICHARD COLSTON. 1665, Sept. 23. Pera. I am indebted to you for your letters (which have rejoiced us with the happy news of the great victory God has given our fleet), and have satisfied your bill of postage to Capt. John Messenger of the Sun. " But for contributing to the charge of the manuscripts, I conceive myself no ways obliged, by reason that they come to me at the second hand," and whether I have the perusal of them or not, they come to you from London. I have had the like for many years from Ligorne and Venice, without any such demands from the consuls, but because I have put you to many troubles with my correspondence, you need not doubt that by some means or other I shall show myself grateful. I understand that one Mr. Cogell is now made consul at Mar- seilles and so will have the trouble of my letters, but I pray let me not lose your good correspondence. Ibid. p. 281. 1 p. THE SAME to LORD "LOTHERDALE," Secretary of State for Scotland. 1665, Sept. 27. Pera. Assuring his lordship of his esteem and remembrance, and introducing Mr. William Golt, a Scotch 398 merchant, " who having lived in Turkey for so many years as with good fame and reputation to have gained a considerable estate," is now retiring home, and will be able to satisfy his lordship's curiosity in what relates to the state of this Empire. Letter Book, ii, p. 281. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to the KING OF POLAND. [1665, Sept. 27 ?] Pera. Recommending the above- mentioned William Golt to his Majesty's protection, during his passage through his dominions. Latin. Ibid. p. 282. 1 p. THE SAME to SIR GEORGE OXINDEN, President at Surat. 1665, Sept. 28. Pera. Has nothing to add to his former letter, save to recommend to his care and courteous reception the Jesuit Fathers, Henrie Roy and Jean Gruebert. If he does not find the rarities (mentioned in his former letter) in the country where he is, it is possible the Fathers may be able to assist therein. Ibid. p. 283. | p. THE SAME to the COMMISSIONERS OF HIS ESTATE. 1665, Oct. 1. Pera. Since I hear that the plague is so raging in London that the Court and Turkey merchants are all dispersed, I am allowing my secretary " to take the more convenient leisure " for his journey in company of the German ambassador, and hope that by the time he arrives " it may please God to withdraw his hand from this heavy judgment on our nation." Learning also that one coming from London to Eastwell has died of it in my house, I desire that during this mortal infection only my own family and such as must necessarily have access, enter my house or the lodges of the Park. Ibid, p. 284. f p. THE SAME to THE EARL OF ARLINGTON. 1665, Oct. 2. Pera. The Grand Signor has returned to Constantinople, but how long he may stay is doubtful. " His thoughts and wishes are said to be at Adrianople, but the endeavours of his friends are to detain him here, which I wish may prevail," as the presence of the Court conduces to the security of our affairs. I am staying my secretary to travel to Vienna with the German ambassador, Lord Leslie, who, I am secretly informed, is designed after his return for ambassador for England. We greatly condole the sad contagion in England, but our sorrow is moderated by the happy successes of the fleet, both in June and " now lately in that grand enterprise achieved upon the Hollanders in the island of Bergen." Ibid. p. 284. 1 p. t THE SAME to THOMAS DEATH and EPHRAIM SKINNER [at Ligorne]. 1665, Oct. 6-16. Pera. His cousin, Sir John Finch, may need 1,000 dollars for the purchase of pictures, statues and 399 medals on his (Winchilsea's) behalf. Prays them to furnish the money and place it to his account. Letter Book, ii, p. 286. I* THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to WILLIAM Mico. 1665, Oct. 6-16. Pera. " I cannot but still professe myself the same friend as I have done in the height of your prosperitie, continuing the same good wishes for the recoverie of you from your instant pressures as I did formerly for the maintenance of your good fortunes." I confess myself singularly obliged to you for many friendly acknowledgements of your respect, which will not easily be forgotten ; but as your present retire- ment deprives you of the ability, though not of the will to be as useful to me as formerly, I am laying the charge of my employments upon others, although I receive very kindly your new proffers of receiving the pains of my commissions. The money for the coach I desire you to pay to Mr. Death and Skinner, deducting any moneys owing to yourself on our account. Ibid. p. 286. f p. THE SAME to his BROTHER TORE and CAPT. HULSE. 1665, Oct. 9-19. Pera. Desiring them to put away Mr. Walrond and take a steward whose sole care will be attending to the estates ; or, if they think Mr. Walrond well-deserving, to continue him in the place, " with a sole attention to my concernments ... it being absolutely my opinion that my occasions can never be supplyed without the entire thoughts of him that attends them." Ibid, p. 285. I p. THE SAME to the DEPUTIES OF Scio. 1665, Oct. 10-20. Pera. Thanking them for their too kind expressions of gratitude, and assuring them that immediately on the arrival of the Imperial ambassador, he recommended the affairs of Scio to his protection. Ibid, p. 288. Italian. p. THE SAME to SIR GEORGE OXINDEN at Surat. 1665, Oct. 17. Pera. Having had my curiosity increased by discourse with certain persons " acquainted with the manners and rareties of China and other parts of the Indies," I venture to give you new, troublesome commissions for some other curiosities of those countries, which I am informed are endued with a strange virtue, viz. : From China. 12 cups of straw gilded and silver and 12 of copper ; 6 cups of silver with wood in the middle ; one of gold, of the same form. From Bengala. Wlb. weight of the roots of Bengale and 3 or 4lb. of the roots of Calamba, from Mozambique, with the manner of use in fevers ; 4,000 stones of the island of Dio, against all sorts of poisons, with the manner how they are used on occasion of plague or fevers. 400 Out of Japan or China. Several small boxes painted, of several sizes, of lac ; one of the best cabinets, of Japan or China work, not exceeding 50?. sterling ; with the value of about 100 dollars of other rarities to furnish it. I pray you keep these things by you until after the conclusion of the peace with Holland, when, if you are not returning yourself, you may consign them to Mr. John Buckworth at London. But I would have sent at once eight or ten ounces of the root of Bengala and Calamba ; 100 of the stones from Dio, with directions how to use them, and any other cordials you judge rare in those parts. I will arrange for you to be paid at London, Smyrna or Aleppo, as you desire, and shall ever acknowledge your great favour, and seek opportunities "which may bring you commissions with more advantage." Letter Book, ii, p. 289. l pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR JOHN FINCH. 1665, Oct. 20. Pera. " To divert youi more serious thoughts with a little pastime, I send you inclosed a letter of an English Quaker come to this city, not to converte the Great Turke to Christianitie as most of the wandering apostles of that sect pretend, but to move him to commence an other warre against Germanie. How slight soever this matter might seeme in proceeding from a braine so wholy phrensicall. it might yet have cost deare and proved of ill consequence to our nation here, had I not timely taken this mad fellow out of the Turkes handes into my owne custody, and happily intercepted his letters as they were carrying to the Vizier, the coppies of which I send you herewith enclosed under his owne hand. I trouble you the rather with this story because I found about this Quaker a passe or certificate given this person by Mr. Clutter buck of Ligorne, which though it were not much significant farther then to testify he was an Englishman and in that respect to treat him with that kindnesse as is due to all subjects of his Majestic from those in peace and amitie with him, yet it may well be interpreted a countenance and encouragement to that sort of sactaries, who are ready to believe that the least civilitie towards them is an immediate motion from God in favour and confirmation of their profession. And therefore pray represent to Mr. Clutterbuck his errour herein, and give warning to all other merchants at Livorne to be carefull for the future how they encourage these enthusiarrs, especially to divert them from their intentions for Turky, in regard that their madnesse may probably be paid for at the charge of the publick." Ibid. p. 290. 1 p. THE SAME to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1665. Xov. 12. Pera. You will receive this from my secretary, who has commission to notify to the Turkey Company that as they have not thought fit to attend to my warnings 401 and advice, nor to repose in me the necessary trust, I hold myself excused before the world if any misfortunes befall their estates. " For in this Empire the authority of a foreign minister is but faint which is not aimed with some other weapons than the bare commission of his Prince." Though my five years are nearly expired, and my debts paid, I have not yet made the provision for my younger children which I aimed at when I undertook this remote employment, and therefore (God willing) I resolve, with his Majesty's consent, to continue here for some years longer. But I would humbly beg his Majesty that, for important affairs of my private concernment, he would permit me to return to England with my wife for a few months ; sending me a commission to appoint a deputy during my absence. " This case was in Queene Elizabeth's time, and in the yeare 1589, when one Mr. Edward Barton was left deputy embassador at Constantinople, as appeares hi Speed's Chronicles, and is in the letter of Sultan Amurath to that Queene, specifyed in the Turkish history. . . . Excuse, I pray (deare cousin) the multiplied ie of troubles I put upon you, since it proceeds from the confidence T have of your kindnesse and affection." Letter Book, ii, p. 291. 2J pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to [CHARLES LEWIS], ELECTOR PALATINE of the Rhine. 1665, Nov. 12. Pera. " The duty and profound reverence I owe to that royall stock of which your Higlmesse is so principall a branch obliges me on all occasions to testify my due respect," in which I should be deficient if I suffered the bearer, my secretary, to pass through your jurisdiction without laying at your feet my humble service. " And therefore, in commemoration of your worth and virtues (which, since the time my house at Eastwell was honoured with the presence of your Highnesse, I cease not to remember), I thought it necessary to signify that, in this remote and barbarous country your Highnesse preserves a servant affected with the same unalterable devotion and fidelitie as he ever professed in his neerer addresses." Ibid, ii, p. 295. 1 p. THE SAME to the EMPEROR. 1665, Nov. 12. Pera. Concerning the gift of his picture to his godson, Leopold, and the visit of Count Lesly his ambassador. Ibid. p. 293. Latin. 1| pp. SIR HENEAGE FINCH to his son [DANIEL FINCH]. [1665,] Nov. 15-25. Ch. Ch. Oxford. The news from Venice of the sore leg you have got in your journey gives us great apprehensions, for we are sorry that you should have to take physic before you reach Florence, " where wee are sure the best and truest care will be taken of you. . . , Wt. 29495. si 26 402 Have a care of the chirugiens, least they be too buisy for their own profit. ... I hope you will take care that wee may hear weekly from you now ; for if one letter do not follow another to inform us of your amendment, we shall passe the time very ill here, being left to our own conjectures. When you are in perfect health wee shall not bee so earnest. I would not have you trouble your selfe at all about your expenses, for you cannot exceed my desires, who would not have you want anything of pleasure or conveniency, knowing your temper so well as I do." I pray God send you safe to Florence, and preserve you in all your ways. The whole college salutes you, and your mother sends you her blessing. I p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665, Nov. 15. Aleppo. A long account of a meeting of the Divan, which lasted many hours, and where the Consul strove to resist the Emeen's unjust demands for customs &c. and to procure restoration of cloth unduly detained by him. Their affairs have suffered much by the sending to them an " illiterate fellow " from Constantinople to arrange the business, " who hath not common reason," and allows the Emeen to give him orders. Eventually the affair was arranged and the cloth given up to the factors. There is no doubt but that Abrim Aga [the Emeen] will try to save himself from deserved punishment, and do them what evil he can ; but they hope to be preserved by his Excellency's wisdom and care, and that their hattasheriffe will be renewed before Abrim gets to Con- stantinople, whither he is now upon his way. 5 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE EAEL OF ARLINGTON. 1665, Nov. 24. The Marquis Durazzo is returning home. The French Ambassador has been but coldly received, the Turks remembering the French attempt at Gigeri and the succour given to the Emperor. He was forced to land, as it were incognito, and to walk on foot from the ship to his house, and, upon notice given to the Vizier that the King of France had sent a gentleman of quality with him, purposely to give an account of his reception, it was replied that they valued not the reports to France, and that if he liked not his usage, he and his witness might return home again. It is certain that the Turks grow more puffed up every day, by reason of their advantageous peace with the Emperor, and the addresses they receive from Christian princes, but I maintain my master's honour, and my own ground. Their last attempt has been to forbid us Scanderoon and allot us Tripoli in Soria (a most inconvenient and dangerous place) for our shipping, but I hope to prevent its success. The German Ambassador departs in a few days, and my secretary with him. Letter Book, ii, p. 296. 2 pp. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] 403 HENEAGE FINCH* to his brother [DANIEL FINCH]. [1665,] Nov. 29. Oxford. Your letter from Florence puts ,A Q an end to our doubts caused by that from Venice, " you being now in such good hands as my Unckle and Dr. Baines. . . . The other day almost wee wisht for nothing more then your safe arrivall att your journeys end, and now againe with the same alacrity and vigour we wish for your companye att home ; ... I had good reason to testifie my sorrow, when I parted from so deare a friend as you are to me. ... I have always found so reall a benefitt by your company that now I cannot but find a very sensible losse of it ; when I am now, till you returne, no otherwise then the flye which in the winter lyes as it were dead, only in expectation of the happy return of summer. We are in hopes of a very great abatement of the sicknesse this weeke, which truly causes much joy here." Tom Spackman has married a wife with 1,80(M. Mr. Woodruffe desires to be remembered and excused to you, " having no longer time given then over night to preach on the morrow." My service to my uncle and Dr. Baines. 1 p. SIR HENEAGE FINCH to his son [DANIEL FINCH]. 1665, Nov. 30. o.s. Oxford. " This is only to lett you know that your most wellcome letters from Florence were received, which hath putt you to the charge of a pacquet from your brothers and sister, who cannot be silent in an houre of so much joy as the news of your safe arrivall brought hither. You are now where all your freinds wished you, who expect from you such improvements of your time and other outward accomplishments that if you fayl their expectations you will discredit the greatest advantages and opportunitys of education that ever gentleman had. All 3 r our former studyes were full of payns and difficultys and the close pursuit of them might impayr your health. Now all your employments tend to health and exercise, and your cheifest study will be conversation and to understand men. I have written to your uncle to -f desire him to settle the rates you are to pay for living there, which is absolutely necessary to bee done and of which he is the truest judge, nor can I suffer you to live there at his charge. I suppose you must give your servant board wages according to the manner of Italy. When any occasion shall draw you to see any other part of Italy, if Dr. Baines can bee prevayled ( with to protect you with his company and advice in your journy you are happy. But bee sure you beare the whole charge, for tis more then enough if the Doctor give you the c expence of so much time. I would fayn beleive you are well and considering where you are I do not enquire much after it because I am sure you will want nothing that art or freindship can supply. But yet when I remember how troublesome * Second son of the Solicitor-General. Afterwards Lord Guernsey and Earl of Aylesford. 404 the cure of your leg was, how nice your health is, what changes of ayr and dyet you now undergoe, I cannot keep myself e from some melancholy reflections, the rather because I do not hear from you so often as your last letter promised. However bee you chearfull and if you can use the dancing master then you are well cur'd. Want nothing that I can pay for and which can bee fitt to divert you And let me hear of your proficiency in armes. God Almighty bless you and be gracious unto you, and send you a happy return, to the joy of your ever loving father." 1 p. ELIZABETH, LADY PINCH, to her son, DANIEL FINCH. 1665, Nov. 30. Oxford. " Dear sonne, I was mighty glad to receive your letter from Florence, because I was afrayd *- of your taking physick at Venice, but now you are come to ~ your uncle and Dr. Baines my mind is at rest, for I am sure you will want nothing that they can help you to, and I hope in God you will now recover your health for I hear you are very melancholy and that makes mee beleive you are not well. I pray remember mee to your uncle and Dr Banes with great affection, and bee sure to watch yourself e that you do not stoop, for it is neither handsome nor wholsome. I hope to bee shortly at Kensington, for the sickness abates very much ; there dyed last week but 652 of the plague, and this week but 300 ; but the worst is that it is still dispersed in every parish a little, and God knows what it may come to agayn next summer. I go next week to Ragly to visit my Lady Conway, then I return hither and go to London if God please. Where ever I am I shall not cease to pray for you that God would blesse you, and make you a blessing to your father and to your most affectionate mother." 1 p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665, Dec. 4. Aleppo. Has sent one of his lordship's letters to Sir Geo. Oxenden at Surat and will send the other by the next packet. If the Vizier " removes the scale from Scanderoon to Tripoli " in defiance of the capitulations, they will all have to leave Aleppo. Their present Emeen does not conceal his ill-will to them, and gives the French also daily trouble. Dec. 8. A French bark has arrived whose captain tells them that he came part way with a French man of war, in which was their Ambassador, bound for Constantinople. Letters from Antwerp state that Alderman Backwell had been there with a considerable sum of money, sent by his Majesty for the Bishop of Miinster, and the letters from England say that Prince Rupert is intended for Miinster, to command the Bishop's army. The King and Queen were in good health at Oxford, and his Highness the Duke of York also ; where the Parliament is appointed to meet. 405 " By my letters of the 18th of September the plague was decreased that weeke 560 odd, the next weeke after it decreased 1,800 and odd, and was hoped that the next weeke would be a greater abatement. God in mercy restore our native country to its perfect health." 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE EARL OF ARLINGTON. 1665, Dec. 5. Pera. On his reasons for sending Ricaut to England. Letter Book, ii, p. 298. f p. [Original in 8.P. Turkey.] THE SAME to THE GUARDIAN OF THE HOLY LAND. 1665, Dec. 8. Pera. Stating that he has remitted the difference concerning his Reverence's salary to arbitrators chosen by both sides, and doubts not but that the Holy Land will receive just satisfaction. Ibid. p. 298. Italian. p. BISHOP AND DEPUTIES OF Scio to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665, Dec. [13-]23. Scio. Again expressing then- gratitude for his protection and affection, which they can requite only with their prayers. Italian. | p. H. HOWARD OF NORFOLK to THE SAME. 1665, Dec. 16-26. Chiourli. By the opportunity of the Resident's return, I offer your lordship my most humble thanks for all the honor and favour I have received from you, and assure you, as to what you ask me touching Mr. Ricaut, I will use my utmost endeavours to serve and assist him, " who really .is a most worthy and intelligent person, and one whoe is (as indeade he ought) a most zealous and faithfull servant of your lordship's person and interests " ; which I may do the better as I now positively resolve to pass immediately from Brussels to England. " I am sory my lady did nott cry out one day soener [sic], that we might yett [have] had the honore of enjoying both your Excellencies companies a little longer, which I assure your lordship has ben the onely regalo and hapinesse I have mett with since I first saw Turkey. . . . All our company give your lordship and my lady joy for this addition to your famely, wishing this yong sprout of soe worthy parents may ever grow up in imitating his parents vertues in the servise of his Majesty and all other honorable acts which your lordship has sett him soe noble a pattron in." Holograph. 1 p. JOSEPH EDWARDS to THE SAME. 1665, Dec. 18. Smyrna. Expressing his pleasure that their taking the oath has " remitted " himself and his partners to his Excellency's favour, and thanking him for his friend- ship to the factory, and " for impartially putting the sadle 406 on the right horses back," without placing to their charge what belongs to the Company. Recommends the bearer, Signer Valentino Berti, and sends " a small silver sapett " for the countess's acceptance. 1J pp. CONSUL CAVE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665, Dec. 26. Smyrna. I send two packets brought by the Robert, who "touching at Paris in the Arches," there received them from the Dolphin. They are said to be of importance, and the commanders had orders to fling them overboard, if they met any that would search them. The commander of the Robert has redeemed an Armenian for 200 dollars, who was sold by a Sattee laden with cornj in the Arches. "I hope the service of this commander will bee an evidence of the faithfulnes of the English to the Grand Signor, and may bee so pleaded when occasion serves." I have only further " to wish your Excellencie a merry Christmas and a prosperous New Year." 1| pp. Seal. ARNOLD WHITE and ARTHUR BARNARDISTON to THE SAME. 1665, Dec. 29. Smyrna. Praying his Excellency's acceptance of two butts of red Smyrna wine ; and stating that the Persian lamb-skins " are come by a late carravann after three yeares expectation." and will be sent to Judge Twisden (by the Sampson) as his Excellency desires. " Tis believed this following summer the proude Fleming must yeild to his gracious Majestic, and France will not want enimies for assisting them. The contagious disease in London was, God be praised, ceased (sic) to 1,300, and the cold weather setting in, twas hoped would have a full stopp. . . . Tis doubtfull whether France will declare against England, but if they doe, the squadron coming from England will be able to deale with them. ..." 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR JOHN FINCH. 1665-6, Jan. 3. Pera. The French Ambassador with more than ordinary pomp, accompanied with 30 persons on horseback and several gentlemen of quality, went to his audience with the Grand Vizier last Friday. The Vizier did not rise to receive him, whereupon the ambassador, in a very loud voice, commanded his druggerman to tell the Vizier " that he esteemed the first audience but a visit and no audience, since he was received so coldly, and not with that honour and respect which was due to the Padishah (or Emperor) of France ; and demanded in the name of his Master that more honour should be showed him." The Vizier ordered the druggerman once more to repeat the words, and thereupon said with great choler : " Do not I know you, that you are a Ghiaur (which is Infidell), that you are a hogge, a dogge, a turde [dung] eater." Upon this, the 407 ambassador called those about him to witness that he had done what his Master had commanded him, and saying "let us go, we have no more to do here," threw his " capitulations " in its case over his shoulder, and it hit the Vizier in the breast, whereupon the latter called out for him to be seized and struck. He received many blows, and was finally carried to a " bad, low chamber under the stairs," where he remained for four days, and whence he was only freed by Winchilsea's intercession. The Vizier at first resolved to cut off his head, and afterwards, intended to shut him in the Seven Towers or else send him home, but again Winchilsea intervened, and he is now at his own house. " Whether his most Christian Majesty will quarrell with any but Christians," remains to be seen. Letter Book, ii, p. 300. 2 pp. [A copy of this narrative is in S.P. Turkey.] THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THOMAS DEATH and EPHEAIM SKINNER. 1665-6, Jan. 11-21. Pera. Thanking them for their care and " correspondency," which he prays them to continue. Sometimes pictures, statues and medals are to be had at reasonable rates in Florence and Rome, which was why he desired them to give Sir John Finch credit, that he might not lose a good occasion. If he be provided before he returns into England, it will be time enough. Has some thoughts, as he returns home, of staying a little time in Italy, especially if he may have the liberty Sir Thos. Bendysh had, to make no quarantine. When his secretary returns, he will ask them for their best information " against that happy hour," but until they hear from himself or Sir John Finch, they are to believe no reports as to the time of his departing. Ibid. p. 301. 1 p. THE SAME to THE EARL OF ARLINGTON. 1665-6, Jan. 15-25. Pera. Thanks him for the great obligations received from him, and especially for his assurances that the King will chastise Love for his insolence. The French Ambassador pretends to have received full satisfaction since his audience, and a promise that all his demands will be granted. A Holland Resident is expected, and probably he and the French Ambassador may work together against England, therefore it is a question, if they accompany the Court, whether England also should not have her representative there. The Grand Signer is going to Adrianople, and the Vizier with the army into Morea, to be transported into Candia. Ibid. p. 302. 1 p. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665-6, Jan. 15-25. Aleppo. The reverend Mr. Frampton arrived on the 7th instant, in good health, and at a court 408 (called to hear your Excellency's letters) lie gave a relation of what concerned our affairs ; how that the Vizier promised that " our late troublesome Emeen should never be in a capacity to do us any further wrong." Upon this, we were in hopes that all things would rest as before, but now letters from Constantinople report " for certain " that the scale of Scan- deroon is removed to Tripoli, " which is only a trick to their further evill designes, and hath much troubled the factory. . . . We verily believe that the Grand Signor never intends to remove the scale, it being contrary to his oath to impose anything upon us without our consents, but that these are practises of bad ministers . . . and we hope it will be prevented by your Excellencies wisdome." But these very reports will discourage the principals in England, and hinder shipping from coming to Scanderoon. Letters to the French here, advise that the war between England and France was proclaimed in France on Dec. 11, and that orders were come to Toulouse and Marseilles to seize whatever belonged to our King's subjects and to set out what ships were there. I have seen a letter from London to the 27th Oct., " by which they advise that, God be thanked, there dyed that weeke in London and surburbs of all diseases but 1,800 and odd, and twas hoped, the cold weather coming on, it would daily abate, which God grant." 1| pp. M. BARON, French Consul, to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1666, Jan. [16-J26. Aleppo. Thanking him for his letter sent by Mr. Frampton and regretting that he has no European news to send him. The Bashas assembled at Bagdad have resolved to attack Bassora, where there has already been " quelque legere escaramouche." The Arab prince has ships ready to go to the Indies if he gets the worst of it. The King of Persia is arming powerfully for the coast of Candahar (as is believed), and the Grand Mogul is believed to be going thither with a considerable army. Col. Detti has gone towards the Indies. He was not too well received at the Court of Persia, and the story goes that the prince would not see him. The English are fortifying Bom- bain, which the Portuguese gave up to them a year ago, but it is believed the Dutch will not let them establish themselves there quietly. French. 3 pp. SIR HENEAGE FINCH to his son [DANIEL FINCH]. 1665-6, Jan. 26 Feb. 5. Kensington. I have nothing to fill a letter with but that which is as old as yourself, my good wishes for your health and improvement, but you are like to have a packet from your mother, brothers and sister, which will give you entertainment enough this week. 409 " I would commend to your perusall the Letters of Cardinal D'Ossat ; they were first written in French, and are translated into Italian ; and to you, who have read D'Avila, they will be very intelligible. They will perfect you in both languages if you buy both, and in the knowledge of the French history. They will give you an excellent insight into the secrets of all the States of Italy where he was a publique agent, par- ticularly Florence, Venice and the Court of Rome. There is nothing of elegance in them, but great exactness of judgment and understanding ; I, and of good manners too. My Lord Conway gave me this book at Ragly, and it hath given me great pleasure in reading it. I have found some poynts of law in it very usefull." Postscript. " Your tutor is certainly marryed, and will not long conceal it. He is taking the parsonage of St. Hellens in London, where his wife's friends live. He comes into it by the interest of Alderman Langam and the presbyterians. I have recommended him to the Bishop of London, whose favor he will be sure to find. I had also recommended him to my Lord of Canterbury, whose promise he had to take care of him, but will not stay for it. He laments much that merit without interest is not preferred. I doubt he doth overvalue his own merits and expect his rewards too soon. His leaving of the University and having his thoughts absent from it when he is there, will putt me upon new counsells for your brothers. I think to have logick and philosophy read to them at home, till I can write to Mr. Dean [i.e. Dr. Fell] for another tutor, and will venture upon Mr. Hooper if he advise mee." 1 p. SIR HENEAGE FINCH to SIR ROGER TWYSDEN. 1665[-6], Jan. 31. Kensington. A dissertation, in the form of a letter, on "The Case of Forfeiture for Treason before the Conquest," upholding the view that the laws of treason were no milder then than now, and that the lands of traitors were forfeit to the Crown. Quotes Alured, Grotius, "Mirror of Justices," Statutes of Maryborough," &c. Copy. 16 pp. Also : Sir Roger Twysden's reply to the above letter, dated at East Peckham, Dec. 24, 1666, and apologising for not earlier answering it (which he has bound up as one of the greatest treasures he has) by reason of the large amount of the King's and country's business he has had on his hands. Quotes Dialogue of the Exchequer, Red Book of the Exchequer, Alured, Ingulphus, Bracton, Mat hew Paris, Voyage d'Espagne, Florence of Worcester, Polydore Virgil, Hall, Holinshed, Hist, du Card. d'Ossat, Guicciardini &c. &c. Holograph. 20 pp. H. HOWARD OF NORFOLK to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1666, Feb. [1] 11. Bellegrade. " ... I am extreame glad of your Excellencies safe recovery, nott doubting butt 410 this little distemper will be a caution and prevention agaynst any future siknesse yett these forty yeares at least. We heare such variety of newse from Christendome as that I, who am to dance by that pipe, am dayly more and more oncertayne what coast to steare for, but whearesoever my fate leades me, your Excellency shall ever have an account of it." Holograph. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to PAUL RICAUT. 1665-6, Feb. 2. Pera. Thinks it may be better for him to come back by land (if, as is said, " we have war with France "). If he cannot conveniently bring all the things he is to buy, he may leave all save the ribbands, gloves and stockings. " Reverend Mr. Frampton " is gone for England upon the desire of the Aleppo factory. If he were sent back hither post, by way of Vienna, he could bring his Majesty's and the Company's orders, and Ricaut could follow at his more leisure. Letter Book, ii, p. 303. | p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665-6, Feb. 3. Aleppo. We hear from Bassora that the Grand Signer's forces have slain about 800 of the Bassa's men, and forced the rest to retreat into the city. Mr. Frampton took his passage upon a French ship bound for Leghorne on the 29th past, but promised, after three months stay in England, to return to us at Aleppo. On the same ship went Don Antonio de Lema, who brought letters from Bombaim. mentioning him to be " the most considerable person for estate of all the Portu galls in the Oriental parts. He intends for England, to kisse their Majesties hands." The Dutch Consul is returned for Christendom, their trade not being sufficient in these parts to maintain him. The French Consul is to protect their nation. " The Jewes in these parts are likely, to be brought into great trouble about a prophet of theirs, which they give out is at Gaza. Severall of the chief e are already in custody." Our present Emeen gives no interruption to any of our goods unladen at Scanderoon, so we hope the pretence of moving the scale to Tripoli is over, but we pray you to make us at a certainty, lest they may be hiding their intentions, to give us both trouble and charge. 1|- pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE PRINCE OF MOLDAVIA. 1665-6, Feb. 8-18. Pera. Congratulating him on being chosen Prince, and recommending Mr. Sampson [M'C], a Scots merchant in Poland, who will certainly be willing to help his Excellency in any way that he can. Ibid, ii, p. 304. Italian. % p. 411 JOHN JOLLIFE to THE EARL OF WlNCHILSEA. 1665[-6], Feb. 12. London. Most humbly agrees with his lordship that the Levant Company have been well dealt with, but the particular whereof they complained was that they could not have their money disbursed upon State affairs, " it not being the manner in England for private persons or companies to bee called upon, or any for them, to disburse their money without their consent." This they insisted upon to the Council and at length had a promise from Lord Arlington that they should no more be troubled in the like kind, so what is past will be buried. " For the businesse of Broadgate, all agree it is well hee is come hence, and a better in his roome, and they alsoe must accorde with your lordship that the Company are not judges of the lawes of Conformity and give mee leave to doubt, from the opinion of good councill, that his Majesties publique Ministers abroad (your lordship excepted)* are not legally founded in jurisdiction in that point. 1. Because thej 7 finde these laws are by his Majesty limited to England," while in his Majesty's other dominions " dissenters from our church have an open and avowed liberty, both in opinion and practice, and such as desire it may have that liberty by his Majesty's royall charter confirmed to them for their future enjoyment. 21y, there is many recusants (and nonconformists)* in all Princes' dominions, but I never found that his Majesty's ambassadors or agents did meddle with any of them. But it must alsoe be yielded (to you)* that the Company ought to be very carefull they countenance not any such thing, and when they know it, they may discharge the person from their employment, which will bring him home with lesse odium and clamor." As for avanias, till the times of Sir Sackville Crow and Sir Thomas Bendysh the Company knew little what it is was to be charged with them for anything which befell the factors in Turkey ; and even in their evil times, Mr. Buckworth, Mr. Godfrey &c. paid great sums merely because their servants (who were the Grand Signer's subjects) had packed a little silk in their masters' bags of goat-wool, without their know- ledge. " They had wrong, but it was a personall wrong, and not to bee borne by others ; and there lyes not any other obligation on the rest of the Company to beare it then if a misfortune or wrong befell the person of any man in England, the rest of the parish have to make a purse and beare it ... For the businesse of Stanton and Bishop, if any man trust a factor that intreagues his estate, he must beare it, and trust none but such as can give good security." I must beg pardon for my prolixity, praying you to excuse it as the fruit of my zeal for your lordship's honour. I shall not fail to take the direction of Mr. Solicitor in serving you to the uttermost of my power. * The words in brackets are in a copy only. 412 " Wee are now fallen into an open warre with the French as well as the Dutch, but I finde not that any man can give a reason for the King of France's Declaration except hee intends an invasion, for hee might have given the Dutch his articled assistance, and yet have kept a kinde of peace and commerce on foot. Advices from Holland say hee intends to land 12,000 men at Barbadoes, or some of the plantations ; others feare the old game of Scottland." 2 pp. Also, Copy of the same prefixed to letter of March 12, below. ALDERMAN JOHN LANGLEY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665[-6], Feb. 16. London. Received his Excellency's letter of Aug. 5 some months since, but " the hand of God upon this city " having scattered the members of the Company "he has been unable to be serviceable to him." Though the Company's letters to his Excellency are not in all things what he could wish, he prays him to take all in good part, remembering that "as in a corporation ther be many men, soe many mindes." His son, Richard Langley, is chosen to be treasurer at Smyrna, where his Excellency's kindness and advice may be of great advantage to him, and will be esteemed a singular favour. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR JOHN FINCH. 1665-6, Feb. 20 March 2. Pera. I am sending this to Earl Leslie to forward ; whether it will be fresh or stale when you get it depends upon his opportunities. The preparations against Candia are very great ; all Christian ships are seized and those which were laden are unladen to carry over men and ammunition. "The Grand Signer hath sent out officers to take the tribute in Greece of Christian children, which hath been disaccustomed this thirty yeares, but now beginne againe for want of soldiers and for some other reasons of state." However much they dissemble it, the Turks in general and most of their principal men are great enemies to the French, and before long some great misfortune may fall upon their merchants here. " They have cryed downe the French five sol peices here so low that they will loose by bringing of mony hither, and goods their country affords none of moment, therefore their trade is lost." If the State of Genoa settles a trade here, it will certainly do us no good, but " let it happen how it will, I am not to blame," for I have never had any answer from Lord Arlington to my suggestions that I ought to be with the Court to watch our interests ; the Company's maxim is to spend no money to prevent danger ; arid the merchants here do not believe that Genoa will prejudice their trade. Letter Book, ii, p. 304. 1| pp. 413 THE EARL OF WENCHILSEA to PAUL RICAUT. 1665-6, Feb. 20. Pera. I should be glad if you could see my cousin Finch in Italy on your way back, but you only can judge what is best. Besides the things I mentioned, I would have you bring a little tea. The silver plate you may leave, and bring but one suit of clothes for me with the linen, as my stay here is not likely to be long. I incline, if I must return speedily, to pass through Poland, but if I have more leisure, to go either in a man-of-war or by way of Ragusa into Italy, there stay some months, and so home. Some Persian lamb skins are sent to you for Justice Twisden, which you will take care to present to him from me. " The French temins are to passe ere long but for eight aspers, so that their trade here will be lost." All those of quality here are much incensed against them, and intend them mischief, " and as a taste of their kindness " they have forced two French ships entirely to unload, and carry men for Candia. There is a prospect of war next summer with the Tartar Han. *' The Basha of Balsora was betrayed, the city taken, and he fled into India." The fortifications at Bombain go on, and ours there prepare to defend themselves (and as I hear) the Hollanders to set upon them, but, if Monsieur Baron is to be believed, ours do not fear the loss of it. Letter Book, ii, p. 306. 1 pp. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1665-6, Feb. 20. Aleppo. It is said that the Chiau of the late Emeen has taken the Emeenship for the next year. He is a very dangerous person, and the cause of all the trouble that Abrim Aga gave the English. Advices from Trappany say that the Duke of Beaufort with five ships has been there and is now plying, as is supposed, between Tunis and Malta, waiting for the English general ships from Smyrna. It is hoped they will not leave without a convoy. Commander Paulo has taken two English prizes in to Toulon. " Besides the General MercJiant sunk, and three ships taken bound for Tunis, the French have since taken the Advice and Bilboa Merchant, bound home with currants. The captaines immediately left their ships on command of two French ships which gave them chase, by which meanes the French got possession, and dispersed the English mariners amongst their fleet . . . From Holland its advised the French are obliged to assist them with 40 ships about our channel and twenty in these seas, and that they have concluded a league together, offensive and defensive. Its reported that we have twenty-five frigatts coining into these seas, and hope it will be speedily." 2 pp. JOHN JOLLIFE to THE SAME. 1665-6, March 12. London. In your last, you allege a sum of 4,000/. per annum to be paid to Queen Elizabeth ; but 414 there is no such reservation in any of our charters, and " if there were, it had been little to the purpose ; those charters beeing to ten or twelve men, who had the sole trade of Turky and India in joynt stocke ; ours to the whole nation, soe many as please to come in, and every one in a distinct interest. " Besides, the farmeing of a forraine trade is soe much against law, that it would be a ruine to those that venture upon it. His Majesties care is to enlarge the trade, and therein his custome and revenew, and that is found more advantage then to restrayne it by a farme." You say also that his Majesty hath granted the Company consulage, that the factors pay it, and that therefore protection is due to them. His Majesty has been pleased to give the Company liberty to raise a con- sulage upon themselves to defray their public charge ; but the Crown never claimed a consulage in any part of the world, and such as got grants to be consuls at his Majesty's coming home are entirely left to such allowance as the merchants please to make them. Postscript. Sir Jeremy Smith is come down to Gales, and in regard of the French we are at a loss how to get our Smyrna ships home. His Majesty has promised us a convoy in Septem- ber, so next winter you may expect a shipping for Smyrna and Constantinople. 1 p. SIR HENEAGE FINCH to his son [DANIEL FINCH]. 1666, March 23 April 2. By your letters from Venice 1 should conclude you in good health, but your Uncle's makes me apprehensive of an infirmity to which I never knew you subject. Your mother waits in great impatience till this point be cleared in your own hand. " I have given Mr. Woodruff leave to choose his successor, which he makes no hast to do, yet cannot stay a weeke together at Oxford. In the mean time, I take payns to help him to his living at London, and to preferr him out of the way, that so wee may part civilly. ... If you read Cardinal D'Ossat in Italian and observe his maximes, the French will not bee worth the buying, though it bee the originall ; for the language is obsolete. Your mother and I pray daily for you and long to see you. ..." 1 p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1666, March 29. Aleppo. The Robert has left Scanderoon for England. According to his Excellency's warrant, the factor marine made protest against his departing without convoy, which protest and the captain's answer are enclosed. The French here have letters from Marseilles stating "that at Paris the warr was proclaimed against England in January ; that the King of France had demanded of the severall em- bassadors at his Court whether their masters would take his 415 part. . . . The embassador for Spaine, as also for the Pope, desired twenty dales respect before they could give their answeres. The Swedish embassador replyed, if the French King made warr against Germany, his master would doe the like, but not against England. The Dean [i.e. Dane] declared that the French King's enemies were theirs, as also Savoy." There is no news from India, as the war of the Grand Signer against Bassora hinders the messengers from passing. 1 p. Enclosing. The protest and answer above mentioned. The captain states that having the letter of his " freighter and owner," Mr. Nightingale, and finding that the Levant Com- pany's convoy comes no lower than Messina, he " ploys his voyage " thither to join it. SIB HENEAGE FINCH to his son [DANIEL FINCH]. 1666, April 13-23. Good Friday. " Before this reach you, I presume you will be at your journeys end, and returned to Florence. . . . " If Dr. Busby intend to leave Westminster school, as I hear and hope, I will labour what I can to establish Mr. Wood- ruff for his successor. Dr. Betts hath long been a concealed Catholique, and presently after he was marryed converted his wife, who breeds up all her children so, and is become a great bigod. This is an inexpressible greife to her mother and all her freinds ; it was but lately known to us, and now your mother, who was godmother to two of the children, hath a scruple of conscience how she shall discharge herself e. I think if it had not been for my irregular name, I should have been involved in the same case. But I wonder how the Doctor absolves himselfe for suffring his child to be heretically baptiz'd, and to take two such hereticall gossips as my brother Dering and my wife. Surely it was more for dissimulations sake then for lucre, but absolutions in that church' are very cheap and easy." Next Wednesday your Uncle Harvey goes to sea. 1 p. THE EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1666, May 3. London. Your letter shows me that I remain in your memory, and your secretary tells me of your good health, of which I hearily wish the continuance. " An old decayed and unactive body, and one that is so much a strainger att court as I am, can have little hopes of being usefull to your lordship," yet I shall, if any occasion offers, be very ready to prove that I retain my old inclinations to serve you. Holograph. 1 p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE SAME. 1666, May 3. Aleppo. The Virgin has arrived at Scan- deroon, having brought provisions to Tangier. The captain writes that our two general ships, with the Malaga fleet, were 416 convoyed out of the Straits by some of Sir Jeremy Smith's squadron, and in the bay of Biscay met with some ships that are to guard the channel, in whose company they left them, so it is hoped they have arrived [at home] safely. In his passage from Tangier, the captain saw not one sail at sea. Letters from London, up to Feb. 1, say not a word of the plague, so it is to be hoped " God in mercy hath restored England to perfect health." 1 p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1666, May 16. Aleppo. " These are intended [to go] by our old Shabender, Mustapha Chebbee, who did us good offices when he was Mussalem, in getting discharges from Abrim Aga, our late troublesome Emeen. He is a person very powerfull in these parts, and a man of great abilities, who hath of late kept a very good correspondence with myselfe and factory, and is desirous to continue the same." He has asked me to give him a letter to your lordship, and I entreat you to receive him kindly. Mr. Frampton arrived at Leghorn the 25th of March. Mr. Henry Howard was then at Rome. The Baron Benbo has been at Jerusalem, and intends to come to Aleppo with the caravan of Christians, which may be in eight days. 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR JOHN FINCH. 1666, May 20. Belgrade [near Constantinople]. The great pieparations here against Tartary are likely to be all converted against the Venetians, for "after all the probabilities of a civil warre here betweene the Grand Signor and the Tartares, the conclusion is that the old King layes downe his crowne to the new one, though all the commanders and officers of his king- dome offered to stand by him." The son of the old King is gone to the Grand Signor to pray him to " make another King to content the people, and to endeavour it for himself." The Prince of Balsora has likewise submitted and made peace, on condition of resigning his dignity to his son, who is to be created Basha of his territories. They are of great importance, "being the scale of Babilon and the river Euphrates, and a good port at the mouth of Sinus Persianus for the trade of the Indies. " I have had good successe in making a Prince of Moldavia who is my friend. . . . The Grand Signor and the Vizier have done him more honour than was usuall, and sent for my druggerman, Signor Draperiis, to be present at the ceremony at Adrianoplc. . . . The creating of this Prince hath gained no small honour in these parts to his Majesty, and hath damped the courage of our enemies." All letters out of Germany are seized by the Vizier's orders, so that mine with the rest are lost. The French Ambassador is going to Adrianople, and the Hollanders expect a Resident, 417 who must be well watched, especially during our war with them. The Vizier has commanded all the original books and registers of our capitulations (and of all other nations) to be sent to Adrianople, so that now, for every slight matter, I must either go or send, if the Company think their trade worth protecting. My wife and I both present our service to Dr. Baines. " Since my secretary's being at Belgrade, I have not heard from him." Pray tell him I doubt all his letters are inter- cepted. Letter Book, ii, p. 308. 2 pp. Also, A letter to Lord Arlington, of the same date, and on the same subjects. Warns him that if the French and Dutch have representatives at Adrianople, while the English have not, grave harm will ensue, for though the French are now out of favour, if the Ambassador is there, and will spend money enough, in time he will obtain all he desires. Ibid, p. 310. 3 pp. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] CONSUL CAVE to THE EAEL OF WINCHILSEA. 1666, May 25. Smyrna. I have received these packets from Leghorn, and send a mess on purpose with them. "I have also received a letter of the 15th Feb. from the Levant Company, wherein they sent their order for a new treasurer, Mr. Richard Langley, to whome I have publiquely given the oath. His conditions with the Company are the same Mr. Mowsse's were. . . . " In their letter to mee they sticke somewhat in the busines of Mr. Weyniouth Carew, but in conclusion say, since hee is dead, wee must pass it over, givinge strict order that it bee not made a president to make the Company lyable either to answere the extravagances or the unadversiments (sic) of particular persons." They have been pleased to give orders to the treasurer to pay me 1,400 dollars for two years' gratuity ; but "have ordered him likewise to deduct what is charged to their account for making my payments in weighty money ; which, if they continue in that sense, it will bee a guift with the right hand, taken away with the left." I have received a letter from Mr. Love, accusing me of sending you a false transcript of his letter, " with such clauses as might incense you against him ; the originall hee denyes not, for hee will maintaine it to a title." He tells me he has sent you a copy of the letter,* in which case the truth will evidently appear, " the letter I sent you being under his owne handwriting, which I shall not goe behind the dore to denye." If you will give me a hint what he writes to you, it will the better enable me to return an answer. " I shall not denye a tittle what I have done, for truth is truth, and will be uppermost, though I would not follow it too neere the heeles." * See p. 357 above. Wt. 29495. FI 27 418 " For newes I have none, . . . onely the Sweedes and wee are in a strict allyance, and that Sir John Mins hath convoyed a rich fleete from Hamborough in sight of the Dutch, who durst not meddle with him. The French seeme inclinable to a peace, but would have it att the motion of our King, who denyes itt." 2| pp. Seal of arms. EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1666, May 28. Belgrade. I have received advice out of Italy (whether true or false I know not) that his Majesty has confirmed my stay here three years longer. It is a great honour, yet it doth a little trouble me to remain so long in this barbarous country. I have spent some thousands of pounds here, which I could have saved honestly, out of my own purse, for his Majesty's honour and the Company's interest. Last year the German ambassador's being here and other accidents cost me 1,000?. extraordinary, and now, as the Grand Signer has lowered the value of money, and things here have grown dearer, the Company are bound in honour to do more for me. If not (as else I should lose money) I shall strike off some of my expenses, and then they will find that as I fall in reputation, their interest will decay. " This is an infallible maxime : That any ambassa- dor that is not an honest man (if that he be not a foole) may deceive the Company in great matters, and all the witt they have, and theire factours, will never be able either to find it out or to prevent it ; so that their strict orders only hinders an honest man from doing them good, and provokes a knave to do them the greater mischief e. ..." Never ambassador of any nation but allowed the druggermen their protection for to distinguish them from Greekes or Jewes ; but if the Company will not theirs, none will serve them. And this four dollars for yallow shoos, though it be inconsiderable, yet the Venetians, French, nay, the Patriarch himself and the poor Raguseans allowed all the charge for theirs, since it is a part of their priviledges, and either makes them respected or subject to the scorne of the boyes in the street." The Company pay, not for shoes, but for the maintenance of their capitulations, in which the druggermen have the privilege of wearing certain clothes. It is inserted in their barrats (i.e. patents of privileges), and is a canon as ancient as the capitulations. My wife entreats your lady to send her a waiting gentle- woman and a chambermaid, " the latter, one that can work in plain work. What wages you agree with them for, they shall have and so for their passage." Letter Book, ii, p. 313. 2 pp. THE SAME to SIR JOHN FINCH. 1666, May 30. Belgrade. Introducing the bearer, Mr. Vincentio Marchio, a person of honour and of a good family 419 in Luca, a very wise and worthy man and well informed in the late wars in Hungary (where he served as a captain) and Winchilsea's particular friend. Letter Book, ii, p. 315. \ p. J. POWNOLL to THE EARL OF WlNCHILSEA. 1666, June 2. Moate. Sends a list of the militia [of co. Kent], as it stands now charged, but has found their appearance upon muster very short, for want of punishing the defaulters, which will never be fully executed until his lordship returns. Has lately been to East well, where he found Mr. Heneage and Mr. Thomas in good health, and the park so well ordered and stocked with deer, as he believes there is no ground hi England of that circuit more fair. The red deer have made great spoil in the young woods and walks, but he hears they are to be disposed of this summer. The fine trees do bravely shoot up and flourish ; emblems, he hopes, of his lordship and his family. Is now at his lordship's house of Moate, where he hopes to do good service. 1| pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to CAPTAIN HULSE. 1666, June 8. Belgrade. A long letter, giving detailed directions for the planting of trees on the Yorkshire estate. Thinks that a good place for a nursery would be " the orchard next the Abbey, within the wall." Desires that his kitchen garden be so kept as may afford him " a sallet, some pot herbs and roots &c." when he shall return, and meanwhile the profits are to go towards the gardener's wages. Letter Book, ii, p. 315. 2pp. M. BARON to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1666, June [8-] 18. Aleppo. Col. Deti writes from Ispahan that he has taken part with your " Messieurs des Indes " and hopes to be able to work to the satisfaction of the Com- panj\ It is to be hoped that he may find a little more happiness in the East than he has had in the West. French. 2 pp. SIR WILLIAM MORICE to THE SAME. 1666, June 9. Mr. Ricaut, your secretary, has brought me the honour of your Excellency's letters, the first I have had for about a year. " The enclosed [wanting] will render an account unto you of the occurrences heere which are now most signal ; we are advertised that the Dutch have lost twenty ships and the truth is we have had halfe that number taken, sunke and burnt, twenty-five captains killed, among them Sir Christofer Minnes, and we have now assurance since the inclosed was written that the Siviftsure with Sir William Barkly is brought into Flushinge (the first flagge ship that I thinke was ever taken from our nation) but he was a younge gentleman that commanded it. We are in dayly expectation of the motion 420 of the French fleete, but if our intelligences rightly informe us they looke toward Ireland. We are engaged with potent enemyes and I hope we shall exert our utmost powers to withstand them. Holograph, f p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1666, June 9. Aleppo. Our Bassa having returned from the wars at Bassora, " no sooner was come but began to find out waies to make pretences upon the inhabitants of this place. Amongst the Francks, he began with the French first, and eate from them to the import of 600 dollars." The next day he seized upon a merchant stranger who is under my protection, pretending he was a Venetian, though I have declared and offered to make oath that he is of Flanders. All my efforts for his release have been in vain. The Caddee is a very ancient man, wholly at the Bassa's devotion, whose chief man says that the Bassa is a Vizier with full powers, and that if he says the merchant is a Venetian, " none durst give writings to the contrary." " I mention these particulars the rather that your Excellency may take notice what miserable times we live in here, when those that should doe us justice are the chief e that doe us unjustice, . . . and slight all commands, though never so plaine. The command your Excellencie sent me. I have caused it to be showne to Bassa, Chiau and Caddee, and although it be full to the purpose to defend this honest man," they take no more notice than if it no ways concerned them." We pray you to procure an effectual command to the Bassa to release this merchant, Francisco Vandendriesche, and that it be so worded as that no other bad ministers hereafter may dare to disturb him. He is a very honest and worthy man, and it would be an exceeding blemish and dishonour to our nation, that he having lived here for seven years under the protection of the Dutch and French, should now " being under the English banner," be forced to comply with their unjust pretences, and perhaps to leave the country. Also it will be a precedent to every Bassa to do the like, " who may as well pretend any of our nation to be a Venetian as this man. . . . The French would much rejoice if the English protection should once be baffled, and it is not without suspicion but some of that false nation have been instrumentall to occasion this trouble." After the merchant had been in prison six days (treated like a thief, put in a loathsome place and in chains) I with the whole factory offered ourselves as security for him, but to no effect, and the Chiau plainly said the Bassa " had been at the wars and wanted money, and money he would have." After ten days, the merchant's health was so much impaired that I asked Mr. Nightingale and Mr. Browne to treat (as from themselves) with the Chiau, who were forced to promise 500 dollars in money, besides other presents, after which the 421 merchant was released, but if such unparalleled actions pass without restitution of what has been forced from us, " there will be no safety for any Englishman, or any that shall come under their banner to live in these parts." We therefore pray you to obtain a command " that for the future, no Bassa nor any other minister except the Caddee shall have any power to seize upon any particular person upon any pretence whatsoever, but if there be occasion to call any one, either of our nation or others under the English banner to justice, that the Caddee doe it." 4 pp. H. HOWARD to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1666, June [10-]20. Rome. ". . . I arrived heather just in Holy weeke, wheare after wasting my selfe the best I could for my sinnes of fraylety, I went to Naples and am since lately returned thence, and intend, God willing, veary sodenly for Florence, whence I meane to roule a little in my carruccio round Italy, till the arrivall of the Emperes call me to Millane, after which the indifferency I possesse at present of where- soever my fate shall leade me, makes it difficult to render now a farder account. ..." Holograph. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR HENEAQE FINCH. 1666, June 12-22. Pera. I do agree with you that it is my interest as well as the Company's for us to agree together and that their prosperity is the general good of the kingdom, so that you may be confidant that I shall endeavour what I can to excel the best of my predecessors in my care of their trade and diligence in executing their orders. The mis- understandings have come by degrees ; first, after my return from Adrianople, their protests against expence and demands of money from me ; then, when I thought this was laid asleep, their exceptions (not queries, as now they call them) to Mr. Hedge's accounts. If you likewise reflect on the tediousness of their replies, and that (Sir Sackville Crow having carried away all the ancient registers and precedents) no one could here answer any doubts I haade, as also several accidents, as that of Broadgate, leading me to think they had no more confidence in me, you will see that all this much varied from the " true prospect you have now given me of their intentions towards me, and the reasons that induced them to doe what they have." But the satisfaction they and you have now given me will convert my thoughts into honour and esteem, " and like to young trees, the more the windcs doe shake them, the deeper roote they take, soe shall my affection for them be the stronger for this late tempest, which by your wisdome is now allayed into a calme." In answer to the 13 heads of your letter : 1. In the business of the Cambio, I never received an asper more than is my due. 422 2. For the minister's allowance, the Company have mistaken, and I had reason to complain, but my chaplain has now gone, and is satisfied. 3. As soon as the exception came against my chapel clerk, I took away the allowance, " though I thought it an ancient custome, and it is but a pitifull thing to enrich themselves with 50 dollars a yeare of light money." 4. The business of Mr. Frampton got me nothing and was thought reasonable here, but he is now in London, where so small a trifle may be easily adjusted. 5. You have given me such reason against the continuance of feasts that I shall put no more to their account. 6. Concerning the druggerman's yellow shoes, you and the Company are both mistaken. What the Company pays for is the protection of their privileges, for without these shoes the boys in the street throw dirt in their faces, and they dare not appear before the court. 7. As regards Avanias, I will observe the rules which you prescribe. But I desire your opinion whether, when the goods are assigned to those whose crimes have caused them to hide (as in the case of Stanton and Bishop) my warrant is sufficient discharge to the captain to deliver the goods ; and if I cause part to be sold to pay the Avanias "caused " by such persons, will the Law justify me ? 8. The Company resting satisfied as to the Avania of the druggermen gives me full content. 9. Touching Mr. Love, I am satisfied that what was informed against him was caused by the consul's misapprehension of the true meaning of his letter, " and this I pray, say from me to whom he pleases, for I would not for all the world be an occasion to prejudice one who is not guilty." I enclose a letter for Mr. Love, which will give him full content. 10. 11. Concerning Broadgate, " I confess that the Company was much slandered in this, and that I am rather obliged to them for the manner in gratifying him than if they had not presented him anything." 12. For Dr. Pickering, I am credibly informed he has given no just cause for his removing from Smyrna. I shall enquire into his demeanour, and never favour him or any other to the prejudice of the Company. 13. To this last, I could say more for any other ambassador than myself, but my secretary will discuss it thoroughly with you. I desire only the Company's good and my own honour, and if in this they have made a good provision, " it will bear the test." [On the need for a representative at Adrianople, as on p. 417 above.] " He who is trusted in small things onely, will finde great difficulty, if not an impossibilyty, to effect great matters ; I intend rather to give the Company an occasion to complaine that I disburse not enough than too much, only, in this critical! juncture, it is, in my opinion, a bad season to try experiments." 