UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 AT LOS ANGELES
 
 AMERICAN RELATIONS 
 
 IN THE 
 
 PACIFIC AND THE FAR EAST 
 
 1784-1900 
 
 8441 8 ,
 
 " The story of America in the Pacific grandly deserves a volume. . . . For over a cen- 
 tury we have had an army of pioneers who scarcely dreamed of the magnitude of the move- 
 ment they were leading." Wm. E. Griffis. 
 
 " No one can behold the silent and persevering efforts of our countrymen in the Pacific 
 without a feeling of pride and exultation." R.J. Cleveland, 1843. 
 
 " To every lover of his country, as well as to those more immediately concerned in com- 
 merce, it must be a pleasing reflection, that a communication is thus happily opened between 
 us and the eastern extremity of the globe." Samuel Shaw, J?8j. 
 
 " On the whole, it must be a satisfactory consideration to every American, that his country 
 can carry on its commerce with China under advantages, if not in many respects superior, 
 yet in all cases equal, to those possessed by other people." Ibid., 1787. 
 
 " The future history of the world must be achieved in the East." W. H. Trescot, 1849. 
 
 " Who does not see then, that every year hereafter, European commerce, European 
 politics, European thought and European activity, although actually gaining force, and 
 European connections although actually becoming more intimate, will, nevertheless, sink in 
 importance; while the Pacific ocean, its shores, its islands and the vast region beyond will 
 become the chief theatre of events in the world's great hereafter." Senator Seward, 1852. 
 
 " Expansion seems to be recognized, not by the difficulties of resistance, but by the moder- 
 ation which results from our own internal constitution. . . . Commerce has brought the 
 ancient continents near to us, and created necessities for new positions perhaps connections 
 or colonies there and, with the trade and friendship of the elder nations, their conflicts and 
 collisions are brought to our doors and to our hearts. . . . Even prudence will soon be 
 required to decide whether distant regions, either east or west, shall come under our pro- 
 tection, or be left to aggrandize a rapidly spreading and hostile domain of despotism." 
 W. H. Seward, 1852.
 
 SERIES XIX Nos. 1-3 
 
 JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY STUDIES 
 
 IN 
 
 HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE 
 
 HERBERT B. ADAMS, Editor 
 
 History is past Politics and Politics are present History. Freeman 
 
 AMERICAN RELATIONS 
 
 IN THE 
 
 PACIFIC AND THE FAR EAST 
 
 1784-1900 
 BY JAMES MORTON CALLAHAN, PH. D. 
 
 BALTIMORE 
 
 THE JOHNS HOPKINS PRESS 
 JANUARY-MARCH, 1901 
 
 82146
 
 Copyright 1901, by 
 
 JOHNS HOPKINS PRESS 
 
 0* JSorb (gafttmorc 
 
 THE FRIEDENWALD COMPANY 
 BALTIMORE, MD., U. S. A.
 
 PREFACE 
 r* 
 
 The following chapters on the origin and evolution of 
 ^ American enterprise and policy in the Pacific and the Far 
 East are the outgrowth of a course of lectures delivered by 
 the author in 1899-1900, before graduate students in the 
 department of history and politics of the Johns Hopkins 
 University. 
 
 Lectures treating of the relations of the United States 
 with Alaska and Behring Sea, Transandine America, and 
 isthmian transit routes have been reserved for publication 
 elsewhere. 
 
 For facilitating my investigations at Washington, D. C., 
 my sincere acknowledgments are due to Mr. Andrew H. 
 Allen, Chief of the Bureau of Rolls and Library of the De- 
 partment of State, and Messrs. A. P. C. Griffin, Chief Bibli- 
 ographer, and Hugh A. Morrison, of the Library of Con- 
 gress. For encouragement in this and other fields of re- 
 search, .1 am under obligation to Professor Herbert B. 
 Adams, of Johns Hopkins University. 
 
 JAMES MORTON CALLAHAN. 
 
 Johns Hopkins University, 
 Jan. i, i go I.
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 Introduction ........... 9 
 
 I. Pioneers in Trade and Discovery : Early Commercial 
 
 Enterprises between the American Coast and China . 1 3 
 II. Occupation of Madison Island in the War of 1812 . 25 
 III. Early American Interests on the Pacific Coast . . 30 
 IV. Early Relations of Whalers and Traders with the 
 
 Natives . . . . . . . . -37 
 
 V. The United States Exploring Expedition, 1839-43 . 49 
 VI. Colonial Establishments ...... 60 
 
 VII. Unlocking the Gates of the Orient . . . .72 
 
 Japan 72 
 
 China . . . . . . . .84 
 
 Corea . . . . . . . . . 1 1 1 
 
 VIII. Americanization of Hawaii . . . . . .114 
 
 IX. Relations in Samoa . . . . . . . 135 
 
 X. Occupation of the Philippines . . . . .149 
 
 Appendix .......... 165 
 
 Index . . . . . . . . . . -175
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The Pacific the sea of Eastern legends upon whose 
 warm currents unwilling emigrants were carried to primeval 
 America, and a place of interest and excitement which 
 Europe long hoped to reach by some passage across the 
 American continent, 1 for over a century has mirrored upon 
 its waves the silent and persevering efforts of American 
 
 1 The Pacific was unknown to Europeans when Columbus sailed 
 in search of the Indies in 1492, and when England sought a north- 
 west passage in 1497. It was first seen by Balboa from an eminence 
 on the Isthmus of Darien; and after the remarkable voyage of 
 Magellan, in 1520, the " South Sea " became a place of interest and 
 excitement. England, through the influence of her daring buc- 
 caneers who appeared on the scene, friends to the sea, but foes to 
 all on its waves, soon rose like a sleeping leviathan to rule the 
 deep. The Cape of Good Hope route to the Indies was found to 
 be better than that by Cape Horn, but the idea of cutting a canal 
 through the Isthmus was early suggested, and the hope of a wes- 
 tern passage to the Indies did not finally die out for many years. 
 The English, in the days of Gilbert, had visions of reaching the 
 Pacific by the St. Lawrence, and the early settlers of Jamestown 
 sailed up the Chickahominy with the same thought. Fictitious 
 ideas of wealth to be obtained in the South Pacific resulted in the 
 " South Sea Bubble " and were soon afterwards dispelled by voy- 
 ages of Wallis, Carteret and later explorers. While the conflict 
 with her American colonies was in progress, England was putting 
 forth efforts to control the commerce of the Northwest coast. In 
 1/76, Captain James Cook was sent to explore the coast and, after 
 discovering the Sandwich Islands, landed at Nootka sound in 1778. 
 He then sailed through Behring Straits, and returned to the 
 Sandwich Islands. All previous voyagers had sailed along the 
 coast of South America to Panama or California, and then across 
 the Pacific to the south of the Sandwich Islands. Cook did not 
 confine himself to former tracks, but made accurate surveys of his 
 own route for the use of subsequent voyagers. Besides the Sand- 
 wich Islands he visited the Friendly and Society islands, and New 
 Zealand. He wrote of his discoveries along luxuriant isles and 
 picturesque shores where perfumes were borne on every breeze, 
 and Vancouver and many other explorers followed.
 
 10 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [10 
 
 citizens who, trained in the school of hardships, seeking 
 new fields of daring adventure, romance or maritime enter- 
 prise, were the pioneers in discovering safe paths and har- 
 bors, and in obtaining commercial knowledge of the Pacific, 
 which led the way for American influence in the Far East. 
 
 Its waters were navigated by American trading vessels 
 soon after the Revolution. In 1784, the Empress of China, 
 fitted out at New York, reached Canton laden with ginseng. 
 Other vessels were soon fitted out in Boston, to engage in 
 trade between China and the Northwest coast in which 
 Jefferson showed a lively interest. The number of vessels 
 engaged in trade, or in pursuing the sperm whale, soon 
 increased rapidly. Though the danger from French priva- 
 teers in 1778, the seizures by Spanish authorities at Val- 
 paraiso in 1800, the embargo of 1807, the acts of Peruvian 
 corsairs before i8i3, : and the effects of the War of 1812," 
 were depressing in their effects on enterprise, after 1815 
 American commerce and fisheries in the Pacific were re- 
 newed with vigor and continued to increase. 
 
 During the Spanish-American revolution, the influence 
 of American sailors played no unimportant part along the 
 coasts west of the Andes. Even at that early date, a United 
 States consul at Manila, under instructions from Monroe, 
 was studying the conditions in the Philippines, and report- 
 ing on the prospects for American trade there. In mid- 
 ocean, the natives were gradually introduced to the virtues 
 of a higher civilization, whose vices, also, they often saw. 
 
 As commerce with the islands and the Far East in- 
 
 ' In April, 1813, J. R. Poinsett, sent to remonstrate against the 
 acts of the Peruvian corsairs, directed the Chilean army in a suc- 
 cessful attack upon the Limian forces. 
 
 * During the War of 1812 many American whalers in the Pacific 
 were captured and burned or turned into British transports. The 
 island of Nantucket alone lost twenty-seven ships. Captain David 
 Porter, entering the Pacific to protect American interests, de- 
 stroyed a number of British whalers, and occupied Madison Island 
 as a United States naval and supply station, but was finally de- 
 feated by the British near the harbor of Valparaiso.
 
 11] Introduction. 11 
 
 creased, 4 the necessity of some national protection and 
 supervision 5 induced the American government, after 1825, 
 to keep a naval squadron in the Pacific." It was the interest 
 of the entire nation to preserve friendly relations with the 
 islands, prevent the evils growing out of desertions and 
 mutinies, investigate the irregular conduct of libertines who 
 were so far removed from the arms of the civil law, and 
 make surveys and charts that would lessen the dangers of 
 shipwreck. 7 In 1831 the Potomac was sent to the coast ot 
 distant Sumatra to retaliate upon the natives of Quallah 
 Battoo for their outrageous seizure of an American trading 
 vessel. For the purpose of protecting and extending com- 
 merce with the East, Edmund Roberts, a sea-captain, was 
 sent in 1832 to negotiate treaties and obtain safe ports. 
 After much discussion and delay the United States Explor- 
 ing Expedition, projected by J. N. Reynolds and others, 
 \vas organized under Captain Wilkes, and from 1839 to 
 1841 examined many parts of the Pacific, sailing far toward 
 the south polar regions and northward to the Sandwich 
 Islands and Oregon. 
 
 [By the settlement of Oregon and the acquisition of Cali- 
 fornia, the United States became almost a neighbor to Rus- 
 sia, Japan and China, and an arbiter in the affairs of the 
 Pacific, the sea of great and increasing activity. With her 
 keels plowing the waves of the Polynesian world, and the 
 western waters of the Pacific, she soon renewed her efforts 
 to open the gates of the stubbornly exclusive Orient to the 
 commerce of the West, increased her interest in the Sand- 
 
 4 By 1829 there were about 100 United States vessels calling at 
 the Hawaiian Islands in a period of 12 months, with a tonnage of 
 3500 and valued at $5,000,000. 
 
 s Benjamin Rodman, of New Bedford, writing J. N. Reynolds, 
 June II, 1836, suggested that a superintending influence over "our 
 marine colonies " was just as important as the establishment of 
 governments and law in our territories. 
 
 6 During the South American revolt the United States had kept 
 a small squadron on the west coast of Chile and Peru. 
 
 7 The log-books of American whalers were a valuable source of 
 information.
 
 12 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [12 
 
 wich Islands where conditions after 1850 were preparing 
 the way for a voluntary offer of annexation, took steps to 
 protect American rights to the Guano Islands, contem- 
 plated the establishment of distant naval and coaling sta- 
 tions, conducted explorations along the eastern coasts of 
 Asia and in the Northern Pacific, and threatened to bom- 
 bard the delinquent Fijis. 
 
 The Pacific felt the thrill of awakening life, and gradually 
 our back gardens beyond the Cordilleras became front ter- 
 races. In 1867 a regular line of steamer service was estab- 
 lished between San Francisco and the Asia coast. Soon 
 afterward, Seward, who had watched the growing import- 
 ance of " the historic sea of the future," purchased Alaska 
 and the Aleutian Islands and brought us within 45 miles of 
 Russia and 700 miles of Japan. 
 
 The policy of acquiring distant islands naturally evolved 
 with the course of events. The determination to allow no 
 territorial control which would cut Hawaii adrift from the 
 American system developed into the policy of annexation. 
 The desire to hold a naval station at Pango Pango, led to 
 participation, first, in a tripartite international convention 
 for the neutrality and government of the Samoan Islands, 
 and finally, in an agreement for partition. The logic of 
 history and the exigencies and incidents of the humani- 
 tarian war of intervention to end Spanish misrule in Cuba, 
 increasing American opportunity, duty and responsibility, 
 resulted in the acquisition of the Philippines and other 
 islands. 
 
 The United States has now become a leading power in 
 international politics, with increased means for the ac- 
 complishment of her beneficent mission in the Pacific and 
 the Far East.
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 PIONEERS IN TRADE AND DISCOVERY. 
 
 EARLY COMMERCIAL ENTERPRISES BETWEEN THE 
 AMERICAN COAST AND CHINA. 
 
 Maritime enterprise was one of the earliest characteris- 
 tics of the American people. The colonists soon had many 
 trading vessels. The early settlers, becoming accustomed 
 to work, privations and frugal habits, were led to daring 
 enterprise and determination to secure wealth. The spirit 
 of our fathers on the waves among the fisheries was one 
 cause of the envy that resulted in wars between England 
 and France and America. In 1775 Burke said there was 
 no climate that was not witness to their toil, and no sea but 
 what was vexed by their fisheries " among the tumbling 
 mountains of ice ... beneath the Arctic circle, into the 
 opposite region of the polar cold, on the coast of Africa, 
 and along the coasts of Brazil." In the school of hardships, 
 the Americans had even become able to capture the ves- 
 sels of the British during the Revolution. American pri- 
 vateers, by prolonging the conflict on the waves, made suc- 
 cess possible. 
 
 No sooner had the war closed than American merchants, 
 seeking to be among the first to engage in direct trade with 
 the Far East, fitted out vessels to sail the Pacific. 1 The 
 American flag first appeared at Canton, China, during the 
 " Canton War," in 1784, upon the Empress of China, which, 
 
 1 There had been an early American trade with China, via Brit- 
 ish vessels, tea being received in return for ginseng, which was 
 purchased from New England Indians who received their pay in 
 money, calico and trinkets.
 
 14 American Relat cific and Far East. [14 
 
 having been fitted ou i trade by Daniel Parker 
 
 & Co., sailed from K Strait of Sunda, in Feb- 
 
 ruary of that year, laden with ginseng. 2 Samuel Shaw, the 
 supercargo of the Empress, was appointed consul to Canton 
 in 1786. At that time, John Ledyard, of Connecticut, who 
 had accompanied Captain Cook around the world, and 
 now desired to engage in trade with the Northwest coast and 
 Canton," was at Paris talking. with Jefferson, at whose sug- 
 gestion he undertook to go, via Russia, Siberia and 
 Kamschatka, to explore the western part of America.' 
 
 2 Diplomatic Correspondence of the U. S., 1783-89, vol. vii. 
 Samuel Shaw to John Jay, May 19, 1785. 
 
 Major Shaw wrote a full account of his relations with China 
 and Batavia. [Josiah Quincy: Journals of Major Samuel Shaw . . . 
 with a life of the author. Boston, 1847. 360 pp.] Soon after 
 reaching China on his first voyage, he had occasion to cooperate 
 with the British, who had so recently been our enemies in war. 
 A British gunner, while firing a salute, killed a Chinaman. The 
 Chinese officials asked the delivery of the gunner, and, failing in 
 their demand, they finally seized Mr. Smith, the supercargo of the 
 British vessel. The Europeans unanimously agreed to make com- 
 mon cause, and the Americans joined. Shaw, at the request of 
 the British, ordered his vessel to Canton to help enforce the de- 
 mand for the release of the supercargo, and was the last to leave. 
 The British submitted, however, and agreed to deliver the gunner. 
 The harmony maintained between the Americans and the British 
 was particularly noticeable by the French, who had been our 
 recent allies. After his return to New York in May, 1785, Shaw 
 wrote John Jay, the United States Minister for Foreign Affairs. 
 an account of his voyage. He soon received a reply which stated 
 that Congress felt " a peculiar satisfaction in the successful issue 
 of the first effort of the citizens of America to establish direct trade 
 with China." After he returned to Canton, in January, 1787, as the 
 first American consul to China, he wrote Jay a long letter in which 
 he said: "On the whole, it must be a satisfactory consideration 
 to every American, that his country can carry on its commerce 
 with China under advantages, if not in many respects superior, yet 
 in all cases equal, to those possessed by other people." 
 
 'Jared Sparks: Life of John Ledyard. Jefferson's Works, vol. 
 i, p. 68. 
 
 4 On returning to America in 1782, he had induced Robert Mor- 
 ris to take an active interest in the northwest trade, and to begin 
 to fit out a vessel, but Morris finally abandoned the enterprise on 
 account of pecuniary embarrassments.
 
 15] Pioneers scovery. 15 
 
 Failing to receive the ^ : Empress of Russia, 
 
 but still hoping to be " the first circumambulator of the 
 earth," with " only two shirts and yet more shirts than shil- 
 lings," he continued his journey eastward over Siberia until 
 he was arrested when within 200 miles of Kamschatka. 
 Jefferson already saw the commercial and political signifi- 
 cance of the region, and had received impressions which 
 later led to the expedition of Lewis and Clarke, who were 
 sent to determine whether the Missouri and Columbia 
 rivers would afford a practicable route to the Pacific. 
 
 In 1787, the Canton (Capt. Thos. Truxton), the old Alli- 
 ance (Capt. John Reed), and no less than three other vessels 
 were engaged in the China trade. In the same year, 
 shrewd New England merchants, seeking new fields of 
 commerce between the Northwest coast and Canton, also 
 sent the Columbia (Captain Kendrick) and the sloop Lady 
 Washington (Captain Gray) to the vacant lands south of the 
 Straits of Fuca to trade, explore, buy lands of the natives 
 and build stores and forts. The captains were provided 
 with sea letters issued by the United States Government, 
 passports by Massachusetts, and letters of recommendation 
 from the Spanish plenipotentiary in the United States. The 
 vessels became separated in a storm, after rounding Cape 
 Horn (January, 1788). The Washington reached Nootka 
 sound on September 17, 1788, a few days before the 
 Columbia, and spent the winter there. In the following sum- 
 mer she sailed northward, and Gray saw islands which he 
 named Washington Islands in honor of George Washing- 
 ton. They had already been called Prince Edward's Islands 
 by the British, and are now known as the Charlotte group. 
 Captain Kendrick afterward took command of the Wash- 
 ington to sail with Captain William Douglas, of the Grace? 
 
 The Columbia, by her appearance in the Pacific, " agitated 
 
 'Joseph Ingraham: Journal of the Voyage of the Brigantine 
 Hope, from Boston to the Northwest coast of America. 4 vols., in 
 MS. at Dept. of State.
 
 16 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [16 
 
 half of the Spanish dominion in America." ' In May, 1788, 
 she entered the harbor of the island of Juan Fernandez for 
 repairs. Ambrose O'Higgins, the Captain-General of 
 Chile, arrested and cashiered the Spanish commandant who 
 gave the vessel friendly treatment. Lacroix, the viceroy 
 of Peru, sent a ship from Callao in pursuit, and requested 
 the authorities on the coasts of Chile, Peru and Mexico, to 
 seize any foreign vessel which should appear. Notwith- 
 standing the alertness of the Spanish officials toward the 
 south, the American vessels were not disturbed by the 
 Spanish authorities at Nootka. 
 The Columbia, after remaining at Nootka until October, 
 
 1789, carried furs to Canton, exchanged them for teas, com- 
 pleted the circumnavigation of the earth, 7 and in August, 
 
 1790, her return was celebrated at Boston with much en- 
 thusiasm. 8 Captain Ingraham, the mate, brought with him 
 from the Sandwich Islands a native crown prince, Opye, 
 who became the centre of interest, and whose visit was the 
 beginning of our friendship with Hawaii. 
 
 Other American vessels had recently stopped at the 
 Sandwich Islands, and had not been favorably impressed 
 with the character of the natives. In the latter part of 
 1789 the Eleanor, an American armed trading vessel, com- 
 manded by Captain Metcalf, of New York, stopped en 
 
 8 Since the royal ordinance of 1692, every foreign vessel in those 
 seas, without a license from Spain, had been treated as an enemy. 
 The fur traders in the North Pacific excited the apprehensions of 
 the Spanish Government. 
 
 ' The Columbia was the first vessel to carry our flag around the 
 world. In 1789 there were fifteen American vessels at Canton. The 
 number largely increased in a decade. According to the Canton 
 custom-house record, 20 ships and two brigs from the United 
 States visited that port from June n, 1800, to April 27, 1801. For 
 the year ending June, 1802, there were 29 ships and 2 brigs. From 
 June, 1802, to January 9, 1803, there were 31 ships and i schooner. 
 [Pitkin: Statistical View, N. Y., 1817. p. 246, and Appendix 
 No. 2.] 
 
 8 The Massachusetts, built for China trade, had sailed for Canton 
 on March 28, 1790. See Delano's " Voyages." 
 
 'John White: Voyage to the South Sea, Boston, 1823.
 
 17] Pioneers in Trade and Discovery. 17 
 
 route to China. Natives stole a small boat in order to get 
 nails and iron, and Metcalf, a few days later, took revenge 
 by firing into a crowd, who had come in canoes 
 to trade, and killed many innocent persons. 10 . The Fair 
 American, commanded by, Metcalf, after having been de- 
 tained at Nootka, arrived a few days later, and was captured 
 by natives, who proceeded to kill all on board except 
 Isaac Davis. The latter's life was saved by interposition 
 of one Ridler, the carpenter's mate of the Columbia, who 
 had remained at Hawaii. Davis and John Young, an Eng- 
 lishman, were detained, and finally became chiefs, and in- 
 structed natives in the use of firearms. The natives were 
 preparing 26,000 canoes to attack Captain Metcalf's brig, 
 a few miles away, while pretending to be trading, but the 
 Americans on the island exaggerated the power of Metcalf's 
 guns and obtained permission of the king to send a letter 
 requesting the captain to depart, but not stating what had 
 occurred. Six months later, Captain Douglas, in the 
 schooner Grace, arrived, and sent a letter requesting the de- 
 livery of the whites that remained, but failed to get them. 
 He left Young and James Cox in care of the king to over- 
 see the collection of sandalwood for the China market." 
 
 From a financial standpoint the voyage of the Columbia 
 was not a success, but the enterprising Bostonians were de- 
 termined not to neglect the " infant and lucrative China 
 trade." Among the first, after the return of the Columbia, 
 to reembark for the Pacific was Captain Joseph Ingraham. 
 
 10 Ingraham's Journal, vol. ii, p. 70, Greenhow: History of 
 Oregon and California (Boston, 1845), chap, x, p. 224. 
 
 11 The sandalwood traffic soon became important, and was a 
 valuable source of revenue for the Hawaiian chiefs. Kamehameha 
 compelled the natives to go on long journeys to the interior in 
 search for sandalwood trees, and to hew the wood and bring it to 
 the coast where he exchanged it for guns and vessels, by means of 
 which, he made himself master of his own and then the surround- 
 ing islands. The wood was carried to China by the traders who 
 exchanged it for teas and silk. The supply in a few years became 
 much decreased.
 
 18 American Ret ific and Far East. [18 
 
 At the Departmem our interesting volumes 
 
 of an illustrated m. 1 in which he has given 
 
 an account of his voyage and descriptions of the natives 
 wherever he found them. On September 16, 1790, taking 
 Opye with him, he accepted the command of the brigantine 
 Hope, bade an affecting farewell to his native shores, 1 " and 
 again braved the perilous ocean, sailing via Cape Horn. 
 
 In April, 1791, he reached the Marquesas Islands, dis- 
 covered by Spain in 1595, and anchored a mile and a half 
 off the shore, where naked savages, men and women, came 
 swimming and in canoes, bringing a pig and cocoanuts. 
 Opye went on shore to buy water, of which the natives soon 
 brought a plentiful supply, likewise of wood, bananas, small 
 pigs, etc., which they exchanged for small nails. They had 
 little knowledge of iron, and showed much curiosity. They 
 became so bold in climbing the sides of the vessel that it 
 was found necessary to drive them away. They had, also, 
 a propensity for stealing, but immediately returned articles 
 when they were discovered. The females diverted the at- 
 tention of the sentinels from the frying pans and cooking 
 utensils, which they proceeded to appropriate. At night 
 they drew off and gave the crew a partial rest from their 
 intolerable noise; but at daylight they came again, " swim- 
 ming like a torrent," and bringing more wood and water. 
 About 60 canoes with 600 persons, some with horse-palm 
 umbrellas, collected around the vessel. The male natives, 
 not being allowed to come on board, for fear they would 
 divert the crew from their work, became very troublesome. 
 The young men, notwithstanding the efforts of the older 
 ones to check them, swam under the bottom of the vessel, 
 and, with long poles, broke the cabin windows, and one 
 of them struck Ingraham with a stick of wood. They all 
 
 " They probably came into the possession of the United States 
 Government shortly before the settlement of the Oregon question. 
 
 11 The Hope was soon followed by the Columbia, then the Han- 
 cock, the Jefferson and also by the Margaret, of New York.
 
 19] Pioneers -overy. 19 
 
 seemed sorry, howe 1 was preparing to 
 
 leave. 
 
 Xo observations were made on shore. Opye, the only 
 one who landed, said the women crowded about him so 
 thickly that in his efforts to pay attention to them he could 
 see nothing else. The fact that many men were seen with 
 only one eye indicated that peace did not reign supreme. 
 
 On April 19, 1791, Ingraham, near latitude 8 f South 
 and longitude 140 West, unexpectedly found several 
 islands not indicated on the charts of the Spaniards or of 
 Cook. He named them Washington, Adams, Federal, Lin- 
 coln, Franklin, Hancock and Knox. 14 He intended to go 
 on shore, but finding no convenient place to anchor, he 
 called together his men, and was greeted with cheers when 
 he announced that the islands were newly discovered and 
 belonged to the United States. 15 
 
 On May 20, Ingraham reached "Owhyhee " [Hawaii], 
 where a hundred trading canoes soon brought plenty of 
 hogs, pigs, fowls and potatoes. Proceeding to Mowee, 
 where 200 canoes soon collected, he received on board 
 Tianna and " Tommahammahan," who were at war with 
 Titierce and Tio. Feeling that the natives desired an op- 
 portunity to make an attack, he refused to go nearer shore 
 as requested by Tianna, who said it took the natives' breath 
 to bring hogs so far. Leaving Opye, he went farther along 
 the coast, and found three white men, recently left by an 
 American vessel, who warned him that the natives would 
 take the first opportunity to capture his vessel. After find- 
 ing it necessary to fire upon some of the natives, he saw 
 about " 700 canoes and 20,000 fighting men " collecting 
 around him, and taking the whites with him he retired. 
 Pyamano, a son of Chief Titierce, remained on board, in- 
 tending to go to America; but Ingraham, not desiring to 
 
 14 Captain Roberts, of Boston, in 1792, named some of them 
 Adams, Jefferson, Hamilton and Madison. 
 
 15 When Ingraham reached Macao he learned that the French 
 had discovered four of the islands twenty days later.
 
 20 American Rcla and Far East. [20 
 
 carry away a great to give the natives 
 
 more chance to lame iver been discovered 
 
 by civilization, and, ; 3 d by the arrival of a 
 
 canoe from the windward to announce a declaration of war, 
 discharged him at the next trading place. 
 
 On June I, the Hope sailed from the Sandwich Islands, 
 and on June 29 reached Washington Islands on the North- 
 west coast (Prince Edward's or Charlotte's isles) where re- 
 pairs were made, and water and wood obtained. On July 4, 
 the crew killed a hog, dined on the shore, and drank to the 
 President's health. Sailing farther to the north to "Port 
 Ingraham," they were approached by women natives, who 
 came in canoes singing and offering to sell their foul 
 fish. Chief Cow agreed to have skins brought, and soon 
 other tribes sought to trade in fur. After reaching 54 21' 
 N. and starting to return southward, the Hope met the 
 Columbia July 23, on its second voyage." Going on board, 
 Ingraham received letters from Boston, and learned from 
 Captain Gray that the Spaniards had augmented their set- 
 tlement at Nootka and established another in the Straits of 
 Juan de Fuca. He was not willing to concede that Spain 
 could claim the entire Northwest coast by right of dis- 
 covery. Contemplating the recent disturbance between 
 Spain and England, and the possibility of three other na- 
 tions contending for the territory claimed by each of these 
 powers, he was about to lay out the whole Northwest coast 
 and assign to each his lot, but decided to leave the question 
 for national assemblies to discuss when it should become a 
 matter of more serious consequence. 
 
 After more trading with the natives toward the south of the 
 Washington Islands (some of whom offered to go to " fight 
 for more skins "), the Hope, on September 2, sailed away, 
 and, on October 6, reached " Owhyhee," where Ingraham 
 
 18 In June, 1791, the Columbia started on a second voyage under 
 the command of Captain Gray, who discovered the mouth of the 
 Columbia river, giving to the United States an advantage in the 
 trade between China and the Northwest coast.
 
 21] Pioneers ery. 21 
 
 found the brig Hancock, 01 j-,^.__ , und for Macao, 
 While the natives were trading, the king's son again came 
 on board with the desire to go to America. Starting on Oc- 
 tober 12, the Hope reached China on November 2.7. At 
 Macao roads, Ingraham was informed by Captain R. D. 
 Coolidge (who had formerly been on the Washington, but 
 had become commander of the Grace after the death of 
 Douglas) that China, on account of being at war with Rus- 
 sia, prohibited fur ships from entering the port of Canton, 
 but he disposed of part of his furs there and left the others 
 to be sold by Captain John Canning, of the Nonsuch. Two 
 other American vessels arrived from the Northwest coast 
 in the early part of December. One was the brig Wash- 
 ington (Captain John Kendrick), which had been in Nootka 
 sound while Spain still held possession. The other was 
 the Snow Fairy (Captain William Rogers), recently the 
 property of Douglas. 
 
 Ingraham left Canton June 22, 1792, and in April sailed 
 from Macao to Nootka, where, on July 2, he and Gray 
 sent a joint letter to the Spanish commander. In Novem- 
 ber, after a twenty-two days' sail, he reached " Owhyhee," 
 where his " Journal " suddenly ends. 
 
 The direct trade of the North Pacific between the Amer- 
 ican coasts and China soon grew in its importance, and 
 remained almost entirely in the hands of Americans until 
 1814. After 1784, when the Northwest Company was or- 
 ganized at Montreal, the latter took the place of New York 
 as the principal seat of the lake fur trade; but the North- 
 west and Hudson Bay companies became involved in dis- 
 putes with each other, which resulted to the advantage of 
 the Americans in the Pacific trade, which for twenty-five 
 years was carried almost exclusively by vessels from Bos- 
 ton. It finally declined on account of the scarcity and 
 high price of furs, caused by the competition of the Russians 
 who advanced southward." The American vessels usually 
 
 17 R. J. Cleveland: Narrative of Voyages and Commercial En- 
 terprises, 1792-1818. 2 vols. Cambridge, 1843.
 
 22 American 'fie and Far East. [22 
 
 started with vai. Vest India productions 
 
 and British mar many with knives, iron, 
 
 copper pans, and various trinkets lor the natives perhaps 
 gathered a few seal skins or butts of oil in the South Pacific 
 or obtained turtle at the Galapagos, sold a few articles at 
 Valparaiso, bartered with the natives of the Northwest 
 coast for furs, completed their cargo with sandalwood and 
 other articles at the Sandwich Islands, and exchanged every- 
 thing for teas, silks and nankins at Canton. On these voy- 
 ages the Americans used the Sandwich Islands as a prin- 
 cipal place of resort, but they also visited islands in all parts 
 of the Pacific. 18 Their industry finally resulted in the settle- 
 ment of Astoria and the colonization of Oregon, and con- 
 tributed to the establishment of American influence along 
 the western coast of South America, in the islands of the 
 Pacific, and in the Far East. 
 
 The early occupation and enterprise of Americans in 
 the Pacific was not limited to the trade between the North- 
 west coast, Hawaii and China. Many were engaged in 
 whaling and sealing, and some in obtaining the pearl oyster 
 and beche-de-mer. In 1791 six ships from Nantucket, and 
 one from New Bedford, sailed for the Pacific to pursue the 
 sperm whale, which had fled from his old haunts in the 
 Atlantic." Notwithstanding the dangers and hardships in- 
 cident to the occupation, the number of vessels engaged in 
 
 18 They also furnished the Russian-American settlements with 
 European articles in exchange for furs. In 1809 Russia com- 
 plained of the " illicit " trade of American citizens on the North 
 Pacific coasts. Later, Count Romanzoff, the Russian Minister of 
 Foreign Affairs, at St. Petersburg, proposed to J. Q. Adams, the 
 American plenipotentiary, an arrangement allowing Americans to 
 supply the Russian settlements on the Pacific with provisions and 
 manufactures, and transport the furs of the Russian Company to 
 Canton, under the condition that they abstain from all intercourse 
 with the natives of the Northwest coast. To this Mr. Adams ex- 
 plained that he could not agree. [Green IK >\v: History of Oregon 
 and California, chapter xiv.] 
 
 "Alexander Starbuck: History of the American Whale Fishery.
 
 23] Pioneers in Trade and Discovery. 23 
 
 it rapidly increased and exceeded that of any other nation. 20 
 The thrilling excitement of chasing such gigantic game had 
 a tinge of the romantic, and made privations more easily 
 endured. " The blood more stirs to rouse a lion than to 
 start a hare." Sometimes there were exciting races be- 
 tween English and American vessels for the same whale, 
 and when the agility of the American sailor won by success- 
 fully throwing his ponderous harpoon, he was greeted with 
 repeated shouts of applause. 21 
 
 The plan of getting seals in the South Seas for the China 
 trade was early undertaken. Mr. Edmund Fanning tells 
 us in his " Voyages Around the World," that in May, 1792, 
 the brig Betsey, under Captain Steele, and owned by Mr. 
 Nexsen, left New York upon such an expedition by way of 
 Cape Verde and Falkland islands, but it never reached 
 Canton. In 1797, Fanning, as commander of the Betsey, 
 sailed by the same route to the Pacific, and after visiting 
 Washington, Fanning and other islands, reached Macao 
 and Canton. He found living on Tinian Island Mr. Swain, 
 of Nantucket, and several others who had escaped from a 
 wrecked English vessel. Among them were the widow and 
 servant woman of the captain. On the route back to New 
 York he defeated a band of pirates. 
 
 In January, 1800, the Aspasia, with twenty-two guns, 
 was sent by New York gentlemen to explore and get seals 
 in the South Seas. She was commissioned by the United 
 States Government as a letter of marque. At Valparaiso 
 she was detained by Spanish officials, who suspected that 
 she was a British ship-of-war. 22 She continued her voyage 
 to Canton and returned to New York, but part of her cargo 
 
 20 In June, 1795, and again in May, 1811, the British Parliament 
 passed an act offering premiums in order to encourage British 
 fisheries in the South Seas. The act also encouraged Americans 
 to reside in England except when on the whaling voyage. The 
 United States offered no bounty. 
 
 21 See an article in the N. Am. Rev., Jan., 1834. 
 
 22 Fanning's Voyages around the World, etc., 1792-1832. Boston, 
 1833.
 
 24 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [24 
 
 was lost by a wreck and the adventure resulted in no finan- 
 cial gain. The brig Union, under Captain Pendleton, left 
 New York on a similar voyage by way of Sydney, and to 
 the Fiji Islands, and in 1803, Delano, who had sailed to 
 China in the Perseverance by way of Hawaii in 1799, went 
 directly across from Peru to Canton, 28 stopping at Lobos 
 Islands and Wake Island. 
 
 A few Americans reached the Fiji Islands early in the 
 century. Charles Savage, reputed to be an honest sailor 
 belonging to the American brig Eliza, which was wrecked 
 in the Fijis in 1808, became a kind of " head man " at Bau, 
 the Fijian capital. His influence in the government prob- 
 ably was due to the disturbed condition of the islands and 
 the presence of several shipwrecked and runaway seamen, 
 and of twenty-six convicts who had escaped from New 
 South Wales in i8o4. 21 Firmly established at Bau, he de- 
 manded and received some of the " highest ladies of the 
 realm " for wives, 25 but his children were all still-born, and 
 his hopes to establish white sway were wrecked. The 
 arrivals from New South Wales died out rapidly by fights 
 or irregular life in the hot climate. 28 Savage was put to 
 death and eaten in March, 1814. 
 
 By the close of Jefferson's administration American in- 
 terests in the Pacific were of sufficient importance to attract 
 the attention of the Government. In the spring of 1812 
 President Madison gave Fanning a commission as com- 
 mander of an expedition of discovery, to consist of the ships 
 Volunteer and Hope, and to go to the southern hemisphere 
 and voyage around the world. Secretary Monroe furnished 
 him letters from European ambassadors and consuls rec- 
 ommending him to the kindness and protection of vessels 
 and officials of their nationality. When the expedition was 
 nearly ready, war with England was declared which pre- 
 vented it from sailing. 
 