423 The French Ambassador tells me he has very large powers, and particularly that of life and death over any of his master's subjects, which is more than I desire ; but I cannot execute his Majesty's private instructions, " since there are not any materials allowed me," so it will not be my fault if things go ill. I do not yet know if I have done well or ill in not opposing the trade of Genoa, but having no druggennan at Court (to please the Company) I knew nothing of it until too late ; and just so I am now unprovided to withstand the French and the Dutch, for the necessity cannot be " absolute and unavoidable " until we know certainly that they endeavour our hurt, and then it will be too late, for I cannot in less than three weeks go through the necessary forms to go to the Court, " and in this Court, in three days as much is done as in three months at London." [Here follows a long explanation concerning the duties on cloth, and proposing certain amendments in the capitulations.] " Lastly, I want words to expresse my affection to you for your great care to informe and advise me, for your incomparable wisdome and sweetnesse in composing any animosities, for your exceeding paines and trouble in writing soe fully and judicially in all points, which will serve as an oracle to have recourse to, and as my compasse to steere well out of this boisterous and barberous ocean, and laborinth of vexations and trouble into the haven, as I hope, of honour and content." Letter Book, ii, p. 318. 3 pp. EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1666, June 13-23. Belgrade." . . . You will doe me a most particular favour never to be forgotten to take that order for Maidston's breeding you would for your owne, and I leave him as wholly to your disposall as if he were soe indeed. For I have noe friend in the world whose judgement I dare so much rely on as yours nor any that I love more affectionately. If you finde that he spends his time well att the Universitie, then you may continue him there, or if you thinke that he is soe well grounded that he may continue those studies having an able tutor with him, then you may give order for his travaling, and whatsoever you doe thinke fitt for his allowance I will approve of, for I desire nothing soe much as to make him a scholar and an able man. In case (which God forbid) that you see that he is not likely ever to be learned in bookes, we must then doe what we can to make him excell in some other vertue and in knowing the world as much as may be. I am (at this distance) much enclined to send him to your i brother into Italy and have him to remaine with him a year "T or two (if your brother stay there soe long), for I knowe noe gentleman either in England or out of it soe capable to doe great things in the breeding of my son as he, and he is of such principalls of honour and worth and soe experimented in the world that if I were to advise the king for a Governour of a 424 Prince of Wales (when it shall please God to blesse him with one) I should preferr my cousin, your brother. When ever you thinke him fitt to be sent thither I pray (deare cousin) send him without expecting any further directions from me ; and [if] his servants be not such as you are confident off, I pray turne them away and take care that he may have none about him but very sober persons." Letter Book, ii, p. 321. 1 p. EARL OF WESTCHILSEA to SIR JOHN FINCH. 1666, June 13-23. Belgrade. I send a copy of my last to your brother, " which after you have perused I pray enclose it in one of yours to him. And I pray consider of the best course for me to take with my eldest sonne, and you will doe me a perticular favour, if in case he should come into Italy to have an eye after him, and to provide him what Governour and servants you please. I cannot be possitive in my orders into England touching my sonne because I know not whither he spends his time so well as he ought to doe, so that I referre my selfe only to your brother. Yet I thinke that he might (having the same tutour with him at Florence for a yeare and then to send his tutour home) ground himselfe there in the University learning as well as at Cambrige. For he would have more select company in those you appoynt him there then at the University, and some houres spent in riding the great horse, fencing, dancing &c. would be a divertisement to him. Besides his tutour he may be allowed a governour, but if you could find one fit for both (which is not I suppose very difficult) it would save me much. I doe leave the allow- ance for his travells wholly to your brother, not valuing the expence so that it be not spent in vaine. Yet I would have him to be as frugall as possible especially in cloths, for plaine clothes will keepe him as warme as the richest and his expences in this kind will be no reputation to me nor him. Yet a decency herein is to be observed, and when he is to returne then a little excesse more . then ordinary is necessary and convenient ; and the more he saves now the more he will leave then to lay out. I pray (deare cousin) write effectually to your brother and enquire perticularly after my sonne, and give me your best advice and to your brother also, for I had rather have him be an able man and fitt for our King's service then to leave an estate to him, and nothing makes me more industrious to mend mine then the hopes that he will deserve it. And if by your wisdome, affection and favour towards me you can be authour of so great a good to me, my obligations to you will exceed all expressions." Ibid. p. 322. 1 p. CARDINAL ANTONIO BARBERINI, Prefect of the Sacra Congrega- tione de Propaganda Fide, to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1666, June [16--J26. Rome. Recommending (on behalf of the Congregation) SignorRidolfi, sent as " Vicario patriarcale," to his good offices and protection. Italian. 1 p. 425 There is a copy of this in the Letter Book. Also, Winchilsea's reply, thanking his Eminence for his letter received a few days ago by M. Ridolfi, and assuring him of his desire to do anything in his power to further the wishes of the Congregation ; but while the copy of the Cardinal's letter is dated, like the original, June 1666, the reply is dated Oct. 12, 1667. Letter Book, ii, pp. 407, 408. Italian. 1 p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1666, June 22. Aleppo. The French Consul has sent me word that for certain there was a peace concluded between England, France and Holland, but our letters from Marseilles speak quite contrary, and that the French make all preparations possible to carry on the war. Their fleet, being 55 men of war and 23 merchant ships of West France, left Toulon on May 3, and their gallies, 13 in number, well armed, under command of " the Earle Vinore, their general," departed on the 6th from the castles of Marseilles. We thank you for your caution of that false nation, and have severall times experienced " how little honest}' they have when they can make advantage. We verily believe, if Sir Jeremy Smith be gone out of the Streights, that then they may have a designe to surprise Tangier, but we hope they may have worse successe there then they had at Gigery." The Baron of Benbo has gone in the caravan for Tripoli, in order to see Mount Libanus ; thence he intends for Cyprus, and so for Venice. Our new Emeen has arrived, and I hear that he has two commands very prejudicial to our privileges ; viz. : that we should pay our duties in Seville and Mexico coins, which is ten per cent more than hitherto ; and that if our general ships will not pay 5| per cent, duty they are not to be suffered to unlade at Scanderoon but are to be sent to Tripoli. I have been informed of the Vizier's orders to remove the seale to Tripoli, but hearing nothing more of it, concluded it was blown over. Our capitulations will signify nothing if the Vizier gives such orders. I question not you will take care that such commands (if granted) are called in before \ve have ships in port, or else the trade here is utterly ruined. A French ship has been taken by a pirate who " arms out of Smyrna and Scio," in sight of Scanderoon Road, and carried by him to Cyprus. " If the Grand Signer suffer such things to be done, trading will be ruined, and although at present our nation hath not suffered, if such pirates arme out of his owne ports, hereafter we may ; for I beleive if he had mett with the Virgin and Dispatch he would have taken them." 3| pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to GEORGIO DRAPERIIS. 1666, June 24. Belgrade. As your stay at the Court is very necessary for the service of the Company, I have 426 made a tain of 150 aspers per day, which I think will be sufficient. Take care that the French ambassador (who went towards Adrianople some days ago) does nothing to our prejudice. I hope he will not persuade the Grand Signer to give aid to the King of Poland against his subjects, because the French desire by force of arms to establish a successor to that King who is a Frenchman. Letter Book, ii, p. 323. Italian, f p. LORD CARLINGFORD to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1666, [June 26-]July 6. Vienna. "Though I have not the honour of your acquaintance, yet the ambition I have to be known your servant makes me begin a correspondence which on my part shall be as punctuall as I can find oppor- tunitye. The noise of the late and great battle betwixt our fleet and that of the Hollanders is I am sure spread very far, and I believe to our disadvantage, the Hollanders and French having had the impudence to write and print our absolute destruction, which hitherto has gained credit, no contradiction being arrived out of England but such as I received, which assures that both fleets met on Fryday the llth of June in the afternoon, and having fought untill night and all next day and Sunday the Admiral my Lord Duke of Albemarle dispatched an expresse to advertise the King that he had taken fifteen vessels of the Hollanders, and had lost but one ; but in regard of the inequality of the number of ships, they having 90 and we but 55, that by gene rail consent of the officers a retreat homewards was thought expedient, besides that the Admiral was hurt by a splinter in the thigh, and above a hundred of his soldiers killed aboard him, whereof his secretary Sir Thomas Clerke* was one. It is true the Hollanders pursued us untill a squadron of thirty ships commanded by Prince Robert [Rupert] appeared, who were appointed to have met the Due de Beaufort, but the Prince hearing the noise of guns concluded a fight and made hast to engage in it r which he performed so successfully as after Munday and Tuesdays fight to have forced the ennemy to seek their securitie by flight which they did into Zeland. The particulars of their losse or of the actions of our Fleet after the Princes arrivall cannot arrive out of England till Thursday at soonest, which I will send your lordship if I find a conveyance for it, but as an assurance of our victory our ennemies acknowledge that at this time our fleet rides before the Texell. "Since the arrivall of my Lord Sandwich at Madrid, our treaty with Spain advances towards a happy conclusion, and there is great probability of an agreement betwixt Spain and Portugal!; this court professe great inclination towards an allyance with the King our master, who knowes not well what to propose unto them untill the negotiation in Spain have a * Should be Sir William Clarke. 427 conclusion. Our allyance with the King of Swede is very strict and I beleive inviolable, that King having withstood the temptations of mony and frendship from the French and Hollanders. The Empresse is still in Spain ; some say the King her brother had the small pox, but is recovered ; the delay used in her voyage is grievous to the Emperor. My Lord Lesley professes great kindnes to your lordship. We drank your health in Tenido Wine, whereof, if you make a present to my Lord Arlington for his and the Kings use, nothing in Turky will be more acceptable. The plague, God be thanked, is almost extinguished in London." Holograph. 4 pp. 1666, [June 26-]July 6. Vienna. ' Twould be a sin to lett this courier part, and not bring with him a newes which the whole world expects with attention, and let you know the event of this last great battail which must decide the Hollanders or our right of being masters of the sea. . . . The two navies engaged Fryday the 1 1th at evening, and continued a most fierce battell till Saturday night, and notwithstanding the Hollanders had three vessels to one of ours, they had lost fifteen when we one only. On Sunday there came a supply of sixteen vesseles to the Hollanders, at which time we ran the hazard of a cruel rout, and had certainly lost the day, for General Monke (sic) was wounded and retreating before the enemy, when the arrival of Prince Robert with thirty ships (who was gone out to meet Due de Beaufort) stopt our shame and brought us back again against the enemy. On the 14th, the Royal Sovereign with seventeen more ships went out and joined also with our fleet. The fight was the most cruel and bloudy as was ever given upon the sea, nor did ever History speak of the like or any posterity perhaps ever see. . . . The loss of men on both sides is unheard of, yet victory at length declared itself for us, and, though scarce with greater losse on their side then on ours, the Hollanders fled to wards the coast of Zeland. . . . Our Generall is wounded, and Captain Berkley brought prisoner into the Hague. They say that Eversen, Admiral of Zelande, is sunke, and that Van Trompe lost three ships one after another." The Dutch Gazette tells us that the victory remained with them, yet at the same time state that the English fleet is before the Texel, THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to the CHIMACAM of Adrianople. 1666, June 28. Protesting against the attempts of the French ambassador to interfere with the rights of the English ambassador as regards the protection of foreigners, who are declared to be under the English banner botli in the capitulations and hattasheriff. The English having always been the ancient friends of the Porte, he does not believe that 428 the Grand Signor will be willing to take away their privileges and give them to others. Also complaining that the merchants in the Grand Signor's dominions are much vexed and molested, contrary to justice and the capitulations, and in particular at this present, one named Francesco Vanden Drisch, by the Bassa of Aleppo who has insisted on the payment of 1,200 dollars before he would liberate him, and has done him much injury and injustice. Prays his Excellency to find a remedy for these abuses. Letter Book, ii, p. 323. Italian. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to GEORGIO DRAPERIIS. 1666, July 2-12. Belgrade. As to the desire of the Grand Signor for vessels against the Venetians, the war in which our King is engaged against the Dutch, Danes and French is excuse sufficient for any reasonable man, but if the Chimacham is not content with it, then say plainly that my King is at peace with both nations, and that it would be a manifest injustice to injure those who have given us no provocation. Ibid. p. 324. Italian. | p. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1666, July 10-20. Belgrade. Desiring him to oppose as much as possible the French Ambassador's designs against England. If needful, will come himself. Ibid. p. 325, 1 p. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1666, July 11-21. Belgrade. Desiring him to inform the Caimacham and Mufti that if the Porte means to favour only such as have done them the most mischief, the British King, as he is much more powerful by sea and hath better men, will soon make them see that he can also do them more hurt, and " as we are never the authours of a breach, soe we allsoe scorne them that abuse us, and feare not any that love us not." They are also to be informed that the French have not only robbed them by sea and lately helped the Venetians and Emperor against them, but (as they will find if they examine their Chronicles) in the war with the Emperor in the time of Sultan Amurath, did as much mischief to the Grand Signor as now, and that then they had no territories in Germany to oblige them to give such aid. They are likewise to be reminded of the carriage of former French Ambassadors and how shamefully they have been sent home, which never happened to ours, and finally to be told that "this act of forcing forraigners is in itself e unjust . . . and if they thinke that France alone is most considerable, they should stay at least untill they have beaten all the world. We have now warre with them and the Hollander, and yett we doe not feare them both together, which is a signe that we are more considerable. ... If they desire war with us, this is the way, and I doubt 429 not butt speedily they will have their bellyfull, and this you may lett them know from me." The consul at Aleppo tells me that no general ships are to unload at Scanderoon without paying 5 per cent. "If there be noe remedy for this, the King of England will finde out some other wayes to make them more sensible of his greatnesse." Letter Book, ii, p. 326. H PP- THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA to THE VIZIER. 1666, July 11-21. Is told that the French are now only to pay three per cent where formerly they paid five, which shows clearly that the English privileges are taken away and given to others, for in Aleppo, where the English used to pay three per cent., they are now demanded five and a half. If his Excellency does not remedy this, the captains will all be ruined, and he must impart it to the King of England, who will highly resent that his honour should be less respected than that of the enemies of the Porte. Ibid. p. 327. Italian. I P- Also, Letters to the Caimacham and Mufti, almost in the same words. Italian. Ibid. pp. 328, 329. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1666, July 17. Aleppo. Letters from London of May 21 say that our fleet was ready to sail and only waited for a wind. The Dutch give out that their fleet of 98 ships left the Texel on May 25 o.s. " Pray God give his Majestic good successe against his enemies." The French here know not where Beaufort is ; some say at Rochelle, others at Cales. Our late Emeen, made now one of his Agas by our Bassa, has been making a pretence upon our nation for duty upon money brought to us, in his year, upon French and Dutch ships, but I have foiled his design and got possession of his orders (from the Bash Teftedar), the effecting of which has not been without some charge to the Company. The executing of the command would have caused us much mischief and expence, as the Company's ships seldom touch in Spain or Italy, " so that what moneys our nation shall bring will most come by strangers' ships." 1| pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE EARL OF ARLINGTON. 1666, July 22. Pera. On the high demands of the French Ambassador, especially as to the sole right of protecting strangers, which they claim was granted to them 140 years ago, and the means which he has taken to frustrate their attempt. The Turks fear France, lest she should prejudice their designs for Candy, and the chief Customer at Constantinople (a prudent person and no admirer of the French) says they will always do more from fear than from love. Urges the sending of a man of war and threatening letters, and permission to 430 himself to declare that unless they respect his Majesty's capitulations he has orders to return home. Letter Book, ii, p. 330. 2 pp. [Original in 8. P. Turkey,] Also, A short note of the same date, enclosing a duplicate of above. If things come to an extremity, he prays for a ship to be sent to take him and his family home ; but if his Majesty thinks any suffering of his amongst these barbarians can contribute to his service, is ready to obey. Ibid. p. 335. \ p. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] u THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR JOHN FINCH. 1666, July 23. Belgrade. I send you my letter to Lord Arlington. When read, seal it up " with any Caesar's head or antique seal " and send it to him. By it you will see how low our interest is here. I fear the Company's restrictions of not spending until it be unavoidable and absolutely necessary " will only give our enemies first power to hurt us, and then we must play the after game to recover (if we can) what we have once lost." The trade of Aleppo is already lost, which I might have saved if I had gone to the Court last year and spent a few thousand dollars. If his Majesty give me orders " to speak home to the Vizier," I wish he would send a man of war as far as Tenedos or the Castle's mouth to receive my wife aboard, and my self in case things go ill here. We should steer for Italy, where I would leave my wife and go post to his Majesty, to give him the best light I can ; returning, if he pleases, in the fleet, " for I may be capable to advise not only the best meanes to doe them mischiefe here, butt allso to make a better peace than ever yett was made." Ibid, p. 332. 1 pp. Enclosing : INTELLIGENCE. Orders are gone from the Grand Signor to cut off the new King of Tartary's head. The Vizier is said to be going to Negropont to make levies for Candia, and thence to Larissa, where (as I am told) he has full power to conclude a peace with the Venetians as he pleases, in which case he may allow them to retain the city of Candia and Suda. Balarino had brought the Vizier to the terms that the Venetians should abandon and slight Suda (the best port and strongest fortress in the island) and that the Grand Signor should do the same to new Candia, and give the Venetians about twenty miles round their city of Candia, but the latter refusing to quit Suda, the business was laid aside. The French bragg much of the reception of their ambassador, and some Italian gazettes have written of his being met by persons of quality and 150 boats ; but though these lies pass in Christendom, yet here " all know that the favours he had from the Vizier was two or three good boxes of the eare, and some days 431 imprisonment in a nasty place in the Vizier's owne house." Letter Book, p. 333. 2 pp. NICHOLAS] OUDABT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. [1666, July ?]* When I reflect upon the time past, wherein your Excellency was pleased to honor me with your favors here, and afterwards with your remembrances through my deceased friend Mr. Robert Bargrave, soone after the disaster before your Excellency arrived at Lisbon, it is impossible but I should remember the troubles I suffred for your Excellencies sufferances then, and my friends losse soone after." It would be too long to explain in a letter the reasons for my long silence, but I hope the begging of pardon may obtain it. "I have been a sufferer six months in the darck prisons of Holland, and a willing husband at home as many here since, since his Majesty's exchanging of me ; but now I am a deeper debt- prisoner than ever, by his Majesty's most gracious free conferring upon me the Latin Secretarys place about him, at my infinitely obligeing Lord Arlington's unsolicited motion, which made the office to be more valued by me than had I obtained one of ten times more value. " This I should not be so vaine as to write except I knew the candor of your Excellencies good will towards me, who . . . through all persecutions, fines and temptacions " shall ever be your faithful, humble servant. 2 pp. Endorsed, " Answered Aug. 1, 1667." SIR HENEAGE FINCH to his son [DANIEL FINCH]. 1666, Aug. 3-13. Friday. Your mother is well, and in September expects her delivery, which God bless to her and to us all. " The Dutch triumphs at Vienna were with great insolence and bold inscriptions for their supposed victory in June " Plaudite gentes, plaudi Europe &c. " Detrahimus dominos, orbi service parati. and this distich : " Littora nota petunt Batavi, fundum maris Angli, Scilicet hos dominos dixeris esse maris ? " But now they have cause to change their note, although their foreign Gazett in French speakes of this last engagement not as of a doubtfull fight, but as of a totall rout and chase of the English. By which you may conclude how farr they are to be believed at any time. Our .small poets go to work against the Dutch too, of which you will find a copy on the other side. 1 p. Overleaf, Several distiches in Latin against the Dutch. * The warrant for the appointment of Oudart as Latin secretary is dated July 13, 1666. He was seized and imprisoned at the Hague on July 12, 1665 (see Sir G. Downing'g letter of July 14, S,P. Holland) and liberated the following January. 432 THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE EARL OF LESLIE. 1666, Aug. 7-17. Belgrade, 12 miles from Constantinople. Complaining of the inattention of the German Resident in regard to the forwarding of letters, and other incivilities, proceeding either from jealousy of their friendship with the former Resident, or from ignorance in public affairs. Has received letters from the Earl of Carlingford and from Baron Hay. "Young Leslie groweth apace," and will, he hopes, live to serve his Excellency "as a volunteer against the common enemy." The plague is now in Constantinople. Letter Book, ii, p. 336. 1 p. THE SAME to THE EARL OF CARLINGFORD. 1666, Aug. 7-17. Belgrade, I am highly obliged to your lordship for the narrative* of our master's victory over the Dutch. Here is no news stirring save the great preparations against Candia, which the Turks expect to be able to take next summer. The French Ambassador has lately demanded 64 new articles for their capitulations [gives account of the demands], but my letters have so worked with the great men that he is every day expected back here without having done anything, " yet we must watch him and not be too confident, and the Turkes have here of enemies a good proverbe, that we should provide a lyon for every ant which our enemies have." That Sweden stands fast to our master's interest is exceeding good news to us here, as also that your lordship's negotiations go on well at Vienna, and my Lord Sandwich's at Madrid. This is a juncture when his Majesty's friends must declare themselves, and countermine the French in all parts of the world. They are certainly endeavouring a new rupture between the Grand Signor and the Emperor, and the State of Venice drives at the same design, so that some of the wisest here lay wagers that the peace will not last four years. The first opportunity, I shall send some Tenedos wine to Lord Arlington, with directions, if it prove good, to present part of it to his Majesty. " I did not know that the King did like such sorts of wine, for we here esteeme them not wholesome, drunk in any quantity." Ibid. p. 338. 2 pp. THE SAME to GEORGIO DRAPERIIS. 1666, Aug. 15. Belgrade. Concerning the Prince of Moldavia's friendship to himself and kindness to Draperiis and Antonio Perone. Assures Draperiis that nothing Dr. Masselini can say shall be any prejudice to him. Is grieved to hear of his indisposition and desires him, if it "endangers" his health, to return at once, without waiting to finish his business. Ibid. p. 340. \ p. * iScc p. 426 above. 433 SIR HENEAGE FINCH to his son [DANIEL FINCH]. 1666, Aug. 17-27. Friday. Your relations in general are well, and much the better for this warm and cheerful summer. " Your brothers are well at Oxford, and have lately taken a progress with their tutour to Bath, Wells, Bristoll and Glouces- ter. About Michaelmas your brother Heneage conies home for alltogether, but your brother Will stays behind, yet not quite alone, for Will Bernard is admitted a commoner of Ch. Ch. and the Dean hath placed him with Mr. Woodruff, which I hope is one good signe that hee intends not suddainly to leave the University. " I have been forced to turn away my chief clerk, John Hannis, for a wretched knavery in falsifying the King's evidence, and interlining a counterpart of a lease which the Farmers of Excise were to seal to the King, contrary to the originall pattent which I drew, and to which the Great Seal was affixt ; so now I am ridd of a drunken crew, and will take more care of my next choyce. " I have been three times at Mr. Lillys* to sitt for my picture, by my Lord Chancellors command. I play at bowles, and ride abroad, and read ballads, of which I send you one, written by Mr. Lacy the comedian, f and commented upon by Sir Jo. Berkenhead. I can look with pleasure upon my gray hairs so long as I hear well and hopefully of you, whom I pray God to bless with his most holy benedictions." Postscript. " Present my service and your mothers to Dr. Bayns. Sir Rob. Southwell hath sent for his lady, and unless our successes at sea do quicken the slow counsells of Spayn and Portugall, and give some expedition to the affair of his embassy, she provides to goe to him this winter, there being no cause now to fear the sea." Holograph. 1 p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCIIILSEA. 1666, Aug. 31. Aleppo. " The French nation are soe impudent in their false reports here concerning our late en- gagement, that notwithstanding our particular relation of the truth, they fill both the seraglia and country with their un- truths. Here enclosed I send your Excellencie a relation of that engagement, printed by order of Sir John Finch at Florence. . . . The French pretend to have writing that their King's fleet under Beaufort was gone from Rochell to attempt upon Ireland, where they pretend their designe is so lade that they make no doubt of the victory." Our Bassa has been some time away from Aleppo, professing to free the country from Arabs, which endanger caravans, " under which pretence he hath ruined almost all the country." 2 pp. * Peter (afterwards Sir Peter) Lely. f John Laoy, of the King's Company of Actors. Wt. 29495, i-i 28 434 THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to HENRY HOWARD of Norfolk. 1666, Sept. 1-10 (sic). Belgrade. By "Mr. Ravescraft" T have received letters from your brother and Sir Philip Mathews mentioning others which have never come to my hands (as I am confident many from my secretary and from my cousin Finch at Florence also have not done). This way of intercept- ing letters, I have not deserved at their hands. Though we are now "in open warres with the French and Holland, yet I suffer their packetts which come by our shipps to be delivered them, and they the like to me," but your character of Signer Casa Nuova is very true, and I learn out of his own house that he speaks very slightingly of our nation, and much more favour- ably of the Hollanders. I have written plainly to the Earl of Leslie of this unworthy dealing with our letters by their Resident, and of his little civility towards me. I have procured my friend (who missed it when you were here) to be made Prince of Moldavia, so now I can send my letters for Christen- dom " without being obliged to the clownish Resident here." I have some hopes of going to England for awhile this winter, and if so, shall try to kiss your hands by the way. Letter Book. 1 p. SIR THOMAS BENDYSHE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1666, Sept. 13. London. My long silence has been caused partly by my residence in the country, and partly by reason I could tell you nothing you did not receive by better pens than mine. " The Levant Company, or rather a few malicious persons among them (for the best and ablest cry shame on their proceedings), having extreamly troubled me with a chargeable Chancery suite these fower years, and having nothinge to prove against me here, have taken out a commission to examin witness against me in Constantinople, Smyrna and Aleppo. For Constantinople, my Lord (pardon my boldnes) I have chosen your Excellency for my commissioner . . . and although I well know that your Excellency is noe way obliged to trouble your selfe in this affayre, yet I beg and intreat your honour be pleased to take upon you this trouble." 1 p. Seal of arms. THE EARL OF CLARENDON to THE SAME. 1666, Sept. 20. Barkshire House. I expected that Mr. Ricott on his first coming would have imparted to me the disputes between your lordship and the Company, that I might have used my little credit to reduce them to what is just ; but he has mentioned nothing to me, and only made some proposition to my Lord Treasurer concerning your coming home, leaving a deputy there, and after some stay returning again. The Treasurer, Mr. Secretary and I have consulted with Mr. Ricott, but we all think the design impracticable. You could not leave the court "without a formal! letter of 435 revocation, at the delivery whereof the custome hath alwaies been to present a new ambassadour, and without leaving another there in your roome, it is probable the Emperour will not suffer your departure." The Company will never submit to a deputation, and if you once came away, there would be so many pretenders for the employment that there would be no hope of your return ; indeed I cannot imagine that you would desire to go thither again. The King readily agreed to bestow his picture upon you, and resolved to sit for it, but Mr. Ricott now desires " that it might be in little and in oyle," without which he cannot carry it with him, and I almost despair of its being ready against the time, which Mr. Ricott reckons will be within ten days or a fortnight. " I hope the fame of our great victories this summer upon the Dutch hath lessened much their reputation in your parts, indeed their losses have been very great, especially in men and merchandize, we having burned no lesse then one hundred and three score shipps together, all richly laden, and in their ports. " Since the writing of this wee have undergone the highest calamity this nation hath ever felt by a terrible fyre, which hath destroyed three parts of fower of the whole city of London, and wee who live in the suburbs preparing for the same fate, fled from our lodgings, and have hardly yet recovered our goods or our witts. Mr. Rycott hath been an eye-wittnesse, and will make you the best relation of a sad matter." 1 p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE SAME. 1666, Sept. 25. Aleppo. From London (up to July 12) they write that our fleet, more considerable than before, was ready to put to sea, and that the Dutch fleet was out. The Latin fathers at Bassora write to me that several vessels were arrived there from India and Persia, bringing packets for me, which they had sent by the Bishop of Hieropolis, lately returned from China. He has not yet arrived here. Our Bassa, being returned from his attempt against the Bedewins, " makes this place, by reason of his insolent soldiers, much more dangerous for our factory then before." To prevent mischief I sent to salute him with a present, which he took very kindly and sent me a small one in retun. We hear that our late troublesome Emeen, Abrim Aga, is dead. I conceive our affairs will fare better when your Excellency has settled the customs ; "to effect which it will be needful that the Bash Teftedar, who was the great supporter of Abrim Aga, may be made a friend of our nation." 2 pp. ALDERMAN JOHN L ANGLE Y to THE SAME. 1666, Oct. 1. London. Though by face unknown to you, I have a great obligation to " endeavour your interest from 436 the many favours your lordship hath bestowed on my son at Smirna. . . . Though young yeares are subject unto errours, yet a line or two from your honour by way of advice may heale what is amisse." I earnestly recommend him to your patronage. " I shall not repeat what passed at our last court in your affaires, our joynt letters being soe large, but this I dare say that in all things they desire to be candid, and did the state of our trade goe on soe freely as before the warr, nothing could hinder ther more ample respects ; but loosing times and the vast charge without incombe to beare it hath at present made them considerative soe as to stopp enlarged presents. " The state of the citty and condition we now stand in through our distractions from the late conflagration wilbe better made knowne by your Excellencies Secretary Mr. Paul Riccault then by letter, it having levelled with the ground at least seaven parts of eight within the walls in four days time, a story not to be paraleld in any age." 1 p. Seal of arms. T., EAEL OF SOUTHAMPTON to his brother, THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1666, Oct. 4. Southampton House. -I may remit the relation of much of your business to your diligent and discreet secretary, Mr. Ricott, who was present at the several agitations which my Lord Chancellor, your friend Mr. Solicitor and I had concerning the same. But to sum up the result, it would be very unsafe for you to return hither for a time with any hope of returning to your employment ; for as soon as we proposed it, we should have others endeavouring to end your commission, and proposing some new person for the employ- ment, which we believe several do watch, but without hope thereof until you voluntarily return. Hence we conclude your private business here (which is not ill-managed by your agents) cannot suffer so much by your absence as your general affairs would do if you came back without a probability of returning. " You, that know the condition of courts, may assure yourself e we have made this judgment by the best lights we had, and I had no pleasure therein, because it deferred the comfort I and my wife should have in seeing our deare sister and your lordship." The last year's sweeping plague was so far stopped by the last winter that our naval preparations were able to be as powerful and hopeful as ever ; " and though in the first rancounter of the twoe fleets, by the great disparity of the nomber, ours had the harder task, yet by the seasonable comeing in of the Prince enforced them to make hast home, in the next, when the ballances were even, three or fower howers dispute made it evident unto them, that upon equall termes they were not fitt to grapple with us, and nothing saved them, when wee had driven them upon their owne 437 coast, but their flatts and a calme ; since when, though they have appeared twice within sight of us, they would never bide our coineing up to them, and more then ordinary stormes have bin their shelter. One whereof was the very winde that made the fire at London soe deplorable, and another, that which kept us from the French fleet, who came as far as Diep, hoping there to have found the Dutch, who durst not stay their comeing, and soe the French packt as fast to Brest. All these misfortunes and maladventures has bin our porcion these twoe last yeares, and yet to wonder (for God be thanked wee have plenty to support the cominalty) the Londoners are not discouraged. The twoe Howses are upon wayes to support the warre the next yeare, and by that time wee may hope to see you." Signed. 2 pp. Seal of arms in garter. SIR WILLIAM MORICE to THE SAME. 1666, Oct. 4. Whitehall. As your secretary will tell you all the occurrences here, this is only " to make oblation of my services, and pay my votes [sic] for the continuance of your incolamity and increase of your honor." Holograph. | p. ALDERMAN WILLIAM LOVE to THE SAME. 1666, Oct. 5. London. Was not more troubled by his lordship's credence of false reports than he is now satisfied to see that he is convinced that they were slanders. Hopes his lordship will not hereafter suffer his belief to be so easily imposed on, and assures him that he will ever study to evince his sense of his Excellency's favour. There is a debt due to him from the estate of his late factor in Galata, Mr. William Osborne, which is deposited in his lordship's Cancellaria. Prays that it may be paid to his cousin, Richard Uvedale, of Smyrna. 1 p. JONATHAN DAWES to THE SAME. 1666, Oct. 8. London. Not long ago I received your kind warrant for a buck. " By reason of the sadness of the times ever since I have not made use of it, yett I hope the next yeare may bee more propitious in affording some joyfull occasion." By Mr. Ricaut I received another letter from you, but both " in the time of the late dreadfull fire were in great confusion shuffled together with all my other writeings and sent into the country for preservation, since which I have had noe time to putt my businesse into a method." Yet I well remember your Excellency's kind expressions for myself and my nephew Hiett, for which I am ever infinitely obliged. " Albeit my estate is abroad, which for want of shippinge by reason of the warre I cannot call home, I was very ready to have furnished Mr. Ricaut with 100. . . . but he hath onely taken of me 501." Now that, having done all possible in your business at Court, in the city and in the country, he 438 is returning to you, I must needs witness that " he hath taken indifaticable pains in all your lordship's business, and is very highly esteemed of by all parties either at Court or in the Turkey Company." I am heartily sorry your Lordship's desire of coming here for a little time would not be granted, but beg you to have patience two or three years longer " becaus your place is esteemed one of the best imployments in the guift of the crowne, and becaus until! the citty of London bee in some measure rebuilt, your Lordship could have very little injoy- ment and content if you should come." It is impossible by pen to set forth the misery of our present condition, and I must refer you to Mr. Ricaut for an account of everything. As the Turkey Company, after almost four years carrying on the law suit against Sir Thomas Bendy she and myself, have been able to do nothing, " they are fajne to hunt as farr as Constantinople, Aleppo and Smirna to finde out somebody that may have somewhat to accuse us, and to that end, Sir Thomas and myself willingly joyninge with them, they have taken out a commission to examine witnesses of both sides." We have presumed to choose your Excellency as one of the commissioners for us, and hope you will take that trouble, seeing that the Company's design is plainly to make Sir Thomas and myself an example to all future ambassadors and treasurers. For my own part, I have orders under Sir Thomas's hand for everything I acted in his time, and under your Excellency's hand for all that I or my nephew William Hiett (for they sue me for what he has acted also) have done in your time, which I am advised by counsell learned will indemnify me. How- ever, I pray you that Mr. Thomas Forster, our other commis- sioner, and Wm. Hiett, whom we wish to be our clerk in the business, may have competent time to perfect the matter, knowing that your lordship will not deny them your best assistance ; " and I desire your lordship to imitate the law, which hath noe respect to persons." 2| pp. Seal of arms. GYLES DAVIS to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1666, Oct. 8. London. Stating that at present there is " very little or noe trade in this place, by meanes of a dreadefull fier that hath lately befalne us in the citty of London, which hath in a manner consumed the whole citty ; which hath put a stoppe to all busines whatsoever, and makes the Levant Company for to presse frugallitye as well abroade as at home, which truly they have reason in this sad time of distraction." Leaves further particulars to Mr. Ricaut, the bearer, " of whom the Company hath a very good oppinion for his prudente management of affaires." 1 p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE SAME. 1666, Oct. 12. Aleppo. The English agent at Ispahan writes that five Frenchmen two of the King's bed chamber, 439 on his behalf, and three merchants, on the Company's affairs have arrived at the Persian Court, but the Hollanders in those parts endeavour to prevent any privileges being granted to them. The King of India's ambassador, who had so honourable a reception, by reason of the great piscash he brought from his master, has since been extremely slighted by the King of Persia, and was nearly turned out of the presence chamber for calling his master King of all the World, and demanding the re-delivery of Candahar and Culleeza. It is believed it may occasion a war, for which the King of Persia is preparing. A new Dutch agent has arrived at that Court, with a rich present for the King. " Among other rarities of birds and beasts were two young elephants." The old agent for the Dutch, Van der Wicke, taking his leave of the Governor of Gombroon, and being asked how affairs had gone between them and our nation (although the Governor was well informed of his Majesty's great victories), told him " that in their engagements with England they still had the better ; that in one of their fights, they had slaine his Royal Highnesse the Duke of Yorke, Prince Robert and many of the nobility, taken severall of our ships, blocked up all our ports, and were masters of the seas, the States refusing to make peace untill they had brought our nation into subjection, as they had done in India ; saying further that the Kings of England and France, in respect of their riches and power, were no more in comparison with the High and Mighty States then were a couple of boyes to an elephant." This was written me by some of our servants who stood by and heard it, and some French gentlemen there were so offended with the "impudent false relation" of the Dutch commander, that they sent certificates to their King in France. " The Governor replyed, he apprehended he spake more then was truth, and so dismissed him." The packets which I sent for India were given into the care of one Tavaneer, bound for Surat on a Dutch ship, but by his neglect or treachery Van der Wicke got the said packets, and substituted a false one, filled with blanks. This Tavaneer delivered to Sir George Oxinden, who was much enraged, but, happily, duplicates sent another way, arrived a few days later. I mention this to show Monsieur Tavaneer's ingratitude, " who hath received many civilities from our nation in his travailes severall times to India, Persia, and this place, and is a person who hath often bin sent by the Duke of Orleans and others to gather rarities for them. . . . Tavaneer highly resents the injury which the Dutch agent put upon him, threatens revenge, but cannot cleare hiniselfe of the neglect, it! not treachery." A great junk belonging to the King of Gulcondah arriving at Gombroon, the Dutch sent off their men at midnight to seize what English men and goods should be aboard, but 440 having to return for more force, our agent protested to the Vizier, who sent the Dutch word that if they did any harm to the English while in that port, he would " pull their house upon their heads, and turne them all out of port." Soldiers came flocking out to protect the junk, which put the Dutch in such a fright that they returned shamefully to their homes, not daring to show themselves abroad. " I hope his Majestic will be pleased to give the East India Company such assistance for the preservation of their priviledges in that gulfe as may preserve the English right, which is a great concernement. ... A most profitable trade from India might be drove in those parts, which to the English is almost lost, and in the hands of the Dutch." Sir George Oxinden advises me of three English ships which arrived last summer at Fort St. George and Surat : the Grey- hound, American and African. " The Dutch reported at Surat that they intended to assault his Majesties island of Bombain, which hath made Lieut. -Governor Cooke and his souldiers (being in number not many more then a hundred) to put themselves in a posture of defence, who have taken a resolution to defend his Majesties interest to the last man, and were drawing a line for their security to the landward. The President's last letter before acquainted [us] that the Mogull's forces were marched into Decan, since when they besieged some considerable castles belonging to Sevage and tooke two, and have at length reduced him to conditions, who hath delivered up divers of his strongest castles and his son a hostage, and tis reported he was preparing himself e to goe and visitt the Mogull. On the other side, the King of Decan hath recovered from him Rajapore, Dabull, and all the countrey ajacent. The Mogull hath 6,000 horse before Chaul, a strong towne of the Portugalls, but their intentions was not then knowne. The Decan King hath made peace with the Mogull, . . . and was sending his tribute money to Agra." A Swedes man of war was arrived in those seas, but seems to have done no harm beyond taking some anchors and cables out of one of the Mogul's junks. It is said their captain and pilot were dead, " otherwise to be feared they would have proceeded further, and more such may be yearely expected, since Hubert Hugo with his French men of warr two yeares since found so good encouragement." The St. George is now in safety at Diu, under the castle. The Hollanders had in the Bay of Bengal three great ships and had like to have destroyed the Greyhound and American when they were trying for safety to get into the Ballasore river, " who firing violently upon them, they cut and run a shore." In the night, by the exertions of the Company's factor on shore, who got pilots ready and fired beacons upon the bar to guide them, they floated at three quarters flood, "sett all sailes, and, blessed be God, were carryed safe over the barr, and now ride against the barr towne, the Dutch 441 (waiting at anchor outside) not suspecting that they could have done anything that night." Sir George, by his letter of Feb. 17, advises us that the tribute money sent by the Decan King to the Mogul was refused, that the Mogul caused his army to advance against Vizapore, the metropolis of the Decan, and that within twelve miles of the city, the Decan army encountered them, over- threw them and slew 14,000 men. " The Mogull's generall charges the losse of the battle upon the treachery of Sevage, who led the army into straight passages, where the enemy fell upon them ; and its reported that he hath secured Sevage. "I cannot but give you some small account of the late unhappy differences at Fort St. George. The Company sent out this yeare thither Mr. George Foxcroft, their agent, requiring Sir Edward Winter home ; appointing him during his stay to be second in Councell. Mr. Foxcroft was received very civilly, the fort and all things belonging to his place and quality as agent [put] in his command some months past, when he calls to account some persons of that country, servants to the Company as brokers or otherwise, men of great estates, which they have raised by abusing their masters, and secures them within the fort. This Sir Edward could not digest, knowing that by their examinations, his owne actions would be brought to light and that [it] was in order thereunto. This he highly resents, and prefers to be their baile, which was not accepted. In some few daies, his passion flew so high that he leaves the fort, and would be no longer of Councell. After- wards, enters the fort armed, with a great many followers in a mutinous manner ; so that the Agent, fearing the evill consequence, commanded the Captain of the souldiers to secure him, which, with a great deale of unwillingnesse, he at length performed. In which short time of his confinement, he had so wrought upon the said Captain, souldiers and other by valuable presents and promises . . . that he had wholy wonn them on his part. . . . His other engines were one Smithes, the scandalous minister of the fort, and Farley, a servant of the Agents. . . . This unbridled young man, by many misdemeanours while on board ship, and dissolute conversation on shore, occasioned the Agent to discountenance him. This wild fellow Sir Edward countenanced, and supplyed with moneys to feed his debauchery ; and the businesse was so brought to passe that the aforesaid scandalous minister and this his servant come to the Agents Councell, requiring them to give them their oathes, and secure the Agent and his sonn, whome they charge with treasonable words, spoken at dinner about a month before," when none who sat near the Agent heard any such words, nor were they (if said) treason- able. The Agent secured these men also, and soon after, when he and the Council were waiting for the bell to call them to morning prayer, they heard a tumult in the court yard, where the soldiers and their captain, Cheeseman, were 442 mutinously met to seize the Agent for treason. " The Agent and his sonn, with two of his Councell, Mr. Jer. Sambrooke and Mr. Wm. Dawes, tooke their swords and run downe stairs to appease the tumult, where they were beaten downe, the old Agent, his sonn and Mr. Sambrooke wounded in divers places, and Mr. Dawes killed." The others were made prisoners, and Sir Edward has now the fort and town in his possession, his accomplices having made him chief director. The good old gentleman is unhumanely used and his life threatened ; the Company's fort and town in danger to be lost or betrayed to the Dutch or Moors. " There are some who have not bowed the knee to Baal, whose affections are sincere for their masters . . . and I hope these violent actions will not last long." This account is verbatim what the President wrote me from Surat. 11 pp. THE EARL OF ARLINGTON to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1666, Oct. 13. Whitehall. Having desired your cousin, Sir John Finch, to transmit to you the news with which we furnish him weekly, and your secretary, Mr. Ricaut, being about to return to you, who has been with us all this year, I may fairly refer you to them for intelligence. Mr. Ricaut carries letters of recommendation from his Majesty for " an expulsed Prince of Moldavia, whose interest came hither very strongly recommended by the Crowne of Sweedland, for whom his Majesty would have you employ all good offices in his name. Mr. Ricaut gives us but small hopes of the successe of them, from the knowledge hee hath of the small right in this Prince's pretensions, but I have done my duty when I have told you his Majesty's pleasure." I must not conclude without testifying to the bearer's [Ricaut's] passionate concern in all things relating to you, which, joined with his good parts, render him most worthy of your protection and favour. Signed. 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR JOHN FINCH. 1666, Oct. 14-24. Pera. Complaining of the miscarriage of letters, in which matter he suspects foul play on the part of the German Resident. When within two days journey of the Vizier (with whom he was in great hopes of arranging a treaty of peace), the Venetian Resident, Signor Ballarino, "died suddainely of the passion of the heart. . . . Now he is dead, none giveth him a good word, and it will make a great alteration in the Venetian affaires here. " The French ambassador hath made a great noise about the Genoua ambassadors coming, . . . but the Turkes here neither believe, feare or love them, and their interest doth now daily decline, so that though they have long in jest talked of leaving 443 the country it is not improbably they may be forced at last to leave it with a great part of their estates behind them," for the Grand Signer demands 120,000 dollars for a French ship laded on his account which delivered herself up to the Maltese. I incline now to stay here for a longer time, and so think of going to England as soon as Ricaut returns, leaving my wife and about forty of my family here, as she is now with child. At my return, I hope to go post to see you. Our interests again increase and I hope to settle all things honour- ably. Letter Book, ii,p. 343. 2 pp. HENEAGE FINCH to his brother, DANIEL FINCH, at Florence. 1666, Oct. 27, o.s. Oxford." ... Dr. Wall is dead, and has left Dr. Smyth and Mr. Recorder Croake his executors ; but before his death he had made a shift to give away to the towne 2,000/. towards the maintenance of the Poore, for which he was quarreld att very much, becawse he did not bestowe his money on the Colledge in which he was bred, and where he got it ; but I thinke truly he did very well, if it were for nothing else but onely to crosse some of the canons, who were allways fretting and tormenting him, as Dr. Gardner, by abusing him and calling him old knave and f oole, and Dr. Mayne by his dry yet too abusive witt, that he could never lead one houre in their company in quiet for them. His executors have gott well by him, for there were found hid in his hearth in a pewter pott, 700Z. in old gold. There wanted nothing in his funerall but good order, to have made it very handsome and noble, yet as you knowe very well is the way of Christ's Church, especially of those of that gange who stile themselves the wits, to carpe att and censure all people who will not follow that high degree of debauchery or rather Atheism they are now att, that they dare dispute it publicly whether there be any such thing as the providence of God, . . . they still are angry that they had not more, when what they had was more then they could expect, . . . and impute it to Dr. Smyth's avarice, who truly was very free from any such sordid act. Here has been great talke who shduld have been his successor, and many thought that Mr. Compton would have had it, but it seems Dr. Heylin* will come in. Besides this, here is another place voyd, not by any one's death, but by Dr. Dolbens being made Bishoppe of Rochester, who, before he left the house, treated all the Hall very nobly with veneson. In his place, they all thinke that Dr. Croydon will come in, who has lost almost all his estate by this fire ; it being most in houses, which were all burnt down. " The Vice-Chancellor [Dr. Fell], whom you know to be a man of great strictness and care in whatever employment he undertakes, follows his employment very closely, and routes * Compton succeeded to the canonry on Heylin's death in lUG'J. 444 Out the schollers where ever they be, and being still a man of so good intelligence as he has been, he leads his beedles to those alehouses and blind places which they never dreamt on. He does not goe to the schools onely as their Vice-chancellors use to doe, to sitt still and hear declamations, and so returne home, but takes a severe account of them, and is not afrayd to chide them soundly that dare come up for their masters degrees and speake false latin in the deske, as two or three have done this terme, and yet dare to looke as briske as if they did expect all peoples' approbation. He now frequents the Wall lectors too, and makes that which before was none, now to become a very good exercise. He is in all things so watchfull that he does intend to alter their manners too, as well as their habits ; he does so harras them about that every body (whose owne virtue is not a greater check to him then any the severest law) do curse him, which is still but a greater credit and honour to him, nam bene facere et male audire, regium est." My brother William and all your friends here remember them kindly to you. 1| pp. THE EARL OF WfNCHiLSEA to THE EARL OF ARLINGTON. 1666, Nov. 1-10 (sic). Pera. Concerning the proceedings of the French ambassador, the reception of the Genoese envoy, the Turks' behaviour to the French and preparations against Candia, and the death of the Venetian Resident. The Grand Signer " with too much exercise being in the cold hath gotten the sciatica and a tertian ague." Letter Book, ii, p. 345. 2| pp. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] HENEAGE FINCH to his brother, DANIEL FINCH. 1666, Nov. 10. Oxford. " We have no news stirring here. . . . Mr. Smith has often promised you a letter, but when he will perform I know not. ... I believe you might have received a letter from Mr. Woodruff e, but that he has not been in towne this fortnight. As for my brother Will, I knowe not what to say to you ; }^our self must chide him, but now I knowe but little reason I have to complaine, who am myself so newly reformed " [as to writing letters]. Pray present my service to my Uncle and Dr. Banes. 1 p. BARON HAY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1666, Nov. [16-]26. Vienna." His Excellency, my Uncle, praysed be God, is recovering his former health, tho' not yet altogether freed of his ague. The Emperour went yesterday to meet his Empresse, two dayes journey from hence. Ther entry heir is to be the 5 of the nixt, with great magnificence and splendour. . . . Count Carlinford would not remaine to see it ; he is gone without concluding any thing. . . . Ther is no apearance of any peace betwixt Ingland and Holland, through instigation of the French. I am feared Mr. Ricaut 445 hath had some misfortune for I have not hard any thing of him these two months past." 2 pp. THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA to SIB JOHN FINCH. 1666, Dec. 1-10 (sic). Pera. The bearer of this is Monsieur de Palliau, a kinsman of the French ambassador. " If you *f~ can do him any civility becoming a French gentleman in this time of warr, you will much oblige me ; he is, in earnest, a person of great parts, a good soldier and a great traveller." His chief object, I suppose (though he pretends only to see Italy) is to tell the French King how badly their affairs go here, and of how little credit the King's letter is, in reference to the Genoese settlement. I expect my secretary here daily, and hope his Majesty has given me licence to go into England for a short while, " to looke a little after my estate and the marriage of my eldest sonne and daughter, which you doe know doth highly concerne me." I should go to Adrianople to the Court and leave a deputy there ; then, with about 25 persons on horseback and some merchants " passe by the way of Moldavia through Poland to Dantzig (where I wish I could meet Dr. Baines and my cousin Solicitor's sonne to accompany me thence into England) and from thence I will take the best and safest passage by land into Flanders. My wife is with childe, and will not be up before the end of next May, and to cary her with me, and four little ones by land in those hot months " would be dangerous, and very troublesome to her ; therefore I shall leave them here and come hither again for three or four years, if his Majesty pleases and the Company thinks it their interest. As I return, I intend to wait on you, going through Germany and Switzerland to Genoa, where I hope to meet you, and thence with you to Florence. My wife and I present our service to you, my cousin Daniel Finch, and the good Dr. Baines. Letter Book, ii, p. 347. H PP- SIR HENEAGE FINCH to his son [DANIEL FINCH]. 1666, Dec. 7-17, Friday. " Though many occasions of businesse may interrupt my writing to you, yet my thoughts and cares for you have no intermission, and I am but one of many who are impatient till they see you safe returned. . . . My hopes and prayers are that I shall one day see you in so confirmed a state of health that your life may bee fitt for action." I know the care and kindness of Dr. Bayns, and desire o to return him my hearty thanks. " Your brothers have constantly writt to you, but by relying upon my conveyance, you see a whole pacquett of useless letters hath long been kept from you, and now comes together." I have no fresh news but that a frigate is sent to the Barbados, " to settle affairs there, and to supply the magazines since the disaster which befell my Lord Willoughby. 446 " I am going to build myselfe new lodgings in the Temple, which will cost mee neer a 1,000/., when they are finisht. I shall then know my losses by the City fire. " Preserve the reputation you have gotten of a very serious man, and be assured that 'tis no part of the wisdome of Italy to bee a sceptick in religion. Cherish that vitall heat of soule which the principles of true piety have enkindled, and while others take religion only into their discourse, do you avoyd all talking of it, and lett the world see it in your conversation." Postscript. " They write hither from Paris that the Spaniard hath seized upon Casal, which is entertayned here only as a fiction to amuse us." Holograph. 1 p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1666, Dec. 22. Aleppo. By a French ship from Legorne, " we have to our exceeding greife and astonishment bin informed of that heavy judgement, calamity and losse befallen London. A particular relacion of their miserable condition I send here enclosed." (Not with the letter.) A few months past, a French ship, laden at Scanderoon and bound for Legorne, her captain, Blaiz Arnaud, was taken by a pirate and carried into Alexandria, where the pirate, assisted by others in office, hath caused all the ship's company and some Armenian passengers to be murdered, the captain and several others being first strangled, under pretence that the ship was a corsair. The French factories have sent their complaints to Constantinople, having proved by Turkish witnesses that the captain was no corsair. "If so horrid a villany should escape without some extraordinary exemplary punishment and restitution, it will encourage . . . others to act such villanies, and it may be upon the first English ship they meete withall. To prevent which, we humbly intreate your Excellencie to assist the complaint that the French embassador shall make, that such order may be taken as may secure his Majesties subjects and their estates from ruine." 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR JOHN FINCH. 1666, Dec. 23. Pera. I still do not know if my secretary has left London, or whether I have licence to go into England and return again. If I may not have that liberty, I think to send my wife next June to try to procure it for me, but if I go, it is a question whether I shall carry her with me or not, for if so, I should leave her there, " and I am unwilling to loose her company for three yeares, to enjoy it only for four or five months." The French ambassador having again declared by his druggerman that if the Genoese ambassador was received he must desire the Grand Signer's licence to return to France, "the Chimacam with much anger told him that the Grand Signor gave him licence to goe as farr as Hell itself e," 447 Balsora is again declared against the Grand Signer and has joined forces with some of Persia. They say that the King of Persia is dead, and some troubles in the kingdom. The Turks are confident of taking Candia, but I believe it far easier for the Venetians to recover Cyprus, which is ill- manned and poorly fortified. The islanders are of opinion that they shall speedily change masters, saying the kingdom has never remained more than a hundred years in any King's possession. " Certainly, if the Venetians were good soldiers and sent but good recruits to the city of Candia, they might, whilst the Turks are employed in that seedge, make themselves masters of other islands," and soon make their enemy weary of the war. Letter Book, ii, p. 349. 2 pp. [FRANCIS], LORD TAAPFE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. [1666 ? Vienna.] The good correspondence between your Excellency and my father [Lord Carlingford] during his embassy at this Court emboldens me to recommend the bearer, the Bishop of Sznadia. " He goes to the Holy Sepulchre by orders from the Emperor and some particular devotion- of his own ; and the hazards of such a journey being very frequent, and your credit in them (sic) parts great, and your generosity yett greater. ... I beleeved I could boldly promise him your protection." f p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR JOHN FINCH. 1666[-7], Jan. 13-23. Pera. I have received yours of Nov. 6-16, and am very much joyed to hear of your good health, and honest Dr. Baines, and not a little pleased to have the assurance from you of more frequent letters. Our relation in blood is so near, and the true friendship and esteem I have for you is such, that if ever God blesses me with power to show it, you shall find that " my endeavour to serve you will bee as much as your owne heart could wish." I hear out of England that I am not likely to have licence to go thither and to return again. As for the time of my going home, I cannot resolve till I have seen my secretary and heard from my friends, but I assure you that (with his Majesty's leave) I mean to pass through Italy. Whether I shall go by way of Vienna I know not, " for the charges of travelling is very cheape, and I have three coaches and an ammu- nition wagon, with 28 horses ready, besides a very noble horse-litter and tents with everything befitting the dignity of an ambassador from so great a monarch." I have received no letters from Lord Arlington for above twelve months, and but one from your brother. I have wrote very often several ways, but I doubt they may be miscarried. The Genoa ambassador is received, and now we shall see whether the French ambassador will go, as he threatened. Their interest declines apace and ours increaseth. 448 "The plague beginns to encrease here, and I have taken another country house, so that I have now four ; three of them in tryangle about seven miles distant one from another, and the nighest seven miles off this place. We shall take the best care possible of our health, but we are all in great appre- hensions, because of the great moysture and heat of the weather at this time." My wife and I present our kind respects to ^ Dr. Baines, "with whom I could heartily wish that my eldest sonne were, and I pray, dear cousin, perswade him to take that trouble on him, upon what terms he pleases, for I know none so able nor so much my friend for so great a trust, and I would be glad to meet my sonne in Italy." If he will not accept it, I must have patience, but I entreat you to choose another tutor whom you think fit, and I will order my officers in England to provide such an allowance both for my son and the tutor as you judge requisite to travel with all decency and conveniency, suitably to his quality. "I pray speedily returne me your opinion of this, and favour me so much as to make it also a litle your concerne, for I would myself do as much for you. " Some months past, in an old gazet, I read that an envoye pretending to come from the Prince of Moldavia to our King was rewarded with a chaine of gold and 1,000?., which caused me to send to the old Prince to know the trueth ; who desired me, if I could get him, to put him into the gallies, for he nor the lords of that country had sent none. And since, upon the best enquiring, I am assured here that the person who pretended to be the envoye was formerly a servant of Gregorasco, the Prince of Wallachia (who is in the Emperours territories, where he fled for safety long since) and that this knave can speak good Latin, and had stollen his master's great seale and many patents and writings, by which he was the more enabled to counterfeit himself e envoye. He hath a little marke upon the tip of his nose, which was cut off by justice for his former knaveries, but in Germany they have so well recovered that deformity that it is but litle visable." The name of that person is Nicolai. This you will do well to acquaint the Secretary of State of, and cause secret enquiry to be made whether such a person be not at Venice or in Italy. A gentleman of Wallachia named Constantin Cata- cusenos, of the ancient Imperial family, being to go to Padua, will find him (if possible) and give you notice thereof. He intends to live in Padua some time, and if he wants your assistance, I pray do him the best offices you can. " His family are of the greatest Bojares or lords of Wallachia, and have there a vast Country, and at least 5,000 slaves that are Chingani, besides others." I wish Dr. Baines could possibly come hither for two or three months, that I might resolve with him about my return, and give him the trouble of my letters into England and to you. It is impossible to say all by my pen, and I ordered my secretary 449 to go on purpose to confer with you, but I hear that the plague and other accidents have hindered him. Dr. Baines may come to Ragusa about the beginning of next May, with your recom- mendation as my physician ; they will then have a care of him, and in June or July he could come along with the Ragusean ambassadors, when they bring their tribute, with almost no expense and great safety. And if you and the Doctor think fit that he should go to England, he may have the excuse to go for my eldest son to bring him to you. He shall have power to choose a governor for my son, and to allow him as far as 100J. a year but I pray you and the Doctor to overlook him for a few months, to put him in a good way, and have my son near your eye. And this will be the greatest obligation possibly to be placed upon [me]. Letter Book, ii,p. 350. 3J pp. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1666-7, Jan. 16. Aleppo. It is said that the Robert has been taken by the Vice-Admiral of St. Malo, and carried into Gales.* Also that Duke Beaufort is displaced, and his command given to him that commanded the King's gallies. " I have scene in a letter that Reverend Mr. Frampton was chaplain to his Highnesse Prince Rupert and Duke Albermare in the ship when they drove the Hollanders from our coast. Since the fire at London, he hath preached before his Majestic, to the King's great content, his Majestic hath made him one of his chaplains, the benefice of the Roles is given him. In October he preached before the parliament. Notwithstanding the honour and preferment he hath received at London, we understand he is resolved to returne to us at Aleppo by the generall ship." The English agent in Persia writes that that King is at " Mosendrone " with 60,000 men, intending to make war against the Tartars, who have lately made inroads into his country. ' ' The King of Indias embassador could not obtain leave to returne to his master. The Persian seemes to make little account of what that King shall be able to doe against him." The French gentlemen have returned from the Persian court well satisfied. The Dutch comandore, Henrick van Wicke, being about to depart, was prevented by death. A small Dutch buss, now at Gombroon, has been taking drafts of ports, soundings and creeks in the Gulf of Persia, especially about Muscat, " on which place no doubt they have a designe, if Van Wickes death, who was the chief e projector, hinder not." The Arabs there are getting in all provisions possible, to defend the place. The Queen of Decan, in her return from her pilgrimage to Muscat, has arrived at Bassora. By the last news from Persia, the King and his court are at Cashan, where his subjects have invited him to spend a few * This must mean Calais, not (as usually) Cadiz. Wt. 29495. FI 29 450 months with them, to the exceeding great prejudice of trade at Spahane, where at present lie vast quantities of India commodities, but not a merchant appears. " From Surat the English President writes me of the death of the old King, Shaw Jehan, whom his son Oran Zeb some yeares since deposed, and imprisoned ever since in his castle at Agra. The old Mogull being dead, this Oran Zeb that now governes hath made away all the rest of the family, and is removed from his throne at Dille [Delhi] towards his army, to prosecute the Decan warr. " From China they write that the great dim Tartar, Emperour of those parts, hath made a generall prohibition of trade by sea from any of his dominions, thinking thereby to impoverish his great enemy, Coixim's successour, who being master of the sea, much inricheth himself e and his people by the spoiles he makes. . . . They report him to have 4,000 ships and good vessells, and also very strong by land, but tis supposed the Chineses are not so good souldiers as the Tartars, for otherwise they might quickly regaine their lost liberty. He still maintaines Isle Formosa, that he tooke from the Dutch. The Dutch say they have built a new fort on some part of it, but with much losse of their men, which to conceale something of the blemish, the Dutch reporte their men dyed of sicknesse. At Macassar the King hath turned them out of his country, killing 17 persons. But on the coast of India they are growne very power full since they tooke Cochin, having gained an absolute dominion over the poore Malabar s." In March they had four ships at Surat and were expecting two more from Japan ; in the Bay of Bengal two ships were lying in a convenient place to intercept our shipping, but these were cast away in a great storm. "In those parts hath bin a great mortallity ; the two English ships there have lost both their comanders, with so many more of their men that makes them incapable to voyage home." Postscript. " We understand the fire at London hapned by a Frenchman, who was apprehended, confest the fault and was hanged." 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to JOSEPH WILLIAMSON. 1666-7, Jan. 20-30. Pera. Concerning the miscarriage of letters, the pretended envoy from Moldavia, and the decline of French influence in Turkey. Their trade also is in a bad state, for their chief source of gain was their false money, " which was all 5 sol peeces (called here temins) that were not worth above 17 or 15 for a dollar in Italy and at Marseilles ; here they put them off art 10 for a dollar." But now the Genoese will either bring good money, or else, if they also bring bad, the Turks will begin to cry it down, and the French trade will suffer very much. Letter Book, ii, p. 354. 2 pp. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] 451 THE EARL OF WINOHILSEA to QUEEN CATHERINE. 1666-7, Jan. 20-30. Pera. " The 29th of October, I was blessed with the most high honour of your Majestie's of the 25th of January 1665 from Oxford, and so great hath my misfortune been in these so remote and barbarous parts of the world that untill this present, I have not had any good opportunity to returne my most humble duty and thankee and to assure your Majesty that I shall ever be happy in the obedience of your commandes, and that what service I have done the Latin Church in this empire hath been superabun- dantly rewarded with your Majestie's taking so much notice thereof. And the King my most gracious master hath given me instructions so full of charity and piety that if I had been wanting in my duty in this I might justly have incurred his Majesties high displeasure, which I had rather loose my life than to deserve." Letter Book, ii, p. 355. \ p. THE SAME to SIR JOHN FINCH. 1666-7, Jan. 26 Feb. 5. Pera. I have desired Mr. Ravens- craft, the bearer of this, " to present you with a gold watch H and chaine to jt, the case of which was made in England, the chaine in Spaine and the movements in this place, after the Turkish fashion, after the most curious manner. You must observe that when you would make it goe faster or slower, that it is after another fashion, which some watch maker there will soone find out and shew you. I desire you to keepe it for my sake and am sorry that I have nothing in this barbarous country that is worth the sending you. I likewise send you a small glasse botle with a small quantity of the finest balsom of Mecha only for a tryall. The Chiefe Customer sent it me and just sealed up as it is I present it you. If you doe approve of it, I hope to procure you a better quantity. I have by me much more of severall sorts. But I have with great paines and art procured some out of the same gold vessell which Sultan Selim found in the Treasury of the Agiptian Kings at Cairo of the antient Agyptian true balsom, part of which [I] keep for the King, and before I goe hence I hope to get a little more. I have sent into India last yeare for severall cordialls and anti- dotes against poyson, and for some other remedies against the plague out of China, and have ordered part of them to be sent me by land and the rest to be kept by the President of India, Sir George Oxinden, untill his returne. If that they come safe you shall have your share. I do search dilligently all this Empire and it shall be hard if anything escapes me here that is good for any thing. The Grand Signer's Ambassador formerly to the Great Mogull I am acquainted with, and he hath presented me 2 or 3 drames of a sort of rotten wood, which is rarely found swimming in a river in India, which he csllos pancher. It is of an odoriferus smell, exceeding light, and he 452 and some Jewes and Jesuits tell me that taken as you doe sneezing powder once a yeare it prevents the plague ; besides it is good against all feavours and poysons. I have severall times taken it in snuffe and have found it to doe my head much good. I have sent for 10 pound of it, of which you shall have your part when it comes. The Jesuits call it not a rotten wood, but the root of Bengala. " On Monday the 14-24 of January the French Ambassador was sent for by the Chimacam here, and commanded the Ambassador by order expresly from the Grand Signer to pay him for sherbetts and sugars which were laden upon the St. Bartholmeo for the seraglio and taken out of the ship by those Maltezes which tooke her, the value of 25,000 dollars, and also to provide for the Grand Signer 12 black enuchs instead of other 12 taken out of that ship, which amounts to 12,000 dollars more, and since this another command is arrived for him also to pay to the Jewes 5,000 dollars more for what they have lost ; 15,000 more the Basha of Cairo pretends, and other Turkes do pretend to 30 or 40,000 more, so that now the French do swagger and threaten high, yet they must pay great sommes to the greedy Turkes. Besides this avania the officer appointed by the Cleark of the Grand Signor's Kitchin told the Ambassa- dor to his face that theire nation was the falseth in the world and that though they pretended to be the Grand Signor's friends yet that all the robberies at sea was committed by them, and that none were so fore ward to help theire enemies. And I am credibly informed that if the Vizier returnes safely home he will soone make this Empire to hot for the hotheaded monsieurs. "The Genoua Ambassador hath been honourably received by the Grand Signor and the more the French have endeavoured to oppose his reception the more favours he hath received. His present to the Grand Signor was : 60 vests of gold, velvets, sattins etc. A greate chaire of needleworke curiously wrought with gold and silver and adorned with silver gilt nailes, 2 very fine large looking glasses the frames of which are of silver and fine workemanship, 2 tables inlayed with flowers of stone, one round and the other square, A silver large perfuming pan of admirable worke, 2 crownes of corrall placed in a silver chest together with many other rarities of christall to be placed in their Mosquees between their lampes. " An envoye from Moscovy hath sometime past been at Adrianople to desire of the Grand Signor that he would command the Tartars to assist them against the Polanders. But the Grand Signor sent orders to the Tartars that they should not help the Moscovits nor make any inovation without an expresse order from the Grand Signor. But yet notwithstanding (as the Prince of Moldavia hath wrote the Chimacham of Adrianople 453 and likewise my druggerman word) they have helpen the Cosacks and beaten the King of Poland's forces. " The troubles of Balsora are endeavoured to be kept secret from the Grand Signer's knowledge a while longer, I suppose only untill the Vizier hath had notice, and that the Grandees are resolved what course to advise the Grand Signor to take. The Grand Signor had a designe to goe to Quarante Echesia for some dayes, but the Cadee there and all the great men are fled, not being able to provide provisions for 10,000 men which ever follow the Court, so that designe is either deffered or quite put off. " I pray advise Secretary of State of this intelligence, for I had not time to write to him." Letter Book, ii, p. 356. 2 pp. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1666-7, Jan. 28. Aleppo. The King of Persia has died at Khor, " where after two daies of excesse in drinking, and getting cold, he fell sick of an inflamation in his throat which turned to the quinzy. His phisitians being ignorant of that desease, he dyed the fourth day. Which news no sooner arrived at Spahaune but the same night his eldest son, about twenty years of age, was (by the Governor and others, in the absence of the great lords, who were with the corpse of the deceased King) crowned King by the name of his grandfather, Shaw Soffee, without the least disturbance." All is said to be quiet there, and the young King confirmed on his father's throne. He received the English agent very graciously, and promised not only to confirm but to enlarge the nation's privileges. The Mogul has revenged himself for the ill-treatment of his ambassador in Persia, by insulting the Persian ambassador to himself and sending him home in a very scornful manner. Sir George Oxinden, writing in April last, said that there had been nine strong Dutch ships before Surat, and a report that Rickloff Van Goens, their admiral, was to make an attempt upon Bombain, but that fear was over, as their fleet had dispersed. 2| pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE GENOESE AMBASSADOR at Adrianople. 1666-7, Jan. 28. Pera. Thanking him for his kind letter, and expressing his pleasure at the good reception which he has met with at this court. Letter Book, u,p. 359. Italian. \p. SIR ANDREW RICCARD to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1666-7, Jan. 31. London.- Your servant, Mr. Ricaut, hath most industriously applied himself to promote your service and interest, and what he was not able to effect is not justly to be imputed to any want of care nor diligent and dexterous solicitation on his part, but to the cross accidents of our present unhappy times. 454 As to the Levant Company I am much pleased to find that your dissatisfactions are over. They have not been backward to acknowledge your care and kindness, so far as they were able, considering that they have bin for two years past barred from all trade, the mother of their income. We have bin very much obliged to that noble, wise and learned gentleman, good Mr. Solicitor, who doth abundance of friendly offices for your Excellency and us, on all occasions. 1 p. Seal of arms. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to the " most Reverend MR. FRAMPTON." 1666-7, Feb. 2-12. Pera. This is to congratulate your safe return to the loyal factory of Aleppo, and the honours you have received from my most gracious master, which are but a taste and introduction into greater to follow, and that due to your incomparable merits. I assure you, you will find the King both constant to those whom he loves, and that he needs no remembrancers to advance those he esteems. We are now fellow servants to the greatest of Kings and the bravest of men, one so full of all kingly wisdom and virtues that if he had not been born to a crown, yet is fit to govern many more than those he doth so justly and prosperously reign over. Though the King allows you to perform your promise of returning to Aleppo, I suppose it is not for any long time. When you return, I pray you to come this way, and if any of the Alepins have a design for England, they shall be also welcome. I desire much to confer with you about the affairs of his Majesty, the Churches abroad, the Company, the factories and my own concerns, and need make you no other motive than that the King, the Chancellor and Treasurer, the Company and the Archbishop of Canterbury will all thank you for it. Letter Book, ii, p. 360. 1 p. NICOLAS PENNYNG to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1666[-7], Feb. 8. London. I have nothing to enlarge on save some concerns of my own. " My brother's sister, having an elder daughter by her first husband, Monsieur Judg Windam, hath without the pryvity or consent of my brother Mead in whose house it was acted . . . (but I can assure you he was out of towne) I say, did make, I heare, a mariage with your eldest sonn. I plead not for the act, which when I heard of it first I could not believe, but only tell your honour the young lady is very deserving. . . . Now none can make this happy but a smile from your lordship, which, when I doe consider the disproportion of what might have beene had, hapily I may have a frowne, nay a sharpe rebuke." I humbly pray your pardon for appearing 455 in this behalf, and shall not be happy until I have two lines from you saying that it is granted. 1 p. Seal of the Levant Company. SIR HENEAGE FINCH to his brother [Sm JOHN FINCH]. 1666-7, Feb. 22 March 4. "This is the first minute of 4- leasure I have had since the rising of the Parliament. . . . I find by your last letters that you had more early news of a peace at Florence then wee had of any treaty, and therefore I do not wonder to find you so sollicitous to know the particulars. But all which is revealed to us Tramontans amounts to no more but this : " The negotiation of the Swedish ambassadors was so farr usefull to Holland as to propose a peace, and his Majestie shewing no aversion to it, the next step was the States writt to the Swedish ambassadors, and enclosed a letter to the King, desiring a treaty of peace at some neutrall place, and this was sent sigillo volante, with directions to deliver or not to deliver it ; according as they should find the contents thereof more or lesse acceptable to his Majesty. The ambassadors dealt playnly with the King, and told him their instructions, and the King as playnly answered they should send the letter back agayn, for he expected they should send to him to London, as they had formerly done to Cromwell. This produced a second and more humble address, wherein they acknowledged it to bee their duty to wait upon his Majesty by their ambassadors at London, but besought him to consider how they were straytened by their allyes." The King then offered to send his ambassadors to the Hague, and this for two ends ; (1) " that the King of France might not seem to governe this whole affair, but that if he would be included in the treaty as an allye, he should likewise send his ambassadors to the Hague, where their authority and influence would be farr lesse then in any other place " ; (2) that his Majesty should have opportunity by his own agents, and the ministers of Spain and Germany " which would be sure to attend as standers by, to negotiate his own interests, and the interests of the Prince of Orange and his party to the full, and many unsuspected visits might be made by the ministers of foraign princes to the cheif men in that republique. And, which imported more than all the rest, De Wyt would have but one voyce at the Hague, whereas, if the treaty were anywhere else, De Wyt would be sure to have a hand in naming most of the Plenipotentiarys, and the place might be so strayt as not to be capable of many foreyn ministers, from whom wee promise ourselves great advantages. " The event shews this counsell was well weighed, for nothing ever brought greater joy to the people of Holland, nor greater amazement to De Wyt then this message from the King. 'Tis most certayn that in the debate of it among themselves, many of their cheif men sayd openly that it was a most 456 Christian offer, and they should never escape the fury of the people if they did any way decline it. The only expedient De Wyt had left was to like the proposition, but withall to desire them to acquaynt their allyes ; and this was agreed, and was the effect of the first answer. A second answer came last night, which, without making any objection to the Hague, desires his Majesty to make choyce of the Buss, Bergen ap Zoon or Breda, which, coming after consultation with the French King, shows the Hollander plainly that all their hopes of peace must depend upon the pleasure of France ; and we expect great effects of this discovery, for now the Dutch begin to see that the King of England seeks not their ruine, nor is averse to any kind of peace, as De Wyt had made them beleive ; but, on the contrary, 'tis De Wyt and his party who are ready to sacrifice their country to the pride and ambition of the French for their own privat ends." I believe the King will reject this last offer, for having once made his choice of the Hague, "to be ledd to another place at the pleasure of the King of France is never to be stooped to," and the Lords of the Council with whom I have spoken are of the same mind. Some think the Dutch mean only to amuse us and prevent our preparation for war, but we are more active than ever, and shall have the best fleet which England can make at sea before May next. On Monday the King goes to Chatham to see three new frigates launched, larger and with more guns than any ships we have. The victualler is more forward than last year ; the Ordnance has 350,000. assigned to it upon an old fund, without touching the 1,800,000. given last session ; the new poll tax is everywhere cheerfully paid and rises high, so that we are in a good condition to make war. They say there is some demur at Madrid as to signing the peace which was most advantageously concluded for us as to trade, "and the occasion is taken from an incredible successe which the English planters at Jamaica gayned by a late invasion. . . . Portugal enclines wholly to the French, whose wealth and greatness either corrupts or awes most of the courts in Christendom," but Sir Robert Southwell has orders to see that no peace be concluded with the French, without leaving latitude for the Portuguese to be included in the peace with Spain, if his Majesty can obtain it for them. Sir Robert has spent 8001. of his own money, "which I am now procuring to be repayd, with a settled allowance for the future, in case he stay. Do not you follow his example. " All your freinds are well, and my Lord Conway is still in towne. Wee meet often and entertayn ourselves with wishing you here, and contriving preferments for you, one of which, you may be sure, is a good wife. " My Lord St. Albans went lately to Paris ; 'tis reported he was robbed by the way of 20,0001. in gold. 'Tis certayn he carryd over a great quantity." 457 I hope a good peace may shortly bring you home, " to the great comfort of my wife and family and especially of your most entirely loving brother." 3 pp. SIR HENEAGE FINCH to his son, DANIEL FINCH. 1666-7, Feb. 22 March 4. Friday." . . . 'Tis possible, and but possible, that wee may have a treaty of peace with the Dutch, concerning which I have written at large to your uncle. But I forgott to tell him who they were whom the King had appoynted for his ambassadors to manage the treaty, viz. my Lord Hollis and Mr. Henry Coventry who was in Sweden. If the treaty proceed I purpose to send your brother Heneage in Mr. Coventry's trayn that he may take that occasion to see all the Low Count rys. If it succeed I shall be glad not only for the publique tranquillity of Christendome but for my particular concernes in you, who will then have an opportunity of making a safe and speedy returne through France and may see that country, which I value rather for the satisfaction of your curiosity then for advantage it can give you in poynt of education. Travelling into many countrys is like reading many books, a thing which very few do profit by unlesse it be those who are so happy as to improve these means by a good conversation. You are happy therefore in the company of Dr. Bayns. who if he be in health, as wee all pray he may be, I presume is now with you at Rome, where you are to present him with the affectionat good wishes of a whole family, which can never be so truly exprest as they will bee when it shall please God we may all meet at Kensington, which is the passionat prayer of your mother and the more then ordinary desire of your truly loving father." 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE EARL LESLEY. 1666-7, Feb. 24 March 6. Pera. I thank your lordship humbly for the news you have sent me, and for the many favours I have received from you. My wife joins with me in congratulating the good news of the Emperor's marriage. Our little ones are very well, especially Leslie, who thrives very much. My wife is now within two months of lying down. " I am exceedingly pleased with the booke your Excellencie sent me, with the curiosity, noblenesse and good contrivance of those representations and the horse ballet, but I am also very glade to heare that his Caesarean Majestic recruits his army and makes ready to deffend himselfe against the proud French, who seeke but to deceive the Emperour and King of Spain and to take a fitt time to wrest some part of theire territories out of their hands when that they thinke themselves the most secure, and if your Excellencie do but consider well the Chronicles, you will find how eassily and slightly the} 7 have 458 broken theire leagues and confederations when it hath turned them to an account, and this all bookes are full of. Pignarol and several! other places could not have been in their hands if that they had kept their faith. They that will well know theire maximes must study Machiavell, for both the Cardinalls that lately governed there have intro- duced the accursed maxime of Cromwell, Quod est utile honestum." Since your Excellency departed, I have not been able to buy one good horse ; they are all either at Court or going for Candia. I intend to try for some of the Turcoman breed, for I despair of getting any Arabs from Aleppo, where my correspondent cannot even procure any for the King. As soon as I find any, your Excellency shall have the best. Some wise men here think that if the Grand Signer had a peace with the Venetian, he would undertake a war upon the Poles or the Persian, in order to employ the army. The reputation of the French here is lost and their trade in a fair way to ruin. Letter Book, ii, p. 361. If- pp. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1666-7, Feb. 28. Aleppo. Orders having come to our Bassa to repair with his forces to Candy, he sent for me and desired me to furnish him with a ship, which he understood was at Scanderoon, to transport himself and a thousand musqueteers. I replied that the small vessel under our protection at Scanderoon was no ways fitting for him to adventure his person upon ; to which he said that the English nation were the Grand Signer's friends, and he hoped " other ships might suddenly arrive to doe him that kindnesse." He treated me with great respect, and spoke slightingly of the French nation, whose consul he sent for after I was returned home, " which offended the Monsieur very much, and although I verily beleive the Bassa is glad there is not any vessels in port at present fitt for him to make use of, yet the two French ships now at Scanderone he will imbarg, to force something considerable from that nation." If our general ships arrive at Scanderoon before the Bassa be gone, they will doubtless be taken up for the Grand Signer's service except your Excellency take some order to prevent it. We entreat your commands what to do if these or any other ships should arrive. 1| pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to GEORGIO DRAPERIIS. 1667, March 26. Pera. Having heard that some Turks are come from Cairo to complain concerning the business of Consul Bendysh, he desires Signer Georgio to go to the court and discover their intentions. Letter Book, ii, p. 364. Italian. \ p. 459 THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR JOHN FINCH. 1667, April 4-14. Pera. The French are much more calm than formerly. They daily expect orders whether their ambassador shall return, " or else stay here to disgest more affronts, which will certainly be offered him." Their avanias are not all paid, and more are preparing, " to help them to consume that little treasure which they have left." " My wife (God be praised) hath escaped a most dangerous delivery of a daughter, whether by the ignorance of a Jew midwife or malice of that nation to Christians I know not, but much doubt. For the child (I am almost confident) was killed by her in the birth, which had like to have destroyed my wife ; and last year likewise . . . she was also nigh to death, which hath made me to resolve to send her for England as soone as I can possibly, that I may preserve the greatest Jewell that ever I or my family have enjoyed." Also the plague is like to be terrible this year, by reason that we have had no winter, and especially for the abundance of slaves daily brought from Poland, the Jewish ones alone being 10,000. " I cannot expect any advocate at court to assist my interest there [so well], and I am certaine none so affectionate and more judicious of that sexe (if of another), to provide for my sonne and daughter's marriage. Besides, I have had my time of tribulation so long in the Rebellion and the abuses I have suffered in my fortune and now amongst barbarians, that, like to a slave used to his chaines, I doe resolve not to change for the worse untill my debts are payd and my children provided for. . . . For, as I thought my blood to litle to serve his Majestic in his afflictions, so I thinke my self-deniall a litle for some time necessary for the good of my litle ones." I gain ground here, and the Turks are very kind to me, and if I can have a good end in this country, I shall have no small reason to rejoice with those who love our family. None loves you more entirely than I do, and I wish for your sake I had had leave to go into England. Letter Book, ii, p. 364. 2 pp. THE SAME to THOMAS GARDEN, merchant in Leopolis [Lemberg]. 1667, April 23 May 2 (sic). Pera. Thanking him for his offers in regard to the carrying of letters. The news of the sinking of Ragusa by an earthquake is feared to be true in a great part ; particulars are daily expected. An abundance of poor slaves daily come out of Tartary, most from your parts. It is a great wonder to wise men that the frontiers of Poland were no better guarded, and that there are no fortifications upon the frontiers of that unfortunate kingdom. Prays him to send any news he can collect, but written in such a manner as may not prejudice the Prince of Moldavia in 460 case the Turks should intercept them; for there are already some jealousies that the Polonians are angry for their late great losses. Letter Book, ii, p. 366. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE COMPANY OF GENEVA. 1667, April 25. Pera. John Menet, the bearer of this, will assure you of my desire to promote your interests. I would have taken those you recommended into my royal master's protection, but they never desired it. Our religion here is much struck -at by the Papists, but all, I hope, in vain ; for their power is as little as their malice is great. Ibid, p. 367. | p. THE SAME to SIR JOHN FINCH. 1667, April 26 May 6. Pera. Most think that peace will be made this summer with Venice. Without doubt, if that the Venetians use their officers and soldiers well, and look out sharp at sea, these here will be fain to strike their top-sails ; but the wise men well know that the Venetian noblemen do distaste all their generals and commanders. This Vizier is a very wise and generous person, and full of courage, and did he but command a well-disciplined army, and understand the modern way of discipline, nothing else were requisite to make [him] as famous as any general in Europe. And I am sure no Christian army can live upon so little meat as these do, and drink only a little water, and yet be strong and lusty. The Illyrian bands were highly extolled by Tacitus and the Roman histories, and the Grand Signer can make many thousands of them and other Europeans, that will endure hardy blows so well that they want nothing but order and government to make them the best infantry in the world. Many are of opinion that if the war in Candia be finished, one way or another, a new one will begin, perhaps with Poland. The Tartarians have lately sped so well in their sudden invasion of that kingdom that they also begin to talk of war with it. They know the country, and the Cossacks being discontented and joining with them, "may serve as good guides, and also as fellow-soldiers in the ruin of their own country." All here know that Poland has no fortifications on their frontiers except Caminitz (which is decayed), and that the country is poor, divided into factions, wasted with the late wars and defended only by a discontented army, but they likewise know that an evasion (sic) of Poland with a royal army and a Vizier Azim in the head of it will weaken Germany and Europe, that it may reconcile Moscovy and Poland, and draw upon themselves and the Tartars great wars ; so that it is not certain which course they will take. They may possibly turn towards Persia, and (while the Christians consume themselves) debilitate that country, and so be the more free afterwards to fall on Poland. There is a proverb in this country that "at the long runne, the Grand Signor doth catch a hare with a carte, "and, in earnest, 461 their patience is much greater and their reach far deeper than most princes in Christendom imagine. I pray you impart this to Lord Arlington, but better digested with your head and pen, for I have written it in a great hurry. Letter Book, ii, p. 367. 2 pp. THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA to LORD CHIEF JUSTICE BRIDGEMAN. 1667, May 16. Belgrade. " Your lordship may easily conjecture with what distraction of joy and sorrow I receaved my sonne, who (God bee praised) was delivered to me safe by my Secretary this llth instant. I could not but with his mother re Joyce heartily to see him, but the occasion was so sad and unexpected and so contradictory to all my former hopes and designes that had I not beene supported with some principles of religion and philosophy I should with much more difficultie have struggled with so soare a displeasure of God's hand upon my family. But yet I am not a little recollected in my thoughts by the comfort of your lordship's most obliging lines of the 26th December past and the cordiall discourses your lordship hath had with my Secretary concerning this unfortunate businesse, in which having understood your lordship's rationall reflections I cannot otherwise declare my sence therein then first by referring absolutely the management of the whole matter to be directed by your lordships singular wisdome and affection towards me, in the which I have likewise craved the assistance of my Lord Treasurer and Mr. Justice Twisden and Mr. Solicitor to be united (as occasion serves) with the councell of your lordship, resigning myselfe wholy to an approbation of whatsoever your lordship conceives necessary and convenient to be determined herein. " But so, because your lordship desires to know my inclination in what manner the businesse should be acted, I doe ingeniously declare that my wishes and desires are (if possible) that the marriage be annulled and legall processe made in a criminall way against those who are guiltie of the inveiglement of my sonne, by petitions exhibited both to his Majestie and the Parliament to interpose herein by an extraordinary power ; this, I say, in case your lordship hath by late informations sufficient assurance to believe that our proceedings in this nature are not probable to miscarry, being sensible that if we should be foyled herein, we shall loose all the advantage we can hope for as things stand at present by an amicable treaty. And therefore ... I shall (if there be no other remedy) content myselfe to submit to a composture on conditions of considerable portion, the lowest of which I shall never agree to be under 5,000/., proposing on my part to settle for every thousand pound of portion a hundred pounds yearely of joynture. And that the portion may be raised as high as possible, I judge it convenient that 462 an action de filio rapto be brought against those who have robbed me of my sonne according to the discourse your lord- ship had with my Secretary, and other menaces and artifices used which may induce them to stretch themselves to the utmost extent of their estate, or else force them into a relinquishment of their pretence of marriage. " Upon examination here of my sonne, I cannot learne that he hath accompanied with her since he was 14 years of age, only that in July last he resided some time in the same house, and that one Talbot endited certaine letters for him at Cambridge to Mrs. Windam, which he transcribed and signed with his owne hand, but of what nature or substance they were he remembers not, though wee may easily con- jecture. . . . " This is the greatest trust I can confide in any person, and though it is a trouble to your lordship and so great an one that I can never pretend to have deserved so well from your lordship as with this confidence to impose, yet it is so evident a proof e of your vertue, charitie and friendship towards a person unable at this distance to helpe himselfe that the whole world will applaud your goodnesse, and my family for ever be obliged to pray for your lordship and all your relations, and particularly myselfe be beyond all expres- sions bound to remaine." Letter Book, ii, p. 369. 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCKLLSEA to THE EARL OF CLARENDON. 1667, May 16. Belgrade. By my secretary I have received your lordship's obliging letter, and learn of the conference you were kindly pleased to afford him on my affairs. I wholly acquiesce in your determination, esteeming myself infinitely obliged that after so long an absence and at so remote a dis- tance you do not forget me, but consider me still worthy of a place in your memory. " I conceive your lordship hath understood of a pretence of marriage made upon my eldest sonne by some unworthy persons, who, having taken advantage upon my absence and minoritie of my sonne, have, before the age of 14 yeares, ensnared in a match no wayes agreeable to his fortune nor quality ; . . . the foulest piece of fraud and abuse that hath been acted in this latter age of the world, and of that nature and example as will not only concerne our nobilitie but all good parents who claime a title in the happy disposall of their children." I doubt not but that your lordship will afford me all favourable assistance by interposing with his Majesty or extending your just authority towards my relief. Ibid. p. 371. 1 p. THE SAME to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1667, May 16. Belgrade. "My son was this llth instant delivered safe into my hands by my secretary, whose arrivall though as wellcome as unexpected, yet the occasion of it was 463 so sad to me and my wife that I must desire you to condole with me in it, and comfort me with your best assistance." My sense herein (not to trouble you too much), I have written to Lord Bridgeman and desired him to impart to you. I know the multiplicity of greater affairs which take up your time, yet the concernment of this pretended marriage of my son hath that nearness and relation to yourself, that I question not but you will believe it worthy to deserve some few of your precious hours. My son swears to me that he never cohabited with his pretended wife at all. Letter Book, ii, p. 372. f p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE EARL OF SOUTHAMPTON. 1667, May 16. Belgrade. My secretary has given me your letter, and rendered me an account of my infinite obligations to your lordship, which I shall never be able to requite. My son's arrival was as welcome to me and his mother as the occasion was sad. Though the sense of the misfortune he has childishly run into renders me unfit to write to your lordship yet I hope it is not irrecoverable, and I pray you to assist my other friends "to mediate with his Majestic or the Parliament herein, who considering my former sufferings and my present employment . . . may be induced to favour me in acquitting me of this misfortune, drawne wholy upon me by my absence and attendance on mv office." Ibid, p, 373. IP. THE SAME to CHARLES II. 1667, May 16. Belgrade. Expressing his " joy and profound reverence " on receiving a letter written with his Majesty's own hand ; and most humbly upon his knees imploring his favour in the matter of his son's pretended marriage. Ibid, p. 373. \ p. [Original in S.P. Turkey.} THE SAME to THE DUCHESS OF SOMERSET. 1667, May 16. Belgrade. "You may easily imagine how much I was surprised to hear of my sonne's inveiglement into a pretended marriage, and were I not now much afflicted, I should be stupide to see that those great dangers and hazards I and my poore wife have voluntarily runne into to pay my debts without the sale of my lands, that so I might make him the more happy in a rich match to raise againe my family, to be in so great a measure lost as to the best and most consider- able part of my game in this world." I shall not further enlarge upon so unpleasant a subject, but rely only upon the pleasure of God, the help of his Majesty, and my friends, to endeavour, if possible, to make void what is past. " And it were very hard if that his sacred Majestic, the Parliament, or the Law, should not find out a remedy for this, and assist one who hath so much suffered for the Crowne, and who, by reason of his foraigne employment in the quality of ambassador hath 464 been disabled from keeping that diligent watch over the heire of my family which, had I been at home, I should have done. In all parts of Europe, there are many remedies to be found for such, and I hope our country is not to seeke to hinder a childe under age to undoe a family. My son sweareth about two or three in the afternoon that day he was married, and that he was then made drunke by their putting of wine into his beere at that time he was married, and that as soone as the gentlewoman's mother went out of the chamber he ranne out of the room . . . nor doth he know whether she be a man or a woman. I have for your Grace's sake received him kindly, and shall endeavour what I can to give him better breeding." I have written to Lord Bridgeman, and pray you to follow his counsel and assist him with your power. I know his great abilities and affection for me, and he knoweth the Law, the Court and the Parliament so well as to deserve the greatest trust. My cousin Solicitor and my cousin Twysden will advise with him, and I desire your ladyship to employ such lawyers as he shall advise. I have ordered my Commissioners to pay all those who are employed by you in this affair. " My wife, by reason of the arrivall of my sonne here, and the probability of my longer stay here, desireth not to leave me, which I am well pleased with, being as unwilling to part with her." Letter Book, ii, p. 375, 1| pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD ARLINGTON. 1667, May 16. Concerning the " business of Prince Steffano," in which he will observe his Majesty's commands, and his son's " pretended marriage," in the annulling of which he doubts not but to have his lordship's assistance. Ibid. p. 377. 1 p. [Original in 8.P. Turkey.] CHARLES II. to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1667, May 22. Whitehall. Has lately received letters from the King of Poland, stating that he is sending Lord Hierome Radzieuwski as ambassador to the Grand Signor, and praying for Lord Winchilsea's assistance. There- fore recommends his lordship to do the said ambassador all the good offices he can. Sign manual, countersigned by Morice. Seal. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR JOHN FINCH. 1667, June 7-17. Belgrade. Concerning his son's " pre- tended marriage," to the same effect as in letters above. You have guessed well that this misfortune of my son has altered my resolutions, and I conceive that it will be about two years before I shall be ready to leave this place. I wish for your sake and my own that I might have had leave to go to England for a short time, but now know no better way than first to conceal the time of my departure from all 465 but yourself, and next to send my secretary to you with the letters I write for my revocation, and that you should accom- pany him to England (if you can get licence to go and return again to your employment in case you should miss of this), for I am sure my secretary and my friends can do you more service than you can easily imagine. "I doe heartily wish that I might have the government of Tanger (since my Lord Bellassis, you say, doth leave it), for 1 doubt not but to deport myselfe so as that his Majesty will approve of my service. You may favour me to intimate so much to your brother if it be not too late ; for if I either had that or any other office of considerable value, I would willingly leave this employment next day." Letter Book> ii, p. 379. 2 pp. INSTRUCTIONS to SIGNOR GEORGIO DRAPERHS. 1667, June 7. Belgrade. To repair to Adrianople and procure (1) order for departure of the London Merchant; (2) a barat for Anthony Bowyer to remain Consul at Cyprus ; (3) a barat for one Harrico to be druggerman at Smyrna. Is to remain at Adrianople until further orders, and to visit the Polonian ambassador when he arrives. Ibid. p. 378. 1 p. EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE MARCHESE DURAZZO. 1667, June 7. Belgrade. Congratulating him on his return home after the honourable termination of his embassy, and thanking him for the delicious Italian wine, in which he has drunk to his Excellency's health and prosperous journey. Ibid, p. 381. Italian, f p. NOTES of LETTERS, 1667, June 22. Memorandum of letters of this date, sent by Captain Hill. Amongst others : " To Lady Duchess [of Somerset] . . . that Lady Mary's* corps were sent into England upon the London Merchant, Capt. Hill commander, and her Grace was desired to convey them to Eastwell in her coach, where they may be decently buried. " To Capt. Toke and Capt. Hulse, that the reliques of Lady Mary were sent into England, and that they should bury them decently at Eastwell, with the ceremonies of the church, but privately and without expences, excepting 51. to the poore of the parish." Ibid. % p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1667, June 24. Aleppo. It is said that the Vice-King of Goa is sending a fleet to revenge injuries done him by the Arabs at Muscat, in the Persian Gulf. The Arabs have perfect knowledge of their designs and have prepared for their coming. * The Earl's third daughter, who had died of the plague. Wt. 29495, ri 30 466 If the Portugals recover Muscat (which was formerly theirs), they will easily force the Persians at Congo to make them satisfaction likewise for injuries done them. The late Dutch ambassador to the Persian Court is dead at Gombroone, and some of the French gentlemen are there still, despairing that none of their long expected ships appear. I have received an express from Sir Jar vis Lucas, Governor of Bombain, who arrived the 5th of November, and had made good progress in regulating the disorders there. The Persian King, Shaw Abas, having made a very large incursion into the Mogul's dominions, Orang Shaw has diverted the army going against Edel Shaw, King of Decan, for the defence of his own empire. Otherwise, as soon as he had "prevailed upon Decan," he meant to have fallen upon the Portugueses country, who are in a very miserable condition. The Hollanders (having received no relief out of Europe these three years) are also much dejected, and I am told that the French gentleman that went to the Mogul's court with their King's letters had no admittance. Not a French ship was arrived in India by my last letters (of Nov. 30), although lePereFra. Ambroisde Priali (?), Capucins miniones Apostolique de la mission de les Orienteles, kept boats out all through September to pilot them in. The general ships, the Zante frigate and Golden Fleece, arrived safely at Scanderoon on the 7th past, and have unladen without any interruption from the Emyn. They are now in lading, and we hope may meet and keep company with the general ships from Smyrna. Eight days ago, " one of the viziers of the Bench who came this circuit " was in Aleppo, by whom I was treated with very great respect ; but " the French consul was much slighted when he gave them their visitt. ... I thanke God we passe very well at present with the ministers here." I am heartily sorry about the contagion ; God in mercy preserve your Excellency's family from it, and if her Excellency returns for Europe, give her a safe and prosperous voyage. 3 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE ADMIRAL OF THE VENETIAN FLEET. 1667, July 1. On behalf of one Antonio Foscolo, who served in the household of his predecessor [Sir T. Bendyshe]. Eight years ago an edict was published that all of the island of Tino [one of the Cyclades] should repair thither on pain of confiscation of their goods. Foscolo embarked for the pur- pose, but on the way the ship touching at another island, he was taken by Captain Georgio, who had an order to seize all foreigners there and send them to the galleys. Being now appealed to by the poor man's widowed mother and brother, and considering that it will be a work of charity and justice to procure the liberty of an innocent person after 467 eight years of misery he confidently appeals to his Excellency's benignity and clemency to console the afflicted and do justice. Letter Book, ii, p. 382. Italian, f p. SIR HENEAGE FINCH to his son [DANIEL FINCH]. 1667, July 5-15, Friday. Your mother is gone with your sister and your brothers William and John to the Bath, to meet your Aunt Dering. " I think of removing your brother William from Oxford altogether, and to bring him to the Temple at Michaelmas, when my new lodgings will be finished, where I keep a speciall apartment for you, and would be glad to see you there." You may dismiss your servant Pickering, if you choose, " but do it like a gentleman, and furnish him with mony for his retume decently, that he may have no cause to complain of you. " I am glad your uncle did so soon recover his indisposition. Hee is happy that he can give himself ease upon such occasions ; my fate will not suffer me to rest for a litle distemper, but I must either work it out or lett it forme itselfe into a fitt of sickness. Yet, I thank God, I have had more health this. last year and have now than I could reasonably expect. I would to God Dr. BajTis were freed from the payns of the stone, and from all apprehensions of its returne." 1 p. ELIZABETH, LADY FINCH, to her husband, SIR HENEAGE FINCH, at his lodgings in the Inner Temple. 1667, July 6. Bath. " My dear heart, according to your commands here I send you an account of your poor children. For Betty I know noe good it workes upon her yet, but for Will and John it does very well with ; it has taken away a great deal of John's yellownesse and makes him very merry ; he is the onely mirth wee have in the Bath, he is so taken with his guide that teaches him to swimme that he commends him so much that he desires me to take him to be my guide. I have been in the bath but once my selfe. Your newes is very acceptable here at Bath, for their is no newes beleived but what you writte. There was one that examined me what my newes was, and wondered that there should be a peace, when he had ill news in a letter that was sent to him ; his news here was little regarded being he was knowne to be a presbyterian. I should be very glad if our time were spente, for I long to be with 3 r ou. I am glad to heare the little ones are well. I should be very glad also to heare of Daniel and Heneage. Pray send me word how you are in health, because I hear by your letter you rise early and goe to bed late, and I doutt you study to hard, which I am sure will prejudice your health, which I pray have a care of, for ther is nothing I value in this woorld but your long life and health which 1 alwayes pray for, and am your faythfull and affectionate Elizabeth Finch," 468 Postscript. "Your children remember their duties to you, and my blessing to your children. My sister Bering's kind love and my neice Southwell's service." 1J pp. ELIZABETH, LADY FINCH, to her husband, SIB HENEAGE FINCH, at his lodgings in the Inner Temple. 1667, July 10, Wednesday. " I am very well pleased to thinke that halfe the time is spent, because now I can have some thoughts of coming home. James has agreed with a coachman here that will carry us att a cheaper rate then he that brought mee downe did. Wee shall be att Kensington on Saturday, July 20th. ... I would faine know from you when we come up ... whether I should pay all or lett my sister pay shares. The Bath has very little company, but wee look for a very rich lady to-day, the Lady Portman, she that was Mrs. Cutler. Wee plye the bath every day, the weather is very hotte here, but wee refresh our selves daily with the thoughts of in joying your company with my childrens, and the fresh air you have att Kensington. I had writte to you on Monday laste, but my sister Bering invited me to a pasty of venison, with which wee staid soe long that I could not gett time enough away to write before the letters were gone. The best news here is that we are all well. I never wished my selfe so heartily to be a good scribe till now, for as I am now I am not able to expresse soe much love and tenderness as I have for you." 1 pp. THE SAME to THE SAME, at his lodgings in Inner Temple Lane. 1667, July 13. "This letter for fear the other should miscarry is to give you notice of our coming up, which is not joyfull onely to me but all here. ... As for the meeting of me, I should be very glad of, but that I fear the weather is to hot for you, but if it be your pleasure, I would not have you come further then Colebrooke, because the lodgings are very unpleasant. . . . You have not so much pleasure with your pidgeon but I have as much with John, who dances, sings, entertaines all the company and brings all the beggars in the towne to me ; and since he has heard that Charles was cheife chaplaine att Kensington, he will be soe here ; because he is afraid that his brother Charles should out-doe him ; soe he prays to God to blesse the King and his owne inheritance, and is so well pleased with his guide that he is resolved to speake that he might be the Kings guide. Sir Edward Hungerford this day sente me halfe a buck, to which John invited the parson of the towne and our landlady. I hope you will pardon all things, especially my telling your newes. I hope I shall not hereafter displease you either in word or deed, but shall alwayes stody to love and obey you, and to be your most loving and obedient Elizabeth Finch." U PP< 469 SIR HENEAQE FINCH to his son, DANIEL FINCH. 1667, July 15-25. Friday. " Yours with the account of your celebration of July 2-12* I received. ... I have my shares in the joy of that day, so I should bee sorry to see another revolution of it while you continue abroad ; it being now high time you should return and settle yourselfe in such a way as may make your life most usefull and satisfactory. I hope the peace will both facilitat and hasten your return. ... As I have no greater joy in this world then what I place in my hopes of you, so the desire of seeing you do well is one of the greatest reasons I have to wish for life ; which, whether it shall please God to make it longer or shorter, I am sure it can never outlast the tender affection which I have for you." p. Seal with crest. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to CAPT. TUCK and CAPT. HULSE. 1667, Aug. 1. Belgrade. Sending them proposals as to his estate in Kent and Sussex. Amongst others : Whether it may be his interest to join with Sir John Hotham in the enclosure of Grans wick, or whether this would prejudice the improvements at Watton. Whether Burntbutts may be made suitable for himself and a small family of about 20 or 30 persons, or what other place within five or six miles may be convenient and health- ful for him to hire ; since (God willing) he intends to live privately in those parts at his return or to make frequent journeys thither. The house and gardens at Eastwell are to be kept in good order, and if they judge fit, he would have the great lanthorn on the top of the hall taken down and the void place covered with tiles until his return, when he will give orders for one of a different fashion. Hopes his red deer are sold or destroyed ; and for the fallow deer, does not desire to keep more than 1,000 or 1,200. All horses, mares and colts "which are not very handsome " are to be sold off. [Other directions for the improvement of his estates.] " I thinke itt now high time to marry my daughter, and were not her portion as yet unprovided, I should in the first place recommend the care of that weighty matter to her grandmother." Howsoever, that she and others may see I do what I can in it, I have drawn 1,OOOZ. on the Turkey Company, and desire you to add 1,5001. from the arrears of my rents, to which I will also give my bond for another 2,500/. in a year's space, and hope upon these terms and the good management of my Lady Duchess, to perform this great concernment. Letter Book, ii, p. 383. 4 pp. * Daniel Finch was born on July 2, 1G47. 470 THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA to THE POLISH AMBASSADOR. 1667, Aug. 1. Belgrade. Thanking him for his letters and congratulating him on his arrival at the Ottoman Porte. Letter Book, ii, p> 329. Latin. I p. THE SAME to THE DUCHESS OF SOMERSET. 1667, Aug. 3. Belgrade. "I have wrote lately to your Grace by severall conveighances and sent duplicates, but if by reason of the great affliction I have in this misfortune of my sonne I should have committed many errours therein, I hope your great goodnesse will both pitty and pardon mee. When your Grace seriously reflects upon my condition, how willingly and cheerefully I embraced all honourable occasions to pay my debts and to make my selfe miserable that I might make my posterity happy, and that when I was not so fortunate to have any employment cast upon mee in England that would find mee bread, how readily I embraced his Majesties great favour of this Embassie, your ladysbippe will confess I have done my part. For (Madam) though I did set the best face I could upon itt, yet I well knew that I was to last a bitter cupp, to take leave of my children and nearest relations and friends, and to exchange my native countrey when it was the best worth enjoying, to live amongst barbarians, and to endure the hazards of pestilentiall sicknesses, with troubles innumer- able. Was not this to suffer? I dare boldly say that those who succeede mee, when they have bien heere but halfe the tyme I have, will have cause enough to complaine. " The occasion I came hither was chiefly for debts con- tracted for his sacred Majestie and spent for his service in the heat and greatest danger of the grand rebellion. I was forced to trust to many gentlemen, for else had I drawne my sword I should have had but few companions, and you may easily believe that the course I tooke must needes bee full of expence as well as of danger. Yet I was resolved rather to starve then to beg a recompense for my loyaltye, and though at Essex-house before the rising of Sir George Booth the Lord Mordant very kindly before the Lord Willoughby of Parham told mee that he had power from his Majestie to promise mee a good employment at his returne, and desired mee to beg something, for now was the tyme, I offered myself e freely with my life and fortune and refused any bargaine for recom- pense ; onely said that when his Majestie was restored I should bee sufficiently happy, and then what his Majestie pleased to doe for mee of himselfe should bee honour enough, for I served his sacred person onely for affection, and because I knew it my duty, and that no gaine could move mee to more then what I should doe freely. Yet (Madam) others that had not the like modesty and were not able to have brought so many into the field as I nor spent so much mony, are well provided for at home. But I remaine abroad upon 471 the out guards for my royall masters service with more satisfaction and content then they, since I am conscious of having done what I was able for our soveraigne without any alloy of base interest, which is a greater comfort to mee then the best preferment in England would have bien without the sincerity I have ever used towards my most gracious master. " I am now so used to a melancholy life, partly during the rebellion in England and now heere for nigh seven yeares in this great solitude and retirement, that I do often think it most happy for mee to live privately in some part of England at my returne and leaving off the world. And I assure your Grace that wee can better bee contented in some remote corner of England or Christendome with only bread and water then heere with the greatest plenty, for heere is neither a healthy place nor any society. Yet I shall consider a little longer when to write for my revocation, though I thinke not to stay heere at most above two yeares." [Explains the steps he is making to provide 5,000/. for his daughter's portion, when her Grace " shall marry her," which he leaves wholly to her. Considering his condition, this is a great portion, but he is very willing " to suffer a great deal for so good a child."] Letter Book, ii, p. 387. 3 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1667, Aug. 8. Belgrade. Had that scandal been really given by Dr. Pickering and his wife so near to me as Smyrna, it would hardly have escaped my knowledge, whose business it is to inspect into the lives and behaviour of all subjects of his Majesty's, living in Turkey. The Company once before requested me to remove Pickering, but believing the report to proceed from Broadgate's malice, and Mr. Luke, a religious and worthy divine at Smyrna "giving me to understand of Pickering quite contrary to the character was passed of him at London," I was willing to suspend for a time my farther prosecution of him, not to draw upon myself the guilt of ruining a man in his practice and livelihood without a just conviction of reason. But now that the Company continue to press their removal, seconded by you (whose judgment can, at any time, make me deny my own), I have given him positive orders to depart, only giving him liberty to stay there some months to settle his affairs. In the meantime, my wife needing a serving woman has sent for Mrs. Pickering to come and serve her until she can be otherwise provided. I am now almost three years in arrear of my gratuity, and therefore, not to let the debt grow too great, have drawn on the Company a bill of 1,000. sterling towards my daughter's portion, which I design shall be 5,0001. Upon these terms I doubt not but my Lady Duchess may receive proposition for her marriage with any family of estate and honour. " I have received a letter from my Cousin Finch at Florence, convincing me that in the state of my affairs through ~| 472 the unhappy match of my son, it is necessary for me to remain here for some time, " though I am much tired and glutted with this country, wherein I am yerely exposed to the danger of the plague and empaire my health, enjoying neither exercise nor pleasing conversation ; yet I will not resolve when to returne untill I have your and my friends' advice or that my debts are quite discharged." Also the great loss I have received in so near and dear a relation and friend as that of my Lord Treasurer, puts me much off from thinking of returning. There is not time for me to condole with my sister Southampton, so I will not open my packet, which was sealed before I received this sad news. Letter Boole , ii, p. 389. 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD ARLINGTON. 1667, Aug. 19. Yarlichioi. Lamenting the deaths of the two hopeful Princes* and of the Lord Treasurer. Has received his lordship's letter desiring that Prince Stephano of Moldavia should be restored to the Principality, and will attend the most proper opportunity to effect it, but to avoid mistakes concerning the deserts of this person, gives his true history. [Narrates his rebellion against his master, Prince Lupoli, his first success and ultimate flight, and the establishment of the son of Lupoli as prince. Stephano was only the son of a shepherd and was advanced by his master, which makes his ingratitude the worse, and the present jealousies in Poland render it impossible at the moment to effect anything.] Ibid. p. 393. 2 pp. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] THE SAME to SECRETARY MORICE. 1667, Aug. 19. Yarlichioi. I am sorry to begin by con- doling with you of the death of our two most hopeful princes. God in his mercy produce other branches from the royal stock in the most direct and straight line. " I must likewise, before my eyes are dry, condole awhile the death of my good Lord Treasurer, which was untimely in respect of the present necessitie of so wise and faithfull a counsellor, and though, in respect of the publike, no private losse is considerable, yet I cannot but lament so good and faithfull a friend, endeared to mee with all tyes imaginable of affection and alliance." I have received his Majesty's orders to assist the affairs and the late embassy of Poland, and have done all I could, considering my distance from the Court. I send you an account of what has been transacted and of the present state of Poland. Ibid. p. 394. 1 p. Enclosing, A relation of the success of the Embassy from the King of Poland to the Grand Signor. 1667. 2 pp. * The Dukes of Cambridge and Kendal, sons of the Duke of York. 473 THE EABL OP WINCHILSEA to SIR JOHN FINCH. 