 23 Delano's Voyages. Boston, 1818. " Seemann, p. 406. 
 
 * Capt. I. Erksine: Western Pacific, p. 197. 
 
 26 Dillon: Discovery of the Fate of de la Perouse.
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 OCCUPATION OF MADISON ISLAND IN THE 
 WAR OF 1812. 
 
 One of the most interesting American episodes in the 
 Pacific is the formal occupation of Madison Island by Cap- 
 tain David Porter in 1813, while he was engaged in pro- 
 tecting American whaling interests in that vicinity. 
 
 Before the declaration of war with England in 1812, 
 American whalemen on the coast of Peru often suffered 
 from the piratical acts of Peruvian privateers, who also cut 
 them out from Chile ports where they had gone to recruit. 1 
 J. R. Poinsett, of South Carolina, was sent to remonstrate, 
 but when the Anglo-American war began, he found that 
 the corsairs, as a fresh pretext for plunder, claimed they 
 were allies of England. 2 Learning that an expedition sent 
 by the authorities of Lima had captured Concepcion and 
 Talcahuano, and that at the latter place a Limian armament 
 of two men-of-war and 1500 troops was detaining many 
 American vessels, he resolved to resort to stronger measures 
 than those of diplomacy. Joining the Chilean army, he 
 directed its movements until the enemy was driven from the 
 town and the whalemen released. Though Lima yielded to 
 muskets and cannon, her depredations did not entirely cease 
 until the arrival of Captain Porter in the United States 
 frigate Essex, the first United States ship-of-war to spread 
 her sails in the Pacific. 
 
 On October 6, 1812, Porter had received his orders for 
 
 1 Alex. Starbuck: History of the American Whale Fishery. 
 "Porter: Journal of a Cruise in the Pacific, 1812-14. N. Y., 
 1822.
 
 .'<' American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [26 
 
 a long cruise. After reaching the South Atlantic, he had 
 learned that the people in Buenos Ayres were starving, 
 and unable to supply his wants, and that Montevideo was 
 invincible. He at once shaped his course for the Pacific, 
 and on March 15 landed at Valparaiso, where he was aston- 
 ished to learn that Chile had declared her independence 
 from Spain, and that the viceroy of Peru had sent out 
 cruisers against American shipping. 3 
 
 Porter's appearance in the Pacific was of great importance 
 to American whaling interests. He at once proceeded to 
 destroy unfriendly vessels, and to break up the British whale 
 fisheries off the coast of Chile and Peru. After capturing 
 British property worth two and a half million dollars, and 
 360 British seamen, whom he liberated on parole, he de- 
 cided to seek a place of safety where he could put his ship 
 in a condition to return home, and, at the same time, give 
 his men some amusement. 
 
 Sailing to the group discovered by Ingraham in 1791, he 
 anchored at Madison Island (Nukuhiva, or Sir Henry Mar- 
 tin's Island), which he proceeded to occupy for the United 
 States, and to conquer and make them tributary to the 
 United States by the request and assistance of the friendly 
 tribes. He built Fort Madison (4 guns) and a village which 
 he called Madisonville. The waters where he anchored, 
 he named Massachusetts bay. In taking formal occupa- 
 tion on November 19, 1813, Porter declared that the na- 
 tives by their own request, and in order to render secure 
 the United States claim to the island, were adopted into 
 the great American family; and that they, on their part, 
 had promised to give welcome hospitality and protection to 
 American citizens who visited the islands, and also to en- 
 deavor to prevent subjects of Great Britain from coming 
 among them during the continuation of the War of 1812. 
 
 In his declaration, which he read, he said: " Our rights 
 
 8 Navy Dept. Tracts, vol. xiv, No. 22; Essex Inst. Hist. Coll., 
 vol. x. Salem, 1870.
 
 27] Occupation of Madison Island in War of 1812. 27 
 
 to this island being founded on priority of discovery, con- 
 quest and possession, cannot be disputed . . . Influenced 
 by considerations of humanity, which promise speedy civi- 
 lization ... as well as by views of policy, which secure 
 to my country a fruitful and populous island, possessing 
 every advantage of security and supplies for vessels, and 
 which, of all others, is the most happily situated, as respects 
 climate and local position, I do declare that I have in the 
 most solemn manner, under the American flag displayed at 
 Fort Madison, and in the presence of numerous witnesses, 
 taken possession of said island, called Madison Island, for 
 the use of the United States . . . ; and that the act of tak- 
 ing possession was announced by seventeen guns. . . . And 
 that our claim to this island may not hereafter be disputed, 
 I have buried in a bottle, at the foot of the flagstaff in Fort 
 Madison, a copy of this instrument, together with several 
 pieces of money, the coin of the United States." 4 This 
 deed was signed by Porter, nine United States naval officers 
 and others. 
 
 While on the island the American forces intervened to 
 secure peace between the natives, and joined the friendly 
 tribes in their wars against the Happahs. 
 
 On December 13, Porter sailed for Valparaiso, leaving 
 Lieut. Gamble in command with four prize ships, twenty- 
 one marines and six prisoners. He reported that he had 
 completely broken up British navigation on the Pacific, 
 and injured her navigation to the extent of two and one- 
 half million dollars. In the following March, however, 
 after a desperate encounter 5 outside the port, watched by 
 thousands of witnesses from surrounding hills, he was com- 
 pelled to surrender to Commodore Hillyar, of the British 
 navy, who had recently arrived with the Phoebe and the 
 
 4 Capt. D. Porter: Journal of a Cruise to the Pacific in 1812-14. 
 N. Y., 1822. 
 
 s Poinsett, during the engagement, requested the Governor of 
 Valparaiso to protect the Essex, but his request was not granted. 
 He left the country soon after.
 
 28 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [28 
 
 Cherub. He and part of his crew, on parole, were allowed 
 to sail for New York on the Essex, Junior. Several of the 
 crew of the Essex, who were left at Valparaiso, enlisted in 
 the " patriot " army at Santiago. 
 
 Gamble found his stay at Madison Island far from pleas- 
 ant. His life was rendered miserable by rains and squalls, 
 and by the character of his crew, some of whom were worth- 
 less and ready to desert at every opportunity. He was also 
 much troubled by the natives, who showed signs of attack 
 and soon began to kill the swine left by Porter. Threats 
 of devastation being insufficient to prevent theft by some of 
 the natives, he found it necessary to attack and chasten 
 them. After they had fled and the chiefs offered to replace 
 the swine, he asked an indemnity for his trouble and also 
 demanded the surrender of the thieves, whom the chiefs 
 claimed they could not apprehend, but finally closed the 
 affair by exacting a promise of future vigilance. Later, 
 when intertribal quarrels and wars were renewed, he suc- 
 cessfully restored tranquillity by intervention. Supplies be- 
 coming precarious, he sailed to other islands to barter iron 
 for swine and vegetables, and at almost every place he 
 landed the natives asked his aid in intertribal wars which 
 had arisen chiefly over fishery regulations or property. 
 But he had enough to engage his attention in watching and 
 punishing his own men, who went to sleep on watch, or 
 permitted the clandestine visits of female natives, or left 
 camp without permission or under pretence of washing their 
 clothes at a distant brook. Early in May, seven men on 
 deck defiantly refused to work, bound and imprisoned 
 Gamble and others, hoisted the English flag, spiked the 
 guns at the fort, took the powder and other materials and 
 set sail. Gamble again had reason to become alarmed at 
 the natives, who began to repeat their thefts and finally 
 attacked the ships, massacring four midshipmen. 
 
 Burning one of his vessels, with seven men and a leaky 
 ship without a boat or anchor, he sailed to Owyhee 
 (Hawaii) for supplies and men. In June, after he had
 
 29] Occupation of Madison Island in War of 1812. 29 
 
 started to return to Valparaiso, he was captured by the 
 British warship Cherub. Reaching Valparaiso (on Sep- 
 tember 23), where he was entertained by the American vice- 
 consul, Blanco, he heard the strange news that Wellington 
 had been sent to the United States with 20,000 troops and 
 created Emperor of North America! He finally arrived at 
 New York in August, 1815. 
 
 Though Madison Island was afterwards recommended as 
 a convenient location for a naval and supply station, the 
 United States never took any step toward occupation. 
 
 Porter published an account of his experience in the 
 Pacific, in which he described the natives and made numer- 
 ous references to the beauty and grace of the native women, 
 who roamed at pleasure and were promiscuous in their in- 
 tercourse with the sailors. The English Quarterly Review 
 ridiculed him for occupying the island, and severely criti- 
 cised him for his voluptuous descriptions of the island 
 beauties, and for the freedom which he permitted between 
 them and the sailors, as well as for cruelty to the natives. 
 Porter, in reply, after stating that Ingraham's discovery of 
 1791 gave the United States a just claim to the island, re- 
 ferred to the license of the sailors under Captain Cook and 
 others, and to previous writers, who had described feasts 
 with native women. In defending himself from the charge 
 of cruelty, he presented the British record in the Pacific 
 on that score, and stated that men away from law and in 
 danger, must judge of the means of safety and act accord- 
 ing to circumstances. He declared that the safety of his 
 ships, prizes and men depended upon maintaining a posi- 
 tion on the island, and that it was necessary to conciliate 
 the natives by joining them against their enemies.
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 EARLY AMERICAN INTERESTS ON THE PACIFIC 
 
 COAST. 
 
 American interests on the Pacific coast increased with 
 the number of American ships sailing between that region 
 and China, though its political importance for the United 
 States attracted little attention until 1803, when President 
 Jefferson sent Meriwether Lewis and William Clarke to 
 explore along the Missouri and trace some convenient 
 stream to the Pacific with a view of opening an inland trade 
 route. 1 Jefferson favored every reasonable facility and 
 patronage by the Government to encourage the trade of 
 United States citizens with that distant region. 2 In 1810 
 he considered that an early settlement on the western coast 
 would be a " great public acquisition," and looked forward 
 to the time " when its descendants should spread themselves 
 throughout the whole length of the coast," covering it with 
 free Americans, independent and self-governing. By invi- 
 tation, and the offer of government protection, he encour- 
 aged Astor to fit out a vessel with seed and provisions and 
 to send 120 persons (some by sea and others by the over- 
 land route) to the mouth of the Columbia, where in 1811 
 they established the American settlement of Astoria. 1 
 
 Astor had long been engaged in commerce and trade 
 between the Northwest coast and China. For the pur- 
 pose of securing such a control of that trade as to lessen the 
 danger of rivalry by the Northwest Company, in 1810. at 
 
 1 Lewis and Clarke: Expedition, etc. Phila., 1814. 
 
 3 Jefferson's Works, vol. vi. To John Jacob Astor, May 24, 1812. 
 
 3 Washington Irving: Astoria.
 
 31] Early American Interests on the Pacific Coast. 31 
 
 New York, he assisted in the organization of the Pacific 
 Fur Company with himself at its head. For clerks and 
 voyagcurs he selected principally Canadians. Macdougal, 
 who was appointed to superintend the new enterprise, sailed 
 in the Tonquin in September, 1810. At Owyhee, in Feb- 
 ruary, 1811, he made an unsuccessful attempt to negotiate 
 a treaty with Kamehameha, but he obtained supplies, and 
 also men, to engage in service on the coast. His settle- 
 ment at Astoria, near the mouth of the Columbia, was joined 
 in January, 1812, by the overland detachment of sixty men, 
 who had endured many hardships and dangers on the route. 
 On May 5, 1812, the Beaver arrived with more men from 
 the United States and with 36 Sandwich islanders. In Jan- 
 uary, 1813, the community, already embarrassed by the 
 destruction of the Tonquin and her crew by the Indians 
 near the entrance to the Straits of Fuca, was thrown into 
 gloom by the news that the United States had declared war 
 against Great Britain. On October 16 the Canadian man- 
 agers of the company entered into an agreement by which 
 all the establishments, furs and stock were sold to the North- 
 west Company for $58,000. The captain of a British vessel, 
 which arrived soon after, hauled down the American flag, 
 replaced it by the British flag, and changed the name of^ 
 the place to Fort George. Astor, on hearing the news, 
 considered the sale disgraceful.* 
 
 In 1815 Monroe demanded the restitution of the post.y 
 Two years later he sent the Ontario to establish a settle- 
 ment on the Columbia. When Castlereagh expressed 
 regret and a desire to avoid collision, Secretary Adams 
 wrote Rush, at London, that it had not been anticipated 
 that England would be disposed to start questions of title 
 with us on the shores of the South Sea, stating that she 
 would hardly find it useful or wise to resist every possibility 
 of extension to our national dominion. 
 
 The expansive designs of Russia in America were a X X 
 
 4 Greenhow: History of Oregon and California, chap. xiv.
 
 32 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [32 
 
 source of some concern to officials of the United States Gov- 
 ernment. Prevost, the United States agent who had re- 
 ceived the surrender of Astoria by the British, in a letter 
 to Adams dated at Monterey, November u, 1818, after 
 referring to the Russian settlements made in 1816 at the 
 Sandwich Islands and near the harbor of San Francisco, 
 said: " May we not infer views to the early possession of 
 this harbor, ultimately to the sovereignty of entire Cali- 
 fornia. Surely the growth of a race, scarcely emerged from 
 the savage state, on these shores is to be deprecated, and 
 should excite the jealousies of the United States and induce 
 her to preserve a station, which may serve as a barrier to 
 northern aggrandizement." 
 
 Floyd's Report 5 in the House in January, 1821, estimat- 
 ing that there were already $8,000,000 of property owned 
 by the United States in the Pacific, and calling attention to 
 Russia's menaces against Turkey, Persia, Japan, China and 
 Spanish America, and her plans to command the North 
 Pacific, urged the propriety of taking energetic steps to 
 guard our increasing interests on the Columbia, whose 
 valley, Benton thought, might soon become the granary 
 of China and Japan, who had not yet opened diplomatic 
 relations with us. It was suggested that settlement of the 
 country might be facilitated by the immigration of Chinese. 
 Though the friends of the report, in support of their views, 
 emphasized the importance of fisheries and trade with China, 
 and spoke of possible growth of the lumber trade, and of 
 agriculture, in the future, the members of the House gave 
 the subject little discussion and voted to table it. The 
 majority probably considered such an extension of the 
 Union chimerical. Tucker (of the opposition) of Virginia, 
 said necessarily the Rockies always would be an impassable 
 barrier between interests. 
 
 Russia had not only made establishments in California 
 and Hawaii, but threatened to enforce the Russian claim 
 
 5 Rp. Com. 45, 16-2, Jan. 25, 1821. 
 .>_ ^
 
 33] Early American Interests on the Pacific Coast. 33 
 
 to make the Pacific a mare clausum north of 51 on the 
 American coast and 45 on the Asiatic coast. An edict of 
 Alexander, September 4, 1821, under pretext of preventing 
 smuggling, stated rules for limits of the navigation and 
 communication along the coast of East Siberia, the North- 
 west coast of America to 51, the Aleutian, Kurile and other 
 islands, and prohibiting foreign vessels from coming nearer 
 than 100 Italian miles to these places, except in gales or 
 when in need of provisions, etc. President Monroe was 
 surprised at the Russian claim to 51, etc., and Secretary 
 Adams, February 25, 1822, asked Poletica, the Russian 
 minister, to explain the Russian grounds of right. 
 
 Poletica, in a long reply, of February 28, denying that 
 Spain had ever had a right to claim north of 42, said 
 51 was only a mean point between the Russian establish- 
 ment of New Archangel at 57 and the American colony 
 on the Columbia at 46. In justification of the loo-mile 
 prohibition, he said that the foreign adventurers, nearly 
 all of whom were American citizens, by their illicit trade 
 and irregular conduct, and by selling arms to natives of 
 Russian America, had been the source of pressing but un- 
 successful remonstrances from the time when Russia began 
 diplomatic correspondence with the United States, and 
 that coercion, though not conceived in a hostile spirit, or to 
 strike a blow at maritime interests of the United States, had 
 become a necessity. 6 
 
 Adams could not understand how Russia could claim 
 to 51 when she had only claimed to 55 in 1799, and was 
 persuaded that American citizens would remain unmolested 
 as heretofore in exercising their right to sell to the natives 
 of Northwest America. He had no proof that the trade 
 had Been exercised in a spirit unfriendly to Russia. In his 
 reply of March 30, he said that the right of the United 
 States to navigate the seas near Behring, as well as else- 
 where, was a part of our independence, and that her ves- 
 
 ' Exec. Papers, 112, 7-1, vol. vi, Apr. 15, 1822.
 
 34 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [34 
 
 sels had exercised that right from the period of her exist- 
 ence as a nation. In reply to Poletica's suggestion that 
 Russia had a right to exclude foreigners from the sea 
 north of 51 in America and 45 in Asia, Adams reminded 
 him that the distance between those two points was only 
 about 4000 miles. 
 
 >JPoletica, in a letter of (March 21) April 2, referred to eight 
 Russian settlements in latitude 48 and 49 (462 persons) 
 existing as late as 1789, and ventured to say that the great 
 width of the Pacific would not prevent Russia from making 
 it a closed sea, but he referred the matter to his govern- 
 ment. 
 
 After the protests of the United States and Great Britain, 
 Russia suspended her edict, and soon after Monroe's fam- 
 ous message of 1823, she granted the right of United States 
 citizens to fish along the coasts of Russian America, ex- 
 cept in the rivers and harbors; but, after 10 years, believing 
 that the privilege had been abused, she refused to renew 
 the agreement for allowing either fishing or trading.' Thus 
 was the way prepared for the future acquisition of Alaska 
 and the islands skirting the Behring sea. 
 
 The Americans, at an early day, also exercised consid- 
 erable influence along the Pacific coast of Spanish America. 
 R. J. Cleveland, in his " Voyages," tells us that as early as 
 1802 our sailors were advocating self-government to the 
 people of Chile at Valparaiso. The revolution which 
 opened in Chile, in 1817, gave a stimulus to American 
 trade * and induced the United States to keep a small squad- 
 ron on the west coast of Peru and Chile. With the eman- 
 cipation of all Spanish America from the colonial rule of 
 the mother country, Americans stopped more frequently 
 along the west coast of Mexico and California. 
 
 The growth of American commerce and whaling interests 
 
 7 Van Buren's Message of Dec.. 1838. 
 
 * For an account of affairs on the coast of South America, 1817-20, 
 see " Voyages " of R. J. Cleveland, who undertook a voyage under 
 the auspices of John Jacob Astor.
 
 35] Early American Interests on the Pacific Coast. 35 
 
 in the Pacific and the Far East, during the administration 
 of Monroe and J. Q. Adams, and the desire for ports essen- 
 tial to their protection, induced the Jackson administration, 
 in 1835, to see k f r the acquisition of territory north of 
 37 that would include the bay of San Francisco, and to 
 undertake negotiations for purchase, but in vain. In De- 
 cember, 1841, Upshur, Secretary of State under Tyler, 
 knowing that Americans were settling in California, and 
 considering that the increasing commerce of the United 
 States within the Gulf of California, and to San Francisco, 
 together with the weakness of the local authorities, rendered 
 it " proper that occasional countenance and protection 
 should be afforded to American enterprise in that quarter," 
 instructed Commander Thomas ap Catesby Jones to ... 
 " examine bays and harbors in the interest of commerce and 
 science." 
 
 In May, on reaching Callao bay, Jones learned that a 
 strong French squadron had sailed from Valparaiso in 
 March, 1842. He strongly suspected that its purpose was 
 to colonize or occupy California, or the Sandwich Islands, 
 or the Washington Islands' [a part of the Marquesas group]. 
 His anxiety was increased by subsequent rumors and move- 
 ments. On September 5, having learned from the Mexican 
 papers that relations with the United States were strained, 
 and having heard the rumor that Mexico had ceded Cali- 
 fornia to Great Britain for $7,000,000, considered that he 
 would be justified by the Monroe doctrine in seizing Cali- 
 fornia in self-defence, thereby securing a prior claim of 
 conquest before Great Britain could obtain a claim by occu- 
 pation. Sailing to Monterey on October 19, acting on his 
 own authority, he took possession and ran up the United 
 States flag, but on the next day he restored the Mexican 
 standard. 
 
 Though Secretary Webster disavowed the exploit of 
 
 * Discovered by Captain Ingraham in 1791 and occupied by Cap- 
 tain Porter in 1813. Occupied by the French in 1842.
 
 3(i American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [36 
 
 Jones, the United States Government continued to contem- 
 plate the acquisition of the port of San Francisco by peace- 
 able cession, and finally occupied it in the interests of civi- 
 lization and future security, opening opportunities for 
 American protective influence in Mexico, and giving a stim- 
 ulus to communication with the Orient and Panama by lines 
 of ocean steamers.
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 EARLY RELATIONS OF WHALERS AND 
 TRADERS WITH THE NATIVES. 
 
 The islands of the Pacific have often been the scenes of 
 thrilling disaster, romantic adventure, unbridled license, 
 conflict, mutiny, treachery, and bloodshed. Along the track 
 of the early whalers and traders, who carried with them the 
 vices as well as the virtues of a higher civilization, were 
 occasional shipwrecks, horrible massacres, and shocking 
 indecencies. In cases of collision with the natives, the 
 latter were not always the first offenders. Among the dar- 
 ing whaling captains, many of whom were scientific navi- 
 gators, some were unprincipled, severe and indiscreet, and 
 others were sometimes unable to control a crew so far re- 
 moved from the arm of civil law. 1 
 
 The crews were a motley collection of Indians, runaway 
 slaves, renegade tars from the British navy, Irish, Dutch, 
 and Hawaiians, as well as the shrewd natives of Massachu- 
 setts. The majority, like " Long Tom Coffin," were brave, 
 hardy, intelligent sons of toil from New England's scant 
 soil, who, by the offers of a share of the cargo, were induced 
 to leave home and friends for a three-years' voyage, and to 
 become alert and vigilant in their business. Sometimes a 
 youth, who had worn out the forbearance of friends and 
 tutors, left the counting-room or college for the novelty 
 of an adventurous life on the broad ocean, where bones 
 were sometimes broken and lives lost in rough contests with 
 the mammoth spouting inhabitants of the deep. 
 
 'Cheever: Island World of the Pacific. C. S. Stewart: A 
 Visit to the South Seas in the U. S. Vincennes, 1829-30. N. Y., 
 1831. J. N. Reynolds' Address, 1836. 
 
 82146
 
 38 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [38 
 
 Broils and mutinies occurred, but were usually put down. 
 That, in 1823, on board the Globe, owned by a Nantucket 
 firm, is the worst recorded.* 
 
 With Thomas Worth, commander, and twenty others, 
 it left Edgarton December 20, 1822, sailed via Cape Horn 
 and Hawaii to Japan seas, from which it returned to Hawaii 
 with 550 barrels of oil. The crew had complained among 
 themselves as to the irregularity of the meat supply. At 
 Hawaii, six men deserted, and were replaced by five others, 
 after which the vessel cruised toward Fanning's Island. 
 The officers found frequent occasion to reprimand the new 
 members, and caused one to be severely flogged. In Jan- 
 uary, 1824, one Comstock planned a mutiny and murdered 
 the captain and mates. He ordered the third mate to be 
 thrown overboard alive, and had his hands chopped off 
 when he attempted to hold the ship. He then directed the 
 ship via Kingsmill and Marshall's Island to the Mulgrave 
 Islands, where he proposed to form a settlement. Here 
 he joined a gang of natives, and, being suspected of treach- 
 ery, was shot by Payne, one of his fellow-mutineers. Smith 
 and six others, fearing Payne, escaped with the Globe to 
 Valparaiso, where they were arrested by United States Con- 
 sul Michael Hogan and sent to Nantucket. Payne, who, 
 with nine others had been left at the Mulgraves, went into 
 a paroxysm of rage when the absence of the vessel was dis- 
 covered, but soon drowned his trouble by taking a native 
 wife whom he had brought from another island, and his 
 example was followed by others, who seemed to have had 
 no fear of the natives. One morning, Payne, awakening 
 and discovering that his wife was gone, grabbed muskets 
 and started in search, found her, shot at her, flogged her 
 severely, and put her in irons. His severities irritated the 
 natives, who soon began to steal and to resist the restoration 
 of articles. Probably because they were jealous of the 
 
 * Wm. Lay and C. M. Hussey: Narrative of a Mutiny on Board 
 the Globe, New London, 1828.
 
 39] Early Relations of Whalers and Traders. 39 
 
 chastity of their wives, the natives finally murdered all the 
 whites except two, Lay and Hussey, who were saved only 
 by the interposition of the natives, and were rescued in 
 December, 1825, by Lieutenant Hiram Paulding, of the 
 United States naval vessel Dolphin, which had made search 
 by order of Secretary of the Navy. 8 
 
 At Onavoora, in the Hawaiian group, which was a ren- 
 dezvous for whale ships,* especially from January to April, 
 many seamen, freed from a long confinement on board their 
 vessels, often became so insubordinate and licentious that 
 the captains were unable to restrict their propensities. In 
 some cases they threatened a riot unless the chiefs and mis- 
 sionaries should acquiesce in their demand for the repeal of 
 the restrictions that deprived them of the society of females. 5 
 Even some of the crew of the United States ship Dolphin, 
 in 1826, joined in opposition to missionaries. Deserters 
 were often secreted by the natives, and, in many cases, only 
 to obtain the large rewards which captains offered for their 
 return. 
 
 The Secretary of the Navy, seeing the extensive interests 
 of the United States in every part of the Pacific, and having 
 knowledge of the difficulties which not infrequently oc- 
 curred in the neighborhood of many of the islands, con- 
 sidered the occasional presence of a public force very im- 
 portant. During the South American revolt, the duties of 
 the small squadron on the west coast of Chile and Peru, 
 where American commerce was in danger from Spanish ves- 
 
 8 Paulding: Cruise of the Dolphin. 
 
 4 Honolulu became a depot for fresh supplies, repairs, and the 
 temporary storage of whale oil. As early as 1823, sometimes forty 
 whaling vessels could be seen there on the same day. The im- 
 portance of the islands was recognized by the United States Gov- 
 ernment on September 19, 1820, when Secretary Monroe appointed 
 John C. Jones as " Agent for Commerce and Seamen." 
 
 5 In 1825 the chiefs of Hawaii issued a proclamation against 
 women visiting vessels for immoral purposes, and crews tried to 
 get missionaries to have it revoked. Lieutenant Percival arrived 
 on the Dolphin protested against the decree and by threats in- 
 duced the chiefs to rescind it.
 
 40 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [40 
 
 sels, had prevented it from visiting the Society and Sand- 
 wich Islands, etc. In 1825-6, the unsettled condition of the 
 South American governments and the possibility that many 
 from the former navy of Peru and Chile would resort to 
 piracy, still exposed our commerce to dangers which 
 seemed to require a '' competent naval force " on the coast 
 from Cape Horn to California." The need of a passage 
 through the Isthmus of Panama was felt, 7 and in 1826, Cap- 
 tain Thomas ap Catesby Jones was ordered to go to the 
 Hawaiian Islands to protect commerce, to relieve the islands 
 of American seamen who had improperly deserted from 
 whalers, to arrange to prevent desertions in the future, and 
 to secure debts due American citizens. He induced the 
 sailors there to join ships in need of their services, and pro- 
 ceeded to negotiate 8 a treaty with the king (December 23, 
 1826) by which the latter agreed to permit trade, to aid 
 wrecked vessels, to assist in preventing desertions, and, in 
 time of war, to protect United States ships and citizens, in 
 the Hawaiian Islands, against all our enemies. 8 He found 
 that the British consul and influential foreigners and ship- 
 masters were against the missionaries. 1 " 
 
 American commerce in the Pacific was at this time aug- 
 menting very rapidly. In 1826 there were 2000 seamen at 
 Honolulu alone, and, for their protection, the Secretary of 
 the Navy, in December, 1827, recommended that six ves- 
 sels be kept in commission in the Pacific. 11 By 1828 there 
 was no longer any fear of our commerce being molested by 
 Spanish ships, and the Navy Department hoped that our 
 armed vessels might frequently visit the Society, Sandwich 
 and other islands most frequented by our merchant ships. 
 
 6 Rp. Secy, of Navy, Dec., 1826. 
 
 7 H. Res., Dec., 1825. Naval Com. Rp., Jan., 1826. 
 
 8 Ruschenberger: Voyage Around the World, 1836-37, chap- 
 ter iv. 
 
 9 Though this treaty, or convention was never ratified by the 
 United States it continued to be a tacit understanding. 
 
 10 Rev. J. M. Alexander: Islands of the Pacific, chap. vii. 
 
 11 Rp. Secy, of Navy, Dec. I, 1827.
 
 41] Early Relations of Whalers and Traders. 41 
 
 In 1829 it was estimated that in one year Hawaii was vis- 
 ited by 100 American vessels with cargoes valued at $5,000,- 
 ooo. American merchants were seeking to increase trade 
 with the Orient, and to secure a greater protection from the 
 American Government. 
 
 In 1829 Captain Finch, with the United States ship Vin- 
 ccnncs, was sent by the American Government to endeavor 
 to improve our relations in the Pacific. 12 He visited 
 Nukuhiva [of the Washington Islands], and, through Wil- 
 liam Morrison, as an interpreter, who was collecting san- 
 dalwood there, endeavored to persuade the chiefs to stop 
 the civil wars which arose from tribal jealousies, and often 
 from some mere petty theft, insult or misunderstanding. 
 He explained that our purpose was good-will and peace, 
 and that our vessels fought only those who ill-treated our 
 defenceless trading vessels. 13 
 
 Passing on to Tahiti, where natives were less rude and 
 naked than the Nukuhivans, he saw several white persons, 
 attended a mission church, and found that since 1821 the 
 island had been governed by a code of laws (and penalties) 
 including trial by jury. Finding the seventeen-year-old 
 Queen Pamare I. at work (September i, 1829), he alluded 
 to the recent conduct of herself and the regent toward some 
 deserters from an American whaler, and, after the diplo- 
 matic attempt of the regent to screen herself and the queen, 
 he pleasantly dismissed the subject in a manner calculated 
 to prevent a recurrence of such conduct. Several secondary 
 chiefs made short speeches expressing pleasure as to the 
 purpose and the manner of the visit, and the queen sent a 
 letter to President Jackson, saying: " Continue to sail 
 your vessels without suspicion. Our harbors are good and 
 our refreshments abundant." 
 
 12 C. S. Stewart: A Visit to the South Seas. 
 
 13 In his reports, Finch said that for the convenience of the 
 United States the situation of Nukuhiva was more convenient than 
 Oahu or the Society Islands unless a canal should be cut through 
 the Isthmus.
 
 42 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [42 
 
 Conditions at Hawaii caused the missionaries to welcome 
 the arrival of the Vincennes and Captain Finch, as well as 
 Chaplain C. S. Stewart, who had been a missionary there in 
 1822-5. Unfortunately, the merchants and the missionaries 
 were at loggerheads, the missionaries saying that Ameri- 
 cans, and other foreigners, had been guilty of bad conduct 
 on the islands, and had opposed all efforts of the religious 
 teachers, and that on the slightest pretext the foreign 
 officials threatened vengeance upon the " timid and peace- 
 loving rulers," who had accepted the decalogue as their 
 only code of laws. On the other hand, the foreign resi- 
 dents (merchants) complained that the government was 
 controlled by the missionaries, and was unsatisfactory. 
 Finch saw at Oahu many indications of irregularities in 
 commerce, severity to crews, and bad effects of desertions. 
 Consul Jones, speaking (October 30, 1829) of the growing 
 importance of the Sandwich Islands to the increasing 
 American trades, said there should be semi-annual visits 
 of United States war vessels to reduce desertions and muti- 
 nies, and to punish the guilty. 
 
 At a reception given by King Kanikeaouli, Captain 
 Finch presented him with maps and books, and read him 
 a friendly message from the President," assuring him that 
 the United States desired to preserve his sovereign rights, 
 and sent war vessels for protection only where native gov- 
 ernments failed to protect. Capt. Finch advised him to pre- 
 vent the secretion of deserters, to liquidate his debts, to 
 cease competing with private individuals in the tavern 
 business, to spend his time usefully, to learn English, and 
 to hold semi-annual meetings of his chiefs to revise state 
 affairs. He stated that United States citizens violating the 
 laws should be censured. 
 
 American merchants and traders, residing at Oahu, pro- 
 tested against communication with the king by the Secre- 
 tary of the Navy instead of through the regular channels 
 
 "Laura Fish Judd: Honolulu, etc., N. Y., 1880.
 
 43] Early Relations of Whalers and Traders. 43 
 
 of the State Department. They denied that American citi- 
 zens had been guilty of bad conduct on the island, declared 
 that the United States would have no cognizance of offences 
 committed beyond the limits of its jurisdiction, and insinu- 
 ated that the Vincennes had done nothing but aid in sad- 
 dling a religion on the " ignorant and unsuspecting 
 islanders." 
 
 The king wrote to President Jackson (November 23, 1829) 
 thanking him for the maps and globes and hoping for per- 
 fect agreement. The chiefs, in a conference with Finch, 
 acknowledged that they owed American merchants $50,000 
 and pledged themselves to pay it in nine months." 
 
 During the next few years there were still other sources 
 of dispute at Hawaii. The king, who had charged no tax 
 or rent to foreigners, feared that by leasing land he would 
 run the risk of losing control over the islands, and claimed 
 the right to prevent American citizens from selling or other- 
 wise transferring their houses, stating that they reverted 
 to him when they passed from the original owner. In 
 1836 Commodore E. P. Kennedy, of the United States ship 
 Peacock, opened negotiations with the king as to subjects of 
 dispute, but no agreement was reached. 16 
 
 Captain Benjamin Morrell, of the Antarctic, who sailed 
 from New York September, 1829, leaving his wife at 
 Manila (with the wife of an English merchant), in April, 
 1830, started on a trip to the Fijis, and has left us an inter- 
 esting narrative of his relations with the natives of Williams 
 (c. 5 N., 153 E.), Monteverdeson's, Massacre and Bergh's 
 Islands, and of islands discovered by him north and east of 
 New Guinea. At Williams Island, while the girls were bring- 
 ing him wreaths of wild flowers and receiving beads, other 
 natives were lurking in the bushes ready for a treacherous 
 attack. At the Monteverdeson's Islands, the natives 
 
 "Stewart: Visit to South Seas, vol. ii, p. 212. 
 18 Ruschenberger : Voyage Around the World, 1836-37, pp. 498- 
 502.
 
 44 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [44 
 
 brought cocoanuts and bread fruit, and those who wore 
 clothes (the married) stripped it all off to trade for old knives 
 and beads, but some were preparing to make an attack in 
 canoes, and Morrell said he left to prevent slaughtering 
 them. At the Massacre Islands Morrell made a treaty of 
 amity and commerce with King Nero, but soon after begin- 
 ning to erect a house and plant garden seeds, he saw signs 
 of treachery, thieving and dissimulation, and later, sixteen 
 of his men were killed while making a desperate defence. 
 The natives suffered a heavier loss, and Morrell, after going 
 to Manila for more men, returned in September to admin- 
 ister a wholesale chastisement. With " eloquent cannon," 
 he repulsed a flotilla of the natives, and then, after quieting 
 those of the excited crew who wanted to depopulate the 
 island, he purchased with cutlery a small island (Wallace's) 
 and landed seventy men to cure beche-de-mer. On Sep- 
 tember 1 8, he repulsed several hundred yelling natives that 
 invaded the island, but being still harassed from time to 
 time, he did not wait to complete his cargo, but burned his 
 houses and bade adieu to the crowds of inhospitable 
 islanders who had eaten the whites they had killed, and had 
 apparently never suffered any bad effects. After visiting 
 other islands north and east of New Guinea, where he ob- 
 tained two natives, Morrell returned to New York via 
 Manila, Singapore and the Cape of Good Hope, and in 
 1832 published an account of his voyages, claimed that he 
 had discovered a group of islands where a great opportunity 
 was waiting for the advance of enterprise, and encouraged 
 the fitting out of a good vessel with a crew of young men." 
 