1667, Aug. 20-30. Yerlichioi. Concerning the death of the young princes and of the Lord Treasurer. "I thanke God I have learned patiently to support the unfortunate miscarriage of my sonne, resolving, if his childish disposall of himself e prove a marriage, that his folly shall not prejudice his younger brothers, but that he shall beare his owne burden and have so much deducted out of the estate I designed him for his brothers' maintenance, as his wife's portion falls short of the summe I expected by a match of my choosing." My stay here cannot but greatly advantage my estate, yet I am resolved not to be such a slave to the world as to stay after my debts are paid, for this country is barbarous, destitute of society and hazardous from the plague, and since I have forced myself to pass seven years with patience in banishment, I may be acquitted in the judgment of the world of having sufficiently done and suffered for the good of my posterity, and particularly of my eldest son, who so early contrived to ruin himself. When free from debt, I shall be able to save, whether I live in Italy or in the more remote and cheap parts of England. I may not gain money so fast as here, yet my life may be longer and my gains of greater continuance. The consideration of which, and the advantages in the education of my sons, determine me to quit this office as soon as I have fulfilled the design for which I undertook it. The seas being made dangerous by the wars, I shall not expose my wife in a voyage to England, and as I intend to stay here only until the beginning of the year 1669, "I am inclined to venture my wife and children with mee untill my departure, who are the chief e consolation I enjoy in this melancholy country," and then (God willing) we shall embark together, and the ship which carries me to Italy (which I desire to pass through for the benefit of my son) shall carry them for England. Meanwhile, I am infinitely covetous of Dr. Baines' company, to supply the place of Secretary Ricaut, gone to be Consul of Smyrna, but if he shall not think fit to trouble himself with the concernments of a secretary, let him yet come as my friend and companion, only to see this country. I am glad the watch was so welcome to you, and the balsam. What you took for a gum is also a Mecha balsam, taken out of the seraglio, but very ancient. Postscript. Since I wish to show my son Italy, in my return home, I desire your opinion whether I might ask his Majesty's permission to lay down the office of ambassador for a month's time, so as that I may visit Rome, having the example of my Lord Holies in France, who obtained his Majesty's licence to put off the character of ambassador for one day, to fight a duel with a monsieur. If this cannot be done, and if I cannot conveniently stay incognito at some near place, as at Frascati or Tivoli, until my son has seen Rome, then I shall land at Leghorn, and after some short stay go post for England, 474 there lay down my commission and return again to see all Italy ; but I Would save the charges and trouble of a second journey if I can. Letter Book ) ii, p. 398. 3 pp. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1667, Aug. 22. Aleppo. Our general ships, Zante frigate, Golden Fleece and Tunis Merchant are laden, and I believe will sail to-morrow. They are very rich ships ; pray God they arrive in safety. I believe they intend for Smyrna, our port of Scanderoon not being safe for any ships if an enemy should attempt them, there not being the least defence on shore to protect them. Our enemies the French have given out "how that the Dutch fleet had surprised, burnt and taken a great part of his Majestyes fleets and stores in the river of Thames, which we hope will prove false. . . . The Dutch are more modest in their report, who give out four men of warr to be taken and as many burnt." We were very sorry to hear of the death of Consul Cave, but glad to hear your Excellency had so well provided the factory with Mr. Ricaut. Pray God send him health and prosperity. I am infinitely obliged for your kind invitation to Stamboul ; the unsettled condition of affairs in England, occasioned by the late calamities and the present war have made me resolve to stay in these parts some time longer. From India I hear of great mortality amongst the Dutch soldiers in Sumatra, where they treacherously settled them- selves. They are sending thither a second expedition but 'tis believed it will have little better effect than the first, the people being alarmed and resolutely bent against them. The King of Macassar denies them any treaty for settling there ; the King of Bantam and some others had not publicly declared themselves, but it is believed that the appearance of a fleet of our King's in India, or the assurance that we had well beaten the Dutch at home, would encourage them all to an absolute breach. The Dutch have sent another embassy to China with a great present, to appease the Emperor's wrath, "for their insolency on a certain island towards China," and to endeavour to procure admittance of trade in his dominions. At Jambee, the Dutch are practising to out us, and under the notion of a house, have raised a castle at the river's mouth, which is like to prove of great import. They have taken Polleroon into their possession ; the English (but 27 persons) agreeing to deliver it up, with what was the Company's, but to be trans- ported, with their own goods, to Bantam, which was accordingly done. At the Island Damon the Dutch have cruelly used and destroyed most of the inhabitants, because they stood up for the English interest, yet they [the Dutch] had the impudence to protest against the English for having encouraged those natives to rebellion. Fort St. George 475 remains as it did, but Bombain is in better hands and a safer condition. The Dutch have not attempted aught against it so far. The Portugals have a new Vice King at Goa, who ever since his arrival has been gathering forces and ships together. Some believe he intends against Muscat, others fancy he designs against the Dutch at Cocheene and Zeilon [Ceylon]. Sir George Oxinden writes "that the timely advice I gave him of the prosperous successe our forces have had against the Dutch have in some measure bridled the mouths of our enemies, . . . who otherwise, by their outward signes of joy, bonfires, fireworks and great ordinance . . . would incline those people to beleive a lye. " Sevage is gott loose againe in his owne territory es, and threatens a second time to visitt Surat by sea and land, which make the people of that place upon every rumour to run away." The Mogul was some months since making great preparations against the Persians, for indignities put upon his ambassador, but upon news of the King of Persia's death, he proceeded not on that design. He hath an army still against the King of Decan, but there has been no action this year. From Cassumbuzar they write that the Dutch factory at Metchalepatan was besieged by the Moors, to revenge the loss of many of their people of good quality lost in a ship coming from Mecca, which ran aground to save herself from a vessel under French colours, but which they declare to have been a Dutchman ; "it being an old practice for the Dutch to put up English and other colours to render all other nations the more odious, being unwilling to have any pretenders in their trade." " There hath bin many strange sights and apparitions in severall parts of India, as also dreadfull earthquakes, devouring whole townes with the inhabitants. At Agra, at three in the afternoone was so thick a darknes in all those parts that none was able to see his owne hand, which lasted halfe an ho lire, and desolved in a tempest. This last yeare it hath pleased God to send such raines and overflowings of the river Conusiall that it hath carryed away whole townes, people, cattle, and undone a great part of the country. At Pattava [? Batavia] and those parts was so great a storme that it hath rowled the houses of that great citty into heapes, and blowne down both the English and Dutch houses there. "The Persian army made a very ,great inroade in the Moguls country, carrying all before him ; the King of Vizapore fell on the Mogull on one side, and the King of Gulcondah was expected on the other." The English agent at Spahaune writes that there was arrived from Bombain, Ensign Thomas Price, sent by Sir Jar vis Lucas, the governor, who is on his way to this place ; but his guide having (as I hear) died on the way, it may prove a perilous and tedious journey. 476 The affairs at the Persian Court "goes settling daily." The way to India is open again, and the Mogul's ambassador is shortly expected. At Gombroone the Dutch have been very insolent upon the news of the fire in London, giving out that they burnt the city, and " affirming they had obtained four great victoryes against the English, in which they had taken and sunke about a hundred of our best ships, killed 8,000 men, taken as many more prisoners, blockt up the rest," and then fired London. They made a figure, which they said was the King of England, and burnt it publicly, forcing back the soldiers of the Governor, who (upon complaint of the English) had sent to forbid them to fire the figure. The Governor, having orders to treat all strangers courteously, restrained his servants from falling upon the Dutch, and has sent to the King for orders, but bids our nation be of good cheer, as they shall assuredly have justice done them. It is hoped the Dutch may lose their privileges. Were it not for their large presents, they would soon be turned out of the country. The Dutch at the Mogul's Court, by a great present to the chief lord, have hindered the French gentlemen from having audience, and they are returned to Surat. One of them, M. Bebii, was set upon by rogues and hardly escaped with his life ; the other, M. de la Boly, is gone for Bengal, and their negotiations in India as backward as ever. The other French gentlemen, M. Mariage and M. de la Ley, were still at Gombroone, whence one intended for Shiraz and the other for Surat. As to Mr. Frampton, I am certain that his returning to Aleppo is in order to the looking after a nephew of his, who has been made factor marine at Scanderoon, but I will sound him thoroughly and then give your Excellency a further account. Our letters from London, to the 17th June, advise us how unhappily some of his Majesty's best ships have been destroyed by the Dutch in and about Chatham, and that they have taken the Royal Charles. The peace between us and Spain for commerce is ratified, and we have liberty to trade freely to the West Indies. " The citty of London goes up amaine in building, and the new Royall Exchange will far surpass the former. Letters from Amster- dam say that the English and French ambassadors have quarrelled at Breda, where several of their followers have been slain, and one of the ambassadors wounded, but mention not which. As I have had no advices from the Company whether the general ships were to stay at Scanderoon or depart, but only reports in letters to the merchants, I have called a court, and the greater number are of opinion that they had best stay in port twenty days, in which time we shall doubtless have the Company's orders. I have acquainted the commanders, but have not yet got their answer. "Pray God direct them for their safety." 477 I humbly beg to remind you of a person in this factory named Mr. John Newman, " who I am confident would fitt your Excellencie in all respects, he being well skilled in languages, Latin, French, Italian, and of so cleane and free a style in our English tongue that I scarce thinke it possible to find a better. For his person, he is of a good stature and aspect. Of age, about thirty-two years. His cariage sober and inoffensive, so that whether your Excellencie desire a secretary or a tutour for my young lord, he is every way capable, being adorned with much good humane learning. . . . His employments are but small here, and of little advantage to him. I have this morning received a letter from the commanders, who conceive it safest to sail immediately to join our general ships at Smyrna, a secure port, where they hope to receive the Company's orders. I have therefore, with consent of the factory, licenced their departure. " Pray God be their guide and prevent them from their enemies." 10 pp. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1667, Sept. 12. Aleppo. ". . . Concerning the diamond engraved with his Majesties armes which you mencion, Mr. Stephen Flower (chief for the Company at Gombroone) acquainted me that he had got a sight of it, when it was in the hands of Taverneir, and agreed with him for the price of 1,500 dollars or thereabouts, but one Van Wike, comandore for the affaires of the Dutch, at whose house Taverneir lay at Gombroone, got it in his possession, and prevented Mr. Flower of having it." [Relates shortly the affair of the blank packets taken to Surat, with reference to letter of Oct. 12, 1666. See p. 439 above.] If he goes to Smyrna, on his return, I have asked Mr. Ricaut to examine him how he came by the diamond, and what is become of it, as I likewise will do if he comes this way. Neither French nor Dutch ships dare stir out of Scanderoone or Tripoli, for Hassan Rice with two considerable ships lies between Cyprus and Scanderone " to looke for purchase." This is the pirate who took two French vessels into Alexandria, and there murdered all on board one of them, " and hath since armed himselfe out from Scio and Smyrna, upon the like designe." 3 pp. PAUL RYCAUT* to THE SAME. 1667, Sept. 13. Smyrna. On the 5th instant I arrived at the castle of Smyrna, where I found a house ready to receive me. Next morning the whole factory met me and, after a handsome collation, escorted me with about 100 horse and six trumpeters through the streets, " which was such an appearance as hath never before beene scene of Franks in that * From this time, he always spells his name thus. 478 place since this Empire fell into the hands of the Turks . . . and in all our nation I observed that cheerefullnesse at my reception, that from thence I gather and conjecture a happy omen to all my designes and successes here." The Genoese consul sent to meet and congratulate me, and yesterday the Dutch consul sent to salute me, with excuses that " he was deceived by the French, whom he expected should send first," but having understood that they had changed their mind, he was resolved, though late, to offer his respect ; to which I replied that I accepted his compliment and excuse, being sure that he would not be " maliciously defective in his ceremonies towards me and my nation. The French Jesuites did likewise yesterday complement me, though their consul as yet hath taken no notice of me." I conceive that you already know of the quarrel between us and the French. Their chief revenge is to deny conveyance of our letters on their ships. My baratz is not yet come, which hinders my audience with the Kadee, until which time I cannot stir abroad to take the fresh air. "There is a strange mysterie of misfortune in this baratz, by which I guesse at the trouble we are like to find in all other businesses to be negotiated at Adrianople " unless you despatch Antonio thither. We hear that Ragusa is in a very good condition, the Turks having been able to do nothing against it. 3J pp. RICHARD LANGLEY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1667, Sept. 13. Smyrna. Expressing the satisfaction of the factory with the appointment of Mr. Rycaut as their consul. His carriage "is so civill and engaging as not to leave a dissenting person." 1 p. SIR HENEAGE FINCH to his son [DANIEL FINCH]. 1667, Sept. 13-23. Friday. There is scarce one day in the week wherein your mother and I do not heartily wish you at home, "the two years allowd for your whole voyage being now expird, and wee think the rest of that precious time which you spend abroad can add little more either to your satisfaction or improvement. This makes us impatient wee can gett your uncle recalled, with whom it is most decent you should return, but if that cannot be obtaynd (as yet it cannot), I should be sorry to see you loose much more time in expectation of the court resolutions." You complain that your brother wrote no oftener to you from Breda, but he wrote very little to me also, " and was never master of much intelligence, the whole negotiation of the treaty being kept very privat ; . . . but if you knew the value he setts upon the letter you sent him, you would swear that never any younger brother had so true a respect for his elder. . . . Let him never have any cause 479 to fear you are dissatisfyd with him for I shall think I provide very ill for him when I dy if I do not leave him a great share in your affections. " This night our ambassadors are returned from Holland, and last night your brother took post hors at Gravesend and came to us to Kensington, very weary but in good health. . . . Your Uncle Bering and his family are with me ; he is going for Ireland next Monday." 1 p. SIR HENEAGE FINCH to his son [DANIEL FINCH]. 1667, Sept. 19-29. Friday. " Yours of Sept. 6, n.s. I received about three days since, and shall have occasion to make great use of the news you sent me. . . , " I do very much approve your desire of spending some part of your time in France ; and because I am still, and know not how long I may be, an unsuccessfull suitor for your uncle's return, ... I desire you should spend this winter in France, in order to your being here next spring. Before which time 'tis possible your uncle may remove and overtake f- you. ' This, I presume, is time enough to make you master of the French tongue, as farr as will be necessary for conversation, and to instruct or perfect your fencing, riding, and dauncing, without inconvenience to your health. . . . " When you come into France you may happily find my Lord St. Albans ambassador there, whom you must wayt upon, and give me an account of your motions from time to time. . . . And so I pray God bless you, and send you safe home at last, to the joy of your mother and your truly loving father." 1 p. PAUL RYCAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1667, Sept. 20. Smyrna. The ship Jerusalem of Livorne has arrived here. I despatched a boat for our letters so timely that before advice reached her of our difference with the French (under whose colours she sails) the letters were in the messenger's hands, but he remaining to drink with the commander, the French consul's orders for -detaining the English letters arrived. I have however got them, by threatening the captain. They declare the ratification of our peace with the Dutch, French and Danes, on much the same terms with the Dutch as were concluded in 1662. The Dutch are alarmed by a report that their East India fleet is fallen into the hands of Capt. Harnian, besides great number of prizes taken by Sir Jeremy Smith to the northward, and picked up daily in our Channel. I have had audience with the Kaddee, who entertained me more civilly (as I understand) than he ever did any consul before me. The same afternoon the Genoese consul came to 480 visit me, whom I received with the usual ceremony. Dr. Pickering tells me that since we have a peace with all the world, his wife is resolved for England, so that my lady will be again disappointed, "nor can I perswade Joan upon any termes to Constantinople," who says she has no need of money or favour and when she leaves Smyrna, resolves for England. [Concerning the detaining of the general ships, and the merchants' desire for allowance of tare from the customer in weighing their goods.] "Mr. Langley is likely to fall into some troubles and embroiles with Armenians, though at present he hath the best end of the staflfe." Signer Georgio Homero, our druggerman, desires a new baratz, the old one being lost by his son in his journey to Constantinople. Postscript. " I shall remit your Excellencie by the next the 200 dollars for consulage, and am taking that course that this sort of consulage shall yearely become beneficiall to your Excellencie, after six months' time." 4 pp. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. [1667, September.*] On the 21st instant arrived here Ensign Price, with packets for his Majesty from Sir Jarvis Lucas, and with him came " a Portugall, a person of honour and worth, who are both with me in my house." At Azeroone, the Emeen, a renegado Dutchman, upon a false pretence that they had jewels concealed, clapt them both in irons, and forced from them near 500 dollars, which had not a Portugal gentleman paid, they had both perished. Now, being here, " the Chiau of our Emeen, a most notorious villaine, possesseth his patrone to make the like avania on them here," and hath sealed up all the packets of letters, so that I cannot send them forward for England by the vessels now ready to depart. I entreat your Excellency to take some order with this Chiau, " for upon all occasions he gives us so much trouble by indeavouring to make false pretences that we know no end. . . By no meanes such abuses are not to be passed by, to stop his Majesties packets . . . and to make pretences upon his Majesties subjects and friends, pretending one day they must have Jewells, another day that they are spyes." From London we hear the peace is settled at Breda, and signed and sealed. 2 pp. CONSUL RYCAUT to THE SAME. 1667, Sept. 28. Smyrna. A French vessel having come in, on whom, we heard, were many English letters, much part of this day has been spent in messages between myself and the French consul. "At length the Jesuites have made us friends, the consul having sent me all my letters with much ceremonie and complement, desiring all good correspondence betweene * Undated, but endorsed " About the 22 of September." 481 us for the future, and that what is past may be forgot and forgiven. I was glad of the occasion to conclude thus honourably, for that enmitie and contests of this nature betweene us can never be advantagious to either, but must allwayes end to the profitt and benefit of the Turkee. The customer now that our general ships are ready to depart, and that he may try the mettle of the new consul is demanding a weighty, instead of a current, dollar, upon every sack of cotton. A druggerman should (in the opinion of myself and the factory) be immediately dispatched to Adrianople to demand that our ancient tariff should be continued. Letters from Leghorn, just now come, say that the besieged of Lisle had made a valiant sally, and killed 20,000 French, and taken the King prisoner, but hereof we wait confirmation. 3 pp. CONSUL RYCAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1667, Oct. 4. Smyrna. The customer is now come to better reason, and is content to clear our ships at the usual rate. The French nation and ours begin better to agree ; we have our letters delivered as formerly, and compliments pass between the French consul and myself. 1 pp. THE EARL OF WESTCHILSEA to LORD ARLINGTON. 1667, Oct. 10. Belgrade. Stating that at present it is impossible to make Stephano Prince of Moldavia, as the Vizier is in Candia, and the nobles of Moldavia, in whose hands the present lazy prince leaves all the power, desire no change. Complains that the French detain and open all the English letters, and at Vienna he is served just as ill, and so has left off sending letters that way. When Count Lesley was in Turkey, he opened all the letters, including Lord Arlington's. [The rest of the letter is in relation to Poland and Venice.] Letter Book, ii, p. 401. 3 pp. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] ROBERT FRAMPTON to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. [1667,*] Oct. 17. Aleppo. Recommending the bearer Mr. John Newman to his Excellency, as " a precious jewel worthy of all esteem," and who will be as much an honour to the employment he shall be in as he takes it for an honour to be invited into his Lordship's service. His desire is to be his Excellency's secretary in Turkey, " his interest as a merchant, his inclination, and dependance on the Turky Company swaying him thereunto," but he is both willing and able to undertake the education of Lord Maidstone if his Excellency desires it and will "imprint such a kindness in my Lord towards him as may make his way facile." 1 p. * Year date given in endorsement. Wt. 29495. ri 31 482 CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1667, Oct. 20. Aleppo. I prevented the injustice to the messenger from Bombain and the Portugal gentleman, Don Antonio de Azevedo de Brito "by calling our Emeene himself to justice, where the Caddee delivered me the packets . . and discharged the persons from any further trouble." The messenger has gone on a French ship bound for Marseilles, and the peace being concluded at Breda, we hope he may have a quick passage for England. I have acquainted Mr. John Newman with the contents of your letter and found him " sensible, as he ought, of the obligation your lordship layes upon him . . . and ready to venture to Constantinople upon a presumption that the employment of Cancelleer may be vacant for him, wherein he hopes after some small experience to acquitt himself e to your lordship's content. And though he is well sattisfyed in the advantage that will accrue to him in the title and reputation of being your lordship's secretary in your private affairs, yet he saith that he dare not answer for his owne abilities . . . and will most humbly submit himselfe to your lordship's commands wherever he shall be so hapie as to be esteemed by your lordship capable." M. Taverneir, who had his Majesty's diamond, was left by Ensign Price in Persia, in the silk caravan bound for Smyrna. From India they write that he and the Dutchman in his company " had bought up in those parts vast quantities of Jewells, which they carry with them for Christendome." 1|PP- CONSUL RYCAUT to THE SAME. 1667, Oct. 21. Smyrna. My grief at hearing of my lady's miscarriage was consoled by the news of her recovery. I can no longer persuade your Excellency to be so kind to yourself, and cruel to her, as to detain her in this country. " Let her, in God's name, returne home, to blesse the interest you have in England with her presence." I have been averse to this till now, " for I know your lordship cannot live long without her, your house in her absence will be sad : . . . and your habitation will want that life and cheerefulmesse which this good lady and your children gave it," but I look upon it that she is only going to warm Eastwell walls against your Excellency's arrival, for your debts being now almost extinguished, you will be able either to follow her or spend your time in a more comfortable county. We have now peace with all the world, and our general ships will shortly sail for England ; she could never be mistress of a more convenient conveyance. If she come by land in her horse- litter, I will meet her half way, with 20 or 30 horse, and show her all the honour this place can afford ; and methinks your Excellency might also visit Smyrna and hunt for some time at Sedeque ; in which I should bless my condition, that I 483 should be able to show some of my gratitude, and render you the fruit of that harvest which you sowed and planted. The enclosed from Sir John Finch will inform you of our _i__ peace with the French, Dutch and Dane ; that the Great Seal is taken from my Lord Chancellor and given to my Lord Bridgeman ; that Sir William Coventry has resigned his place to Mr. Wren, one of my Lord Chancellor's secretaries, and that we have lately taken four Dutch men of war. " Mrs. Pickering is resolved to wait on my lady . . . having at her Excellencies command changed her resolutions. Joan I intend shall goe for England, for slighting your Excellencies service at Constantinople." The Kaddee has sent me a sample of the false temins, desiring that, if any come hither on a ship wearing English colours, I should send them to the Customer. Now is the time to strike at this false money, which I shall do with all the art I can. Ever since I arrived we have had southerly winds, making this place very unwholesome, and strangely hot for the season ; nor have we had any rains all this year, except two thunder showers. This unseasonable weather has caused the plague to break out again near my house, but I hope the next cold weather will again clear us. Postscript. Yours of the 13-23 inst. is come to hand this evening, by which I perceive that my lady must be already on her way. I have given orders to the merchants to be ready, and early on Wednesday morning, the 23rd, I shall begin my journey with forty well-appointed horse, and travel until I meet her. 4 pp. CONSUL RYCAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1667, Oct. 21. I shall disperse the Bishop's letter in the manner your Excellency has instructed me. Mr. Ta vernier is not yet come ; a Venetian merchant lately come from India says he left Tavernier there and that he meant to return by sea. I have given Lord Arlington an account of the French insolencies and our late quarrel with them. Their trade must fall of itself shortly, "since temins loose their reputation and the peace concluded betweene us and Holland." I would fain procure your Excellency a good dog, but as yet can find none worthy your acceptance. Here is an excellent one belonging to Mr. Sprignall, one of the merchants, " but no good words or money will purchase him." 2 pp. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1667, Nov. 3. Smyrna. This brings your Excellency the acceptable news of my lady's safe arrival here yesterday. I despatch this Messe with all expedition, knowing your anxiety until you hear that so rich a treasure is lodged in safety. And indeed I rejoice with you upon it, for, considering her 484 weakness, and the dangers of the way from thieves, who now wholly rule this lesser Asia, we ought " to admire the providence of God, that so rich and desired a prey as she, expected and attended for in all the quarters of the robbers, fell not into their bloudy and mercilesse hands." Besides the party near Mandrahoria, we only met one other company (of thirty-one) near Palamut, " pretending to be huntsmen and to beat over those plaines with their greyhounds " ; but the next day they alarumed so the caravan from hence destined to Russia, that it is waiting for a force to bring them through. My lady was met near Smyrna by the remainder of our nation, and likewise by the French and Dutch, " so that we entered into the city about 250 horse, all. the ships in the road firing their gunnes to wellcome her Excellencie " and every honour of which the place is capable being done her on her arrival. Our Customer sent five of his men to wait on her as far as Mandrahoria, for which civility you will do well to return him thanks. And now my lady is here I shall not want to comfort her and respect her, and give her the best entertainment possible. My house is infinitely honoured by her presence, and I am rejoiced beyond measure to show the world how dear her safety and happiness is to me. The Company's orders for the ships' departure are not yet come, so she will have time to repose herself and provide for her voyage ; and what money she wants shall be supplied by me. The Genoese Consul has made his visit to her to-day, and to-morrow I expect the French and Dutch. I have already discoursed with her concerning your affairs ; the sum of all being that she is to solicit your Commissioners to send half-yearly their accounts, to observe by her friends at Court what places fall, and employ her agents to secure them for you, and to endeavour to arrange the portion and marriage of your daughter. Other things may occur, unfore- seen by me, which must be left to her discretion. 3 pp. Seal of arms. RICHARD LANGLEY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1667, Nov. 3. Smyrna. Congratulating his lordship on the safe arrival of Lady Winchilsea at Smyrna, and apologising for not writing ere this, as he has been out of town " to meet her Excellency." 1 p. CONSUL RYCAUT to THE SAME. 1667, Nov. 6. Smyrna." . . . The Genoese Consul happening to visit her Excellencie before the French, hath put the French besides his witts, and caused him to refraine his visit. The truth is, had the French declared he would have performed this office to her Excellencie, I should have had reason to have conserved his precedency, but in regard 485 it was doubtfull he had any such intention or not, my lady had no reason to refuse the proffer of the Genoese, and deny him audience till she had received a visit which was altogether uncertaine. The Dutch, who are the French apes, resolve to be governed by the same rule ; howsoever, the Dutch consul declared his resolution to show his respect to her Excellencie, but his nation, whom he greatly feares, prevented him ; yet he resolves to send his wise sonne Augustine with the complement this afternoone. We have no ship, with all these southerly winds, out of Christendome, so that we are void of all intelligence." 2 pp. CONSUL RYCAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1667, Nov. 18. Smyrna. Yours of the 29th Oct. was delivered me by Usaein Aga, our Customer, and was the first notice I had of the Arz made to the Porte that our ships remained at the Castles and held correspondence with the Venetians. "It is a strange die veil that was author of such an information, and however it is put upon the Kaddee, it had no other father but Usaein Aga himself." Our Scanderoone ships have been at the Castles above forty days, and our Smyrna ships are gone out to them, to be out of danger of embargo or being taken up for Candia. We daily expect orders for their sailing for England, " untill when, whatsoever the Customer here or at Constantinople may talke, the shipps must keep their station, and if they deny them provisions or water, as I am told they will, we must then seeke to defend our capitulations." If it be true that the Kaddee has made any such Arz, it is that he may force the Scanderoone ships to come in, and so receive his port charge, "of which, for this time, we shall make bold to disappoint him." Your lady and pretty children are all well. I often talk with her of your interests, and doubt not but that she will be an excellent solicitor for you at Court. Postscript. The Customer is trying to force fresh duties upon us. He is very insolent, and threatens my druggerman as he durst not do if your Excellency were near the Court. 3 pp. SIR WILLIAM MORICE to THE SAME. 1667, Nov. 21. ". . . Though death lopt of two golden branches from the royal stem yet (as on Sybilla's tree) another is sprunge forth whereof I presume you have already heard. His royal highnes hath beene sicke of the smal poxe, and is not yet recovered, but raised beyond all danger or doubt of miscarryinge. The general subject of all negotiations in the Courts of the princes at this end of the world is the \varre or peace betweene France and Spayne ; there are several embassadors in this Court traversing that concerne from the Emperor, Spayne, France, the Estates &c. but his Majestyes principles permit him not to be forward to declare his sentiments 486 and lesse to engage his powers. We are heere in the house of Commons in a warme pursuite of the miscarriages during the late warre. and are active in the research therof. We have falne with a great shocke uppon the late Chancellor and have sent up unto the lords an impeachment against him of high treason and other misdemeanours and have desired he may be sequestred from the house (where yet he never appeared this session) and committed to safe custody ; but the charge being only in general termes, the lords have demurred to the doinge therof, until they have a special charge and particular articles. Our house notwithstandinge adheres to the demand, and after sundry conferences, the matter is indetermined in suspence and not yet come to an issue. The manifest displeasure of his Majesty sitts with more waight upon the Chancellor then the prosecution of all other his adversaries, who for ought is liquid to me or can be discovered by my investigation, are not confident to prove the treasons, but take themselves to be certaine to evince the misdemeanors. Time will bring forth and manifest the truth and instruct us by the event, but I doubt it will take up much time, the worke we have cutt out being not likely to be soon made up." 1 p, THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD KEEPER BRIDGEMAN. 1667, Dec. 4. As no man entertains a greater love towards his sovereign than myself, so also no man more really esteems his old friends. So that the news of your lordship's promotion* to that great office you now sustain and long since deserved, highly affects me, for I am exceedingly sensible of the advantage which will redound to his Majesty and all good men by it. Besides, I can now with greater satisfaction begin to think of returning, since that I can promise myself your lordship's protection at Court. For being conscious to all my actings in the late great rebellion, you can assure yourself " that I never did in the heat thereof, want heart to serve my master, though fortune and occasion was not propitious to my dearest intentions." Your lordship's wisdom will guide you to distinguish of persons, and I humbly pray God to direct his Majesty and your lordship to discover all false hearts at home, for that is the way to vanquish all his enemies abroad. "If I may be so happie as to be employed at my returne, I assure your lordshipp, that as I never will buy a place so I never shall sell my master's interests, but endeavour to imitate your great virtues as far as I am able, having bin long an admirer of them. My Lord Treasurer's death, my ever most honoured and deare brother, was a terrible blowe to mee and the being reduced to a necessitie of consenting to my wife's departure was a wound upon a cicatrice, and insensibly betrayed me to a melancholic I could not master. But the * Made Lord Keeper on Aug. 30, upon Clarendon's iall. 487 newes of your lordshipp's advancement will bee a cordiall to my spirits amidst these my languishings and will support them in some good measure whilst I must breathe this barbarous aire. Besides, it inspires mee with some hopes that by your lordshipp's favour and councell I may once more at a less distance serve my master and have the happiness after my dangers and sufferinges during the rebellion and a seaven yeares irksome seperation from our King and Countrie to appeare at home. In the meane time, I must beseech your lordshipp's perticuler care of my deare wifes and my concernes as farr as lawe and honnour will give you leave, and that your lordshipp will assist our interest with your powerfull intercession." Letter Book, ii, p. 409. 1 p. [Dated as above at the top, but 28 Nov. at the bottom of the page. Probably written on the earlier and despatched on the later date.] THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to CAPT. TUCK and CAPT. HULSE. 1667, Dec. 4. Pera. I wrote to you on the first of August last, about the provision of moneys for my daughter's portion. " Now, since the peace is concluded, and so my rents likely to be more duely paid, I am the more inclined to contribute this satisfaction to my deare wife and my lady Dutchess, and to manifest my care and affection to my daughter Frances." Therefore, if the 1,0001. drawn on the Company be not paid, I give you liberty to raise the whole out of my estate, by mortgage or otherwise, as, with Lord Keeper Bridgeman's and my cousin Solicitor's advice, you shall think fit. "I still must be understood that my daughter Frances marrie with the consent of her mother and grandmother." I pray you to resolve on a speedy way of raising the portion, that so there may be no more to do for the conclusion of any good match that offers, but to draw up and seal the writings. Ibid, p. 410. 1 p. THE SAME to SIR GEO. OXENDEN, 1667, Dec. 4. Pera. Fearing that his former letter (see p. 396 above], has miscarried, he renews his request for the various articles there mentioned, especially for tea, and the "instruments " necessary for making it, "of that met tall which is like copper, but hath no smell and is more pretious." Ibid. p. 410. 1 p. Also, Letter to Consul Lannoy, praying him to forward the above, and to make good the cost of anything which Sir George sends by way of Aleppo ; the money for which shall be thankfully re-imbursed. Ibid, p. 411. \ p. 488 THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SECRETARY MORICE. 1667, Dec. 8. Pera. I send you a relation apart with what gallantry, respect and affection the Dutch representative here entertained me and the nation, on the news of the late peace, not at his expense, but by order and out of the public purse, for they have also a Turkey company. I now signify this to the Levant Company, and that I conceive myself obliged to do something reciprocal, although not to vie with the Dutch or spin out a feast for three days. I will manage things as frugally as I can, but " have so much reason to suspect they will check at any expence," that I pray you to speak with the governor, Sir Andrew Riccard, and show him the necessity of it. Necessity, which makes light of all laws, hath enforced me to deprive myself for the present of my dear wife and consign her over to a long winter voyage, which the doctors considered of absolute necessity. Postscript. At Candia, the Venetian Secretary and Resident with the Vizier are both dead. I now have fresh hopes that I may be used by the Senate. There are two noble Venetians prisoners in the Seven Towers, who are of my friendship, and deserve to be so, being very honest persons. I have offered them my services, as licenced by his Majesty so to do. and they have written to the Senate about it. Letter Book, ii, pp. 413 and 415. 2 pp. Enclosing, A Relation of Occurrences. Constantinople. Dec. 8, 1667. He who supplies the place of the Dutch Resident here was ordered by his masters to have a public solemnization to celebrate the peace, which he did by inviting me to a magnificent feast, continuing for three days, and designing to give relish to it, omitted to invite the French Ambassador. 'Twas no small mortification to him and the whole nation, as they signified by many peevish instances ; but the Dutch representant pursued, as it seemed, his design of obliging me, coming in person to accompany me, and, during the feast, catching at all circumstances that might speak his esteem of the English and neglect of the French. The French Ambassador threatens to make his complaint of the affront at home, and doubts not to procure the Dutch representant a severe check for this action, but I hope nothing of that nature shall be the effect of so much good -will. The pleasure of the Dutch was not so pure as I could have wished it, by reason of one distasteful circumstance, which first happened to them. The Dutch chief with indiscretion enough, would not go roundly about what he intended, but first would excuse to the French Ambassador his not inviting both, and give him notice of the preference 489 he gave me, but was so unhappy as to find him with a cane in his hand, wherewith he was well beaten ; but still the ambassador rests unappeased. A Muscovite Ambassador came .lately hither, and his druggerman came to see me, with compliments in his master's name, which I was not careful to return then, partly in contemplation of the rude treatment his Majesty's Ambassador, the Earl of Carlisle, received. Now I am informed that his master's public minister was well received in England, I will venture a com- pliment to his discretion. The druggerman 's errand was about a silk trade designed from Persia to their country. They pretend to be true to their friendship and peace with the Polonians (why then this embassy ?), but the Greeks murmur that they will agree with the Grand Signer and break their accord with Poland. Hassan, the pirate who has lately infested these seas, and taken several French ships, appears now to be counten- anced by the Vizier. When this latter once complained of French corsairs, the ambassador replied that " his King's country was a great country, and in it there were many bad as well as good, so that it could not be remedied. The Vizier now returns that the Grand Signer's country is a wide country, in which are good and bad &c. yet they can help this, but will not, till the French give example. Lead mines have lately been discovered about Trabizond which will be of much prejudice to our trade, if the slothfulness of the Turks do not betray them to a neglect of the improvement. Constantinople. Dec. 17. Further occurences. The Druggerman of the French Consul at Smyrna was sent to Candia to complain to the Vizier of the outrages of the pirate Hassan, but effected nothing. The Vizier said to him, " I presumed to fight here with the Venetians only, but I see I must combat the French too. He added (by a mistake that is rooted in him), that the General of Candia himself was a Frenchman." The second time he treated him more roughly and when he ventured a third, ordered them to lay him down and give him five hundred blows on the feet. This was remitted by the intercession of some that were by, but the druggerman "durst not stay longer for a better answer." [With further account of the "injuries" put upon the French.] Letter Book, ii, pp. 412 and 414. 3 pp. CONSUL RYCAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1667, Dec. 9. Smyrna. My last was written on the 7th instant, the day of her Excellency's departure, since which time we have had fair weather and easterly winds, so I hope 490 the ships have made good progress through the Arches. Your Excellency is pleased to take notice of my small and weak services tendered to my lady, which is no more than my duty, and a part of that high honour and grateful respect which I owe both to you and her. Several French ships are come or coming, which bring nothing but false temins. The customer here takes them at a certain rate, by which means the French being able to give greater rates than we for all commodities, wholly ruin and destroy our traffic. Your Excellency would do well to order Signer Georgio to make complaint thereof in your name, for " though it be impossible to make as yet that coyne invalid, yet order may be given that no more be imported," which, in a short time, will do our business as well as if it were wholly taken away. 2 pp. CHARLES II to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1667, Dec. 20. Whitehall. Recommending to his care and protection Patrick Simson, merchant, now residing in Moldavia, who will have frequent occasion to pass through parts of the Ottoman Empire, where he may need the am- bassador's assistance against the molestations to which strangers are but too frequently exposed in those parts. Sign manual, countersigned by Arlington. \\ pp. THE EARL or ARLINGTON to THE SAME. 1667, Dec. 23. Whitehall." . . . The occasion of this is to convey the inclosed from his Majesty, giving your Excellency orders to returne, which I thought it would bee for your convenience to bee advertized of by times, that you might dispose your affaires accordingly there, and prepare for your domestique ones here, which his Majesty beleeves want much your presence." The letters to the Grand Signer and Grand Vizier will be dispatched by the first ships. Signed. 1 p. Endorsed as received the 19-29 March. SIR HENEAGE FINCH to his son [DANIEL FINCH]. 1667-8, Dec. 30 Jan. 9. Inner Temple.". . . There are so many things upon the anvill, and such reformations intended both in Church and State, and those are like to be accompanyd with such changes of things and persons too, that he must be more then mad who shall pretend to foretell anything. The best thing I can write, and which I have reason to beleive, is that we shall undoubtedly sett out a very con- siderable fleet next summer. Your uncle, Sir Daniel Harvey is to go for Constantinople, and, as I hear to-day, is to bee made an English viscount. . . . Wee hear the Earl of Clarendon hath been privately at Paris and is gone back to Rouen. ..." 1 p. 491 CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINOHILSEA. 1667[-8], Jan. 4. Aleppo. Giving an account of the ill reception of the Dutch Agent at Ispahan by the King of Persia, although that nation had just sent him a great present, including a third elephant (having given him two before), and "two small shack dogs." At the same time "Sultan Blockye " was confirmed in his government of Cosbin with great demonstrations of honour, including a parade of elephants and " four large lions " ; 160 heads of Tartars carried in triumph upon long poles, one after another, and six of their chiefest commanders, taken prisoners in a victory a few months before, but to whom the King now gave their liberty. The French write from Gombroone that there has been a mutiny amongst the soldiers in the Portugal fleet, and that they have killed the Vice-King and others of quality, but this is not confirmed. 2 pp. CONSUL RYCAUT to THE SAME. 1667-8, Jan. 15. Smyrna. The eight or nine French ships in this port, after an embargo of twenty-five days, have been released for 700 dollars. Unhappily, two private ships from London and a Ligornese under English colours have come in, on which the same prohibition was laid. I have got the English ships licence to proceed, but fear the Ligornese will be forced to a voyage for Candia. If she is taken by the Venetians, it will fall heavily on Mr. Langley, to whom she was consigned, and on you and me, as regards consulage. This teaches me for the future not to give permission to any foreign ship to come in with English colours during this war. In the hope of shortly seeing your Excellency here, I shall delay my journey to Ephesus, though I fear you may scarce obtain licence from the court, nor " securitie of travell" for fear of robbers, of which there are 300 about two days journey of this place. Mr. Coke and Mademoiselle embark to-day for Constan- tinople, and Mr. Luke, our chaplain, departed yesterday for Jerusalem. As to the coins called teinins, " there is a strange mystery or rather witchcraft in the people," but the last brought in are so horribly false "that they will in short time become red, and show themselves in their colours, by which means they will be no more current, and so the whole country breake at once. ... In my opinion, it is beneath the honour of his Majestic to take notice of the bad rnony in the Grand Signer's country . . . and it is a disparagement to the Grand Signer and his government to receive a regulation of their coyne by advice of a foraigne King." 4 pp. THE EARL OF ARLINGTON to THE SAME. 1667-8, Jan. 17. Whitehall. "This is only to accompany the enclosed from his Majesty, signifying his pleasure to your Excellency that you returne home, where you may be assured 492 of a very kind reception from him, and of all good offices on my side, wherein I may contribute anything to your satisfaction and honour." Holograph. | p. Endorsed as answered on December 28, 1668. Enclosing, Lord Winchilsea's Revocation, under the King's sign manual, dated Dec. 19, 1667.* SIR HENEAGE FINCH to his son [DANIEL FINCH]. 1667-8, Jan. 23 Feb. 2. " ... I doe presume you have heard before this time of the defensive league between England, Holland, Sweden &c., which I suppose is lookt on at Paris as a league made against them ; for so it will prove in effect, if the desires of that great monarch cannot be circumscribed." If it occasion a rupture, your stay will be unpleasant, but you can remove thence whenever you think fit. " Enquire whether the Code Louys conteyn any systeme of laws, or be only a regulation of the forms of proceeding. If the latter, I shall not much desire it, but if it bee the former, perhaps I shall desire you to buy it." 1 p. SIR WILLIAM MORICE to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1667[-8], Jan. 24. " I received on Monday last your Excellencyes favor of August 19th, which hath had so tardy a motion. Of the great shocke of the Chancellor, his flight into France, and his remove from thence by command of the French Kinge, thereby to prevent all umbrage heere ; of the act for his perpetual exile never to be revoked but by a pardon ratified in parliament, I presume the relations you have heard from others will supersede mine and render them superfluous. That which is new, is the defensive league freshly concluded with the United Provinces, which is very signal for the importance therof in this conjuncture ; the suddenness therof, soone after a furious warre ; the secret conduct and quicke dispatch therof, being finished in five dayes by the advantage of being transacted at the Hague by Sir William Temple, his Majestyes Envoy, while they had two ambassadors extraordinary heere at the same time. There is a common engagement to mediate an accord betweene the Bangs of France and Spaine uppon the overtures and propositions once made by the former, wherby, if he shall now refuse to be concluded, the allyes (wherof Sueden is like to be one), will take other counsels. Holland is raisinge 20,000 foote and 4,000 horse, additional to their standinge force, and will sett forth this yeere 48 capital ships. His Majesty hath ordered the equippinge of 60. The French courted his Majesty with specious generals, which being prest unto particulars and certentyes turnd to dust. They are now * There is also a signed duplicate of this, which was no doubt sent, for security, another way. 493 inflamed at this league, especially against Holland, with whom they had a defensive, and wherof the Dutch reaped late advantages, but we were free from them, and at liberty to close with any other. Sagacious men doubt this league will drawe us into a warre, but Spaine is not yet thorough awakened, and dreames that their neighbors must preserve Flanders for their owne interest sake. The French King is uppon his march toward the Franch County, where the Prince of Condy hath induced the nobility and gentry to a facility of defection, to prevent and supersede the conquest ; the French Kinge is active and vigilant, and is like to advance his worke before any of his opposites wilbe in a posture and capacity to checke and interrupt him. I hope to kisse your Excellencyes hand heere er longe who I heare are desirous to returne to your country, which wilbe enricht with you." 1 p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1667-8, Jan. 31. Aleppo. Sir George Oxinden writes that our affairs in those parts are in a good condition. A " numerous and mountainous people called Patans " have lately rebelled against the Great Mogul and have a considerable body in arms ; he has sent a great power to reduce them to obedience. Tavernier, who had his Majesty's diamond ring, is on his way to Smyrna. At Spahaune he bought a diamond which cost 7,000?. sterling. In his company was a Dutch jeweller, one David Bazu, of Amsterdam, who, in India, bought a diamond costing 30,000 tomans, which is 100,OOOZ. sterling ; taking up money from Armenians at 46 per cent, in order to pay for it. 1 p. SIR HENEAGE FINCH to his son [DANIEL FINCH]. 1667-8, Feb. 2-12. Sunday. The gentlemen who gives you this will tell you the news. He accompanies " an honor- able and very worthy person to Paris, Mr. John Trevor, who is sent as envoye extraordinary to know how farr the King of France will please to hearken to a peace " ; in which case, he " hath power to change his quality, and to appear in the quality of an ambassador." This gentleman's name is Mr. Trevor, too (a lawyer of our House, nephew and heir to Mr. Arthur Trevor). " But Mr. John Trevor is the eldest sonne of Sir John Trevor ; neerly allyd to your uncle, Sir Daniel Harvey's lady. He is a Member of Parliament, and in great reputation there and at Court ; and if there be any truth in reports, will certainly be advanced at his returne, and probably be made Secretary of State ; so that it will be a happy circumstance of your travells, to be made known to him abroad," by this gentleman's means. 1 p. CONSUL RYCAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1667[-8], Feb. 3-13. Smyrna. I send a letter from my lady, who is safely arrived as far as Malta, after many adventures 494 by cross winds and storms. The commander of the Ligornese ship agrees to carry provisions to Candia, there being no other remedy, but I wish her to go as a frank ship, while the Turks insist on hiring her as they do their own, "who are forced with the topus and as slaves and vassalls of the country." On my refusing to accept the poor terms they offer, they threaten to get orders from Adrianople to take one of the English ships, now nearly loaded. Pray let Signor Georgio be ready to answer that they are too heavy for the purpose, not able to sail like the French ships purposely made for these seas, and would certainly fall into the hands of the enemy. 2 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THOMAS DEATH and EPHRAIM SKINNER. 1667-8, Feb. 5. Pera. Praying them to procure for him six quadras or pictures. They must not be filled with imagery, but floriage, as fruits, flowers, roots &c. being to gratify the curiosity of a civil Turk belonging to the Court, to whom he is indebted for some toys. They are not to exceed five dollars each in price. Letter Book, ii, p. 416. \ p. CONSUL RYCATJT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1667[-8], Feb. 6-16. Stating that unless he (Rycaut) agrees to their terms, the Cadi and Capigi-basha threaten to send a false statement to Turkey, concerning the ships, and to get orders to take both the English ships at their own price. The Ligornese, seeing that by this means he is likely to escape, has raised his terms and now asks "as extravagantly too much " as the Turks' offer is too little, so that between the two, Rycaut knows not which way to turn and can only try to accommodate the matter with the Capigi-basha for money. Desires that Signor Antonio may tell the customer, Usaein Aga, that the two great English ships released by him from the Grand Signer's service are again embargoed. " In the time of the carnaval, the Dutch nation going in mascara with lanternes, at a seasonable time in the night, in the Frank street, were assaulted by the Vayvod's men," and in the ensuing fray, several of the Dutch were very much wounded and beaten. The consul's son,' Augustin, having his hand cut, the consul complained, but received only fair words, and the Vayvod, Hamet Aga, " the great tormenter of the Franks," tried to put off the blame by punishing some of his men, but the Dutch mean to demand justice upon himself, from the Porte. They applying to me to join with them, I told them I could do nothing without your licence, but that I did not doubt you would help to bring such an exemplary villain to justice, and that nothing ought to content us but his head, for which end they will need to get a public accusation. 3| pp. 495 CONSUL RYCAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1667-8, Feb. 18. Smyrna. I have just received yours of the 9-1 9th, concerning an English merchant, or one under the English banner, said to have been sent with great quantities of jewels to Constantinople. "Sure Usaein Aga, amongst his other fancies for getting mony must dreame," for I know of no such person. About three months since a Venetian under the English banner came here from Persia, with curiosities for the Emperor, but he paid all his customs and departed freely before Usaein Aga went for Constantinople. I cannot imagine what he means, unless he designs to bring an avania upon us ; for he has ordered that till this man be found, our ships are not to be permitted to load. This is the third time he has prevented our ships from lading ; he searches all means to ruin our nation, and I pray your Excellency to deal plainly with him, " for he is not a person to be treated with complement." The druggermen of all the four consuls have departed to complain of the insolence of Achmet, our Vayvod. " I hope our next combination will be against Usaein Aga, who of the two, deserves much the worse." We hear that those of Candia have made a sally and made a great slaughter amongst the Turks. Postscript. Some Dutchmen have come from Persia, who may perhaps be the men Usaein Aga intends. If, upon every dispute, our ships are stopped lading, there will be no further trading for us here. 2 pp. SIR HENEAGE FINCH to his son [DANIEL FINCH]. 1667-8, Feb. 24 March 6. The 100Z. sent to you by the merchant at Rouen, I have ordered to be made 200Z. ; "nor shall I make any reflections upon your expences, as being very secure of your good conduct by an opinion of your vertue long since settled in me, and not easily removed. Your mother hopes to see you in England about midsummer next ; the rather because she expects within a few weeks after to be brought to bed, and would be loath to come so neer the hazards of a grave, without one sight more of you." There is not much news stirring as yet, " although the Court and the Parliament fill the whole town with various conjectures of what will bee." 1 p. CONSUL RYCAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1667-8, Feb. 24. Smyrna. Yours of the 13th brings me the unwelcome advice of your audience with the Captain Basha, which to-day was seconded by my being ordered by the Kaddee and Capugi bashee (who is here supervisor of the provisions for Candia) to provide two English ships to carry com to Candia ; and if the ships were full, to unlade them. They produced a letter from the Captain Basha, intimating that you consented 496 thereto. I answered that I had already furnished them with one ship which was laden ; and that the others were so laden and steeved, that they could not be cleared again in forty days, in which time we expect other ships, which may be at their disposal. Meanwhile, here are store of French ships in port, empty and light sailors. The Capugi bashee, knowing my reasons to be convincing, as also that these ships have already bought their release, promises to write to the Captain Basha in our favour, so, if your Excellency strikes while the iron is hot, and represents the business in the true state, your argu- ments may work upon him. And truly, seeing these ships have been kept here two months, would take forty days to clear, and must then make a voyage to Candia, pass all the dangers of the seas and return again, for a freight of 1,200 dollars, it is so hard a bargain that the commanders say it would be more to their advantage to give away their ships, than to undertake this voyage in the Grand Signer's service. The French musician your Excellency mentions is returned for France, finding no employment here. Colonel Detti left the Persian caravan at Erziram, and is gone for Moldavia by way of Georgia. Postscript. "What is advanced for the freight of the Ligornese, pray endeavour to get it paid there, for here it will all be eaten up from us before we shall be able to receive it." 4 pp. CONSUL RYCATJT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSBA. 1667-8, Feb. 25. Smyrna. The Ligornese ship being compelled to carry corn "at a temin and a half per chiloe," is made an example to the French ships, who resolve to refuse the price and to go first to the Porte, to bargain by their am- bassador for a better freight. I hope your Excellency will procure the same for the Ligornese, as well as for other ships which in the future may be taken up for this service, for here they give us but half the Grand Signer's price. The business between Mr. Langley and Bernardiston is now brought to a conclusion, the greater number of the arbitrators giving their hands for Mr. Langley. I am sorry your Excellency has found occasion to discharge Signor Cortese. Whilst I was in your family and examined his accounts, I never found him false. What has happened since I cannot tell, but wish there were no reason for you to deprive yourself of so good a servant. 2 pp. Preioritten, Copy of the preceding letter. THE EARL or WINCHILSEA to LORD KEEPER BRIDGEMAN. 1667-8, Feb. 29. Pera. Though I know how precious your moments are, I cannot deny myself the content of recommend- ing my dear wife and interest to your lordship's protection, 497 " For indeed, though I am secured touching your lordship by a never failing experience, yet I have bin deceived in others . . . and have found myselfe frustrated through their coldness or carelessness. ..." "As to the changing of my present posture ... I should account myselfe happie if I might be tempted to live at home by something that should deserve the name of a temptation ; . . . but, if I miss of this good fortune, I imagine that, after having scene England, I shall be inclined rather to travell privately and visitt the more refined partes of the world then waste my yeares amongst these barbarians, where, for want of an ingenious conversation, I dull my mind, and for want of exercise, impaire my health." I have hitherto been fortunate in my negotiations, and 'twould be a comfort to leave the place before any sinister accident sour the content I take in reflecting on what is past. What place or condition soever the good providence of Almighty God hath appointed for me, I shall ever be a true and faithful servant of your lordship's, from whom, in the midst of danger and heat of rebellion I received more obligations than I have done from some of my own blood in times of prosperity and peace. But a friend is better than a brother. " This Empire is certainlie in a tottering condition, and seemes like the prophet's ripe fruite, readie to fall into the mouths of those that shake them first. The resistance they find in Candia is a great blowe to their reputation, and a diminution of their force and treasure, which they repaire by such un- wonted oppressions of the people as fills all mouthes with clamour and discontent." They fear an invasion from Poland, and the country is pestered with false money, which flows in from all parts. The "merchants of France and Italy worke upon their easiness to be deceived, and the corruptness of their ministers ; so with small bribes, make way for a sort of monie by which the importers gaine fifty in the hundred." Letter Book, ii, p. 416. 1| pp. Enclosing : Intelligence, Feb. 22. 1667-8. The Bassas of Bagdad and Damascus have marched towards Bolsora, but the place is very strong, and the people affected to their natural Prince, and not inclined to receive his slave, on whom the Grand Signor hath cast the title. The French have thriven so well in their importation of base moneys that others are tempted by the extra- ordinary gainfulness of that trade to try if they may reap the like benefit, seeing the Grand Signer's subjects are so prepared to be deceived. A German Consul has brought good sums, and a Genoese ship, called the St. Sebastian " comes stuffed with false temines, but false to such a degree, that the gaines by them is at least fifty per cent." This must at last redound to the prejudice of our trade, The taxes here swell to Wt. 29495. n 32 498 such a height, that the people loudly cry out, and wish for a change, so that all is full of sedition and discontent. Wherever the Grand Signer hunts, the country two days' journey round is ruined ; and when he goes to his sport, every house is taxed to find a man ; and if the season permits a greater abuse, they are sure to have their corn and vineyards spoiled. The Muscovite ambassador's reception was not at all what he expected. He came to announce their peace with Poland, and to pray the Grand Signer not to uphold the rebellious Cossacks or favour the Tartars in their incursions. The Grand Signer labours to divide the Muscovites from the Poles, as their union will make him very jealous in this conjunction, when his hands are full with the war in Candia, and the rebellion of Bolsora. The Muscovite Ambassador had a servant who turned Turk, but he enticed him into his house, and beat the new mussalman to death with clubs. They say the Grand Signor certainly means to go to besiege Cataro, but unless he first accommodates with the Pole and Muscovite, he will leave this part of the country naked and exposed to invasion. Letter Book, ii, p. 418. l pp. THE EAKL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD ARLINGTON. 1667-8, March 5. Pera. Sending him a collection of Intelligences (probably that calendared above), and further explaining the impossibility of procuring Stephano to be Prince of Moldavia. Ibid. p. 419. | p. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] CONSUL RYCAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1667-8, March 13. Smyrna. Having received your Excellency's orders to persuade the commanders here to agree between themselves which should go for Candia, I proposed a lot to decide the doubt. But neither would agree, and the Turks perceiving that I was long in resolving, " Usaein went aboard the Anne and Christopher, and pitched upon her. . . . The captain then offered the lot, but the commander of the John and Abigail, and Mr. Onslow and others his merchants, would not heare of it ... All this day we have spent in debating the businesse ; in sending messages to the Turkes, and receiving bad ones from them," and I know not how to accommodate matters, all standing so high upon their terms. 1 p. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1667-8, March 14. Has in vain endeavoured to bring the captains of the Anne and Christopher and John and Abigail to an arrangement as to going to Candia, and, in consequence, the Cadi has " made Arz " that they are to be proceeded 499 against as rebels. Is very sensible that a great storm will follow, and apprehends danger to the whole nation, but neither he nor the merchants know what to do. 3 pp. CONSUL RYCAUT to THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA. 1667-8, March 15. Praying his Excellency to send a strict warrant to Capt. Daniel Morgan and Capt. John Cole for deciding their controversy by lot, and if possible, to let it arrive "before the returne of the storme from Adrianople," that when that comes (which he much apprehends), it may find the captains, or one of them, obeying the Grand Signer's and his Excellency's command. 1 p. Seal of arms. EARL OF WINCHILSEA to JOHN BUCK WORTH. 1668, March 26. Pera. Thanking him for his kind letter and sympathy. Thinks that " some have been too busy " in hastening his revocation, but will not let the fact of its being anticipated by a few months trouble him, as he forms no desires which he cannot divest himself of when his Majesty declares his pleasure to the contrary. Letter Book, ii, p. 420. I P. THE SAME to LORD ARLINGTON. 1668, March 26. Pera. I could not "defend myself " from some surprise on the receipt of his Majesty's orders for my return, for I thought of nothing less. But, being always pre- pared to a cheerful obedience, I quickly betook myself to humble submission and acquiesence in his Majesty's pleasure. This Court, now at Adrianople, is so alarmed, that his Majesty's letters may have to travel to find it. It is said the Grand Signer intends for the Morea, but their fears near home make it more probable that they will defend their own borders against the Pole than attack Cataro. When Sir Dan. Harvey (who, I understand, is to succeed me) arrives, I will deliver the letters as necessity may require, and meanwhile, continue my efforts to secure his Majesty's public concerns and protect the merchants, which have been my business and care in this embassy. Ibid. p. 420. 1 p. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] CONSUL RYCAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1668, April 1. Smyrna. Since mine of the 15th, we have remained quiet until yesterday, when the Captain Bashaw sent another order that the English Consul and commanders should "see to carry" 20,000 chilos of wheat to Candia. Being still unable to get the captains to agree, I have sent word to the Captain Basha that we are waiting for your lordship's warrant, but I expect speedily some gallies here to exact compliance, or if not, money from our nation for their disappointment of the Grand Signer's design. 3 pp. 500 CONSUL RYCATJT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSBA. 1668, April 3 and 4. Smyrna. Having received your Excellency's warrant, I this morning, in presence of many of our nation, " fairly cast a lot," which fell upon Capt. Morgan of the John and Abigail. After much contest, the poor man submitted, with certain conditions for payment of himself and his men, and security of his own goods during his absence. "Howsoever, still there are some intrigues in the businesse. I apprehend very much trouble from the marriners, who have allmost all left their ship and gone abroad to drinke, from whence those disorders will proceed as will cause me much trouble." The ill news is come that the Ligornese ship under English colours, sent to Candia, has been taken by the Venetians. I fear this will bring us new intrigues. " April 4. This day men were sent to unload the ship, but the mariners " were rude and mutinous beyond all expression, swearing they would have their wages before they would suffer anything to be done in order to this voyage. The captaine on the other side alledged that according to agreement no mony was due to them untill their returne into England, and that should they be paid off now, they would desert his ship and get aboard other vessels . . . the greatest part of his men being Dutch, Swedes and other nations." The captain then offered to take 2,000 sacks of corn (which he could do without unlading his ship), and to get his men to agree and depart at once. In the end, he had to agree to 3,000 sacks, but hopes to have a third abated. 3| pp. SIB HENEAGE FINCH to his son [DANIEL FINCH]. 1668, April 6-16. Saturday. "... At home all are yett well, now your brother William comes abroad, except a mayd- servant, who hath taken the infection and is removed out of the house. Your brother Heneage stays in the country untill my new lodgings bee finisht, and so wants matter as well as occasion of writing. ... I am so oppressed with business I have no time to write to your uncle, but let him know that I am pursuing the payment of his salary, and hope to give him a speedy account of it." | p. CONSUL RYCAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1668, April 10. Smyrna. My last told you how matters were agreed with Capt. Morgan, but upon this " the seamen beganne to make a mutiny, so that I was forced to clap up about ten or eleven of the most unruly into prison, entertaining them with bread and water for some dayes. This usage brought the rest ashoare, who, first making themselves bold and mad with wine, came running to my house with the same fury as they did once to Whitehall, and would have forced open the prison , . . And now, perceiving that this was not the 501 way to deale with this people, used to mutinies, the next morning I called up the prisoners to me, two by two, and there first showing them the law of the sea that, notwithstanding a ship be diverted from her intended voyage by any Prince or Potentate and forced to another, the seamen ought to serve, and whosoever deserted his ship was to be punished by death, losse of wages or otherwise, as his crime deserved." I then asked them if they desired to proceed on their voyage, and on their answer, declared they were discharged of their ship and might go which way they would ; upon which, fearing the consequences, they all got themselves aboard without giving me further trouble, only two or three of the worst were turned off, "and now walke without employment or good countenance of any one." " And now, supposing the greatest trouble was over, another arose, more entriguesome than all before," for the captain did not take out sufficient of his goods, and, in spite of all his assurances to the contrary, when the corn was laden on the ship, only 1,736 sacks could be put in. Hereupon I sent men to take out more goods, but what success they had, and how my officers and servant (sent to assist) were used, you will read by the enclosed. This contempt of the power of the Turks brings danger and scandal upon our whole nation. The effect, I fear, will be that the Anne and Christopher will have to take the rest of the corn, which your Excellency should oppose as far as possible, " that so Capt. Morgan may not have the victory in spight of your Excellencies authoritie. . . ." Capt. Scot coming here on one of the gallies, I endeavoured to release him, and raised 500 dollars. The Bey increased his price to 800, but came down to 600, which was ready to be paid when the gallies were ordered away and Capt. Scot with them, but I have a promise that he shall be returned by the next that come hither. Towards which contribution, all here hope for the nation's charity at Constantinople. Postscript. The Anne and Christopher is "proffered to be freed " by taking in 700 sacks of corn, otherwise she must stay till all the Grand Signer's provisions are. shipped for Candia. 6 PP* CONSUL RYCAUT to THE EARL OF WENCHILSEA. 1668, April 20. Smyrna. Capt. Morgan remains resolute to burn or sink his ship rather than displace so much of his goods as to take in six or seven hundred sacks of wheat more. " I cannot but confesse that in this obstinacy of our ships, the Turkish officers have beene exceeding patient and civil! beyond expectation, but how farre, for the future, this baffling and contempt in the Grand Signer's businesse may be resented, I cannot tell. ... I am sure we are here laughed at by all nations, when French, Genoeses, Raguseans and all others that trade here have not made the tenth part of the difficultie 502 With all their ships, of which eleven or twelve are departed this port for Candia, as we have done in giving one ship, the controversie about which hath now held out for the space of two months. ... I have beene often asked before the Kaddee what I did here if I could not tell how to rule and govern this people. . . . My answer hereunto was that my government was civill . . . but, when men put themselves into a posture of war, I had neither armes nor cannon to reduce them to obedience." The French Consul having taken advantage of my troubles to make his first visit to the Dutch Resident, I sent four merchants to compliment him in my stead, "whom he received in a rude Dutch manner." But the Dutch Consul I visited in person, having got the priority of the visit, at which the French are very angry. 4 pp. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE PRINCE OF MOLDAVIA. 1668, April 22. Pera. Expressing his surprise that he has never received the sums owed him by the Prince. Has been recalled home by his King, and another noble Englishman is coming in his place, with whom he shall repair to the Court, to introduce him to the presence of the Grand Signer. Will there do the Prince all the good offices he can, and hopes that he will not be forced by his Excellency's ingratitude to alter his kindly feelings, but that he will be able to recommend him to the friendship and protection of his successor. Letter Book, ii, p. 421. Italian. \ p. CONSUL LANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1668, April 28. Aleppo. " ... A weeke or two ere I received your Excellencies letter of the 19th March, we had the neiwes in Aleppo of your Excellencie's revocation ; but many months before might easily have foreseene it, knowing well the Court of England (the proper spheare for you to move in), would not much longer endure your absence. His gracious Majestie, whome God preserve . . . now drawes you unto himself e, there to receive your reward by some new employ- ment, more worthy of you, within the view of his royall person. All which (howsoever loose rs), we congratulate with your Excellencie, wishing you all hapienesse in your returne, and in the long enjoyment of the honours designed for you." We acknowledge also the favours we have received by your Excellency's protection, and receive with great joy the honour of your expressions of esteem. l pp. CONSUL RYCAUT to THE SAME. 1668, May 4. Smyrna. The John and Abigail remains as she was, but not permitted to depart ; nor is the Anne and Christopher suffered to load ; but the Dutch have granted 503 a great old ship called the Tobias, which may carry 16 or 17 thousand chiloes, and corn comes in so slowly that we hope the Turks will not be too pressing with our captains. No vessel can as yet depart hence, unless in some service for the Grand Signer, which has caused several French captains to go to the Captain Bassa at Scio, to procure their release. Capt. Scot is here again, whom I hope now to release. 3 pp. CONSUL RYCAUT to THE EARL OF WENCHILSEA. 1668, May 6. Smyrna. According to your Excellency's warrant and letter of the 20th past, I have promised the Kaddee to use all endeavours to reduce Capt. Morgan to obedience. The Turkish officers are denying him all provisions and succour ; we have desired the other consuls to forbid their ships' commanders to contribute to his relief , and a boat is to lie by him to hinder any from going aboard. I sent to tell Capt. Morgan of your warrant, but his answer is short : he will admit none to unlade, will stand out the siege, and when he can hold out no longer, will leave his ship and take passage on some other for England. If so, he will fall into my hands, and " instead of England, he shall take his journey to Constantinople." l\ pp. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1668, May 10. By the letters from Ligorne, your Excellency will see that " the new Embassador is not so much in hast as to come forth before the generall ships, which at soonest are not expected here before Michaelmas. ... I doe not find any ground for the report that Sir D. Harvey was embarked with Sir Thomas Allen and afterwards desisted," on Sir Thomas being ordered to remain in the Channel ; but he presses the Company to hasten their general ships, which they decline to do. " The John and Abigail still holds out the siege. At last I believe some money will cleare both her and the Anne and Christopher, and the former permitted to depart as she is, with the great Dutch ship, which is now almost laden. I could long since have cleared them both for a reasonable summ, but the commanders of the ships and the merchants have beene and are so untractable that they have afforded me no footing whereon to help them." Postscript. We have redeemed Capt. James Scot for 580 dollars, part of which we hope to receive by your charity at Constantinople. 2| pp. SIR WILLIAM MORICE to THE SAME. 1668, May 15. I should sooner have rendered an account of my obedience to your commands to intercede with the Turkey Company to defray your charges in treating the Dutch Ambassador, but was not forward to return you an unpleasing answer (" for I found them, notwithstanding all I could offer 504 to persuade them very inexorable, and the purse to have no more eares then the proverbe relates the belly to have "). Also, I imagined you would have been on your voyage home before my letters could have reached you, as for this six months, Sir Daniel Harvey has been designed as your successor and would have long since embarked, had the ship been ready. I imagined this to be by your own desire, but waiting upon your lady on her return she informed me that you were so far from desiring this, that you understood nothing thereof. Sir Daniel tells me he shall very soon begin his voyage. I hope by that time it will be no surprise to you. " The great atchievments of France, their growth of power and dominion, alarme the vicinage, which must in time bee precarious, princes and states and tenents at his will, if he dilated and extended his empire, as he was like to doe, for any opposition that Spaine was either able or careful to give him. After several addresses by France to England and the United Provinces, courting them into confederacy or at least neutrality and charessing them with plausible offers in general (which beinge pressed unto particulars proved like Sodom fruite faire in shew and uppon pressure turning to dust) and his declaration of propensnes to agreement uppon reasonable termes, and proposing in order therunto an alternative, that in recompence of his right of devolution he would accept of all his acquests of the last Campania, or else such and such countryes and townes (from which he began at last to fall as his fortune did rise), his Majesty and the Estates entred into a defensive league and mutual engagement for the quenching of this flame which was like to sett Christendom in combustion ; first to compel Spaine to accept of this alternative, and if they would doe so, then to enforce France to yeeld to it. Neither party was free and forward to the peace, not France, as being unwillinge to take a parte and share of those countryes by treaty when he had reason enough to be confident of getting all of them by conquest ; Spaine, however, unable to manage the warre, yet hoped that interest would excite their neighbors not to suffer Flanders to fall into the handes of the French. After many tergiversations and ambages* (France being ready to catch at any occasion that might disturbe the peace and not provoke England and Holland) a peace is concluded at Aeon [Aix-la-Chapelle] and if the ratification com from Spaine by the 21st of this month, which we have little doubt of, the warre will cease, but in the meane time the French remit not their levyes nor cease to ransacke the countryes, which, when they shal be restored, will not soone or easily be recovered. The French King hath no little animosity and indignation against Holland, to whose account he placeth the stop given him in this carreer. His plenipotentiary, Colbert, is gonne * Circumlocutions. 605 from Aeon uppon some secret negotiation with the Princes of the Rhine, which gives Holland no little umbrage, doubtinge it is a designe to their providing, especially since the Bishop of Munster hath made great levyes, which are supposed to be carried on by French monyes, and will not disband them at the instance of Holland, and besides the French King speakes favourably of, and as if he would espouse the interest of the Knights of Malta, uppon the pretensions they have to their lands possessed by the United Provinces. Our Parliament rose on Saturday last, adjourning till August, but are not like to meete then, unles some emergent occasion indicate it, which we cannot divine. The Parliament hath beene very warme and vehement in researching into the miscarriages of the late warre, but there hath beene more noyse then effect. They long since drove away the Chancellor, who fell more by the displeasure of his Majesty then our impeachment. Mr. Branker was accused for having brought commands to the master of the Royal Charles (contrary to those formerly given by his Royal Highnes when he went to rest), to lower and slacke his sailes, wherby we were frustrate of the fruites of a glorious victory. Mr. Branker would not endure the tryal but fled into France. Sir William Penne was impeached about breaking bulke of the East Indian ships taken as prizes and imbezellinge great quantityes of rich goods, but he staid to weather the charge, which, still lyes in the lords' house, being transfer'd there from ours. We have given his Majesty 300,000 pounds to be raised upon sale of wine, for two or three yeeres at most, and to be for the equippinge of an extra- ordinary fleete this yeere. About the time of risinge happened an unlucky accident, which sett the two houses in a flame which was at the highest, when they broke up. One Skinner (a very inconsiderable fellow, but supported by a great lorde), preferd a petition to the lords' house against the East Indian Company, many of which society are members of our house. The Company pleaded to the jurisdiction of the Lords' house in original causes, which came not there by writt of error, or revew, and in giving dammages betwixt party and party sine sacramento legalium hominum, and arbitrarily, and not secundum legem terrae, the lords, offended at this, gave Skinner 6,000 pounds dammage ; the East Indian Company appeales to our house by a petition which more irritates the lordes. Several conferences we had, but without effect, in fine we vote that he which shall execute the judgment and order of the lordes, shalbe deemed a betrayer of the libertyes and rights of the Commons and an inf ringer of the privileges of their house. The lords proceeded to commit the deputy of the East India Company and to fine him 300 pounds to the Kinge, for pre- ferringe the petition to our house ; amid these flames we rose. Som addresse hath beene since made to his Majesty to remit the fine, wheruppon followes enlargement, but the King will not intermingle in the busines, nor disoblige one party to 506 engage the other. I wish some expedient might be excogitated to reconcile this difference, least it shocke the government." 21 pp. CONSUL L ANNOY to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1668, May 24. Aleppo. The Dutch have been making war against the King of Macassa, in hopes, in the end, to procure our nation's and the Portugal's expulsion. Their first engagement was successful, but the King repaired his army and gave them a great overthrow, wherein 500 Dutch and near 10,000 of their associates were slain. At Batavia they profess their loss to be small, but their haste to send away fresh supplies argues the truth of what is reported. The English Agent sent some barrels of powder to the King of Macassa, "who, doubtless, hath suffered much for our sakes." One of the ships sent by the Dutch to China has returned well freighted with merchandise. " The Dutch report hopes of a future trade, yet was the rest of their fleet secured, and their embassador onward (sic) his way to Pekin, where its supposed by the Chineses their reception will not be to their liking ; yet by their large presents tis thought they will procure the avaritious courtiers to interpose betweene the Emperour and them, and they will not be sparing of any cost to obtaine a trade so rich and profitable." They have not yet attempted aught against Bombain. Fort St. George continues in its unhappy condition ; Sir Edward Winter still in possession, and the agent under restraint. The Portugal Armado went out, but was forced to return with loss of divers men by sickness ; " and it was generally reported that those hidalgoes to whom the care of furnishing the armado with provisions was entrusted had gaimed away the money, and so had not wherewithall to comply." The Portugals' weakness has encouraged Sevage to quarrel with them, who, falling into their territories near Goa, has plundered and burnt there, and carried away 1,300 prisoners. The Vice-Re has since made peace with him. On the 21 January last, no French ships were arrived at Surat, which has much discontented their intended chief, he " having contracted large ingagements which he feares will be expected before he can discharge them." " The King of India's extraordinary zeale to promote his own superstition and gaine proselytes is very troublesome to the poore Bannians and Hendus, whome to trappan into inconveniencies his wicked emissaryes are imployed, and after- ward they are forced to turne Mahometans ; which diligence and fervency of the King's his reverend mollas perswade him to believe will instate him in a great equality to the Prophet Mahomet in another world ; but whilst he is thus humouring his foolish churchmen, he disobligeth his nobles and souldiers 507 who are not so zealously bent, and tis believed he will not raigne long without some disturbance from them. . . . " Oran Zeb and Sevage are said to have concluded a firme league, and tis credibly reported that the King's army is marched against Vizapore, chief e citty of Decan, whose King will doubtlesse be assisted by his uncle and neighbour, the King of Gulcondah. Notwithstanding the warr has so bad an influence on those parts in India, where the Dutch are so potent, yet by the prudence and good conduct of the President, Sir George Oxinden, at Surat, our nation continue in very good esteeme with the country people, and have lately received a signall testimony of the King's favour, being a new Phermaund [firman ?] sent them, wherein he hath remitted part of the customes we formerly paid, which was 3| per cent, and now is but 2, and granted our nacion other priviledges and immunities, to their no lesse honour then profit, which makes them desirous of shipping againe, that so the honourable Company may reape the benefit thereof. . . . " My lord, it hath pleased God to deprive his Majestic of that honourable person Sir Garvase Lucas, his Governor of Bombain, who dyed of an apoplectique distemper, being sick but three daies. Mr. Henry Gary, who was lieut. -governor by order of his Majestic succeeds him in the government," who "writes me" that he had already increased his Majesty's revenue from 1,100?. to 6,500Z. per annum. He has also further fortified the place, which is now in so good a posture that he has little fear of any hurt the enemy could do them. The Latin Fathers from Bassora are now at Gombroone, who inform me that when Hassan Bassa of Bassora found himself unable to withstand the Grand Signer's forces, he ordered all the inhabitants to depart within twenty-four hours, gave the plunder of the city to his own soldiers, then burnt and razed it to the ground, and is now at Spahaune . " A Latin Father from Tauris acquainted Mr. Flower, the English Agent [at Gombroon], that Monsieur Taverneir was dead. What care will be taken for preserving those great quantities of Jewells which Taverneir had, I know not." Mr. Flower writes that M. de la Bouley (one of the five deputies), a gentleman of the King of France's bedchamber, was murdered in passing the Ganges, and, as it is suspected, by his own servants. At Shamokey and thereabouts, upwards of 500 houses have perished by an earthquake. In the country round Cassumbuzar is such a great famine that the natives sell their children for rice, and the mortality is greater than for many years before. Postscript. The report of M. Taverneir's death at Tauris is a mistake. " It was one Mr. Tavernott, who was sent about the French affaires." 7 pp. THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA to SIR GEORGE OXINDEN. 1668, May 27. Pera. I pray you, in the whole, not to lay out above 100J. or 1201. for me (providing only a small quantity of the roots of Bengala and the stones of Dio &c.), and to send the things hither, as I reckon to be in England in a few months. I am glad to hear the East India Company have Bombain given them by his Majesty, and that it was happily preserved and the Dutch defeated in their designs upon it by your discretion and good conduct. I hope the fruit of so much care and vigilance will never be blasted by the negligence of others. Though we are now in peace, yet we ought not to leave a door open for sinister accidents. It would be well for us to imitate and emulate the Dutch, who carefully fortify wherever there is place for it, and never think they have done enough in that particular, if there be room for more. I expect my successor may arrive in five or six months, after which I will hasten home, where I shall be glad to meet with so good a neighbour as yourself. Letter Book, ii, p. 422. f p. THE SAME to SECRETARY MORICE. 1668, May 28. Pera. Though your letters were so long in reaching me that the news they brought me "I had before in common rumours and ordinary gazettes," yet an account of affairs from your judicious pen was highly welcome to me. His Royal Highness's recovery from the desease which has fatally blasted some of our royal branches, filled me with thankfulness for so great a mercy. Through an Italian gentleman, one Peroti, who lived with me here some time and was formerly of the bedchamber to the King of Poland, I privately enquired that King's intention about using the mediation of our master here. The reply was that the King found himself necessitated to use the French Ambassador in this Court. He is surely unhappy in such necessity, for the French so ill sustain their own interest here that their mediation for others may hurt, but cannot help. If the Grand Signer can free himself from the war in Candia, he may teach the Poles not to content themselves with any, but to seek the best support they can find. Nothing can tempt the Venetians to use the French any longer in their affairs, which is partly the result of my endeavours. It is said they have obtained permission to introduce an ambassador of their own, "who, unless he brings the keyes of Candia with him, may in probability run the same fortune with his pre- decessor " and be clapt in prison, for want of the shelter which his Majesty's interest here might be to them. Ibid. p. 423. 1 p. THE SAME to LORD ARLINGTON. 1668, May 28. Is " crucified in an earnest expectation" of his successor's arrival, that he may hasten home. 609 The diamond seal ring of his Majesty, once offered to sale in Smyrna, was sold to Van Wick, commander of the Dutch Company at Gombroone, for 1,000 dollars in 1665, but after the death of the purchaser was sent to Batavia to General Massugre and his Council. This is what Ta vernier told him, who sold it as above. Complains of the conduct of Captain Morgan at Smyrna, who has given the Turks much provocation. They have, contrary to their custom, been very tame and moderate, but the danger is not yet quite blown over. Letter Book, ii, p. 424. 1 p. [Original in 8.P. Turkey.] SIB HENEAOB FINCH to his son [DANIEL FINCH]. 1668, June 1-12 (sic). Monday. In answer to your desires, "I give you leave to stay until Sir John Trevor prepare to return or receive new orders for a fixed residence there, and so doth your mother too ; for wee think it a fortunat circumstance of your tra veils that you have gotten to bee under his protection. . . . And I have reason to beleive his stay will not be long, because my Lord St. Albans is returning thither. ... It would seem strange in me to give you admonition to avoyd the plague, which they say is broke out at Paris, or the dangers of being out of your lodgings late at night, which by the return of the disbanded soldiers to Paris are sayd to be very frequent and very mortall ; but these are your mother's cautions." I long to see you and give you a true welcome. 1 p. SIB NOBTON KNATCHBULL to THE EAEL OP WINCHILSEA. 1668, June 8. Mersham Hatch. Your lordship's of the 28th of July, 1667, from Belgrade, " it was my unhappiness not to receyve till the 20th of May last at Rochester, on which day myselfe among many other of your lordship's deputy lieutenants waited on the Duke of Richmond who is by his Majesty made joint lieutenant with your lordship. . . . Our chiefe buysines was to receyve commissions, as many as were present, from his Grace. Some new ones were added to the former then, as to Sir John Austen and Sir Walter Vane, and some I hear since to others, as to Sir Charles Sidley and to Sir Vere Vane, brother to my Lord of Westmerland. . . . There were orders made that the foot in the severall regiments should be all furnished with red coates, only his Grace his owne regiment, in the lath of Aylesford, is to be cloathed in yellow and blacke, which are his colours. His company he hath made choice of is that of Sir John Tufton's of the towne of Maidstone, and Sir John hath that which was Mr. Francis Barnliam's, who hath been dead ever since Christmas, to the unspeakable griefe of his father, who had no more sonnes but him. . . . " I do heartily wish your lordship were againe at home to give your directions to this end of the country, which is in no very good order, nor, I doubt, will be till your lordship comes, 510 Sir Edward Bering is not yet returned from Ireland, but we looke for him every day, his employment there being now, I suppose, at an end. As touching my Lord of Maidstone, I cannot but really lament his case . . . but, I hope, if all be true as I hear and presume it is, that pretended maryage may be prevented by some more ordinary way then by Parliament." Your three Turkish sons are come to Eastwell and are all well, as also your two other sons at Wye. 2 pp. SIR ROGER TWYSDEN to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1668, June 22. East Peckham. " There is nothing hath of late fild more the heads and tongues of men then a judgment given in the lords' howse upon a commoner, in prima instantia, which is looked upon by some as a burying of the regall power and liberty of the subject . . . for if they may originally judge a commoner and his rights, within a small tyme Westminster Hall may stand idle and they the only supream judycatory of the nation, which they assure themselves to be contrary to the auntient laws of the land, where unusquisque per pares suos judicandus est. . . . There is nothing that I know in it more taken notice of then an argument of yours, which is sayd to have been so acute and punctuall, as it made the lords troubled, and put the Earl of Anglesey, who was to reply to it, into some distemper." I pray you lend it me ; I will return it safely and speedily. " I know you have heard all the story of my lord Duke's putting me out of beeing a deputy-lieutenant, which truly troubles me not at all ; all that doth, is that I hear he says he did it by hys Majesties expresse command. I am not concious to myself of any ille- deserving of the King, and to desire to conforme myself to his lawes I hope he will not interpret a cause of dislike, but I confesse it makes mee [think ?] I will never accept it again, but upon his expresse command. I doe remember coat and conduct mony to have been [one] of the first things layd hold on to make the late good Prince odious. I observe the Parlia- ment in the late Act of 14 to , p. 46, provides for conduct money, but no whit for coating the souldyer; would it bee wise in me to tread in the same steps [that] exposed so good a King, and that so fresh in memory too, unto so great envy. I promise you I should bee sory to have my hand appear in the doing of it," and I hope his Majesty will excuse me. " I am very glad to hear my cosen Danyell is so well returned ; every body speaks him a very fine gentleman, and one you and your lady are likely to have much comfort in." 1 p. Seal of arms. CONSUL RYCAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1668, July 20. Smyrna. I send this express to acquaint your Excellency of the condition of the John and Abigail, 611 which has now been detained two months at Scio not yet unladen, "to the total ruine of Capt. Morgan and his marriners, who now having had the come aboard four months, have consumed all their provisions ; the seamen are in a mutiny, and the corne, through the heat of the weather and the ship, heated and spoyJed. I have used all the meanes possible with the Captain Pashaw . . . but nothing hath beene able to move him." The captain beseeches you to intercede on his behalf, that his ship may not be made a magazine for the Grand Signer. I hear that your lady left the ship at Gravesend, where she was met by Mr. Howard with his barge, and carried direct to his Majesty at Whitehall with your sons, " by whom, and the Queene, she was received with all demonstrations of affection and joy." 3 pp. CHARLES II to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1668, Aug. 3. Court at Whitehall. Desiring him, upon Sir Daniel Harvey's arrival, to surrender to him the seal with the Bang's arms, which has been in his own custody as ambassador. Sign Manual. Countersigned by Arlington. Seal. 1 p. SIR ROGER TWYSDEN to SIR HENEAGE FINCH. 1668, Aug. 3. I humbly thank you for your papers, which I return as very great jewels, to be carefully looked to. "In my simple opinion, if the lords get the poynt of a generall judicature over a commoner . . . wee may, in a short tyme, taulk of liberty, but find none. " For the poynt in question, I well remember speaking with an eminent Parliamentaryan in the late long one, yet beef ore they broke out to the excesses of a war, and saying if there should bee such a misery hang over the nation as a war, such as were for the King would bee safer then the other, there beeing nothing they could legally loose ; to which he replyed, he did not doubt, did they prevayl, but by a judgement in the lords' howse, on an impeachment from the Commons, there would bee means found to possesse the estates of any opposed them. [Discusses the precedents brought forward by the lords, and concludes that all must be judged by their peers, and as the Commons " have not the lords their peers," they cannot be judged by them, any more than the King can.] But where you say " there is 20 in the Howse of Commons that are interested, for whom you pray the benefit of theire priviledge, that is, that they can not bee sued ; under favor, I conceive no one of those eyther hath or can have such an immunyty, and heere I shall give you no other then the answer of the Parliament at Gloucester, 2 Ric. 2, to the Abbot of Westminster, clayming the like freedom for such as fled to them for sanctuary ; That neither God, saving hys perfection, 512 nor the Pope his sainctety, nor any Prince, could graunt such a priviledge, and if they should, no Church (or Howse of Commons) ought to accept it. ... beeing in it self a sinne and an occasion of sinne, to delay a man of recovering his just debt. Thus far the Roll. You know with what great restric- tions that is, at the beginning of every Parliament, assented to by the King. . . . Pray consider whether this bee a priviledge fit to bee insisted on, or not rather (if there bee such an one) to bee absolutely taken away. It is trewe in former tymes, when 14 days or three weekes concluded a session, it might bee tolerated, but now they last most part of the year and protect from the hand of justice not lesse than 10,000 men, I shall leave to you the consideration whether, if there bee such a right, it bee not fit to bee removed. " I had thought to have added heere a word or two of the scandalous way now used in coming into your Howse, in captivating men's voyces by feasting, drinking &c. . . . but I have wandered too far allready and wearyed you too much. I entreat you therefore, to burne all that above, and present my most humble service to your lady, for whose health and happinesse I shall ever pray." 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to CONSUL LANNOY. 1668, Aug. 4. Belgrade. Is commanded by his Majesty to procure for him as soon as possible, the " best Alexandrian senna in their codds " [pods] ; the freshest seeds of wormseeds ; of that sort of poppy whence they make their opium ; and of the scamonie plant ; therefore, prays Lannoy to make search for them at once and send them to Edw. Proger, esquire, a groom of his Majesty's bedchamber. Newman assures me of your readiness to welcome my son. On his arrival, you may tell him that I have received a letter from his mother of the 20th April, who was then well, God be praised. Also that I understand the new ambassador may depart by July, therefore he must not take all that leisure at Aleppo which your kindness may invite him to, but must hasten hither. I am sorry for Mr. Frampton's indisposition, and kindly thank those gentlemen whose better health let them take the trouble to meet my son. Letter Book, ii, p. 425. 1 p. CONSUL RYCAUT to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1668, Aug. 11. Smyrna. Complaining that the John and Abigail is still detained at Scio with the Grand Signer's corn, " which, with worms and the heat of the season is wholly damaged." 3| pp. M. DE LIONNE. [1668.] Paper endorsed, " Monsieur de Lyone's advice to the French King." Headed, " The copie of a paper given by the Baron of Isola, 12th August, 1668," Opposing the 513 views of those who urge the King to make an immediate attack upon the Low Countries, and giving reasons for believing that, in spite of his Majesty's great prosperity, he would do well for the present to avoid war. 7 pp. GIOVANNI, BARON DI FRBISHEIM, Serjeant-General in Candia, to THE EARL OP WINCHILSEA. 1668, Aug. 16-26. Candia. Thanking his Excellency for great kindness shown to his lieutenant, Andreas Sieffert. Has a particular incentive to serve the King of Great Britain, seeing that his father enjoys the title of Resident for his Majesty at Acquis-Grana [Aix la Chapelle], and in 1654 had the honour to receive the King in his own house, and to profess his readiness to offer not only his substance but his blood for the royal cause. Will not fail to notify his Excellency's favours to his father, and also to the Sieur [Sir William] Temple, who is now lodging in their house. As to the treaty between Spain and France, he has no certain information. If his Excellency could get the Porte to make a new order for the liberation of Capt. Reinaldo Sigismondo Rinsleben, of his regiment, now a slave to the Grand Signor, it would be a great increase to his renown. For news of the defence of Candia, he refers his Excellency to the bearer. They are doing all that soldiers of honour can, and although he is still weak from his grievous wound, he hopes to take his part in the assault which is probably impending. Italian. 3 pp. ANDREAS SIEFFERT to THE SAME. 1668, [Aug. 22-]Sept. 1. Candia. Announcing his safe return to Candia, and expressing his ardent thanks for the infinite benefits received from his Excellency, to whom he owes the liberty he now enjoys. Col. Freisheim's regiment joins in offering thanks to his Excellency. Candia defends and will defend herself bravely against the Turks ; that is, with the expected succours from the Emperor, France and Italy. Letter Book, ii, p. 425. \\ pp. BARON DI FREISHEIM to THE SAME. 1668, [Aug. 23-] Sept. 2. Candia. Since writing his letter of August 16-26, Lieutenant Andreas Sieffert has arrived, a living testimony of his Excellency's charity towards a poor slave, who owes to him his life and his liberty. Ibid. 1 p. THE EARL OF ARLINGTON to THE SAME. 1668, Aug. 29. Your letters all tell me of your cheerful submission to his Majesty's pleasure in sending your successor, " and if your Excellency reflect upon the time you have been in that employment, I am sure you cannot wonder at it, tho' I may truely say I had no other part in this change, but Wt. 29495. FI 33 514 in submitting to his Majesty's will therein as you doe." Sir Daniel Harvey's near relation to your family by Mr. Solicitor General, will sufficiently incline you to help him with all necessary information, as I am sure your care of his Majesty's service would otherwise do. I pray you do all in your power to procure him a speedy entrance into his employment. Signed. l pp. Endorsed as received November 27. H. HOWARD OF NORFOLK to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1668, Sept. 5. London. " ... I was, a Tewsday last, to have kist your lady's handes at the Duchesses in Surey, butt her ladyship was gone the day before to her sister Southamton's for awhyle. ... I ever did and doe offer my selfe to both your Excellencies with a true and sincere zeale to serve you in all I can without reserve. I hope now it will nott be long ere wee here the good newse of your lordship's aproach to your native soyle ..." Holograph. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to EDWARD PROGER. 1668, Sept. 14. Pera. Deploring the fact that his letter of Jan. 25, 1666-7, only arrived on the 4th of August last. " What remedy then was room for " he applied by writing at once to the consul at Aleppo* (who is likeliest to execute the commission quickly) and pressing the matter "according to the urgency thereof." Letter Book, ii, p. 425. 1 p. THE SAME to HENRY HOWARD. 1668, Sept. 20. Pera. I use this opportunity to render you my many thanks " for your so kind reception of my most deare wife and children in the river, and accompanying them up to London. For wearie persons, after the irkesomeness of a sea voyage and long estrangedness from their countrie, to fall under such good conduct and pilotship at the entering into their port must be a refreshment to cancell the tediousnesse of the moneths past." You are so perfectly skilled in the art of obliging as to know how to accompany a generous action with those circumstances which give it relish and value, and I shall have reason to " quarrel my fortune " all my life, if she does not afford me the means to make you some amends. Ibid. p. 426. 1 p. THE GUARDIAN OF MOUNT SIGN to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1668, [Sept, 23- jOct, 3. Jerusalem. I should have thanked fate had I been allowed the opportunity of showing my respect to your Excellency in this holy city, but although this full consolation has been denied to me, I hold mvself * See p. 512 above, 515 favoured, insomuch as you have deigned to send me a part of yourself in the person of Lord Maidstone, your most worthy first born, who, in conformity with your strict commands has been received and treated as a pilgrim, although it would have been repugnant to my great obligations to you, and to the claim of his great merit, to receive with such lack of due observances this most dear pledge of your Excellency, if I had not known the impossibility with my poor means of making his reception in any way in proportion to what it should be. Relying on the innate kindness of my so gracious lord, I go on to implore of your Excellency the continuation of 3' > our so long experienced patronage and favour towards these holy places, my poor self and your devoted family, by your deigning to recommend them to your successor and to represent our miseries by word of mouth to their Majesties of Britain, whom may God guard. Humbly prostrating our- selves to earth, we implore the favour of their grace and powerful protection, and that your Excellency may have a good reason for employing yourself on our behalf, I venture to send you some memorials which I pray you to present to their Majesties, together with some relics, as a proof of our devotion and gratitude for their most pious inclinations towards these holy places, begging you also to accept in my name what will be presented to you by Signer Toniaso. Not further to weary your Excellency with the prolixity of my tedious pen, and thanking you for all your efforts at the Porte on behalf of the Holy Land, I wish your Excellency a most happy return to your native land, with all happiness and the prosperous preservation of your whole house, for the increase of which I have not failed, with my weak orisons and the prayers of my monks to appeal to the mercy of the divine Majesty. Signed : Fra. Francesco Mana Polizzi, Guardian of Mt. Sion. Italian. 2J- pp. M. DE LA HAYE, French Ambassador, to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1668, Oct. [13-]23. Sends two little printed booklets, which he thinks his Excellenc} 7 will be glad to read, but prays that he will allow no one to see them but himself. The weather is so bad in the country that he is leaving it next week. The favourite has been ill en chemin, but is now better. French. 1 p. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD ARLINGTON. 1668, Oct. 22. Pera. Sending copies of some of his late letters, as he understands from his wife that they have either lingered or strayed. The Venetian Ambassador has arrived at this Court. Letter Book. \ p. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] 516 THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to LORD ARLINGTON. 1668, Nov. 13. [Pera.] The Queen is brought to bed of a daughter, and is ordered by the Grand Signor to go to Larissa, an argument that he does not intend to return to Adrianople or " hither ." An ambassador extraordinary is expected from France with high demands, some men of war and a fire ship. "The issue may be verie odd." Letter Book, p. 427. 1 p. [Original in 8.P. Turkey.] THE SAME to SIR DANIEL HARVEY. 1668, Nov. 28. Pera. I most affectionately congratulate your arrival at Smyrna, and hope soon to embrace you here, both in respect of your merits as my successor, and of my own ease and discharge. " As our affaires have suffered no declention of late yeares, so I am sure the posture they are in will be well maintained by your prudence and conduct." I shall not only wish you all advantages conducible to that end, but contribute to them as far as possibly I can. Ibid, p. 429. 1 p. THE SAME to CONSUL RYCAUT. 1668, Dec. 3. [Pera.] I have received the ambassador's letter from Smyrna, and have sent letters to him there and at the Castles ; also an order from the Cimacham to the commander of the Castles to receive him with what honour he can, in the absence of the Porte. The ambassador tells me that if I wish to return in the Leopard, I must be ready to start on his arrival, as the captain has his Majesty's commands to hasten back. You know well that it is impossible for me to do so without leave of the Porte, and that is not to be obtained until his Majesty's letter is received and the ambassador is arrived. The great distance the Court is from hence is likewise to be considered, and this you may tell the captain, that so I may be no hindrance to his voyage. Ibid. p. 428. 1 p. THE SAME to SIR DANIEL HARVEY. 1668, Dec. 4. Pera. Your letter of November 18th came to my hands but yesterday. I kindly thank you for your notice concerning my return in the Leopard, and wish it agreed with the posture of affairs here as well as it does with my inclination. But the Court being errant and far away will retard me much beyond my will, for I cannot get licence to depart until I have delivered His Majesty's letters to the Grand Signor and Vizier, and they are not yet arrived. I believe I shall receive them from your lordship. If they had come earlier, I might have got leave to depart as soon as your lordship arrived. Ibid. p. 430. 1 p. THE SAME to CHARLES II. 1668, Dec. 8. Pera. The embassy which, by his Majesty's goodness, he has enjoyed for some years being now near its 517 end, he cannot leave the seat of it without expressing his humble thanks. He has applied himself faithfully and diligently to serve his Majesty's honour, and "the insolencies of the Turks have got no victories" over his endeavours. He leaves things in a posture wherein he hopes they will be continued, if not bettered, to which end he will give his best counsels and assis- tance to his successor, and then hasten to kiss his Majesty's hands. Letter Book, p. 431. f p. [Original in 8. P. Turkey.} THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE DUKE OF YORK. 1668, Dec. 8. Pera. Apologising for the non-arrival of a letter which has evidently miscarried, and assuring his Highness of his desire to be witness of and emulate those virtues which have made his Highness so estimable. Ibid. p. 431. f p. THE SAME to LORD ARLINGTON. 1668, Dec. 9. Pera. Has taken care for the reception of his successor, and will do all he can " to impress a character of his worth and quality " and to sustain the dignity of the King on this occasion. As for this change, in which his lordship professes to have no part, it is infinitely pleasing to him, and will satisfy his chiefest longings by setting him once again in the presence of his gracious sovereign. Ibid. p. 431. p. [Original in S.P. Turkey.] JOHN COOKE* to SIR JOHN FINCH, Resident at Florence. 1668, Dec. 18. Whitehall. Secretary Trevor talks with much satisfaction of the correspondence you had with him when he was in Paris, and hopes for more in his new station. A Council of Trade has lately been erected, and the project of the treaty negotiated by you with the Duke of Savoy has been laid before them, which they highly applaud, but desire that the treaty made in 1627 or 1629 with that Prince's pre- decessor may be sought out " in the Archives of the Papers of State, to see upon what foot it stood, and how far it may quadrate " with that your honour is making. Parliament was to have been prorogued until Oct. 19, " but an objection having been made since that such an anticipating prorogation would hinder the Houses from meeting the first of March (till which day they adjourned at their last recesse), and so not only virtually but effectually dissolve them, it was this day ordered that they should meet on the said first of March . . . and the prorogation to commence immediately thereupon.'' 1 p. Seal of arms. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to THE PRINCE OF MOLDAVIA. [1668, December ?] I rejoice in your Excellency's promo- tion to the Principality of Moldavia, and auger every happiness * Olio of the uuder-secretaries. from your rule. My master has given me orders to have a great care for his subjects in your country and to do them all good offices. Eliasco Voda, your predecessor (although indebted to me), has treated them very badly. I cannot pretend that your Excellency is under any obligations to me, but I believe you to be just and honourable, and doubt not but that you will favour them in all reasonable matters, and thus will never fail to have the support of my King and his ambassador at this Porte. Letter Book, ii, p, 433. Italian. THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA to SIR JOHN FINCH. 1668-9, Jan. 20-30. Pera. I intend to keep a correspon- dence with you in Italian, that I may not forget the little I have learnt. You must pardon my faults, especially when I write in haste. [The rest of the letter is in Italian.] Never in the future will any ambassador return to his native land with more satisfaction than I do. My arrival here was harassed by illness and I have since suffered the death of my daughter, but these things I accepted as being from the hand of God. To speak freely, the embassy at Constantinople is made much more painful by internal affairs than by external difficulties. To be bound by the humours of the merchants is insupportable to anyone who has a mind capable of treating of other matters than avanias, and to be at the disposition of those who know no interest that but of the Company is too hard for one who is born to serve his King. I can boast, however, of having done my part, and if they enjoy as much peace in the future as they have done in my time, they will be happy. I thank God that I am going, and shall soon be far away from the thousand dangers which here trouble mind and body : plague, earthquake, loneliness, fire, avanias ; moreover, the daily sight of indecency of religion, pride of the Residents, thieving of servants, cheating of druggermen, impertinence of the Turks, and stupidity of the Greeks are not these things spurs to a gentleman to make his escape from hence as quickly as lie may ? To speak in the fashion of this country, I am leaving purgatory for paradise. In a few days I shall take my way by Walachia and Transilvania, and make my way by land to the ocean, and believe me that when I have kissed the hand of his Majesty, I shall have no interests at heart so much as yours. It may be that we shall meet again in this world, and that I shall be able to show my affection to you. I envy the fine opportunity which the Grand Duke of Tuscany has, who is going to study in the great book of the world, which no one can learn without much travel. Such an exercise would be better both for my purse and my health, and I hope I need not throw all such thoughts to the winds. 619 The decline of this empire is manifest, not so much by the feebleness of so vast a body caused by the loss of its best blood in the Candia war, but because its head being distracted by a thousand ideas of no value and steeped in deadly lethargy the other members also languish. False money empties the mines of the best gold, changing good denarii into the poorest brass, and this is not the least of the evils which increase the malady of this empire. My son goes with me to Holland. Letter Book, ii, p. 433. Italian. 2 pp. CARDINAL ROSPIGLIOSI. 1669, May [1 1-]21, Rome. Pass for the Earl of Winchilsea with his servants and baggage, through the States of the Church. Signed and sealed. Italian. 1 p. GIOVANNI AGOSTINO DURAZZO to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1669, May [15-J25. Genoa. Hearing from his brother, Giovanni Luca, at Rome, that his Excellency was on the point of leaving that city, and intends to do him the honour of coming to his house, he begs to tell him that there is in the Gulf of Spezza a galley of their republic, awaiting his Excellency, if he pleases to embark at Lerici ; or which can easily repair to Viarregio or Livorno, if he prefers to leave from one of those ports. Italian. 1 p. Enclosing, Note from the same, to be shown to the captain of the galley. Italian. \ p. THE GRAND DUKE OF TUSCANY. 1669, [May 22-] June 1. Florence. Pass from Ferdinand II, Grand Duke of Tuscany, for the Earl of Winchilsea, returning into England, with request to all princes, potentates and com- monwealths, to assist him in his journe} r . Signed: " II gran Duca di Tosc." Sealed. 1 p. Also, Another, same date, rather differently worded. And, Pass for part of the " family " of the Earl of Winchilsea, who are being sent back to England by the Earl. Same date. THE GRAND MASTER OF MALTA to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1669, [May 29-]June 8. Malta. Assuring him, with many complimentary expressions, that the arrival of his letter from Messina, emphasizing the courtesy and friendship which his Excellency had already expressed while in this island, has increased his ardent desire to be of service to him ; and praying his Excellency to favour him always with his commands, which will be all the more esteemed when they come from distant lands. Signed Cotonery. Italian. 1 p. Seal of the Order impressed on paper. 520 THE EARL OF WTNCHILSEA to SIGNOR AGOSTINO DIJRRAZO. [1669, end of May.] Acknowledging his great kindness, and also that which he has received from the Marchese, his brother, in Rome. Intends to be at Pisa on Monday evening, and thence will travel post to Lerici and avail himself of the galley to carry him to Genoa. Is travelling incognito, and urgently desires not to cause the least inconvenience in his Excellency's house during the short time of his stay. Draft. Italian, much corrected. Gio. LTJCA DURAZZO, Genoese Ambassador at Rome, to THE EARL OF WINCHILSEA. 1669, June [14-]24. Rome. Expressing his envy of his brother, and his regret that he himself has had no opportunity in Rome to be of service to his Excellency. He shares, however, in the honour done their house in Genoa, and in the obligations which they all owe to him. Hopes shortly to have good news of his Excellency from London, and wishes him all happiness. Italian. 1 p. Gio. AGOSTESTO DURAZZO to THE SAME. 1669, July [3-J13. Genoa. Hopes that by this time he has happily reached his native land. The differences between Genoa and Rome, in consequence of the expulsion of " this inquisator " are settled to mutual satisfaction, as is also the marriage between the Signora Pallavicina and Don Tomaso, nephew of his Holiness. Italian. 2 pp. BISHOP DI NOCERA D'AVALOS to THE SAME. 1669, Aug. [20-J30. Naples. Praying him to petition his Majesty to desire his ambassador at Madrid to do good offices with the King of Spain to get him to send the Bishop's nephew, the Marques de Pescara, as ambassador to Naples ; which would lay the whole house of Avalos under great obligations to his Majesty, and make them ardently desire to be of service to all of the English nation in Italy. Italian. 1 p. THE SAME to THE SAME. 1669, [Oct. 25-] Nov. 4. Naples. Hearing that the English King means to make a quantity of salt in Italy, both in order to maintain a free trade and for the use of his garrison in Tangier, he desires to say that no better place could be found for it than Naples, not only from the good and well seasoned wood to be got there, but from the number of well versed masters of the craft. Knowing the ability and good estate of " Signor Francesco Bruno," the English Consul here, a very clever man. and in good favour with the nobility, he recom- mends him to his Excellency for this office, promising that he and his nephew, the Marques di Pescara, will lend him every aid in their power. 521 t/n his own writing.'] He may add that their house has, near Naples, two islands, Tschia and Procita, where there are constantly barks and other small vessels. The people are active and able, and Signer Bruno would have assistance in this matter, and protection as well. Italian. 2$ pp. Chief Secretary of the Prince of Moldavia to MONSIEUR GEORGE.* [1669?] I am here in London, waiting to receive money from Constantinople before I can depart. When we arrived, Lord Winchilsea was 150 miles away, but I spoke with several persons of quality who said how unfair it was that Lord Winchilsea should have made a Prince of Moldavia and received nothing whatever from him. I told them that, on the contrary, the Prince had given, in order to be presented to his lordship, 12,000 sheep and 4,000 crowns, besides a ring worth 1,000 crowns. Some time afterwards I visited Lord Winchilsea at Eastwell, and he assured me that he received nothing at all. Now, you know that when we first went into Moldavia, we found 200,000 sheep there for the Prince of Duca Bej, of which he presented 12,000 to the ambassador and six thousand to you, and I know that you received and sold all these sheep. Two years later, when we went again into Moldavia, the Prince gave you (to present to the ambassador) 4,000 crowns, a ring worth 1,000 crowns and a horse worth 300 crowns, all of which, you know well, are entered in the Prince's book by my hand, as being his chief secretary. Moreover, all his house- hold know that you received them, therefore, when my Lord Winchilsea told me he had received nothing I said to him what I here say to you. My lord is very angry with you, and would have asked the King to write to the Grand Vizier, but I dissuaded him, and he promises to do nothing, provided that you go to the consul at Smyrna and arrange the matter. Otherwise, he will certainly have a letter sent to the Vizier. He has written to the Consul, making him his procurator in the affair, and I advise you to arrange it as quickly as possible, before it gets known. French. 2| pp. THE TURKISH EMPIRE. 1669. A paper in Lord Winchilsea's handwriting, entitled, Memorandums touching the Turkish Empire ; giving many details about the Sultan and his Court. Amongst them are the following : Sultan Mehemet Han is 29 years old, "of a melancholy disposition, his legges swelled and weake, of middle stature, litle given to sleepe, perpetually on horseback and in exercise, a greater lover of his pages than concubines, much given to his religion, a great enemy to Christians, exceedingly greedy * Cieorge Druporiis, Winchilsea' s chief interpreter. C/. p. i'J'2 above. 522 of gold, a great eater and that frequently. He endeavours to lessen daily his expences and to encrease his treasure." He has a son, Mustafa, five years old, and three brothers, Suliman, Selim and Achmet, all of different mothers, about his own age. He wished in 1668 to put his brothers to death, but could not get the Queen Mother's licence because he has only one son. For long the Grand Signers have not married, because a wife is heir to an eighth of the Empire during life ; but any concubine who bears him a son wears a crown, has a great revenue and a court apart. He loves his ministers who are present, but forgets those who are absent ; so that if the Vizier wishes to revenge himself on a man, he has only to obtain for him some good office away from the court, and can then punish him as he pleases. The Grand Vizir is about 29 years old, " very prudent, honest to his master, but very proud and inexorable ; not given to blood as his father, not mercenary, an enemy to avanias and false pretences. He is learned and religious, and just in his decrees. The Grand Signer delights in building, and has repaired and augmented his great seraglio at Constantinople, all with marble, at which 1,000 persons worked for two years. There are in the seraglio about 600 women and 3,000 men, who never go out, and serve for the Grand Signer's guard. The provisions and kitchens are sufficient for these and more, for no account is kept for expences, the accounts of the Mutpack Emin or clerk of the kitchen being never seen. Little spice is used, save at the Grand Signer's table ; but 100 great butts of lemon-juice are " spent " in a year, and of ambergrease a " vast proportion." They perfume them- selves with it, and put great pieces into their meat, drink and sweetmeats. The Grand Signer's treasure consists in orna- ments ; as vessels of gold and silver, jewels without number, and coin in immense quantity, in chambers built on purpose, " with wells in them to hold vast summes. Every King makes his own chamber for treasure . . . and never one Grand Signer doth touch the mony of his ancestou,rs. . . . That which this Grand Signer layes up is only the richesse of those that dy or that he causes to be put to death," which would amount to an infinite sum, but that his officers cheat him of a great part. The ordinary revenue of the Empire is about 40 millions or thereabouts, but so many of the Grand Signer's subjects are fled or dispersed that it is diminished about two millions yearly, and he has caused many new taxes to be laid. In so vast a body this is not much felt at present, but in time to come will be a great ruin to his subjects. The revenue is of three sorts ; 1st, the tribute of the Christians (four dollars a head for males of 15 3'ears and upwards) ; 2, the avaris or angeria, which is a tenth part of goods of all sorts and paid both by Turks and Christians, 523 unless they be privileged or in the Grand Signer's pay ; 3, a tax on all merchandise except victuals ; wine, being contrary to the law, pays almost half its value. But besides ordinary taxes, other contributions (as for his journeys and wars), are forced from all, according to what they possess or the gains they make. [Here follows an account of the manner of collecting the revenue.] The Grand Signor wears rich clothes of cloth of gold and silver, satins and silks, lined with sables, ermines and other furs, and wears jewels of inestimable value. Of horses he has thousands, many of exceeding great value. He is " much pleased to heare Van Effendi preach, who lives very retiredly, of a severe life and a learned man ; outwardly a contemner of riches but is growne vastly rich." The Turkish religion seems very full of liberty, but is really severe ; the greatest appearance of liberty is in having many wives, but their religion obliges them to treat them all equally in all points, otherwise the woman may leave her husband. Their abstinence is very severe, both from wine and many meats, and throughout the month Ramazan, "they cannot eat ordrinke, upon paine of death, from sunne rising to its setting, which in the heat of summer is no small torment." Their mosques at Constantinople are exceedingly well built and very beautiful. [The rest of the paper is concerning matters of the Law, the pay of the Army &c.] 10 pp. COEKIGENDUM. p. 162, footnote, add the following: The explanation of this is the fact, mentioned in Rycaut's Turkish His- tory, that the two offices, at this period, were held by the same man. 525 INDEX. Abbeville [France], 75. mayor and lieutenant of, 16. travellers to, 16. Abbey, the (on Lord Winchilsea's estate in Yorkshire), 419. Abbot, George, Archbishop of Can- terbury, 47. Acheen (Atcheene), Sumatra : Queen of, 366. letter from, alluded to, 330. Achmet, brother of the Sultan Mahomet, 522. Acklam, a servant of Lord Winchil- sea, 251, 320. Acmet Aga, "Chiecaia" of the Arsenal, a prisoner at Venice, 286. Acre. See St. John d'Acre. Adah'a. See Settalia. Aden, rumoured surrender of, to the English, 233. Admiral, Lord High. See Clinton ; Villiers,Duke of Buckingham ; James, Duke of York. Adrianople, 290, 318, 329, 376, 385, 417, 481, 494, 516. business negotiated at, trouble connected with, 478. ceremony at, 416. the Chimacam at. See under Turkey, ministers of. compared with Philippopolis, 371. cottages of, 383. court at, or going to, 176, 241, 259, 261, 327, 499. Dutch and French in, 362. fondness of the Grand Signer for, 398. foreign ambassadors or envoys at, 416, 417, 452. Adri anople con*. the French Ambassador at. See La Haye. Grand Signer at, going to, or leaving, 119, 150, 240-242, 258, 286, 319, 386, 407. Grand Vizier going to, 350, 374, 375, 377, 382, 383. , camp of, at, 384, 385. Greek Metropolitan in, 362. heat at, 264. incident at, 340, 341. letters addressed or sent to, 158, 162, 301, 304, 369, 453. dated at, 177 (3), 265, 266 (2). 