 In March, 1834, T. J. Jacobs, aged 16, and just out of 
 college, joined a small trading expedition to the Pacific in 
 the clipper Margaret Oakley, of which Morrell was captain. 
 The expedition proved to be principally one of adventure, 
 exploration and romance in the region of Papua (New 
 
 17 Capt. Benj. Morrell: Narrative of Four Voyages, 1821-31, 
 N. Y., 1832.
 
 45] Early Relations of Whalers and Traders. 45 
 
 Guinea), Bidera (New Britain) and the picturesque Admir- 
 alty Islands. Trade was opened with well-armed savages, 
 beads and pictures were given to the girls and young women 
 who came to the vessel in canoes, and interest was taken in 
 watching the natives in their love-making and their daily 
 sea-bath. Some of the crew would have been willing to 
 remain in this rural, romantic land of paradise, whose sim- 
 ple-hearted people sometimes besought them not to go. 
 Jacobs, whom the prince and several women tried to induce 
 to marry and settle on their island, wrote : " I felt strongly 
 tempted to embark forthwith, in company with several ship- 
 mates, for the uninhabited island of Garone, in the Morrell 
 group, and colonize the beautiful bay. At present it was 
 impracticable; but at another time the captain intended to 
 return with a party of young men and women from the 
 United States for that purpose." In 1844 he was still con- 
 templating a trading and colonizing expedition to that 
 quarter, which he considered to be " exceedingly inviting." 
 The Oakley, during her voyage, reached the vicinity of Nor- 
 folk Island, which had been uninhabited when visited by 
 Captain Cook, in 1774, but was now a penal colony for life 
 convicts for those of a worse class than were banished to 
 Sydney (Botany Bay). She then sailed through the Sulu 
 straits and traded at Sulu harbor, passed the mouth of 
 Manila bay and exchanged cargo below Canton. Morrell. 
 stating that the romance of the voyage was ended, dismissed 
 many of the crew and started to return to New York, but 
 probably engaged in some enterprise in the South Seas. 1 * 
 
 Many Americans suffered shipwreck, privation and death 
 in the Fijis. About 1827, the Oeno of Nantucket, was ship- 
 wrecked there, and most of the crew were massacred. In 
 1830 an English vessel brought news that a young lad, 
 whose widowed mother lived at Nantucket, was still alive 
 on one of the islands. Captain Coffin and part of the crew 
 
 18 T. J. Jacobs: Scenes, Incidents and Adventures in the Pa- 
 cific Ocean. N. Y., 1844.
 
 46 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [46 
 
 of the Awaskonks were murdered on the islands a short 
 time later, and the brig Fawn, of Salem, Massachusetts, was 
 lost there in 1830. In the same year the Glide, owned by 
 Joseph Peabody, of Salem, struck a rock and sprung a leak, 
 and after going to Manila for repairs, returned to trade 
 and soon found it necessary to retaliate on natives by driv- 
 ing them to the mountains and destroying some of their 
 canoes. 18 The king seemed friendly, and rebuilt drying 
 houses destroyed by his hostile natives, but after his retire- 
 ment to his town, thirty miles in the interior, the Glide 
 found it convenient to leave, and was wrecked near by in a 
 storm. A chief claimed the wreck, and the natives were 
 soon laden with plunder. The officers and crew seemed to 
 enjoy the life on the island, amidst bounteous fruit, festival 
 and entertainment. They (16) were finally carried by the 
 Harriet (which arrived from New York May 22, 1831) to 
 Wallis Island, which they said had a beautiful climate, plen- 
 tiful fruits and hospitable natives. Arriving soon after at 
 Oahu, where American missions had been established since 
 1820, some of them, reflecting that missions accomplished 
 more good than warriors " armed to the teeth," stated that 
 the Fijians could be improved like the Hawaiians and 
 Samoans. 20 
 
 In many instances unfortunate seamen were held as cap- 
 tives by the islanders. In 1833, A. S. Joy, of Nantucket, 
 learned thar there were white prisoners on the Tonga and 
 also on the Navigators' Islands. On July 30, 1830, twenty- 
 two young men, excited with the hope of seeing distant 
 regions and bettering their fortunes from the treasures 
 of the deep, left New Bedford in the Monitor, under com- 
 
 ** When the Glide (in November, 1830) stopped at Overlau, of the 
 Fijis, David Whelpy, who had been an American chieftain there 
 since deserting a whale ship from Nantucket several years before, 
 was on friendly terms with the King of Bau, and seemed to have 
 great influence over the natives. 
 
 20 W. G. Dix and James Oliver: Wreck of the Glide, with Recol- 
 lections of Fiji and Wallis Island. N. Y., 1848.
 
 47] Early Relations of Whalers and Traders. 47 
 
 mand of Captain E. C. Barnard. They rounded the Cape 
 of Good Hope and started for one of the Ladrones, but 
 after much bad weather, their vessel struck on a coral reef 
 off Pelew Islands, nearly 1000 miles east of the Philippines, 
 and was lost. The survivors were detained by the natives, 
 and through the influence of an Englishman, who had de- 
 serted his vessel twenty years before, and was now a kind of 
 chief, they lived a life of ease and plenty for six months; 
 but tiring of the place, they escaped to North's Island, 
 where they were attacked. Captain Barnard and one other 
 returned to New York to tell the story of their adventure. 
 
 The news of the capture and plunder of the Friendship, 
 of Salem, Massachusetts, at Quallah Battoo on the coast 
 of Sumatra (where she was engaged in the pepper trade) 
 on February 9, 1831, induced the United States Govern- 
 ment to take prompt action for securing better protection 
 for American sailors and commerce along the coasts and on 
 the islands of the Far East. n The United States frigate 
 Potomac was immediately sent to investigate, and being 
 able to obtain no satisfactory negotiations, proceeded to 
 retaliate by attacking the town. The American troops 
 silently disembarked after midnight, firing soon began, and 
 notwithstanding the hard fighting of the whooping natives, 
 in which even women participated, the Malays were defeated 
 and the American colors in a few hours waved over their 
 forts. 22 Captain Downs, in making peace, informed the na- 
 tives that if they perpetrated any more outrages they would 
 be punished again. J. N. Reynolds, who went with the 
 expedition, urged that a few instances of prompt retaliation 
 would have a good effect by impressing nations with our 
 power. Sailing home via Oahu, he learned from a letter of 
 Consul J. C. Jones to Captain Downs, that persons from 
 nearly all the whalers caused trouble to the captains by at- 
 
 21 President Jackson's Message, Dec. 6, 1831. 
 
 a Francis Warriner: Cruise of the U. S. Frigate Potomac round 
 the World, 1831-34, N. Y., 1835. J. N. Reynolds: Voyage of the 
 Potomac, 1831-34, N. Y., 1835.
 
 48 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [48 
 
 tempts at mutiny or desertion, and afterwards became out- 
 laws on shore. He believed that some of the causes of 
 abuse in the whale fleets could be reached only by the strong 
 arm of the United States Government, and advocated that, 
 besides regular visits of war vessels, the number of consuls 
 should be increased and that they should receive regular 
 salaries. 28 
 
 Observing our increasing interests at Valparaiso and 
 northward, and looking westward to the new and extensive 
 island world, Reynolds said the vast Pacific was, by force of 
 events, becoming an ocean in which the Americans were 
 immediately interested, and would probably be the theatre 
 of our future sea fights. He urged the necessity of a gov- 
 ernment exploring expedition to the South Seas, greater 
 protection to trade, and the establishment of safe harbors. 
 
 Soon after the dispatch of the Potomac to Sumatra, the 
 Jackson administration, in view of the fact that the United 
 States had no colonial establishments, felt the necessity of 
 securing ports in the vicinity of Borneo, Siam and Japan, at 
 which American vessels might always be received and pro- 
 tected, and sent Edmund Roberts with instructions (1832) 
 to negotiate for treaties for the safety of seamen and com- 
 merce. 2 * Soon the project for a United States exploring 
 expedition to the Pacific, proposed long before, was re- 
 vived, and the Government was finally induced to under- 
 take it. 
 
 23 The Potomac, stopping at the Galapagos group, carried the news 
 to J. Vilomil, a native of Louisiana, that he had been appointed 
 consul at Guayaquil but he could not be induced to accept it. 
 See page 60. 
 
 24 1 Sp. M., 52.
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE UNITED STATES EXPLORING EXPEDI- 
 TION, 1 1839-43. 
 
 During the first half century of her existence, though 
 her vessels sailed around the globe, and European powers 
 were planting colonies and making explorations on far-off 
 shores, the United States did not adopt any systematic 
 effort to obtain geographical knowledge in the Pacific 
 where American enterprise and commerce had been extend- 
 ing so rapidly. It was a period of internal development; 
 but the importance of pointing out harbors and paths for 
 seamen in the Pacific was gradually learned from the school 
 of experience. 
 
 From the earliest times the desire to secure a lucrative 
 trade was not the only motive which induced men to sail 
 on long journeys to the distant seas. Some sought ad- 
 venture and romance, and others were urged by the desire 
 to discover new fields of activity. In the spring of 1812, 
 President Madison took steps to aid an expedition under 
 Captain Edward Fanning to make explorations in the South 
 Seas and voyage around the world, but the enterprise was 
 abandoned on account of the opening of the war with Eng- 
 land. 2 In September, 1817, the Sea Fox sailed from New 
 York to the New South Shetlands and Palmer's Land. 1 
 
 'Charles Wilkes: The U. S. Exploring Expedition. 5 vols. 
 Phila., 1845. [Subsequently, eleven additional volumes were pub- 
 lished.] 
 
 2 H. Doc. 57, 26-1, vol. ii. 
 
 3 Captain Briscoe, of London, in 1832, observed an island 67 15' 
 south latitude, 69 29' west longitude, which he took possession 
 of in the name of William IV. and called Adelaide Island, in 
 honor of the English queen. Commenting on this act, Captain 
 
 4
 
 50 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [oO 
 
 In 1822 Captain Benjamin Morrell sailed to the Antarctic 
 seas in the Wasp. Reaching 70 14', he resolved to make 
 an appeal to the United States Government for countenance 
 and assistance to enable him to go farther. " To the only 
 free nation on the earth," said he, " should belong the 
 glory of exploring a spot of the globe which is the ne plus 
 ultra of latitude." 1 Fanning was confident that vessels 
 could reach the South Pole, and in 1829-30 he was in charge 
 of the brigs Seraph and Annawan on an " infant expedition " 
 to the South Seas. 6 
 
 In 1826, John N. Reynolds, a native of Ohio, and a con- 
 gressman (who went with the Annawan expedition as far 
 as the west coast of South America), had proposed the pro- 
 ject of a Pacific and Polar expedition under the auspices 
 of the Government. 6 His idea was seconded by citizens of 
 Nantucket and other New England seaports, and by the 
 legislatures of seven States. The Maryland House of Dele- 
 gates, mentioning the enterprise of other nations in ac- 
 quiring geographical knowledge, extending their influ- 
 ence, and opening new channels of commerce, asserted 
 that the United States, after its success in the stu- 
 
 Morrell said: " But these lands were visited fifteen years ago by 
 our sealers and taken possession of in the name of our sovereign, 
 the peopie; and when a true record shall be made . . . the name 
 of Adelaide Island must be changed .... We have a long run- 
 ning, unsettled account in this matter of giving names to places, 
 with some of our neighbors, which we may as well begin to have 
 posted up, for the purpose of preventing future disputes. . . . Our 
 hardy seamen feel able even to cast anchor on that point where all 
 the meridians terminate, where our flag may be unfurled and left 
 to wave." [J. N. Reynolds' Address, 1836.] 
 
 4 Capt. Benj. Morrell: A Narrative of Four Voyages to the 
 South Sea, etc., 1822-31, N. Y., 1832. 
 
 5 Edward Fanning: Voyages Around the World, etc., 1792-1832. 
 8 During the summer of 1828 Reynolds had obtained data from 
 
 whaling captains of New London, Newport, Nantucket, etc., and 
 from their log-books, showing that 200 American vessels were en- 
 gaged in whaling and seal fisheries, capturing about 8000 whales 
 each year, and that our enterprising seamen had often discovered 
 rocks, reefs, and islands, and in many cases had given valuable in- 
 formation to European chart makers.
 
 51] The U. S. Exploring Expedition. 51 
 
 pendous experiment of self-government in politics, with its 
 increasing population and commercial relations and interest 
 coextensive with the civilized world, could afford to enter 
 into the " interesting and extensive field for enterprise in 
 the Southern hemisphere," and offered a resolution that 
 " a polar expedition could scarcely fail in adding something 
 to the general stock of national wealth and knowledge, 
 and to the honor and glory of the United States." ' Other 
 petitions or memorials urged that the American industry in 
 the Pacific having increased the wealth of our country, and 
 furnished a nursery for bold and hardy seamen, as well as 
 a source of employment and human comforts, had made in- 
 tercourse with the Pacific a matter of public interest and 
 should be encouraged by the survey of islands and coasts." 
 
 In January and February, 1828, the subject was brought 
 before Congress by executive documents, and on May 21 
 a resolution of the House requested the President to send 
 one or more small vessels to the Pacific and South Seas 
 to examine coasts, islands and reefs, and ascertain their 
 location. The Secretary of the Navy selected the Peacock, 
 and in November, 1828, suggested the purchase of another 
 vessel and the selection of instruments and scientific men. 
 
 In February, 1829, the House still urged the expedition, 
 and the Secretary of the Navy, in a document sent to that 
 body, stated that the object was to examine islands and 
 coasts. " both known and unknown," as far south as cir- 
 cumstances, safety and prudence would permit explora- 
 tions, and that an additional appropriation would be 
 needed.' 
 
 The Senate, to which the House resolution had never 
 been submitted, feeling that the expedition would be ex- 
 pensive and was related to the foreign policy, favored delay 
 and investigation, and hoped that the Secretary of the Navy 
 
 7 H. Exec. Doc. 88, 20-1, vol. iii, Jan. 22, 1828. 
 
 8 H. Exec. Docs. 179 and 201, 20-1, vol. v, Feb. and March. 1828. 
 ' Sen. Exec. Doc. 77, 20-2, Feb. 16, 1829.
 
 52 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [52 
 
 would never again feel justified to act upon the resolution 
 of the House alone. The Senate committee, considering the 
 wide unsettled and unexplored regions at home, saw noth- 
 ing in the condition of the United States to recommend 
 distant voyages of exploration, and feared that the discov- 
 ery of countless islands or new continents might result in 
 the evils of adventure, visionary hopes and large emigra- 
 tion, tending to urge us " to plant the American standard 
 on soil discovered by American enterprise," and, perhaps, 
 to establish distant and expensive colonies, " which could 
 only be defended at an expense not to be estimated, and 
 which could not be taken under the protection of the 
 United States without an abandonment of the fundamental 
 principles of our policy, and a departure from those wise 
 and prudent maxims which have hitherto restrained us from 
 forming unnecessary connexions abroad." 
 
 The majority of the committee thought that before ven- 
 turing upon a premature expedition to distant seas, where 
 even to survey the 200 known islands would be a large 
 undertaking, the Government should make accurate sur- 
 veys of our coasts. Though they held that the opening of 
 new sources to commerce, as well as agriculture, might 
 safely be left to the enterprise and instinctive sagacity of 
 individuals, they favored a small expedition to make surveys 
 in the track of our vessels in the Pacific. 10 
 
 After sailing to the Pacific and circumnavigating the 
 globe, Reynolds returned to the United States in 1834, and 
 prepared to renew his project in Congress. Collecting in- 
 formation which he had received from the whalers," he 
 proposed exploration on both sides of the equator from 
 South America to Asia, and southward beyond previous dis- 
 coveries. (Captain Cook had been stopped by ice at 68 
 south latitude, but Captain Palmer and other Americans had 
 
 "Sen. Rp. 94, 20-2, Feb. 23, 1829. Mrs. A. E. Carrell, on the 
 " First American Exploring Expedition," in Harper's Mag., vol. 
 xliv, Dec., 1871. 
 
 11 Exec. Doc. 105, 23-2, Jan. 24, 1835.
 
 53] The U. S. Exploring Expedition. 53 
 
 gone beyond that in search of furs and seals.) J. Q. Adams 
 led the House in favor of the expedition, and an act of Con- 
 gress, May 14, 1835, authorized it. Many thought the 
 expedition should be scientific, and that it might throw 
 some light on the source of the American aborigines. Some 
 opposed the enterprise on the ground that it was an eastern 
 measure, and a visionary one. 12 Hawes, of Kentucky (May 
 5, 1836) compared it to the establishment of light-houses in 
 the skies, and said, if it passed, he expected a proposition 
 for a voyage to the moon next. Others urged that it was 
 for the general interest. Though Jackson favored the ex- 
 pedition, his Secretary of the Navy, Dickerson, did not, 
 and during the three years of preparation Russia sent out 
 three expeditions. 
 
 Reynolds continued to urge that the United States should 
 increase our knowledge of the Pacific u in order to render 
 less hazardous the voyages of our hardy sailors upon the 
 rock-chafed billows of seas only partially explored, and in 
 unfrequented bays of barbarous natives. Of the coast of 
 Sumatra, where many of our vessels sailed and where we 
 had recently sent the Potomac to punish the natives who had 
 captured the American Friendship, we had no charts; nor 
 had we any of the Fijis, where several of our ships had been 
 lost and men slaughtered. In the vicinity of the Society, 
 New Caledonia and Solomon's Islands, where we had over 
 200 whale ships, there was much danger of shipwreck. The 
 stories of lost mariners were not fictions. Almost every 
 arrival from the Pacific " brought some news of shipwreck, 
 mutiny or massacre. Even at the Friendly Islands cap- 
 tains had been seized in order to exact ransoms, and the 
 presence of a man-of-war seemed to be necessary to pro- 
 tect seamen who had never received any bounties, but who, 
 as children of the sea, might be called to bear a double share 
 
 1= Cong. Globe, May 9, 1836. 
 13 J. N. Reynolds' Address, Apr. 3, 1836. 
 
 11 In 1837 it was estimated that the United States had 460 vessels 
 in the Pacific. This was one-tenth of all our tonnage.
 
 54 < lincricun Delations in the Pacific and Far East. [54 
 
 of usefulness in some great ocean conflict of the future. The 
 United States squadron on the Pacific coasts at this time 
 consisted only of one frigate, two sloops and a schooner. 
 Reynolds considered that a judicious exhibition of a 
 stronger force, together with a humane policy, was neces- 
 sary to gain the confidence of the natives. 1 " 
 
 Those who urged the expedition proposed that it should 
 have the following purposes: 16 
 
 1. To note accurately the position of islands and harbors 
 and rocks along the paths of United States whalers and 
 traders. 
 
 2. To release from the islands unhappy captives left there 
 by wrecks. 
 
 3. To suppress misconduct on American vessels, prevent 
 mutiny and desertions, and endeavor to end cruelty. HCCMI- 
 tiousness and extortion in the islands. 
 
 4. Look for land in the South polar seas. 
 
 5. Collect specimens and facts to subserve the advance- 
 ment of science in natural history, linguistics, etc. 
 
 Leaders in Navy Department circles held that it would 
 encroach upon the rights of naval officers for a corps of 
 scientific citizens to accompany the expedition. Many ob- 
 stacles were presented to defeat the object of the enterprise. 
 The people were told that it would be expensive, confer 
 no benefit upon commerce, and that it aimed at nothing 
 but to explore Antarctic icebergs. The Navy Department 
 decided Reynolds should not accompany the expedition, 
 and taking advantage of the crisis of 1837. convoked a 
 
 15 On June n, 1836, Benjamin Rodman, of New Bedford, in a 
 letter to J. N. Reynolds, referring to the advantages which the ex- 
 pedition would have upon our marine colonies, said: " Why 
 should we have governors, judges, and all the paraphernalia of 
 courts in territories where there is a bare possibility that an Indian 
 may be murdered, or become a murderer, steal a horse or have 
 his horse stolen; and not have a superintending influence abroad, 
 where our ships are daily traversing from island to island .... 
 that the savage may be awed into respect, and the mutineer's hand 
 bound in submission?" 10 N. Am. Rev., Oct., 1837.
 
 55] The U. S. Exploring Expedition. 55 
 
 new commission to cut down the force. Jones, who was 
 to have commanded the expedition, resigned; Shubrick de- 
 clined to take his place; Kearney was prevented from ac- 
 cepting the command; Captain Gregory, being a friend of 
 Reynolds, declined, and Wilkes, who had been in Europe 
 making purchases of instruments, was appointed over the 
 heads of his fellow-officers. 
 
 The expedition was finally organized in i838. 17 Its pur- 
 pose was purely " scientific and useful," though several 
 scientific men were not permitted to sail with it. 18 It was 
 divested of all military character, the armament being 
 adopted merely for necessary defence against natives, while 
 engaged in surveys, and not adopted with views of conquest 
 or war. There were six vessels in the squadron: 1 ' 
 
 The Vincennes, sloop-of-war 780 tons 
 
 Peacock, sloop-of-war 650 " 
 
 Porpoise, gun-brig 230 " 
 
 Relief, slow-going store ship. 
 
 " Sea Gull, New York pilot-boat, .no " ) 
 
 > tenders 
 Flying Fish, New York pilot-boat. 96 [ 
 
 Wilkes was directed by his instructions to determine the 
 longitude of Rio Janeiro, examine the resources of Rio 
 Negro, make researches at Terra del Fuego, explore the 
 South Antarctic between Powell's group and Palmer's Land, 
 sail to Cook's ne plus ultra in 105 west longitude, return to 
 Valparaiso for supplies, visit the Society Islands, verify the 
 position of certain shoals in the Navigators' group, examine 
 the Fijis with a view to the selection of a harbor for whaling 
 vessels, go to Sydney and from there make a second 
 attempt to penetrate within the Antarctic circle south of Van 
 Dieman's Land, and after returning to the Sandwich Islands 
 for more stores, to explore along the Columbia river and 
 
 17 Exec. Doc. 147, 25-2, vol. vii, Feb. 5, 1838. 630 pp. with good 
 alphabetical index. 
 
 18 For the sake of harmony, Reynolds was not allowed to go. 
 
 19 Exec. Doc. 255, 25-2, vol. viii, Mar. 16, 1838.
 
 56 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [56 
 
 California, then direct his course to Japan, endeavor to find 
 a safe route through the Sulu sea which would shorten the 
 route of our vessels to China during the season of contrary 
 monsoons (and facilitate our navigation with the Philip- 
 pines) and return to the United States via the Straits of 
 Billiton, Singapore, and the Cape of Good Hope. 2 " 
 
 Before reaching the Pacific Wilkes stopped at Madeira, 
 made a brief stay at St. lago, of the Cape Verde group, 
 and remained at Rio six weeks for repairs and to re- 
 place inferior supplies. The passage around Cape Horn 
 was dangerous and the Sea Gull was lost. On April 14 the 
 Relief reached Valparaiso. In May the Vincennes and Pea- 
 cock arrived. The squadron next stopped in Callao, the 
 harbor of Lima. The Relief then went to the Sandwich 
 Islands and to Sydney carrying supplies. Wilkes, with 
 other vessels, went to the Poumotu group (Low Archi- 
 pelago or Tuomata). A month later he reached Minerva 
 Island (Clermont Tonnerre) of the same group and began 
 the study of corals. The few natives seen gave no welcome, 
 and apparently did not want to be discovered. " Go to 
 your lands," said they, " this belongs to us and we do not 
 want to have anything to do with you." 
 
 Tahiti, where Cook observed the transit of Venus in 1769, 
 was the next rendezvous. American, British and French 
 consuls lived there (also missionaries), and whaling vessels 
 often came for supplies. The natives brought a profusion 
 of pigs, cocoanuts and bananas. Owing to the clamorous 
 press of natives, only great chiefs were permitted to come 
 aboard. 21 The latter came to solicit laundry work. While 
 surveys were being made the scientists studied the geo- 
 logical formations of the island. Wilkes found it necessary 
 to protest against illicit trade and excessive use of in- 
 toxicants. 
 
 20 Synopsis of the Wilkes Expedition, Washington, 1842. 
 * Women were not allowed to come on the ship at night, as they 
 had evidently been accustomed to do with other vessels.
 
 57] The U. S. Exploring Expedition. 57 
 
 After a visit to Eimeo, Wilkes sailed to the Samoan 
 Islands and surveyed and mapped them as he had Tahiti. 
 At Oloosinga he dined with the king, and not understanding 
 Samoan etiquette, came near creating a disturbance by 
 showing the same courtesy to a kanaka (common) as he did 
 to the king. He surveyed Pango Pango harbor, of Tutuila, 
 and the Bay of Apia, of Upolu. The council of chiefs of the 
 Malo party, in the presence of the naval officers and mis- 
 sionaries (November 5, 1839), agreed to rules and regula- 
 tions for protection of foreign consuls, vessels and seamen, 
 the apprehension of deserters, prohibition of all trade in 
 spirituous liquors, and all work on Sunday, except when 
 absolutely necessary, and regulating landing anchorage and 
 pilotage. For a dangerous renegade that the United States 
 desired, a large reward was offered. 
 
 From Apia, Wilkes sailed to Sydney via Fijis, and after 
 examining into social problems and penal colonies, pre- 
 pared to explore in the polar ice-fields. Leaving the scien- 
 tific corps, he started on a voyage of two and one-half 
 months, and on January 16, 1840, discovered land within 
 the Antarctic circle. 22 After completing repairs at Sydney, 
 he went to New Zealand and witnessed native war dances, 
 but was not interested in what he saw there. On reaching 
 the Tonga (Friendly) group he found the natives quarrelling 
 and trying to annex neighbors' territory, and he attempted 
 to reconcile the parties. 
 
 At the Fijis, where he lost two officers through the 
 treacherous character of the cannibalistic natives, he ob- 
 tained (June 10, 1840) the signatures of eleven kings and 
 chiefs to the agreement concerning rules and regulations 
 previously accepted by Samoan chiefs. 28 
 
 At the Sandwich Islands (October, 1840) he received 
 information from the United States. He was impressed 
 
 ** U. S. Exploring Expedition, vol. ii, chaps, ix and x. 
 23 G. M. Colvocoresses: Four years in a Government Expedi- 
 tion, 1838-42. N. Y., 1852.
 
 58 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [.">8 
 
 with the good influence of the missionaries in the trans- 
 formation of the natives. After a brief rest, the Vincennes 
 and Porpoise were directed toward the coast of Oregon, and 
 the Peacock sailed to the Phoenix group, Samoa, Ellice and 
 Kingsmill groups, and then via Honolulu to the Oregon 
 coast, where it was wrecked." 
 
 Returning to Hawaii in October, 1841, Wilkes sailed to 
 Manila * and made observations in the interior of Luzon. 
 Of the Sulu sea he made surveys and charts, and, at Sohung, 
 obtained a treaty (a promise) from the Sultan, guaranteeing 
 protection to all United States vessels visiting his dominion. 
 Reaching Singapore in February, 1842, he sailed home via 
 Cape of Good Hope, with a cargo of plants and seeds, from 
 the South Seas, which formed the nucleus of the Botanical 
 Gardens at Washington. 
 
 Soon after his return to the United States, Wilkes was 
 arraigned before a court-martial on charges of oppression, 
 injustice to his men, illegal and severe punishment of merci- 
 less savages, falsehood and scandalous conduct, but he was 
 acquitted after an investigation of six weeks." In his own 
 report of the expedition, Wilkes said: " I shall always 
 have the proud and conscientious feeling of having done 
 my duty; and that I have carried the moral influence of our 
 country wherever our flag has waved." 
 
 The Wilkes expedition was followed by exploring expe- 
 ditions to other parts of the world: Lynch to the Dead 
 sea, Fremont to California, and Dr. Kane to the Arctic 
 regions. The second national enterprise by the United 
 States in the Pacific was undertaken in 1853, under the 
 direction of Commander Cadwallader Ringgold, and its 
 purpose was to make explorations and meteorological ob- 
 servations in Behring sea, the Japan sea, the Yellow sea, 
 
 M U. S. Exploring Expedition, vol. v. 
 
 * His report of the expedition gives a summary of the history 
 of Manila. 
 
 26 Navy Dept. Tracts, vol. xiv, No. 25. Wilkes: Antarctic Ex- 
 ploration. [Letter to Washington Union, Aug. 12. 1847.]
 
 59] The U. S. Exploring Expedition. 59 
 
 and the Japan, Kurile, Aleutian and Bonin Islands 37 in the 
 interests of commerce, and for the welfare and protection 
 of the many American citizens who were engaged in the 
 whale fisheries. It consisted of five vessels: the Vincennes, 
 the steamer John Hancock, the brig Porpoise, the tender 
 J. Fenimore Cooper, and the John P. Kennedy. Important 
 surveys in the North Pacific were conducted under the 
 command of John Rodgers 28 The increasing importance 
 of South America, the interesting islands to the westward, 
 and California and Oregon, induced the Secretary of the 
 Navy, in December, 1856, to recommend that the regular 
 Pacific force should be supplemented by a second 
 squadron. 29 
 
 " F. D. Stuart: Journal of a cruise of the U. S. Ship Vincennes. 
 [In MS. at Navy Department.] 
 
 28 Rep. of Secy, of Navy, Dec. 3, 1855. Lieut. A. W. Haber- 
 sham: My Last Cruise. Phila., 1857. 
 
 2 * In 1855, the regular Pacific squadron cruised in the vicinity of 
 Astoria, Hawaii, Fiji, Mexico, and Chile. In December, 1855, the 
 Secretary of the Navy announced that a vessel would soon be sent 
 to correct irregularities of the natives in the Marquesas group.
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 COLONIAL ESTABLISHMENTS. 
 
 THE PORT LLOYD COLONY IN THE BONIN ISLANDS. 
 
 Among the many American pioneers in the Pacific who 
 for over a century, with silent and persevering efforts, have 
 led in a movement of whose magnitude they scarcely 
 dreamed, there were some who long ago had views of estab- 
 lishing settlements or securing advantageous stations on 
 islands in the Far East. 1 Delano, who sailed from Boston 
 
 1 Others were interested in establishments on islands nearer to 
 the American coast of the Pacific. 
 
 In 1813, Captain D. Porter, asserting American rights by dis- 
 covery, conquest and possession, and " influenced by humanity " 
 and the request of the friendly natives, as well as by views of na- 
 tional policy, and the immediate need of security and supplies for 
 his vessels, formally took possession of Madison Island, of the 
 Washington group, and took steps to hold it. 
 
 In 1832, Governor J. Vilomil, a native of Louisiana, established 
 on Charles Island, of the Galapagos group, a colony which he had 
 long projected. In 1811, he thought of applying to Spain for per- 
 mission to make the settlement, but heard that Spain would prob- 
 ably not permit it. When Colombia established its independence 
 he again contemplated his colony, but his friends discouraged him 
 and kept him inactive until 1820 when, influenced by the death of 
 his wife and two children, and tired of society, he petitioned for a 
 charter which, granted in 1831, conceded the possession of the 
 islands and authorized the establishment of a colony. Colonel 
 Hernandez and twelve colonists who, in January, 1832, \vere sent 
 to take possession, were followed in April and June by both men 
 and women, and, in October, by Governor Vilomil and eighty 
 others. They labored with zeal, and soon the productions of the 
 island were enough for several hundred more inhabitants. Gov- 
 ernor Vilomil, who, seated upon his rock, exercised almost abso- 
 lute power, under the severest penalties prohibited the introduc- 
 tion of liquors, and administered severe punishments when they 
 were considered necessary to teach the colonists that their true
 
 61] Colonial Establishments. 61 
 
 as second officer on the Massachusetts, March, 1790, left 
 the vessel at Macao and entered English service under Com- 
 modore McClure, who planned and began a romantic pro- 
 ject of making an establishment on the Pelew Islands. 
 
 In 1834 Captain Morrell visited some small islands of the 
 Admiralty and other groups, which he had intentions of 
 colonizing with a party of young men and women from the 
 United States. 2 
 
 In 1832, five white persons/' with a small party of natives, 
 sailed from the Sandwich Islands to establish a colony on 
 Peel Island, one of the uninhabited, picturesque Bonin 
 group, 500 miles from Japan. Having tried and become 
 tired of various climes, they sighed for a far-off isolated 
 island where they " could love as they loved in the golden 
 time." They had been informed by Charlton, the British 
 consul, that the islands had waters abounding in fish and 
 turtle, woods full of game, shores with safe harbors, and 
 fertile valleys green with verdure and capable of yielding 
 rich returns. On reaching Port Lloyd with their stock 
 and garden seeds, and the British flag, they found that they 
 had been misled, but saw that it was too late to return. The 
 beautiful scenery bays, valleys, ravines, natural tunnels, 
 and wide-spreading trees were attractive, but Mazarra saw 
 nothing to invite permanent settlement, and his party soon 
 found that in this Far West men must work, and that waters 
 reflecting the bright stars on silent nights were frequently 
 tossed by typhoons, earthquakes and irregular winds. 
 
 interests were peace among themselves and justice towards the 
 people of visiting vessels. Though appointed United States consul 
 at Guayaquil, he declined the position, stating that he could be of 
 more service as governor of his colony, and that his enterprise 
 would be valuable to at least one branch of American commerce. 
 J. N. Reynolds visited the island in 1833 and said it might soon 
 become very important to the whaling interests of the United 
 States in the Pacific where a new and extensive world was open- 
 ing to the people of the West. 
 
 - See p. 45. 
 
 3 They were: Matthew Mazarra, a Genoese; A. B. Chapman and 
 Nathaniel Savory, of Massachusetts; Richard Millechamp, of Eng- 
 land; and Charles Johnson, of Denmark.
 
 62 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [62 
 
 The group had been discovered as early as 1675 by the 
 Japanese. In 1823, Captain Coffin, of the American 
 whaler Transit, had visited one of the islands and given his 
 name to it. An English whaler, William, had visited the 
 harbor in 1826 and was lost by neglect. In 1827, Captain 
 Beechey, of the British vessel Blossom, had taken pos- 
 session of Peel Island. The convenient intermediary posi- 
 tion of the group for watching the trade with China, the 
 Philippines and Russia was not fully seen at that day. 
 
 The settlers built snugly thatched, comfortable cabins and 
 prepared to furnish supplies for passing whalers, but their 
 life was by no means peaceful. Dissensions arose. The 
 whaler Cadmus, in 1833, left fifteen refractory seamen, who 
 defiantly committed outrages. In 1836 the settlers agreed 
 to a written code called " The laws of the Bonin Islands," 
 which was posted on the wall of the dwelling of Mr. Chapin, 
 who had a library of fifty or sixty books and was charac- 
 terized as polite and intelligent. This code provided that 
 all disputes should be settled by the opinion of the majority ; 
 that none should sell turtle or aid vessels in getting it; that 
 none should maltreat another's slaves or servants or en- 
 deavor to seduce any woman from her lord; and that none 
 should encourage or aid desertions from ships. Later in 
 the same year, an American vessel on a voyage around the 
 world, stopped at the settlement. Ruschenberger has given 
 us a picture of the people at the time. There were then 
 nineteen women on the island. The morality of the com- 
 munity was of a low grade, and religion was out of the ques- 
 tion. Infanticide and infidelity were common. Both men 
 and women lounged on rough-hewn logs in the shade, 
 abandoning all work and devoting their time to the con- 
 sumption of three barrels of New England rum which had 
 just been received, the first they had had for nearly a year. 4 
 
 After Millechamp returned to England, the task of gov- 
 
 4 Ruschenberger: Voyage Around the World, 1836-37. Chap, 
 xli. Phila.. 1838.
 
 63] Colonial Establishments. 63 
 
 erning the little colony devolved upon Mazarra, who, in 
 1842, returned to the Sandwich Islands in an English whaler 
 to encourage additional settlers and laborers to emigrate. 
 He also obtained from Alexander Simpson, the British con- 
 sul, such recognition as he felt necessary to establish his 
 authority. Though there were then only twenty persons 
 in the small colony, he had found it no easy matter to gov- 
 ern. Simpson drew up a paper requesting that Mazarra 
 should be considered the head of the colony until he should 
 be replaced by some officer appointed directly by Her 
 Majesty. 
 
 The events of the next few years placed Savory at the 
 head of the colony. Millechamp returned to the Pacific, 
 but took up his residence in Guam. Mazarra died, leav- 
 ing a young widow, a pretty native of Guam. Savory mar- 
 ried the widow, began to rear a family, and became the 
 patriarchal magistrate. Cultivating his little farm, he sold 
 to whalers the sweet potatoes which he raised and the rum 
 which he distilled from sugar cane. He made considerable 
 money, which he deposited in the ground; but one day he 
 became too confidential and friendly with visitors from a 
 schooner carrying the American flag, who carried away his 
 money and his journal, taking with them also two women 
 of his household, who afterwards declared, at Honolulu, 
 they had no desire to return. 
 
 In 1853, Perry visited the settlement while on his expe- 
 dition to Japan. 5 He found a population of thirty-one, of 
 whom eight were whites, who had chosen good-natured 
 wives from the Sandwich Islands emigrants. The people 
 seemed happy and contented ; they cultivated sweet potatoes, 
 corn, pumpkins, onions, taro, watermelons, bananas and 
 pineapples; they raised enough sugar and tobacco for their 
 own consumption. Seeing the importance of the islands 
 to commerce, between California and China, he made ex- 
 plorations, distributed seeds, left live stock and various 
 
 s Japan Expedition, vol. i, p. 201.
 