267, 268 (2), 370 (2), 382- 387, 392. ministers at, 159, 162, 163, 166, 167, 266, 370, 385, 428, 429. the plague at, or expected at, 151, 300, 386. representatives of Greek Church in Scio, at, 350. travellers to and from, 153, 254, 318, 346, 370, 371, 416, 426, 465. troops marching to, 168. Turkish camp at, 385. walls of, 383. Queen Mother leaves, 386. entry of Count Lesley into. See under Lesley, proposed journeys of Lord Win- chilsea to, 163, 166, 167, 169 (2), 172, 261, 262, 301, 304 (2), 317 (2), 360, 361, 369, 382- 385, 445. his desire to postpone, 301-2, 308, 309. journey of the Earl of Winchil- sea to, 268, 267, 317. , expenses connected with, 275, 288, 292, 293, 297, 317, 321. account of, 275. fear that the forces of the Em- peror may come to, 346. Lord Winchilsea's past journey to, alluded to, 358, 364, 42J. 526 Adrianople cord. need for the English ambassador to be represented at, 422, 423. expected " storm " from, 499. Adriatic Gulf, 147. Aegean Sea or Archipelago, the, Venetian fleet in, 1 79. Africa, 268. And see Morocco ; Algiers. Spanish forces to land in, 181. African Company, the : opposes the Dutch, 337. " letters of Mart against," 338. African dominions of England. See Tangier. Agra [India] : tribute money sent to, 440. castle of, 1 52. , prisoner in. See Jehan, Shah, great darkness and tempest in, 475. Aix-la-Chapelle (Aeon, Acquis- Grana), English Resident at, visit of Charles II to (1654), alluded to, 513. traveller from, 505. peace between France and Spain concluded at, 504. Albemarle, Duke of. See Monck. Alberquerque, Duke of, Admiral of Spain, his ship, 281. his answer to Sir John Lawson. See Lawson. Albert, Cardinal Archduke of Aus- tria, enters France witli his forces. 34. Aleppo, 230, 285, 429, 487. Bassa of (I), 106. 176, 212, 213, 229, 420. , dealings of the English Consul with, 213. , his dislike to the English, 212, 213. , unjust proceedings of, 214, 215, 218, 229. - , attempts reparation, 216. . in relation to the Chris- tians. 223, 224. , his Chiau, 228. , , ill-usasre of Chris- tians by, 229. -, his ministers, 212. , " exemplary j ustice " upon requested, 229. , removal of, 223, 232, 236 , departure and new ap- pointment of. 234. Bassa of (2) [Mahomet], expec- ted, 235. , friendliness of, 238. Aleppo, Bassa of (2) cont. , letter to, 233. , in relation to the French Consul. See Baron. Bassa of (3), arrival of his deputy, 347. , agas of, 429. , chiau of. See Musselem below. , movements of, 420, 433, 435. , orders to, 458. , unjust proceedings of, 420, 428. Cappigee Bassa at [Mahmud Aga], 223, 224. , " sent to do justice to the Christians," 228. , returns to Constantinople, 229. Bash Teftedar, at, 429, 435. Cadi or judge at, 107, 224, 228, 235. , "a very ancient man," 420. , his dealings in relation to the factories, 199, 215, 272, 344. , promises satisfaction to Christian deputation, 229. , demands of, 273. , in relation to the intro- duction of bad money, 289. . warrant from, alluded to, 373. , gate of, decorations for. 289. new Cadi at, 334, 349, 420, 482. , money given to, 373. Capisler Chiause at, 212, 213, 215. , to bo brought as prisoner to the Porte, 218. Chiau at. See Musselem at, below. Emyn or Customer at (1), 106. , as the late, 182, 194. Emyn at (2) [Mustapha Aga]. in relation to the factory, 194, 199, 212, 213, 224, 233. , as the late Emyn. 249. , officer of, threat by, 372. Emyn at (3) [Abrim Aga], 249, 260, 282. 289, 293, 299, 343, 345, 356, 365, 375, 410, 413, 416, 429. , arrival of, 262. -, complaints against, 278. , in relation to the business of Stanton and Bishop, 348. 527 Aleppo, Emyn at (3) con/. , unjust demands and ac- tions of, 363, 369, 372, 373, 402, 413. , liis execution hoped for, 374. -, scrivan of [Mustapha Chelebee], 349. -, servant of, 370. , Ulacks [messengers] sent out by, 376. , intentions of the Vizier concerning, 374, 376-7. , " command " obtained by, 378. , business connected with, 382, 385, 393. , in relation to English and French merchants or mer- chandise, 404, 410. , as the late Emyn, trouble given by to the Engl5sh,alluded to, 413. , claim made by, 429. -, death of 435. new Emyn of : arrival of, 425. , commands to, ibid. , called to justice, 482. , his chiau, false pretences of, 480. past Emyns of : , execution of, alluded to, 374. Mufti at, complaint to, 373. Musselem or Chiau at, 215, 289, 298, 324, 326. 347, 420. Shabender of [Mustapha Chebbee], 95, 310. 326, 416. " vizier of the Bench," at, 4G6 Arab horses from, difficulty in obtaining, 458. Armenian, Greek and Latin Churches at, complaint of the Patriarchs and Bishops of, 223. Avania at, statement concern- ing, 376. bridge near. See Morat Basha, bridge of. caravans coming to, 397, 416. Christians in, 310. , deputation from, 236. , their desire for a fair hear- ing in Constantinople, 224. -, their differences with the Bassa, 229. And see English merchants at; French mer- chants at. Divan at, account of meeting of, 402. the Dutch Consul at, claim of, to protect foreigners, 257. Aleppo, the Dutch Consul at cont. , brother of, 260. , house of, 271. now Dutch Consul at, 260, 272, 278. , cloth lent by, for decora- tions, 289. , departure of, 410. Dutch merchants in, 301. , in relation to payments demanded, 273-4, 278. English chaplain at. See Framp- ton. Consul at. See Lannoy, Benjamin. customs at, order con- cerning, 379. English merchants, factors, or factory at, 212, 213, 230, 242, 343, 376, 404. , Declaration from, 374. , letters from, 156, 182, 194, 215, 229, 343, 372. , list of, 183. , note to, 374. , present from, to the Earl of Winchilsea, 217, 222. , treasurer to, 163. And see Browne. , at Leghorn, 108. , leaving the place, 216. -. the Bassa's disputes with or ill-treatment of, 176, 218, 224. , in relation to the Cappigee Bassa, 229. -, contributions from, to- wards the ransom of English mariners, 234. , oath required from (by the Levant Company), or taken by, 237, 238, 249. 272, 289. , and the purchase of "gauls," 285. , oppression and injustice suffered by, 369, 384. -, are freed from suspicion of bringing in bad money, 293. , in relation to the Emyn. See Aleppo, Emyn of, above. -, and the business of Stan- ton and Bishop. See Stanton and Bishop. Franks in, 420. French in, the, ignorant con- cerning the movements of the Duke of Beaufort, 429. , money extorted from, 420. French Consul at. See Baron. merchants at, 199, 285, 404. 528 Aleppo, French merchants at cont. , ill condition of, 301. , introduction of bad _ money by, 289, 293. surgeon in, 212. letters addressed to, 21 7, 230 (2). letters dated at, 95, 106, 124, 141, 151, 164, 169, 176, 194, (3), 199, 209, 210, 212, 214 (2), 216, 222 (2), 224, 228, 234 (2), 236, 237, 238 (3), 243, 249, 256, 257, 258, 260, 262, 270, 272, 273 (2), 278 (2), 282, 285, 288, 293, 298, 300, 304, 306, 310, 312-314, 323, 329, 330, 334, 335, 343, 347, 348, 355, 356, 363, 365, 372 (2), 373 (2), 376, 383, 402, 404, 407, 408, 410, 413, 414, 415, 416, 419, 420, 425, 429, 433, 435, 438, 446, 449, 453, 458, 465, 474, 477, 482, 491, 493, 502, 506. money to be invested in, 217, 222. to be paid at, 397, 400. news from, 351. , received in, 502. Patriarchs of, 228, 231. the plague in, 271 (2), 272. the Seraglio at, 223. , decorations for, 289. state of affairs at, brought before the Vizier, 374. strangers in, dispute concerning the protection of, 257, 258, 262. trade in, " battulated," 374. the trade of, hindered or lost, 384, 430. travellers to, 377, 410, 439, 449, 454, 476, 512. Turks in, money owing to. See Stanton and Bishop, creditors of. witnesses to be examined in, 434, 438. "Alepins," i.e. residents at Aleppo, 454. Alexandria [Egypt], 192, 219. ships carried into, 446, 477. the Road of, ship loading in, 262. Alexandrian senna, order for, 512. Algiers, Algier, Argier, 82, 128, 181, 214, 225, 278, 291, 318. Bay of, 143. , letter dated from, 142. consulship of, 89, 133. Dutch admiral at. See Ruyter, de. slaves in, 277. Algiers cont. English Consul at. See Browne ; Robert. factories in, 87. ships at, or going to, 84, 87, 88, 101, 158, 304. -, passports required by, 276, 278, 281. the Fish gate at, 143. Governor or Bassa of, 82, 83, 101, 143. . in Turkey, 183, 186. Great divan at, 143, 277, 282. , letter from, 278, 281. letters dated at, 276, 282. , sent from, alluded to, 101, 116, 278. messengers or agents from, 101, 175 (2), 142-3. , in Turkey, 177. the Mould at, 143. people of, 187, 243, 295, 299, 325. , their boasted indepen- dence of Turkey, 168. pirates or piracies of, 108, 135, 137, 141, 145, 153, 169, 176, 181. 187, 350. Aga at [Hankine], articles con- firmed by, 74. Bassa at [Mahasram], articles confirmed by, 74. . See Governor of, above. Oliver Cromwell's articles with, 74. , alluded to, 116, 119. business connected with, 81, 82, 83. former treaty between England and, ratification of by Eng- land, 83. tyrant of [Hullil, Halil], mur- dered, 85, 86. usurper at. See Ramadan. Earl of Winchilseaat, 87. , instructions of, to be followed, at, 82. negotiations between England and, 87, 88, 89, 101, 134, 143. treaty of peace between Eng- land and, 129, 202, 205, 243, 245, 276, 277, 294, 295 (2), 353. , expenses connected with, 123, 297. , ratification of, by the Grand Signer. See Ma- homet. -, articles of, in French and Turkish, 205. , documents relating to, mentioned, 292, 520 Algiers cent. British fleet at, or going to, 1 33, 134, 143, 153, 160, 163, 166- 169, 172, 173, 294, 298. Earl of Sandwich at. See Mon- tagu, Edward. Sir John Lawson at. See Lawson. in relation to England, 139, 140, 144, 154, 187. complaints from, alluded to, 159. British grievances against, 167. relations and negotiations be- tween the Dutch and, 187, 199, 200, 205, 264, 297. English successes at, or near, 199, 324. new Bassa for, 200, 202. differences between England and, ended, 213. secretary to Lord Winchilsea at, See Rycaut. Turks in, their unsatisfactory translation of documents, 246. reasons why difficult to main- tain peace with, 281. reception of ratifications at, alluded to, 294, 299. French and Dutch fleets sent to, 303, 353. declaration of James I concern- ing, alluded to, 318. late rupture with, alluded to, 381. Alicante [Spain], ships going to, 87, 278. Allegiance, the Oath of, 101. Allegretti, proposed Spanish minister to the Porte (c. 1646), 150. Allen, Edward, factor at Smyrna, 169. Allestree, Dr. [Richard], 218, 245. letter forwarded by, 249. message to, 216. Alii Bassa, Turkish commander, 190. Allin (Allen), Captain, afterwards Sir Thomas, 83, 88, 96, 99, 503. letters from, 104, 265. orders to, alluded to, 503. given command of the Rainbow, 265. sent to the Straits, 353. takes Dutch vessels, 354, 359. recalled, 363, 367. Alsace or Alsatia, danger to the Emperor in, 211. Alured, writings of, cited, 409 (2). Alva, Duke of [Ferdinand Alvarez de Toledo], movements of, 20. Wt. 29496. Alva, Duke of con/. information sent to Queen Elizabeth by, 9. H. Cobham sent to, 10. Ambassador, difference between a Resident and, 351. Amboyse, Cardinal, Archbishop of Rouen, 60. Amiens : description of, 16. letter dated from, 15. Amsterdam, 60, 93, 311, 476. jeweller from. See Bazu. plague at, 311. Amurath or Murad III, Sultan of Turkey, attended by the Eng- lish ambassador in his wars, 320. , letter from, alluded to, 401. Amurath or Murad IV, Sultan of Turkey, reign of, alluded to, 318, 377, 428. Anabaptists, ' ' designs " amongst, 299. Ancona [Italy], 76. Andrea, an apothecary, 156. Signor Georgio d', present sant by, 336. Tomaso d', Deputy of the church in Scio. See under Scio. Andrews, Thomas, letter from, 306. Angediva, Angidiva [India], Island of, British forces in, 273, 306, 366. letters from, alluded to, 366. traveller from, 330. Anglesey, Earl of. See Annesley. Ankerwick, an estate of Sir Thomas Smith, 12. Anne of Austria. See France, Queen Regent of. Annesley, Arthur, Earl of Anglesey, 510. Antonio, , employed by Lord Cottington, 72. torture and acquittal of, ibid. Antrim, Marquis of. See McDonnell, Randall. Antwerp, letters from, alluded to, 404. a merchant of. See Vandrissen. Apafi or Apaphi. Prince Michael. See Translvania. Apsfield, Mrs., 63. Arab : King, daughter of, 219. prince, at Bassora, 408. Arabian : horse sent to the king, 266, 271, 288, 290, 295. horses, 242, 458. FI 34 530 Arabs : " barbarities " of, in the Holy Land, 193. Englishmen captured by, 278. expedition against, 433, 435. at Muscat, 449, 465. Arches, the [near Smyrna], 406, 490. " Paris " in, 406. Archipelago, the. See Aegean Sea. Ardizaval, Arzival, Lardizaval, Fra. Domenico del, Procurator of the Holy Land, 193. letter from, 191. letters to, 203, 218. Argyle, Marquis of. See Campbell, Archibald. . Arlington, Earl of. See Bennet, Sir Henry. Armenia, 219. Armenian, an, redemption of, 406. Armenian : Churches, 292. merchant, present from, 231. Armenians, 480, 493. murdered. 446. dispute matters of consulage in the Levant, 92, 93. in Constantinople. See Con- stantinople, faction of, in the Low Countries, 48. Army, the English, 120. in Franco (1557), 3. at Tilbury (1588), 27. in Portugal (1663), 283, 284. commander of, in Portugal. See Schonberg. the three troops of Guards (the King's, Duke's and Lord General's), 130. Arnand, Blaiz, captain of a French ship, 446. Arnemuiden (Armewe), Zeeland, 27. Arras. Duke of Parma at, 32. Arundel, Earl of. See Fitz Alan. Arzilla [Morocco], 280. Sir John Lawson at, 205. Ashbio, William, 183. Ashburnham, Mr., 152. Ashby, Mr., 9. Asia, 85, 146, 269, 288, 322. Bassas of, summoned by the Vizier of Turkey, 219. the seven churches of, 314. troops of, 190, 288. Asia Minor, conquest of by the Turks, alluded to, 478. robbers in. 484. Assistants, Court of. See Levant Company, Aston, Sir Arthur, his regiment of horse, 164. Athens, French Consul at, letter to, 335. Aubigny, Lord, 302. Audley, John, 24. Augmentations, Court of, Chancellor of, 1. Augsburg (Ausperg) [Bavaria], 76. Augustino, son of the Dutch Consul at Smyrna, 485, 494. Aumale, the Chevalier d', 32. Aumont (Omont) Marechal d', suburbs of Paris seized by, 30. Aurungzebe or Orang Shall, the Great Mogul : ambassadors from, to Persia, 439, 449, 453, 475, 476. , to Bassa of Bussora, 210. ambassador to, from Persia, 210. , dismissal of, 453. , from the Sultan, 451. his court, 466, 476. , the Dutch at, 244. his Moors, conquests by, 306. presents to, 124, 223. father of. See Jehan, Shah, brothers of, See Sooje, Sultan ; Dara Shah, nephews of, 152, 210. takes his father's crown and becomes Great Mogul, 124. imprisons his father and brother, 124. murders his youngest brother, 124, 210. the kingdom of India confirmed to, 124, 210. trios to persuade his father to leave his prison, 152. in relation to the Dutch and Portuguese. 209, 210. report of his death, 244. stricken with palsy, 306. in relation to the English at Surat, 323. . makes war against the King of Vizapore, 366. movements of, 408, 466. war of, in the Deccan, 440, 441, 450, 466, 507. tries to make peace with the King of Deccan, 440. has " made away with " all his family, 450. invasion of his dominions by the Persians, 466, 475. his preparations for war. 475. rebellion against, 493. And see Sevajee. 531 A urungzebe con/. his zeal in proselytizing, 506. privileges granted to the English by, 507. Austen, Sir Jolin, made deputy- lieutenant of Kent, 509. Austria, 149, 179. Archduke of, marriage and death of (1665), 389. Archduke Albert, Cardinal of. See Albert, armies of, 130. Don John of (temp. Eliz.), in the Low Countries, 22. , as commander of Spanish forces, 263, 284. , defeat of, 263, 266. general executed by, 265. the House of, 240. , alarm of, 275. , disaster to, 389. , religious oppression by, 45. , rumoured treaty between England and, 397. Auxerre [France], 67. Avalos, Bishop di Nocera d', letters from, 520 (2). nephew of. See Pescara, Mar- ques de. house of, 520. Aveiro, the Duke d' (Devera), flies to Spain, 283. is executed, in effigy, in Portu- gal, 283. Avignon [France], 75. A vila, Juand', history by, alluded to, 409. Ayala, Conde de, Vice-roy of Sicily, letter to, 89. Ayenee (Turkey in Asia), 270. Cadi of, ibid. Aylesford [Kent], lath of, 42, 43. regiment belonging to, 509. Azeroone. See Erzerum. Azores, the, islands of, 69. B B., Lady, 39. Baal, " some who have not bowed the knee to," 442. Babington, John, appointed assignee, 307. Babylon (Babilon), Bassa of. See Mortazza. the "seal" of, 416. taking of, alluded to, 282. Backwell, Alderman, 404. Bacon, Sir Nicholas, Keeper of the Great Seal, offers to be guarantee for the Duke of Norfolk, 9. Badajos [Spain], Spanish forces at, 284. Badcock, Captain, 54. Baden, the Marquis of, in Flanders, 354. Bagdad (Bagdatt) 345. Bashas assembled at, 408, 497. Latin Fathers at, 95. , assist Englishmen, 278. merchant of. See Bagdatli. Bagdatli, the [Chelabee Mahomet], procurator for the creditors of Messrs. Stanton and Bishop, 355, 376, 391. Baigneux (Baineux) [France], 67, 68. Baines (Bayns), Dr. Thomas, 67, 208, 236, 309, 404, 445, 447. illness of, 467. lack of correspondence from, 239, 246, 251. letter from, alluded to, 251. to, 246. messages to, 260, 403, 404, 417, 433, 444, 445, 448, 457. movements, or proposed move- ments of, 212, 239, 260, 448, 449. in relation to Daniel Finch, 212, 403. asked to be secretary to Lord Winchilsea, 473. Baker : Sir John, 3. Richard, Consul at Smyrna, 115, 120, 156, 165, ' 167, 357. , letters from. 92-95, 100, 105, 107 (2), 114, 122, 132, 144 (2). , letters to or from, alluded to, 143, 144, 157. -, read to, 131. , dissensions between the merchants and, 102-109 passim. -, complaints concerning, 115, 122, 165. , dismissal of, 135. 137, 144, 145, 155, 159, 186. , illness of, 144. , to be sent to England, 145, 146. , disappearance of , 148, 149. 152, 155, 157, 159. 532 Baker, Richard cont. , representations of s to the Levant Company, 166. , to be re-established, 170 (2), 175. , money voted for, by the Levant Company, 187. , proceedings against, al- luded to, 185, 189. -, death of, 174, 176(2), 178. Balarino, Giovanni Battista, Vene- tian envoy (" bailo ") in Tur- key, 103, 111, 132, 141, 150, 152, 154, 188, 196, 227, 231, 259, 286, 292, 347. letters to, 155, 175, 196, 301, 328, 350. ignominious position of, 97, 99. stands godfather (on behalf of the Prince of Venice) to Lord Winchilsea's infant son, 155, 156, 180,205. in relation to Signor Dolfini, 202. opposes the removal of the body of Signor Capello to Venice, 241, 252. " good correspondence " be- tween Lord Winchilsea and, 332. in relation to Candia, 385, 430. death of, 442, 444. Balasor (Ballasore) [Bengal, India] : Chief of, letters from, alluded to, 209. English factors in, death of, 209. river of, ships attempt to enter, 440. Banckes, James, 348. demand by, 355. examination and imprisonment of, 347. letter from, 347. master of. See Frederick, Sir John. Banda, Island of [East Indian Archi- pelago], 151. BanianS; in India, proselytizing amongst, 506. Bankort [Adrian], Dutch Admiral, wounded, 375. Bantam [Java], King of : in rela- tion to the Dutch, 474. Barbadoes [West Indies], 445. reported submerged, 59. rumour of French forces going to, 412. Barbary, Barbery, 276, 388. pirates or piracies of, 163, 196, 200, 248, 279, 341. treaty with, ratifications of, counterparts sent to, 267. Barbary cont. in relation to Turkey, 248. Turkish towns and forts in, 365. Barberini, Cardinal Antonio, Prefect of the Sacra Congregatione de Propaganda Fide, letter from, 424. , alluded to, 425. Bargrave : Dr., letter to, 325. , message from, 394. Robert, servant to the Earl of Winchilsea, death and burial of, 93. , deceased, alluded to, 431. Barkeley. See Berkeley. Barnardiston : Arthur, factor at Smyrna, 104, 169. , letters from, 107, 275, 406. , signed by, 148. Mr., 123. Mr., letter to, alluded to, 94. Nathaniel, 355. Pelatia, Pelat, 355. , brother-in-law of. See Turner. Sir Samuel, 344, 355. . copy of warrant sent to, 137. -, brothers of, 344. Thomas, sen., factor at Smyrna, 169. , letter signed by, 148. , cousin of. See Turner. , letter from, 348. , business between Mr. Langley and. See Langley. , goods sent to, stoppage of, 326. -, in relation to Messrs. Stanton and Bishop, 355. Barneham, Benedict, loan to be paid to, 35. Barnes, Sir William, 42. Barnham : Sir Francis, 42. Francis, regiment of, 509. , father of, alluded to, ibid. , death of, ibid. Baron : Monsieur, French Consul at Aleppo, 239, 289, 336, 343, 413, 425, 458, 466. , brother of. See Baron, Pieter. , character of, 336. , claim of, to protect foreigners, 257, 258, 260, 313, 410. -, letters from, 169, 176, 210, 258,330,345,408,419. 533 Baron, Monsieur, letters from con/. , , alluded to, 260, 261, 285, 344. 344. -, to, 190, 261, 323, -, alluded to, 272. , visit of, to Constantinople, 169. , summoned to Paris. 238. , in relation to Consul Fowke, 271. -, in relation to Mr. Sher- man, 285. Pieter, appointed deputy for the French Consul at Aleppo, 238, 239. Barsus, " the boat of," 68. Barton : Mr. or Sir Edward, deputy ambassador at Constantinople (1589), 401. , as ambassador, impor- tance of his post and actions alluded to, 319, 320. Mr., 6. Pere, an English Jesuit, 66. Base money. See Temins, false. Basilius, Stephen. See Moldavia, Prince of. Basim (Bassin) [India], Portu- guese losses near, 306. Basle (Basil) [Switzerland], 69. bishop of, 72. Calvinists in, ibid. Basra, Bussora (Bassora, Balsora, Bolsora), Asiatic Turkey, 330, 449, 453, 498. Bassa of, ambassador sent to, 210. [Hassan], destroys the city, 507. Latin Fathers at, 95, 107, 435, 507. . assist Englishmen, 278. Prince of, submission of, 416. , his son, created Basha. 416. natural Prince of, loyalty of the people towards, 497. threatened attacks upon, 408, 497. warfare and losses at, 410, 413, 420, 507. declares against Turkey, 447. war of the Grand Signor upon. See under Mahomet. Batavia [Java. E. Indies] : the Dutch at, 324, 506, 509. prisoner to be taken to, 224. Bate, Deyer, ship's commander. letters signed by, 392. 393. Bath (Bathe) Charles II and Queen Catherine- at, 274 : 27.1, 288. Bath con*. Duke and Duchess of York at, 275. letters dated at, 275, 467. " newes very acceptable" at, 467. travellers to or at, 208, 433, 467. " very little company " at, 468. Earl of. See. Bourchier, Henry. Batteville, Baron de, Spanish am- bassador in England, 120, 128, 129, 135. dispute of, with the French ambassador, 161, 198. reported recall of, 173. Baynes : Capt. Adam, petitions by, 74. Dr. See Baines. Bazu, David, a Dutch jeweller, 493. Beale [brother-in-law of Walsing- ham], 22. Beaufort, Duke of. See Venddme. Beaune [France], " the best wine of France " at, 68. Bebii, Monsieur, 476. Becke, Mr., 38. Bedchamber, gentleman of the. See Finch, Heneage, Earl of Win- chilsea. Bedford : Earl of. See Russell. Bridget, Countess of, letter from, 23. Bedford, the Level of. great drains of, 392. Beer or ale, asked for, by the Ger- man ambassador, 386, 387. provided, 392. Belasyse (Bellassis), John, Baron Belasyse, Governor of Tan- gier, 367, 465. leaving Tangier, 465. Belgrade, near Constantinople, 150, 417. letters dated at. 138-141. 416, 418 (2), 419, 423-425, 428 (3), 430, 432 (3), 434, 461-465, 469-471, 481, 512. letter from, alluded to, 509. Subashee of, to be dismissed from office, 362. Belgrade [Servia], 169, 288, 341. 346, 350. 370. forces marching to, 248. letters addressed to. 300, 34.1. - dated at, 40!). traveller from. Sec, Lesley, Count. Grand Vizier at or going to, 240, 258, 364, 372. , his cam]> before, letter dated from, 374. 534 Bell, Monsieur, a French baron, 14. Bellart, Monsieur, 67. Bellievre (Beleivre) Monsieur, French ambassador at Geneva, 70. his steward. See Parost. Benbo, Baron, 416. travels of, 425. Bench, the, one of the viziers of, 466. Bendyshe : Andrew, factor at Pera, 171. Sir Thomas, late ambassador in Turkey, 80, 97, 100, 103, 133, 166, 187, 206, 300, 407, 411, 458. -, letters from, 81, 91 (2), 92, 254, 434. to, 90, 91, 195. , movements of, 102, 105, 114, 127, 143, 318. , recalled, 81, 95. , defence of, by the Earl of Winchilsea, 96, 98. , receives the new ambassa- dor, 96. -, letters of recommendation for, 100. -, his desire to be agent at Cairo, 100, 101. , action of, in Smyrna, al- luded to, 105. -, in relation to the Guard- ians of Jerusalem, 137. , differences of, with the Levant Company, 324, 356, 434, 438. , Chancery suit brought against, 434, 438. , daughter of, 102. , son of, 101, 255. -, kindness of Lord Winchilsea to, alluded to, 81. -, his household, member of. See Foscolo. Benedictines, 68. Bengal (Bengala) [India], 476. Prince of, [Sultan Susa], 124. rareties from, commissions for, 399. Bengal, Bay of : English ships in, mortality on, 450. Dutch ships in, 440, 450. letters sent from, 209. Bengala, "roots of," 399, 400, 452, 508. Benignus, disciple of Polycarpus : church dedicated to, 68. Bennet, Sir Henry (afterwards Earl of Arlington), Secretary of State, 222. 235, 241, 249, 254, 287, 317, 361, 411, 412, 427, 432, 447, 511. cipher used by, 80. Bennet, Sir Henry cord. dispatches or memoranda, to or from, 242, 290, 291, 293. information for, or sent to, 288, 289, 291, 382, 448, 453, 461. interviews with, 287, 293. letters from, 245, 253, 275, 295, 339, 349, 358, 369, 395, 442, 490, 491, 513. , alluded to, 481. letters to, 235, 240, 253, 261, 262, 282, 285, 286, 300, 301, 316 (2), 336, 341, 346, 350, 379, 389, 394, 398, 402, 405, 407, 417, 429, 444, 464, 472, 481, 498, 499, 508, 515-517. , alluded to, 241, 2"59, 295, 322, 365, 382, 430, 483. -, mentioned, 309, 327, 332. made Keeper of the Privy Purse, 161. appointed principal Secretary of State, in place of Sir Edward Nicholas, 221, 242, 245, 246. in relation to Lord Winchilsea, 361, 434. Benyon, Sir George, letter to, 196. son of, marriage of, ibid. Bergen [Norway], Dutch merchant vessels attacked by the Eng- lish at, 396, 398. Bergen-op-Zoom [Brabant], 456. Berkeley : Frances, Lady, death of, 22. , brother of. See Poyntz, Sir Nicholas. Sir John, 22. , his children, ibid. Sir Maurice, 73. , petition of, 74. (Barkly), Sir William, Captain, letter from, 264. , taken prisoner, 419, 427. Berkenhead, Sir John, 433. Berkshire, money sent from, 9. Bermond, Monsieur, French consul at Cairo, order sent to, 330. Bermudas, Islands of [North Atlan- tic Ocean], 59. Bernard, William, admitted a com- moner of Christchurch, 433. Bernardines, convent of, 68. Berne [Switzerland], 69, 73. Berti, Signor Valentino, a Venetian, 372, 406. Bertie, Montagu, 2nd Earl of Lindsey, Lord Chamberlain, 125. Mr., letters from, alluded to, 25 (2). Bethany (Betania) [Palestine], pro- cession of the Ass at, 191. tomb of Lazarus at, 192. 535 Bethlehem (Betlem) [Palestine], churches and holy places in, 190, 191, 192, 193. " Citrangoli," gardens in, called, 193. church at, model of, 180, 190, 191. Holy manger at, 369. model of, 190, 203. Turkoman and interpreters of, 192. Bethlem Gabor (Gaber) Prince of Transylvania. See Transyl- vania. Bethphage (Betf age) [Palestine], 191. . Betton, Thomas, 183. Betts, Dr., wife and children of, 415. godmother to his children. See Finch, Lady Elizabeth, a "concealed Catholique," 415. Beverley (Beverlaie) Yorkshire, letter dated at, 42. Beza, Theodore de, 71. Bezar [Lapis bezoar], an antidote for poison, 63. Bijapur. See Vizapore. Biron (Byron), Baron de, Marshal of France, letter to, 29. suburbs of Paris seized by, 30. Biscay, Bay of, ships of (Biscainers), 281. man-of-war from, captured, 214. British ships in, 416. Bishop of , letter from, alluded to, 483. Bishop, Hawly, merchant at Aleppo, 182, 194. See also Stanton and Bishop. as assignee for Philip Strode : estate of, claim upon, 289, 313. Blackborough, Abbey of, 38. Black Mountain, the [Morea], 201. Black Sea, the, 180. Cossacks in, 259. Blake, Robert, general at sea, settles articles at Algiers. 74. his action at Tunis, alluded to, 166. Blechenden : Humphrey, captain of trained band, 42. Thomas, factor at Smyrna, 169. , letter signed by, 148. Blockye, Sultan, confirmed as Gover- nor of Cosbin. demonstrations in his honour, 491. Blondel, Monsieur, reported to be coming as French ambassador to Turkey, 130. Bluclworth, Sir Thomas, letter from, alluded to, 359. to, alluded to, 227. Bohemia, King and Queen of (King James' children) "disinherit- ed," 47. Bois-le-Duc (the Buss), 456. Bokenham, Anthony, 120, 146. letters from, 102, 105, 158. to, 179, 185. recommended, 100. sent to the Queen of Portugal, 99. Bologna [Italy], 75. Boly or Bouley, Monsieur de la, 476. murdered, 507. Bombay (Bombain), Island of [India], 410, 475, 482. Governor of. See Lucas, Sir Jarvis. Lieutenant Governor of. See Cooke ; see Gary. ceded to England, 99, 189. held by the Portuguese, 243, 273, 284. British preparing to take posses- sion of, 366. fortified by the English, 408, 413. in relation to the Dutch, 440, 453, 506, 508. given to the East India Com- pany ; 508. Bommel [Netherlands], 76. Bonaville, a wine seller, 63. Bonifacio, Padre Fra Pacifico di ; as Commissioner for the Holy Land to the Porte, 203, 218. Bonithon, John, factor at Pera, 91, 171, 194. Books, pamphlets : Bible, the great polyglot, 233. Chronicles, the, alluded to, 457. And see Speed. Code Louys, the, 492. " The Case of Forfeiture for Treason before the Conquest," 409. Dialogue of the Exchequer, quoted, 409. Florence of Worcester, quoted, 409. History of Cardinal d'Ossat, quoted, 409. Leviathan (Hobbos), 0.1. " Mirror of Justices " quoted, 409. Red Book of tlie Exchequer, quoted, 409. " Statutes of Marlhorough," quo tod. 409. Vovage d'Espugtw, quoted, 4U9. 536 Booth, Sir George, rising of, alluded to, 470. Booton [Norfolk], letter dated at, 22. Bornoiset, Monsieur, a French Baron, 14, 15. Boscawen, Samuel, factor at Smyrna, 148, 169. Bosvill : Sir Henry, captain of trained band, 43. Sir Ralph, 42. Botzen (Botsen) [Tyrol], 76. Bougie (Bugia) [Algeria], port of, engagement with pirates in, 199. Bouja (Bojaw) [Asia Minor], 114, 115. Bouley, M. de la. See Boly. Boulogne (Boloin, Bullen, Bolein, Buglon), 34, 75. Godfrey of, tomb of, 192. Governor of. See Kalliack. Mayor and officers of, 14, 15. Lord Buckhurst at, 14, 15, 17. letter dated from, 14. Bourbon, Louis de, Prince of Conde, 61, 64, 68. church built by, 66. in relation to the nobility of the " Franch County," 493. Bourchier, Henry, Earl of Bath, his expectation of becoming groom of the stole, 92. Bouverot (Boverette) [Switzerland], 72. Bovey, Edward, factor at Aleppo, 183, 260. Bovia, Francesco Maria and Rinaldo, 75. Bowyer : Anthony, Consul at Cyprus : barat to be procured for, 465. Henry, and Co., London merchants, 81. , goods and estates of seized, 100. Boyar, Mr., 6. William, Keeper of the Records, &c., 6. Boyle : Richard. Earl of Cork, 119. Charles, Lord Dungarvan, eldest son of above, marriage of, 102, 116, 119. Boys, Sir John, letter to, 1 84. Brabant, towns in, reported to be taken by the Prince of Orange, 20. Brackenbury (Brakenburye), Mr., 25 (2). Bracton, writings of, cited, 409. Bradenham, Jonathan, ship's com- mander, letters signed by, 392, 393. complaint against, 307. Bradgate. See Broadgate. Bradshaw, John, body of, disinterred and hanged, 101. Brames, Sir Arnold, 320. Brandenburg, Elector of. See Frederick William. Brandon, Charles, factor at Smyrna, 148, 169, 371. Branker, Mr., accusation against, 505. Brauen, Monsieur, 67. ' Brazil, Portuguese fleet for, 86. Breda [Brabant], loss of, alluded to, 48. letters from, alluded to, 478. suggested as meeting-place for negotiating treaty, 456. ambassadors at,quarrel between, alluded to, 476. peace between England and Holland concluded at, 480, 482. Treaty of, alluded to, 478, 492. Brest [France], French fleet goes to, 437. Briare (Briar) [France], 75. Bridgeman, Sir Orlando, Lord Chief Justice, afterwards Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, 103, 124, 342. as Speaker, pro tempore, of the House of Lords, letter deliv- ered to, 303. Great Seal bestowed upon, 483, 486. letters to, 314, 330, 461, 486, 496. , alluded to, 463, 464. his advice to be asked, 364, 487. in relation to Lord Winchilsea's estate, stewards, &c., 297, 312, 314. in relation to Lord Maidstone, 461, 464. Brienne, Comte de, as Secretary of State in France, 330. Brigue (Briga) [Switzerland], 73. Bristol, 74, 433. Bristol, Earls of. See Digby, George ; Digby, John. Countess of, letter brought by, 303. Brito, Don Antonio de Azevedo de, a " Portugall," unjust usage of, 480, 482. Brittany, mastiffs of, 1 5. Broad, Samuel, factor at Aleppo, evidence given by, 215. 537 Broad, Samuel cont. letter signed by, 216. oath taken by, 238. Broadgate or Bradgate, John, chap- lain to the English factory at Smyrna, 378, 411, 421, 422, 471. character and behaviour of, 315, 317, 357, 359, 367, 378, 389. and the Levant Company, 312, 317, 357, 359, 364, 367, 378, 389, 390, 421. warrant against.at Smyrna, 310, 312. discharged from Smyrna, 314, 326, 333, 357, 359, 364, 382, 389. in relation to the Church of England, 380, 390. to return to England, 312, 314, 323, 325. Brooke : George, Lord Cobham, 3. , as the late Lord, 5. Henry, Lord Cobham, letter from, 35. William, Lord Cobham, as War- den of the Cinq Ports and Lord Lieutenant of Kent, commissions from. 4, 5. , letters from, 4 (2), 5, 29. , servant of, 4, 5. Brown, An thony, Viscount Montague, notice of, 64. son of, 65. Browne : Captain, 88. Henry, and Co., of Leghorn, goods sent by, 326. , letters to, 239, 251. Justice, 39. Mun, treasurer to the factory at Aleppo, arrival of, 194, 216, 222, 238. , commission given to, 217. , letters from, 234, 270. , to, 230. , treats for the release of a merchant, 420. Robert, Consul at Algiers, 74, 83, 89, 341. , instructions for, 82. , letter from, 282. , - - to 87. Consul Thomas, 108. Valentine, 10. Mrs., " a young gentlewoman in Kent," 324. Bruno, Signer Francesco. English Consul at Naples, in relation to the making of salt, 520, 621. Brussels, 274, 405. documents dated at, 59, 75, 80. Bryan, Lord. See O'Brien. Bucharest [Turkey!, letters addressed to, 213, 217. Buckeridge, Mr., late agent in Ispa- han, 124. Buckhurst, Lord. See Sackville. Buckhurst, letter dated at, 7. Buckingham, Duke of. See Villiers, George. Buckworth, John, 98, 123, 287, 288, 411. letters to, 94, 179, 217, 499. , alluded to, 227. goods to be consigned to, 335, 400. Buda [Hungary], 190, 374. Turkish army near, 1 50. Bulair (Debolhayr) [Turkey-in- Europe], 269. Bunckley, Sir George, his regiment of horse, 164. Bung, Sultan, 152. Burghley (Bulegh), Sir William Cecil going to, 11. Burghley (Burley), Lord. See Cecil, William. Burgo, Father Bonaventura de, letter from, 137. Burgundy [France], the faith planted in, 68. Burntbutts, a house of Lord Win- chilsea's, 469. Burrowes, a ship's officer, 26. Busby, Dr. Richard, formerly tutor to Sir Heneage Finch, 229, 230. illness of, 229. report that he is leaving West- minster School, 415. Buss, the. See Bois-le-Duc. Bussora. See Basra. Butler : Sir Theobald, of the Cahir. 7. Thomas, 10th Earl of Ormond, letter to, 7. , commission to, to be general of the expedition into Thomond, 8. James. 12th Earl and 1st Duke of Ormond, 135, 157. , letters from, 78, 156. , to, 79, 112, 132, 185. , report [mistaken] that lie is ambass^Klor in Portugal, 143. , re-created Lord Lieu- tenant of Ireland. 1 85. -, his arrival and reception at Dublin. 200. 538 Butler cont. Anthony (servant of the Earl of Leicester), illness of, 11. , wardship of his son, 11 (2). Captain, 51, 52, 55. " Butter boxes " [i.e. the Dutch], 364. Byland, Old, manor of, York- shire, 22. C., Mr., 72. Cadaval (Calavall), Duke of, 85, 86, 283. Cadeaw, Christopher, a Frenchman, disturbance created by, 113, 114. Cadiz (Gales), 189, 214, 414, 429. naval engagement near, 359. Spanish fleet at, 83, 281. visit of Sir John Lawson to, alluded to, 281. Road, 278. Caesar, Julius, Sion never taken by, 73. bridge built by, 72. " Caesar's head," 430. Csesarea (Saesarea) [Palestine], 192. " Caesarian embassadore," the. See Lesley, Count. Majesty, his. See Emperor, the. Caetano [or Caietan, Henry], Car- dinal, Pope's Legate in France (1590), letter from, 29. Cahir, the, Butler of. See Butler, Sir Theobald. Cairo or Grand Cairo [Egypt], 100, 192, 255, 458. Basha of, money claimed by, 452. Bey at [Ibrahim Bassa], letter to, 161. Consul at (English), 161. (French). See Bermond. mummy from, 225, 251. suggested agent for, 133. treasury of the Egyptian Kings, at, 451. Calais (Calis, Gales) [France], 75, 221> 449. Captain or governor of. Sec Gordan. disturbance concerning cat hanged at, 17. Calais cont. Lord Buckhurst at, 13, 14, 18. Calamba; " roots of," from Mozam- bique, 399, 400. Calamina, Bishop of. See Ridolfi. Calaval, Duke of. See Cadaval. " Calmutz," the, in arms against the Tartars, 259. Calvin, John, his life in Geneva, alluded to, 70. his burial place, 71. Cambay, Bay of [India], 223. Carribio, the, business of, alluded to, 421. Cambridge, 68. letters dated at, 1 9. written at, alluded to, 462. a tutor and scholar of, 12. University of, 423, 424. , chaplain recommended by, See Luke. -, student sent to, 364. St. John's College, a fellow of. See Luke. , John Broadgate dismissed from, 325. Cambridge, Duke of (son of the Duke of York), death of, alluded to, 472 (2), 473, 485. Caminitz [qy. Kaunitz], the only fortification on the frontier, 460. Campbell, Archibald, Marquis of Argyle, trial and execution of, 102, 117, 136, 142. Candahar [Afghanistan], coast of, armies going to, 408. re-delivery of, to India, de- manded, 439. Candia, island of. See Crete, city of, 147, 286, 430. , letters dated from, 513 (3). Canea [Crete], 103. Greeks and Turks in, 104. Cannanore [India], taken by the Dutch, 273. Canterbury, Archbishops of, 41. And see Abbot, George ; Cranmer, Thomas ; Juxon, William ; Sheldon, Gilbert. Canterbury, city of, 5, 26, 28, 42 (2). Mayor of (1560), commission to, 5. Provost Marshal for, 29. Cape-Corse, Dutch fort at, taken, 337. Cape or Cabo Verde (Cape du Vert), Bishop of. See Kussell. the Dutch at, 337, 352, 353. 539 Cape Verde con/. Islands of, first meridian said to lie in, 59. Capello : Signor Andrea, letter to, 242. Signer Giovanni, Venetian Am- bassador extraordinary to Turkey, death of, 227, 241, 242. , transportation of his body to Venice, 241, 242, 252, 253. Caracena (Sarazone), the Marques de, successor of. See Castle Roderigo. Caranania, Bassa of (ex-Bassa at Aleppo), 234. Carbery, Earl of. See Vaughan. Carew (Caroo) : Sir Gawin, 17, 18. George, factor at Smyrna, 169. , letter signed by, 148. Joseph, 183. Lady, 10. Richard, factor at Smyrna, 1 69. , letter signed by, 148. Weymouth, factor at Smyrna, 169, 329. , avania in relation to, 300, 380, 381, 390, 417. -, letter signed by, 148. Carey (Carye), Sir Wymond, 36. Carlingford, Earl of. See Taaffe, Theobald. Carlisle, Earl of. See Howard, Charles. Carter, Captain, complaints against the proceedings of, 51-58. recall of, 57n, 58n. Carthagena [Columbia, South America], Spanish fleet from, 57. Governor of, 58. Carthusian monks. See Mignet, Father. execution of, picture of, 64. " Casa Nuova," Signor, character of, 434. Casal, reported taken by the Span- iards, 446. Cason or Casson [Edmund], treaty made by, (in 1(!46) alluded to, 89. Cassumbuzar [Bengal, India], coun- try round, famine in, 507. news from, 475. Castelfranco [Italy]. 76. Castello Blanco, Visconde de, 86. Castelmelhor (Castelmelior], Conde do, 283. house of, looted, 284. Castelnuovo (Castollo iiovo) [Italy], 76. Castle, Mr., 39. Castle Roderigo, the Marquee of, governor of Flanders, 354. Castles, the [Dardanelles], 430, 485. ships from, resist the English, 396. Castro, Antonio de Melo de, Portu- guese Viceroy at Goa [India], Bombay held by, 243, 306. , given up to the British by, 366. movements and proceedings of, 465, 475, 506. reported death of, 491. Catacusenos, Constantin, a gentle- man of Wallachia, assist- ance requested for, 448. CateDi, Innocentio Luo, 8. Catherine of Braganza, Infanta of Portugal, afterwards Queen of England, 135, 138, 159, 160, 274, 275, 404, 515. letter from, alluded to, 451. letters to, 138, 451. her marriage -with Charles II, 85, 86, 119. , alluded to, 380. her convoy to England, 135, 143, 160, 172, 173. her arrival in England, 200, 210, 213. visit of, to Tonbridge, 274. in relation to the Jesuits, 255, 256. in relation to the Countess of Winchilsea, 511. family (relations) of, 139. Cattaro (Cataro, Catero) [Dalmatia], designs of the Turks against, 219, 232, 498, 499. Caussin (Causinus) Nicolas (con- fessor to Louis XIII), sup- ports Mary de' Medici, 66. Cavalcanti (Calvacante) [Guido], 15, 17, 18. Cave, William, Consul at Smyrna, 181, 185, 187, 199, 236, 285, 333. letters from, 181, 194, 202, 205, 210, 214, 220, 224, 231, 232 (2), 234, 238, 239, 245, 312, 315, 317, 323, 325 (2), 326, 328, 330, 331, 345. 355, 359, 360 (2), 363 (2), 367, 370, 371, 372, 375, 377 (2), 383, 384, 406, 417. letters to, alluded to, 357, 378. , copy of, 357. , quoted, 382. praise of, 190. servant of. See Samuel. 540 Cave, William cont. his gratuity and salary re- trenched by the Levant Com- pany, 364, 377, 378. in relation to John Broadgate and the Levant Company, 314, 364, 367, 382, 389. in relation to Alderman Love, 357, 382, 417. death of, alluded to, 474. Cecil : Sir Robert, 34. , letter from, 33. , wife of (Lady Heneage's cousin), 33. Sir William (afterwards Lord Burghley, Secretary of State, 14. , documents signed by, 2. , help or good-will of, 11. , intercedes for the Duke of Norfolk, 8, 9. -, letters from, 6 (2), 8-11, 18. to, 19. , messages to, 8, 18. notes or memoranda by, 9. servant of, 10. Cedron, brook [Holy Land], 238. Ceylon (Zeiloan), Island of, 307. the Dutch in, 209, 475. advantages connected with, 86. Chalcedon [William Smith], Bishop of, 63, 64. Challocke [Kent], parsonage of, 268. Chalons (Chalon) [France], 67, 68. Chamblett, Captain Samuel, letters signed by, 392, 393. unscrupulous conduct of, 228, 230, 231. Chanceaux (Chanseau) [France], 67. Chaplains, necessity for orthodoxy in, 327. Charles I, King of England : casual allusions to, 43, 44, 96, 120, 133, 140, 221, 510. fleet of, 48. messages to and from, 49, 50. nominates Sir Heneage Finch to be Speaker, 43. resolves to hold a parliament, 43. first parliament of, 44 et seq. speech of, at opening of parlia- ment, 44. speech delivered to, by Sir Heneage Finch, 45. defends the Duke of Bucking- ham, 46. speech of, 49. Remonstrance of the Commons to, 50. Charles I cont. reply of, to the Parliament, Commissioners at Newport, 59. execution of, anniversary of, kept as a solemn fast, 102. sale of his lands, documents concerning, 73. judges of (his murderers), arraignment of, 1 73. Charles II, casual allusions, 73- 523 passim. letters from, 80 (2), 81, 82, 100, 134, 169, 214, 240, 243, 464, 490, 511. , alluded to, 82, 286, 296, 308 (2), 374, 499. -, desired or expected, 131, 141, 516 (2). , error in, 286. -, promised, 295. letters to, 78-87 passim, 95, 96 (2), 99, 110, 122 (2). 127, 132, 138, 142, 153, 184, 257, 266, 277, 281, 308, 389, 463, 516. , alluded to, 87, 171, 294, 295, 361. , from the Dutch, alluded to, 455. letters forwarded to, 303. , shown to, 303. to be written to, 89. (the Prince of Wales), sale of his estates, 73. address to, 311. affairs of, 102, 131, 140, 206, 226, 231, 243, 291, 317, 409, 454, 499. allowances from, asked for, 181. appeal to, 227. appointments conferred by, 245, 265, 379, 431, 449, 509. his arms, diamond engraved with, 477. (on the ambassador's seal), 511. bills passed by, 200. birthday of, 122. burnt in effigy. 476. chaplain of. See Frampton. charters granted by, alluded to, 164, 411. his coffers, 293. commands or orders of, 88. 143, ICO, 267, 292, 293, 313, 317, 318, 349, 388, 410. commissions from, alluded to, 213, 243, 314, 390, 401. commissioners of, treaty signed by, 136. constancy of, to those whom ho loved, 4o4. 541 Charles II con/. consulship begged from. See Tunis, his coronation, 102, 114-118, 135, 138. court of. See English court, courted by the French, 492. Declaration by, 367. delight of, in shipping, 118. diamond ring of, 482, 493, 509. embassy bestowed by, 470. exchange of prisoners by, al- luded to, 431. excise of ale and beer granted to, 94. his expenses, 274, 298. his fame abroad, 142, 248, 266, 267. his foreign wars, alluded to, 428. his friends, 206, 432. his government, 205. grandfather of. See James I. grants from, 123, 194. Groom of the bedchamber to. See Proger. his importance in Europe, 126. instructions from, 81, 328, 423. , alluded to, 177, 349, 451. , difficulty of observing, 379. Latin Secretary to. See Oudart, Nicholas, letters of reprisal granted by, 363. " liberalities " of, to seamen, &c., 388. licence from, alluded to, 473, 488. loyalty or affection to. 117, 1 38, 180, 241, 257, 308, 513, 514. , , enjoined, 208. messages to and from, 85, 92, 226, 339, 455. concerning, 219. ministers of, matters referred to, 293. , abroad. See England, ambassadors from, money wanted from, 288, 292, 293, 297. his mother. See Henrietta Maria, movements of, 274-275, 404, 456. narrative sent by, 342. his officers, 295. orders of, alluded to, 172, 179, 339, 359, 430, 464, 472, 510, 511, 512, 516, 518. or directions of, asked for, 147, 231, 242, 243, 286. petitions or requests to, 171. Charles II con*. , alluded to, 166. , proposed, 461, 462, 463, 526. portrait of, 435. praise of, 338, 454. presents for, 104, 186, 203, 225, 231, 266, 271, 290, 451. privy seal ordered by, 254. proclamations of, 101, 255, 256. prosperity of England under, 197. his ratification of treaties, 246. recommendations by, 81. reported mistress of. See Lane, his restoration, 79, 80, 132. , alluded to, 414. , rejoicings upon, 78, 79. , , in India, 162. , no congratulations from the Emperor upon, 296. revenue of, settlement of, 153, 161, 255, 256. , measures for enlarging, 414. rumoured assassination of, 105. rumoured cession of towns to. See Ostend and Nieuport. a sacred observer of his royal word, 296. his seal, 153, 159, 160, 382, 390. sermon preached before, 449. his sign manual, 492. his signet, 160. subsidies granted to, 274. supplies voted for, 130, 173, 263, 355. for the fleet, 505. his title in Turkey, 127. vindication of, from a libel, 345. warrants of, alluded to, 133, 274. his marriage with the Infanta of Portugal, 85, 86, 129, 135, 138, 140, 141, 200, 210. , announced, 119, 128. , popularity of, 141. , feast to celebrate, alluded to, 380. -, fortune, &c., received in connexion with, 129. his meeting with Queen Cath- erine, 200, 210, 213. signs pass for the Earl of Win- chilsea, 75. recommends the Earl of Win- chilsea to the Levant Com- pany, 80. his instructions to the Earl of Winchilsea, 81. allowances from, to volunteers, asked for, 81. and Portugal, 86, 244, 456, 542 Charles II cow*. in relation to parliament, 94, 130, 180, 187, 188, 243, 254, 255, 256, 274, 302, 303, 316, 355, 395. Sir Thomas Bendyshe re-called by. See Bendyshe. in relation to Turkey, 99, 103, 129. 134, 267, 291, 296, 297, 301, 304, 319, 351, 368, 369, 428, 429. in relation to negotiations and treaty with Algiers, 101, 116, 266. And see Algiers. to the parliament in Ire- land, 153. the parliament in Scot- land, 102. goes in state to open parliament, 118. speech of, at the opening of parliament, 119. suggested as umpire between Turkey and Venice, 121, 122, 124, 129, 145, 153. 155, 291, 292, 296, 347. his " umbrages " towards the Dutch ambassadors, 129. his resentment against the Spanish ambassador, 129. influence of, preserves the Act of Indemnity, 130. Portuguese ambassador enter- tained by, 133, 136. treaty between the King of Portugal and, 136. correspondence between the King of Portugal and. See Portugal, King of. design of. against Algiers, 139. 140, 145, 159. towns to be ceded to. See Bombay. See Tangier, relation of the Emperor towards, 147. is godfather to the son of the Earl of Winchilsea, 154, 155, 156. his promise to the Bishop of Cabo Verde, 159. Tangier resigned to, upon his marriage, 1 60. in relation to Algiers, 163, 167, 168, 202, 282, 294. And see Algiers, proceedings of the English fleet at. action of. in regard to the quarrel between the French and Spanish ambassadors, 170. in relation to Lord Winchilsea. 182, 187, 200, 245, 287, 290, Charles II cont. 294, 295, 297, 317, 364, 418, 430. is annoyed with the French King's guarantees to Holland, 189. advised to declare war against Tripoli and Algiers, 198. confidence and harmony between parliament and, 200, 254, 263. new Secretary of State ap- pointed by. See Bennet, Sir Henry, has written on behalf of Signer Dolfino, 201. invites his mother to England, 204. his agreements with towns in Barbary, 205. The Dutch wish to undermine, in the peace with Algiers, ibid. advisability of his sending forces to India. 210. and Venice, 213, 332, 428. sells Dunkirk to the King of France, 221. protection of, desired by the Portuguese in India, 223, 224. sympathy of, for the Prince of Transylvania, 245. is willing to gratify Sir John Clobery, 255. in relation to the Levant Com- pany, 257, 293, 317, 318, 361-2, 363, 391, 414. his right to the protection of strangers in Turkey, 262. makes Rothes his commissioner in Scotland, 263. is in danger of losing what he has in India, 273. report of Tangier brought to, 276, 277, 280. fear that he may part with Tangier, 281. the Grand Signor's treaty with Algiers &c. is very welcome to, 295. sends a fleet to check the Algerians, 295. appoints a Commissioner of Oycr and Terminer, 295, 298. no great friendship between the Emperor and, 296, 304. " good correspondence " be- tween the Venetians and 296. gives Winchilsea a free hand in his dealings with the Greek and Latin Churches, 297. 543 Charles IT -cont. in relation to the Earl of Bristol, 274, 302, 303. answers of, to parliament, in relation to the Dutch, 311, 337. prorogues parliament, 312. indignation of, at the aggres- sions of the Dutch, 313. in relation to English chaplains abroad, 327. ambassadors of, 332, 381, 382, 411. See also England, am- bassadors from, ambassadors appointed by. See Hollis and Coventry, in relation to the Dutch war, 337, 352-364. manifesto sent to, by the Dutch, 338, 353. messages of, to the Dutch, 338, 352. , alluded to, 455. his " narrative " to Parliament concerning the quarrel with the Dutch, 342. greatness of, to be enforced on the Turkish ministers, 350. in relation to Sweden and Den- mark, 354, 355, 432. his satisfaction with the late Genoese ambassador, 358. at a meeting of the Privy Coun- cil. 361. in relation to the East India Company, 366, 505, 508. persuades the Duke of York not to go with the fleet, 395. Portugal inclines towards an alliance with, 426. his capitulations with Turkey. See Turkey, English capitu- lations with. in relation to the treaty with Holland, 455, 456. his interview with the Swedish ambassadors, 455. league between Holland and Sweden and. See Triple Alliance, must not be forward to declare his sentiments, 485. his displeasure against the Earl of Clarendon, 486, 505. his orders for the return of the Earl of Winchilsea, alluded to, 490, 491. 499, 502 (2). his revenue in Bombay, great increase in. 507. Charles Lewis, Elector Palatine of the Rhine, letter to. 401. visit of, to England, alluded to, 401. Charterhouse [Middlesex], residence of Sir Movie Finch at, 40. Charterhouse, the, at Shene. Ste Shene. " Chase," the. See Kingswood. Ch as til Ion, Monsieur, suburbs of Paris seized by, 30. Chateau Gaillard [France], 32. Chatham [Kent], 456. English ships at, destroyed by the Dutch, 476. Chaul [India], Portuguese possession. 440. Cheeke (Ceeke), John, secretary, 2, 3. Cheeseman, captain of the soldiers at Fort St. George, mutiny of, 441, 442. Chelebee, Mahomet, a merchant of Bagdad. See Bagdatli, the. Chelsea (Chelsy), 364. Chenies (Cheyniss), co. Bucks, letters dated from, 9 (2), 10. visit of Queen Elizabeth to, 9. Cherbury [Edward], Lord Herbert of. See Herbert. Cheshire, collector of the loan money in. See Savage, Sir John. Chester, forces placed in, 206. Chester, Thomas, 73. petition of, 74. Chetle, Chettle, John, factor at Smyrna, 169. letter signed by, 148. Chimianus [i.e. Kimenyi]. See Tran- sylvania, Prince of. China, 151, 435, 450, 474. Dutch trade with, 151, 506. Emperor of, in relation to the Dutch, 474, 506. rareties from, commissions for, 399, 400. " remedies against the plague " from, 451. Chinese, the : compared with the Tartars. See Tartars. cup, ordered, 397. Chingani, " slaves that are," 448. Chioggia, Island of [Italy], 76, 76. Chiourli. See Chorlu. Chohnondeley (Cholmely), Hugh, 279. superintends the construction of the Mole at Tangiers, 264, 280. Chowne, Mr., 355. Christian : armies, not so hardy as the Turks, 460. Church or cause, 291, 305, 328, 544 Christian cont. churches in Turkey. See Latin, Greek, and Armenian Churches. neighbours of England, 388. princes, 99, 198, 288, 296, 304, 316, 402, 461. Christians : caravan of, 416. at Canea, 104. in Turkey, 195. , said to have been the cause of fire and pestilence, 197. enemies of, 147. See also Kiu- prili, Ahmad. in relation to the Turks, 328. Christmastide (Christide), 130, 229, 312. Churches, the, abroad, 454. Churlo, Chiourli [Turkey], letters dated at, 393, 405. Chute, Mr., 42. Cinq Ports, Warden of. See Brooke, William, Lord Cobham. Cipher, 80. Circassia, Count of, 180. Civil War or Rebellion, the late, alluded to, 459, 486, 487, 511. Civita Castellana [Italy], 76. Clapp, Captain, 304. Clarendon, Earl of. See Hyde, Edward. Clarentia or Chiarenza, Bay of [Morea] : English men sur- prised by the Turks at, 198. And see Ships : Anne. Clarke : Mr., " minister " at Smyrna, 166. (Clerke), Sir William, secre- tary to the Duke of Albemarle, death of, 426. Clifford, George, Earl of Cumber- land, 35. Clifton, [Frances] Lady, son of, 249. Clinton, Lady, 7. Edward, Lord Clinton, High Admiral, in France, 9. Clobery, Sir John, son-in-law of, 255. Clutterbuck, Clotterbooke : Jasper, factor at Smyrna : letter signed by, 113. , merchant of Leghorn, pass or certificate given by, 400. Clyff, J., clerk of the Signet, docu- ment signed by, 4. Clynton, a pirate, 26. Coat and conduct money, 510. Cobham (Cubbam) [Kent], 34. Hall, Kent, 4. Cobham : Henry, mission of, to Duke of Alva and Queen of Spain, 10. Lord. See Brooke. Coblenz [Germany], 76. Cochin (Couchin) [India], 243. Governor of. See Seremento. the Queen of, taken prisoner by the Dutch, 224. threatened and taken by the Dutch, 209, 210, 214, 224, 243, 256, 272, 329, 450. the Dutch at, alluded to, 475. Cogell, Mr., made Consul at Mar- seilles, 397. Coixim, , successor of, in China, 450. Coke: Clement, speech of, alluded to, 47. Sir Edward, 49. , presents remonstrance to the King, 50. Mr., 491. Colbert [Charles], sent by the King of France to the Princes of the Rhine, 504, 505. Cole, Captain John, of the Anne and Christopher, 498, 499. Colebrooke [Devon ?], 468. Cologne (Colen) 76, 124. Bishop of, 355. dogs sent to, 254. Colston, Richard, English Consul at Marseilles, letter to, 248, 397. Columbo (Columba) [Ceylon], taken by the Dutch, 86. Comet, appearance of, predictions framed upon, 346. Commissioners for Removing Ob- structions in the Sale of the King's lands, reports to, 73. petition to, 74. Commissioners for stipends &c., 1. Parliament, Declaration of, 59. Common Pleas (Common Place), judges of, case put before, 4. Commons, House of, 49. Acts passed by, 188. appealed to, by the East Indian Company, 505. bills in, alluded to, 1 73. business before, 486. committee of, conference with desired, 50. comportment of member of, . 382. election of members for, corrupt practices attending, 512. in relation to the King, 180. 545 Commons, House of cont. militia constituted by, 173, 188. oration of the Earl of Bristol in, 274. petition to. 51. privilege in, right of, disputed, 511, 512. proceedings in, 50. Speaker of. See Finch , Heneage. , appointment of, 44. supplies voted by, 173, 188. votes in, 173, 304, 311, 505. Comorin (Cormorin) Cape [India], 124, 209. Compton : Sir Henry, English ambassador to Portugal, notice of, 65. [Henry], at Clirist Church, Ox- ford, 443. Lady, in France, 65. Spencer, Earl of Northampton, 303. Conde", Prince of. See Bourbon, Louis de. Conformity, laws of, limited to Eng- land, 411. Congo, Persians at, 466. Coningsegge. See Konigseck. Constantino, a refugee in Poland, 117, 120. Constantinople : casual allusions, passim. See also Galata, Pera, Stamboul. Adrianople gate at, 151. better worth seeing than Italy, 247. Cappigee Bassa f rom, at Aleppo. See Aleppo. new chaplain for. See Denton. Chimacam of, orders from, 351, 452, 516. (Chief) Customer at, 429, 485. Christian churches in Galata and, destroyed, rebuilt, and sentenced to be again de- molished, 195, 197, 198, 203. compared with Philippopolis, 371. cost of living in, 123. deputy ambassador at, a former. See Barton. documents dated at, 364, 488, 489. Bute!) resident in, 381. , his protection craved, 372. , quarrels between the French ambassador and, 488, 489. English factory at, letter from, 171. . payment to be made by, 169. Wt. 29495. Constantinople cont. fanatical Quaker in, 400. fires at, 197. Four Corners at, 264. French Consul at, 91. Grand Signer and the army, leave, 150. Greek Church in. Patriarch of, 186,227,231,233, 349. , , complaint made to, 368, 371. " the horse tail " set forth in, 241. Intelligence from, 258. Latin Fathers in, 137. Levant Company at, Chan- cery or Cancellaria of, 127, 313. , treasurer of. See Hedges. Maimarbashee in, (chief of the carpenters and masons), strangled, 1 98. mosques at, beauty of, 523. orders or documents from, 118, 349, 408. place near. See Belgrade, plague in, 139, 144, 146, 150, 151, 155, 156, 167, 448, 466. , prospects of, 459. fear of plague being carried to, 386. Ragusean ambassador in, 158. 224. ambassadors expected at, 449. reception of the Earl of Win- chilsea at, 94. And see Finch, Heneage. Roman Catholic Bishop at, 349. Seraglio of the Grand Signer at, 323 r 522. the Seven Towers at, 97, 105, 188 (2), 286, 407. , prisoners in, 286, 488. slaves brought to, 459. the straits of, 136. the Tower of, 135. trade of, revived, 361. travellers to, from, or at, 88, 90, 91, 99, 101. 102, 106, 113, 127, 134, 143, 156, 169 (2), 175, 238, 247, 278, 349, 350, 355, 359, 360, 365, 368, 372, 373, 387, 388, 392, 393, 394, 402, 404, 480, 482, 491, 495. Turkish Court going to, 385. Vicar Apostolic and Suffragan Patriarch of. See Ridolfi. Consulage, 93, 94, 480. Conusiall, the river [India], floods on, 475. n 35 546 Conway : Edward, Lord Conway, 59, 456. , his views about travel, 77. , letter from, 76. , present from, 409. Anne, Viscountess Conway, 59. , messages from, 77. , visit to, alluded to, 404. Cooke : Humphrey, secretary to Sir Abraham Shipman, made Lieutenant General of the British forces at Angediva, 366. , as Lieutenant Governor of Bombay, 440. John, letter from, 517. Cooper or Cowper : Anthony Ashley, Lord Cooper, letters to, 125, 184. , created Lord Ashley of Wimborne St. Giles, 117. Roger, letter to, 335. Copleman, Lady, 253. Copthall (Copt Hale) [Essex], resi- dence of Sir Thomas Heneage, 21, 23, 28, 34. , staircase being made for, 25, 26. Corbeil (Corbell) [France], 66. Cordell : Edward, 17, 18. Sir William, letter of, 7. Corinth [Greece], 325. Bishop of, made Cardinal, 63. Cork, Earl of. See Boyle, Richard. Cornaro, Richard Christophilus, (Ysuf Chaous), "Duke of Negropont," mother of, 180. said to be an imposter, 198. Coromandel, East [India], 124. Corraro, Angelo, Procurator of San Marco, Venetian Ambassador to Rome and England, 76, 141 . , letter from, 80. , to, 132. Cortenaer [Egbert], Vice- Admiral of the Dutch fleet, 277. killed in battle, 375. Cortese, Signor, dismissal of, alluded to, 496. Cosbin, Governor of. See Blockye, Sultan. Cossacks, the, 453, 460, 498. in arms against the Tartars, 259. in relation to the Turks, 259. heads of, 119. Coste, B., gun made by, 340. Cotonery, letter signed, 519. Cottington, Francis, Lord Cotting- ton, 72. Covenant, the Solemn League and, alluded to, 137. Coventry [Warwickshire], disman- tled, 206. Coventry : Henry, as envoy to Holland, 457. , to Sweden, 339, 354, 457. Thomas, Lord Coventry, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, 50. , letter from, 43. , -- to, 43. , speeches by, 44, 45, 49. -- , as Chancellor of the Ex- chequer, 46, 47. - , in connexion with Sir Heneage Finch, 44. Walter, treasurer to the English factory at Smyrna, 100, 115, 170. - , letters from, 108, 114. - , - signed by, 113, 300. , end of his term of office, 131. Sir William, post resigned by, 483. Coxen, " the Gran Chinche's pyratt ": defeats the Dutch, 324. Cranganore [India], besieged and taken by the Dutch, 209, 210, 214. Portuguese Governor of, killed, 214. Cranmer, Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, 2. Cranswick [Kent ?], 469. Cravant (Crevan) [France], 67. " Crawle " (Sovereign prince), title given to Charles II in Tur- key, 127. Cray, letter dated at, 13. Crequi [Artois], traveller to, 263. Crequi, Duke of, French ambassador in Rome, affront offered to, 221. Crete or Candia (Candy, Candi), Is- land of, 96, 133, 180, 485, 500, 513. General of, said to be a French- man, 489. Greek priest in, made Metropo- lite of, 286. Sergeant-General in. See Freis- heim. Venetian Secretary in, death of, 488. Venetian territories in, 232. designs of the Turks against, 157, 232, 429, 432, 447. reported offer of, by Venice, to Spain and France, 171. negotiations concerning, 231, 385, 430, 547 Crete cont. French forces withdrawn from, 179. ships commandeered for, by the Turks, 179, 180, 412, 413, 458, 491, 494, 495, 496, 498, 502, 503. Turkish forces and provisions for, 179, 355, 394, 407, 412, 413, 430, 444, 499, 501. the Turks in, losses of, 365, 495, 519. , prisoner taken by. See Delfino. in relation to the Venetians, 447. Grand Vizier of Turkey in, 481. , Venetian Resident with, death of, 488. war in, 460, 495, 497, 498, 508, 613. Grim Tartary, Emperor of (" the great Glim Tartar "), his land and sea forces, 450. Crispe : Sir Henry, commission to, 4. Nicholas, commission to, 4. Crof tes : or Croft, Thomas, factor at Aleppo, letter signed by, 216. , oath taken by, 260. William, 182. Croke, [Richard], Recorder at Ox- ford, as executor for Dr. Wall, 443. Cromwell, Oliver, 160, 364. " accursed maxim " of, quoted, 458. articles of, with Algiers, 74. , alluded to, 116, 119. body of, disinterred and hanged, 101. negotiations between the Dutch and, alluded to, 455. orders from, alluded to, 318. person employed by, 165. time of, alluded to, 167. veteran soldiers of, 284. the, of Algiers. See Algiers, tyrant of. Crow, Sir Sackville, formerly am- bassador in Turkey, 133, 146, 187, 206, 390, 411, 421. Croydon, Dr., 443. Culleeza, re-delivery of, to India, demanded, 439. Culpeper, Sir Thomas, 42. Gunny Island [Bay of Smyrna], 331. Curtis, Captain, 125. Cutler, Mrs. See Portman, Lady. Cyprus, Island of, 169, 425, 477. affairs of Monsieur Foulk in. See Foulk. Cyprus cont. ill-defended condition of, 288, 447. English Consul in, alluded to, 193. French in, 176, 258. in relation to the Venetians, 447. officials in (Bassa, Mufti &c.), letters to, 193. , request concerning, 263. Dabhoi [T] (Dabull) [India], re- covered by the King of Dec- can, 440. Dabisa, Eustacius. See Moldavia, Prince of. Dalmatia, 365. Venetian fortresses and terri- tories in, 147, 232, 240. , designs of the . Turks against, 219. Turkish forces to be sent into, 232. Daman or Damon, Island of,' near Bombay, 223, 474. Damascus (Damasco) [Syria], 192, 282, 330, 345. Bassa and Cadi of, 193 (2). Bassa of, marches towards Bas- sora, 497. Dandelotte, Monsieur, 30. Danes, the. See Denmark. Dantzig [Germany], 445. Danube, the, Turkish forces cross, 275. Dara Shah (Shaw), brother of Aurungzobe, 152. , son of, ibid. Darbiquior, Bassa of, his army, 228. Darbyshire, [Thomas] an English Jesuit, in Paris, 19. Darcy : George, Lord Darcy, Lord Chamberlain, 3. John, Lord Darcy, 10. Dardanelles, the Castles of, 516. commander or officers" of, 92, 270, 516. Darrell, Sir Robert, 42. Dartford (Dertford) [Kent], muster master to repair to. 27. Davies. Philip, factor at Smyrna, 169. 548 Davies cont. " sometime " servant of Mr. Langley, attempted murder by, 231. Davis, Gyles, letter from, 438. Dawes : Jonathan, 123, 125, 127, 227, 253. , brother of, 123. , chancery suit brought against, 438. , letters from, 437. , to, 91, 168, 185. -, message or instructions to, 123, 124, 225. -, nephew of. See Hiett. William, member of the Council at Fort St. George, killed, 442. Death : Adrian, 187, 189, 195, 196. , letters signed by, 148. 169. , elected as treasurer to the English factory at Smyrna 131. , to give up post as Treas- urer, 163. , supported by Lord Win- chilsea, 203. -, action of the Levant Com- pany concerning, 203. Thomas, letters to, 398, 407, 494. , money to be paid to, 399. Deccan, the [India], chief city of. See Vizapore. forces of the Mogul in, 440, 450. . defeat of, 441. , intended for, diverted, 466. late King of, burial place of, 334. King of , "Edel Shaw," war de- clared against, by the Mogul, 366. , makes peace with the Mogul, 440. -, tribute money sent by, ibid. -, refused, 441. , attacks the Mogul, 475. , uncle of. See Golconda, King of. "Hodgie Burra," Queen of, 334. , husband of, ibid. . movements of, 449. Delfino, Dolfini : General, alluded to, 300, Delfino cont. (Dolfin), Marc Antonio, a Vene- tian nobleman, imprisoned in the Seven Towers, 134. 286, 300, 350. , letters to, 141, 188, 201, 331. , brothers of, 286. , father of. See Delfino, General. -, message from Charles II concerning, 201, 202. Delhi (Dille) [India], throne of the Great Mogul at, 450. Dell, Captain, 52. Demosthenes, alluded to, 329. Denbigh, Earl of. See Feilding. Denham, visit of Queen Elizabeth to, 9. Denham, Mr., chaplain to the Earl of Winchilsea, wishes to return to England, 259, 327. Denmark : ambassador from, to England, 102. , to France, 415. English alliance with, 102, 135, 160, 189. , war against, alluded to, 428. envoy sent to. See Talbot. peace between England and, announced, 479, 483. Denmark, King of : [Christian IV], 48. , assists the Protestants of Germany, 47, 48. -, in the Netherlands, 49. [Frederick III], 102, 264. , ambassador of, treaty with, 117. -, negotiations with, 339. Denny, Deny : Edward, letter from, 41. Mr., 15, 21. Mistress, 21. Den ton, Mr., chaplain to the Earl of Winchilsea, 358, 362, 371, 372, 389. his salary, 380. Dering : Sir Edward, 86, 216, 253, 479. , letters to, 110, 186. . , alluded to, 84, 395. , as godfather to Dr. Bett's children, 415. , in Ireland, 510. -, his family, 479. Lady, at Bath, 467, 468 (2). , message from, 468. Detti, Deti, Colonel Gioseppe, 345. Jotters from, alluded to, 419. 549 Detti, Colonel Gioseppe cont. letters to, 213, 217, 233, 240. travels of, 330, 344, 408, 496. De Vere, Aubrey, Earl of Oxford, commands a cavalry regi- ment, 130. De Witt, Jolin, Grand pensionary of Holland : order from, alluded to, 353. Diar, Mr. [qy. Edward DyerJ, 18. Dickons, William, factor at Aleppo, letter signed by, 216. Dieppe (Diepe, Deepe, Deape), 30, 33, 59, 60, 75. castle of, 60. , governor of. See Longe- ville, Duke of. siege of, alluded to, 60. French fleet at, 437. Digby : John, 1st Earl of Bristol, 66. , his charge against the Duke of Buckingham. See Villiers, George. -, petition on behalf of, to the House of Commons, 51. , petition of, in the House of Peers, alluded to, 51. , son of. See Digby, George. George, Lord Digby and 2nd Earl of Bristol, 107. , petition of, 61. , going as ambassador to Spain, recalled, 120. , proclamation concerning, 274, 302. , his accusation against the Lord Chancellor. See Hyde. , warrant for his arrest, 2 74, 302. , offends the King, is pro- scribed the court, 274, 302, 303. , escape of, 274, 302. , said to be in hiding, 274, 281. , his return to the Protes- tant Church, 298, 302, 313. , indicted for recusancy, and sent to the Tower. 302. , tries to make factions, 313. , letter from, alluded to, 303. Sir Kenelm, in Paris, 61. , visits Dr. Lamb in the Tower, 62. -, wife of. See Stanley, Lady Venetia. Digges, Sir Dudley, 42. report by, 50. Dijon [France], 67, 68. churches and convent in or near, 64, 68. Dike, Sir Thomas, 109. Dimotika (Dimotochum) [Turkey], Grand Signer at, 350. Diodati [John], minister in Geneva, 70. Diu [India], 223, 440. siege of, alluded to, 209, 210. "stones of," 399, 400, 508. Dod, , his farm, 335. Dodson, Mr., tutor to Lord Wincliil- sea's son, to have the use of the vicarage house, 307. wife of, 312. Dogs, 483. greyhounds, 15 (2). mastiffs, 15 (2), 110, 124, 254. shacks, 491. spaniels, 15. Dol (Dole), Bishop of, 61. Dolben (Dolbens), Dr. John, ap- pointed Bishop of Rochester, 443. Dordrecht, Dort [Holland], 27, 76. Dorset, Earl of. See Sackville. Dorsetshire, soldiers from, 27. Dover, castle of, to be prepared for the reception of Charles II, 80. letters dated at, 4, 28. a ship of, 28. travellers to or from, 13, 19, 135. Downing, Sir George, English am- bassador in Holland, 128. 