 64 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [(54 
 
 implements of husbandry, and purchased from Savory the 
 title to a piece of land suitably located for the construction 
 of buildings for a naval depot. In a report to the Secretary 
 of the Navy, on June 25, he said if the Department desired 
 he would take possession in the name of the United States. 
 The inhabitants practically disowned the sovereignty of 
 England, hoisting the British flag only as a signal on the 
 arrival of a vessel. They recognized that they were 
 able to take care of themselves and needed no foreign 
 control. 7 
 
 After Perry left, the settlers, following his suggestion 
 and advice, met in convention at Savory's house and estab- 
 lished a form of municipal government for the colony of 
 Peel Island, electing Savory chief magistrate. The magis- 
 trate, acting with the two councilmen, who were also 
 elected by the convention, were to serve for two years, and 
 were given authority to make such rules and regulations 
 as they should consider necessary for the public good. Such 
 laws required the approval of two-thirds of the whole num- 
 ber of residents. Two pilots for the port were selected by 
 unanimous vote and given authority to appoint capable sub- 
 stitutes. Among other regulations was one against the 
 discharge of crews by captains when in the port. Another 
 prohibited the enticing or secretion of deserters, placing the 
 fine at $50. All penalties were to be pecuniary. The mag- 
 istrate was to be the final court for all claims and disputes. 
 He and the council were given power to direct the seizure 
 and sale of any property of any offender, sufficient to liqui- 
 date fines against such offender. All fines were to consti- 
 tute a public fund, kept by the chief magistrate and appro- 
 priated as he and the council might deem proper, but a pub- 
 lished statement was to be made each year. At the end of 
 each year, all unexpended moneys were to be equally di- 
 vided, unless otherwise ordained by the convention. The 
 
 "Japan Expedition, vol. i, p. 211; vol. ii, pp. 127-33. 
 ' Japan Expedition, vol. i, pp. 199-200.
 
 65] Colonial Establishments. 65 
 
 magistrate and council were authorized, whenever they 
 should consider it necessary, to call a convention of the 
 people to amend or increase the laws. 
 
 In December, 1853, at Hong Kong, just before leaving 
 for Japan, Perry was surprised to learn from Sir George 
 Bonham, the English superintendent of trade, that his visit 
 to the Bonins and his purchase of a coal depot had attracted 
 the attention of Lord Clarendon, of the British Govern- 
 ment, who, acting on a statement of Alexander Simpson, 
 who had once been the British representative in the South 
 Seas, gave instructions to ask some explanations. 8 In re- 
 ply, while expressing his doubt of the right of Great Britain 
 to claim sovereignty, Perry stated that the purchase of land 
 was of a strictly private character, and without any instruc- 
 tions from Washington. The question of sovereignty he 
 was willing to leave " to be discussed hereafter." * 
 
 8 Japan Expedition, vol. i, p. 203. 
 
 ' Perry favored colonies in those distant regions. 
 
 While at Maderia, en route to Japan to negotiate for com- 
 mercial relations, safe harbors, and coaling stations, Perry (on 
 Dec. 14, 1852,) wrote the Secretary of the Navy that as a prelimi- 
 nary step the United States should at once secure ports of refuge 
 and supply on islands south of Japan, and conciliate the inhabi- 
 tants so that our friendly purposes might be better understood by 
 the Japanese Government. He suggested that the occupation of 
 the principal ports of the Loo Choo Islands for the accommodation 
 of warships and merchant vessels would be justified by the rules 
 of moral law and necessity, and by the amelioration of the condi- 
 tion of the natives whom the Prince of Satsuma ruled by fear 
 rather than by power to coerce obedience. Great Britain already 
 held the most important points in the East India and Chinese 
 seas. Perry, therefore, thought the United States should lose no 
 time in adopting active measures to secure ports in the islands that 
 fortunately were still left. [Sen. Exec. Doc. 34, 33-2, pp. 12-15.] 
 
 The President concurred in Perry's opinion, and Secretary Ever- 
 ett (Feb. 15, 1853) gave instructions to secure ports either in the 
 Japanese islands or elsewhere, but to use no force except in the 
 last resort. [Ibid., p. 15.] On Jan. 25, 1854, Perry, while at 
 Napa in Great Loo Choo, wrote Secretary Dobbin of the navy 
 that, in case of failure to negotiate with Japan, it was his aim " to 
 take under the surveillance of the American flag, upon the ground 
 of reclamation for insults and injuries committed upon American
 
 66 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [66 
 
 Desiring to consummate an arrangement to fill up the 
 remaining link of a great mail route of the world, he con- 
 sidered that the question of sovereignty was not so import- 
 ant as that of an open door for the hospitable reception of 
 all nations. At another time, speaking on the extension of 
 American trade in the East, he said: "What benefits the 
 commerce of the United States and extends American ter- 
 ritory cannot but result advantageously to other powers." 1 
 
 Perry's plan was to secure the organization of a stock 
 company of merchants and artisans, to send two vessels 
 laden with building materials and supplies for whalers and 
 naval vessels, and as trade grew up, to send out young mar- 
 ried people, gradually building up a thrifty community 
 which would extend over the entire group and perhaps send 
 missionaries to Japan, Formosa " and other benighted coun- 
 tries." " 
 
 Contemplating British rivalry in maritime enterprise, he 
 had often suggested that commercial settlements in China 
 and Pacific waters would be vitally necessary to the con- 
 tinued success of American commerce in those regions, but 
 considered it unadvisable to erect for these settlements any 
 defences except such as were necessary for protection 
 against pirates and common marauders. 12 After the success 
 of his Japan expedition, speaking of the tendency to seek 
 
 citizens, this island of Great Loo Choo." The people seemed 
 friendly, and he intimated that they should not be abandoned " as 
 found, defenceless and overburdened." The President, however, 
 feeling that such a course might prove embarassing, was " disin- 
 clined, without authority of Congress, to take and retain posses- 
 sion of an island in that distant country," unless demanded by 
 more potent reasons. Secretary Dobbin wrote (May 23, 1854) in 
 reply: " If, in future, resistance should be offered and threatened, 
 it would also be rather mortifying to surrender the island, if once 
 seized." He approved Perry's suggestions as to the establishment 
 of a coal depot at Port Lloyd, however, and also his correspond- 
 ence with Bonham, as to the sovereignty of the Bonins. [Sen. 
 Exec. Doc. 34, 33-2, p. 112.] 
 
 10 Japan Expedition, vol. ii, p. 180. 
 
 11 Japan Expedition, vol. i, p. 212. 
 
 12 Sen. Exec. Doc. 34, 33-2, Perry to Secy, of Navy, Dec. 14, 1852.
 
 67] Colonial Establishments. 67 
 
 further expansion, he said: " Perhaps we cannot change the 
 course of events, or avert our ultimate destiny. ... It be- 
 longs to us to act honorably and justly . . . and to encour- 
 age changes in the political condition of Japan, China, and 
 especially Formosa.*' He urged that in Formosa," whose 
 commanding position resembled that of Cuba, there should 
 be an American commercial settlement from which com- 
 munication might be established with China, Japan, Loo 
 Choo, Cochin China, Cambodia, Siam and the Philippines. 
 He quoted with approval the statement that colonies are 
 as necessary to a commercial nation as ships and that it 
 would be difficult for any government to prevent the estab- 
 lishment, in distant regions, of trading or religious settle- 
 ments which would naturally grow into flourishing and self- 
 governing communities. 
 
 The British consul at Yokohama, who visited Port Lloyd, 
 in 1875, said Perry's code of government for the Bonins was 
 never enforced, and soon forgotten. In the years following 
 1854, whalers and men-of-war visited the island occasionally, 
 but the conditions were not favorable to rapid increase of 
 population. In 1861, Japan made an effort to colonize 
 Peel Island by sending 100 colonists from Yedo, but soon 
 wearied of the scheme, and by 1863 all her settlers had with- 
 drawn, leaving only a stone stating that the islands were 
 discovered by Japan and were still her property. 
 
 By 1875 the community at Port Lloyd numbered 69 
 37 male and 32 female, 20 being children, but only 5 were 
 entirely white. The settlers, with their few wants supplied 
 by whalers, still lived in rudely-constructed, sparsely-fur- 
 nished cottages in sheltered nooks, cultivated patches of 
 
 18 In Feb. 1857, Parker, the United States Commissioner in China 
 suggested the policy of occupying Formosa. In his despatch to 
 the Department of State he enclosed a letter from Gideon Nye, 
 Jr., who urged occupation in the interest of humanity and com- 
 merce, and offered to assist in colonizing the island, if the United 
 States would protect him. Sen. Exec. Doc. 22, 35-2, exhibit G., 
 pp. 1203-04.
 
 68 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [68 
 
 sugar cane and maize, raised pigs, geese and ducks, and 
 caught turtle. They appeared to live in decency and order, 
 and to be comfortable, but they had no thought of religion, 
 and with the exception of one person, could not read or 
 write. Life had often been insecure among them, eleven 
 men having met violent deaths within twenty-five years. 
 The settlers had a repugnance to settled government. 
 Though the American flag was displayed from one of the 
 huts, the American Government apparently had no idea 
 of taking possession. By the opening of Japan to the world 
 the Bonins became less important. They were left to the 
 southward of the steamer line routes between the United 
 States and the Orient, Yokohama being a more convenient 
 and more desirable station. Mr. Robertson, the British 
 consul at Yokohama, who visited Port Lloyd in 1875, pro- 
 posed that Great Britain should take the Bonins beneath 
 her sheltering wings, initiate some simple inexpensive form 
 of government there, and attempt to guide the young set- 
 tlement through its early perils." Japan then seemed un- 
 able to colonize Yesso, right at her doors, but in 1878 she 
 took undisputed possession of the whole Bonin group. 
 
 The United States, especially after the ratification of the 
 treaty with Japan, probably had no desire to enter into dis- 
 cussion regarding questions of title to an island so far 
 distant." In 1835, Edmund Roberts, who had succeeded 
 in negotiating a treaty with Siam, was instructed to en- 
 deavor studiously to inculcate upon all (including Japan) the 
 idea that the United States, though strong and resourceful, 
 had a history indicating no ambition for conquest and no 
 desire for colonial possessions, and a policy whose essential 
 part was to avoid political connection with any other gov- 
 ernment. 18 
 
 Wilkes, during his explorations in 1841, had surveyed 
 
 14 Chambers' Journal, July 5, 1879. 
 
 " See p. 52; also Senate Doc. 77, 20-2, February 16, 1829. 
 
 19 1 Sp. M. 131.
 
 69] Colonial Establishments. 69 
 
 Wake Island (19 N. lat., 166 E. long.) and asserted title, but 
 the United States Navy never took possession. 17 Webster, 
 in June, 1852, agreed to send a naval vessel to protect Amer- 
 ican guano interests on the Lobos Islands which were not 
 occupied by any of the South American States, and had been 
 visited by American fishermen for half a century, but he 
 decided to yield to the protests of Peru, who declared her 
 ownership had never been questioned before. 18 Under an 
 act of Congress of August 18, 1856, conferring discretionary 
 power on the President to assume the ownership of guano 
 islands discovered by United States citizens, 18 Commander 
 Davis, of the St. Mary's, sailed from the coasts of Central 
 America in 1858 and took formal possession of Jarvis and 
 Nantucket islands in the name of the United States, and 
 deposited in the earth a declaration to that effect. Lieu- 
 tenant Brooke, in the next year, took possession of Bird 
 and Necker islands, near the Hawaiian group. 20 In Oc- 
 tober, 1858, Cakobau, the principal chief of Bau, and also 
 king of the whole Fiji group, in a document offering the 
 sovereignty to Queen Victoria, 21 declared that his action was 
 
 1T The United States took possession of Wake Island, in Janu- 
 ary, 1899, with a view to using it as a station on a cable-telegraph 
 line between Hawaii and the Philippines. 
 
 18 Sen. Exec. Rp. 109, 32-1, Aug. 21, 1852. 
 
 19 Under this act the United States, in 1898, owned 57 islands and 
 groups of islands in the Pacific, and 13 in the Caribbean sea. 
 
 20 Report Secy, of Navy, Dec. 2, 1859. 
 
 21 This deed of cession was ratified, and signed by 21 chiefs on 
 December 14, 1859, and by others in August and September. The 
 legislative assembly of New South Wales recommended the ac- 
 ceptance of the proffered sovereignty, and captains in the British 
 navy recommended occupation, but after sending Dr. B. Seemann 
 to secure further information, the British Government decided to 
 decline the offer. Seemann reported that the islands would be- 
 come a flourishing colony. American whaleships which had been 
 getting supplies at Samoa or Tonga were now beginning to go to 
 Fiji on account of the exorbitant prices recently asked by the na- 
 tives of the former islands. [Berthold Seemann: Viti, Cambridge, 
 Eng., 1862.] In 1864, an attempt was made to establish a regular 
 government based on English models, but was not a success. 
 Meanwhile the rumor went that the United States intended to
 
 70 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [70 
 
 for the purpose of preventing severe measures threatened 
 by the United States against the king and the sovereignty 
 and the territory of the islands in case of the non-payment of 
 a debt of $45,000 23 which, under the existing state of affairs 
 in the islands, 2 " he would not be able to collect within the 
 brief time stated in the contract. 
 
 In 1867, by the acquisition of Alaska, the United States 
 became the owner of the Aleutian Islands, extending almost 
 to the Asiatic coasts. On August 28 of the same year, 
 Captain Reynolds, by order of the United States Navy, 
 occupied the Midway Islands [28 12' north lat, 177 22' 
 west long.] which had been discovered by Captain N. C. 
 Brooks on July 5, 1859, and first occupied by the Pacific 
 Mail Steamship Company in July, 1867." The Senate Com- 
 mittee, in January, 1869, for both political and commercial 
 reasons, favored making a naval station there, stating that 
 the United States should have at least one harbor of refuge 
 on the route to China, and should prevent the possibility 
 of European occupation of any island which, under their 
 control, might become another Nassau. The Secretary 
 of the Navy, in his report of the previous December, had 
 
 assume the protectorate. In 1869, Lord Granville considered that 
 there would be " more disadvantage in Great Britain taking the 
 responsibility of the government of Fiji than in the risk of the 
 United States assuming the Protectorate." [Parl. Papers, 1875.] 
 But the Australian colonies at the Conference of 1870 called for 
 British annexation, and Lord Kimberly decided to send a com- 
 mission to report. The report of Commander Goodenough and 
 Mr. Layard was strongly in favor of annexation. The cession was 
 accepted in October, 1874, and the islands were organized as a 
 crown colony with Sir Arthur Gordon as Governor. 
 
 [Egerton: History of English Colonial Policy, p. 396.] 
 
 22 Quarterly Review, July, 1859, p. 203. 
 
 28 The Fijis, which had become the resort of the European 
 trader, " threatened to become an anarchic Hell." [Egerton: His- 
 tory of English Colonial Policy, p. 396.] 
 
 The natives, however, were not such ferocious cannibals as they 
 had formerly been. [Quarterly Review, July, 1859, P- 203.] 
 
 ** Senate Rp. 194, 40-3, Jan. 28, 1869. Sen. Exec. Doc. 79, 40-2. 
 Report of Secy, of the Navy, 1870, p. 8, and 1871, pp. 6, 7 and 8.
 
 71] Colonial Establishments. 71 
 
 said the rapid increase of Pacific commerce and of Ameri- 
 can interests springing up in connection with our recent 
 extensive acquisitions, our rising States on the Pacific, ever- 
 increasing intimacy with the islands of the ocean, made the 
 United States interested beyond any other power in giving 
 security to mariners in the Pacific. On March i, 1869, the 
 sum of $50,000 was appropriated for opening a harbor at 
 Midway; but, after spending that amount, it was seen that 
 $400,000 would be required, and the plan was abandoned. 
 The United States, however, still owns the island.
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 UNLOCKING THE GATES OF THE ORIENT. 
 
 Until a comparatively recent date, the Orient remained a 
 sealed mystery to the nations of Western civilization and 
 progress. 1 It was only by the persistent and increasingly 
 determined efforts of foreigners that Japan was finally in- 
 duced to open her doors and windows. China, assuming 
 an arrogant supremacy, though she had permitted a limited 
 trade, endeavored to erect barriers of exclusiveness, but 
 was finally forced to be more liberal in commercial relations, 
 and slowly extended her intercourse with the younger and 
 more progressive nations of the West. 
 
 Japan. The Japanese policy from 1637 2 to 1854 was one 
 of exclusion and inclusion to keep the world out and the 
 Japanese at home and the Dutch factory at Deshema of 
 Nagasaki was the only window or loophole of observation 
 during that time. All attempts by foreigners to secure 
 trading advantages were successfully resisted. The strict 
 isolation of Japan, closing her eyes to keep out the light of 
 the universe, and refusing to open her arms to the West, 
 
 1 Humboldt once said that the narrow neck of land forming the 
 isthmus of Panama had been the " bulwark of the independence of 
 China and Japan." 
 
 1 Between 1542 and 1600 Christian missionaries exerted consider- 
 able influence in Japan. By 1581 there were 200 churches and 
 150,000 converts. A few years later the rivalry of the opposing 
 orders, the Spanish Jesuits and the Portuguese Franciscans, cre- 
 ated animosities, and resulted in persecution by the Japanese. At 
 the battle of Sekigahara, in 1600, in which 10,000 lives were lost, 
 the Christian army (of Southern Japan) was defeated. A reaction- 
 ary policy of the conservatives followed, and an edict of 1606 pro- 
 hibited Christianity. The last Christian uprising was defeated ir 
 1636.
 
 73] Unlocking the Gates of the Orient Japan. 73 
 
 provoked American enterprise which elsewhere had been 
 mastering opposition. As early as 1815 Commodore 
 Porter proposed an expedition to open trade, and Monroe 
 intended to send him, but the plans were never matured. 3 
 
 In 1832 (as previously stated), just after the plunder of the 
 American ship Friendship at Quallah Battoo, Captain Ed- 
 mund Roberts, 4 who had been well acquainted with the 
 commerce of the Far East, was sent as United States con- 
 fidential agent to negotiate for treaties. 3 He was instructed 
 to proceed to Japan to open trade, in case he found pros- 
 pects favorable, but he was directed not to enter the country 
 until he should receive assurance that nothing unbecoming 
 the dignity of the United States would be required. Though 
 he succedeed in securing a treaty with Siam 8 and the Sultan 
 
 ' De Bow's, Dec., 1852. In 1797, the Eliza of New York, carry- 
 ing the American flag with seventeen stars, sailed to Nagasaki, 
 under the command of Capt. Steward, but did not open trade. 
 Capt. John Derby, of Salem, Mass., soon made an unsuccessful 
 attempt to open trade. In 1803, Capt. Steward returned to Na- 
 gasaki, but found that the Japanese desired no American products 
 except ginseng. The discovery of valuable whale fisheries near 
 the Kurile Islands, and southward, increased the importance of 
 friendly relations with Japan. Soon there began a long story of 
 shipwrecked seamen who were imprisoned by the Japanese. J. Q. 
 Adams denied the right of Japan to remain a hermit nation, but 
 his was " the voice of one crying in the wilderness." 
 
 4 See pp. 48 and 68. 
 
 ' Sen. Exec. Doc. 34, 33-2, Jan. 31, 1855. Sen. Exec. Doc. 59, 
 32-1, vol. ix, Apr. 8, 1852. 
 
 6 In Siam, with her old and venerable code of crude and incom- 
 plete laws, where the creditor still had absolute power over the 
 life and property of the debtor, American commerce had been 
 subject to any pecuniary extortions or other impositions which 
 avarice might inflict. At Bankok, on March 30, 1833, Roberts, 
 secured a treaty of amity and commerce, nine feet and seven 
 inches long, removing the imposition on imports, releasing debt- 
 ors from pains and penalties in case they delivered all their prop- 
 erty, fixing port charges, allowing American citizens to trade di- 
 rectly with private individuals instead of through the king who 
 had hitherto fixed prices and delayed trade, and obviating the 
 necessity of enormous presents to officials. [Edmund Roberts: 
 Embassy to the Eastern Courts of Cochin China, Siam and Muscat 
 in the Sloop Peacock, 1832-34. N. Y., 1837.] A new treaty was
 
 74 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [74 
 
 of Muscat, and began negotiations with Cochin China, he 
 did not proceed to Borneo 7 nor to Japan. 
 
 In 1837 C. W. King, a merchant, went to Japan in the 
 unarmed Morrison to return some shipwrecked Japanese, 
 who had been saved from a junk which had gone ashore 
 near the mouth of the Columbia river in 1831, but his ves- 
 sel being fired upon at Yedo, he returned without succeed- 
 ing in his mission." The Japanese probably understood 
 that his principal motive was to open commercial inter- 
 course. In 1845 tne Manhattan, of Sag Harbor, attempting 
 to return several castaways, met with a similar reception. 
 In the same year Zadoc Pratt, of New York, laid before the 
 House a report advising hostility and proposing to send an 
 embassy to Japan and Corea. 
 
 The successful negotiation of a treaty with China in 1844 
 increased the efforts to secure communication with Japan. 
 In 1846 Commodore Biddle, by instructions of May 22, 
 
 negotiated by Mr. Harris in May, 1856, and was ratified by the 
 United States the next year. It was modified in 1867. Relations 
 with Siam have remained undisturbed, the United States enjoying 
 the rights and immunities extended to the most favored nation. 
 In 1884 an agreement regulating the liquor traffic in Siam was 
 concluded. 
 
 Roberts had also endeavored to secure a treaty with Cochin 
 China, but after engaging in a protracted correspondence and 
 enduring much Eastern prevarication he failed on account of dis- 
 agreement as to conventionalities and excessive formalities. But 
 he made a treaty with the Sultan of Muscat, who wrote Andrew 
 Jackson an extravagantly figurative and loving letter. After the 
 Siam treaty had been ratified by the United States Senate in June, 
 1834, Roberts was sent to exchange ratifications, and renewed 
 negotiations with Cochin China, whose etiquette as to titles he 
 met by a ruse diplomatique, but whose consent to a treaty he was 
 unable to obtain. [W. S. Ruschenberger: A Voyage Around the 
 World, including an Embassy to Muscat and Siam, 1836-37. 
 Phila., 1838.] He died at Macao, June 12, 1836. 
 
 7 On June 23, 1850, at Bruni, Joseph Balestier concluded with the 
 Sultan of Borneo a convention of amity, commerce and navigation, 
 securing liberty of residence and trade, protection of United States 
 citizens and shipwrecked seamen, the privilege of extraditionality, 
 and the use of ports for war vessels. 
 
 8 Perry: U. S. Japan Expedition, vol. i, pp. 47-49.
 
 75] Unlocking the Gates of the Orient Japan. 75 
 
 1845, sailed to Yedo bay and remained ten days, but failed 
 in his peaceful attempt to gain access to the country. He 
 was informed that, by law, no trade could be allowed with 
 any foreign nation except Holland, and that every nation 
 had a right to manage its own affairs in its own way. He 
 received an anonymous, undated communication asking 
 him to depart as soon as possible and to consult his own 
 safety by not appearing again upon the coast. While on 
 board a Japanese junk to receive the official reply, he also 
 received an unpleasant push from a common Japanese sol- 
 dier. Captain Glynn afterwards (1851) said that Biddle was 
 too lenient. 
 
 A. H. Everett, of the United States legation at Macao, 
 M ho had received full power to negotiate with the Japanese 
 Government, but had transferred it to Biddle, and who still 
 had power to renew the attempt at a treaty in case any new 
 combination of circumstances should increase the prospect 
 of success, wrote Secretary Buchanan on January 5, 1847, 
 that perhaps Biddle's attempt to open negotiations had not 
 been made with sufficient discretion, and had " placed the 
 subject in a rather less favorable position than it stood 
 before." 
 
 Americans, following the whale to the far off seas, were 
 sometimes wrecked on the coast of the Kurile Islands, and 
 arrested and cast into Japanese prisons. Even while Biddle 
 was at Yedo bay, though the Japanese did not mention it, 
 it seems that American citizens (from the Lawrence, which 
 had been wrecked May 27, 1846) were already in Japanese 
 prisons. After repeated " trials " they were released through 
 the kindness of the Dutch director at Nagasaki. Other 
 sailors from American vessels, having been thrown upon 
 the coasts of Japan in 1848, were imprisoned as spies," and 
 some were punished for attempting to escape, or for other 
 insubordination. 
 
 9 On April 14, 1847, the Netherlands' charge d'affaires notified 
 Buchanan that Japan, in 1843 had given warning against the ex- 
 ploration of Japanese coasts.
 
 76 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [76 
 
 With the settlement of the Oregon question and the ac- 
 quisition of California, and a corresponding expansion of 
 opportunity and duty, the United States became more vigi- 
 lant in guarding American interests in the Pacific, and more 
 determined to break down Oriental exclusiveness. On 
 January 31, 1849, Commander Geisinger, of the United 
 States East India squadron, hearing in Chinese waters that 
 sixteen Americans were imprisoned, sent Commander Glynn 
 with the United States ship Preblc to demand their re- 
 lease. 11 The Japanese officials first threatened offensive 
 operations, then assumed haughty indifference, and finally 
 tried evasive diplomacy, but they acceded to Glynn's per- 
 emptory demand for the immediate delivery of the 
 prisoners. 12 
 
 Glynn, on returning to New York, was enthusiastic in 
 his desire to secure some arrangement which would divert 
 the commerce of half the human family from foreign chan- 
 nels into the bosom of the United States/*' On February 
 24, 1851, he wrote Rowland and Aspinwall that he had 
 found a strong interest on both sides of the Pacific in favor 
 of establishing a line of steamers between Asia and America; 
 and he suggested that Shanghai should be the terminus, 
 and that an effort should be made to secure coal from 
 Formosa and Japan. 13 He proposed that the United States 
 desiring fuel and depots in Japan, and having good cause 
 for quarrel, should go on with the recent congressional in- 
 quiry into the Japanese imprisonment of Americans, ask 
 redress, and compel them to adjust the controversy by 
 
 10 The Preble had sailed from New York in September, 1846, 
 during the Mexican war. She was at Honolulu during the trouble 
 of the French with the Hawaiian Government in November. 1849. 
 Later, at San Francisco, many of her crew were discharged, and 
 others ran for the " gold diggings." She arrived at New York 
 January 2, 1851. [N. Y. Herald, Jan. 3, 1851. In Sen. Exec. Doc. 
 59, 32-1, Apr. 8, 1852.] 
 
 11 H. Exec. Doc. 84, 31-1, vol. x, Aug. 15, 1850. 
 "Perry: U. S. Japan Expedition, vol. i. 
 
 a Sen. Exec. Doc. 59, 32-1, vol. 9, p. 59.
 
 77] Unlocking the Gates of the Orient Japan. 77 
 
 granting depot privileges in some Japanese port. Reflect- 
 ing on the possible necessity of using force, he said: "We 
 could convert their selfish government into a liberal republic 
 in a short time; such an unnatural system would, at the 
 present day, fall to pieces upon the slightest concussion. 
 But it is better to go to work peaceably with them if we 
 can. ... If I read the signs aright this is the time for , 
 action." 
 
 On June 10, 1851, Glynn, urging that intercourse with 
 Japan was demanded by the interests of civilization, and 
 should be secured, by peaceable means if possible, or by 
 force if necessary, advised the President to select some 
 naval officers of tact, 54 able to conduct hostile operations if 
 necessary, to bear to the Japanese Government a document 
 that would be a future justification before the world, dis- 
 claiming any desire to interfere with internal affairs, and 
 making no complaints for past conduct. He suggested 
 that the Dutch should -be conciliated, and that England, 
 who was alarmed at our strides in the East, should be rec- 
 onciled by the assurance that we were asking Japan for 
 no exclusive privileges. 
 
 President Fillmore had already decided, in the interests 
 of commerce and humanity, to send an envoy to make 
 another appeal to Japan -for friendly intercourse, and to 
 endeavor to secure coaling facilities for the line of steamers 
 projected by American citizens. On May 10, 1851, he 
 wrote a letter to the emperor, informing him that the 
 United States had expanded to the Pacific; that in order to 
 form the last link in the chain of navigation, American ships 
 must pass near Japanese shores; and that we desired trade, 
 and needed the coai which Providence had deposited in 
 Japan for the human family. 
 
 Commodore Aulick, in command of the East Indian naval 
 
 14 Glynn said Biddle's visit of 1846, was unfavorable to the United 
 States the Japanese and Loo Choo Islanders having given out 
 exaggerated reports of his chastisement.
 
 78 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [78 
 
 forces, was instructed by Webster, on June 10, 1851, as a 
 special (non-missionary) envoy to make an effort to secure 
 from the Japanese the assurance of supplies of coal at fair 
 prices, either in Japanese ports or on some near island easy 
 of access, the right of access for American trading vessels, 
 and the promise of protection of shipwrecked sailors and 
 property. In 1852, his powers were transferred to Commo- 
 dore Perry. 
 
 On November 13, 1852, Commodore M. C. Perry, 1 ' in- 
 vested with both naval and diplomatic power, was instructed 
 to go to Japan with an imposing fleet (as a manifestation 
 of power) to state that we sought no interference with 
 religion and we were connected with no European govern- 
 ment, and to use all amicable means to secure a treaty of 
 friendship and commerce, but to resort to no force unless 
 in self-defence in protecting his vessels or crews, or to resent 
 acts of personal violence to himself or officers. He was 
 directed to show that our forbearance had not resulted 
 from timidity; and, in case argument failed to secure a 
 treaty, he was to change his tone and inform Japan that 
 American citizens, driven to her coasts by wind and weather, 
 must be treated with humanity. He was to use caution 
 and vigilance, and all journals and private notes of persons 
 in the expedition were considered to be United States prop- 
 erty until the Navy Department should give permission to 
 publish them." 
 
 The letter which he carried from President Fillmore to 
 the Japanese emperor, urged the necessity of new laws, 
 from time to time, to meet such new conditions of the world 
 as those resulting from American expansion to the Pacific, 
 
 " M. C. Perry (1794-1858) had served as a boy in the War of 
 1812, and against the pirates in the West Indies;, and in the cap- 
 ture of Vera Cruz (1847) and belonged to the same combative stock 
 as O. H. Perry, the author of that laconic dispatch: "We have 
 met the enemy and they are ours." His idea was to occupy one 
 of the Loo Choo Islands as a stronghold from which to terrorize 
 Japan, but Fillmore counselled peace. 
 
 "Sen. Exec. Doc. 34, 33-2, Jan. 31, 1855.
 
 79] Unlocking the Gates of the Orient Japan. 79 
 
 the sudden growth of California, whose trade with the East 
 was rapidly increasing, and the development of steam navi- 
 gation which required coal depots. " There was a time," 
 said the President, " when the ancient laws of your Imperial 
 Majesty's government were first made." It was suggested 
 that the experiment of trade might at least be tried for five 
 years. 
 
 Several persons, including von Siebold, a German, who 
 had been banished from Japan, and was supposed to be em- 
 ployed as a Russian spy, made application to join the ex- 
 pedition in the interests of science, but their applications 
 were refused in the interests of order. 
 
 On November 24, with models of American inventions 
 and other articles for presents, Perry sailed from Norfolk 
 via Cape of Good Hope, and on May 4, 1853, he reached 
 Shanghai. 
 
 He resolved to act with firmness and decision, and to 
 refuse to meet any but an officer of the highest rank. 
 
 At Napa, of the Loo Choo Islands, where he stopped to 
 get provisions and to make explorations, he declined to 
 receive two dignitaries who came alongside his vessel to 
 present their enormous red cards. By the advice of the 
 English missionary, he asked an immediate conference with 
 the chief authority of the islands. On May 28, the regent, 
 with a score of attendants, actively fluttering their fans to 
 reduce their temperature, were received on board the Sus- 
 quehanna with great ceremony and granted the requests to 
 sell provisions, permit surveys, and allow the officers a 
 house on shore. When the officers visited the shore, most 
 of the merchants closed their shops, and the gentry turned 
 upon their heels and disappeared. For the provisions which 
 the natives carried to the ship the officials received the 
 profits. Some of Perry's men, accompanied by Loo Choo 
 spies, whom they walked almost out of breath, explored 
 nearly one-half the island in six days, but they had no op- 
 portunity to converse with the people or to see their in- 
 terior life.
 
 80 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [80 
 
 Perry resolved to pay a return visit to the regent in the 
 palace of Sheudi. The regent sent a long diplomatic roll, 
 stating that the " Queen Dowager " had been ill since the 
 visit of the British admiral, who invaded the sacred palace. 
 Perry, expressing deep sorrow, offered to send one of his 
 surgeons to her. Seated in a sedan chair, carried by four 
 " coolies," and accompanied by a gay procession of 200 
 persons, he went to the palace of the capital. He was met 
 with profound salutations by a throng of officials with 
 flowing robes, fans and umbrellas, and was ushered into the 
 " elevated enclosure [hall] of fragrant festivities " where the 
 Americans received weak tea, " dabs of gingerbread." and 
 tobacco. Then he accompanied the regent into his own 
 private residence where, with chopsticks, they partook of a 
 twelve-course Loo Choo dinner, and drank to the health of 
 the Queen Dowager and son and to the prosperity of the 
 people. 
 
 After a brief visit to the Bonin Islands, where he took 
 possession of the Bailey or Coffin group in the name of the 
 United States, and purchased land for a coal depot at Port 
 Lloyd, Perry returned to Loo Choo on June 23 and was 
 surprised to find that the regent, though still in full pos- 
 session of his faculties, had been deposed and replaced by 
 a younger man. After astonishing the people by exhibi- 
 tions of the Daguerrotype, telegraph, submarine armor, 
 etc., he sailed away (July 2), feeling that they would be glad 
 to see him return, and that it was his duty to protect them 
 as far as possible against the " vindictiveness of their cruel 
 rulers," who favored exclusiveness. 
 
 Sailing to Japan, Perry entered the bay below Yedo on 
 July 8, where his presence, and his refusal to heed the 
 scrolls of warning which minor officials held out before 
 him, created considerable excitement. He refused to go 
 to Nagasaki, insisted upon talking with none but the highest 
 dignitary, and his persistence finally induced the Governor 
 of Urago to apply to the shogun, who, being embarrassed 
 both from without and within, arranged for an official con-
 
 81] Unlocking the Gates of the Orient Japan. 81 
 
 ference on July 14, at which two venerable princes received 
 President Fillmore's letter and presents. Notwithstanding 
 Japanese intimations that it was now time to go, he resolved 
 to go farther up the bay. It seemed that the nearer he ap- 
 proached the imperial city the more polite and friendly the 
 officials became. When he informed Yezaimon and Tats- 
 noski of his intention to leave on July 17, the latter ex- 
 pressed regret, endeavored to drown their grief in fresh sup- 
 plies of wine, grew very affectionate, and whispered that all 
 would be well with the President's letter. 
 
 Sailing to Hong Kong, Perry refitted his vessels, giving 
 the Japanese time to come to a decision. His return was 
 hastened by the suspicious movements of French and Rus- 
 sian vessels in Eastern seas. He feared that there might 
 be an attempt to forestall the American negotiations, or to 
 obtain a foothold in Japan by lending aid to the latter in 
 case of collision with the Americans. On February 13, 
 passing the Japanese boats, he confidently advanced up 
 Yedo bay to the " American anchorage," where he proposed 
 to meet the Japanese officials. After ten days' " negotia- 
 tion " he moved near enough to Yedo to hear the striking 
 of the night watches, and obtained the promise of a confer- 
 ence at Yokohama. In a specially prepared " Treaty 
 House," on March 8, 1854, he met five Japanese officials 
 who, with imposing ceremonies, submitted a long roll con- 
 taining a reply to the President's letter. The shogun had 
 sent copies of the letter to most of the daimios and had 
 received from many of them answers adverse to the opening 
 of the country, but, after prolonged conferences he con- 
 sented to a favorable treaty which was completed on March 
 31, and conceded the opening of Shimoda and Hakodate to 
 American vessels. His power was already tottering, and 
 Japan would have been revolutionized from within if she 
 had not been invaded from without. 
 
 Perry's treaty far exceeded expectations, and other powers 
 were not slow in securing the advantages which he had 
 gained. A Russian admiral had stopped at Nagasaki in the 
 6
 
 82 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [82 
 
 latter part of 1853 and demanded a neighborly attitude, the 
 opening of ports, and a settlement of the boundaries of 
 Sagalien. On November 12 he had made a proposition to 
 join forces and cooperate with the Americans, but Perry 
 civilly declined to take any step which might be interpreted 
 as " inconsistent with our policy of abstaining from all alli- 
 I ,ance with foreign powers." 3 Perhaps a Japanese distrust 
 of the purposes of Russia had some influence in causing 
 the success of the American negotiations. The Dutch, who 
 in 1852, had advised Japan to change its policy of exclu- 
 sion in favor of all peaceful nations, claimed that they had 
 aided in securing Perry's success, but Perry had never in- 
 voked their aid and was not willing to admit their claim. 
 
 Having made a good beginning, the United States, in the 
 interests of trade and international relations, and, with a 
 spirit of tolerance, liberality and justice toward Japan, 
 sought new concessions. In 1857 Townsend Harris, who 
 had been residing at Shimoda as United States consul-gen- 
 eral, negotiated a treaty enlarging the privileges granted in 
 1854 and securing the opening of the port of Nagasaki and 
 the right of permanent residence for Americans at the ports 
 of Shimoda and Hakodate. At Yedo, in 1858, without any 
 show of force or compulsion, he won a diplomatic triumph 
 which revolutionized the relations of Japan with the world. 
 By firm, honest diplomacy he concluded with the shogun's 
 ministers a treaty providing for unrestricted commercial 
 relations, diplomatic representation at Yedo, rights of resi- 
 dence, trade at certain ports, regulation of duties, religious 
 freedom and extra-territoriality." 
 
 Other powers soon concluded similar treaties. It was 
 agreed that the President, at the request of Japan, would act 
 as mediator between the latter and European powers with 
 whom she might have questions of dispute. 
 
 Unfortunately, under the new commercial policy, prices 
 
 " Perry: U. S. Japan Expedition, vol. i, p. 61. 
 18 Sen. Exec. Doc. 25, 36-1.
 
 83] Unlocking the Gates of the Orient Japan. 83 
 
 in Japan rose from joo per cent to 300 per cent. Soon after 
 the beginning of the American war, cotton rose to over 30 
 cents per pound. The samaurai, or military class, who suf- 
 fered most, encouraged the idea that hatred of foreigners 
 was loyalty to Japan. In 1862 the mikado ordered the 
 " barbarians " to be expelled, and summoned the shogun 
 to Kioto to give an account of his stewardship. The 
 shogun, who saw his power declining, and the daimios de- 
 serting him to flock to Kioto, was- induced through pressure 
 to proclaim to foreign nations that the ports of Japan were 
 to be closed against foreign intercourse. The foreigners 
 now learned that the shogun was riot the real emperor, but 
 they were firm in the purpose to let slip no advantage 
 already gained. 
 
 In Japan, as in China, Secretary Seward, who desired to 
 substitute fair diplomacy for force, insisted upon the policy 
 of cooperation of the powers, based on community of inter- 
 ests. He was opposed to intervention in internal affairs, 
 but when the daimio of Nagato, opposing the shogun's 
 treaties, closed the strait of Shimonoseki and fired on an 
 American merchant steamer, the naval forces of the United 
 States, Great Britain, France and the Netherlands, with the 
 approval of the shogun's government, and in order to en- 
 force treaty rights, opened the strait by force, and com- 
 pelled the surrender of the hostile daimio." He favored a 
 policy of neutrality with reference to internal struggles, but 
 desired the establishment and maintenance of a strong cen- 
 tral government by which treaties might be enforced, and 
 native autonomy preserved. 
 
 The bombardment by the powers, together with the 
 report of a Japanese embassy which returned from Europe 
 in 1864, had a profound effect on the Japanese mind, and 
 the emperor, with whom the powers began to direct nego- 
 
 19 Out of a total indemnity fund of $3,000,000 to the combined 
 powers, the United States received $785,000 which was afterwards 
 returned (1883).
 
 84 Atnerican Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [84 
 
 tiations from Hiago below Kioto in 1865, yielded to rati- 
 fication of treaties in spite of popular prejudice. The 
 daimios who had at first opposed the shogun's policy, now 
 acquiesced in the new policy of the mikado, who was soon 
 restored to his ancient power, and encouraged the adoption 
 of Western civilization. 
 
 In 1866, England, France, Holland and the United States 
 agreed to a convention practically depriving Japan of the 
 right to regulate its tariff beyond five per cent on imports 
 and exports. 20 Though in 1872 Japan failed in her nego- 
 tiations for a revision of treaties, the United States, since 
 the growth of the imperial authority in Japan, 21 has been 
 willing to release the latter from the treaty limitations upon 
 its judicial and fiscal independence." 
 
 China. In 1784 the Stars and Stripes, floating from the 
 Empress of China, an American trading vessel, first appeared 
 in the Orient at Canton, the only Chinese port at which 
 foreigners were permitted to trade. In 1786, President 
 Washington, in the interests of a rapidly growing trade, ap- 
 pointed Samuel Shaw as consul at that port. It was over 
 a half-century later that China first consented to make 
 treaties regulating and extending commercial intercourse, 
 and providing for the protection of the lives and property 
 of American citizens on Chinese territory. From 1786 to 
 1844 the American consuls at Canton were merely mer- 
 chants. During that time, however, our trade with China 
 suffered only one temporary interruption in 1821, when 
 Terranora, a sailor on board of the American ship Emily, 
 was judicially murdered by the Chinese magistrate, Pwanyu, 
 
 1 Treaties and Conventions, 1889, p. 612. 
 
 21 See an article by Matsuyama Makato in vol. cxxvii of N. Am. 
 Review, pp. 406-26. On the civil discord which resulted in Japa- 
 nese reforms, see Sen. Exec. Doc. 65, 40-2, vol. ii, May 23, 1868. 
 
 28 See the Commercial Convention of 1878, and the Treaty of 
 Commerce and Navigation of November 22, 1894, which went into 
 effect July 17, 1899.
 
 85] Unlocking the Gates of the Orient China. 85 
 
 and the American merchants at Whampoa protested with- 
 out effect. 23 
 
 For many years the powers of Western Europe had been 
 able to secure a restricted trade. 24 As early as 1537 the 
 Portuguese temporarily established a trade at Macao. They 
 were soon followed by the Spanish, who had established 
 a colony at Manila in 1543. In 1622 the Dutch attacked 
 the Portuguese settlements at Macao and occupied the Pes- 
 cadore (Pang-hu) Islands, and in 1625 they were induced 
 to move to Formosa by Chinese promises of freedom of 
 trade, but were driven to Java, a generation later, by the 
 fleet of Koshinga, the pirate. In 1637 Captain Weddel, with 
 an English squadron, anchored off Macao and compelled 
 the opening of trade with the English. Soon after 1689 
 Russian caravans were premitted to go to Peking to trade. 
 All attempts to secure commercial treaties or regular diplo- 
 matic intercourse, however, had ended in failure. Most 
 ambassadors refused to make the nine prostrations required 
 by the emperor as a preliminary to negotiation. In 1699 
 the English East India Company obtained permission to 
 establish a factory and a consulate at Canton, where they 
 desired to trade in tea, but trade was often interrupted by 
 heavy duties and extortions. The Dutch finally secured 
 the same privilege. No other port was open to commerce. 
 
 For half a century after 1720 all business of Europeans 
 was transacted through a single company of Chinese hong 
 merchants, which was responsible to the Chinese Govern- 
 ment for the customs and duties, and responsible to no one 
 for its enormous profits. Though the co-hong was dis- 
 solved in 1771, the hong merchants, by making presents to 
 
 23 14 De Bow, Apr., 1853, p. 359. Terranora accidentally killed 
 a Chinese woman by dropping a pot on her head. He was finally 
 given up to the Chinese authorities, who strangled him outside of 
 the walls. [G. F. Train: An American Merchant in Europe, 
 Asia and Australia. N. Y. 1847.] 
 
 2 * Early relations of the Western Powers with China are fully 
 treated in R. Montgomery Martin's " China, Political, Commercial 
 and Social." [Official Report, London, 1847, 2 vols.]
 
 86 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [86 
 
 the Canton magistrates, still contrived to maintain their 
 monopoly and continued their exorbitant and extortionate 
 prices, and in some cases refused to pay their debts. Sus- 
 pecting that their complaints were never allowed to reach 
 Peking, the British, in 1792, sent to the imperial city an 
 ambassador (Lord Macartney), who secured the dismissal 
 of the Canton viceroy who had encouraged the frauds. In 
 1816, they again complained of the manner of the Canton 
 trade and asked for new ports more convenient to the prin- 
 cipal tea district, but Lord Amherst, who was sent at the 
 head of an embassy, was not received by the Chinese sov- 
 ereign. 
 
 After the expiration (1833) of the charter of the East India 
 Company, which had traded as a supplicant to whom the 
 Chinese granted favors, the Western world began its de- 
 mand for the admission to China of individual merchants 
 who desired to trade. In July, 1834, Lord Napier, with in- 
 structions from Lord Palmerston, arrived at Canton and 
 demanded trade as a right. The Chinese refused to enter 
 into any kind of negotiations to trade with " barbarians." 
 After a period of irritation growing out of opium smuggling, 
 they precipitated war by issuing a decree suspending all 
 trade with England, who, in turn, resolved to bombard the 
 exclusive Asiatics and oblige them to open the country to 
 foreigners who desired to walk civilly through it. Unable 
 to cope with British gunpowder, they soon began to re- 
 ceive fresh light from .new lamps. In the peace negotiations 
 of 1842, at the close of the so-called " Opium War," they 
 agreed to pay the expenses of the war, cede Hong Kong 
 to Great Britain and open five ports, including that of 
 Fuchau, which the British had especially desired. The 
 commercial privileges which England secured by the can- 
 non's mouth were soon granted to other nations who sought 
 them. 
 
 The United States was not slow to take advantage of the 
 Chinese reformed methods of intercourse. In September, 
 1839, when the Chinese suspected that Americans were
 
 S7] Unlocking the Gates of the Orient China. 87 
 
 cooperating with the British, P. W. Snow, the American 
 consul at Canton, had declined to conform to the trouble- 
 some Chinese literary conventionalities which the author- 
 ities asked him to insert in his reply to the edicts of the im- 
 perial commissioner." In December, 1842, President Tyler 
 sent to the Senate and the House a message, 28 prepared by 
 Webster, 27 referring to the importance of the Sandwich 
 Islands and the China trade, 28 and urging an appropriation 
 for sending an official representative to China. A bill for 
 a mission was called up by the Senate at midnight on the 
 last day of the session of 1842-43. It met with much oppo- 
 sition. Benton, on the ground that we already had trade 
 and could never have closer relations than that with a people 
 so distant and peculiar, said there was no necessity for a 
 treaty. The appropriation was voted, however, and Edward 
 Everett was selected (March 3) as the first envoy. 28 When 
 the latter declined, Caleb Cushing was appointed. His in- 
 structions, 30 signed by Webster, were designed to dispel the 
 Chinese delusion that other nations were dependents, and 
 their representatives tribute bearers. He was directed to 
 announce to the Chinese that the United States " pays 
 tribute to none and expects tribute from none," but desires 
 friendship and the protection of rights. 
 
 Arriving at Macao in the Brandywine in February, 
 1844, he soon opened correspondence with the authorities 
 near Canton, who kept him in diplomatic contention until 
 the middle of May. Failing to induce the Oriental mind 
 to allow him to go to Peking, he was finally persuaded to 
 abandon that part of his plan. Pen and ink prevailed over 
 thoughts of cannon and ammunition. On the arrival of 
 
 25 H. Exec. Doc. 119, 26-1, Feb. 21, 1840, 85 pp. 
 
 28 Richardson's Messages, p. 211. 
 27 Curtis's Webster, p. 176. 
 
 ** In 1841 the imports of the United States from China were 
 valued at $9,000,000, and her direct exports to China were $715,000 
 for domestic goods and $485,000 foreign goods. 
 
 29 5 Stat. at Large, p. 624. 
 
 80 Sen. Exec. Doc. 138, 28-2, Feb. 21, 1845, 9 pp.
 
 88 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [88 
 
 an imperial commissioner, Gushing decided that it was 
 best " to dispose of all the commercial questions by 
 treaty before venturing on Peking," where the Chinese 
 ceremonial required ambassadors to undergo a series of 
 prostrations and bumping of the head on the ground before 
 the footstool of the Chinese " Son of Heaven." ' On July 3, 
 at Wang Hiya, near Macao, he concluded with Keying 32 a 
 treaty of peace, amity and commerce, opening the five ports 
 to American commerce, establishing port regulations, allow- 
 ing American citizens the privileges of residence, cemeteries 
 and hospitals, conceding the right of foreigners to be tried 
 before their consuls; granting to the United States the 
 privilege of direct correspondence with the Imperial Gov- 
 ernment (to be transmitted by designated port officers), and 
 promising all the privileges and advantages which China 
 might grant to other nations. 33 
 
 The United States, by her peaceful but firm policy, with 
 no desire for Chinese territory, secured greater prestige and 
 concession than the British. 
 
 In 1845 Gushing returned to the United States via the 
 west coast of Mexico and Vera Cruz. At that time, he, like 
 many others, probably did not foresee the swiftly-coming 
 events which a few years later contributed to. the necessity 
 of revising the treaty and enforcing its provisions more 
 rigidly. There were then no railways to the Pacific. Cali- 
 fornia was not yet an Anglo-Saxon community. Unin- 
 spired prophecy declared that the Pacific coast would never 
 be a part of the territory under the control of the United 
 States Government. In less than three years thereafter, we 
 had expanded to the Pacific, a line of American steamers 
 were nearly ready to run from Panama to California and 
 Oregon, and we were preparing to shorten the distance to 
 
 "Benton: Thirty Years' View, vol. ii. H. Doc. 69, 28-2, vol. ii, 
 Jan. 22, 1845, 14 pp. 
 
 82 Keying appeared to be a man of relatively liberal views. He 
 was unfortunate in his subsequent career. 
 
 83 H. Doc. 69, 28-2, vol. ii, Jan. 22, 1845, 14 pp.
 
 89] Unlocking the Gates of the Orient China. 89 
 
 the Far East, and increase intercourse, by a transconti- 
 nental railway, and a regular, swift line of steamers between 
 California and China 3 * via the Sandwich Islands. 
 
 After Commodore Biddle had exchanged the ratified 
 Cushing treaty, Alexander H. Everett was sent as our rep- 
 resentative at Canton; but he soon died and was succeeded 
 by John W. Davis, who managed to obtain an interview 
 with the Imperial Commissioner at Canton, in 1848, and 
 organized our peculiar judicial system in China. 35 
 
 In his message of December, 1851, President Fillmore 
 announced that the office of Commissioner to China re- 
 mained unfilled that several persons, to whom the place 
 had been offered, had declined because of the inadequacy 
 
 84 H. Rp. 596, 30-1, vol. iii, May 4, 1848. 37 pp. 
 
 American interests in the Pacific and the Far East had " attained 
 great magnitudes." In January, 1846, there were 736 American 
 ships (233,149 tons), and 19,560 officers and seamen engaged in the 
 whale fisheries. Their annual product was about $10,000,000, and 
 they spent about $3,000,000 in foreign ports, annually, for refresh- 
 ments and repairs. Besides the whaling industry, we also had 200 
 vessels (75,000 tons) and 5000 seamen engaged in the Pacific carry- 
 ing trade exclusive of the commerce with China. These consid- 
 erations, induced the House committee on naval affairs to urge 
 the necessity of a naval depot on the California coast, as a part of 
 the proposed plans for facilitating intercourse between the Mis- 
 sissippi river and China. The committee said: " Our commerce 
 with China possesses the elements of indefinite expansion." Under 
 the new Chinese policy, which had released trade from the vexa- 
 tious monopolistic control of extortionate, capricious mandarins, 
 Chinese imports from foreign countries had increased from $10,- 
 205,370 in 1842 to $17,843,249 in 1844, and her exports from $13,- 
 339,750, in 1842 to $25,513,370 in 1844, exclusive of the opium trade. 
 
 By 1852, the American trade with China amounted to $18,000,000 
 annually; but since the beginning of our trade with China, our 
 imports had exceeded our exports more than $180,000,000, which 
 had been paid in silver. John P. Kennedy, Secretary of the Navy, 
 suggested that China might be induced to receive American to- 
 bacco as a substitute for poisonous opium. [Sen. Exec. Doc. 49, 
 32-2, Feb. 16, 1853.] 
 
 35 See Sen. Exec. Doc. 72, 31-1, Sept. 9, 1850. (Davis' report as 
 to consular courts.) 
 
 Mr. Davis was not able to find an American lawyer in all China, 
 Hong Kong, Macao, or the Philippine Islands.
 
 90 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [90 
 
 of the salary of $6,000 to meet the expense of living. A 
 year later he appointed Humphrey Marshall, who accepted, 
 and arrived in China at the beginning of 1853, with a letter 
 to the emperor, and instructions to seek more satisfactory 
 regulation of intercourse. [See Appendix.] 
 
 The vast changes in conditions since the United States 
 had stood alone in the solitude of her first territorial limits, 
 brought new duties and greater opportunities. Then the 
 possession of Florida and Louisiana by European powers 
 was a source of anxiety to the fathers of the republic. Now, 
 we had annexed the neighbors whom we had formerly 
 feared. Then the trans-Mississippi and the trans-Rocky 
 territories were open to the conquest of foreigners. Now, 
 the Pacific alone intervened between us and Asia, and 
 Europe looked with amazement and admiration upon the 
 giant strides of the youthful but vigorous republic. While 
 we had been advancing by expansion, the wonders of science 
 had brought us into closer proximity with all of the powers 
 of the world. In our weak beginning, when we were em- 
 barrassed by the wars of Europe, Washington gave a warn- 
 ing against foreign entanglements, which became stereo- 
 typed into a political proverb, but now people began to 
 ask: " Can the country continue to regard itself apart from 
 Europe and the world? " " Would not the new conditions 
 require the United States to be a part of any great political 
 transaction which affects the history of the world? " We 
 were interested especially in the relations and policies 
 of the great colonizing nations of Europe. Feeling that 
 relations with the East would constitute the most important 
 factor in the achievements of the future, some went so far 
 as to advocate an Anglo-American alliance 3S to preserve the 
 
 34 W. H. Trescot, whose name figured later in the foreign rela- 
 tions of the United States, in 1849, stating that the Russian colonial 
 system must be an exclusive one. and believing that the recent 
 British economic policy indicated that Great Britain was " willing 
 to share with the United States the divided allegiance of the 
 world " considered that an alliance should be a part of our foreign
 
 91] Unlocking the Gates of the Orient China. 91 
 
 integrity of China and an open door, and to arrest the in- 
 creasing power and growing antagonism of England and 
 Russia in the direction of Asia, which was now our near 
 neighbor. The United States, therefore, felt as much con- 
 cern in the affairs of the East as any nation in Europe. 
 
 The year which Marshall spent in China was one of great 
 political confusion. Revolution sought to remedy the 
 chronic diseases of the empire. Part of the political organ- 
 ism undertook to throw off superincumbent weight which 
 had been sustained for years.". Taiping M affairs culminated, 
 
 policy. He considered it the only means to frustrate Russian de- 
 signs, and, at the same time, preserve the independence of China. 
 Spain was too feeble to interfere, and Austria and Prussia were 
 only " accidents and convenient outworks of other nations." 
 France, who (excepting England) was the only European power 
 possessing a basis for independent action was still the natural ally 
 of Russia, as she was at Tilsit. " Equally as natural," said Tres- 
 cot, " and equally as necessary, is the alliance between England 
 and the United States. . . . The future history of the world must 
 be achieved in the East. . . . The United States and Great Britain 
 by concerted action on the ocean can control the history of the 
 world. . . . Indeed, how can it be otherwise. We are the two 
 great commercial nations of modern history, . . . with the same 
 language and ancestry. . . . And while the interest, both of Eng- 
 land and the United States, lies in the monopoly of their Asiatic 
 trade, each Government is peculiarly adapted for its respective part 
 in the accomplishment of so important an end. . . . Thus allied in 
 an honest unity of interest, the United States becomes England's 
 strength, against the world, in support of her Indian colonies, and, 
 shut out from territorial aggrandizement themselves, the United 
 States, are thus by alliance with England sharers of a common 
 basis for further operations." 
 
 "See an article in 15 De Bow, Dec. 1853, pp. 541-71: China and 
 the Indies Our " Manifest Destiny " in the East. 
 
 88 The religious movement which developed into the Taiping re- 
 bellion was organized in the interior of China by Hung Sew-tsuen, 
 a schoolmaster, who had been influenced by Christian books and 
 had renounced Buddhism. His followers resisted exactions, were 
 persecuted, and finally arming themselves for self-defence, de- 
 stroyed temples, and in October, 1850, won an important victory 
 over the imperial soldiery. Moving northward, they conquered as 
 they went. In March, 1853, they captured Nanking, which became 
 Hung's capital in 1860. In 1853, they also took Shanghai. Their 
 success thrilled the world, but political corruption and fanaticism
 
 92 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [92 
 
 and the fate of the imperial dynasty was hanging in the bal- 
 ance. The imperial officials were too busy to attend to 
 foreign affairs. Marshall could obtain no conference with 
 a properly authorized plenipotentiary. On his arrival in 
 January, he sent a note to Yeh, announcing his appointment 
 and requesting an interview. He was far from pleased at 
 Yeh's note of excuses." In his despatch to the Department 
 of State" he gave vent to his indignation at being embar- 
 rassed in his usefulness, and announced his determination 
 not to submit to such discourtesy. He then went to see 
 Eliang (Governor of Kiang-nan and Kiang-si provinces), 
 who received him in person on July 4, and sent to the Em- 
 peror the President's letter, and Marshall's request to be 
 received at Peking to conduct American diplomatic rela- 
 tions there. He (Marshall) received acknowledgment of 
 the letters, but his request was not granted. His hopes were 
 chilled by new evasions and new reference to everything 
 and everybody of Canton, the theatre of perplexity, and 
 the usual channel for conducting diplomatic business. At 
 Canton, however, all of his applications were refused." 
 
 clouded their ideas of reform. They failed in their attack upon 
 Peking, were expelled, by European powers, from Shanghai and 
 Ningpo, and finally, in July, 1864, were driven from Nanking with 
 merciless slaughter. The overthrow of the rebellion was aided by 
 the leadership of Gen. Ward, an American, and Col. Gordon an 
 Englishman. 
 
 89 Yeh and the Governor returned the following gem of literary 
 piquancy and Chinese diplomacy: "... We are delighted to un- 
 derstand that the honorable Commissioner has received the super- 
 intendence of trade at the five ports. We have heretofore heard 
 that the honorable Commissioner is mild and even-tempered, just 
 and upright. ... As to setting a time for an interview, we, the 
 Minister, and Governor are also exceedingly desirous of a mutual 
 interview, when face to face we may converse, in order to mani- 
 fest the good correspondence of our respective countries; but I, 
 the Minister, am at present at Saou-Chow Pass, and I, the Gover- 
 nor, having the superintendence of everything, have not the slight- 
 est leisure, and can only await the return of the Minister " 
 
 [H. Exec. Doc. 123, 33-1, p. 13.] 
 
 40 Despatch No. 3, Feb. 7, 1853. H. Exec. Doc. 123, 33-1, p. 13. 
 
 41 Despatches 21, 27, and 28, July 6, Aug. 26, and Aug. 30, 1853. 
 H. Exec. Doc. 123, 33-1, pp. 189, 240, and 248.
 
 93] Unlocking the Gates of the Orient China. 93 
 
 He also had much difficulty and conflict with the Ameri- 
 can naval commanders, whom he asked to conduct him to 
 northern ports, but to whom he refused to divulge his pur- 
 poses in going. He complained that his exposure to the 
 discourtesy of Commodore Aulick would leave an unfor- 
 tunate impression on the minds of Chinese officials and 
 result' in the procrastination of impending questions 
 and the loss of important advantages in political ar- 
 rangements. With Perry, who relieved Aulick in the 
 East, and stopped at Shanghai en route for Japan, 
 he was no better pleased. Impatient in his desire to 
 present his credentials, and to insist upon an official 
 residence at Peking, and urging that it was a favorable time 
 to press China for more satisfactory relations, he asked 
 Perry " to leave a naval force at Shanghai to make his de- 
 mands and negotiations more effective." His proposition 
 was disregarded. With no vessels at his command, and no 
 prospects of diplomatic intercourse by the close of the year, 
 he was not sorry to close his mission and return to the 
 United States. The unreserved publication of his de- 
 spatches (even of his most confidential letters) in July, 1854, 
 gave the world an opportunity to see the extent and char- 
 acter of his vexations. His intention to leave China he 
 
 42 Sen. Exec. Doc. 34, 33-2, pp. 23-26. 
 
 43 In a note to Perry on May 13, Marshall said: " If the Emperor 
 of China confronted by a formidable rebellion . . . would prefer to 
 hazard war with the United States to an admission of their envoy 
 to this court, yet will not execute his treaty obligations by ap- 
 pointing a proper public officer to adjust questions which arise in 
 the foreign relations of his government, the United States might 
 well desire to modify their policy with Japan until their future 
 relations with China were more clearly ascertained." 
 
 In the latter part of the year, Perry who had returned to Hong 
 Kong from Japan, was requested by Marshall to cooperate with 
 him in an attempt to visit Peking to learn the exact condition of 
 the revolution, to insist upon commercial rights, and to assure the 
 " Christian Emperor " of his readiness to acknowledge the new 
 government; but the Commodore, stating that neither of the Chi- 
 nese parties was in a condition to negotiate, refused to take any 
 step that might be interpreted as participation in the civil war.
 
 !>4 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [94 
 
 announced to Yeh, who replied [January, 1854] : " I avail 
 myself of the occasion to present my compliments, and trust 
 that, of late, your blessings have been increasingly tranquil." 
 
 In October, 1853, Robert McLane was appointed Com- 
 missioner to China." His instructions " of November g, 
 from Marcy, vested him with large and discretionary 
 powers, by which he could be prepared to meet contingen- 
 cies which might arise from the results of the existing revo- 
 lution. He was directed, in case of a crisis, to attempt to 
 secure unrestricted commercial intercourse free trade, if 
 possible but with no desire for exclusive privileges. 4 * He 
 was assured that Perry would receive instructions to coop- 
 erate and give such assistance as the exigencies of the 
 public interest might require, and at least to comply with 
 any request for a steamer. In view of the possible success 
 of the revolutionists, he was authorized to use his discre- 
 tion in recognizing the government dc facto and treat with 
 it or, in case China should be divided under several gov- 
 ernments " promising stability," to negotiate treaties with 
 each government. 
 
 Taking the overland route to the Pacific, McLane reached 
 Hong Kong on March 13, 1854. Like his predecessor, he 
 was unsuccessful in his attempts to open diplomatic inter- 
 course. He found Yeh still too busy to talk. 47 Looking at 
 
 44 Robert J. Walker had accepted the Chinese mission, but finally 
 declined. 
 
 46 Sen. Exec. Doc. 39, 36-1, vol. xi, Apr. 23, 1860. 4 pp. 
 
 44 He was also given power to make a similar treaty with Corea, 
 Cochin China, or any other independent Asiatic power with whom 
 we had no treaty and, in case Perry might fail, to renew efforts in 
 Japan. 
 
 47 On Apr. 6, Yeh in reply to McLane, wrote: " Yefi' . . . . am 
 delighted to learn that the Commissioner has arrived in the south 
 of China. ... I, the Minister, am exceedingly comforted in my 
 mind. As to appointing a time for presentation, I, the Minister, 
 am also desirous of an interview . . . . ; but just at this moment, 
 I the Minister, am superintending the affairs of the army in the 
 several provinces, and day and night have no rest. Suffer me, 
 then, to wait for a little leisure, when I may make selection of a 
 propitious day, that we may have a pleasant meeting." [Sen. 
 Exec. 22, 35-2, p. 19.]
 
 95] Unlocking the Gates of the Orient China. 95 
 
 the archives of the legation, he reported that they presented 
 a very humiliating view of our past relations with China, 
 whose officials rendered intercourse most unsatisfactory. 
 Considering the experience of both England and France, 
 he was convinced that diplomatic intercourse could be ob- 
 tained with the Chinese Government only at the cannon's 
 mouth, but he resisted Sir John Bowring's suggestion for 
 uniting forces for combined action." Mr. Parker, secre- 
 tary of the legation, suggested that the Chinese officials 
 should be warned that such discourteous treatment would 
 be borne no longer, and that a remonstrance should be pre- 
 sented to the emperor in person either to Keen Fung 
 or to Taiping. 49 
 
 Informing Yeh that he would seek some other medium 
 of communication, McLane soon went northward to 
 Shanghai, 50 which had been held by the revolutionists since 
 the autumn of 1853, but was still annoyed by the imperial 
 forces. He found that American merchants were not yet 
 satisfied with the decision of Marshall, that suspension of 
 custom house control by the Imperial Government did not 
 annul the treaty obligation to pay duties." He sustained 
 
 48 Despatch No. 3, to Marcy, Apr. 20, 1854. Sen. Exec. Doc. 22, 
 35-2, p. 21. 
 
 * In 1854, encouraged by the success of his Japan expedition, 
 Perry advocated the extension of the American policy (of stopping 
 exclusiveness) to Cambodia, Borneo, and especially to Formosa, 
 which he considered might be useful in aiding China to establish 
 a more liberal form of government. For the latter purpose he in- 
 timated that further intervention by Great Britain after the Opium 
 War would have been justifiable. Opposed to any toleration of 
 unsocial and insolent exclusiveness, he urged that diplomatic rep- 
 resentatives should reside at Peking and other oriental capitals. 
 Looking to the future, he said: "We must protect commerce, 
 and prepare for events which must transpire, in the East. In the 
 developments of the future, the destinies of our nation must as- 
 sume conspicuous attitudes." [Perry: U. S. Japan Expedition, 
 vol. ii, pp. 173-81.] 
 
 00 Senate Exec. Doc. 22, 35-2 (vol. viii), p. 29 et seq. Despatch 
 Nos. 4, 5 and 6, May 4, and 21, and June 14, 1854. 
 
 51 Marshall, considering that it was the duty of the United States 
 to protect the Chinese revenue, and that if duties were not paid
 
 96 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [96 
 
 the decision of Marshall, however, and awarded to the Chi- 
 nese the revenues due from Americans." 
 
 In June, 1854, McLane visited Woohoo, about 70 miles 
 above Nanking, and investigated the origin, purpose, and 
 extent of the Taiping rebellion. The insurgent leaders 
 appeared not to have the liberality and friendliness which 
 had been attributed to them by the deluded missionary 
 sympathizers. In exclusiveness and extraordinary pre- 
 tensions the chiefs exceeded the tone of the imperial au- 
 thorities. 53 They informed Captain Buchanan that he 
 might be permitted to make yearly visits to bring tribute 
 and bathe in the " gracious streams of the celestial 
 dynasty." 
 
 In October, McLane, in company with Sir John Bow- 
 ring, sailed northward, and after some " amphibious ad- 
 ventures " at the mouth of the Pei-ho, met an imperial [non- 
 plenipotentiary] commissioner in a wretched tent near 
 Taku, and participated in a fruitless conference which lasted 
 almost an entire day. 54 On August 20, he had arrived at 
 the conclusion that if the efforts then being made should 
 
 at Shanghai, they would be levied on the goods in the interior, 
 had established a provisional arrangement for the payment or 
 guarantee of the duties. The British residents did not favor the 
 system, and offered no opposition to a " rebel " mob which sacked 
 the custom house on September 7, 1853. 
 
 82 Sen. Exec. Doc. 22, 35-2, p. 112 et seq. [Despatch 7, July 7, 
 1854.] On Nov. 8, before the award was paid over, Marcy agree- 
 ing with Lord Clarendon, gave instructions to rescind the arrange- 
 ment as to duty obligations. Parker, the charge d'affaires was much 
 embarrassed by this order, and the insubordination of Mr. Mur- 
 phy, the American consul. The question of paying the duties was 
 finally settled by Attorney-General Gushing, who decided that the 
 award of McLane, as an arbitrator, was obligatory. The Chinese 
 difficulty in managing the revenues soon resulted in the establish- 
 ment of a Foreign Inspectorate of Customs, to supervise the du- 
 ties, and see that they were collected. 
 
 M See the " Mandatory " enclosed in Despatch No. 6 of June 14, 
 1854. Sen. Exec. Doc. 22, 35-2, p. 62. Also see p. 50 et seq., and 
 p. 70 et seq. 
 
 64 For Chinese memoranda of the conference, see enclosures in 
 Reed to Cass, No. 33, Oct. 21, 1858, Sen. Exec. Doc. 30, 36-1, pp. 
 438-88 (vol. x).
 
 97] Unlocking the Gates of the Orient China. 97 
 
 prove unavailing, it would be necessary to abandon all 
 further expectation of extending commercial intercourse 
 by treaty, unless Great Britain and the United States should 
 concur in a policy of exerting a more active and decided 
 influence on the destiny of China." In November he urged 
 Marcy to adopt a " more positive policy," stating that if the 
 Chinese emperor remained obstinate a united Anglo- 
 Franco-American fleet should blockade the Pei-ho, Yanste, 
 Min, and Canton rivers, until all the commercial privileges 
 demanded by the foreigners should be conceded. 58 
 
 Secretary Marcy remained cool, conservative, and 
 careful. 
 
 McLane having returned to the United States (in De- 
 cember, 1854) in poor health, in the summer of 1855 Mr. 
 Parker was appointed commissioner. His term of service 
 was coincident with a period of troubles which severely 
 tested his amiable, religious temper. He went to China via 
 London, where he exchanged generalities with Lord Clar- 
 endon on Anglo-Saxon interests, Anglo-American alliance, 
 and " concurrent action and cooperation in China." 
 
 Like his predecessors, he failed to bring Yeh to a per- 
 sonal interview. Unable to appreciate the latter's method 
 of conducting the Chinese foreign office, he sailed north- 
 ward. On September 3, while at Shanghai, he wrote 
 Marcy: "The contemplated plan of concurrent action on 
 the part of Great Britain, France and the United States 
 never appeared to me more wise or desirable than at this 
 moment." " Having no American squadron available to 
 accompany him to the Pei-ho, he returned (November, 1856) 
 to the south of China where he found American commercial 
 interests paralyzed by the confusion resulting from the 
 Arrow affair and the British bombardment of Canton." 
 
 55 Despatch No. 10, Sen. Exec. Doc. 22, 35-2, p. 169. 
 
 08 Despatch 20, Nov. 19, 1854, Sen. Exec. Doc. 22, 35-2, p. 285. 
 
 57 Sen. Exec. Doc. 22, 35-2, p. 921. 
 
 88 Another effort to secure changes in treaties, which was about to 
 be made in conjunction with the Ministers of France and England, 
 was suspended by the Canton hostilities. 
 7
 
 98 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [98 
 
 The United States was almost drawn into the conflict at 
 Canton. A few Americans joined the British hostile forces 
 and displayed the American flag. After the beginning of 
 the conflict, the Chinese, having suggested the withdrawal 
 of the American forces, became provoked because an Amer- 
 ican boat was sent " to sound the river in the vicinity of 
 the forts " and they opened fire on a boat carrying the 
 American flag, and belonging to one of the American ships- 
 of-war. Commodore Armstrong, in reply, authorized a 
 movement against the Barrier forts, then demanded an 
 apology for the insult to the flag, and finally emphasized 
 the demand by destroying the forts." The British believed 
 that the United States had become involved and would 
 henceforth actively cooperate. 80 
 
 Parker claimed to be cautious, but on December 12" he 
 confidentially suggested to Marcy that the combined forces 
 should present themselves at the Pei-ho, and in case China 
 still refused to welcome envoys at Peking, as a final step 
 resort to reprisal by hoisting the French flag in Corea, the 
 British in Chusan, and the American in Formosa, and the 
 retention of the territories until China should accept the 
 terms offered, and give satisfaction for the past and a right 
 
 ** Commanders Foote and Armstrong, notified by Consul O. H. 
 Perry that there was danger of trouble, had moved up the river 
 toward Canton for the purpose of protecting American citizens. 
 The Chinese, excited by the collision with the British, fired upon 
 the American vessels without cause. The action of the Americans 
 in destroying the Barrier forts, was not regarded by the Chinese 
 as an act of war, and was considered within the limits of a neutral 
 policy. [H. M. Wood: Fankwei, N. Y., 1859.] 
 
 * Nearly a year later, Mr. Reed wrote Secretary Cass that the 
 archives of the legation showed that Parker " to a certain point, 
 encouraged Sir John Bowring [and others] in the most extrava- 
 gant expectations of cooperation on our part, to the extent even 
 of acquisition of territory." Referring to the mischievous effects 
 of Parker's course he said that when the delusion was broken, and 
 it became understood that the extreme policy of cooperation was 
 disavowed, or discouraged, all suggestions of friendly concert on 
 points of common interest, which the well-known policy of the 
 government had authorized, were suddenly repelled. [Despatch 
 3, Reed to Cass, Nov. 10, 1857, Sen. Exec. Doc. 30, 36-1, vol. x, 
 p. 17- ] 81 Despatch 34, Sen. Exec. Doc. 22, 35-2.
 