161. discourse written by, 345. letter from, 136. to, 172. , alluded to, 305. Downs, the, ships in, or going to and from, 181, 265, 338. Dragomen or druggermen, dis- tinguishing shoes necessary for, 380, 418, 422. Drake (Dracke), Sir Francis, captain appointed by, 28. Draperiis, Georgio, chief drugger- niaii to the Earl of Winchil- sea, 156, 166, 229, 258, 393, 416, 432, 453, 490, 494. letters to, 301. 304, 347, 349, 350, 351 (3), 360, 362 (2), 425, 428 (3), 432, 458, 521. , &c. to and from, noted or alluded to, 228, 369, 384. accusations against, 521. escapes imprisonment. 10."). in Adrianople. 261. 301, 370. instructions to, 346, 368, 465. his son, 390. 550 Driver (Dryver, Dryvet), Francis, factor at Constantinople, 81, 171. documents signed by, 377. Druses or Dreuisi, the, 192. Dublin, arrival of the Duke of Or- mond at, 206. castle of, attempt against, 263. Duca Bej, Prince of Moldavia. See Moldavia. Dudley : John, Duke of Northumberland, 2. Robert, Earl of Leicester, 6, 14. , letters from, 11 (2), 27. , in the Netherlands, 27. , intercedes for the Duke of Norfolk, 9. , as lieutenant general, com- mission and warrant from, 27. , cousin of. See Haddon, Dr. Walter. Duke, "Master," 1. Dunch, Mr., money brought by, from Berkshire, 9. Dungarvan : Lord. See Boyle, Charles. Lady Jane, 153. , birth of her daughter, 187. Dunkirk (Dunkerke), 49, 135, 140. sold to the King of France, 221, 277, 281. Duplessis, Charles, a Frenchman, 113, 114. Dupon, one, at Geneva, 72. Durach Bey, an officer of the Bassa of Morea, 201. Durazzo : the Marquis Giovanni Luca, 358, 402. , letter from, 520. , to, 465. , his mission to Turkey, 394, 465. , his late mission to Eng- land, alluded to, 358. , as Genoese ambassador at Rome.. 519, 520. -, brother of. See Durazzo, Giovanni Agostino. Cavaliere Giovanni Agostino, recommendation of, 358. , letters from, 519, 520. to, 520. -, visit to, 519, 520 (2). Durbain, , a Frenchman, 67. Diisseldorf (Dusseldorpe) [Germany], 76. Dutch, the, 135, 202, 418, 420, 429, 434, 456, 474, 475, 484, 508. at Adrianople, 362. Dutch, the con*. at Aleppo. See Aleppo, at Constantinople, 169. in the East, or East Indies, 129, 136, 323-4, 440, 450, 466, 474, 475, 477, 506. at Gombroon, 439, 440. , " comandore " for. See Wicke, van. on the coast of Guinea. See Guinea. in India. See India, in the Mediterranean, 181, 213. in New England, 339. in Persia, 439, 476. at Smyrna. See Smyrna, in the South Seas, 151. terms of peace concluded with in 1662, alluded to, 189, 479. in relation to England, 135, 137, 205, 370, 388, 406. English ships destroyed by. See Chatham, their negotiations with the Great Mogul, 223. fleet equipped by, 277. in relation to the Emperor, 304. defeat and losses of, 352, 387, 419, 426, 427, 435, 449, 483, 506. places injured by, 355. letters of reprisal granted upon, 363. previous victory over, alluded to, 371. English victory over, alluded to, 375, 387-389, 392, 395-398, 435, 439, 474, 475. , narrative of, alluded to, 432. and the Prince of Orange, 388. " supposed victory " of, alluded to, 431. " straitened by their allies," 455. in relation to Charles II, and De Witt, 456. embassy sent by, 474. " the French apes," 485. Dutch : agents, iu Persia. See Persia, commanders, 360. consul at Smyrna. See Smyrna, devices, in regard to trade, 93. fleet, movements of, 303, 338, 353, 354, 395. 396, 435, 437, 474. influence at the Turkish court, 423. language, sermons in, 70. 551 Dutch cont. merchants or merchandise, 93, 372. , in Aleppo, 165, 199. merchant vessels, loss of, 307, 330. nation, the, 262, 301. sailors, 500. seaman, turns Turk to save his life, 345. ships, 144, 228, 256, 266, 350, 360, 429, 439, 449. , surprised by corsairs, 262, 272, 275. triumphs, Latin distiches con- cerning, 431. war-ships, fire at an English vessel, 360. Dutchman, a renegade, 480. vessel declared to be a, 475. Eagle, the spread, banners em- blazoned with, 386. Easter, 304, 305. Feast of, good wishes for, 188 (2). preparations for, 245, 249. East India Company, the, 124, 125, 129, 151, 306, 366, 507. agent sent out by. See Foxcrof t. , at Gombrone. See Flower. Bombay given to, 508. claims of, 161. customs or dues of, 162. damage done to, by the Dutch, 243, 272, 273, 313. factor of, at Balasor, 440, 441. fort and town of. See Fort St. George. free trade for one year granted to, 366. house of, at Surat, 313, 366. petition against, preferred to the House of Lords, 505. privileges of, 330, 440. [French], affairs of, alluded to, 439. East India fleet (Dutch). See Hol- land. East Peckham, [Sir Roger Twisden's house,] 39. letters dated at, 409, 510. Eastry, Kent, resident at, 29. Eastwell (Estwell), Kent, residence of the Finch family, 33, 39, 43, 124, 269, 291, 292, 335, 342, 419, 482, 510. burial at, 465. letter addressed to, 33. , dated at, 24, 28 (2), 44. library at, 186. park at, instructions concerning, 217, 234, 307, 312, 321, 395, 469. , report concerning, 419. traveller dies from plague at, 398. visits to, alluded to, 401, 419, 521. Edmondes, Sir Thomas, Treasurer of the Household (Mr. Treasurer), 45. Edremid (Edremita) [Turkey-in- Asia], 270. Edwards : Charles, factor at Smyrna, 169. , letter signed by, 148. , oath not taken by, 371. Daniel, letter from, alluded to, 316. Joseph, factor at Smyrna, 104, 169, 231, 329. , letters from, 109, 405. , , signed by, 148. Mr., counsel, 41. Mr., a Smyrna merchant, suit between Mr. Masters and, 235, 236. , his demand for consulage, 239. Egypt, arab horses in, 242. Beys of, mutiny of, 233. , Bassa imprisoned by, ibid. English in, oppressed condition of, 162. mummy from See Cairo. Ottoman control in, 118. Egyptian (Agyptian) : Kings, treasury of, at Cairo, gold vessel found in, alluded to, 451. balsam, 451. deserts, eagle's stone from, 225, 251. Elbo3uf, Duke d', son of. See Harcourt. Prince. Eliasco Voda. See Moldavia, Prince of. Elizabeth, Queen. Casual notices passim, 6-74. commissions from, 34. , , alluded to, 29. , , for purchases in Paris, 17. 552 Elizabeth, Queen cont. Court, of 7, 21. , letter dated from, 22. days of, alluded to, 319, 320, 401. favour or kindness of, 11. forces levied for defence of, 27. information required by, 9. sent to, by the Duke of Alva, 9. intercession with, 8, 9 (2). jewel sent to, by Sir Thomas Heneage, 24. lameness of, 9. letter of, 34. to, alluded to, 401. matters to be imparted to, 7, 14. movements or progresses of, 6, 9, 10, 11, 26. orders of, alluded to, 8. privy chamber of, 26. reign of, grant procured in, 381. , charter granted in, al- luded to, 391. in relation to the Earl and Countess of Bedford, 23. payments from the Ex- chequer, 10. Sir Thomas Heneage, 10, 17, 22, 24, 25. report of money paid to, alluded to, 413, 414. sends token to Sir Thomas Heneage, 25. suit granted by, 11. Treasurer of the Chamber to. See Heneage, Sir Thomas. wishes of, concerning assess- ments, 29. The Earl of Sussex defended to, 7. Elrington, Mr., 40. Ely: Bishop of. See Goodrich. Isle of, " great drains of," 392. Emperor, the, [Leopold I], 114, 126, 142, 147, 178, 197, 221, 225, 242, 368, 447, 448, 495. alluded to, in relation to Venice, 122. ambassadors from, to England, 304, 485. - , (Resident) in Turkey. See Reninghen. , extraordinary from, to Turkey. See Lesley, Count. appointment conferred by, allu- ded to, 158. his army, recruiting of, alluded to, 457. , in Transylvania. See Transylvania. Emperor, the cont. assistance expected from, 117, 354, 513. Council of, 177, 211. fort erected by, alluded to, 196. frontiers of, fortified, 219. gentleman of the bed-chamber to. See Lesley, Count, interests of, in Alsatia, 211. letters to, 220, 244, 401. levies for, in Holland, 304. marriage for, projected, with the Infanta of Spain, 354. his marriage, congratulations upon, 457. his ministers, respect shown to, 350. nuncio from, expected, 1 30. portrait of, 244, 386. presents from or to, 124, 225, 244, 254, 386. in relation to the Empress, 427, 444. religious liberty not allowed by, 282. title given to. in Turkey, 127. war of, with Turkey. See Turkey, supposed to abet Chimianus, 106. likely to be hindered by the Swedes, 119. stands as godfather to Lord Winchilsea's infant son, 220, 222, 242, 244. his neglect of Charles II, in his exile, 296. victory of, at St. Gothard, 341. state entry of, into Vienna, 444. in relation to France. See France. Turkey. See Turkey. Emperor, a former [Maximilian II], at Spires, 11. [Ferdinand II] in relation to the Thirty Years' war, 49. Empoli [Italy], 75. Empress, the : brother of. See Spain, King of [Charles II]. Emperor goes to meet, 444. movements of, 421, 427, 444. England, casual notices of, passim. ambassadors, envoys, &c. from: , at Breda, 476. , to the Hague. See Downing, Sir George. , to Florence. See Finch, Sir John. 553 England, ambassadors, envoys, &c. from cont. , to France. See Norris, Sir Henry ; Sackville, Lorcl Buckhurst ; Holies, Lord ; Jermyn, Henry, Earl of St. Albans ; Trevor, John. -, to Spain. See Montagu, Earl of Sandwich ; Fanshaw, Sir Richard. , to Portugal. See Fan- shaw, Sir Richard , to Russia. See Howard, Earl of Carlisle. , to Turkey. See Barton ; Roe ; Bendyshe ; Finch, Lord Winchilsea; Harvey, ambassadors &c., to : , from the Emperor, 304, 485. -, from France, 13, 198, 388, 485 ,'from Holland, 129, 135, 492. , from Portugal, 119, 133, 136. , from Spain, 388, 485. See also Batteville, Baron de. , from Russia, 264, 489. , from Venice, 134. , from Genoa. be designed as ambas- sador for England, 398. death of, rumoured, 372. Leslie, John, Earl of Rothes, ap- pointed commissioner in Scot- land, 263, 298. Levant, the, trade in, 82, 139. Levant or Turkey Company : casual allusions, passim. action of, in relation to Mr. Masters' estate, 235. affected by the fire of London, 438. their capitulations, alluded to, 418. Chancellor of, in Turkey, 128. chaplain appointed by, 371. And see Luke. charter of, 136. , clause in, 164. charters of, alluded to, 381, 390, 391, 414. consulships under the control of, alluded to, 89. Court of Assistants, 236, 290, 293, 318. demands and complaints of, 91, 309, 317, 318. , alluded to, 411, 421. desire the removal of Dr. Picker- ing, 471. difference between Sir Thomas Bendyshe and. See Ben- dyshe. financial affairs of, 139, 361, 429, 436. and the Earl of Winchilsea. See Finch, Heneage. Governor of. See Riccard. interests of, 267, 319, 425, 518. interference of, with the pro- ceedings of the ambassador, 235. lawsuit prosecuted by, alluded to, 438. letters from, 144, 163. , alluded to, 137, 174, 207, 234, 342, 343, 383, 412, 417. Levant or Turkey Company cont. letters to, 80, 90, 389. , alluded to, endorsed or copied, 97, 327, 391, 393. -, to be sent to, 316. oath required by, 260, 272, 289, 307, 371. And see Aleppo and Smyrna. offices performed for, 309, 321, 454. orders of, 210, 272, 289 307, 410, 417. , expected, 476, 477, 484. their parsimony, 177, 182, 333, 379, 389. past transactions of, alluded to, 318. question as to the power of the ambassador in Turkey to dispose of their funds, 290, 314, 318, 319, 356-358, 378 et seq., 411, 418, 421, 422, 423. seal of, 81. secretary of Lord Winchilsea highly esteemed by, 438. trade of, 417, 421, 454. treasurer of, in Constantinople, 379. in relation to John Broadgate. See Broadgate. - the Church, 389, 390, 411. consulage, 93, 289, 313, 361. 414. - Consul Cave, 363, 364, 377, 378. - the consulship at Smyrna, 179, 187. the Earl of Winchil- sea's salary and expenses, 177-180, 186 (2), 187, 207, 219, 292-294, 297, 301, 317- 321, 339, 361, 364, 379, 418, 421. the election of chaplains, 326, 327, 334. John Evans. See Evans. the factors or factory at Aleppo, 194, 270, 271. - at Smyrna, 136, 148, 1 95, 1 96, 203. And see Aleppo and Smyrna. the King (Charles II), 257, 293, 379. Levellers, the, 120. Leverton, Nicholas, letter signed by, 58. Lewa, Turkish forces defeated at, 328. 577 Ley: James, Earl of Marlborough, 278. in or leaving India, 243, 273. returning to India, 284. Monsieur de la, 476. Libanus, Mount, 425. Ligne, Monsieur de, 363. Limerick, county of, 7. Lincolnshire, fens of, great drains of, 392. Lionno, [Hugues] de, French Secre- tary, paper by, 61 3. Lisbon, 85, 101, 135, 138, 158, 281. Bishop of, his advice to the King, 283. , his house broken into, 284. described, 83, 84, 283, 284, 285. Earl of Sandwich at, or going to, 143, 160. embarkation of Queen Catherine at, 189. English ambassador in, un- necessary, 258. English consul in. See May- nard. invasion of, feared. See Spain, letters dated at, 83 (2), 84, 85, 87, 283. Master of the Ceremonies at, 85. Road of, ships in, 189. travellers to, 83, 87, 431. And see Winchilsea, Earl of ; Rycaut, Paul. Lisle or Lille [Flanders], valiant sally from, reported, 481. Listar, Mr., 41. Lister, Matthew, consul in Cyprus, 190. letter from, 263. Livornese, the, 332. Livorno. See Leghorn. Lloyd, Richard, commission counter- signed by, 27. Loan or loan money, 8. collector of, 8. Loe, Mr., marine factor at Scande- roon, 238, 476. at Aleppo, 365. Loire (Loyre), the river, 61. Lojano (Lijana) [Italy], 75. Lombardy, 150. Lomeru'e, [Henri de, Comte de Brienne] French Secretary, pass countersigned by, 58. London, casual allusions, passim. Aldermen of, 35. Bishops of. See Henchman, Humphrey ; and Sheldon, Gilbert. Wt. 29495. London conL business done faster in Turkey than in, 423. christenings in, holy oil sent from Paris for, 64. City of, elections in, 116. , money lent by, 338. , outbreak of " fanatics " in, 101. -, rebuilding of, 438, 476. entry of Swedish ambassador into, 161, 170. execution at, picture of, 64. fire of, 434, 436, 437, 438, 446, 449. , eye-witness of. See Ry- caut. , reported cause of, 450. -, report of the Dutch con- cerning, 476. goldsmiths' work in, 17. insurrection in, suppressed, 130. Kensington, near. See Ken- sington. Kong to be addressed at, 455. letters &c. dated from, passim. Lisbon " as English as," 83. Lord Mayor of (1553), 3. mutiny in, suppression of, 112. plague ("death") in, 7, 394, 395, 398, 403, 404, 405, 406, 408, 412, 427, 436. Portuguese ambassador in, 133. " print " (newspaper) of, 116. quarrel between ambassadors in, 160, 198. rebellion in, 113. Swedish ambassador in, 160. travellers to and from, passim. , Royal, to, 275. Venetian resident in, 121, 122, 153, 155, 160. streets, houses and buildings in Westminster and : Berkshire House, letter dated at, 434. Blackfriars, house of Lord Cobham in, 35. Cannon (Chanon) Row, letter dated at, 21. Charing Cross, letters dated at, 242, 295. Cheapside (Chepe), Queen Mary proclaimed in. 2, 3. Cock-pit, letter dated at, 299. Essex House, 82, 217, 470. , letters dated at, 79 (2), 170. Fleet prison, prisoners in, 26. 578 London, streets, houses and buildings in Westminster and cont. Graves Inn [i.e. Grays Inn], 39. Heneage House, letters dated at, 24, 25. Inner Temple Lane, letter addressed to, 468. Inns of Court, 35. Newgate, 142. Parliament House, 44. Redcross Street, 38. Royal Exchange, the (new), to surpass " the former," 476. St. Bartholomew's, house of Sir Heneage Finch in, 44. St. Helen's, parsonage of, appointment to, 409. St. Paul's, 108. , Te Deum at, on Queen Mary's proclamation, 3. Somerset House, prepared for Henrietta Maria (the Queen Mother), 206. Southampton House, letters dated at, 154, 436. Strand, the, Sir William Cecil's house in, letter dated from, 8. Temple, the, 220, 467. , lodgings in, 446, 467 (2), 468 (2). , member of, 6. , reader at, 40. Hall, 40. -, the Inner, letters ad- dressed to, 41, 467, 468. -, dated at, 490. -, tutor of, 39. Tower, the, 61, 142, 274. , letters dated at, 1, 33. , prisoners in. 62, 173. , , to be taken to. See Bristol. Earl of. , Records at, Keeper of. See Boyar, William. Tower Hill, 170. Wharf, 170. Westminster Hall, 390. Worcester House, letters dated at, 81, 256, 299, 358. Longeville, Duke of, Governor of the castle at Dieppe, 60. Lord Chamberlain. See Darcy, George ; Hunsdon, Henry, Lord. Lord Chancellor, 33. And see Hyde, Sir Edward; Bridgeman, Sir Orlando. Lord High Admiral. See Admiral Lord High. Lord Lieutenants, commissions of, expiration of, 207 Lord Privy Seal. See Russell, John, Earl of Bedford ; Robartes, Lord. Lords, House of [Charles I], 49. conference of, with the Commons, 47. [Charles II], 101. agreement of, with the Com- mons, 311. charge exhibited in, 274. in relation to the impeach- ment of the Earl of Clar- endon, 486. judgment given in, allu- ded to, 510, 511. letter to, alluded to, 1 56. loyalty of, to the King, 188. petition preferred in. See Skinner. restitution of Bishops to, 1 30. Speaker of, pro tempore. See Bridgeman. title of, 148. Loreo [Italy], 76. Loretto [Italy], 76. Lorraine (Lorayne), Duke of Guise in, 22. dukedom of, 195. Louis XIV. See France. Louises (base French money), 91, 93. to be forfeited, 91. Louvain (Loveyn) [Brabant], repor- ted to be taken by the Prince of Orange, 20. Love, Alderman William, 120. letters from, 356, 358, 437. , alluded to, 378, 417. , quoted, 382. to, alluded to, 422. dispute of, with the Earl of Winchilsea and the Consul of Smyrna, 356, 357, 377, 378, 380, 382. 422. to be punished, 396, 407. cousin of. See Uvedale, Richard. Lovelace, Sir William, the elder, 42. the younger, 42. Lowe, Alderman Thomas, appointed collector of loan, 35. receipt signed by, idim. Lowther : Christopher, factor at Constan- tinople, 171. Mr., 224. Lucas, Sir Jarvis, Governor of Bom- bay, messengers &c. from, 466, 475, 480f death of, 507. 579 Lucca (Luca), [Italy], good family in, 419. Lucy, Thomas jun., factor at Smyrna, letter signed by, 148. death of, 329. Luke [John], chaplain at Smyrna, 360, 362, 371, 389, 471. goes to Jerusalem, 491. Lybia, 225. Lyme [Regis], Dorsetshire, a ship of, 28. Lynn. See King's Lynn. Lyons (Lions), 60. 62. 75, 239. description of, 68. Bishop of, passport for, deman- ded, 30. M Maas, (Maez), the river, ships from, 311. Macassar [Celebes Island, East Indies], taken by the Dutch, 124, 151. King of, 474. , victory of, 450, 506. Straits (Road) of, 124. Macerata [Italy], 76. MachiavelU, Niccolo, writings of, alluded to, 458. Macon (Mascon) [Franco], 68. Mademoiselle (Coke ?), 491. Madrid, 303. Lord Sandwich at, 426. negotiations at, alluded to, 432. demur at, as to siiming treat v, 456. English ambassador at, 520. Magna Carta, alluded to, 381. Magnesia, in Asia, 150. Magny (Many) [France], 75. Mahomet or Mohammad IV, Sultan of Turkey (the Grand Signor) ; casual allusions, 89-513 pas- sim. his affairs in Egypt, 118. aid demanded against, 304. his ambassadors in England, tayin provided for, 351. ambassador extraordinary from the Emperor to. See Lesley, his army, 460. , clothing for, 298. Mahomet, Sultan of Turkey (the Grand Signor) cont. capitulations between France and, alluded to, 341. characteristics of, 319, 322, 460, 519. clerk of his kitchen, officer ap- pointed by, 452. compared with his predecessors, 319. copy of Lord Winchilsea's cre- dentials sent to, 80. courtesy of, to the Prince of Moldavia, 416. description of his person, habits, household &c., 521-523. disavows the piracies of Bar- bary, 200. his dislike of Constantinople, 327. 346, 365. his dissatisfaction -with the Grand Vizier, 309. document sent to, error in, alluded to, 231, 275, 286. his dominions, 91. 254, 428. Embassy to, from Poland, re- lation concerning, 472. and the English ambassador, 94, 93, 245, ^301. English capitulations with, 167, 175. , alluded to, 384. - ship, in danger of being made a magazine for. 511. favourite of. See Adrianople, Chimacam at. friendly relations between Eng- land and, 130, 134, 267, 291, 296, 304, 314, 406, 458. his galleys, 110. his harem or women, chief eunuch of [Kislir Aga], 182. hattasheriffe desired from, 236. illness of, 444. his interest and revenue, alluded to. 385. letter from, to Charles II, 95. letters to, alluded to, 131, 204, 296, 490. , expected, 51 6. his love of hunting, 370, 498. ministers or officers of, 181, 187, 245, 319. And see Turkey, ministers of. movements or proposed move- ments of, 146, 150, 258, 286, 336, 350. 384, 386, 389. 398, 407, 453, 499. And see Adrianople, Grand Signor at. , enquiry concerning, 299. new ambassador from England to be introduced to, 502. 580 Mahomet, Sultan of Turkey (the Grand Signor) cont. orders or commands of, 92, 247, 282, 313, 318, 383, 430, 452, 499, 516. orders from Cromwell to, al- luded to, 318. pirates permitted to arm at his ports, 425. petition to, 191. presents to, 110, 282, 451, 452. ratification of treaties by, with Tunis, Algiers andTripoli,246, 266-268, 291, 295, 325. his reception of the Genoese ambassador, 452. relations of, with France and the French King, 291, 350, 452. Russian envoy to, 452. his service, ships needed for, or released from, 95, 394, 428, 494, 496, 503. slave to, 613. title given to, 127. his treasuries, 97. tribute of Christian children in Greece taken by, 412. father of. See Ibrahim, mother of, 316. son of, Mustafa, birth of, 316, 322. , festivals held, to celebrate, 316, 324. brothers of, kept in captivity, 316. , suggested murder of, al- luded to, 522. sisters of, 118. and Transylvania, 128, 220. chances of war between the Emperor and, 133, 139, 140, 145, 146, 147, 149, 153, 159, 195. war between the Emperor and, 139, 140, 275, 291, 327. Algiers declares its indepen- dence of, 163. in relation to Algiers, 176, 200, 243, 276, 294. relations between the Emperor and, 206, 211, 221, 225, 322, 339, 432. seizes the " vast wealth " of the Chancellor, 282. in relation to Venice, 286, 458. proposed mediation between Venice and. See tinder Turkey, in relation to Candia, 286, 386, 430, 501. Mahomet, Sultan of Turkey (the Grand Signor) cont. requests the aid of England against the Venetians, 291. his successes against Germany, exaggerated report of, 309. ambassador brings congratula- tions to, 309. treaty of peace between the Emperor and, alluded to, 345, 367, 432. views the entrance of Count Lesley, 386. and the " scale " of English shipping, 408. relations and warfare between Bassora and, 410, 415, 447, 453, 497, 507. prospect of civil war between Tartary and, ended, 416. in relation to Poland, 426, 508. former ambassador from, to the Great Mogul, alluded to, 451. in relation to the Tartars and Muscovites, 452. possibility of his attacking Cattaro, alluded to, 498, 499. Mahomet, the Prophet, 506. Mahometans : natives in India made to turn, 506. from Tunis, 100. Maidstone [Kent], 109. regiment belonging to, 509. Maidstone, Lord. See Finch, William. Viscountess of. See Finch, Elizabeth. Mailly, M. de, Governor of Montre- ville, 15. Maitland, John, Earl of Lauderdale, Secretary of State for Scot- land, letter to, 397. letter countersigned by, 169. Malabars, the, 450. Malaga (Mallago) [Spain], 86, 264, 278. fleet from, convoy for, 415, 416. refugees at, 265. Malgara or Malagra [Turkey-in- Europe], 269. Mallett, John, petitions of, 73, 74. Malta, 413, 443, 452. arrival of the Countess of Win- chilsea at, 493. galleys of, 100, 263. Grand Master of. See tinder Saint John of Jerusalem. Knights of. See St. John of Jerusalem, Order of. letter dated at, 519. pirates of, 161, 262, Maltese, the, Turks given up to, 100. ship taken by, 108. Man: George, merchant of Leghorn, 81. James, a London merchant, ibid. James (jun.), merchant of Leg- horn, ibid. Mandrahoria, brigands near, 484. Manhood (Manhod) [Justice Roger], 22. Manilla [Philippine Islands], repor- ted capture of, 324. Manners, Mr.. 6, 10. Mansfeld [Mansell, Maunsfeld], Count Ernest of, Protestant General in Germany, 47, 48. Manwood : Sir Peter, 42. Mr., 4. Lady, 25. Marcellini or Masselini, Dr., 155, 156, 240, 432. Marchio, Vincentio, recommended, 418. Margate, Kent, ship at, 26. Mariage, Monsieur, 476. Marialva, Marquis de, 283, 284. Marlborough, Earl of. See Ley. Marne, the river [France], 32. Marseilles (Marceilles, Marsiglia) 75, 106, 120, 153, 170, 230, 340, 363, 408. castles of, 425. consuls at. See Cogell ; Cols- ton, letters from, 278. , alluded to, 414, 425. merchants of, 123, 124. ships to or from, 120, 482. value of " Temins " at, 450. Mart, letters of, issued by the Dutch, 354. Martin, steward to the Earl of Winchilsea. 124, 290. letters to. 104, 248. Mary, the Blessed Virgin : Assumption of, 192. Holy Sepulchre of. 190-192. house of the Nativity of, 192. picture of, 57. Mary, Princess, afterwards Queen, declared to be a bastard, 2. letters from, 3, 4. proclamation by, 2. signatures of, 3, 4. persons present at the proclama- tion of, 3. Mary, Queen of Scots, 6. and the Duke of Norfolk, 9. proposed visit of M. de Poigny to, ibid. Mary, Queen of Scots con*. interview in Paris concerning, 19. party of, wax unruly, 20. Mary, Princess Royal of England, wife of the Prince of Orange, death of, 101. Mason, Sir John, 3. Massugre, General, in Batavia, 509. Masters, Mr., a London merchant, estate of, 234, 235. Matthews, Sir Philip, letter from, 372 aUuded to, 434. Mausier, a ship's captain, 59. Mayence or Mentz, 76. Bishop of, 355. Maynard, Thomas, English consul in Lisbon, 83. suggested as agent, 86. visit to, 281. sent to the English soldiers at Evora, 284. in relation to the Earl of Win- chilsea, 285. his secretary, 284. Mayne or Maine: Due de, [temp. Eliz.], 30. commission to, 31. in connexion with Paris, 32. Dieppe besieged by, 60. Duchess of, message from, 32. Mayne, Dr. [Jasper], canon of Christ Church, Oxford, 216, 443. Mazaret, a Turkish official at Smyrna, 176. 177. Mazarin, Jules, Cardinal, death of, 102, 107. , alluded to, 161. " maxim " said to have been followed by, 458. library of, 63. McDonnell, Randall, Marquis of Antrim, his answer to charge against him, 286. Mead, , 454. Meaux [France], Henry IV near, 32. Monsieur do Guitry sent to, 30. Mecca (Media), 233, 475. balsam, 451, 473. Mechlin (Machlyn) [Brabant], re- ported to be taken by the Prince of Orange, 20. Medici, Catherine and Mary de 1 , Queens of France. See France. Mediterranean, the, 157. English fleet in, or going to, 129, 141, 153, 200, 268, 295, 299, 303. 582 Mediterranean, the, English fleet in, or going to cont. , commanders of. Sec Lawson, Sir John ; Smith, Sir Jeremy ; Montagu, Earl of Sandwich. recalled from, 338. English possessions on, 149. ships trading in, proposed im position on goods in, 293. trade and affairs in, 213. 299. Dutch losses in, 277, 354. French preparations for, 180. De Ruyter summoned from, 353. Meilleraye (Mylleray), Monsieur de, holds the castle and old palace in Rouen, 32. Melford, co. Suffolk, letter dated from, 7. Mellish : H., letter to, 251. Mr., 361, 384. Robert, 384. William, factor at Aleppo, 182. Melo, Mello, Don Francesco de (formerly Portuguese ambas- sador in England), 83, 84, 86, 87. his secretary. See Russell. Memorandums touching the Ttirkish Empire, paper entitled, 521. Menet, John, 460. Mennes (Mins, Mince), Sir John, Comptroller in the Navy Office, his squadron, 181. fleet convoyed by, 418. Mersh, Mr., 8. Mersham Hatch, letter dated at, 509. Mesopotamia, journey into, 272. Messenger : Mr., Under- Secretary to Queen Henrietta Maria, 65. Captain John, 397. Messina [Sicily], 128, 415. frigate Plymouth before, 87, 88. letters dated from, 88, 89, 90. from, alluded to, 101, 116, 519. Lord and Lady Winchilsea at, 89, 90. Stratago of. See Villa Padioma. Motchalopatan, Dutch factory at, besieged, 475. Me trust, Monsieur, 68. Mexico, 289. coins of, duties to be paid in, 425. Meyer, Martine de, Vice-Consul at Tripoli in Syria, letter from, 271. his need of assistance, 273. Michell, Stephen, commander of the Goodwill, 100. Mico, William, letters to, 230, 254, 259, 308, 316, 332, 334, 340, 347, 370, 399. Middelburg (Myddelborough), Zee- land, 27. Middleton, John, Lord, the King's Commissioner in Scotland, his deposition, 263, 298. Mignet. Father, a Carthusian, 63, 66. Milan (Millane), 72, 157, 421. Mildmay (Mildmey) : Sir Walter, Commissioner for stipends &c., 1. Sir William (Mr.), Chancellor of the Exchequer, 10. Militia, the, the King's rights in relation to, 154 bill for. passed by the King, 200. new Act concerning, 206 (2). Minnes or Myngs, Sir Christopher, death of, 419. Moate (Mote) [Kent] seat of the Earl of Winchilsea, letter dated at, 419. letter addressed to, 26. Park, timber in, 184, 186, 268. Mocha [Arabia], stones brought from, 365. Mogul, the Great. See Aurungzebe. Moldavia, 445, 496, 517, 521. merchant in. See Sympson, Patrick. potashes transported from, 202. pretended envoy from, 448, 450. Moldavia, Prince and Vaivode of : [Stephen Basilius], 169, 170. , letter from, 146. , as son of Prince Lupoli alluded to, 472. [Eustacius Dabisa], 231, 341. letters to, 194,260. [George Duca], new Prince of, 416, 432, 434. , letter to, 410. , as " the old Prince " of, allusion to, 448. (Duca Bej) presents sent by, alluded to, 521. , restored (Doc., 1668), letter to, 517. , predecessor of. Sec Eliasco Voda. -, chief secretary of, letter from, 521. [Eliasco Voda], 452, 459, 481. , letter to, 502. , bad treatment of the English under, 518. Moldavia, Prince and Vaivode of : [Eliasco Voda] cont. , presents sent by, alluded to, 521. " tlie expulsed Prince " [Stefano, usurper, deputy of the old Prince Lupoli]. 464, 481, 498. -, desire for his restoration, alluded to, 442, 472. , history of, narrated, '472. -, master of [Prince Lupoli], alluded to, 472. Molino (Molini), Signor Sebastian, letters to, 141, 188. Molins, Mistresses, 62. Moluccas (Malacas) or Spice Islands, [East Indian Archipelego], 151, 324. Monck, Monk, George, 1st Duke of Albemarle, High Admiral, 80, 112, 135, 426. chaplain to. See Frampton. Guards of, 130. illness of, 185. letters from, 299. to, 112, 127, 185. , , alluded to, 130. regiments of, 94, 130. secretary of. See Clarke. in relation to the Mole at Tangier. 280. wounded, 426, 427. Mongiardini, Matteo, letter from, 349. Mons [Hainault], report of a battle at, 20. Montagu, Edward, 1st Earl of Sand- wich, as ambassador extra- ordinary to Madrid, 426, 432. in command of fleet for Portugal and Tangier, 136, 143, 160. commission of, to towns on the Mediterranean, 129, 134, 153, 159, 173. fleet commanded by, 337, 352, 354, 395, 396. letters from, 142, 213. , alluded to, 172. letters to, 172 (2), 177. , alluded to, 184, 202. , mentioned, 268. as Master of the Great Ward- robe, 160. movements of, 181, 189. as Vice- Admiral, 118. Montagu. Walter, abbot [of St.Martin, near Poiitoise], 64. Montague. Viscount. See Browne. Mont bard (Monbard) [France], 67. Monte Negro or the Black Mountain [Morea], British sailors landed at, 201. See Morea. See Ships, Anne frigate. Montereau (Montreau) [France], 66. Mont Hall, Sir Thomas Smith's house, letter dated from, 12. Montreville : Governor of. See Mailly, Mon- sieur de. traveller to, 15. Montrose, Marquis of. See Graham, James. Moore, John, of Canterbury, 28. Moors, the : a Chief of. See Guiland. in the East, 209, 306, 442, 473. piracies of, 83. And see Algiers. at Tangier, defeat of, 276, 279, 282. , British forces surprised by, 324. peace concluded with, 281. Morat Bassa's bridge, 391. repair of, requested, 95, 351. Mordaunt, Henry, Earl of Peter- borough, 470. to take possession of Tangier, 160. goes as Governor to Tangier, 173, 181, 188. , alluded to, 279. returning to Tangier, 205. Morea [Greece], 127, 198, 254, 499. Bassa of, 199. , complaints against, 198, 201. , letter to, 201. -, officers of. See Durach Bey ; Zachari Effendi. Cadi of, 199. English sailors taken captive in, 198, 201, 226. , ransom of. 226. , , alluded to, 290. mountains of, 219. Turkish army going into, 407. Moresino, Cardinal, 29. Moreton. Master, chaplain to Lord Shrewsbury, late Master of the College of Newport, 1. Morgan, Captain Daniel, 500, 511. troublesome conduct of, 501, 503, 509. warrant to be sent to, 499. Morice. Sir William, Secretary of State, 111, 153, 157, 222, 241. letters from, 128, 188. 2.1.1, 263. 274, 297, 302, 311. 336, 352, 419, 437, 485, 49'J. 503. letters to, 112, 177, 241, 249, 258, 322. 472, 488, 508. . mentioned, 184, 268, 332. letter countersigned by, 214. 584 Morosini, Signer, Venetian ambassa- dor in England, 134. Mortazza, Bassa of Babylon, threa- tens Turkey, 168. as late Bassa, rumours of his revolt, 211. flies to the King of the Kurds (Churts) and marries his daughter, 211, 219. capture and execution of, 228. Mosendrone [Persia ?], Persian army at, 449. Moses, on Mount Sinai, alluded to, 85. Moulins [France], 75. Moura Cortereal. Don Manuel de, Marquis de Castel Rodrigo, Spanish Lieut. -Governor in the Netherlands, permit issued by, 59. Mowsse, Richard, treasurer to the factory at Smyrna, letters from, 310 (2). signed by, 300. his conditions with the Levant Company, alluded to, 417. consulage claimed by, 355. Moyle, Sir Thomas, letters to, 1, 4 (3), 5. Moyse, Solomon de, 95. Mozambique, 399. Muccia (Mouchia) [Italy], 76. Munich (Monaco) [Bavaria], 76. Miinster, Bishop of, 355, 404. !__ army of, command of, 404. r levies made by, 505. Munster, Captain of. See Fitz- gerald, James Fitzmaurice. Murad, Sultan of Turkey. See Amurath. Muscat [Arabia], Arabs at, or from, 161, 465. corn purchased at, 306. pilgrimage to, 449. threatened by the Dutch, 449. in relation to the Portuguese, 466, 475. Muscovites, the, in arms against the Tartars, 259. Muscovy. See Russia. Mussell, Mufti of, 355. Mustafa I, Sultan of Turkey, time of, peace concluded in, al- luded to, 320. Mustafa, son of the Sultan, 522. And see Mahomet, son of. Myers, Alexander, factor at Smyrna, 148, 169. Myngs. See Minnes. N Nacolt [qy. Knockholt], 395. Namur (Namures), Netherlands, 22. Nantes [France], 65. Nantua [France], 69. Naples, 35, 421. English consul at. See Bruno, islands near, 521. letters dated at, 520 (2). suggested ambassador to, from Spain, 520. proposed salt works at, 520. kingdom of, 183. Nassau, Prince Maurice of, ambassa- dor extraordinary to Eng- land (1661), 102. Navarre, Henry, King of, 31. Navy, the, 96. heresy preached in, 322. increased activity concerning, 456. strength of, 118, 370, 371. Summer guard, 337. supplies voted for, 173. office, the, comptroller in. See Mennes, Sir John. Nazareth [Palestine], convent and church at, 192, 193. Druses (Dreuisi) at, 192. Negropont. See Eubcea. Nemours [France], 75. Netherlands, the United Provinces of or the Low Countries : in relation to ^France. See under France. " addresses " from France to, 504. Duke of Buckingham in, 48. form of prayer for, protested against, 263, 264. lands of the Knights of Malta possessed by, 505. miserable condition of, 48. Portuguese ambassador in, treaty with, 136. strife in, 49. treaty with. 102, 117, 160, 136. , concluded, 243. West India Company of, com- plaint from, 352. States General of, 59. , ambassador from, to Eng- land, 485. 585 Netherlands, States General of cont. , , to Turkey, 97, 99, 1 10. , complaint to, 352. Netherlands, Spanish, Lieutenant- Governor of. See Moura Cor- tereal. Neuburg, Duke of (1665), 355. Neuhausel. See Ursek Ujvar. Nevinson, Thomas, to be Provost Marshal in Kent, 29. New Amsterdam. See New York. New Castles, the [Turkey], the Grand Vizier goes to, 119. New England, news from, 339. New Forest, the, King Charles hunts in, 275. Newhaven (in France). See Havre de Grace. Newman, John, factor at Aleppo, afterwards Lord Winchilsea's secretary, 182, 512. recommended to Lord Winchil- sea, 477, 481. is ready to come to Constanti- nople, 482. New Netherlands, part of New England now so called, 339. Newport : (Salop), late College at, 1. , Master of. See Moreton. Isle of Wight, Parliament Com- missioners at, 59. Newspapers : Dutch Gazette, 427. Foreign Gazette [Dutch], 431. Italian Gazettes, 430. Newton, John, 73. petitions of, 73, 74 (2). New York, New Amsterdam re- named, 339. Niccolls, Thomas, factor at Aleppo, letter signed by, 183. Nicholas : Sir Edward, Secretary of State, 103, 111, 112, 123, 126, 145, 152, 157, 177, 181, 186, 188, 194. , letters from, 81, 82, 116, 118, 133, 153, 159, 172, 176, 177, 180, 187, 199, 205, 221, 242, 295. -, alluded to, 145, 179, 210. , , lack of, complained of, 124. , letters to, 84, 88, 118-120, 123, 127, 130, 140, 149, 154, 157, 159, 167. 171, 172, 175, 177, 178, 181, 183, 186, 190, 195, 197, 200, 204, 206, 210, 211, 213, 218, 227, 230-232, 235, 246, 268. Nicholas, Sir Edward, Secretary of State, letters to cont. , , alluded to, 121, 128, 132, 167, 171, 219, 226, 251. , cipher used by, 80. , copy of letter sent to, 97. , correspondence of Lord Winchilsea with, alluded to, 235. , documents countersigned by, 75, 81, 82, 135. , news sent by, alluded to, by his son, 206. , pension for, 221, 242. -, conferences of, with the Venetian resident, 155. , his retirement from office, 221, 235. , , alluded to, 242, 246. , to remain in the Privy Council, 222, 243. , his successor, as Secretary of State. See Bennett. , illness of, 242, 243. , hopes that Lord Winchil- sea may obtain the Garter, 287. Sir John, letters from, 160, 206. , letter to, 186. , father of. See Nicholas, Sir Edward. Lady, message from, 117. Nico, a groom, reward for, 290. Nicolai, a pretended envoy (former servant to the Prince of Wallacliia), 448. Nicoll, Richard, factor at Aleppo, letter signed by, 216. Nieuport (Newport) [Flanders], ru- mour that it is to be ceded to England, 397. Nightingale, Gamaliel, factor at Aleppo, 182, 373, 415. letter from, 222. letters to, 217, 230, 369. oath taken by, 260. treats for the release of a merchant, 420, 421. Nimeguen (Nimegen) [Netherlands], 76. Nissa [Servia], 375. Norfolk : Duke of. (See Howard, Thomas. Howard of. See Howard, Henry. Norris. Norrys : Edward, 26. (Noris), Sir Henry, ambassador to France, 15, 16. North: Dudley, 3rd Lord, 384. Sir Dudley, ibid. 586 North cont. Mr., son of the preceding, 384. Dudley, factor at Smyrna, letter signed by, 300. Roger, 2nd Lord, 40. Northampton, dismantled, 206. Northampton : Marquis of. See Parr, William. Marchioness of, secretary of, 35. Northumberland : Duke of. See Dudley. Earl of. See Percy, Algernon. Norton, Sir Thomas, 42. Norway, great port of. See Bergen. Norwich, 67. committee at, 78. Novigrade [Hungary], 327. Noyers (Noye) [France], 67. Oatlands (Otlands) [Surrey], the court at, 6. Queen Elizabeth going to, 26. O'Brien : Murrough, 1st Earl of Inchiquin, commands English troops for Portugal, 189, 2 14. , capture of, by the Moors, alluded to, 82. , ransom of, 133. William, Lord O'Brien, son of the above, afterwards 2nd Earl of Inchiquin, capture of, by the Moors, 82, 101, 143. , ransom of, 133. , servants of, 82, 143. Odemira, Conde de, governor to the young King of Spain, 85, 86. letter to, 99. entertains the Earl of Winch il- sea, 85, 86, 87. Oggiono, Father Isidore di, Guardian of the Holy Land, letter from, 278. letter to, 294. Oguenda, Don Michael de, injuries done to English shipping by, 281. Oliva, Monsieur (at Smyrna), 176, 177. Onslow, Richard, factor at Smyrna, 169, 498. letter signed by, 148. letter from, 307. Opdam, Dutch Lieutenant-Genoral, his ship blown up, 375. reported killed, ibid. Orange, Prince of : [William of Nassau, " the Silent "], towns reported to be taken by, 20. [Maurice of Nassau], death of, alluded to, 48. [William of Nassau, afterwards William III of England], 129, 264, 326, 455. , "huge Court " paid to, by the Dutch, 388. Orange, Mary, Princess of [Princess Royal of England], death of, 94. Orleans, letters dated at, 38. Orleans : [Philip,] Duke of, 107. , residence of, 63. , in relation to Monsieur Tavanier, 439. Duchess of. See Henrietta Anne. Princess Marguerite Louise of, marriage of, 107. Ormond, Earl, Marquis and Duke of. See Butler, James. Osborn, Osborne : Mr., 6, 13, 25. William, factor at Galata, 437. Osimo, Fra Santo di, his commission in Jerusalem, 218. Osman I, Sultan of Turkey, declara- tion to, alluded to, 318. peace between Poland and, alluded to, 320. Ossat, Cardinal d', as agent in Italy, 409. letters of, commended for peru- sal, 409, 414. Ostend [Flanders], 120, 394. rumour that it is to be ceded to England, 397. ship of (the Ostender), 59. Otricoli [Italy], 76. Ottoman court, Emperor &c. See Turkey. See Mahomet. Oudart, Nicholas, appointed Latin Secretary to Charles II, 431. letter from, 431. letter to. alluded to, 84. Oudenarde or Audenard [Flanders], reported to be taken by the Prince of Orange, 20. Ousloy, Mr., 17, 18. Oxborough, Mr.. 37. Oxenden or Oxinden, Sir Gcorgo, President of Surat, 223, 36(5, 440. letters and packets from, al- luded to, 209, 210, 243, 273. 313, 329, 366, 440, 441, 442, 450, 453, 475, 493. 587 Oxenden Sir George con/. letters to, 396, 398, 399, 487, 508. , alluded to, 330, 366, 404. false packet delivered to, 439. goods to be bought by, 451, 487. presents to, 323. his arrival at Surat, 243. in relation to the East India Company, 243, 244. his prudence and good manage- ment, 507. Oxford, 414, 236, 451. court to remove to, 395. Duke of York at, 404. King and Queen at, 404. estate near, 208. letters dated at, 4Q3 (2), 404, 443, 444. parliament to meet at, 395, 404. Oxford, University of, 212, 218,229, 359, 362, 409, 433, 467. library of, 256, 358. students at, 433. And see Finch, Daniel. Vice-Chancellor of. See Fell. Wall lectures, 444. Christ-Church College : , atheistic " gang " at, 443. , a commoner of. See Bernard, William. , Dean of. See Fell, Dr. t Hall of, 237. -, letter dated at, 401. Earl of. See De Vere, Aubrey. Ozov [Tartary], siege of, 259. Pacifico, Father, letter sent by, 294. Padishaw, Padisliah, Podeshaw [i.e. Emperor], title in Turkey, 127, 406. Padua or Padoua [Italy], 35, 75, 448. Paget, William, Lord Paget, 3. Painted Chamber, the. See West- minster. Palamut. brigands near, 484. Palatinate [of the Rhine], 45. Palermo [Sicily], letter addressed to, 89. Viceroy of Sicily at, 90. Pallavicina, Signora, marriage of, arranged, 520. Palliau, Monsieur de, recommended, 445. Palm Sunday, procession on, 191. Palmer : Sir Thomas, 42. Thomas, factor at Aleppo, 183. Pamphlets. See Books. Pantheon. See Rome. " Pancher," a rotten wood, sup- posed to be an antidote against plague, 451, 452. Papers of State, Archives of the, treaty to be sought out in, 517. Papists, Queen Mary's support of, 2. laws against, 255. Protestant religion struck at by, 460. Papozze (Papozzi) [Italy], 75. Parham, Lord Willoughby of. See Willoughby. Paride Giustiniano, Giacomo Castello and Co., letter from, 336. Paris (Parris), 58, 65, 303, 446, 517. ambassador at, from England. See Holies. , from Holland, 328. , from Spain. See Fuen- saldana, Count. Archbishop of, 63. civil strife in, 30. compared with London, 60, 61. description of, 60 et seq. Cardinal Richelieu at, 65. condition of, and diseases in, 61. holy oil sent from, 64. Jesuits in, 19, 64. letters dated from, 16, 17, 18, 29, 204, 305. addressed to, 341. Parlement of, 61, 63. , pretended arrest from, 61. pen, basin, fork and knife from, 66. physicians in, 61. plague in, 509. Queen Henrietta Maria and the Princess Henrietta Anne at, 94. suburbs of (St. Martin, St. Denis, Montmartre, St. Honore), 30. travellers to, from and at, 60, 66 (2), 75, 238, 263, 456, 490, 493. war proclaimed in, 414. in relation to the Treaty of Breda, 492. return of disbanded soldiers to, 509. streets, buildings &c. in : Augustine Nunnery, 63, 64. Paris, streets, buildings &c. in cont. Bastille (Bastylle), the, 30, 64. bridges in [Pont d'Oiseaux, Pont Neuf], 61, 65. the Bulwarks, 30. Carthusian Monastery, 65. Church of the Charit6, 64. St. Denis, 60. St. Louis (Jesuit), 66. College of Bon Cceur, 61. English Monastery, 61. Faubourg (Fauxbourghs, Faux Bourg), St. Jermin, 64. , St. Marceau, English Nunnery in, 61. Gate of St. Anthony, 30. Hospitals [Hostel Dieu, Charite], 61, 65. Irish College, 63. Louvre, 65. Navarre College Gate, 63. Oratorian Chapel, 65. Palais du Luxemburg!!, 63, 65. Petit St. Anthony 's, guard of five hundred horse at, 30. Place Royal, 65. Port Saint Denis, 60. Port Saint Marceau, 60. Sorbonne (Sorbon) College and Chapel, 63, 66. Paris, Mathew, writings of, cited, 409. Paris in the Arches, near Smyrna, 406. Parliament : [of Charles I, 1625], notes of proceedings and speeches in, 43 et seq. , answer to the King de- bated upon, 50. Parliament, the Long, member of, alluded to, 511. (1658-9), members of (Parlia- ment men), 76. unsatisfactory state of, 77. -, petition to, 77. (1659, Richard Cromwell), Act of, 78. Parliament [of Charles II] : Acts or bills before, or passed by, 80, 94, 311, 315. -, alluded to, 511. -, repealed, 311. Parliament [of Charles II] cont. and the Church. See England, Church of. dissolved, 94. (at Gloucester) answer sent by, alluded to, 511. to meet at Oxford, 395. meetings or sittings of, 161, 172, 243, 254, 255, 311. (prospective), 153, 164, 281. , , alluded to, 140, 265, 302. narrative sent to, 342. Ordinance of, alluded to, 101. petition to, proposed, 461, 463. prerogatives of the Crown as- serted by, 154. prorogation or adjournment of, 200, 505, 517. in relation to the King, 80, 188, 316. to the aggressions of the Dutch, 311, 337. the presentation of livings, 327. the Dutch war, 505. Bishops regain their seats in, 148. business before, 302, 437, 495. rising of, alluded to, 455. summoned, 116. zeal of, 141. Parma, Duke of, at Arras, 32. Parost, Monsieur, steward to the French ambassador at Geneva, 69, 70. Parr, William, Marquis of Northamp- ton, 2. Pathans or Patans, " a mountainous people," rebel against the Great Mogul, 493. Patras [Morea], 201. Pattava [? Batavia], great storm at, 475. Paulo, Commander, 413. Pearle, William, factor at Constan- tinople, 81, 171. Peckham, East. See East Peck- ham. Peers, House of. See Lords, House of. Pekin, Dutch ambassador going to, 506. Pembroke : Earl of. See Herbert, Philip ; Herbert, William. Katherine, Countess of, petition of, alluded to, 77. Penley [Shropshire], letter dated at, 21. Penn, Sir William, impeachment of, 505. Penney, Captain, of the William and Mary, 328. 589 Penning or Pennyng : Anthony, factor at Aleppo, 183. Nicholas, of the Levant Com- pany, 123, 165. , letters from, 361, 454. , letters to, 94, 186. , , alluded to, 227. Robert, factor at Smyrna, 169. Pentlow, Samuel, factor at Smyrna, 107, 108, 114, 166 (2), 169, 174 (2), 178. letter from, 108. signed by, 148. Pera of Constantinople, 126, 180, 187. arrival and reception of the Earl of Winchilsea at, 94, 95, 96. letters dated at, 81 etseq. passim. and Galata, factory at, letters and declarations from, 171, 377. Percy : Algernon, Earl of Northum- berland, letters from, 134, 272, 415. to, 183. Joscelyne, Lord Percy, son of the above, Ids marriage with the daughter of the Earl of Southampton, 252, 272. Perone, Antonio, Lord Winchilsea's druggerman, 432, 478, 494. letters to, 162, 166, 167. Peroti, an Italian, 508. Perrott (Parrett) : Lady Dorothy (daughter of Lady Essex), marriage of, alluded to, 26. Sir Thomas, committed to the Fleet (Fleete), 26. Persia, or the Persians, 151, 272, 435, 447, 449, 458, 460, 482. agents in (Dutch), 439, 449, 466, 491. (English), 449, 453. And see Samwayes. ambassadors to, from the Great Mogul. See Aurungzebe. corrupt and impoverished con- dition of, 151. English Resident in, 95. fleet to be brought against, 306. Grand Vizier of. See Ettoman Doulatt. and the Great Mogul, 475. King of [Abbas II], 151, 162, 306, 439, 449, 466." , ambassadors from, 124, 210, 309, 453. Persia, King of [Abbas II] con/. , in relation to the East India Company, 151, 244. , prepares for the reception of the Russian ambassador, 367. -, his preparations for war, 408, 439. 449. , death of, 447, 453. -, alluded to, 475. , his eldest son crowned King, 453. new King of [Soliman"], crowned under the name of his grand- father, Shah Sopfe, 453. , invades India, 466, 475. , in relation to riots in Gombroon, 476. -, gives freedom to Tartar See prisoners, 491. Russian ambassador to. Russia, silk trade between Russia and, designed, 489. successes of Turkey magnified in, 309. Sultan Sooje reported to have gone to. See Sooje, Sultan, travellers to or from, 363, 439, 495. Persian : caravans, 271, 496. Court, the, 476. poverty of, 151. visitors to, 408, 439, 449. Gulf the, 365, 449, 465. fleet for, 306. trade in, 440. lamb-skins, order for, 271, 406. language, the, 363. Persians, the, at Congo, alluded to, 466. Peru, money from, " Perus," 289, 293. Pescara, Marques de, proposed as Spanish ambassador to Naples, 520. Peterborough, Earl of. See Mor- daunt, Henry. Petre (Peters, Potter), Sir William, 2, 3. Petworth [Sussex], letter dated at, 272. Peyton : Sir John, letter to, 212. Sir Thomas, knight of the shire for Kent, 120. , inf omiation received from, 207, 225. , letter to, 207. Philip II, King of Spain, as King of England, goes to the war in France, 3, 4, 590 Philippopolis (Phillipoli), Turkey, 360. letter dated at, 371. Pickering : Dr., 310, 480. , case of, alluded to, 422. , in relation to Lord Win- chilsea and the Levant Com- pany, 390. , requested to leave Smyrna, 471. , warrant against, alluded to, 310. Mrs., 471, 480, 483. , servant to Daniel Finch, 467. Picquet, Monsieur, previously French consul at Aleppo, in relation to M. Foulk, 330. Pignarol, unfair possession of by the French, alluded to, 458. Pigu [India], 152. Pinchbecke, Mr., 38. Pirates, capture of, 26. Pisa [Italy], 75, 520. Pittman, , 22. Plague, the. See Aleppo ; Amster- dam ; Constantinople ; Eng- land ; Heraclea ; London ; Smyrna. Plainpalais (Plainpalley), by Geneva, Calvin buried at, 71. Plessis, Armand Jean du, Cardinal Richelieu. See Richelieu, Cardinal. Poigny (Poygni), M. de, mission of, to Scotland, 9. Poland, or the Poles, 137, 170, 247, 260, 413, 445, 452, 458, 459, 460, 472, 481. ambassadors of, to Turkey, alluded to, 163. And see Turkey, chances of war between Turkey and, 230, 460, 497. General of. See Potochi, Stanis- laus. Grand Chancellor of. See Praz- mouski, Nicholas. Internuntio from, in Turkey, 117, 119, 120. invasion of, by Tartars, alluded to, 460. King of [Sigismond], peace between the Sultan of Turkey and, alluded to. See Amurath III. King of [John Casimir], 92, 126, 310. , embassy from, to the Grand Signor, relation con- cerning, 472, Poland, or the Poles, King of [John Casimir] cont. his forces, defeat of, 453. -, alluded to, 460. former gentleman of the bed-chamber to. See Peroti. and the French, 426. letters from, 136, 220. -- , alluded to, 464. - to, 179, 261, 398. refuses to give up a refu- gee, 117, 120. , his intentions with regard See of, to accepting mediation, 508. peace between Turkey and, al- luded to, 320. Prince of. See Zamoski or Zamoisky, Joannes. Russia and, 489, 498, 499. Scottish merchant in. Simpson. slaves from, 495. unsatisfactory condition described, 459, 460. Poleron, the Island of, held by the Dutch, 305. Polizzi, Fra Francisco Maria, Guardian of Mount Sion, letter from, 355, 369. Pollart, Monsieur, a French banker, 468. Polleroon, taken by the Dutch, 474. Poll-tax, the, 456. Polycarp, a disciple of, alluded to, 68. Polydore [Virgil], writings of, cited, 409. Pont-de-1'Arche (Pont de Larche), Euro [Franco], 32. Pontana, Friar Anthony, letter from, 113. Pontoise [France], 75. Poole, Captain Jonas, of the A nnc,l 98. letter to, 227. Pope, the : [qy. Urban VIII], 85. [Innocent X]. his nuncio, 63. [Alexander VII], his ambassa- dor in Franco, 415. - , his gallies, a prisoner in, 332. his need of Catholic aid, , his relationship with France, 221, 240, 263. , in relation to bishops in Portugal. 83. [Clement IX], nephew of. See Tpmaso, Don. Porcat [Malabar Coast], 273. factory of the East India Com- pany at, 243, 329. 591 Porcat [India] cont. King over, "that King" threat- ened by the Dutch, 329. Porte, the, 75, 89, 107, 108, 111, 117, 121, 137, 139, 142, 144, 150, 168. 187, 191, 198, 201, 235, 246, 265, 288, 300, 343, 393, 402, 427, 429, 494, 515, 521. And see Constantinople and Turkey, Court of. affairs of the Guardians of Jeru- salem at, 142. ambassadors or agents at, 112, 172, 266, 300, 518. And see Turkey. commissioner to. See Bonifacio. English ambassador to. See Winchilsea, Earl of. , esteem shown to, 99. French traders at, 117, 122. officers of, 252. orders from, 335. , alluded to, 228. , requested, 271, 513. in relation to an ambassador from Genoa, 394. Portman, Lady (Mrs. Cutler), 468. Portsmouth, ICO. landing of Queen Catherine, and her marriage with Charles II at, 200. the King (Charles II). going to, 275 Portugal, 65, 136, 173, 265, 433. agreement between Holland and, 282. ambassador to, 270. ambassadors from, to England. 1 1 9, 1 33, 1 30. See also Sousa, Melo, Torres, army of, 284. government in, changed, 283. inclines to the French, 456. Intanta of. See Catherine of. Braganza. the Infante Pedro of. 283. King of [Alfonso VI], 172. , in relation to his ministers and the Bishop of Lisbon, 283. , returning confidence in, 284. , assisted by England, 189, 265. , letters to, alluded to, ^28 King of [John IV], 85, 86. , correspondence between Charles II and, alluded to, 83. , revenue of bishops' estates said to accrue to, 83. Portugal cont. preparations against, in Spain. See Spain, proposed ambassador from, to Turkey, 147, 150, 159, 172. Queen of, letter to, 99. Queen-Mother of, 158. , allowed no part in the government, 283. , and the Earl of Winchilsea, 83-86. relations of, with England. See England, war between Spam arid. See Spain. Portuguese, the. 84, 87, 107, 480. victory of, 265, 283. affected by the taking of Cochin, 272. in Tangiers, 280. on the coast of Guinea, 305. in the East, 410, 491, 506. in India. See India, in relation to the peace between England and Spain, 456. Portuguese Friars, 228, 230. Possonia. See Pressburg. Potashes, trade in, 92, 94, 95, 270, 271. Potochi, Stanislaus, General of Po- land, letter from, 220. Pouldron, John, factor at Aleppo, 183. Pownoll, J., letter from, 419. Poynet, John, Bishop of Winchester. 2. Poyntz : Sir Nicholas, letters from, 21, 22, 23. , his views on marriage, 21. W., letters from, 24, 25, 26. Prazmouski, Nicholas, Prazmon, Nicolas a, Grand Chancellor of Poland, letter from, 220. Presbyterian minister. See Broad- gate, John. Presbyterians, 137, 197. their hopes of a breach with Holland, 206. Presbytery, zeal for, 380. Pressburg (Possonia), diet of, alluded to, 211. Prestwood, John, letter to, 249. Priaulx, Robert, factor at Aleppo, oath taken by, 238. Price, Ensign Thomas, 475, 480, 482. Prideaux, Paul, formerly Consul in Smyrna, 123, 158. Priests, Seculars and Regulars, quar- rels between, 64. Privy Council, the, 140, 382, 411. clerk of, 5. letters from, 1, 5. 592 Privy Council, the cont. letters to, 131, 139, 146, 177. delivered to, 1 57. lords of, meeting of, 22. , views of, alluded to, 456. matters to be laid before, 288, 298, 303, 361. member of. See Nicholas, Sir Edward, to nominate captains for forces in Kent, 34. in relation to the Levant Com- pany, 362. Procita, Island of [Italy], 521. Proger, Edward, groom of his Majesty's bedchamber, 512. letter to, 514. Propaganda Fide, the, Sacred Con- gregation of, communication made to, 371. Providence, Island of [or Sta. Cat- arina, West Indies], letter from Council of, 51. letter dated at, 51. narrative of proceedings in, and Spanish attack upon, 51-58. Spanish Governor appointed for, 53, 57. bays, forts &c., in, 52-56, 58. Provost Marshal, instructions con- cerning, 29. Purbeck, Lady, accusation against, alluded to, 62. Purforde, letter dated at, 22. Puritanism, 198. Pursor, Mr., a pirate, 26. Pyne, Arthur, factor at Aleppo, letter signed by, 216. oath taken by, 238. Q Quakers, 143, 149, 360, 400. refuse to take the oath of al- legiance, 101. imprisonment of, 101. Quarante Echesia, 453. Cadi of, ibid. Queenborough (Quecnborowe), 26. Quilon (Quiloan) [India], pearl fisheries at, 209. taken by the Dutch, 209. R Radzieuwski, Lord Hierome, Polish ambassador to Turkey, 464. Ragley, 404, 409. Ragusa [Dalmatia], 158, 413, 449, 478. ambassadors from, 224, 449. people of [Raguseans], 239, 418. rumoured earthquake at, 459. ships of, 158, 224, 239, 361, 501, 502. Rajapore [India], recovered by the Kong of the Deccan, 440. Ralegh : Elizabeth, Lady, letter from, 33. Sir Walter, 34. Rama [Palestine]. 192. church at, 193. Ramadan, usurper in Algiers, 88, 89. Ramazan, month of, fast during, 350, 523. Rammekyns Castle, near Flushing, 27. Rankadores or Roncadores, the, islands in the Caribbean Sea, 52. Rasponi, returns to Italy, 263. Ratcliffe, Thomas, Earl of Sussex (in command in the North), money wanted for, 10, 11. loyalty of, defended, 7. secretary of, 39. Ravenna [Italy], 76. Ravenscroft (Ravescraft), Mr., 434, 451. Read, Morgan, consul at Leghorn, 166. letter to, 341. Rebellion or insurrection : in the North (1569), 7. temp. Charles I. See Civil War, the. Records : charges for " searches " amongst, 6. Forest, are not to be found, 39. Red Sea, the. 233, 286. Rees [Germany], 7G. Reigmor, servant of Lord Buckhurst, 17. Reninghen, Simon, Resident from the Emperor in Turkey, 99, 111, 147, 149, 195, 197, 225, 241, 245, 254. letters to, 163, 254, 300, 349. 593 Reninghen, Simon cent. chaplain of, 137. druggerman or interpreter of, 97, 140. his friendship with Lord Win- chilsea, 103. fears there will be war, 106, 127, 219. his good qualities and reputation, 127, 150, 158. is pressed by the Turks to de- clare whether it is to be peace or war, 211. attends the baptism of Lord Winchilsea's infant son, 225. as the late Resident, 432. Resident, a, difference between an ambassador and. See Am- bassador. Revoll, Monsieur de, 31. Reynardson, Samuel, factor at Smyr- na, 169. letter signed by, 148. Rheims (Rhemes), Archbishop of, 64. Rhine, the, 254. Elector Palatine of. See Char- les Lewis. Princes of, association of, 305. , secret negotiations with, 505. Rhone (Rhosne), the, 68, 70, 72, 75. Ricaut. See Rycaut. Riccard, Sir Andrew, Governor of the Levant Company, 1 71 , 1 89, 363. letters from, 361, 453. , alluded to, 250. letters to, 184, 227, 307. message to, 488. in relation to Lord Winchilsea, 227, 259. Rich (Ryche) : Hatton, letter to, 78. Nathaniel, letter to, 36. Sir Robert, 2, 10, 35, 37. , letters to, 35, 36, 37 (2). [Frances] wife of, 36 and n. , friendship of Sir Henry Gawdy towards, 36. -, his estate, 37. Robert, Earl of Warwick, ship of. See Black Robin. Richard II, reign of, alluded to, 511. Richelieu, Cardinal [Armand Jean du Plessis], alluded to, in relation to the Queens of France, 64, 65. 66. niece of. See Guillaume, Duch- esse. arms of, engraven, 66. church built by, 66. favourite of. See Smith, Bishop of Chalcedon. Wt. 29495, Richelieu, Cardinal cont. "maxim " said to Jiave been introduced by, 458. statue erected by, 65. desire of, to check inundations in Paris, 61. in Flanders, 65. and Nicholas Caussin, 66. death of, alluded to, 63. Richmond (Surrey), documents dated from, 3, 4. Richmond, Duke of. See Stuart. Ridolfi, Ridolphi, F. Andrea, Bishop of Calamina, Vicar Apostolic and Suffragan Patriarch of Constantinople, 425. letter from and to, 329, 393. recommendation of, 424. Rimini [Italy], 76. Rinsleben, Captain Reinaldo Sigis- mondo, 513. Risley, Mr., 39. Riston, money to be left at, 37. Rivers, Sir George, 42. Robartes (Roberds), John, Lord, afterwards Earl of Radnor, Lord Privy Seal. 86, 133. letter to, mentioned, 184. payment to be asked from, 290. Roberts, Sir Thomas, 42. Roboli, , reputed agent from Franco in Turkey, 117, 226, 328. Rochelle, 429. French fleet said to have left, 433. Rochester, 26, 42, 43, 509. bridge of, officers of, 4, 5. Rochester, Bishop of, See Dolben. Roe: Robert, alluded to, 318. Sir Thomas, his embassy to Turkey alluded to, 318, 320, 342. Rohan [France], 68. Rohan, Due de, 71. Rolls, the, Mr. Frampton made chaplain of, 449. Roman : Church. Se# Latin Church, eagles, the, 220. Emperor, the. See Emperor, histories, 460. religion, the, 85. Rome, 97. ambassadors at : French. See Crequi, Duke of. Genoese. See Durazzo. Venetian. See Corraro. ancient, triumphal arches in, al- luded to, 389. n 38 594 Rome cont. art treasures from, 407. Bishop from, at Constantinople, designs against, 349. Court of, 409. , war between the Emperor and Turkey desired by, 211. , differences between Genoa and, settled, 520. letters dated at, 421, 424, 520. , alluded to, 519. pass dated at, 519. Pantheon at, 68. Popes of. See Pope. Saint Mark's Palace, 76. Sorbonists at, 66. travellers to, in, or from, 65, 76, 113, 263, 416, 457, 473, 519, 520 (2). the Turks hope to become mas- ters of, 240. Rospigliosi, Cardinal, pass issued by, 519. Rothes, Earl of. See Leslie, John. Rouen (Roan, Roen), 75. Archbishop of. See Amboyse, Cardinal. church of Notre Dame at, 60. factions in, 32. old palace at, 60. " seldom free from the plague," 60. travellers to or at, 60, 490, 495. Rous : John, 37. , letter from, 36. Sir John, letters from, 37 (2). , letter to, 37. Roy, Henri, a Jesuit Father, intro- duction for, 398. Royal Company, the, 311. Rupert (Robert), Prince : in command of fleet, 338. as General of the forces intended for Guinea. 353, 354. embarks with the fleet, 354. rumours relating to, 383. - contradicted, 384. that he is to lead the Bishop of Minister's army, 404. comes to the aid of the Duke of Albemarle, 426, 427, 436. chaplain to. See Frampton, Robert. Russell : Colonel, commands an infantry regiment, 130. John, Earl of Bedford, 2. , as Lord Privy Seal, 3. Francis, Earl of Bedford, 23. Monsignor, secretary to Don Francesco de Melo, 83, 84, 85. Russell, Monsignor cont. , as Bishop of Cabo Verde, 158, 159. Russia or Muscovy, 180, 484. Czar or Emperor of [Alexis], ambassador to, from England. See Howard, Earl of Carlisle, ambassadors or envoys from, to England, 264. , to Persia, 345. , , death of, 366, 367. , to Poland, 92. , to Turkey, 452, 489, 498. in relation to Poland, 460, 489, 498. to Turkey, 452, 489. Russia leather, horse-litter to be lined with, 230. Rutherford, Andrew, Earl of Teviot (Tivett), Governor of Tan- gier, letter to, 268. fortifies Tangier, 264. his successes and reputation at Tangier, 276, 279-281, 303. in relation to the Moorish Chief. See Guiland. returns to England, 276, 281. " cut off " by the Moors, 324. Ruyter, Michael Adrian de, Dutch Admiral, sailing against the Turks, 136. movements of, 214, 338, 353. in charge of the East India fleet, 388. rumoured engagement of with the English, 383. contradicted, 384. Rycaut, Ricaut, Ricault : Paul, Secretary to the Earl of Winchilsea, and afterwards Consul at Smyrna, 111, 127, 167, 168, 296, 297, 298, 315, 377, 386, 392, 434, 437, 461, 477, 478. , letters from, 82, 155, 156, 265, 269, 271 (3), 276, 278, 283, 287, 290, 292, 370-376, 382-386, 477-503, 510, 512. , , copy of, 143. -, alluded to, 281, 282. -, letters to, 358, 410, 413, 516. -, mentioned, 312. , letters and orders to, noted, 369. and messages sent by, 81, 266, 267, 442. -, alluded to, 295, 299, 301, 391, 393, 419, 437, 442. , decipher by, 134. 595 Rycaut, Paul cont. , his devotion to Lord Win- chilsea, 442, 453. -, his druggerman, assaulted, 381. to endorsement by, 113. memorandum by, 291. messages or instructions 301, 368. -, alluded to, 499. movements of, 241, 251, 266, 267, 268, 282, 294, 295, 301, 342, 369, 370, 389, 391, 398, 400-402, 405, 410, 417, 437, 438, 443, 444, 445, 446, 461. , proposed as " chancellor " at Constantinople, 128. , to be sent to England, 261. ratifications of treaty sent by, 266 (2), 267, 268. -, his services and high character, 233, 267, 405, 436, 438. -, to act as proxy for Lord Winchilsea, 239. , his journey to Smyrna, 269, 270. -, to touch at Algiers, 268, 270. , his mission to towns in Barbary, 276-7. , at Tangier, 278, 279, 280, 281. , at Lisbon, 283-4-5. , his mission to the Vizier, 370, 371. -, as bearer of news from England, 436, 437, 438, 442. , consultation of, with the Lord Treasurer, &c., 434, 436. , is to take the King's por- trait to Lord Winchilsea, 435. , an eye-witness of the fire of London, ibid. , brings Lord Maidstone to Turkey, 461, 462. , his appointment as consul for Smyrna, 473, 474. , his reception at Smyrna, 477, 478. , appointed as Lord Win- chilsea's procurator, 521. Peter, letter from, 298. Rye [Sussex]. 59, 60. Ryley . consul at Tunis, 108. Sabran [?] (Sharbrand), French agent in England, 63. Sackville : Sir Edward, Earl of Dorset, 63. Richard, Lord Buckhurst, Earl of Dorset, 212. Thomas, Lord Buckhurst, letters from, 7, 13 (2), 14-16, 17 (2), 20. , son of, christening of, 7. , servants or " company " of, 13. , goes as ambassador to France, 13. , liis journey through France, 13 et seq. , reaches Paris, 16. , illness of, 20. " Sacra Congregationede Propaganda Fide," Prefect of. See Bar- berini. Sadler, Sir Ralph, 7. Saint Albans, Earl of. See Jermyn, Henry. Saint Anna, tomb of, 191. St. Augustine, lath of, in Kent, 5 (2), 29, 42 (2). St. Austen, doctrines of, 66. Saint Bernard, convent of, 68. St. Christopher [Leeward Islands, West Indies], 59. St. Demetrius, letter dated at. 155. Saint Denis [Franco], Prince of Conde Abbot at. 66. St. Francis, religion of, 329. St. George's Day, 115. coronation of Charles II on, 102. St. Germain-en-Laye, audience to the English ambassador at. See Holies, Denzil. Saint Gregory, works of, 358. Saint Isidore, finger of, 64. Saint Joachim, tomb of, 191. St. John d'Acre (de Acria) [Syria], 118. rebellions at, 192. St. John Baptist, church of the Nativity of, 191. St. John of Jerusalem, order of, or knights of Malta : Grand Master of, letter to, 161. from, 519. ships of, complaint concerning, 161. 596 St. John of Jerusalem, order of, or , knights of Malta cont. Knights of, favoured by the King of France, 505. , lands of, possessed by the Netherlands, 505. St. Johns, 40. Saint Joseph, tomb of, 191. St. Lawrence, island near, 125. St. Leger (Sentleger) Nicholas, second husband of Katherine, Lady Finch, 6. Saint Leopold's day, 220. Saint Malo, Vice-Admiral of, 449. Saint Mark, the patron Saint of Venice, 156. St. Maurice (Mauritio) [Switzer- land], 72. St. Seine (Sans Seyn) [France], 67. Salaie, House of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary called, 192. Sambrooke, Jeremiah, member of the Council at Fort St. George, wounded, 442. Samos, Island of, encounter between Turkish and Venetian fleets near, 219. Sampson, Mr., a Scotch merchant. See Simpson. Samuel, servant of Consul Cave, death of, 331. Sam way es, Mr., agent in Persia, death of, 107. Sanctuary, privileges of, disputed, 511, 512. Sandes, Edwin, Archbishop of York, 25. Sandwich, Earl of. See Montagu, Edward. Saone (Arans Soune), the river, 68. Sareri, near Constantinople, 156. Sarum [Salisbury], letter dated at, 395. Savage, Sir John, collector of the loan in Cheshire, 8. Savoy, to be assisted by France, 354. dominions of, 71. Savoy, Duke of : [Charles Emanuel I], attempt upon Geneva by, alluded to, 69. , forts formerly held by, 71. , treaty made with, alluded to, 517. -, loss of castle of L'Escluse by, alluded to, 69. (1651) [Charles Emanuel II], 73. , treaty with, alluded to, 517. -, predecessor of. See Charles Emanuel I, above, Savoy, Duke of [Charles Emanuel II] cont. , ambassador from, in France, 415. Savoyard, a, execution of, alluded to, 69. Sawlius, (?) plate of, pawned, 63. Say, William, Lord Say, document signed by, 78. Scanderoon [Turkey in Asia], 165, 230, 376. Emyn at, 466. English marine factor at. See Loe. English, French and Dutch ships, for, at, or from, 213, 238, 285, 304, 408, 414, 415, 446, 458, 466, 476, 477, 485. pirate ships near, 425, 477. port of, unprotected, 474. Road, 425. " scale " of English shipping at, threat of the Turks concern- ing, 402, 404, 408, 410, 425, 429. Scarlet, Mr., daughter of, 67. Schonberg, or Schomberg, Count Frederick Armande, comman- der of the English forces in Portugal, 284. Schram, Dutch Vice-Admiral, killed in battle, 375. Schwatz (Swarths) [Tyrol], 76. Scio, Island of [Turkey-in-Asia], 329, 331, 348, 377, 425, 477, 611, 512. letters dated from. 336, 348, 349, 362, 365, 371, 376, 383, 393, 405. affairs of, 336. , brought before Count Les- ley, 399. Bassa and Cadi at, 334. Captain Bassa at, 503, 510. Greek Church in, 362, 365. Greek Metropolitan in, 332, 334, 365, 368. , persecutions by, 336, 349, 384. } his Patriarch. See Con- stantinople, Patriarch of. Latin or Roman Church in, 332, 362, 365. , Bishop and Deputies of, letters from, 334, 348, 362, 365, 371, 376, 383, 393, 405. , , letters to, 336, 368, 399. See also Soffiano, Mon- signor. , dissensions between the Greek Church and, 332, 349, 350, 362, 365, 3C8. 