 99] Unlocking the Gates of the Orient China. 99 
 
 understanding for the future. 62 He said that the occupation 
 of territory, as a last resort, for injuries inflicted, would be 
 far more humane and effective than the destruction of life 
 and property by bombarding forts and cities. On February 
 12, 1857, he again suggested the policy of taking Formosa. 63 
 He had just received a letter from Gideon Nye, Jr., who, 
 considering the character of the mongrel race on the island, 
 urged that Commodore Armstrong should take possession 
 of the territory and hold it in the interests of humanity and 
 commerce. 6 * 
 
 Notwithstanding the attempt to involve the United States 
 in hostilities, the American Government remained strictly 
 neutral. Secretary Marcy regretted that there had not been 
 more caution by the Americans at Canton, and refused to 
 entangle the United States in a protracted struggle. " The 
 British Government," said he, " evidently has objects be- 
 yond those contemplated by the United States, and we 
 ought not to be drawn along with it, however anxious it may 
 be for our cooperation." * Considering that there was no 
 obligation resting on China to negotiate at Peking, or near 
 there, for the revision of the treaty of 1844, which she had 
 agreed to revise, but without designating a place, the 
 Pierce administration did not believe that relations with 
 China warranted the " last resort " suggested by Parker. 
 It decided to increase the naval force in Chinese waters, 
 " but not for aggressive purposes." ' 
 
 62 Sen. Exec. Doc. 22 (part 2, p. 1083), 35-2. 
 
 In 1856 some urged that the United States, keeping up with Eng- 
 land and France, should widen the area of her national institu- 
 tions, maintain an imposing naval force in Chinese seas, and follow 
 American commerce everywhere with a show of power. [H. M. 
 Wood: Fankwei, or the San Jacinto in the Seas of India, China 
 and Japan, N. Y., 1859.] M Sen. Exec. Doc. 22, part 2, p. 1183. 
 
 64 Ibid., Exhibit G, p. 1204. 
 
 65 Instr. China, Marcy to Parker, No. 9, Feb. 2, 1857. In Sen. 
 Exec. Doc. 30, 36-1, vol. x, p. 4. 
 
 68 Instr. China, Marcy to Parker, No. 10, Feb. 27, 1857 [Ibid., p. 6]. 
 In the following April Secretary Cass said: "We have of course 
 no political views connected with that empire." [To Lord Napier, 
 Apr. 10, 1857. In Sen. Exec. Doc. 47, 35-1.]
 
 100 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [100 
 
 <A/ C 
 
 Secretary Cass, under the Buchanan administration, ad- 
 hered to the same policy of neutrality. In March he re- 
 ceived through Lord Napier a paper (dated January 9) from 
 Lord Clarendon inviting the United States to join the alli- 
 ance and participate in hostile movements against China in 
 order to obtain the following objects: 
 
 1. Recognition of the right to send a minister to Peking. 
 
 2. Commercial extension beyond the five ports. 
 
 3. Reduction of tariff duties levied on domestic produce 
 in transit from the interior. 
 
 4. Religious freedom of all foreigners in China. 
 
 5. An arrangement for the suppression of piracy." 7 
 
 6. Provision for the extension of whatever benefits might 
 be obtained to all other civilized powers of the earth. 
 
 Though the President recognized all these objects as just 
 and expedient, and was sensible of the liberal policy of the 
 allied powers in disclaiming any intention to secure exclu- 
 sive commercial advantages for themselves, he could not 
 agree to cooperate in hostile demonstrations. Though he 
 had power to employ naval forces for defence and for protec- 
 tion of American citizens, he stated that a military expedi- 
 tion into Chinese territory could not be undertaken except 
 by Congress. Besides, although he was determined to ask 
 China for a revision of the treaty of 1844 (which contained 
 a clause providing for revision at the expiration of 12 years) 
 he could not agree that our relations would warrant a resort 
 to war. Secretary Cass, in his reply to Napier, said: " True 
 wisdom dictates moderation and discretion in attempts to 
 open China to the trade of the world." " 
 
 In May, Mr. William B. Reed was appointed 70 Envoy Ex- 
 
 67 In 1855 a detachment from an American man-of-war destroyed 
 the junks and burnt the depots of some pirates in Chinese waters. 
 [Rp. Secy, of Navy, Dec. 1855.] 
 
 88 MS. " Notes " from Brit. Legation to the Department, March 
 14, 1857- 
 
 * Notes from the Department to the Brit. Leg., Apr. 10, 1857. 
 
 70 In July 1857, Parker, having no instructions, declined the in- 
 vitation of the Earl of Elgin to unite with him in a visit to the
 
 101] Unlocking the Gates of the Orient China. 101 
 
 traordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to China [to watch 
 for an opportunity to revise treaties] , with instructions n 
 based upon a policy of peaceful cooperation in efforts to 
 secure the objects sought by the allies. 72 " But on your 
 side," said Cass, " efforts must be confined to firm repre- 
 sentations, appealing to the justice and policy of the Chi- 
 nese authorities, and [in case of failure] leaving to your 
 own Government to determine upon the course to be 
 adopted. . . . The United States is not at war with China, 
 and only desires lawful commerce 73 and the protection of its 
 citizens." The instructions explicitly stated that the United 
 States had no motives of territorial aggrandizement or ac- 
 quisition of political power in China. 74 Recognizing the 
 potent influence of commerce alone as a means of introduc- 
 ing progressive civilization and national improvement, Cass 
 said: "With the domestic institutions of China we have 
 no political concern." Having no reason to believe that 
 either of the contestants in the Chinese civil war would be 
 more ready than the other to extend commercial inter- 
 course, he directed Reed to use discretion in all that related 
 to the internal conflict. To provide for possible contin- 
 
 north of China. In August, learning that Mr. Reed had been ap- 
 pointed to succeed him, he returned to the United States. 
 
 71 Instr. China, Cass to Reed, No. 2, May 30, 1857. In Senate 
 Exec. Doc. 47, 35-1, vol. xii, Apr. 20, 1858. (9 pp.) 
 
 72 Reed was instructed that, in case Russia secured the reception 
 of an accredited minister, there was no reason why he should not 
 have the same friendly relations with the latter as with the Brit- 
 ish and French representatives. 
 
 73 American citizens had not enjoyed " all the proper accommo- 
 dations in obtaining homes and places of business," as provided by 
 treaty. Local authority had interfered to prevent Chinese inhabi- 
 tants from granting such rights, and had neglected to examine 
 American complaints as to Chinese frauds or debts. They had not 
 sufficiently enforced the guarantee of security for persons and prop- 
 erty. The Chinese regulations reducing the true standard of the 
 American coin had also injured trade. 
 
 74 It was suggested that Mr. Reed, while watching for a favor- 
 able time to secure revision of treaties, might even have an oppor- 
 tunity to serve as a medium of communication between belliger- 
 ents, and prevent war.
 
 102 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [102 
 
 gencies the Chinese squadron was increased and the move- 
 ment of forces placed as far as possible under Mr. Reed's 
 control. 
 
 Mr. Reed, on reaching China, found the trade of all na- 
 tions suspended by the blockade of the Canton river, and 
 the imperial authorities still busy with the Taiping insur- 
 rection. He soon discovered that it was not a favorable 
 time to negotiate for the revision of treaties. 75 On Novem- 
 ber 17 he wrote to the tranquil Yeh, announcing his arrival 
 and requesting an interview. Before receiving a reply, he 
 wrote again, on November 28, stating that the United 
 States, although not a party to the existing hostilities, was 
 determined to secure redress for wrongs which American 
 citizens had suffered at the hands of Chinese authorities 
 and that friendly feeling could not possibly continue if China 
 should withhold the courtesies of intercourse. 1 " On Novem- 
 ber 24, Yeh replied that, although he had much desire for 
 an interview, there was no place where to hold it, since the 
 British had burned the houses near Canton. As to the 
 treaty, he said it had " proved satisfactory " and needed no 
 alterations. In December, he again wrote that the Ameri- 
 can merchants and citizens having been treated with cour- 
 tesy and kindness in China, could have no wrongs to re- 
 dress." He expressed confidence that Reed, being clear- 
 headed, would not act as Parker, whom he suggested had 
 been recalled for his conduct. On December 12, Reed, re- 
 gretting that no opportunity was given for an interview, 
 the result of which might be beneficial to both nations, re- 
 plied : " The time is not far distant when your excel- 
 lency may be sorry you have not seen me. . . . The treaty 
 of 1844 must be revised. . . . The time has come when the 
 United States, the greatest nation of the Western world, 
 
 76 Message of President Buchanan Dec. 8, 1857. 
 
 76 In Despatch No. 36, Reed to Cass, Dec. 15, 1857. Sen. Exec. 
 Doc. 30, 36-1, vol. x, pp. 49-53. 
 
 77 Yeh to Reed, Dec. 8, 1857. Enclosure in Reed's No. 39 to 
 Cass, Dec. 28.
 
 103] Unlocking the Gates of the Orient China. 103 
 
 must be treated on terms of equality with China, the oldest 
 civilized nation of the East, and I have come in a concilia- 
 tory spirit to claim that right." In response, Yeh wrote 
 (December 18): " From this it is plainly to be perceived 
 that your excellency well understands the position of 
 things, and the heartfelt regrets which you express have 
 greatly tranquillized my feelings. . . . The despatches of 
 .... Parker sometimes had remarks . . . not agreeable 
 and courteous, but I never attached much importance to 
 them in my mind. . . . Our two countries are like two good 
 friends ... in every respect on the best of terms." 7 Here 
 the correspondence ended with the arrow of controversy 
 still in the quiver. Such skillfully turned phrases and such 
 masterly inactivity were difficult to meet by any form of 
 literary retaliation known to the Western mind. 
 
 The crisis at Canton was rapidly approaching. By the 
 close of the year all of the forts were taken. Early in Jan- 
 uary, 1858, Reed wrote that the city was completely in the 
 hands of the allies. Yeh had been captured and impris- 
 oned on a war-vessel. At his house were found many docu- 
 ments relating to foreign affairs (including the original 
 Cushing treaty), which indicated that the Foreign Office of 
 China had practically been at Canton for many years. 80 
 On February 13, Yeh was sent to Calcutta for safe keeping. 
 Having disposed of the tranquil commissioner, the powers 
 prepared to urge their demands upon the Peking Govern- 
 ment. Reed had come to the conclusion that vigorous 
 action was necessary to secure redress. While suggesting 
 
 78 Enclosure in Despatch 39, Reed to Cass, Dec. 28, 1857. 
 
 " The Western powers," said Reed, " must give up the dream 
 of dealing with China as a nation to which the ordinary rules 
 apply." [Despatches, No. 3, Jan. 4, 1858. Sen. Exec. Doc. 30, 
 36-1, vol. x, p. 86.] 
 
 80 Despatches, No. 5, Reed to Cass (Macao, Jan. 26, 1858). After 
 learning more of these documents, which reflected the foreign 
 policy of the Imperial Government, Reed wrote: " Decisive ac- 
 tion is necessary with the officials who rule this people." [Des- 
 patches, No. 8, Feb. 4, 1858.]
 
 104 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [104 
 
 that the Chinese indebtedness of $800,000 to the United 
 States might be realized by treaty, or by detention from 
 duties, he was confident that the only sure method of obtain- 
 ing redress was peremptory demand enforced by the block- 
 ade of ports as a means of reprisal. 81 By invitation, he coop- 
 erated with the allied powers and Russia in addressing 
 communications to Peking. In his appeal to China he 
 stated that the United States, having most friendly relations 
 with Russia, France and Great Britain, and desiring the 
 integrity of China to remain inviolate by the terms of re- 
 dress and peace, was ready to extend friendly offices. 82 In 
 this appeal he was proud to unite, because he considered it 
 " entirely consistent with the peaceful attitude we have tried 
 to occupy in the East." " He also considered that under his 
 instructions he could proceed with the allied fleets to the 
 north, and try the effect of the appearance of force near the 
 seat of the Imperial Government. Desiring to provide for 
 a contingency in which China should refuse to negotiate 
 or resort to evasions, he asked to be invested with power to 
 resort to measures of coercion for securing redress. 8 * 
 
 The Department of State approved Reed's course in join- 
 ing the powers in writing the notes to the Chinese em- 
 peror, but stated that the United States could not join in a 
 continuation of coercive measures by resort to arms at 
 least, not yet. 85 
 
 The notes to Peking having failed to produce the desired 
 result, the powers decided to use more effective measures 
 by an advance toward the imperial capital. Reed sug- 
 gested that the United States should accompany the allied 
 fleet with all of her available force, to show the Oriental 
 
 81 Despatches, No. 7, Feb. i, 1858. Sen. Exec. Doc. 30, 36-1, p. 
 104. 
 
 ** For Reed's letter to the Chinese Government, see Sen. Exec. 
 Doc. 30, 36-1, vol. x, pp. 171-75. 
 
 88 Despatches, No. 9, Reed to Cass, Feb. 13, 1858. Ibid., p. 125. 
 
 84 The President had already asked Congress for such power. 
 
 "Instructions, China, No. n, Cass to Reed, Apr. 28, 1858.
 
 105] Unlocking the Gates of the Orient China. 105 
 
 mind that she was not compelled to abstain from hostilities 
 through any want of means. 86 In May, while preliminary 
 operations were pending, he held conferences with Chinese 
 commissioners, pursuing a course concerning which Lord 
 Elgin guardedly expressed his dissent and disapproval. 87 
 He sailed with the allied fleet in their advance toward Pe- 
 king, and was an observer of the hostilities which he had 
 tried to prevent. 88 After the fleet had captured the Taku forts, 
 enabling it to steam up the Pei-ho toward Peking and com- 
 pel China to yield concessions, he secured all the advantages 
 which had been forced by ball and bayonet. After several 
 interviews with the Chinese commissioners at Tientsin, on 
 June 18, he wrote: '' I have to-day signed a treaty." In 
 the negotiations, the two great points of difficulty were in 
 regard to the permanent residence of a minister at Peking, 
 and the navigation of the rivers. 
 
 The treaty, which Mr. Reed negotiated, renewed the 
 extra-territoriality clause for consular judicial jurisdiction 
 in suits against United States citizens in China, granted the 
 right of direct correspondence with the privy council, per- 
 mitted the minister of the United States to visit and sojourn 
 at Peking for the transaction of business once each year, 
 secured more liberal commercial regulations and gave access 
 to new ports and to the interior of the country." On No- 
 
 89 Despatch No. n, Reed to Cass, Shanghai, Apr. 3, 1858. A few 
 days later, Reed seeing little chance of being able to accomplish 
 anything, expressed a wish to return. On June 25 Cass replying 
 that the President assented to his urgent wish, urged him to stay 
 until there was no reasonable hope of prompt accommodation. 
 [Instr. China, No. 12, Cass to Reed.] 
 
 87 Despatch No. 17, Reed to Cass, May 15, 1858. Sen. Exec. Doc. 
 30, 36-1, vol. x, p. 297. 
 
 88 The Russian and American squadrons were given orders to 
 abstain from hostilities except in cases of extremity. 
 
 w On the treaty and its effects, see Reed's despatch to Cass, No. 
 23, June 30, 1858. Sen. Exec. Doc. 30, 36-1, pp. 351-63, and 363-70; 
 also despatch No. 29, July 29, 1858. Ibid., 371 et seq. 
 
 For further remarks on the treaty, and philosophic generaliza- 
 tions regarding the nature of the Chinese government and its for- 
 eign relations, the real authority in the political system, the Chi-
 
 106 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [106 
 
 vember 8, he negotiated a convention 80 for settling the claims 
 of American citizens, by which China afterwards paid the 
 United States $735,238.97." 
 
 The English and French treaties of 1858 each contained 
 a clause providing for an exchange at Peking, and the en- 
 voys, Sir Frederick Bruce and M. de Bourbillon, refused to 
 listen to Chinese officials who were sent to Shanghai to dis- 
 suade them from going to Peking."" Arriving at the mouth 
 of the Pei-ho in June, 1859, they found the river obstructed 
 by improved forts at Taku and, by chains which the Chinese 
 refused to remove. The allied fleet of nineteen vessels was 
 under the command of the English admiral, Hope. Upon 
 learning of the obstructions in the river, Admiral Hope 
 made an imperative demand that they be removed at once. 
 This the Chinese refused, and Bruce, hoping that the matter 
 was susceptible of an amicable adjustment, attempted to 
 enter into negotiations for the removal of the booms so 
 that he might be permitted to pursue his journey to Peking. 
 
 Almost coincident with the arrival of the British and 
 French, two American vessels, under Commander Josiah 
 Tatnall, escorting the American Minister, John E. Ward, 
 reached the waters of the Pei-ho. Ward had received the 
 assent of the Chinese commissioners at Shanghai to go to 
 the imperial capital, and had resolved to proceed until 
 stopped by a force which could not be overcome by that 
 under Tatnall by which he was escorted. Persuaded by 
 
 nese negotiations, and the influence of the conduct of foreigners, 
 see Reed's despatch No. 31 to Cass, Sept. 4, 1858. Ibid., p. 429 
 et seq. 
 
 For illustrations of Chinese polity, and characteristics, see D. 
 Wells Williams's despatch No. 2 to Cass, Jan. 28, 1859. Ibid., p. 
 545- 
 
 90 Despatches, Nos. 35 and 37, Reed to Cass, Nov. 9, and Nov. 
 10, 1858. Ibid., pp. 493-528. 
 
 91 After the settlement of the claims by a United States commis- 
 sion, a surplus remained. In 1885 a balance of $453,400.90 was re- 
 turned to the Chinese minister at Washington. 
 
 n See 14 Ward to Cass June 13, 1859. Sen. Exec. Doc. 30, 36-1, 
 PP. 569-85.
 
 107] Unlocking the Gates of the Orient China. 107 
 
 Tatnall, on June 25 he boarded an American chartered 
 steamer, which passed the vessels of the allies, but grounded 
 on a mud flat when within half a mile of the forts. On the 
 next day, after the American vessel had been floated out of 
 the line of fire, the allies began the attack on the yellow- 
 flag-crowned Taku forts and attempted to clear the river, 
 but the Chinese, with more artillery than had been sus- 
 pected, opened a heavy fire which did serious damage. 
 Throughout the fight the American force was nominally 
 neutral. But Tatnall, when a young British officer in- 
 formed him that Admiral Hope was seriously wounded, and 
 intimated that American assistance would relieve the situa- 
 tion, turning to Ward, said: " I must either help Hope or 
 return to the Powhatan. I can't stand here and see them 
 shot to pieces. . . . Blood is thicker than water." He pro- 
 ceeded to extend his sympathy, and despite the protests of 
 fellow-officers, assisted in landing men from the allied fleet 
 to storm the forts. When the landing party was cut to 
 pieces he sent boats to aid them to return to their vessels." 
 After the fight made it evident he could not reach Peking 
 with the French and English, Ward, in accordance with 
 treaty provisions, opened negotiations for means of con- 
 veyance overland.* 4 In a yellow cart, he started toward the 
 imperial city, and on August 16, without force, secured the 
 ratification of the treaty." 
 
 93 Sen. Exec. Doc. 30, pp. 585-91. 15 Ward to Cass, July 4, 1859. 
 
 ** Ibid., pp. 591-94. 16 Ward to Cass, July 10, 1859. 
 
 93 Ibid., p. 594 et seq. 17 Ward to Cass, Aug. 20, 1859. Ward 
 landed at Pei-t'ang, north of the mouth of the Pei-ho, and was 
 taken to Peking by carts and by boats, over which floated a yellow 
 penant with the words: "Tribute bearer from the United States." 
 The imperial commissioners informed him that it was necessary 
 to have an audience with the emperor before the treaty could be 
 exchanged, but agreed to require of him only one-third of the 
 usual number of kneelings (three) and touchings of the head on the 
 ground (nine) required of envoys. Ward replied that he knelt 
 only to God, and refused to bow except as he would to the Presi- 
 dent of the United States. The commissioners then arranged a 
 plan for avoiding the formalities, but the emperor insisted that he
 
 108 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [108 
 
 The Chinese continued to oppose the treaties after they 
 had been ratified, and endeavored to prevent their execu- 
 tion." In 1860 British and French forces, having destroyed 
 the defences of the Pei-ho river, took possession of the im- 
 perial city and induced the opening of the new ports of 
 Nin-Chwang, Tung-Chan, Tai-wan (in Formosa), Chan- 
 Chau, Kiang-Chau and (later) Tientsin. Russia, taking 
 occasion to settle long-standing questions, obtained from 
 China the region north of the Amoor and a tract along the 
 coast of Manchuria below 43. 
 
 Burlingame, whom Seward sent as United States minister 
 to China in June, 1861, with instructions to lend no aid or 
 countenance to the Taiping rebellion, but to consult with 
 English and French ministers, desired the treaty powers 
 to agree on the neutrality of China, to secure order in the 
 treaty ports," give their moral support to the Chinese party 
 which was in favor of order, to encourage the adoption of 
 progressive reforms and make an effort to substitute diplo- 
 matic action for force. His ideas met with the approval of 
 the representatives of Great Britain, France and Russia. 
 Some foreigners, however, advocated alienation of Chinese 
 
 must touch either the knee or the fingers to the ground, and no 
 audience was arranged. The ratified treaties were unceremoniously 
 exchanged at Pei-t'ang where Ward embarked for Shanghai. 
 
 A. A. Hayes, in an article in the Atlantic Monthly for May. 1887, 
 says that it has been our policy to " crawl behind the British guns, 
 and come forward at the end of war with our bills for lost dressing- 
 gowns, pipes, slippers and peace of mind." 
 
 ** While an Anglo-French war against China was impending in 
 Feb., 1860, President Buchanan agreed that the United States 
 should pursue the same policy as that outlined by Russia. 
 
 m In several cases American naval forces had aided in preserving 
 order. In August, 1859, during a disturbance which arose among 
 the Chinese population at Shanghai on account of alleged kidnap- 
 ping of " coolies " for a French merchant vessel, Captain Nichol- 
 son, at the request of the United States consul, landed part of his 
 ' crew of the Mississippi, but order was restored and no collision 
 occurred. [Rp. Secy, of Navy, Dec., 1859.] In June, 1860, during 
 a fight between the Canton Chinchew men, Commander Berrien, 
 at request of Consul Gouverneur, sent an armed boat to protect 
 American residents.
 
 109] Unlocking the Gates of the Orient China. 109 
 
 territory at the principal treaty ports and exclusive jurisdic- 
 tion by England; and others, though well-meaning, excited , 
 the opposition of the Chinese by pressing the question of 
 constructing railways and telegraphs. 
 
 In 1868, Burlingame, as minister plenipotentiary of 
 China, negotiated a treaty with the United States favoring 
 the territorial integrity of the empire, exempting persons 
 from persecution for religious faith, acknowledging the 
 right of voluntary emigration, 88 and confirming the previous 
 consular jurisdiction. Though Secretary Fish thought the 
 United States should have additional concessions, and that 
 there should be a moderation of the restrictions which fet- 
 tered commerce, he had no desire to embarrass the Chinese 
 Government. 9 * 
 
 In her subsequent relations with China the United States \ 
 has continued to be non-aggressive, modest and friendly. 
 She has continued to adhere to a policy of cooperation with 
 the other powers upon the principle of native independence, 
 an open door, and equality of opportunity for all the powers 
 concerned. Notwithstanding her Chinese exclusion laws, 
 
 98 The United States had aided China to suppress the Coolie 
 trade, but had found it very difficult to prevent the emigration of 
 Chinese under false pretences, so long as they were prohibited from 
 leaving the country freely. [See Sen. Exec. Doc. 22, 35-2, p. 657.] 
 
 99 In 1870 President Grant concurred with the opinion of Ger- 
 many that the combined action of the powers should end piracy in 
 Chinese waters. In 1871, when there were unsettled questions 
 growing out of Chinese opposition to Christianity, some urged 
 measures that would teach China a lesson which she would long 
 remember. In 1867-69 there had been local outrages against for- 
 eigners. A crisis was reached by the massacre at Tientsin. 
 France asked redress. China prevaricated and delayed, then 
 promised to pay an indemnity, and finally refused to pay, de- 
 manded the abolition of schools for the education of females, and 
 insisted that males should not be taught doctrines opposed to 
 those of Confucius. She also desired to consider missionaries as 
 Chinese subjects, and to prevent the access of women to the em- 
 pire in that capacity. The Nation (Aug. 17, 1871) urged that the 
 United States, though not engaged in religious propagandism, 
 should not hesitate to use force, or to unite with other powers, if 
 necessary, to induce China to recede from her position.
 
 110 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [110 
 
 she has always stood well at Peking. Her efforts in be- 
 half of an open door are regarded as distinctly in the 
 interest of the integrity of the Chinese Empire. Her influ- 
 ence in the Orient has been greatly increased by the occu- 
 pation and acquisition of the Philippines. In case the other 
 powers, by their rivalry and spheres of influence in China, 
 should attempt a policy of partition, she probably would 
 not allow treaty rights and general interests to be sacrificed 
 to such schemes of aggrandizement. She might even call 
 in the Monroe doctrine in defence of her course. 
 
 Secretary Hay, on entering upon the duties of Secretary 
 of State, saw that the inevitable retention of the Philippines 
 would enable the United States to secure her policy in 
 China and the East. After signing the treaty of Paris, he 
 took steps to obtain from foreign powers, having " spheres 
 of influence " in China, a recognition of our treaty rights 
 to an open door. Some of the powers intimated that instead 
 of a written assurance they would allow the United States 
 a " sphere of influence," but Hay refused to participate in 
 the partition policy. While avoiding an alliance with 
 England or a treaty with any of the powers respecting a 
 policy in China, he has insisted that the foreign powers, 
 by treaties with each other and with China, should give a 
 written guarantee of an open door. 
 
 In the recent Chinese crisis, while cooperating with the 
 allies in the advance against Peking, to protect the foreign 
 legations, the United States has had no territorial designs. 
 VShe desires an open door to the trade of all China, and not 
 a restricted sphere of influence over any part of it. She 
 consistently strives for the larger field of commercial oppor- 
 tunity unlimited by territorial boundaries. If, through her 
 prestige as a territorially disinterested power, she can pre- 
 vent partition, restore peace to the Empire, and be assured 
 of the protection of American rights and lives, she will have 
 the reward or compensation which comes from the per- 
 formance of duty by a necessary activity which has left our 
 traditions unendangeredu^-
 
 Ill] Unlocking the Gates of the Orient Corea. Ill 
 
 Corea. 100 Corea, with a policy of exclusion and inclu- 
 sion, remained for ages in a state of seclusion. About the 
 beginning of 1868, Frederick Jenkins, an American, who 
 had served as interpreter at the United States consulate 
 at Shanghai, sailed to Corea on the General Sherman with 
 an expedition which he had organized to rob the tombs of 
 the deceased Corean sovereigns as a means of securing a 
 ransom. The conduct of some of the crew on landing 
 excited the Coreans to kill eight of them and destroy their 
 vessel. The Corean Government, desiring to explain the 
 circumstances connected with the affair, and contemplating 
 the expediency of securing a treaty of friendship and com- 
 merce, in April, 1868, sent commissioners to Mr. Seward, 
 the United States consul-general at Shanghai, for consulta- 
 tion. 
 
 After considerable correspondence, and with the assur- 
 ance from the Peking Government that Corea's tributary 
 relation to China did not prevent her from making treaties, 
 F. F. Low, United States Minister to China, accompanied 
 by Mr. Seward and Rear- Admiral Rodgers, with a squadron 
 of five vessels, went to Corea in April, 1871, by instructions 
 from Washington, and made an attempt to negotiate a con- 
 vention securing rescue and protection to our shipwrecked 
 mariners and property. 101 They arrived in the Salu river 
 April 25, and on May 29, in a friendly manner, informed the 
 officials of their purpose to continue up the river to make 
 surveys. The officials made no objection to the surveys, 
 but said the king was averse to making treaties. On June i 
 several surveying vessels were fired upon from forts, which 
 they soon silenced. The Coreans stubbornly refusing to 
 offer an apology, on June 10 an expedition of nearly 1000 
 men, sent to avenge the insult, destroyed forts and batteries 
 and killed 253 Coreans, who were then glad to fall back. 
 
 100 W. E. Griffis: Corea: the hermit nation. 1882. 
 
 101 President's Message of Dec. 1871, and accompanying docu- 
 ments. 
 
 102 Pamphlet at Navy Department, on " Expedition to Corea, 
 1871."
 
 112 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [112 
 
 Before leaving, Low made another attempt to open nego- 
 tiations with the Government, but the letter to the king was 
 returned unopened, and he was informed that no one dare 
 convey his letter to Seoul. Rodgers, after further efforts 
 appeared useless, went to Chefoo to await orders from the 
 United States. Though the expedition had only contem- 
 plated peaceful negotiations, some hoped the powers would 
 take united action against this warlike people; but the Wash- 
 ington Government, seeing no hope of accomplishing any- 
 thing without a display of force, decided to postpone further 
 negotiations. 
 
 After the bloodless revolution of 1874, which deposed a 
 tyrannical usurping ruler, the Coreans became more inter- 
 ested in foreign nations and better acquainted with their 
 policies; and, after a war with Japan, which opened several 
 ports to Japanese commerce, notwithstanding ancient laws, 
 they began to visit other countries. Secretary Freling- 
 huysen, seeing favorable conditions for renewing negotia- 
 tions, and considering that the independence of Corea was 
 regarded as established, resolved again to make an effort 
 to obtain a treaty with the land of the Morning Calm, and 
 intrusted the delicate mission to Admiral Shufeldt, who, on 
 May 22, 1882, concluded a treaty securing the opening of 
 certain ports to our commerce, aid and protection to our 
 vessels and seamen, and safety to our citizens while in 
 Corea. Lucius H. Foote, who, in May, 1883, became the 
 first United States minister to Corea, made a favorable im- 
 pression as to the friendly purposes of the American gov- 
 ernment, and relations since have been cordial and har- 
 monious. 
 
 For 2000 years Corea has had a government based on 
 the spoils system. In the almost thirty centuries during 
 which she has patiently played a negative part, trying to 
 steer between the Scylla of China and the Charybdis of 
 Japan, she has been buried beneath a mass of worn-out, 
 alien (Chinese) ideals legal, religious and social which 
 have almost crushed her spontaneity. She cannot be ex-
 
 113] Unlocking the Gates of the Orient Corea. 113 
 
 humed, disinterred, and reclaimed without a process of < 
 education. In the riot of December, 1884, some of the lib- 
 erals inaugurated a hurricane of reform which lasted for 
 forty-eight hours, but they failed in the attempt to condense 
 centuries of evolution into a few hours. 10 * The need of 
 reforms in the administration and finances of Corea fur- 
 nished an occasion for the events which caused the recent 
 Chino-Japanese war, since which a reaction has largely 
 transferred to Russia the influence previously exerted by 
 Japan in Corea; but Japan expects to be a dominant force ; 
 in guiding the destiny of both Corea and China. 
 
 10 * Foreign Relations, 1885. Percival Lowell: "The coup d'etat 
 in Corea." Atlantic Monthly, vol. Iviii, 1886.
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 AMERICANIZATION OF HAWAII. 
 
 / The interests which the United States suddenly acquired 
 in California, the development of Oregon, and the prospects 
 of closer communication with Asia, increased the import- 
 ance of the earlier American policy to prevent foreign colo- 
 nization or control of the Hawaiian Islands, where Ameri- 
 can elements had predominated from the earliest days of 
 foreign interests there, and led the American Government 
 to contemplate the annexation of the islands as a possible 
 contingency necessary to American interests. 
 
 American influence in the islands was considerable by 
 1820. In March of that year, missionaries from Boston 
 arrived in the Thaddeus to begin their religious and hu- 
 manitarian work, and in the following September President 
 Monroe appointed John C. Jones as United States agent, 
 for commerce and seamen at Hawaii, to make reports to the 
 Department of State. The missionaries were hospitably 
 received and found conditions favorable for their labors. 
 Kamehameha I., the " Napoleon of the Pacific," who, by 
 1795, had practically asserted his control over all the 
 septinsular kingdom, had died in 1819, leaving a consoli- 
 dated kingdom to his son Liholiho, who succeeded him as 
 Kamehameha II. The will of the chief was still almost 
 absolute. There had not yet developed a code of laws, or 
 government regulations, courts of justice, or the acknowl- 
 edged right of persons to own property. Neither was there 
 yet a written or systematized language. But the people 
 were preparing to be transformed by the institutions of 
 civilization. Under the influence of foreigners, they be- 
 came infidels to the old religion. After disobeying old
 
 115] The Americanization of Hawaii. 115 
 
 religious rites they found that their health was as good as 
 before. Under Liholiho, " tabu " and idolatry were abol- 
 ished by law. 1 
 
 The missionaries, who soon exerted considerable influence 
 with the native government, were opposed by foreigners, 
 who finally led the king into dissipation and debts which 
 caused him to increase taxes. Richard Charlton, the 
 British consul-general at Hawaii, was accused of placing 
 himself at the head of the lawless and de'praved class of for- 
 eigners, and trying to induce the chiefs' to make no laws with- 
 out the approval of the British Government. 2 He showed 
 an open antagonism to the American missionaries and 
 American influence on the islands, tried to organize the dis- 
 cordant elements into an anti-missionary party, and, later, 
 he favored the introduction of a rival religion by French 
 Catholic priests, who were appointed by the Pope in 1826. 
 The Hawaiian Government remained friendly to the Prot- 
 estant missionaries, and in April, 1831, issued a decree ban- 
 ishing the Jesuits; it was inclined to persecute those who 
 had embraced the Roman faith, though the severity of the 
 persecution was lessened by a visit of the Potomac in 1832." 
 
 Toward the close of 1832 political troubles increased. The 
 
 *J- J- Jarvis: History of the Sandwich Islands. 
 
 1 In 1823 Liholiho, suspecting Russia of having designs, decided 
 to ask England and the United States for protection and visited 
 London, where he died, and from whence his remains were con- 
 veyed to Honolulu in the Blonde under the command of Lord 
 Byron. [G. A. Byron: Voyage of the Blonde to the Sandwich 
 Islands, 1824-5. London, 1826.] George IV. promised protec- 
 tion against foreign aggression. British influence had long be- 
 fore shown itself. In February, 1793, Vancouver, returned to the 
 islands and endeavored to secure an end to the internal dissensions 
 that were reducing the population. A year later, a meeting of the 
 great chiefs decided to cede Hawaii to England as a protectorate, 
 and Mr. Puget went ashore, hoisted the British colors and took 
 possession. 
 
 3 About the same time a writer in the London Metropolitan 
 Magazine proposed that the British Government should take pos- 
 session of the islands as a matter of expediency. [J. N. Reynolds: 
 Voyage of the Potomac, p. 416.]
 
 116 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [116 
 
 young King Kamehameha III., partly through the influence 
 of Charlton, had thrown off the restraints of his elders and 
 abandoned himself to dissipation and debauchery. He asso- 
 ciated with the licentious, and delegated his royal power to 
 Kaomi, an unprincipled Tahitian. Shameless dances were 
 revived, family ties were sundered, and drunkenness ruled. 
 Kinau, the eldest sister of Kamehameha I., stood for de- 
 cency, but she could not obtain the ear of the king.* 
 
 In July, 1839, Captain Laplace, of the French frigate 
 Artemise, forced Kamehameha III. to allow the return of 
 the priests, the entire freedom of Catholic worship, and the 
 introduction of intoxicating liquors into the islands. Many 
 priests now came, and trouble soon arose between them 
 and the Protestants. French and English grievances con- 
 tinued. 
 
 In 1842 a French vessel arrived with new demands, to 
 which the king replied that he had sent an embassy to 
 France to negotiate a treaty. The English consul, Charl- 
 ton, also presented a list of grievances, 5 causing the king 
 (July, 1842) to ask for his removal and to send a communi- 
 cation to the United States, England and France to nego- 
 tiate new treaties and obtain a guarantee of independence 
 and neutrality. 
 
 Notwithstanding the reports of progress in the islands 
 arid the increase of American interests there, the United 
 States sought no exclusive control or advantage, but de- 
 sired that American rights should be respected and guarded. 
 Webster, in his reply to the Hawaiian commissioners, stated 
 that the government of Hawaii should not be an object of 
 interference by foreign powers," but advised them to begin 
 diplomatic operations in England. 
 
 * Laura Fish Judd: Honolulu, etc., 1828-61. N. Y., 1880. 
 
 8 Charlton had a title to some Hawaiian lands, and claimed the 
 right to transfer it, but the courts of Hawaii decided against him 
 and attached his land. Though the Government made no attempt to 
 eject him from the lands, he claimed that his rights had been in- 
 fringed, and complained to the British Government. 
 
 * Wilkes, who visited the islands on his exploring expedition, 
 said: " Fortunately for the Sandwich Islands they have no port
 
 117] The Americanization of Hawaii. 117 
 
 Desiring to defeat the objects of the embassy, Charlton 
 secretly went to England, leaving a hostile deputy, Simp- 
 son, whom the king refused to recognize until he was forced 
 to do so by Lord George Paulet, of the British navy, who 
 arrived February 10, 1843, threatened the authorities, took 
 possession of the islands under the British flag, 7 seized all 
 lands claimed by Charlton, abrogated laws against vice, 
 and raised an army of natives. The king, after executing 
 the forced cession, wrote President Tyler, protesting and 
 asking the United States to interpose. 
 
 The United States, when informed of this affair by the 
 communication from the Hawaiian king, declared that no 
 power ought to take possession of the islands either as a 
 conquest or for colonization. 8 She took steps, through 
 Everett, to notify England that the United States would 
 regret if England or France should adopt any other than a 
 pacific, just and conservative course toward Hawaii. The 
 attitude of the United States doubtless influenced England 
 and France to recognize Hawaiian independence and (No- 
 vember 28, 1845) to enter into a joint declaration agreeing 
 never to take possession even under a protectorate. Eng- 
 land promised to remove Charlton, and a few years later 
 France restored $20,000 that had been extorted by the 
 French captain in 1839. 
 
 that is defensible against a strong naval force, and therefore their 
 importance will be comparatively small in a political point of view. 
 No foreign power, in fact, could well hold them without great ex- 
 pense and difficulty. . . . They will no doubt be left in the enjoy- 
 ment of their neutrality. ... It is the interest of the United States 
 that they should maintain the neutrality that they seek to estab- 
 lish." [C. Wilkes: Voyage Around the World, 1838-43. N. Y., 
 1851.] 
 
 7 In July, however, the British admiral, Thomas, arriving, dis- 
 approved the acts of his ambitious subordinate, refused to accept 
 the cession of the islands, and proceeded to restore the king. 
 Although France had recently seized the Marquesas, the British 
 Government disavowed the seizure and cession of Hawaii. 
 
 8 On June 13, 1843, Legare wrote Everett that the United States 
 might feel justified in interfering by force to prevent Hawaii fall- 
 ing, by conquest, into the hands of one of the great powers of 
 Europe.
 
 118 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [118 
 
 In March, 1843, the United States Government, feeling 
 the need of a competent medium of communication and of 
 closer and more friendly relations, appointed George Brown, 
 of Massachusetts, as a diplomatic official. The latter was 
 well received, but soon had occasion to insist that Americans 
 accused of crime should have the right of trial by a jury 
 composed entirely of foreigners, and to protest that the 
 British treaty of February, 1844, discriminated against the 
 United States. He was recalled at the request of the Ha- 
 waiian king. Mr. A. Ten Eyck, who succeeded him in 
 1846, with instructions to make a treaty, continued to in- 
 sist upon the right of trial by a jury of foreigners until, in 
 1848, feeling that relations were on the point of rupture, 
 and that President Polk had neglected him, he resigned, 
 and was succeeded by Charles Eames. Before the latter 
 reached Hawaii, Mr. J. J. Jarvis and Secretary Clayton, at 
 Washington, had concluded a treaty of friendship, com- 
 merce, navigation and extradition (December 20, 1849), 
 which was ratified by the United States Senate the following 
 February, exchanged in August and proclaimed in No- 
 vember.' 
 
 Foreign consular and diplomatic representatives con- 
 tinued to threaten interference with internal affairs of 
 Hawaii. England revived old claims. The French consul 
 reopened old disputes and presented new ones, causing the 
 king to ask his recall. In August, 1849, a French frigate 
 arrived to support the demands of the consul. Against the 
 urgent protests of English and American consuls, a French 
 force, under pretext that provisions of the French-Hawaiian 
 treaty had been broken, seized buildings, destroyed prop- 
 erty, blockaded the harbor and took the king's yacht. The 
 admiral had notified the United States consul, Turrell, that 
 the French desired only reparation, and had no designs 
 
 "Andrew H. Allen: Relations between the United States and 
 the Hawaiian Islands 182093. [Sen. Exec. Doc. 77, 52-2, Feb. 17, 
 I893-]
 
 119] The Americanization of Hawaii. 119 
 
 for occupation or protectorate, and he had neither lowered 
 the Hawaiian flag nor raised that of France. The king, 
 through Turrell, again invoked the good offices of the 
 United States to maintain his sovereignty, and sent J. J. 
 Jarvis as special commissioner to procure the friendly 
 mediation of President Fillmore. Secretary Clayton, un- 
 certain whether France would adopt the same policy with 
 Hawaii as with Tahiti, wrote Rives at Paris that, although 
 the Hawaiian Islands were not coveted by the United States, 
 their relations were such that the United States could never 
 with indifference allow them to pass under the dominion or 
 exclusive control of any other power. Later, the French 
 Government disavowed the action of its admiral, but on 
 learning that a commission had gone to the United States 
 and England to make new treaties, sent out a counter com- 
 mission to renew the old demands. A French vessel arrived 
 December 13, 1850, and remained three months to harass 
 and interfere. 
 
 In March, 1851, Severance wrote Webster that the popu- 
 lar representative body recently elected by the native votes, 
 and also the executive and judiciary, were composed largely 
 of natives of the United States; that the king and his gov- 
 ernment, fearing France, were privately considering the sub- 
 ject of annexation to the United States, and that a United 
 States ship-of-war should be present to prevent the fear of 
 disturbances which had operated to injure American com- 
 merce, immigration and land-purchases. He said that 
 the Americans who had opposed the government and the 
 missionaries, on account of laws against licentiousness and 
 drunkenness, were decreasing in number, and would join 
 the missionaries in rallying under the United States flag 
 should it once be raised. Judging from foreign relations 
 and the precarious state of the king's health, he was uncer- 
 tain whether the native government could last long. See- 
 ing the value of Hawaii, with her public lands and no public
 
 120 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [120 
 
 debt, and with proposed steam communication with San 
 Francisco, which could be connected with Washington by 
 telegraph, he hoped that Webster would not object to a 
 political connection on account of distance. 
 
 On March 10, 1851, the king and privy council of Hawaii 
 issued a proclamation placing Hawaii under the protection 
 of the United States, and on June 21 the provisional ces- 
 sion was adopted by both Houses of the Hawaiian Par- 
 liament. Webster, however, on July 14, directed Severance 
 to return the deed to the Hawaiian Government. He still 
 advocated the past policy of favoring the independence of 
 the islands, at least until pressed by some necessity in which 
 events should occur to give the subject a new aspect and 
 an increased importance. Referring to Americans who 
 were settling in Hawaii, he informed Severance that they 
 thereby ceased to be citizens of the United States, saying: 
 " You will, therefore, not encourage in them, nor indeed in 
 any others, any idea or expectation that the islands will be- 
 come annexed to the United States. All this will be judged 
 of hereafter as circumstances and events may require by the 
 government at Washington." The United States, however, 
 faithful to its original assurances, scrupulously regarded 
 the independence of the islands and was unwilling to con- 
 sent that European powers should occupy them or en- 
 force unjust demands inconsistent with their independence. 
 The Navy Department received instructions to keep the 
 Pacific armament in a position requisite for the preservation 
 of the honor and dignity of the United States and the safety 
 of the government of Hawaii. 
 
 France, checked in her plans, expressed surprise at the 
 American attitude, and disclaimed any intention of im- 
 proper interference, or of assuming sovereignty in the 
 islands. 
 
 The increasing American influence in Hawaii 10 excited 
 
 10 Feeling that the United States had become an arbiter in the 
 affairs of the Pacific, a writer in De Bow's Magazine, in November, 
 1852, asked whether Hawaii, who requested our protection, was 
 not as necessary to the United States as Cuba.
 
 121] The Americanization of Hawaii. 121 
 
 the jealousy of both France and England. In September, 
 1853, Secretary Marcy, while disclaiming any intention of 
 the United States to exercise exclusive control, indicated 
 that she would not allow other powers to exact special polit- 
 ical or commercial privileges, or to establish a protectorate 
 over the islands. 11 In the following December, while hop- 
 ing to acquire Lower California, he informed the American 
 minister to France that the existing condition of the islands 
 made it appear inevitable that they must come under the 
 control of the United States. Sailor riots, filibustering ex- 
 peditions from California and internal strife and the de- 
 mands and threats of the British and French had caused 
 a rising annexation sentiment at Honolulu. 
 
 Being informed that the British and French would 
 forcibly resist a transfer of the islands to the United States, 12 
 Marcy (December 16) instructed Mr. Mason, at Paris, to 
 sound the French Government upon its policy or views. 
 Feeling that the Hawaiian Islands could not long remain 
 under the existing rulers, or under the control of the inhab- 
 itants, and that their geographical position and their con- 
 nection with Pacific industries in which American interests 
 were paramount" would inevitably result in their control 
 by the United States Government, he urged that it would 
 be fair for England and France to acquiesce in any transfer 
 made to the United States by fair means. 
 
 While the United States had long expressed her policy 
 of maintaining the independence of the Hawaiian Islands, 
 she had never entered into any international agreement 
 which would prevent her from negotiating a treaty of an- y 
 nexation with the Hawaiian Government. She was free to 1 
 encourage any movement originating in Hawaii." In 
 
 11 Instr. Hawaii, Sept. 22. Marcy to Gregg. 
 
 " He also had an intimation that Russia had an eye on the 
 islands, but had little fear of interference from that quarter. 
 
 18 650 vessels were at this time engaged in whaling, and mostly 
 in the Pacific. 
 
 14 Washburn of Me., on Jan. 4, 1854, made a speech in Congress, 
 in which he favored expansion to include Hawaii. 29 Con. Globe, 
 33-1, Appendix, pp. 55-59.
 
 122 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [122 
 
 February, 1854, Marcy received a letter from Minister 
 Gregg stating that the king, fearing his inability to main- 
 tain the independence of the islands, had made advances 
 indicating that he might offer to transfer the sovereignty 
 to the United States. On April 4 he authorized Gregg, 
 whenever the emergency should arise, to negotiate for a 
 complete transfer of the islands to the United States as a 
 territorial possession, and suggested that $100,000 might 
 be given to the chiefs as compensation for losses which they 
 would sustain. 
 
 Negotiations were opened with the Hawaiian authorities, 
 who soon showed an " inveterate prejudice against a terri- 
 torial form of government," and, after approving a form of 
 treaty, secured delay by urging the necessity of consulting 
 the king, who was ill. 1 * Gregg, fearing a crisis, desired 
 prompt negotiations and immediate transfer, believing that 
 after the cession, provisional or permanent, was once made 
 the flood of emigration from California would soon follow 
 the raising of the American flag, Americanize the islands, 
 and check future British and French pretensions. 
 
 In September the king seemed satisfied with the proposed 
 form of treaty, but the British " and French consuls at 
 Honolulu protested, and the admirals of a combined British 
 and French squadron warned the king that a cession to the 
 United States would lead to difficulty. The king proceeded 
 with the negotiations, but insisted until he obtained clauses 
 securing additional compensation, and providing that the 
 islands should be admitted as a State of the Union." On 
 
 18 Gregg to Marcy, Aug. 7, 1854. 
 
 16 Gregg said that publications in the New York Tribune of 
 July 20, unfortunately aided the British in their attempts to preju- 
 dice the Hawaiians against the American policy of Marcy and 
 Gregg. (September 15, 1854.) 
 
 " Marcy felt that the Senate would never approve the clause 
 providing for statehood in the Union; but, on January 31, 1855, he 
 instructed Gregg that the United States Government was willing 
 to receive the transfer of the sovereignty of the islands with all 
 provisions as to the rights of the inhabitants, and would desire 
 their prosperity.
 
 123] The Americanization of Hawaii. 123 
 
 September 18, General Miller, the British consul-general, 
 strongly deprecating annexation, urged the king not to 
 execute the treaty. 18 The latter remained friendly to the 
 United States, but died (December 15) while negotiations 
 for the final execution of the treaty were still pending. 
 
 Kamehameha IV., who became king on January n, 1855, 
 became opposed to the completion of the treaty, and was 
 probably influenced by the English relationship of Emma 
 Rooke, who, in 1856, became Queen Emma. In 1855 he 
 participated in the negotiations of a treaty of reciprocity 
 which the United States afterwards failed to ratify. Until 
 his death (November, 1863) he remained strongly predis- 
 posed to favor the British in preference to the Americans. 
 The latter began to suspect that British diplomacy was pre- 
 paring Hawaii for a British regency at the death of the king, 
 with the intention of making it a cotton-growing colony. 
 
 Notwithstanding the decline of the whale fisheries after 
 1854, and the growing influence of the British with the 
 Hawaiian royal family, American influence in the islands 
 was kept alive through the channels of industry. In 1857 
 more than one-half the imports at Honolulu were from the 
 United States. In 1863, four-fifths of the commerce con- 
 nected with the islands was American. Interest was in- 
 creased by the rise of the sugar industry " which, at the close 
 of the American civil war, became the basis for the agitation 
 of a treaty of reciprocity with the United States. 
 
 On October 9, 1863, Minister McBride, commenting upon 
 the extensive American commercial and sugar interests in 
 the islands, wrote Seward that their control by the United 
 States Government would be "far more valuable than the 
 ownership of both Cuba and the Bahama Islands." His 
 successor, Edward M. McCook, on September 3, 1866, in- 
 formed Secretary Seward that, although many of the Ameri- 
 can residents were dissatisfied with the king and cabinet, 
 
 18 Gregg to Marcy, Oct. 2, 1854. 
 
 "Settlers had cultivated sugar cane at a very early day, and, 
 by 1853, they were planting nearly 3000 acres.
 
 124 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [124 
 
 the influence of the American Government, so far as he 
 could see, was " all that it had ever been," and that the 
 spirit of the people was " heartily republican and thoroughly 
 American." Suggesting that the king would probably die 
 at an early date without a successor, and that the arbitra- 
 tion of the destiny the country would devolve upon the 
 United States, he added " And when this dynasty ends . . . 
 I am sure that if the American Government indicates the 
 slightest desire to test in their islands the last Napoleonic 
 conception in the way of territorial extension, you will find 
 the people here with great unanimity demanding by votes, 
 freely expressed, annexation to the United States." 
 
 On May 21, 1867, McCook, by written invitation of the 
 Hawaiian Government, negotiated a treaty of reciprocity 
 which was more liberal than that of 1855. The king, prob- 
 ably by the advice of Varigny, who was his minister of for- 
 eign affairs, objected to the presence of the United States 
 ship Lackawanna in Hawaiian waters, and delayed the rati- 
 fication of the treaty. After the departure of the vessel, 
 he convened the legislature and approved the treaty on 
 July 30. Three days later he sent Captain Waterman as 
 an envoy to Japan to attempt negotiations for a commercial 
 treaty a project which McCook urged would defeat the 
 objects of the treaty with the United States by diverting into 
 another channel the trade we wished to secure, 20 and decreas- 
 ing our commercial and political influence on the islands. 
 
 McCook regarded the treaty of reciprocity as a means of 
 making American influence dominant on the islands and 
 in line with a policy of future annexation. President John- 
 son, stating that there was a growing conviction that our 
 constitutional system is strong enough to comprehend pos- 
 sessions beyond the continent, 21 considered the treaty a guar- 
 
 " He desired to secure all of the trade of China and Japan as 
 well as that of Hawaii. McCook to Van Valkenburg, Aug. 3, 1867. 
 
 n The establishment of a regular steamer service between San 
 Francisco and China in 1867 shortened the communication between 
 the United States and Hawaii. Previous communication had been 
 by whale ships via Cape Horn.
 
 125] The Americanization of Hawaii. 125 
 
 antee of foreign forbearance in Hawaii until the people of 
 the islands should voluntarily apply for admission into the 
 Union. There were some who opposed reciprocity on the 
 ground that it would " hinder and defeat early annexation," 
 but this probably does not explain the motive of the Senate, 
 which rejected the treaty after delaying action until June I, 
 1870. 
 
 On July 13, 1867, Secretary Seward authorized McCook 
 (at the latter s own suggestion) to sound the Hawaiian 
 authorities on the subject of annexation; to ascertain the 
 probable conditions and confidentially to receive overtures. 
 In the following September he wrote him that lawful and 
 peaceful annexation of the islands, with the consent of the 
 people there, was desired, and that in case of any conflict 
 between the policy of reciprocity and that of annexation 
 the latter was " in every case to be preferred." In the sum- 
 mer of 1868 he was informed that the annexation sentiment 
 in Hawaii was so strong that immediate occupation, under 
 some pretext of defending American rights, would hardly 
 raise a single remonstrance; but he saw that the public 
 mind was so much fastened on domestic questions (recon- 
 struction) that it would hardly entertain "the higher but 
 more remote questions of national extension and aggran- 
 dizement," and prudently avoided giving encouragement to 
 the Hawaiian-American annexationists. 
 
 On September 14, 1869, in the course of a confidential 
 conversation with the King of Hawaii, McCook stated that 
 the United States, needing a naval depot between the Pa- 
 cific coast and China, probably would be willing to pay a 
 liberal price for the cession of any or all of the islands; but 
 the king said it was not the policy of the government to 
 cede either of the four larger islands, and that the United 
 States would have no use for the smaller ones which had 
 no harbors. 
 
 On February 25, 1871, Mr. Henry A. Pierce, United 
 States minister at Honolulu, wrote to Fish suggesting that 
 it was a favorable time to secure the political destiny of
 
 126 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [126 
 
 Hawaiian Islands by annexation to the United States. In 
 support of this policy, he said the majority of aborigines, 
 Creoles, and the democratic New England settlers, were 
 anxious for annexation; that the fifteenth amendment to the 
 United States Constitution had increased the popularity of 
 the project; that the strategical position of the islands for a 
 naval or coaling station, and for the protection of United 
 States commerce in the Pacific was an important considera- 
 tion; and that His Hawaiian Majesty, whose fatness made 
 his breathing difficult, was likely to die from suffocation 
 without leaving a successor to the throne. President Grant, 
 who was urging the annexation of San Domingo, confi- 
 dently referred this despatch to the Senate and invited an 
 expression of its views, but he did not obtain the encourage- 
 ment necessary to enable him to express the policy of the 
 Government upon the subject. 
 
 In February, 1873, as a means of removing Hawaiian 
 lukewarmness and fear of repulse, Pierce urged an expres- 
 sion of the American policy. Though he thought annexa- 
 tion probably would never be presented or adopted as a 
 measure of the Hawaiian Government, he said that the 
 planters, merchants and foreigners, whenever great interests 
 required it, would induce the people to establish a republic, 
 and then ask for admission to the American Union. On 
 March 25, Secretary Fish, contemplating that the import- 
 ance of Hawaii and the decadent tendency of the Hawaiian 
 Government might force the United States to consider its 
 future, instructed the United States minister to secure full 
 and accurate information upon the population, industries, 
 resources and debt of Hawaii, and learn the views of the 
 Hawaiian authorities concerning the policy, manner, terms, 
 and conditions of annexation. Regarding the American 
 policy, he said : " While there are . . . many and influ- 
 ential persons in this country who question the policy of any 
 insular acquisitions, perhaps even of any extension of terri- 
 torial limits, there are also those of influence and of wise 
 foresight who see a future that must extend the jurisdiction
 
 127] The Americanization of Hawaii. 127 
 
 and the limits of this nation, and that will require a resting 
 spot in mid-ocean, between the Pacific coast and the vast do- 
 mains of Asia which are now opening to commerce and 
 Christian civilization." Concerning the reported strong 
 friendly sentiments in Hawaii, he said: " You will, without 
 committing the Government to any line of policy, not dis- 
 courage the feeling in favor of annexation." 
 
 Major-General Schofield, of the United States Army, 
 had already been instructed in June, 1872, to examine the 
 defensive capabilities and commercial facilities of Hawaiian 
 ports. In a report to the Secretary of War (May 8, 1873), he 
 stated that while the government and people of these islands 
 were probably not then prepared to consider the question of 
 annexation, even if the United States desired to propose it, 
 they favored the cession of Pearl river harbor as a means 
 of securing a reciprocity treaty. 
 
 Kalakaua, whom the legislative assembly chose as king 
 at the death of Lunalilo M in February, 1874, showed a dis- 
 position to favor the American influence in the islands. 
 During the riots that followed his election, he requested 
 that an armed forced be landed from American vessels to 
 preserve order. In 1875 ne visited the United States, and 
 his government negotiated a treaty of reciprocity which 
 granted certain exclusive privileges to the United States, 
 and was, for several years, the source of protests by Great 
 Britain. 
 
 The relation of the islands to the United States and the X)( 
 North Pacific caused the American Government to seek 
 an American solution for Hawaiian problems. In 1881, 
 Secretary Elaine, in his instructions to Minister Comly, said 
 that the gradual and seemingly inevitable decadence of the 
 native race might induce the United States to change her 
 policy of commercial assimilation to one of colonization 
 and material annexation; and he desired Hawaii to coop- 
 
 B Lunalilo had succeeded Kamehameha V. whose line ended in 
 1872. 
 
 J
 
 128 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [128 
 
 erate in replenishing her vital forces by the passage of favor- 
 able homestead laws that would encourage the enterprising 
 Americans to emigrate to the islands. Secretary Freling- 
 huysen, though he did not consider it any part of the Ameri- 
 can policy to interpose to prevent the annexation of the 
 outlying archipelagoes and islands of Polynesia*' by foreign 
 powers to whose colonial system they were geographically 
 allied, said (1883) the United States " could not view with 
 complacency any movement tending to the extinction of 
 the national life of the intimately connected commonwealths 
 of the Northern Pacific." 
 
 Secretary Bayard's policy was to prolong the reciprocity 
 treaty and quietly wait until American planters and indus- 
 tries flowing to the islands should prepare for a " perfectly 
 feasible policy of acquisition." By a convention concluded 
 in 1884 and ratified in 1887, reciprocity was renewed for 
 seven years, and the United States was given exclusive 
 right to enter Pearl harbor, in Oahu, and to establish a 
 coaling station there. Though the grant of the harbor did 
 not impair the political sovereignty of Hawaii, it induced 
 the British to propose that a tripartite arrangement between 
 the United States, Great Britain and Germany should guar- 
 antee the neutrality of the islands. Bayard, seeing no neces- 
 sity for joining in such an arrangement, replied that one of 
 the articles of the reciprocity treaty inhibited a cession of 
 any part of Hawaiian territory without consent of the Amer- 
 ican Government. 
 
 The possibility of a crisis under which it would be the 
 policy of the United States to take possession by military 
 occupation had been contemplated for years* In February, 
 1874, Minister Pierce recommended that a United States 
 vessel should be stationed at Hawaii at all times. In May, 
 
 m In October, 1883, there was some agitation in Australia in 
 favor of protection and eventual occupation of the New Hebrides, 
 the Solomon, and other adjacent groups. The Hawaiian Govern- 
 ment issued a protest, and attempted to secure the cooperation of 
 the United States Government.
 
 129] The Americanization of Hawaii. 129 
 
 1889, his successor, G. W. Merrill, suggested that in view 
 of the large American interests, the absence of cable com- 
 munication, and the approach of a political campaign, the 
 United States should keep a vessel in Hawaiian waters. 
 In accordance with this suggestion, the Adams was soon 
 ordered to Honolulu. The wisdom of such a policy was 
 proven by subsequent events. On July 30, a band of na- 
 tives, desiring a larger share of official patronage, and be- 
 lieving that foreign residents and cabinet officials were en- 
 deavoring to influence political affairs so as to destroy 
 Hawaiian autonomy," made an unsuccessful attempt at 
 revolution. By permission of the native government, about 
 seventy marines were landed to protect property and influ- 
 ence the restoration of order. Many American residents 
 hoped that revolutionary attempts and frequent turmoils \X 
 would hasten annexation. 
 
 The danger of further disturbance was increased by the 
 election of February, 1890, which indicated a reaction from 
 the reform constitution established by the bloodless revo- 
 lution of 1787. The opposition, aided by the king, who 
 hoped to recover part of his former autocratic power, gained 
 votes by appealing to race prejudices and succeeded in 
 electing many who were not friendly to the United States. 
 Minister Stevens, expecting factional disturbance, recom- 
 mended that the United States should order a war vessel to 
 remain at Honolulu, and soon urged the establishment of a , 
 coal depot. 
 
 The dissatisfaction growing out of the change of rulers in v 
 1891 increased annexation sentiment in Hawaii. King 
 Kalakaua, who died in January, was succeeded by his sister, 
 Liliuokalani, widow of an American resident, who caused 
 much discontent by her attitude toward the legislature, and 
 her subjection to Marshal Wilson, a half-caste Tahitian. 
 
 "The general celebration of the Fourth of July, at Honolulu, 
 as described by Minister Merrill in a despatch of July, indicates 
 that there was a strong American sentiment there. 
 9
 
 130 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [130 
 
 On February 8, 1892, Stevens considered that annexation 
 was the only remedy to relieve the feverish political situa- 
 tion and prevent the danger of England obtaining a hold 
 a month later. Expecting a revolution against the queen's 
 government, he intimated that the continued presence of a 
 United States ship-of-war was necessary, and in view of pos- 
 sible contingencies, asked for instructions as to duties oi 
 himself and naval commanders. During the summer, naval 
 commanders reported that conditions in Hawaii, notwith- 
 standing the influence of the British element, seemed " to 
 point toward an eventual request for annexation." 
 
 On November 20, in a confidential report of the financial, 
 agricultural, social and political conditions, and the com- 
 mercial and naval importance of the islands, Stevens re- 
 ferred to the strong inclination of Europeans to gain pos- 
 session of islands in the Pacific, and stated that Hawaii was 
 \at the parting of the ways and must either become Asiatic 
 Or American either like Singapore or Southern California. 
 He declared that in order to subserve American commer- 
 cial and political interests it was absolutely necessary either 
 to adopt a vigorous policy of annexation or to secure cable 
 connections with at least an implied American protectorate 
 over the islands. 
 
 On January 15, 1893, Queen Liliuokalani attempted to 
 promulgate a new constitution, giving herself more power, 
 depriving foreigners of right of franchise, abrogating the 
 House of Nobles and giving the queen power to appoint 
 a new House. Foreigners and others strenuously op- 
 posed, and a peaceful revolution resulted in the deposition 
 of the queen. By request of the unopposed de facto gov- 
 ernment, marines from the Boston were landed to preserve 
 order,* 5 and Minister Stevens, on February i, assumed pro- 
 tection of the island. Secretary J. W. Foster commended 
 his action so far as it accorded protection to life and prop- 
 erty, but disavowed it so far as it might appear to overstep 
 
 * Lucian Young: The Boston at Hawaii, Washington,
 
 131] The Americanization of Hawaii. 131 
 
 that limit by setting the authority and power of the United 
 States above that of the government of the Hawaiian Islands 
 in the capacity of a protector, or impair in any way the 
 sovereignty of the Hawaiian Government. 20 
 
 The provisional government, which was recognized by 
 Minister Stevens and all foreign governments except Eng- 
 land, had already sent commissioners to Washington and 
 negotiated a treaty of annexation, which President Harri- 
 son, on February 15, sent to the United States Senate for 
 confirmation. While the treaty was yet pending in the 
 Senate, President Cleveland was inaugurated, and ex-Queen 
 Liliuokalani, having complained that the recent " revolt " 
 had been aided by United States troops, he soon recalled 
 the treaty from the Senate and ordered an investigation of 
 the revolution. 27 On April 14, 1893, awaiting action by 
 Congress, President Cleveland withdrew the protectorate 
 established by Stevens on February 9. 
 
 Refusing to reinstate the queen, the leaders in Hawaii 
 on July 4, 1894, dissolved the provisional government and 
 proclaimed a republic. A movement for annexation 
 was vigorously pushed, and on June 16, 1897, a treaty of 
 annexation was sent to the Senate by President McKinley. 
 The Senate did not act, but after the opening of the war 
 with Spain, a joint resolution in favor of annexation was 
 passed by Congress and was signed by President McKinley 
 on July 7, 1898, soon after the occupation of Manila, where 
 the American flag now floated over the fortifications of the 
 Philippines. 
 
 NOTES ON HAWAIIAN CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY. 
 American influence is seen in Hawaiian constitutional devel- 
 opment. 
 
 28 For political correspondence, 1889-93, see H. Exec. Doc. 48, 
 53-2, Dec. 18, 1893. [Reprint of Sen. Exec. Docs. 76 and 77, 52-2, 
 Feb., 1893-] 
 
 27 Commissioner Blount's report is in H. Exec. Doc. 47, 53-2, 
 Dec. 18, 1893. Also, see Sen. Rp. 227, 53-2, Feb. 26, 1894 [773 pp. 
 and maps], and Foreign Relations, 1894, Appendix ii.
 
 132 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [132 
 
 In 1839, American missionaries and ex-missionaries per- 
 suaded Kamehameha III. to sign a Bill of Rights, and in 
 October, 1840, they induced him to grant a constitution, 
 giving up his absolute power, providing for four depart- 
 ments of administration, and creating a single legislative 
 body composed of hereditary nobles and seven representa- 
 tives formally elected by the people. This constitution, 
 Mosaic in character, showing derivation from the Penta- 
 teuch, the British Government and the American Declara- 
 tion of Independence, lasted for twelve years. By 1851 the 
 majority of the representatives, executive officials and judges 
 were natives of the United States. 28 
 
 In 1852, the Government agreed upon a revised and much 
 more liberal constitution, which existed until August, 1864. 
 It still contained some of the levitical elements, and opened 
 with " God hath created all men free and equal." It divided 
 the legislative assembly into two houses, both of which were 
 enlarged; provided for manhood suffrage and elections by 
 ballot; denied political rights to any who should import 
 slaves; and established a Kuhina-nui to regulate the gov- 
 ernment machine and counsel and restrict the king. The 
 Kuhina-nui was usually a woman. She and the king each 
 had a negative upon the other's acts. She had charge of the 
 Great Seal, the royal standard and the national flag, and 
 performed the duties of the king at the latter's death." 
 
 In Noverpber, 1863, Kamehameha IV., who had reigned 
 since 1854, died, and was succeeded by his brother, Prince 
 Lot, who ruled until 1872, as Kamehameha V. The new 
 king, showing a tendency toward the former royal abso- 
 lutism, was opposed to part of the constitution of 1852, and 
 refused to take the oath which it prescribed." Seeking the 
 
 18 In 1850, the king recommended a new constitution and ap- 
 pointed a committee of three to frame a model. Dr. Judd was the 
 leading member. 
 
 29 Eclectic M., Apr. 1865. 
 
 " His cabinet consisted of a Scotchman, an Englishman, a 
 Frenchman and an American.
 
 133] The Americanization of Hawaii. 133 
 
 quickest way to amend the constitution so as to abolish 
 universal suffrage and place voting upon an income and 
 property basis, he called a convention, which was opened in 
 July, 1864. This convention, of which the king was presi- 
 dent, consisted of twenty-seven delegates and sixteen nobles 
 headed by the Kuhina-nui. Mr. Judd, who was made sec- 
 retary, appointed Anglo-Saxons to fill the positions of chap- 
 lain, reporter, etc. Many American missionaries, fearing 
 that the king desired to assume extra powers, had raised the 
 cry of alarm. When the convention met, the American 
 party led by Dr. Judd (the ex-minister) and his son (the 
 secretary) and three or four others, stood for manhood suf- 
 frage, and opposed the policy of the king, whose views, 
 delivered in both English and Hawaiian, were seconded by 
 most of the nobles. 
 
 There were some remarkable speeches. Honorable D. 
 Kalana and others, pointing to the United States for illus- 
 tration, urged that universal suffrage led to corruption at 
 the polls, and insisted that it was not the purpose of the king 
 to take away the poor people's rights. M. Varigny, on the 
 part of the king, intimated that to give suffrage to the poor 
 was like placing a razor in the hands of a baby or giving a 
 candle into the hands of a man to carry into a powder 
 magazine. The opposition, denying that poverty was any 
 argument against suffrage, urged that the ballot was an in- 
 centive to work, and claimed that purity of elections existed 
 in the United States. 
 
 After a week of debates, a decision was reached that all 
 three estates should sit in debate in the same chamber and 
 vote unitedly on rules or by-laws, but that constitutional 
 subjects must first be offered and carried by the representa- 
 tives (lower house), then receive the separate vote of the 
 nobles and the sanction of the king. The opposition of the 
 representatives caused business to move slowly, and the 
 king, becoming impatient on account of the long discussions 
 on " Article 62," and the failure to agree, after five weeks of 
 fretful inculcation, declared it useless to prolong the session,
 
 134 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [134 
 
 and claimed the right to abrogate the constitution of 1852. 
 " I will give you a constitution," said he, and dissolved the 
 convention. 
 
 On August 20 the promised constitution appeared. It 
 omitted the " free and equal " clause; reversed the bicameral 
 arrangement and returned to the single legislative chamber; 
 abolished the Kuhina-nui ; gave the king a larger place in the 
 state; made the cabinet more responsible; excluded the 
 ballot; required that representatives should own real estate 
 worth $500, or have an annual income of $250, and that 
 electors, besides possessing certain intellectual require- 
 ments, should own property worth $150, or receive $25 
 yearly rent and leasehold and $75 income. This constitu- 
 tion existed until 1887, when the legislative powers of the 
 crown became entirely vested in the representatives of the 
 people. The attempt of Liliuokalani in June, 1893, to in- 
 crease her power and deprive foreigners of the right of suf- 
 frage by a new constitution resulted in the revolution that 
 made Hawaii a republic, and prepared the way for annexa- 
 tion to the United States. The present territorial govern- 
 ment was established by act of Congress in 
 
 1 See appendix.
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 RELATIONS IN SAMOA. 
 
 The attitude of the United States toward the Samoan 
 Islands furnishes an instructive chapter in the evolution oi 
 national policy. Compared to its policy in Hawaii, the 
 American Government until recently has shown little in- 
 terest in securing a control over the islands in the South 
 Pacific, but local conditions, together with the increase of 
 American interests in the Pacific and the Far East, led us 
 first to a policy of protection for Samoa, 1 and then to divi- 
 sion and acquisition. 
 
 'The Samoan Islands, located 4200 miles southwest from San 
 Francisco, -and 420 miles northeast of the Fijis, discovered in 1772 
 by a Hollander, are the largest and most populous Pacific group, 
 with the exception of the Hawaiian Islands. Of the 13 islands in 
 the group, only Savaii (700 square miles), Upolo (550 square miles), 
 and Tutuila (55 square miles) are inhabited. The others are little 
 more than barren volcanic rocks. The population is about 30,000, 
 and the area about equal to that of Rhode Island. There are 
 about 300 Europeans and Americans on the islands. The climate 
 is tropical, and frequent thunder showers throughout the year 
 supply the necessary irrigation for the rank vegetation. The pro- 
 ducts are bread-fruit, taro, yams, bananas, sugar, coffee, sea-island 
 cotton, cocoanuts, etc. The lagoons and reefs abound in fish, 
 which the natives catch with spears and nets. Both the import and 
 export trade is in the hands of Germans. All accounts are kept 
 in terms of United States currency. The natives are hospitable, 
 open, amiable, brave and hardy and possess great mental ability, 
 but are averse to labor. They speak a language similar to that 
 of the Hawaiians. The principal amusements are quoits, card 
 playing (casino), cricket and the siva, a kind of acting charade in 
 which the life of the islands is represented in a very realistic man- 
 ner by " living pictures." The actual siva is performed by girls, 
 smeared with cocoa-nut oil, who frequently, under the excitement 
 of their motions and contortions, divest themselves of all clothing. 
 The marriage ceremony is very simple, and often there is no cere- 
 mony except the mere expression of a willingness to live together.
 
 136 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [136 
 
 It was seen that the position of the islands, on the great 
 trade routes between Panama and California, on the one 
 hand, and Australia and the Orient, on the other, together 
 with their strategic advantages, both political and com- 
 mercial, were more important than the value of their trade. 
 The harbor of Pango Pango (on the Tutuila), which is 
 owned by the United States, is the best place in the South 
 Pacific for repair and supplies and for a coaling and cable 
 station. The harbor of Apia, under German control, 
 though a safe port under ordinary conditions, has proven 
 unsatisfactory in a severe storm. 
 
 Though an American consul had resided at Apia many 
 years before ' to protect American interests, our closer rela- 
 tions began in 1872, when Commander R. W. Meade, a 
 United States navy officer, of the Narragansett* on his own 
 responsibility, entered into an agreement pledging the pro- 
 tection of the United States, stating that we were about to 
 establish commercial relations with the islands by means of 
 a line of steamers then plying between California, Hawaii, 
 New Zealand and Australia, and desired a convenient coal- 
 ing port. 
 
 Both parties to a dormant civil war, which had been 
 pending in Samoa since 1870, interfering with the exports 
 of the island and causing the natives to spend most of the 
 time in sharpening their war knives and axes, expressed a 
 wish to acknowledge the absolute authority of the United 
 
 Polygamy has almost ceased. In case of divorce the young chil- 
 dren go to the mother. Cooking is done by the men, and each 
 person at the meal uses a bread-fruit leaf for a table, a mat for 
 a chair, and the nearest post for a table napkin. The early social, 
 political, and religious life of the Samoans is an interesting study. 
 See George Turner's " Samoa a hundred years ago and long be- 
 fore," [Macmillan, 1884], and J. B. Stair's " Old Samoa," [London, 
 1897]. A good review of Turner's volume appears in the Nation 
 [N. Y.] of August 21, 1884. 
 
 1 See Senate Rp. Com. 148, 36-1. 
 
 8 Geo. B. Rieman: Narrative of a cruise of the U. S. Str. Nar- 
 ragansett, Oakland, Cal., 1874, 43 pp. Nineteenth Century, Feb., 
 1886.
 