597 Scio, I-atin or Roman Church in cont. , churches of, pillaged by the Greeks, 334. , , restored, 349, 350. Turkish fleet at, 199. Scot, Captain, 501, 503 (2). " Scotch-kirkman," the, 197. Scotland, 39, 160. affairs in, 117, 206, 263, 298. Bishops for, consecrated, 1 73. commissioner in. See Leslie, John. English and Dutch fleets near, 354, 383, 396. Episcopal government settled in, 173. fears of the French landing in, 412. Parliament of, tries the Marquis of Argyle, 102, 117. Presbyterians in, 173. proposed journey of M. de Poigny to, 9. Secretary of State for. See Lauderdale, Earl of. Scots, supporters of Queen Mary, 20. Scottishman, a, 170. See La Hay; Simpson. Scottish merchant, a. See Gait. Scott : Edward, esquire, 42. Sir Thomas, deputy lieutenant of East Kent, instructions to, 29. Thomas, letter from, 35. Scray, Lath of, in Kent, 29, 35, 42, 43. Scudamore, Lord, daughter of, 217. Secretary of State, possible appoint- ment as, 493. Secretaries of State, 157. 250. And see Nicholas ; Morice ; Bennet, Sectaries (Sectaryes), private meet- ings of, forbidden, 101. Sedeque [Asia Minor], hunting in, alluded to, 482. letters dated at, 383, 384. Seine (Sequana). the river, 60, 61, 63. Seldon, Ralph, 17, 18. Selim: brother of the Sultan Mahomet, 522. Sultan of Turkey, gold vessel of balsam, found by, 451. Sens [France], Bishop of, 66. Seremento, Signor Ignatio, Governor of Cochin, holds the town against the Dutch, 224. Serini, Count, fort of, taken bv the Turks, 327. Settalia [now Adalia. Asia Minor], Consul Baker's death at, 174, 176. Sevajee, Se vaj i [rebel in India], war- fare and negotiations between the Great Mogul and, 440, 441, 493, 507. towns seized by, 366. in relation to the King of Viza- pore, 366. escape of, 475. invades Portuguese territory, 506. Seville [Spain], money from, 289. duties to be paid in, 425. Seymour (Seamore) : Lady Jane, marriage of, to Lord Dungarvan, 102, 116, 119. See Dungarvan, I-ady. William, Duke of Somerset, illness and death of, 82, 92, 110. , visit of the King to, 82. H., lieutenant of the Antelope, 279. Sh., Mr., 64. Shah Soofe (Shaw Soffee), Shah of Persia, 1627-1641, alluded to, 453. Shamokey, earthquake at, 507. Sharpe, Henry, factor at Galata, documents signed by, 377. Sheffield (Shefeld), Ladv, message from, 33. Sheldon, Gilbert, Bishop of London, letter to, 148. as Archbishop of Canterbury, 315, 454. Shene. the Charterhouse at, a monk of, 12. Sheppard, John, factor at Aleppo, letter signed by, 216. oath taken by, 249. Sheppey (Shepway), Island of, Kent, 5. (Shipway, Shepway), Lath of [Kent], 29, 42, 43. Sherborne (Sherbourn) [Dorset], court at, letter dated at, 33. Lord Digby of. See Digby. Sherman, Bezaleel or Bezalus, factor at Aleppo, committal of, copy of warrant for, 285. letter signed by, 216. Sherrard, Hope, minister in Island of Providence, letter signed by, 58. Shipman, Sir Abraham, scut to take possession of Bombay, ISO, 243. 273. 306, 330. secretary of. See Cooke. his soldiers, mortality amongst, 323. his death, announced, 300. 598 Ships, named : English : Advice, taken by the French, 413. African, 440. American, 440. Amity, 264. , captain of. See Glide. Anne, 187, 198. , captain of. See Poole. , sailors from, captured by the Turks, 198-201, 225, 227, 230, 234, 237. Anne and Christopher, 498, 501, 502, 503. , captain of. See Cole. Anne and Elizabeth, 359, 360. , flies Kagusean colours, 360, 361. Antelope, 279. , lieutenant of. See Sey- mour, H. Bachelor, 370. Bendy sh, 290. Bilboa Merchant, taken by the French, 413. Black Robin, 52. Bonadventure, letters dated from, 264, 271, 278. Bull, 26. Chesnut, pinnace, 243. , captain of. See Stevens. Converting, 243, 273. Coventry, 279. Dispatch. 425. Dolphin, 406. Dover Merchant, 222. Dunkirk, 243, 273. Eagle, 285, 300. , made into a man-of-war, 363. Eaglet, 88. Fortune, of Dover, 28. General Merchant, sunk, 413. Golden Fleece, 466, 474. Goodwill, 100. , commander of. See Michell. Greyhound, 290. , attack upon, 440. Hannibal, 370. Hopewell, 243-4, 329. Jerusalem, 479. John and Abigail, 498, 500, 502, 503. , captain of. See Morgan. , mariners of, mutinous conduct of, 500, 501. , detained at Scio, 510, 512. Leopard, 243, 273, 516 (2). London Merchant, 465. , commander of. See Hill. Maidenhead, 179. Ships, named, English : Maidenhead cont. , commander of. See Kempthorne, Captain. Mary Bonadventure, 304. Mary and Elizabeth, 251. Mary Rose, 243. Mayflower, 124. , commander of. See Curtis, Captain. NatJian, 304. , captain of. See Clapp. Phcenix, 279. Plymouth, 83, 96, 99, 114. , letters dated from, 87 (2), 88 (2). Prosperous, 104, 213. , captain of. See Chamb- lett. Prudent Mary, 290, 312, 315, 325 (2). , commander of. See Wood- greene. Rainbow, 108. , commander of. eeAllin. , letter dated from, 265. Resolution, 279. Robert, 406, 414, 449. .Rose, 329, 331. Royal Catherine, 370. Royal diaries, 405. , taken by the Dutch, 476. Royal James, letter dated from, 142. Royal Sovereign, 427. St. Bartholomeo, 452. St. George, 440. Sampson, 370, 377, 406. Smyrna Factor, 152. , captain of. See Fastolfe. , seized by the Turks, 96. Smyrna Merchant, captain of. See Fisher. , wreck of, 125. Sun, 397. , captain of. See Messen- ger. Swiftsure. capture of, 419. Talbott, 26. Tunis Merchant, 474. Vine, loss of, 366. Virgin, 238, 415, 425 . captain of. See Herbert. William and John, 253. William and Mary, 328. , captain of. See Penney. William and John, of Lyme, 28. William and Sarah, the, robbed by Tripoli pirates, 198, 20*2. Winchilsea, 340, 367. , captain of. See Evans. Zantc, 143, 466, 474. Siiips, named, foreign : Dutch: King Solomon, sunk by the English, 359. Tobias, 503. Genoese : Madonna di Conceptione e St. Antonio di Padua, 158. St. Giuseppe, 158. St. Sebastian, 497. Shiraz [Persia], 476. Shouldham Thorpe [Norfolk], repair of sea-wall at, 37. small tithes of, 38. Shrewsbury, troops placed in, 206. Shrewsbury, Earls of. See Talbot. Siani. King of, war declared upon, by the Dutch, 330. Sicilians, the, 90. Sicily, Viceroy of. See Ayala, Conde de. Sidley, Sir Charles, commission sent to r 509. Sidney, or Sidnei : Sir Henry, Lord Deputy of Ireland, commission from, 8. Sir Philip, letter from, 26. Sidon (Saida) [Syria], 192. Sieffert, Andreas, lieutenant to the Baron di Freisheim, 513. letter from, 51 3. Signet, clerk of, 4. Signs and portents. See under Whit- sun Eve. Simplon (Sampion) Pass, 73. Simpson (Symsonne, Simson) : Patrick, a Scottish merchant in Poland, 169, 170, 285, 310, 410, 490. , letter from, 91. , , alluded to, 92. , letter to, 202, 331. , brother of. See Simp- son, William. Peter [qy. Patrick], 136, 179, 196, 197, 220, 261. William, letters from, alluded to, 92. Sinai, Mount, 85. Sinigaglia (Senegalia) [Italy], 73. Sinus Persianus. See Persian Gulf. Sion: (Syon) [Middlesex], Queen Eliz- abeth going to, 26. (Sedunum) [Switzerland], seat of the Bishop, 72. . never taken by Caesar, 73. Skinner, Ephraim. letters to, 398, 407, 494. money to be paid to, 399. petition preferred by, 505. Skydmore, Mistress, 24, 25. Slaves, English. See Turkey. Slavonia [Hungary], Governor of. See Lesley, Count. Smith, Smyth : Sir George, 123, 143, 265. , letter to, 128. , , alluded to, 94, 186, 227. Sir Jeremy, in command of the Mediterranean fleet, 248, 414, 416, 425. , letter to, 248. , prizes reported captured by, 479. Dr. Richard, Bishop of Chalce- don, 64. Sir Thomas, letters from, 12, 20. , , alluded to, 10. , a tale of his boyhood, 12. , illness of, 12. Thomas, esquire, 42. Dr., appointed executor, 443. Mr., 11. Mr. [Oxford], 444. Mr., recommended, 305, 328. , money supplied to, 331. Smithes, , a " scandalous minis- ter," 441. Suiithsby, Richard, factor at Smyr- na, 169. letter signed by, 148. Smyrna, 101. 177, 230, 231, 265, 308, 360, 397, 400, 434, 438, 477, 482, 509 battulation of trade in, 377. Bey at, 501. Cadi at, 93, 152, 194. , disputes between the con- suls and, 232. , departure of, 238. new Cadi at, 485, 498, 503. , sends sample of false temins, 483. , and Consul Rycaut, 478, 479, 494, 495, 502. 'Cancelliere " at, 131. Capigi-basha at, threats and orders of, 494, 495. Captain Basha at, orders from, 392, 499. , audience with. 495. , ship duties to be paid to, 232. carnival at, assault upon the Dutch at. 494. Castle or Castles at. 232. 360. . arrival of the new consul at, 477. consulago on merchandise at, 94. 600 Smyrna cont. coronation celebrations at, 114. Customer at, Usaein Aga, 331, 361, 484, 485, 494. , demands and impositions of, 481, 485. , in relation to English ships, 495, 498. , receipts of, 377. , in relation to false temins, 483, 490. dragomen at, 95, 113, 114, 465. 495. Dutch, at or near, 262, 267, 270, 285, 310, 317, 360, 363, 495. Consul at, 144, 148, 174, 176,232,239, 326, 345. , and the Countess of Winchilsea, 484, 485. , and Consul llycaut, 478. , fleet from, 354, 395. merchants and merchant- vessels at, 93-95, 122. ship lent to the Turks, 502, 503. Resident at, visits to, 502. English at, 93, 122, 314, 355. English Consul at. See Baker ; Isaacson ; Cave ; Rycaut. , protection of foreign sliips by, 158. , a fresh one, to be chosen, 176, 178, 179. English factory at, 155, 380. , chaplain to. See Broad- gate. , new chaplain for. See Luke. , , to be godly and orthodox, 315, 334. -, letters from, 107, 113, 116, 137, 148, 169, 300. -, letter to, 163. , oath to be administered to, 163. , treasurers of. See Coven- try ; Death ; Langley ; Taylor. and Consul Rycaut, 478. English merchant fleet for, 370. from, 414. sliips at, commanders of, letters from, 302, 393. foreign consuls in, their difficul- ties with the Cadi. 232. Franks in, 477, 478, 494. Franks' street in. 383, 494. French in, 367, 377, 483. 502. French Consul at. 224, 238, 239. 363, 372, 478. 479, 484, 485. , assists Baker, 174. , his druggerman, 489. Smyrna, French Consul at cont. , and English letters, 480, 481. , troubled by the Cadi, 232. -, visit of, to the Dutch Resident, alluded to, 502. Genoese Consul at, 478-480, 484 (2), 485. Jesuit Convent [French] in, 238. letters dated at, 90-512 passim. sent from, alluded to, 101, 516. sent by way of, 261. Lord Winchilsea's voyage from. See Finch, Heneage. merchants or factors at, in re- lation to their consul, 114, 118, 135. , petition of, to Lord Win- chilsea, alluded to, 178, 187. -, in relation to the oath required by the Levant Com- pany, 245. officials of, in relation to sliips for Candia, 494, 495, 496. plague in, 383, 384. St. Jacamore's Poynt, 264. Sante Venaranda, 93. ships for, from, or at. 251, 292, 363, 364, 370, 394, 413, 414, 466, 474, 477, 485, 491. And see Ships, named : Bendysh and Prudent Mary. travellers to and from, 91, 100, 104, 326, 349, 480, 483-485, 493, 516. Voyvode of [Achmet, Ahmett, Hamet Aga], complaints against, 375, 495. , his men assault the Dutch, 494. " worthy divine " at. See Luke. Bay, 271, 331. Sodom, fruit of, 504. Soffiano, Moiisignor, Bishop of Scio, sufferings and liberation of, 329, 332. See also under Scio. Sofia (Sophia) [Bulgaria], 360, 371, 374. letters dated at, 372, 376. troops leave, 258. Sole Bav [i.e. Southwold Bay, Suffolk], fight in, 375. Solomon, the wisdom of, 255. Somerset : Duchess of, 110, 153, 268, 487. , acts as godmother to children of the Earl of Win- chilsea, 157, 222. ^ , daughter of. See Win- chilsea, Countess of. 601 Somerset, Duchess of cont. , letters from, 170. , to, 222, 343, 364, 463, 465, 470. , message to, 110. , will try to obtain the Order of the Garter for Lord Win- chilsea, 287. , in relation to the marriage of Lord Winchilsea's daugh- ter, 469, 471 (2). , residence of, 514. , secretary of. See Walrond. Duke of. See Seymour, William, Somerset, William, Earl of Worcester, 3. Sommer, William, 5. Sondes, Sir Thomas, deputy lieu- tenant of East Kent, instruc- tions to, 29. Sondis, Sir Richard, 42. Sooje, Sujali, Sultan, brother of the Great Mogul, 152. reported to have gone to Persia, 210. Sorbonists, doctrines of the, 66. Souches. See Susa. Sousa, Don Antonio de, previously ambassador in England, 83, 86. Southampton : Countess of, letters to, 125, 131. message to, 112. visit to, 514. interview with, alluded to 291. in relation to the death of the Earl, 472. Earl of. See Wriothesley, Thomas. South Seas, the, the Dutch in, 124, 151. Southwell : Lady, 433. , message from, 468. Sir Robert, embassy of, 433. , orders to, alluded to, 456. Spackman, Tom, marriage of, alluded to, 403. Spain, 61, 72, 87, 90, 119, 141, 149, 157, 159, 161, 164, 173, 177, 180, 267, 433, 451, 493. ambassador designed for, alluded to. See Fanshaw. ambassador from, to England, 388, 485. And see Batteville, Baron de. ambassador from, to Turkey, possible introduction of, 149, 150, 152, 159, 179. chances of war between England and, 120, 128, 141, 147, 157. 163. Spain cont. Christian religion oppressed by, 45. coast of, English ships off, 265. designs of, measures to be taken against, 47. Janissaries said to have been sold in, 175. journey of Prince diaries to, alluded to, 45. luxury of, 85. peace between the Netherlands and (1605), 130. between Portugal and, chances of, 129, 426. Portuguese faction in favour of, 283. Portuguese threatened by, 83, 84, 189. hi relation to the Emperor, 147. relic sent from, alluded to, 64. ships of the Levant Company seldom touch in, 429. successes of, against Portugal, 214. torture in, alluded to, 72. treaties between England and, 94, 102, 117, 426, 456, 476. Spain: King of [Philip IV], 66, 114, 129, 150, 254, 281. , relations of France and. See France, in relation to the French ambassador, 240. King of [Charles II], 520. , reported illness of, 427. Queen of (1570), ships preparing for, 9. , H. Cobharn sent to, 10. Infanta of, birth of, alluded to, 75. , dowry to be given with, 354. -, as the Empress, 427. Spaniards (Spanyardes), form the army of the Due de Maine, 31. in England, 2. Queen Mary's favour towards, 2. defeat of, in the West Indies, 52 et seq. previous assault on Providence Island by, alluded to, 52. reported capture by. See Casal. Spanish : fleet, expected at Canea, 104. forces, commander of. See Austria, Don John of. , defeat of, by the Portu- guese and English, 263. 602 Spanish forces, defeat of cont. , , alluded to, 265, 283. language, letters written in, 90, 99. ministers, 455. ships, loss or capture of, 214, 281. viceroy in Sicily. See Ayala. Spataro, Signer, letters and present brought by, 239, 240. Speed, Chronicles of, alluded to, 401. Spenceley, Thomas, letter from, 78. Spezzia, Gulf of [Italy], 519, 520. Spice Islands, the, Dutch possession of, alluded to, 329. Spina Longa [Crete], demanded from Venice by the Turks, 231. Spires (Spyres), the Emperor at, 10, 11. Spoleto (Spoletto) [Italy], 76. Sprignell, Richard, factor at Aleppo, 182, 483. Staffordshire, a gentlewoman of, 62. Stamboul [Constantinople], Chimac- ham at. See under Turkey. Dutch resident at, payments de- manded by, 273. in relation to troubles at Aleppo, 374. Stanley or Digby, Lady Venetia, death of, 61. Stanton or Staunton, Thomas, factor at Aleppo, 182. letters from, 164, 194. oath taken by, 249. and Hawley Bishop, affairs of, their debts, creditors and flight, 343-349, 351, 355, 365, 376, 391, 411, 422. , as assignees for Philip Strode, 289, 313. , procurator for their creditors. See Chelebee, Mahomet. States General : ambassador from, to England ( 1 577). See Havre, Marquis de. new consul sent by, to Aleppo, 260. complaints to, alluded to, 337. are sponsors to the infant son of the Earl of Winchilsea, 221, 222. States of the Church, passport through, 519. Stellingwerff, Vice Admiral [Dutch], killed in battle, 375. Stevens, Captain, letter from, al- luded to, 330. Stone, near Dartford, letter dated at, 27. Stone, cost of, 25, Story, Dr., at Yarmouth. 11. Strafford, Earl of. See Wentworth, Thomas. Stratton [Dorset ?], letter dated from, 333. Strettura (Alta Strettuna) [Italy], 76. Strode : Edward, factor at Smyrna, 169. , letter signed by, 148. Philip, debts of, 289, 313. , assignees of. See Stanton and Bishop, Messrs. -, death of, alluded to, 289, 313. Strozzi (Strozy) [Col. Philip], in La Rochelle, 20. Stuart, : Charles, Duke of Richmond, and the Lieutenancy of Kent, 207, 225, 509. , in relation to the deputy lieutenancy, 510. Henry, Duke of Gloucester, death of, 84, 110. James, Duke of York. See James, Duke of York. Mrs., 253. Stubbes, Mr., tutor for Sir Moyle Finch's children, 28. Suda [Crete], 231, 430. Suffolk, resident in, 164. Duke of. See Grey. Lord Lieutenant of, 7. Suliman, brother of the Sultan Ma- homet, 522. Sultana, a Turkish. See Yse Hannum. Sumatra [Malay Archipelago], 330, 366. Dutch soldiers at, mortality amongst, 474. Surat (Suratt) [India], 151, 125, 307, 366, 450, 476, 477. attack on, by the rebel Sevajee, 313. , alluded to, 366. second attack threatened, 475. Earl of Marlboro ugh leaves, 273. English in, valour of, 323, 366. , Aurungzebe's favour to, 323, 507. English or Dutch ships at or bound for, 243, 439, 440, 450, 453. French at, 506. lettersfrom, alluded to, 214, 313, 442. to, 399, 404. place near. See Suwali Marine. President for the East India Company at, 95, 151. And see Oxinden, Sir George, threatened by the Dutch, 223, 329. 603 Surenden, letter dated at, 394. Surinam (Seranam) [S. America], planters in, 306. Surrey (Surey), residence in, 514. Susa [i.e. Souches], Count, defeats the Turks, 327, 328. Sussex, 109. Lord Winchilsea's estates and tenants in, 312. 321, 395, 469. Sussex, Earl of. See Ratcliffe. Sutton at Hone, Lath of, Kent, 42, 43. Suwali (Swally) Hole [India], Dutch war-vessels at, 366. Suwali (Swallow) Marine [India], Portuguese prisoners taken to, 223. news brought to, 330. Sweden (Sweadland, Sweade), 135, 440, 500. King of [Gustavus Adolphus], assists Protestant cause in Germany, 48. King of [Charles XI], 264, 442. , attitude of, towards Eng- land and Germany, 415. , negotiations and alliances between England and, 189, 339, 418, 427. -, in relation to France and Holland, 427. ambassadors from, to England, 161, 170. to France, 415. envoy to, from England, 457. And see Coventry, Henry. " like to be one " of the allies, 492. league between England, Hol- land, and. See Triple Alli- ance, making preparations for war, 119. treaty with, 117, 160, 161. Swiss (Switzers), the, 73. in league with the Genevese, 69. Switzerland, dominions of, 71. impregnability of, 73. proposed journey through, 445. Sybilla's tree, 485. Symonds, Abraham, 189. Sznadia, Bishop of, recommended, 447. Taaffe : Francis, Lord, son of the Earl of Carlingford, letter from, 447. Theobald, first Earl of Carling- ford, 394, 444. , letter from, 426. , , alluded to, 432. , to, 432. , his embassy at Vienna, alluded to, 432, 447. Tabriz, Tauris [Persia], Latin father from. 507. Tacitus, Illyrian bands extolled by, 460. Taillour, John, 35. Talbot : George, Earl of Shrewsbury, letter from, 1. , chaplain of. See Moreton, Master. Francis, Earl of Shrewsbury, 2,3. Sir Gilbert, sent as envoy to Copenhagen, 339, 354. , 25. one, letters " endited " by, al- luded to, 462. Tangier (Tangery), 143, 268, 279, 325. a " convenient port " for English shipping, 83. description of, 280. forces or provisions for, 160, 415. forts and castle at, 181. garrison in, salt for, 520. Governor of, Portuguese, 181. , English. See Mordaunt, Earl of Peterborough ; Rutherford, Earl of Teviot; Belasyse, Baron Belasyse. -, post of, 85, 465. Mole (Mould), at, building of, 280, 303. to be resigned to Charles II on his marriage with Catherine of Braganza, 99, 160. taken possession of by the Eng- lish, 142, 181, 188. Earl of Peterborough returning to. See Mordaunt, Earl of Peterborough, resolutions concerning the government of. 1 76. 604 Tangier con*. English at, 264, 276, 279, 280, 303, 388. English ships from or off, 181, 264, 276, 279, 416. annexation of, by England, important for, 281. fear that it may be sold by England, 281. Earl of Teviot at. See Ruther- ford, Earl of Teviot. British losses at, 324. in relation to the French, 363, 367, 425. secretary of Lord Winchilsea at. See Rycaut. Tarare (Terrare) [France], traveller to, 75. Tarifa (Tarriff) [Spain], Spanish soldiers collected at, 181. Tartar commanders, led in proces- sion, 491. Tartar Han, summoned to assist the Grand Signer, 259. prospect of war with, 413. Tartarian horsemen, 219. Tartars (Tartarians), the, 460. the Chinese not so good soldiers as, 450. forces united against. See Cossacks ; Muscovites ; " Calmutz." heads of, carried in procession, 491. in relation to the Muscovites, 452, 498. successful invasion of Poland by, alluded to, 460. in relation to Turkey, 416, 452. Tartary : King of, gives up his crown, 410. , his son, in relation to the Grand Signor, 416. new King of, orders for his execution, 430. " the key and fortress of." See Ozov. slaves from, 459. threatened by the King of Per- sia, 449. Tavannes [Jean de Saulx], Viscount of, faction of, at Rouen (1590), 32. Tavernier, Tavorneir, Tavaneer, [Jean Baptiste de], packets in his charge intercepted. 439. in relation to jewels, 477, 482, 493, 507, 509. movements of, 483. report of his death a mistake. 507. Tavernott, Mr., death of, 507. Tayin (allowance), question of, 350, 375, 385. Taylor (Tailer) : Dr., a tutor at Cambridge, 12. Samuel, factor at Smyrna, 100, 178. letters from, 190, 194, 196. , signed by, 113, 300. to be treasurer at Smyrna, 163, 187. to be vice-consul at Smyrna, 174. sent for, to Constantinople, 175. , his relations with the Levant Company, 194, 195. , resigns his treasurership, 194. , death of, 326. Tea, the new beverage called, 397, 413, 487. Temins, false, 450, 483, 490, 491, 497. Temple, an Ethnick, 68. Temple, reader at the (Mr. Reader), 40. Temple : John, factor at Smyrna, 148, 169, 361. Sir William, ambassador in Hol- land, 513. , negotiations for treaty transacted by, 492. Tenedos, Island of [Turkey -in- Asia], 430. Tetuan (Tituan) [Morocco], 280. Teviot, Earl of. See Rutherford. Texel, the [Holland], English victory over the Dutch in and near, 375, 387. English and Dutch fleets in or near, 426, 427, 429. Thames, the, the Dutch invasion of, reported, 474. Thirty Years' War. See Germany. Thomond, expedition into, 8. Thompson (Tompson), Alderman, 120. Thonon (Tonoon) [France], 72. Thornhill, Sir Timothy, captein of trained band, 43. Thracian plains, the, beauty of, 247. Throgmortort : Sir Nicholas, illness and death of, 15, 16. Elizabeth, afterwards Lady Ralegh, 34. , 251, 320. Thynne (Thinne), Sir Henry, pro- posed expedition of, 40. Tilbury, West, camp at, commission and warrant dated from, 27. 605 Timariote [in the Turkish army], danger from, 372. Tino, Island of [Cyclades], edict concerning, 466. Tirrill, Commissioner, judgment given by, 77. Tivoli [Italy], 473. Toke or Tuck, Captain Nicholas, commissioner for Lord Win- chilsea's estates in England, 124 335 letters' to, 109, 217, 234, 244, 399, 465, 469, 487. , noted, 341. Tolentino (Tollentino) [Italy], 76. Tomaso. Don, nephew to the Pope, 515. his marriage arranged, 520. Torres, Conde de, competitor for the post of Portuguese Am- bassador in England, 87. Totes (Tots) [France], traveller to, 75. Toulon, French fleet reported to have sailed from, 425. Toulouse, orders to, alluded to, 408. Tournay College, picture at, 64. Townsend : Sir Roger, place of his burial, 71. Mr., assault upon, 351. Trade, a Council of, formed, 517. Transylvania, 106, 139, 518. affairs of, and warfare in, 128, 150, 153, 204, 327. distressed condition of, 228, 316. invasion of. See Varadin, Bassa of. Prince of : [Bethlem Gabor], in rela- tion to the Thirty Years' war. 48. John Kemenyi (Chimianus) assumes the government, 106. , defeat of, 179. -, son of, IOC. [Michael Apafii or Apaphi], his appeal to England, 227, 245. , letter from, alluded to, 316. , letter to. 220. Transylvanians, the, 151. Trapani (Trappany) [Sicily], ad- vices from, 413. Travell, Alexander, factor at Aleppo, 183, 373. oath taken by, 260. Travelling, means of profiting by, 457. Travis, Mr., letter sent by, alluded to, 325. Treasurer at ware ( 1 588 ). See Finch , Sir Moyle. Treasurer of the Household (Mr. Treasurer). See Edmondes, Sir Thomas. Treasurer, Lord. See Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton. Trebizond (Trabizond) [Asia Minor], lead mines discovered near, 489. Trevor : Arthur, 493. Sir John, eldest son of. See Trevor, John. Jolm (afterwards Sir John), sent as envoy extraordinary to France, 493. , expected recall of, 509. , as Secretary of State, in relation to Sir John Finch, 517. Mr. (a lawyer), nephew and heir of Arthur Trevor. 493. Trient, Trent [Tyrol], 76. Triple Alliance, the, 492 (2), 493, 504. Tripoli (Tripoly), 268, 270, 330. Bassa at, complaint against, 198. negotiations with, 129, 202, 205, 213. ratification of, treaty with, by the Grand Signor. See Mahomet. piracies of, 198, 202. secretary to Lord Winchilsea at. See Rycaut. treaty concluded with, 243, 245. Tripoli-di-Syria (Soria), 272, 425, 477. letter dated at, 271. Dutch resident in, 271. threat of the Turks to remove the " scale " of English ship- ping to, 402, 404, 408, 410, 425. Vice-Consul at. See Meyer. Tromp, Cornelis, Dutch Vice- Admiral, report of his death, 375. contradicted, 387. his llear-Admiral blown up, 376. his ship sunk, 387. ships of, reported lost, 427. Truxillo (Truxilla) [Honduras], 55. Tuck. See Toke. Tuddington, letters dated from, 10, 11. Queen Elizabeth going to, 10. Tufton : Frances, Lady Tufton, letter from, 42. 606 Tufton cont. Sir John, knight of the shire for Kent, 120. , his regiments, 509. Sir Nicholas, 42 (2). Tully, " offices " of, quoted, 24. Tume [? Thomond], Lord of, 11. Tunbridge [Kent], Queen Catherine at, 274. Wells, visit of Sir John Finch and Dr. Baines to, 212. Tunis, 81, 100, 108, 268, 270, 143. agent and consul at. See Erlis- man, John, consulship of, begged from the King, 89. Dey of, 276. General Blake's action at, al- luded to, 166, 167. Sir John Lawson at, 202, 205. Mahometans from, 100. terms of peace offered to, 129. differences between England and, ended, 213. treaty concluded with, 243, 245. , ratification of, by the Grand Signor. See Mahomet, declaration concerning, alluded to, 318. secretary to Lord Winchilsea at. See Rycaut. Cape [N. Africa], 143. Turcoman, breed of horses, 458. Turkey, casual notices of, passim. ambassadors or envoys to : from England. See Barton ; Roe ; Hyde ; Bendyshe ; Finch, Earl of Winchil- sea ; Harvey. , (former), alluded to, 262, 320. , have never had allow- ance for intelligence, 119. Butch (resident), 106, 172, 262, 285, 291, 335. , committed to prison, 2C7. , expected, 407, 416, 417. , his civilities to Lord Winchilsea, 488. -, feast given by, 488 (2), 503. from the Emperor. Am- bassador extraordinary. See Lesley, Count. , resident. See Ren- Turkey, ambassadors or envoys to cont. from France. See La Haye. , former, alluded to, 139, 150, 262, 428. -, extraordinary, expect- ed, 516. -, agent, 340, 341. from Genoa, 446. , letter to, 453. , reception of, 444, 447, 452. from Poland, 464, 465. , letter to, 470. , expected, 204, 465. , a former, 320. Russian, 452, 489. , reception of, 498. from Spain, proposed, opposition to, 149, 150. Venetian Resident (the bailo), 515. And see Balarino. , ambassador extra- ordinary. See Capello. Avanias in, 300, 380, 381, 390, 391, 411, 422, 452, 459, 480, 495, 518 (2), 522. British embassy in, 85, 86, 253, 267, 309, 470. , importance and increased prestige of, 126, 231. - , emergencies and expenses connected with, 319. -, previous glories of, allud- ed to, 319, 320. chaplains sent into, necessity for high character in, 315. Christian Churches in, 292. Christians in, grievances of, 292. - - , oppressed condition of, 142. -, tribute paid by, 522. inghen. 434, 442. a new, 432, consulships of, disposal of, 89, 240, 241, 255. Court of. or the Porte, 81, 98, 99, 117, 126, 127, 154, 158, 166, 167, 172, 176, 193, 209, 225, 231-233, 248, 300, 316, 319, 322, 336, 384, 385, 393, 398, 407, 423, 453, 458, 470, 494, 499. See also Porte, the. , designs of Venice at, 332. , described, 522. , dragoman of Lord Win- chilsea at. tayin for, 425, 426. , the English ambassador should be near, or represented at, 319, 336, 384, 390, 407, 412, 417, 423, 430, 472, 485. , French and Dutch in- fluence at, 423. 607 Turkey, Court of, or the Porte cont. , movements of, 241, 250, 253, 259, 319, 346, 385, 516 (3). English " capitulations " with, alluded to, 168, 257, 346, 351, 390, 391, 404, 427, 430, 485. factories in, alluded to, 202. slaves in, 110, 111, 228. subjects in, 286, 346. false money in, 450, 491, 497, 519. French in, 105, 169, 226, 423, 450, 452, 459, 508. , dislike to or ill-treatment of, 198, 218, 340, 341, 350, 412, 417, 429, 444. , capitulations with, alluded to, 267, 258, 407. -, estates or merchandise of, 341. influence in, decline of, 450, 458. Grand Vizier or Vizier Azim (in the time of Sir T. Bendysh), 1 66. And see Kiuprili, Moham- mad and Ahmad. Greek Church in, 142, 292, 297. And see Constantinople. , protection of, 231. Latin Church in, 451. merchants or trade in, 131, 139, 202, 318, 384, 411. Ministers and officials of : Agas, [officers] killed in encounter with British sailors, 201. Bashas. corrupt practices of, 319. Bastangi or Bostangi Baslia [Captain of the Guard], 332, 370. Caimacam, Chimacham [de- puty of the Grand Vizier], 334. , at Adrianople [Mus- tafa Bassa]. 301. 340, 351, 362, 364, 368, 370, 428, 452. , letter from, 371. -, alluded to, 326. -, letter to, 427. -, , noted, 429. -, alluded to, 304. -, avarice of, 265. -, ratifications delivered by, 291. , his abuse of the French, 350. , in relation to the French Ambassador, 446. Turkey, Ministers and officials of: Caimacam cont. , Kahya [steward] of, visit to, 370. , at Constantinople, 351, 452, 516. . , [Ishmael], ap- pointment of, 240. [Useph Bassa], 313, 314. Captain Baslia or Lord Admiral, 199, 392, 495, 499, 503. 511. , letter to, 201. , rage of, against the English merchants, 202. ChiaBey(Chachayah,Chech- yah, or Cheya Bey), chief officer of the Vizier, 162, 163, 178. Chiecaia of the Arsenal. See Acmet Aga. Kahya [at Adrianople], in relation to Tayin, 385. Kislir Aga or chief eunuch of the harem or " women " of the Grand Signor, 182, 197. , letter to, alluded to, 282. Lord Chancellor of. See Reis Cataph, below. Mufti [at Adrianople], 429, 430. Mutpack Emin [Clerk of the Kitchen], his accounts never seen, 522. Odabashee of the Topgini [chief officer of the Arsenal], 351. Reis Cataph, or Reis-Effendi Lord Chancellor and chief secretary, 162, 211, 265, 370, 374, 385. , letter to, alluded to, 304. /letter to. 162. , letter from, alluded to, 282. -, execution of, ibid. Softa, a, chief confident of the Vizier of Turkey, 197. Teftedar [Lord Treasurer] at Adrianople, 385. , business referred to, 374. [Mahomet Bassa] sent to be viceroy in Egypt, 118, 127. Viziers, corrupt practices of, 319. Queen Mother of, 151, 181, 608 Turkey, Queen Mother of- cont. , her hatred of the Vizier, 197. , refuses to sanction the proposed murder of the Sultan's brothers, 522. -, leaves Adrianople, 386. residence in, trials connected with, 470, 473. royal ladies of, title given to, 198. Sultans of. See Amurath III and IV ; Ibrahim ; Mahom- et IV ; Mustafa I ; Osman I ; Selim. , family of (Ottoman fam- ily, extinction of, feared), 316, 322. -, their treasure stores, 522. Sultana of, birth of a daughter to, 516. supreme authority in, over the English factories, Lord Win- chilsea considered as, 174. in relation to Crete. See Crete. and the Emperor, chances or prospect of war between, 103, 106, 110, 111, 119, 127, 159, 172, 175, 179, 195-197, 211, 219, 225-227, 230-233, 242, 294. , negotiations for peace, 200, 204, 231, 240, 241. , preparations for war, 230, 248, 258, 288, 305. , the war between, 322, 327, 328, 332, 341. , prospect of peace, 336. 341. , peace resolved on, 346. -, ambassador sent to conclude. See Lesley, and the French, 240, 242, 291, 328, 359, 402, 412, 413, 428, 429, 442-444. , chances of war between, 106, 110, 111. , ill-treatment of the am- bassador. See La Haye. relations between Holland and. See Holland, chances of war between Poland and. See Poland, and Venice, the war with, 179, 291. , chances of peace, 103, 111, 119, 129, 133, 231, 252, 336, 347, 430, 460. , proposed mediation, 121, 122, 125, 157, 159, 173, 176, 252, 296. -, renewed preparations and Turkey con/. in relation to Transylvania, 128. admission of a Spanish minister into, opposed, 150. friendship between England and, 218, 297, 406, 427. warlike preparations in, 240- 242, 254, 259, 305. early trade of the Levant Com- pany in, alluded to, 414. Turkey Company. See Levant or Turkey Company. (Dutch), 488. Turkish : army or forces, the, 150, 179, 248, 288, 365, 523. , described, 460. , weak state of, 322, 346. bastangi [i.e. soldier of the Guard], taken prisoner, 332. , redemption of, 370. camp, the, 119, 372. embassy, desire to obtain, 178. fleet, preparations for its de- parture, 196. , General of. See Turkey, Captain Basha of. galleys, 226. history, 318 (3), 401. Janissaries or foot-soldiers, said to have been sold in Spain, 175. , Lieu tenant- General of, office of, held by the Chia Bey, 178. language, 363. , articles translated from, 74. , written in, 205. , documents to be written in, 246. -, letter written in, 371. hostilities, 181, 230, 232, 259. merchant fleet, attacked by the Venetians, 219. merchants in London, 398. or Ottoman Empire, the, 96, 97, 240, 313, 368, 398, 401, 451. , declining condition of, 497, 519. , glory of, 247. , paper on, 521 et seq. , traveller through, 490. officers, 503. , patience and civility of, 501. prisoners, proposed exchange of, 286, 287. proverbs, 432, 460. service, ships demanded for, 96, 392, 394. Spain's or horsemen, 168, 288, 322, 372. 609 Turks: characteristics of, 120, 198, 2fi3, 323, 343, 389, 402, 417, 418, 460, 461, 489, 523. conquest of Asia-Minor by, alluded to, 478. of the custom house, 252. disputes between foreign re- presentatives and, 267. fugitive, infection carried by, 150. their religion, obligations of, 523. strength of, by land and sea, 112. their wives, treatment of, 523. Lord Winchilsea's power and credit with, 252. threatened by the Cossacks, 259. their lack of enthusiasm for the war with the Emperor, 310. peace welcomed by, 346. Turner: Dr. Thomas, Dean of Canter- bury, message concerning, 49. , speech of, alluded to, 47. William, letter from. 348. Tuscany. Grand Duke of [Ferdinand II], 340, 518. as the " Archduke," 308. ambassador expected from, 102. his "fonderia," 332. letter from, 120. letters to, 100, 127, 145, 186, 310, 347. pass signed by, 519. patent from, alluded to, 360. brother of, 120. son of, 107, 145. Tuscany, travellers through, 519. Twisden or Twysden : Lady, letter to, 38. Sir Roger, letters from, 409, 510, 511. , - - to, 409. , in relation to the deputy lieutenancy, 510, 511. Sir Thomas, Justice of King's Bench, in relation to Lord Maidstone, 461, 464. , lamb-skins to be sent to, 271, 406, 413. [Sir William] son-in-law of Sir Moyle Finch, 39. Tyre (Sur) [Syria], 192. Wt, 29495, Ulm [Wurtemberg], 76. Uniformity, bill for, passed by the King, 200. the Act of, dissenters from, 255. Ursek Ujvar (VVyvar) or Neuhaiisel, a town in Hungary, 282, 309, 327. Useph Bassa, a vizier sent to Aleppo, 313, 314. Ussain Chaous, a Turkish minister, returns to Turkey to negotiate for the Emperor, 231. Utrecht (Utrycke), Earl of Leicester at, 27. letter dated at, 26. travellers to, 27. Uvedale, Richard, factor in Smyrna, 169, 437. letter signed by, 148. Uylett, Henry, letter from, 37. Uzunkopru (Kupri) [Turkey], 269. Valais (Vallais), Pays de [Switzer- land], 72. Valenciennes [France], Duke of Alva at. 20. Vandeiidriesche (Vandrissen, Vanden Drisch), Francois, a Flemish merchant in. Aleppo, 257, 258. unjust imprisonment of, al- luded to, 420, 421, 428. Vane : Sir Harry, execution of, 213. Sir Vere, brother to the Earl of Westmorland, made a Deputy Lieutenant for Kent, 509. Sir Walter, made Deputy Lieu- tenant for Kent, 509. Van Effondi, a learned Turkish preacher, 523. Varadin [qy. Varadia, Hungary], 151. Bassa of, forces of, invade Tran- sylvania, 228. Vaughan, Richard, Earl of Carbery, letter to, mentioned, 184. FI 39 610 Velles, Fr. Eusebio, Guardian of the Holy Land, 193. letters from, 113, 180, 190. to, 142, 203. petition of, 191. death of, 281. Venddme, Frar^ois de, Duke of Beaufort, Admiral of France, 426, 427. in command of the French fleet, 433. movements of, 413, 429. reported to be displaced, 449. Venetian, a. See Berti. in Smyrna, 495. merchant from Flanders said to be, 420. Secretary and Resident at Candia, death of, 488. Venetians, the, encounter between the Turks and, 219. Venice : Doge, Duke or Prince of, fidelity to, 300. , faithful subject to. See Gobbato. , as godfather to the infant son of Lord Winchilsea, 155, 205. , letters to, 156, 205. , , alluded to, 160. , views of, in relation to Turkey, not known, 173. Duke and Senate of, letter from, 180. ambassadors or bailos from : to England, 121, 122, 173, 176. And see Corraro. to Rome. See Corraro. to Turkey. See Balarino. , extraordinary. See Capello. ambassador to, a former. See Feilding. ambassador in, French, alluded to, 292. corpse of Signor Capello sent to. See Capello. corsairs trom, 262. Ducal Palace at, letter dated at, 180. Earl of Winchilsea at, 75, 76. English Consul at. See Jones, Giles. English resident at, proposed, 288, 292, 296. fleet of, 201. , admiral of, letter to, 466. fortresses of. See Dalmatia. an Italian from, 68. letters addressed to, 242, 253. dated at, 80, 286. Venice cont. letters from, alluded to, 403, 414. merchants of, 144, 372, 483. noblemen of, imprisoned in Turkey, 488. And see Del- fine. , " distaste " their com- manders, 460. oysters not to be eaten in, 394. ports of, threatened by the Turks, 147. post of ambassador at, wished for, 132. Republic or State of, 132, 156, 157, 227, 291, 409. , a prisoner of. See Acmet Aga. , reported designs of, 432. San Marco, Procurator of. See Corraro, Angelo. Secretary of State at, 182. seignory or senate of, 126, 150, 153, 164, 179, 253, 296. , desire peace, 147. , " good disposition of " towards the King of England, 332. , letter from, 190. , letters to, alluded to, 121, 127, 488. and Republic of, in relation to Lord Winchilsea, 252, 488. territories of, in Dalmatia. See Dalmatia. towns demanded from, by Tur- key. See Suda ; Spina Longa. treaty with, alluded to, 126. Venice or the Venetians. 147, 178 180, 198, 213, 286, 297, 355, 397, 401, 404, 425, 442, 448, 481, 491, 500. war of, with Turkey. See Turkey. relations between France and, 131, 157, 292, 351, 428, 518. in relation to Candia, 157, 286, 396, 447, 489. And see Crete. in league with England, 291. in relation to the peace between the Emperor and Turkey, 339. special shoes for dragomen pro- vided by, 418. Turkish war against, ships re- quired for, 428. need for military activity by, 460. rumoured correspondence be- tween English ships and, 485. Veitnenton [France], 67. 611 Verney, John, factor at Aleppo, letter signed by, 216. oath taken by, 260. Vianen or Vuanne (Vyenna), near Utrecht, 27. Viareggio [Italy], 519. Vienna, 127, 134, 153, 178, 382, 398, 410, 447. court of, embassy of Lord Carlingf ord at, alluded to, 447. Dutch triumphs at, 431. entry of the Emperor and Empress into, 444. letter addressed to, 242. letters dated at, 367, 426, 427, 444, 447. negotiations at, alluded to, 432. opening of English letters at, 481. Secretary of State at, 197. Villa Padierna, D. Francisco de, Stratago (or Commander of the Castles) at Messina, civi- lity of, 89, 90. Villiers : George, 1st Duke of Buck- ingham, 43, 44, 62. , as Lord High Admiral, 48. , visit to, alluded to, 44. , attack upon, by the Com- mons, 46. -, defence of, by the King, 46. , proposition made by, 47. , visit of, to the Low Countries, 48. , pawns his jewels to assist the war, 48. , apologies of, 50. , charge against, by the Earl of Bristol, 51. -, in relation to Lady Pur- beck, 62. Mary, Duchess of Buckingham, accusation brought by, al- luded to, 62. Vincent, Sir William, 98, 123, 143, 265. letter to, 113. , alluded to, 94. "j.Vinore, Earl " [qy. Count de Vi- vonne], French General, 425. Violett, Mr. . of Lynn, letter endorsed by, 37. Virgil, writings of. cited, 409. Vizapore [Bijapur], King of. See Deccan, the. Great Mogul marching against, 441. 507. Voysey, William, enquiries to be made concerning. 325. Vurla, customs of, farm of, 377. W Wall, Dr. [John], canon of Christ Church, Oxford, death and funeral of, 443. executors of, ibid. his successor. See Heylin. Wallachia (Vallachia), Prince or Vayvode of [Gregorasco], 150, 196, 197, 213, 231, 343. father of, 150, 209. flight of, 341. former servant of. See Nicolai, Grand Marshal of, 197. letter from, alluded to, 150. letters to, 182, 197, 209, 217, 239. presents from, 209, 212, 239, 240. Wallachia : " Bojares," i.e. lords of, 448. gentleman of. See Catacuse- nos. proposed journey through, 518. Wallenger, Mr., 39. Wallington [Surrey], letter dated at, 37. letter addressed to, 37. Walrond, Amos, secretary to the Duchess of Somerset, 124, 217, 268, 287, 290, 313, 330, 340. to be " continued in his employ- ment." 312, 313. instructions concerning, 399. Walsingham : Francis or Sir Francis, ambassa- dor at Paris, afterwarde Secretary of State, letters from, 18, 19, 22. , , alluded to, 19. , illness of, 25. , in relation to Sir Nicholas Poyntz, 23. Mrs., alluded to, 18. Sir Thomas the elder, 42. Warcop. Mr., 17, 18. Ward, Captain. 28. Waringe, Samson, factor at Smyrna, letter signed by, 148. Warner. Frederick, late Dutch Consul at Aleppo, 260. letter sent by, 278. 612 Warsaw [Poland], 92. letter dated at, 136. Russian ambassador in, 92. Warwick : Sir Philip, 88, 290. , letter to, 112. Lady, message from, 25. Wedderburn or Wedderbourne, Dr. [Sir John], letter to, 110. Weld, John, factor at Smyrna, 148, 169. Wells [Somerset], travellers to, 433. Wentworth : Sir John, 41. , letter from, 39. William, Earl of Stratford, Order of the Garter bestowed on, 141. Wesel (Weysell) [Germany], 76. West India Company (Dutch), 311, 337, 353. West Indies, the, English trade with, 476. Spanish ships from, 214. Westminster, 61. Abbey (Cathedral church), 118. Abbot of [2 Richard 2], answer given to, alluded to, 611. letter dated at, 5. Parliament to meet at, 43, 102. Canon (Clianon) Row, house in, 44. Hall, 510. Palace of, documents dated at, 34. School, head-mastership of, 415. Whitehall, 50, 500, 511. , Court at, letters dated at, 80, 511. -, King, Lords and Judges at, 49. , letters etc. dated at, 80- 82, 101, 116, 118, 128, 133, 134, 153, 156, 157, 159, 160, 166, 172, 176, 180, 187, 199, 206, 213, 214, 221, 245, 253, 277, 295 (2), 339, 349, 358, 369, 375, 437, 442, 464, 490, (2), 491, 517. -, parliament summoned to, 49. -, speech delivered at, 45. Westmorland, Earl of, brother of. See Vane. Weston, Henry, 73. petitions of, 73, 74. Westphalia, circle of, 355. Whincop. Thomas, factor at Aleppo, 183. oath taken by, 238. White, Arnold, factor at Smyrna^ 62, 94, 102, 104, 115, 137, 166 (2), 169, 174 (2), 178. 259. letters from, 107, 109, 275, 406,. letter signed by, 148. business arrangements with, 270, 271. goods sent to, stoppage of, 326. Whitsun Eve, signs and portents on, 323. Whorwood, Brome, 208. Wiatt, George (brother-in-law of Moyle Finch), letter from, 24. Wicke, Henrick Van der, Dutch agent in Persia, English packages intercepted by, 439. takes possession of diamond, 477. jewels bought and sold by, 482. ring sold to, alluded to, 509. death of, 449, 466, 509. Wigly, Mr., 326. Wilf ord, Sir Thomas, sent as muster- master to Kent, 34. Wilkins or Wilkyns, John, servant of Lord Cobham, 4, 5. Williams, Walter (Water), in France, 20. Williamson, Joseph, afterwards Sir Joseph, letters from, 277, 295, 375. letters to, 248, 450. documents endorsed by, 343. Willoughby, Francis, Lord Willough- by, in Barbados, 470. disaster to, alluded to, 445. Wiltshire, 116. Wimbledon [Surrey], 74. the church at, 302. house of the Earl of Bristol at, 303. Wimborne St. Giles, Lord Ashley of. See Cooper, Sir Anthony Ashley. Winchester, Bishop of. See Poynet. Winchester. Marchioness of, death of, 102. Winchilsea : Earl of. See Finch, Heneage. Countess of, 110, 131, 155, 175, 222, 260, 279, 285, 291, 295, 334, 386, 387, 401, 461, 463, 466, 480, 483, 487, 496, 515. , an attendant of, marries the son of Sir George Benyon, 196. , birth of her children, 153, 154, 156, 163, 171, 222, 225, 265, 308. , her coat of arms, 340. 613 Winchilsea, Countess of cont. , health of, 151, 308, 405, 443, 445, 457, 459, 482. , horse-litter for, 230. -, letters from, alluded to, 493, 512. -, letter to, alluded to, 265. -, messages from, 252, 254, 260, 340, 364, 417, 418, 445, 448, 457. to, 77, 83, 102, 117, 405. -, movements of, 89, 225, 250, 464, 482, 483, 484, 486, 488, 489, 493, 511, 514. -, presents to, 86, 349, 406. , proposals and arrange- ments concerning, 430, 445, 446, 459, 473, 482. , at Smyrna, 483-485. -, in relation to her hus- band's affairs, 484, 485, 504. , services to, alluded to, 490, 514. , " serving-woman " for. See Pickering, Mrs. , mother of. See Somerset, - Duchess of. , sister of. See Southamp- ton, Countess of. Windham, Windam : Judge, 454. [Elizabeth], her marriage to Lord Maidstone. See Finch, William, Lord Maidstone. , letters to, alluded to, 462. Windsor, letter dated at, 8. Wines : Florence, 308, 316, 340. Hippocras or Ipocras, 15, 16. Italian, 316, 465. Madeira, 12. Muscadine, 254. Palermo (Palermo), 371. Rhenish, 254. Smyrna, red, 406. Tenedos (Tenido), 427, 432. Winter : Captain, 277. Sir Edward, ex-agent at Fort St. George, raises a mutiny and seizes the authority there, 441, 442, 506. Witt, Jolin de, in relation to the treaty between England and Holland, 455, 456. Woking (Okyng, Okyns) : letter dated at, 6. Queen Elizabeth going to, ibid. Wood, John, factor at Aleppo, 183. Wt. 29495. Woodgreene, Captain, of the Prudent Mary, in relation to John Broadgate, 315, 323. Woodruffe, Benjamin, tutor to Daniel Finch at Oxford, 208. 211, 237, 245, 414, 433, 444. invitation to, 229. marriage of, alluded to, 409. message from, 403. messages to, 209, 249, 326. suggested as Dr. Busby's suc- cessor at Westminster, 415. Woodstock (Wodstock), letter dated at, 20. Worcester, Earl of. See Somerset. Wotton,' Watton [co. York], Lord Winchilsea's estate at, 320, 392. directions concerning, 234, 312, 320. new works at, " run to ruin," 392. plans for its improvement, 320, 469. the abbey at, 320. Wotton : Henry, letter from, 22. Master, 22. Wren, Matthew, secretary to the Earl of Clarendon, 483. Wriothesley, Thomas, Earl of South- ampton, Lord Treasurer, 103, 110, 112, 124, 131, 145, 212, 241, 454. letters from, 154, 264, 294, 333, 436. letters to, 83-100 passim, 121, 123, 127, 131, 139, 146, 149, 152, 157, 167, 171, 177, 181, 200, 203, 206, 219, 225, 252, 267, 309, 317 (2), 326, 378. , alluded to, 154, 184, 208, 342, 382. noted, 342. his health drunk, 87. illness of, 256, 359. present to, 287. and the Lord Lieutenancy of Kent, 206, 207, 225. in relation to Lord Winchilsea's affaire, 287, 290, 293, 434, 436, 461. death of, alluded to, 472 (2), 473, 486. daughter of, marriage of, 252, 272 Wroth, Wrothe : Sir Robert, 39. Sir Thomas. 3. Wye [Kent], 335. school at, 313. sons of Lord Winchilsea at, 510. FI 40 614 Wyne [T the Vine], Queen Elizabeth going to, 11. Wywar. See Ursek Ujvar. Yamboli, Grand Signer going to, 336. Yarmouth, traveller to, 11. Yaslovietz [Poland], tetter dated at, 91. Yates, James, sent to the Bastile, 64. Yaxley, Francis, document signed by, 3. Yerlichioe, Yerlikai, Yarlique, Yar- lichioi, 265. letters dated at, 153, 155, 329, 461, 462 (2). York, 25 (2). Archbishop of [Edwin Sandes], 25. Duke of. See James, Duke of York. Anne, Duchess of, 113. Yorkshire, estates of the Earl of Winchilsea in. See Wotton. judges going into, 298. Ysuf Chaous. See Cornaro, Richard. Ypres, Bishop of. See Jansen. Zachari Effendi, an officer of the Bassa of Morea, 201. Zacharlichioi (Zacherichioi), letters etc. dated at, 142 (2), 144- 150, 156. Zamosc [Poland], letter dated at, 196. Zamoski or Zamoisky, Joannes, Prince of Poland, letter from, 196 letter to, 202. Zeeland, Zeland, 129, 130. Admiral of. See Eversen. Dutch fleet retreats to, 426, 427. Zekelhyd, surrender of, 327. THE HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON, W.C. CERTAIN COMMISSIONERS were appointed by Queen Victoria in 1869 to enquire as to the existence of unpublished manuscripts in the possession of private persons and in institutions, calculated to throw light on the Civil, Ecclesiastical, Literary, or Scientific History of the Empire. The Commission has been renewed by the late King and by H.M. King George and new Commissioners have been appointed from time to time to fill vacancies that have occurred. The present Commissioners are : Sir Herbert H. Cozens-Hardy, Master of the Rolls, (Chair- man), The Earl of Rosebery, K.G., the Earl of Dart- mouth, Lord Fitzmaurice, Lord Alverstone, K.C.M.G., Lord Lindley. Lord Morley of Blackburn, O.M., Sir Edward Fry, Sir H. C. Maxwell-Lyte, K.C.B., Professor Firth, M.A., LL.D., Mr. James Mills, I.S.O., and Mr. R. A. Roberts. With the object of securing the co-operation of the owners of manuscripts, without which their work could not be carried on, the Commissioners think it desirable to describe the system upon which they conduct their enquiries. If the owner of any collection of manuscript books or documents express his willingness to submit them to the Com- missioners, an inspection is made under their direction by some competent and trustworthy person, and if any of the manuscripts appear to come within the scope of their enquiry, the owner is asked to consent to the publication of copies or abstracts of them in the reports of the Commission presented to Parliament. The object of the Commission being the discovery of unpublished historical and literary materials, attention is directed to that object exclusively, and owners of manuscripts need be under no apprehension that the examination of papers by the Commission may mean in any way a prying into private affairs. Positive directions are given by the Commissioners to every person who inspects manuscripts on their behalf that nothing that affects the titles of existing owners is to be divulged, and that, if in the course of his work any modern title-deeds or papers of a private nature chance to come before him, he is to put them aside at once without examination or note. To emphasize more strongly the confidential nature of his task, every person employed by the Commission to inspect a ii collection of documents is required to consider it a condition of his employment that all notes made by him in the course of such employment are to be regarded as the property of the Commission, and that he is not at liberty to use in any way any information obtained from papers submitted to the Commissioners without their permission : this is never given without the express consent of the owners of the papers. In practice it has been found expedient, in dealing with a large collection of manuscripts, for the inspector to make a selec- tion therefrom and to obtain the owner's consent to the removal of the selected papers for a time to the Public Record Office in London or in Dublin, or to the General Register House in Edin- burgh, where they can be dealt with more easily, and where they are treated with the same care as the muniments of the realm, whose place of deposit they temporarily share. The whole cost of inspections, reports, and calendars, and the conveyance of documents is defrayed at the public expense. Among the numerous owners of valuable documents who have given their sanction to the temporary removal of manuscripts by the Commission may be named : His Majesty the King, the Duke of Rutland, the Duke of Portland, the Duke of Buccleuch, the Marquess of Salisbury, the Marquess of Ormonde, the Marquess Townshend, the Marquess of Bath, the Earl of Dartmouth, the Earl of Carlisle, the Earl of Egmont, Lord Kenyon, Lord Sackville, Mrs. Stopford Sackville, Sir George Wombwell, Mr. le Fleming, of Rydal, Mr. Eortescue, of Dropmore, and Mr. Rawdon Hastings, of Ashby de la Zouche. The work of the Commissioners, with the liberal-minded co-operation of many owners of manuscripts, has resulted so far in the publication of nearly a hundred and fifty volumes of previously unprinted historical materials. The Commissioners also regard it as part of their duty to be ready to give advice as to the housing and keeping of valuable papers, and the repair of any that may be in a state of decay. A. E. STAMP, Secretary. ih HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. REPORTS OF THE ROYAL COMMISSIONERS APPOINTED TO INQUIRE WHAT PAPERS AND MANUSCRIPTS BELONGING TO PRIVATE FAMILIES AND INSTITUTIONS ARE EXTANT WHICH WOULD BE OF UTILITY IN THK ILLUSTRATION OF HISTORY, CONSTITUTIONAL LAW, SCIENCE, AND GENERAL LITERATURE. (Size, fcaj) to Ninth Report, Part III,, inclusive ; after that 8w.) (Dates in parentheses show years of Reprints.) Date. No. of Paper. Price. 1870 (1874) 1871 1872 (1895) 1873 1873 1876 1876 FIRST REPORT, WITH APPENDIX ENGLAND. House of Lords; Cambridge Col- leges ; Abingdon, and other Corporations, &c. SCOTLAND. Advocates' Library, Glas- gow Corporation, &c. IRELAND. Dublin, Cork, and other Corporations, &c. SECOND REPORT, WITH APPENDIX, AND INDEX TO THE FIRST AND SECOND REPORTS ENGLAND. House of Lords ; Cambridge Col- leges ; Oxford Colleges ; Monastery of Dominican Friars at Woodchester, Duke of Bedford, Earl Spencer, &c. SCOTLAND. Aberdeen and St. Andrew's Universities, &c. IRELAND. Marquis of Ormonde ; Dr. Lyons, &c. THIRD REPORT, WITH APPENDIX AND INDEX ... ENGLAND. House of Lords; Cambridge Col- leges ; Stonyhnrst College ; Bridgwater and other Corporations ; Duke of Northumber- land, Marquis of Lansdowne, Marquis of Bath, &c. SCOTLAND. University of Glas- gow ; Duke of Montroee. &c. IRELAND. Marquis of Ormonde ; Black Book of Limerick, &c. FOURTH REPORT, WITH APPENDIX. PART I. ... ENGLAND. House of Lords ; Westminster Abbey ; Cambridge and Oxford Colleges ; Cinque Porte, Hythe, and other Corporations, Marquis of Bath, Earl of Denbigh, &c. SCOTLAND. Duke of Argyll, &c. IRELAND. Trinity College, Dublin ; Marquis of Ormonde. DITTO. PART II. INDEX FIFTH REPORT, WITH APPENDIX. PART I ENGLAND. House of Lords; Oxford and Cambridge Colleges ; Dean and Chapter of Canterbury ; Rye, Lydd, and other Corpora- tions, Duke of Sutherland, Marquis of Lans- downe, Reginald Cholmondeley, Esq., &c. SCOTLAND. Earl of Aberdeen, &c. DITTO. PART II. INDEX ... C.55 C. 441 3 10 C. 673 6 C. 837 6 8 C. 857-i C. H32 C. H32-i 2 (> 7 3 6 (29436r 9.) Wt. 2949525. 1625. 4/13. D & S. (&) IV Date. No. of Paper. Price. 1877 1878 (1893) 1879 (1895) 1879 (1895) 1881 1881 1881 1883 (1895 1884 (1895 1884 SIXTH REPORT, WITH APPENDIX. PART I. ENGLAND. Hoase of Lords ; Oxford and Cambridge Colleges ; Lambeth Palace ; Black Book of the Archdeacon of Canter- bury ; Bridport, Wallingf ord, and other Corporations ; Lord Leconfield, Sir Reginald Graham, Sir Henry Ingilby, &c. SCOTLAND. Duke of Argyll, Earl of Moray, &c. IRELAND. Marquis of Ormonde. DITTO. PART II. INDEX SEVENTH REPORT, WITH APPENDIX. PART I. ... House of Lords ; County of Somerset ; Earl of Egmont, Sir Frederick Graham, Sir Harry Verney, &c. DITTO. PART II. APPENDIX AND INDEX Duke of Atholl, Marquis of Ormonde, Sir S. F. Livingstone, &c. EIGHTH REPORT, WITH APPENDIX AND INDEX. PART I. Re-issued as Stationery Office publications Report and Appendix, Part I., Section I. Price 6s. 8vo. Duke of Marlborough ; Earl of Portsmouth ; Earl of Jersey ; House of Lords ; Lord Bmly ; Ralph Bankes, Esq., Geo. Wingfield Digby, Esq. ; Royal College of Physicians ; Corporation of Trinity House. Report and Appendix, Part I., Section II. Price 6s. 8vo. Magdalen College, Oxford ; Corporation of Pontef ract ; Lord Braybrooke ; Viscount Arbuthnott ; Earl of Glasgow ; Miss Hamil- ton of Burns and Cochno ; Alex. C. Stuart, Esq., of Eaglescarnie ; Dean and Chapter of Canterbury ; Corporations of Chester and Leicester ; The O'Conor Don, M.P. ; Lord Talbot de Malahide ; Marquia of Ormonde. Report and Appendix, Part I.. Section III. Price 4:S. 6d. 8vo. Earl of Denbigh ; Trinity College, Dublin ; Ewelme Alrnshouse ; Queen Anne's Bounty; E. Hailstone, Esq. ; Church of St. Andrew, Worcester ; Bishop Bubwith's Almshouses ; Derry Diocesan Library ; G. H. Finch, Esq. DITTO. PART II. APPENDIX AND INDEX Duke of Manchester. [lie-issued, 1910, as a Stationery Office publica- tion. Price 3. 6d. 8ro.~] DITTO. PART III. APPENDIX AND INDEX Earl of Ashburnham. NINTH REPORT, WITH APPENDIX AND INDEX. PART I. St. Paul's and Canterbury Cathedrals ; Eton College ; Carlisle, Yarmouth, Canterbury, and Barnstaple Corporations, &c. DITTO. PART II. APPENDIX AND INDEX ENGLAND. House of Lords, Earl of Leicester, C. Pole Gell, Alfred Morrison, Esqs., &c. SCOTLAND. Lord Elphinstone, H. C. Max- well Stuart, Esq., &c. IRELAND. Duke of Leinster, Marquis of Drogheda, &c. DITTO. PART III. "APPENDIX AND INDEX Mrs. Stopford Sackville. [lie-issued, 1904, revised and extended, as Cd. 1892. Price Is. IQd.] C. 1745 *. d. 8 6 C. 2102 C. 2340 C. 2340-i C. 3040 1 10 7 6 3 6 Out of print. C. 3040-i C. 3040-ii C. 3773 C. 3773-i Out of print. Out of print. 5 2 6 3 Out of print. Date No. of * Price. Paper. 1883 (1895) CALENDAR OF THE MANUSCRIPTS OF TUB MAK- QDIS OF SALISBURY, K.G. (or CECIL MSS.). PART I. 1306-1571 C. 3777 . //. 3 5 1888 PART II 1572-1582 C. 5463 3 5 1889 PART III. 1583-1589 C. 5889-v 2 1 1892 PART IV. 1590-1594 C. 6823 2 11 1894 PART V. 1594-1596 C. 7574 2 6 1896 PART VI. 1593 C. 7884 2 8 1899 PART VII. 1597 C. 9246 2 8 1899 PART VIII. 1598 C. 9467 2 8 1902 PART IX. 1599 Cd. 928 2 3 1904 PART X. 1600 Cd. 2052 2 3 1906 PART XI. 1601 Cd. 3134 2 10 1910 PART XII. 1602 Cd. 5291 3 3 1885 TENTH REPORT C. 4548 Out of 1885 (1895) 1885 1885 (Re-issued, 1906, 09 a Stationery Office publica- tion. Price 6d.~) This is introductory to the following APPENDICES AND INDEXES : (1.) Earl of Eglinton, Sir J. S. Maxwell, Bart., and C. S. H. D. Moray, C. F. Weston Under- wood, G. W. Digby, Esqs. (2.) The Family of Gawdy (3.) Wells Cathedral C. 4575 C. 4576-iii C. 4576-ii print. 3 7 1 4 Out of 1885 1885 (1895) 1887 1887 [Re-issued, 1906, revised and extended, as Cd. 2810. Price 2s. lid.] (4.) Earl of Westmorland ; Capt. Stewart : Lord Stafford ; Sir N. W. Throckmorton ; Sir P. T. Mainwaring, Lord Muncaster, M.P., Capt. J. F. Bagot, Earl of Kilmorey, Earl of Powis, and others, the Corporations of Kendal, Wenlock, Bridgnorth, Eye, Plymouth ; the County of Essex ; and Stonyhurst College. (He-issued, 1906, as a Stationery Office publica- tion. Price 6s.~) (5.) Marquis of Ormonde, Earl of Fingall, Corporations of Galway and Waterford, Sees of Dublin and Ossory, the Jesuits in Ireland. (6.) Marquis of Abergavenny, Lord Braye, G. F. Luttrell, P. P. Bouverie, W. Bromley Davenport, R. T. Balfour, Esqs. ELEVENTH REPORT C. 4576 C. 4576-i C. 5242 C. 5060-vi print. Out of print. 2 10 1 7 3 1887 1887 1887 1887 1887 This is introductory to the following APPENDICES AND INDEXES : (1.) H. D. Skrine, Esq., Salvetti Correspondence (2.) House of Lords, 1678-1688 (3.) Corporations of Southampton and Lynn... (4.) Marquess Townshend (5.) Earl of Dartmouth C. 50GO C 5060-i C. 5060-ii C. 5060-iii C 50fiO-iv 1 1 2 1 8 2 6 2 8 1887 (6.) Duke of Hamilton C. 5060-v 1 6 1888 1890 (7.) Duke of Leeds, Marchioness of Watcrford, Lord Hothfield. &c. ; Bridgwater Trust Office, Reading Corporation, Inner Temple Library. TWELFTH REPORT C. 5612 C. 5889 2 3 1888 1888 This is introductory to the following APPENDICES AND INDEXES : (1.) Earl Cowper. K.G. (Coke MSS., at Mel- bourne Hall, Derby). Vol. I. (2.) Ditto Vol. II C. 5472 C. 5613 2 7 2 5 1889 (3.) Ditto Vol. Ill C 5889-i 1 4 1888 1891 (4.) Duke of Rutland, G.C.B. Vol. I [Itf-initued, 1911, a# a Stationery Office publica- tion. Price 5s. ,] (5.) Ditto Vol. 11 C. 5614 C 5889-ii Out of print. 2 1889 1890 (6.) House of Lords, 1689-1690 (7.) S. H. le Fleming, Esq., of Rydal C. 5889-iii C. 5889-iv 2 li 1 11 Date No. of Paper. 1891 1891 1891 1892 APPENDICES AND INDEXES cant. (8.) Duke of Athole, K.T., Earl of Home (9.) Duke of Beaufort, E.G., Earl of Donoughmore ; J. H. Gurney, W. W. B. Hulton, R. W. Ketton, G. A. Aitken, P. V. Smith, Esqs. ; Bishop of Ely ; Cathedrals of Ely, Gloucester, Lincoln, and Peterborough ; Corporations of Gloucester, Higham Ferrers, and Newark ; Southwell Minster ; Lincoln District Registry. (10.) First Earl of Charlemont. Vol. I. THIRTEENTH REPOBT C. 6338 C. 6338-i C. 6338-ii C. 6827 s. d. 1 2 6 1 11 3 1891 1893 This is introductory to the following APPENDICES AND INDEXES : (1.) Duke of Portland. Vol. I (2.) Ditto. Vol. II C. 6474 C. 6827-i 3 2 1892 1892 1892 1893 1893 (3.) J. B. Fortescue, Esq., of Dropmore. Vol. I. (4.) Corporations of Rye, Hastings, and Here- ford ; Captain F. C. Loder-Symonds, E. R. Wodehouse, M.P., J. Dovaston, Esqs., Sir T. B. Leonard, Bart., Rev. W. D. Macray, and Earl of Dartmouth (Supplementary Report). (5.) House of Lords, 1690-1691 (6.) Sir W. Fitzherbert, Bart.; the Delaval Family, of Seaton Delaval ; Earl of Ancaster ; General Lyttelton-Annesley. (7) Earl of Lonsdale ... C. 6660 C. 6810 C. 6822 C. 7166 C. 7241 2 7 2 4 2 4 1 4 1 3 1893 1896 (8.) First Earl of Charlemont. Vol. II. FOURTEENTH REPORT C. 7424 C. 7983 1 11 3 1894 1894 1894 1894 This is introductory to the following APPENDICES AND INDEXES : (1.) Duke of Rutland, G.C.B. Vol. III. (2.) Duke of Portland. Vol. Ill (3.) Duke of Roxburghe ; Sir H. II. Campbell, Bart. ; Earl of Strathmore ; Countess Dowager of Seafield. (4 ) Lord Kenyon ... C. 7476 C. 7569 C. 7570 C. 7571 1 11 2 8 1 2 2 10 1896 1895 1895 (5.) J. B. Fortescue, Esq., of Droprnore. Vol. II. (6.) House of Lords, 1692-93 ... (For continuation of the Manuscripts of the House of Lords, see p. viii.) (7.) Marquis of Ormonde... ... ... C. 7572 C. 7573 C. 7678 2 8 1 11 1 10 1895 1895 1895 1899 (8.) Lincoln, Bury S. Edmunds, Hertford, and Great Grimsby Corporations ; Dean and Chapter of Worcester, aud of Lichfield ; Bishop's Registry of Worcester. (9.) Earl of Buckinghamshire ; Earl of Lindsey ; Earl of Onslow ; Lord Emly ; T. J. Hare, Esq., J. Round, Esq., M.P. (10.) Earl of Dartmouth. Vol. II. American Papers. FIFTEENTH REPORT , C. 7881 C. 7882 C. 7883 C. 9295 1 5 2 6 2 9 4 1896 This is introductory to the following APPENDICES AND INDEXES : (1.) Earl of Dartmouth. Vol. Ill C. 8156 1 5 1897 1897 1897 1897 1897 1897 (2.) J. Eliot Hod^kin, Esq (3.) Charles Haliday, Esq., of Dublin ; Acts of the Privy Council in Ireland, 1556-1571 ; Sir William Usshers's Table to the Council Book ; Table to the Red Council Book. (4.) Duke of Portland. Vol. IV (5.) Right Hon. F. J. Savile Foljambe (6.) Earl of Carlisle. Castle Howard (7.) Duke of Somerset ; Marquis of Ailesbury ; Sir F. G. Puleston, Bart. C. 8327 C. 8364 C. 8497 C. 8550 C. 8551 C. 8552 1 8 1 4 2 11 10 3 6 1 9 vii Date. No. of Paper. Price. 1897 APPENDICES AND INDEXES wnt. (8.) Duke of Buccleuch and Queensberry, at C. 8553 /. d. 1 4 Drumlanrig. Vol. I 1897 (9.) J. J. Hope Johnstone, Esq., of Annandale C. 8554 1 1899 (10.) Shrewsbury and Coventry Corporations ; C. 9472 1 Sir H. O. Corbet, Bart., Earl of Radnor, P. T. Tillard, J. R. Carr-Ellison, Andrew Kingsmill, Esqs. MANUSCRIPTS IN THE WELSH LANGUAGE : 1898 Vol.1. Lord Mostyn, at Mostyn Hall C. 8829 1 4 1899 Vol. I. Part II. W. R. M. Wynne, Esq., of C. 9468 2 11 Peniarth. 1905 Vol. I. Part III. Peniarth. Sir T. Williams ; Cd. 2443 8 John Jones, Robert Vaughan, Esqs. 1902 Vol. II. Part I. Jesus College, Oxford ; Free Cd. 1100 1 9 Library, Cardiff ; Havod ; Wrexham ; Llan- wrin ; Merthyr ; Aberdar. 1903 Vol. II. Part II. Plas Llan Stephan ; Free Cd. 1692 1 8 Library, Cardiff. 1905 Vol. II. Part III. Panton ; Cwrtmawr Cd. 2444 8 1910 Vol. II. Part IV. The British Museum Cd. 5353 1 1899 Manuscripts. Duke of Buccleuch and Queens- C. 92 14 2 7 berry, E.G., K.T., at Montagu House, Whitehall. Vol. I. 1903 Ditto. Ditto. Vol. II. (Part I.) Cd. 930 1 10 1903 Ditto. Ditto. Vol. II. (Part II.) Cd. 930-i 1 11 1903 Ditto. Ditto, at Drumlanrig Castle. Vol. II. ... Cd. 1827 1 1 1899 Ditto. Marquess of Ormonde, K.P., at Kilkenny C. 9245 2 Castle. Vol. II. 1909 Ditto. Ditto. Index to Vols. I. and II Cd. 4774 11J 1902 Ditto. Ditto. New Series. Vol. I. Cd. 929 1 7 1903 Ditto. Ditto. Ditto. Vol. II Cd. 1691 1 10 1904 Ditto. Ditto. Ditto. Vol. Ill Cd. 1963 2 1906 Ditto. Ditto. Ditto. Vol. IV Cd. 3008 3 1908 Ditto. Ditto. Ditto. Vol. V Cd. 4116 2 10 1910 Ditto. Ditto. Ditto. Vol. VI Cd. 5288 2 6 1912 Ditto. Ditto. Ditto. Vol. VII Cd. C255 2 6 1904 Ditto. Mrs. Stopford-Sackville. Vol. I Cd. 1892 1 10 1910 Ditto. Ditto. Vol. II Cd. 5038 1 6 1899 Ditto. Duke of Portland, K.G. Vol. V C. 9466 2 9 1901 Ditto. Ditto. Vol. VI., with Index to Vol8.III.-VI. Cd. 676 1 9 1901 Ditto. Ditto. Vol. VII Cd. 78-3 2 3 1907 Ditto. Ditto. Vol. VIII Cd. 3475 1 10 1899 Ditto. J. M. Heathcote, Esq C. 9469 1 3 1899 Ditto. J. B. Fortescue, Esq. Vol. Ill C. 9470 3 1 1905 Ditto. Ditto. Vol. IV Cd. 2233 2 6 1906 Ditto. Ditto. Vol. V Cd. 2811 2 4 1908 Ditto. Ditto. Vol. VI Cd. 3670 2 5 1910 Ditto. Ditto. Vol. VII Cd. 5290 1 11 1912 Ditto. Ditto. Vol. VIII Cd. 5732 9 7 1899 Ditto. F. W. Leyborne-Popham, Esq. C. 9471 i 1 T C 1900 Ditto. Mrs. Frankland-Russell-Astley Cd. 282 2 1900 Ditto. Lord Montagu of Beaulieu Cd. 283 1 1900 Ditto. Beverley Corporation ... ... ... Cd. 284 i i 1901 Manuscripts. Various Collections. Vol. I. Corpo- Cd. 784 1 A 2 rations of Berwick-on-Tweed, Burford and Lost- withiel ; Counties of Wilts and Worcester ; Bishop of Chichester ; Dean and Chapter of Chichester, Canterbury, and Salisbury. 1903 Ditto. Ditto. Vol. II. Sir Geo. Wombwell, Duke Cd. 932 2 4 of Norfolk, Lord Edmund Talbot (the Shrewsbury Papers), Miss Buxton, Mrs. Harford and Mrs. Wentworth of Woolley. 1904 Ditto. Ditto. Vol. III. T. B. Clarke-Thornhill, Cd. 1964 1 6 Esq., Sir T. Barrett-Lennard, Bart., Pelham R. Papillon, W. Cleverly Alexander, Esqs. viii Date. No. of Paper. Price. . d. 1907 Manuscripts. Various Collections. Vol. IV. Bishop Cd. 3218 1 9 of Salisbury ; Bishop of Exeter ; Dean and Chap- ter of Exeter ; Earl of Leicester ; Sir W. Clayton, Bart. ; Major Money-Kyrle ; F. H. T. Jervoise, Esq. ; Glemham Hall : Corporations of Salisbury, Orford and Aldeburgh. 1909 Ditto. Ditto. Vol. V. Colonel Mordaunt Hay of Cd. 4600 1 4 Duns Castle ; Sir Archibald Edmonstone of Duntreath ; Sir John Graham of Fintry. 1909 Ditto. Ditto. Vol. VI. Miss M. Eyre Matcham ; Cd. 4382 2 3 Captain H. V. Knox ; C. Wykeham-Martin, K. B. Tighe, Esqs., Lord Oranmore and Browne. 1902 Calendar of the Stuart Manuscripts at Windsor Cd. 927 2 11 Castle, belonging to His Majesty the King. Vol. I. 1904 Ditto. Vol. II Cd. 2189 2 9 1907 Ditto. Vol. Ill . Cd. 3430 2 10 1910 Ditto. Vol. IV Cd. 5046 2 9 1912 Ditto. Vol. V Cd. 6163 3 1 1902 Manuscripts of Colonel David Milne-Home, of Cd. 931 1 4 Wedderburn Castle, N.B. 1904 Ditto. Marquess of Bath, at Longleat, Wiltshire. Cd. 2048 1 9 Vol. I. 1907 Ditto Ditto. Vol. II. Cd. 3474 1 1908 Ditto. Ditto. Vol. III. (Prior papers) Cd. 3849 2 5 1904 American Manuscripts in the Royal Institution of Cd. 2201 2 3 Great Britain. Vol. I. 1906 Ditto Vol II Cd. 2897 2 6 1907 Ditto Vol. Ill Cd. 3669 1 11 1909 Ditto Vol. IV Cd. 4773 2 8 1904 SIXTEENTH REPOKT (containing a list of the Cd. 2209 9 owners of Manuscripts upon whose collections Reports have been made to July, 1904). 1904 Manuscripts of the Earl of Mar and Kellie, at Cd. 2190 2 7 Alloa House, N.B. 1905 Ditto Lady Du Cane ... ... ... ... ... Cd. 2367 2 6 1905 Ditto. Marquess of Lothian, at Blickling Hall ... Cd. 2319 2 2 1905 Ditto. Earl of Egmont. Vol. I. Part I Cd. 2318 1 8 1905 Ditto. Ditto. Vol. I. Part II Cd. 2570 1 9 1909 Ditto. Ditto. Vol. II Cd. 4599 1 3 1905 Ditto. Duke of Rutland. Vol. IV. Cd. 2606 2 9 1906 Cd. '2973 1 4 1906 Ditto. (Franciscan) at the Convent, Merchants' Cd. 2867 1 4 Quay, Dublin. 1907 Ditto. Dean and Chapter of Wells Cd. 2810 2 11 1907 Ditto. Earl of Ancaster, Grimsthorpe Cd. 3429 2 7 1907 SEVENTEENTH REPORT (containing a list of the Cd. 3737 11 owners of Manuscripts upon whose collections Reports have been made to June, 1907). 1910 .Manuscripts of Lord Polwarth. Vol. I Cd. 5289 2 11 1911 Ditto. Earl of Denbigh, at Newnharn Pacjdox, Cd. 5565 1 7 Warwickshire. Part V. ^^ 1911 Ditto. Lord Middleton, at Wollaton Hal/..>' ... Cd. 5567 3 1911 Ditto. Pepys, Magdalene College, Cwnbrwge Cd. 5721 1 7 1913 Ditto. A. G. Finch, Esq., Rutland.^ Vol. I. Cd. 6508 2 8 Manuscripts of the House of Lb9fe, in continuation of those published in the/Appendices to the Fourteenth Report (6) on page vi., are now * published as Sessional Papers of the House of Lords ; viz. : 1900 Vol. I. New Series. 1693-1695 H.L. (5) 2 2 1903 Vol. II. Ditto. 1695-1697 H.L. (18) 2 9 1905 Vol. III. Ditto. 1697-1699 H.L. (175) 2 1908 Vol. IV. Ditto. 1699-1702 H.L. (7) 2 9 1910 Vol. V. Ditto. 1702-1704 H.L. (62) 2 8 1912 Vol. VI. Ditto. 1704-1706 H.L. 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