 137] Relations with Samoa. 137 
 
 States, and on March 2 the Chief of Pango Pango " freely 
 and voluntarily " signed a treaty with Commander Meade, 
 granting the United States the exclusive privilege of estab- 
 lishing a naval and coal depot in the bay in return for the 
 promise of friendly alliance and protection by the United 
 States. 4 In May, Grant, stating that he would not hesitate 
 to recommend its approval, but for the protection to which 
 it seemed to pledge the United States, sent the treaty to the 
 Senate, 6 which failed to ratify it. 
 
 In 1873 the Department of State determined to obtain 
 further information regarding the condition of Samoa. 
 Colonel A. B. Steinberger, sent for this purpose, reached 
 the islands in 1874. Under him the chiefs assembled a 
 council, formed a constitution and laws for a united govern- 
 ment, and again asked Grant to take the country under the 
 protection of the United States. Steinberger, after making 
 a voluminous report * on the fertility and resources and im- 
 portant position of the islands, was impatient to return, and 
 the Government again sent him with the condition that he 
 pay his own expenses. He received instructions, dated 
 December n, in which Secretary Fish doubted whether the 
 importance of a commanding position in the Pacific was a 
 sufficient consideration to satisfy the people that the an- 
 nexation of the islands was essential to our safety and pros- 
 perity, and did not consider it expedient "to originate a 
 measure adverse to the usual tradition of the Government." 
 
 4 The treaty also provided for the protection of the persons and 
 property of foreigners and foreign consuls, the regulation of port 
 charges and pilotage, the prohibition of trade in 'intoxicating 
 liquors and work on Sunday, the apprehension of deserters, and 
 of foreigners from encouraging native females to prostitute them- 
 selves. 
 
 8 On March 16, 1872, President Grant, in response to a House 
 resolution, sent a reply of the Secretary of State of same date, 
 stating that there were no papers in the Department of State to 
 show that the inhabitants of the Navigators' Islands, in the Pacific 
 had made any application to have the protection of the United 
 States extended over said islands. 
 
 8 Sen. Exec. Doc. 45, 43-1, Apr. 22, 1874.
 
 138 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [138 
 
 Returning to Samoa in 1875, he, Steinberger, dethroned 
 Tupua, made Malietoa sole king, changed the constitution, 
 made himself prime minister of a new government which he 
 established in the financial interest of a German (Hamburg) 
 mercantile firm, and gave the impression that the islands 
 were under the protection of the United States, but the 
 American Government refused to support him. Embar- 
 rassed by the renewal of the turbulent spirit among the 
 chiefs, he fell into trouble as a ruler, and being unable to 
 produce any credentials from Washington, was deported 
 with the concurrence of the American consul. A new gov- 
 ernment, organized under a council of chiefs, continued till 
 May, 1879, when, by the decision of the consular repre- 
 sentatives of the United States, Great Britain and Ger- 
 many, Malietoa was recognized and anointed as king. 
 Steinberger's action had been upon his own responsibility, 
 and without the authority of the United States Government. 
 The purpose of his mission and the character of the power 
 conferred upon him were the subject of inquiry by the 
 House. The President responded on May i, communicat- 
 ing copies of the correspondence, showing that the United 
 States was not implicated. 7 An instruction to Steinberger, 
 written after the report that he had promised the Samoans 
 the protection of the United States, regretted his action, 
 stating that the United States Government had not held 
 out any hope of such protection, and that the State Depart- 
 ment, without a treaty or sanction of Congress, had no 
 right to authorize such a promise. 
 
 In both 1877 and 1878 consular representatives of the 
 United States at Apia, " disregarding our traditional policy," 
 raised the United States flag as sign of a protectorate, but 
 the United States Government did not sustain their acts. 
 
 In 1877, one of the Samoan parties," seeking repose from 
 
 T H. Exec. Doc. 161, 44-1, May i, 1876. H. Exec. Doc. 44, 44-2, 
 March 2, 1877. The correspondence may be seen in Sen. Exec. 
 Doc. 97, 53-3, vol. vi, Feb. 26, 1895. 
 
 *At the same time, another party sent its chiefs to Fiji to solicit 
 British protection.
 
 139] Relations with Samoa. 139 
 
 war, and doubtful of their ability to maintain peace and in- 
 dependence, sent Mamea as ambassador to Washington to 
 seek American protection; but Secretary Evarts, though 
 he wished to see a " stable, independent government " that 
 would command the respect of nations and foreigners and 
 end the schemes of disorder, was not willing to accept a 
 protectorate over islands so far distant. In 1878, however, 
 the United States finally concluded a treaty, receiving 
 Pango Pango as a coaling station and agreeing to mediate 
 for the adjustment of difficulties in which Samoa might 
 become involved with a European power.\ Soon thereafter, 
 Germany also made a treaty by which she secured a naval 
 station in the harbor of Saluafata, and Great Britain negoti- 
 ated a treaty granting her a naval and coaling station. 
 
 In 1879 the foreign powers induced the natives to make 
 a peace agreement by which one party supplied the king and 
 the other the vice-king, both of whom were to preside over 
 a government of lords and commons supposed to be elective. 
 But the elective system existed only in name. Samoans 
 did not trouble themselves about their franchise, and soon 
 the chiefs ignored the whole system and themselves decided 
 who should be representatives. They appeared incapable 
 of carrying on a stable government. Their government 
 had no funds and no system of taxation. They had a par- 
 liament without a general parliament house. Discussion 
 was carried on from house to house, each political division 
 having a house. There was oratory, much squabbling, 
 scheming and procrastination, but no voting. If the op- 
 position felt strong enough it would leave and go home to 
 prepare to fight. 10 
 
 The Samoan government was a bone of contention be- 
 tween the foreign consuls. In 1880" a scheme of tripartite 
 
 * On the reception of the treaty and the political situation at 
 Samoa, see Sen. Exec. Doc. 2, 46-1. Mar. 21, 1879. 
 
 10 W. B. Churchward: My Consulate in Samoa [1881-85], Lon- 
 don, 1887. 
 
 u About the same time the United States saw the need of extend- 
 ing the jurisdiction of her Apia consuls to outlying islands, and
 
 140 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [140 
 
 local government by the consular representatives of the 
 United States, Great Britain and Germany was proposed, 
 but the United States did not consider the plan desirable. 
 The Samoans themselves were becoming tired of a shuttle- 
 cock existence. In 1884, Malietoa and the vice-king begged 
 Queen Victoria to either make Samoa a British colony or 
 allow it to be governed by New Zealand. 
 
 German residents, acquiring land and monopolizing 
 trade, had continued to encourage opposition to the king, 
 and in 1884 the German consul precipitated a crisis by 
 securing from the Samoan council an agreement providing 
 for a German-Samoan council of government. The king, 
 refusing to execute the agreement, Steubel, the German 
 consul, in 1885, raised his flag over Apia and took pos- 
 session in the name of his Government as security for 
 Samoan good behavior toward German interests. The 
 American consul, Greenbaum, to counteract German influ- 
 ence, proceeded to hoist the American flag and proclaim a 
 protectorate. The United States Government disavowed 
 the action of Greenbaum, but spoke in a determined tone 
 regarding the protection of American rights in the Pacific." 
 
 In the early part of 1886, the State Department was in- 
 formed that Germany, having agreed with England upon 
 lines of Pacific division, 18 claimed sovereignty over Samoa, 
 and the hitherto unclaimed Gilbert and Marshall islands in 
 which, as in other outlying, unattached groups, the repre- 
 sentatives of many nationalities had sporadically settled. 
 
 was ready to aid native and independent government of the Ralick 
 groups of Marshall archipelago in establishing temperance re- 
 strictions. 
 
 " Bayard to Pendleton, Jan. 17, 1888. 
 
 11 In 1885, both Spain and Germany claimed the Caroline Islands, 
 where large American interests were already established. Ger- 
 many seemed to suspect the intention of the United States to assert 
 a claim to the islands, but Secretary Bayard announced our pur- 
 pose to respect whatever sovereign jurisdiction might be estab- 
 lished or already exist there, without indicating an opinion on the 
 Spanish-German controversy.
 
 141] Relations with Samoa. 141 
 
 The United States had no treaty relations with either the 
 Gilbert or Marshall groups, and offered no objection to 
 their annexation by Germany, but insisted that interests 
 created in favor of peaceful American settlers there should 
 not be disturbed by any assertion of exclusive claims of 
 territorial jurisdiction. In some cases American citizens 
 had undisturbed possession of the Pacific islands, and the 
 United States could have asserted a claim of possession, but 
 she did not desire any exclusive jurisdiction for herself and 
 was not ready to allow any jurisdiction by others if it should 
 expel American citizens from rights which they had from 
 the natives." 
 
 Determining to get authentic information regarding the 
 situation in Samoa, Bayard sent (1886) George H. Bates, 
 his law partner, to investigate and to prepare an exhaustive 
 report." Desiring to extend good offices for the establish- 
 ment of order in Samoa, he suggested a conference of repre- 
 sentatives of the three powers which, in June, 1887, met at 
 Washington to negotiate a treaty securing autonomy and 
 neutrality of the islands. He urged that the "autonomy 
 and independence of Samoa should be scrupulously pre- 
 served," a principle upon which President Cleveland had 
 insisted in a special message to Congress in the preceding 
 January. He proposed that each treaty power should alter- 
 nately keep a man-of-war in Samoan waters four months 
 
 14 The interest of the United States in regard to the destiny of 
 the Pacific islands was increased by the rapid absorption of va- 
 rious groups by the European powers. Great Britain, who had 
 appropriated Australia a century earlier, accepted the Fijis in 1874. 
 France, who had taken the Marquesas, in 1842, and the New Cale- 
 donian and Loyalty islands, in 1853, extended her control to the 
 Society group, in 1880; Spain, who had occupied the Philippines 
 and Ladrones since the sixteenth century, took possession of the 
 Carolines, in 1885; Germany assumed control of the Marshall, 
 Solomon and Admiralty groups; Holland and Germany partitioned 
 New Guinea. In 1888, Great Britain took Gilbert, Ellice, Union 
 and Enderbury groups, and several single islands, including Fan- 
 ning, Washington, Starbuck and Caroline. 
 
 15 Strictly Confidential Report of G. H. Bates to the Secretary of 
 State, Dec. 10, 1886. Washington, 1887, 135 pp.
 
 142 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [142 
 
 of each year to aid in maintaining the government to be 
 established and to preserve peace and order. He also pro- 
 posed that administration of laws be, by an executive coun- 
 cil, composed of the king, vice-king and three foreigners, 
 one of whom should be designated by each of the foreign 
 powers, but all of whom should be " paid by the Samoan 
 Government. The plan which Germany desired, and the 
 British seemed to favor, committing the practical control of 
 affairs to a German adviser of the king, he feared would 
 give Germany too much influence in the Samoan Govern- 
 ment. Failing to agree upon any plan, the conference ad- 
 journed in July. 
 
 The Germans in Samoa, by mortgages and land sales, 
 were rapidly getting possession of territory which the na- 
 tives had never intended to sell," and appeared to be pre- 
 paring to seize the islands. From the government of 
 Malietoa, hampered by a House of Lords and a House of 
 Commons that did as they pleased, and attempting to rule 
 over a people who refused to obey its orders, they expected 
 little protection for white settlers. By defeating Malietoa 
 and setting up another king with a German adviser, they 
 precipitated a civil contest in which the Samoans were 
 divided into two hostile camps of armed warriors, 18 one 
 supported by German arms, and the other by British col- 
 onels and citizens of the United States; they declared mar- 
 tial law at Apia and tried to enforce it on Americans, who 
 at once registered a strong protest. 19 
 
 16 ... Elaine, on April u, 1889, in instructions to our negotia- 
 tors at the Berlin conference, said that the plan proposed by the 
 United States, in the conference of 1887, was hardly less than a 
 joint protectorate; it went beyond the principle upon which Presi- 
 dent Harrison desired to see our Samoan relations based, was not 
 in harmony with our established policy, and did not promise effi- 
 cient action. 
 
 "In 1886, they claimed 232,000 acres, and the British subjects 
 357,000 acres. 
 
 18 See an article by Henry C. Ide in N. Am. Rev., Aug., 1897. 
 
 19 Commander Leary of the U. S. warship Adams on Sept. 6, 
 1888, sent a protest to the captain of one of the German vessels. 
 Marines were landed to protect the American consulate.
 
 143] Relations with Samoa. 143 
 
 The United States, though she had not consciously 
 sought to participate in the contest, and though her trade 
 with Samoa was small compared with that of Germany and 
 England, threatened intervention in order to preserve her 
 interests in the Pacific. 8 " She promptly sent a naval squad- 
 ron, which was subsequently destroyed in the hurricane of 
 1889. Congress, after an examination of reports and 
 much discussion, appropriated $500,000 for protective 
 measures. On January 17, 1888, in a letter to Pendleton, 
 replying to Bismarck's complaints as to the anti-German 
 attitude of Sewall, the American consul at Apia, Secretary 
 Bayard, reviewing the absorption of Pacific islands by 
 European powers since 1840, and especially since 1884, was 
 determined that only the American Government should 
 preserve Samoan independence and maintain the rights to 
 which the United States had become entitled in any of the 
 few remaining islands which were still under independent 
 and autonomous governments. 22 
 
 In February, 1889, Bayard gladly accepted Bismarck's 
 proposal for a resumption of the joint conference for a 
 tripartite agreement. President Harrison appointed John 
 A. Kasson, William Walter Phelps and George H. Bates as 
 plenipotentiaries to go to Berlin. A convention," concluded 
 the following June, provided for maintaining the neutrality 
 of the islands and stipulated that the three powers should 
 refrain from exercising any separate control over the islands 
 or the government. It contained clauses prohibiting the 
 sale of intoxicating liquors, establishing a system of regis- 
 tering titles, and securing to American citizens equality with 
 others in trade, etc. 
 
 20 H. Exec. Doc. vol. viii, No. i, 51-1. 
 
 21 R. L. Stevenson: In South Seas, 1888-89. N. Y., 1896. 
 
 22 On American rights in Samoa, see H. Exec. Doc. 238, 50-1, 
 Apr. 2, 1888. 311 pp. For the condition of Samoan affairs, see 
 Sen. Exec. Docs. 31, 68 and 118, 50-2, Dec. 1888 and Jan. 1889. 
 Also, a pamphlet of 77 pages, " Confidential correspondence re- 
 specting affairs in Samoa" [December, i888-March, 1889], printed 
 for the use of the American Commissioners to Berlin in 1889. 
 
 *S. Misc. Doc. 81, 51-1, Jan. 6, 1890.
 
 144 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [144 
 
 The principal features of the government as provided by 
 the treaty were as follows: 
 
 (1) A single king, chosen by the chiefs, a salary of $1800, 
 instead of the two rival kings, who had received $500 each; 
 
 (2) A supreme court with a chief justice nominated by the 
 three foreign powers (or by the King of Sweden in case of 
 disagreement), with a salary of $6000 guaranteed by the 
 powers. (The clerk and marshal were to be paid by fees.) 
 The chief justice was given jurisdiction of all Samoan ques- 
 tions arising under the treaty, between the treaty powers, 
 and as to the election of king, and could recommend the 
 passage of laws. He had exclusive jurisdiction in suits be- 
 tween natives and foreigners, or between foreigners of dif- 
 ferent nationalities, and of crimes and offences committed 
 by natives against foreigners. 
 
 (3) A local government for the district of Apia (170 
 electors), consisting of a municipal council of six members 
 and a president. The president, who was also chief execu- 
 tive of the district and adviser to the king, was appointed 
 through the instrumentality of treaty powers, who guaran- 
 teed him $5000 per year out of the Samoan revenues as- 
 signed to the municipality. The municipal council ap- 
 pointed a municipal magistrate and subordinate officers, but 
 its orders had no effect till approved by the three foreign 
 consuls or (if they failed to agree) by the chief justice. 
 
 (4) A land commission of three persons, one named by 
 each power, for examination of claims and titles, subject to 
 final jurisdiction of the chief justice. (Each commissioner 
 received $300 per month and expenses.) 
 
 (5) A fiscal system, providing for revenue duties on im- 
 ports and exports, capitation taxes on Samoans and colored 
 plantation laborers, license taxes, etc. All taxes collected at 
 Apia were to belong to the municipality, and those collected 
 elsewhere were to belong to the Samoan Government." 
 
 ** In the condition of affairs in the islands this provision re- 
 sulted in leaving the government without adequate means of sup-
 
 145] Relations with Samoa. 145 
 
 Though the Samoan Government accepted the treaty, and 
 the chiefs elected Malietoa king, the rebellious symptoms 
 of the opposition party gradually increased. The natives 
 remaining inveterately opposed to a centralized or civi- 
 lized government, refused to pay capitation taxes or to 
 obey warrants of the supreme court, which opened its doors 
 in June, 1891. Mataafa and his turbulent followers con- 
 tinued (1891) to gather strength and to live in open defiance 
 of the king and government, keeping up an armed force, 
 plundering foreigners and plantations, and harboring refu- 
 gees from justice. 25 In July, 1893, war broke out and the 
 treaty powers actively intervened with naval forces to keep 
 Malietoa on the throne, and soon deported eleven chiefs to 
 another island, where they were kept at the joint expense of 
 the three powers. Meanwhile the chief justice and the 
 president of the municipal council of Apia resigned. In 
 November, 1893, H. C. Ide, an American member of the 
 land commission, was appointed chief justice, but he found 
 the laws silent and insurrection constantly threatening. 
 Though the king succeeded in repelling his opponents in 
 battle, he requested that foreign war-vessels preserve peace 
 and security (1894). 
 
 Though both Bayard and Bates had contemplated the 
 necessity of assistance from the powers to maintain the 
 government established by the treaty, 2 * and Gresham, as 
 late as June, 1893, had informed Pauncefote that the 
 United States Government would "join in an active dem- 
 onstration against Mataafa," President Cleveland sent no 
 
 port and became a subject of concern and discussion among the 
 three powers, who were compelled to continue their pecuniary sup- 
 port of the government. 
 
 * In January, 1893, many in the United States Senate thought we 
 had made a mistake in refusing to accept annexation or extend a 
 protectorate when the opportunity was offered. 
 
 28 On February 20, 1893, Elaine, in a letter to Pauncefote, also 
 stated that in the execution of the spirit of the treaty of Berlin the 
 treaty powers should send war vessels to sustain the Samoan 
 authorities and enforce the warrants of the supreme court by 
 proper and judicious means. 
 10
 
 146 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [146 
 
 war vessels, and considering the islands commercially worth- 
 less and the inhabitants intractable, in his messages of 1893, 
 1894 and 1895, recommended withdrawal from the treaty." 
 Though the treaty of 1889 had been a deliberate act of na- 
 tional policy in our international relations, both Cleveland 
 and Secretary Gresham urged that it was a mistake, ex- 
 pensive, annoying and involving us in entangling alliances." 
 Gresham referred to the Samoan government as in sub- 
 stance and form a tripartite foreign government imposed 
 upon the natives, and supported and administered jointly 
 by the three treaty powers. On May 9, 1894, a report to 
 President Cleveland said : " It is in our relations with 
 Samoa that we have made the first departure from our tra- 
 ditional and well-established policy of avoiding entangling 
 alliances with foreign powers in relation to objects remote 
 from this hemisphere. Like all other human transactions, 
 the wisdom of that departure must be tested by its fruits. 
 . . . Every nation, and especially every strong nation, must 
 sometimes be conscious of an impulse to rush into diffi- 
 culties that do not concern it, except in a highly imaginary 
 way. To restrain the indulgence of such a propensity is 
 not only the part of wisdom, but a duty we owe to the 
 world as an example of the strength, the moderation and 
 the beneficence of popular government. . . . The whole 
 trade of the islands is of small value, and of this only a small 
 part is with the United States. We have never found it 
 wise to interfere in the affairs of a foreign country in order 
 to trade with it." 
 
 " See an article by H. C. Ides in the N. Am. Rev. for Aug., 1897. 
 
 "The Nation said the result of the treaty arranged was con- 
 tinual unrest, disturbance and foreign interference and opposed the 
 modern mania for foreign dependencies at great distances from 
 our shores, stating that if Samoa belonged to any system it be- 
 longed to the Australian system, and that the New Zealanders, 
 had more reason than the United States to complain of German 
 meddling. [Nation, May 17, 1894.] 
 
 ** For Gresham's review of American relations as to Samoa, see 
 " Foreign Relations," 1894, Appendix i, pp. 504-13. Also, Senate 
 Exec. Doc. 93, 53-2, vol. iv.
 
 147] Relations with Samoa. 147 
 
 The long-range government of refractory, indocile na- 
 tives, with all its perplexities, under the international joint 
 protectorate continued to be unsatisfactory and expensive, 
 but no better plan acceptable to all could be suggested." 
 The death of King Malietoa Lampepa, in August, 1898, 
 finally produced a crisis which resulted in a new arrange- 
 ment. The election of a successor developed a contest as 
 to the validity of the result, and rival claimants took the 
 field. Chief Justice Chambers (from Alabama) with his 
 great power, acting by the terms of the general act, ren- 
 dered his judgment in favor of Malietoa Tanu, and 
 Mataafa, encouraged by the German consul, and with more 
 followers than the king had, took up arms. Marines from 
 American and British warships intervened to restore order." 
 
 Steps were taken to improve relations between the United 
 States and Germany, and to avoid any occasion for further 
 friction in Samoa, 83 a joint commission of representatives of 
 the United States, Great Britain and Germany were sent to 
 investigate affairs at Samoa, and to propose a remedy. It 
 soon abolished the kingship and established a provisional 
 government. The partition of the islands, as Elaine had 
 planned in 1889, or annexation of the whole group by a 
 single power, appeared to offer best promise of a satisfactory 
 permanent settlement. 
 
 30 Foreign Relations, 1896, pp. 531-54; also, 1895, pp. 1126-59. 
 
 81 The Nation, Jan. 26, 1899. 
 
 82 William Blacklock, the United States vice-consul-general, who 
 advocated annexation as the only permanent settlement, in a state- 
 ment of his views for the commission in June, 1899, said: 
 
 " The mode of dealing with the natives from the beginning by 
 the powers interested in Samoa has been calculated to make the 
 Samoan a most important individual in his own estimation. Stacks 
 of proclamations have been posted and endless orders from war- 
 ships been issued, but none has ever been thoroughly enforced, 
 and the consequence is that now the natives ignore proclama- 
 tions and laugh at threats of men-of-war. They imagine them- 
 selves unconquerable, even by the three powers combined, and 
 every time there is an outbreak they go a little further than the 
 time before."
 
 148 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [148 
 
 The United States was determined not to abandon her 
 interests to Germany and England. The latter, however, 
 agreed to retire, in view of compensation by Germany in 
 other directions, and in a treaty providing for a discontinu- 
 ance by the joint protectorate both powers renounced (No- 
 vember, 1894), in favor of the United States, all their rights 
 and claims to that portion of the group east of 171 west 
 longitude, including Tutuila and other smaller islands. By 
 the same convention the United States agreed to renounce 
 all claims to the islands of the group lying west of 171, thus 
 giving the Germans the preponderating force which they 
 had exercised in that region before the treaty of Berlin was 
 made. She received a guarantee, however, for the same 
 privileges and conditions as those possessed by Germany in 
 respect to commerce and commercial vessels in all the 
 islands of Samoa. Malietoa, after an unsuccessful protest, 
 expressed his views in a letter to the London Times, in 
 which he took occasion to assert that the civilization intro- 
 duced by the great powers in their annexations in the islands 
 of the South Seas is inferior to the primitive state of those 
 islands." 
 
 The American flag now floats over the naval station at 
 Pango Pango, and the island of Tutuila is under the con- 
 trol of the navy, but there has been no interference with the 
 political self-government of the natives, who have appeared 
 delighted to pass under the sovereignty and protection of the 
 United States. 
 
 " London Times, January 12, 1900.
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 OCCUPATION OF THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 The Philippines, which have recently and unexpectedly 
 enlarged the sphere of the United States in the Far East, 
 were visited by Americans at a very early date in our na- 
 tional history. After the close of the war of 1812, Secre- 
 tary Monroe took steps to obtain information regarding 
 conditions there and to secure a report on the prospects 
 for trade. In March, 1817, Andrew Stuart, who had re- 
 sided in Manila since 1812, received from President Madi- 
 son a commission as United States consul at that place. 
 For several years he was not officially recognized by the 
 Spanish authorities, but he was allowed to remain and was 
 not obstructed in the performance of the duties of a consul. 1 
 In September, 1818, he reported that the Spanish authorities 
 had found several Americans among the crew of the Argen- 
 tina, a Buenos Ayres privateer, which had been obstructing 
 the provincial commerce for several months. Writing to 
 Secretary Adams, in June, 1819, he stated that unless inter- 
 rupted by the " proverbially suspicious government," he 
 proposed to place the United States in possession of Royal 
 nautical directions for the guidance of galleons and for the 
 harbors to which they resorted, together with charts and 
 drawings showing " tracks laid down in unpublished Span- 
 ish plans," which he suggested might " assume an aspect of 
 great national and political importance and utility . . . 
 should the amicable relations between the two governments 
 ever be interrupted or ruptured." 
 
 About the same time, Lieutenant John White, of the 
 
 1 Consular Letters, Manila, vol. i, 1817-40. [MS.]
 
 150 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [150 
 
 United States navy, after arriving at Cavite and Manila, 
 and taking breakfast with Stuart, wrote : " The spirit of 
 independence which has recently diffused its influence 
 through Spanish colonies on the American continent has 
 also darted its rays across the Pacific . . . and the time is 
 perhaps not very remote when it shall burst forth and shed 
 its joyous light upon the remotest and most inconsiderable 
 islet of this archipelago." ..." Perhaps no part of the 
 world offers a more eligible site for an independent republic 
 than these islands." * 
 
 In November, 1820, Consul Stuart, writing of recent na- 
 tive maraudings, murders and riots, and feeling that the 
 Government was too slow in declaring martial law, sug- 
 gesting that the recently published new constitution was 
 too liberal to the natives and expecting a general revolution 
 to result, said the Filipinos were treacherous, ungrateful and 
 " insensible of any favor done them," and " ought to be 
 governed rather strict(ly) to keep them obedient to the 
 laws, make them industrious, to work in every mode against 
 
 i~ their natural and old inclinations." ' At that time there was 
 little demand for American goods, but by 1834, Consul H. 
 W. Edwards, noticing the increase of imports of American 
 manufacturing goods, said: "These islands will eventually 
 
 i_ be the outlet of our manufactures to a great extent." 
 ^The United States, though she annexed the Philippines 
 as a result of long-evolving circumstances,* acquired them 
 as the result of no long-contemplated plans. In 1898, at 
 the beginning of the war of intervention in Cuba, she had 
 "no design of aggrandizement and no ambition of conquest." 
 Needing a naval station and a port where our war vessels 
 could find protection and desiring to reduce the strength 
 of the enemy, after the declaration of war, the American 
 Government ordered Dewey to destroy the Spanish fleet at 
 
 'John White: A Voyage to the China Sea. Boston, 1823. 
 3 Consular Letters, Manila, vol. i, 1817-40. 
 4 R. H. Bancroft: The New Pacific.
 
 151] Occupation of the Philippines. 151 
 
 Manila. By a brave dash into the harbor, we soon held 
 the key to the Philippines and cut off communication with 
 Madrid. To hasten peace we sent an army of occupation 
 across the Pacific. At the close of the war, though we had 
 taken up arms " without any original thought of complete 
 or even partial acquisition," the presence and success of our 
 arms in Manila brought our republican empire new oppor-v 
 tunities which she could not wisely reject, and new duties 
 and responsibilities which she could not courageously and 
 honorably avoid. Having obtained occupation of a rich 
 prize, whose value was well known by European powers ^ 
 that would have seized it at first opportunity without hesi- / 
 tation, and seeing the value of a permanent establishment 
 at the gates of the East, the McKinley administration in the 
 peace negotiations of 1898, accepting the logic of our his- , 
 tory, resolved to relieve Spain of insular dependencies she 
 had only held with a weak hand and which, under American 
 control, would have the opportunity to enjoy greater fr 
 dom, and would give the American nation a greater place 
 in the affairs of the world. 
 
 On October 28, 1898, the American Peace Commissioners 
 at Paris were instructed as follows : " Territorial expan- ^ 
 sion should be our least concern; that we shall not shirk 
 the moral obligations of our victory is of the greatest.. 
 It is indisputed that Spain's authority is permanently de- 
 stroyed in every part of the Philippines. To leave any part 
 in her feeble control now would increase our difficulties and v 
 be opposed to the interests of humanity. Nor can we per- 
 mit Spain to transfer any of the islands to another power.' 
 Nor can we invite another power or powers to join the 
 United States in sovereignty over them. We must either 
 hold them or turn them back to Spain. 
 
 " Consequently, grave as are the responsibilities and un- 
 foreseen as are the difficulties which are before us, the Presi- 
 dent can see but one plain path of duty the acceptance of 
 the archipelago. Greater difficulties and more serious com- 
 plications, administrative and international, would follow
 
 152 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [152 
 
 any other course. The President has given to the view of 
 the commissioners the fullest consideration, and in reaching 
 the conclusion above announced in the light of information 
 communicated to the commission and to the President since 
 your departure, he has been influenced by the single con- 
 sideration of duty and humanity. The President is not un- 
 mindful of the distressed financial condition of Spain, and 
 whatever consideration the United States may show must 
 come from its sense of generosity and benevolence, rather 
 than from any real or technical obligation." 
 
 On November 13, the following additional instructions 
 were sent: 
 
 " From the standpoint of indemnity both the archipela- 
 goes (Porto Rico and the Philippines) are insufficient to 
 pay our war expenses, but aside from this, do we not owe 
 an obligation to the people of the Philippines which will 
 not permit us to return them to the sovereignty of Spain? 
 Could we justify ourselves in such a course or could we 
 permit their barter to some other power? Willing or not, 
 we have the responsibility of duty which we cannot escape. 
 The President cannot believe any division of the archipelago 
 can bring us anything but embarrassment in the future. 
 The trade and commercial side, as well as the indemnity for 
 the cost of the war, are questions we might yield. They 
 might be waived or compromised, but the questions of duty 
 and humanity appeal to the President so strongly that he 
 can find no appropriate answer but the one he has here 
 marked out." 
 
 The treaty of peace 6 of December 10 provided that Spain, 
 beside withdrawing from the West Indies, should cede to 
 the United States the archipelago known as the Philippine 
 Islands; that the United States should pay to Spain the sum 
 of $20,000,000, and that the civil rights and political status 
 of the native inhabitants should be determined by Congress. 
 
 The treaty was ratified by the Senate on February 6, 1899, 
 
 8 Sen. Doc. 62, part i, 55-3, Jan. 4, 1899, 677 pp.
 
 153] Occupation of the Philippines. 153 
 
 and by the Government of Spain on the igth of March fol- 
 lowing. The ratifications were exchanged on the nth of 
 April and the treaty publicly proclaimed. On the 2d of 
 March Congress voted the sum contemplated by the treaty, 
 and the amount was paid over to the Spanish Government 
 on the ist of May. The United States, though acting on 
 the principle that " there must be no joint occupation with 
 the insurgents," who were in arms against the Spanish Gov- 
 ernment in the Philippines, had from the time of American 
 occupation assured the people that the United States Gov- 
 ernment desired to advance their interests and welfare. On 
 the 2 ist of December, after the treaty was signed, the com- 
 mander of the forces of occupation was instructed " to an- 
 nounce and proclaim in the most public manner that we 
 come not as invaders and conquerors, but as friends to 
 protect the natives in their homes, in their employments 
 and in their personal and religious rights. 
 
 With a desire to establish peace and order, and as much 
 self-government as was " compatible with the welfare of the 
 people," in January, 1899, President McKinley sent to 
 Manila, Commissioners Schurman, Denby and Worcester, 
 who, in association with Admiral Dewey and Major-General 
 Otis, were instructed " to facilitate the most humane and 
 effective extension of authority throughout the islands and 
 to secure with the least possible delay the benefits of a wise 
 and generous protection of life and property to the inhab- 
 itants." Before they reached Manila, Aguinaldo, claiming 
 that a United States officer had promised that the islands 
 should be independent, directed the Filipinos in an attack 
 on the American lines and precipitated a condition full of 
 embarrassment to the United States and grievous in its 
 consequences to the islanders." 
 
 Aside from an ignominious retreat, which would have 
 exhibited a " nerveless pusillanimity," and abandoned the 
 islands to strife and anarchy, making them an apple of dis- 
 
 * Sen. Doc. 208, 56-1, Mar. 5, 1900, 173 PP- +
 
 154 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [154 
 
 cord among rival powers, the only course remaining for the 
 United States was to subdue the unprovoked and wasteful 
 insurrection, preparatory to the establishment of order and 
 the reconstruction of the government. The commissioners, 
 r in their report, said: " Our obligations to other nations and 
 to the friendly Filipinos, and to ourselves and our flag, de- 
 L manded that force should be met by force." For the 
 restoration and maintenance of order in the Philippines, 
 including the Sulu peninsula, the recent haunt of piracy, 
 we were responsible to the world. To renounce the au- 
 thority which we had accepted tacitly and by treaty, and 
 give the islands an independence for which they were not 
 prepared, would have been unjust to the loyal majority who 
 sought American protection. To have declared the islands 
 independent under an American protectorate, would have 
 made us responsible for the acts of the insurgent leaders 
 without the power to control them, and would have involved 
 us in endless tasks of adjusting quarrels between factions 
 in the islands and between the islands and foreign powers.' 
 
 Judge W. H. Taft, professedly an anti-expansionist, in 
 a speech at Cincinnati on March 5, 1900, said: 
 
 " My conviction is that the calm investigation of the 
 future historian into all the conditions existing at the time 
 of taking each step toward the present situation in the Phil- 
 ippines will lead him to conclude that President McKinley 
 and his Administration selected in each crisis the only alter- 
 native which a due regard to our national and international 
 obligations would permit." 
 
 American control of the Philippines will mean the new 
 dawn of freedom, progress and civilization to the islanders. 
 During the declining insurrection the islands have neces- 
 sarily been under military authority. President McKinley's 
 policy has been " to inaugurate governments essentially 
 popular in their form as fast as territory is held and con- 
 trolled by our troops," beginning the work of reconstruction 
 
 1 Sen. Doc. 138, 56-1, vol. i (Jan. 31, 1900), 264 pp.
 
 155] International Situation in the Far East. 155 
 
 by first forming municipal and provincial governments and 
 leaving the establishment of a central government at 
 Manila for the last step. He has sent a commission as a 
 substitute for military government, and as a preliminary 
 step to the establishment of a territorial form of govern- 
 ment when it may be possible to give the natives the right 
 of suffrage. 
 
 * * 
 * 
 
 The changing conditions in Asia, the mother of races, are 
 observed with interest by the entire world. From the East 
 to the Far East, fact is overcoming fancy, and new life 
 takes the place of the fading, vanishing pictures of the past. 
 Modern, relentless progressiveness is gaining a foothold 
 in the land of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, in the land of 
 Moab, in the Garden of Eden, and in the homes of Con- 
 fucius and Buddha. The walls of Jerusalem echo the pant 
 and screech of the locomotive, which now connects the Holy 
 City with Jaffa on the Mediterranean; and probably it will 
 not be long before a trolley line will connect the site of 
 Solomon's capital with a line of steamboats on the Dead 
 sea, which has so long remained a forsaken solitude in the 
 midst of a desert. At the other end of Asia, Japan, since 
 opening her arms to the progressive West, is thriving with 
 manufacturing and other developing industries, and has 
 recently stood forth as the little giant of the Orient. In 
 1894, disputing with China the protectorate of Corea, she 
 sent her well-drilled and well-equipped troops to sustain 
 her claims, soon occupied all Corea, Port Arthur, part of 
 Manchuria and Wei-hai-Wei, and by the treaty of Shimon- 
 osaki (in April, 1895), induced China to cede Formosa, the 
 Pescadores, and the peninsula of Liao-tung, to open new 
 ports, to permit the erection of Japanese manufacturing 
 establishments in the empire, and to agree to pay a war 
 indemnity of seven hundred and fifty millions. She sur- 
 prised the world by the rapidity of her success, but she was
 
 156 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [156 
 
 soon persuaded, by the concerted " friendly " protest of Rus- 
 sia, France and Germany, to modify the treaty and relin- 
 quish Liao-tung and Wei-hai-Wei. 
 
 China, awakening from the lethargy of ages, observes that 
 the face of the world has changed, and is preparing for 
 regeneration from a long rule of ultra conservatism. 1 She 
 will soon be threaded with railways, and brought into 
 closer touch with Western civilization. She has granted 
 to Great Britain the privilege of building railroads in the 
 valley of the Yang-tse, and has made concessions to other 
 nations for roads in other parts of the empire. In 1896, 
 she granted to the Eastern Chinese Railroad Company the 
 right to build a line through Chinese Manchuria (to connect 
 as a branch of the Trans-Siberian Railway), to develop coal 
 and other mines in the adjoining territory, and to engage in 
 other industrial and commercial enterprises. In 1898, she 
 granted to Russia the privilege of building a railway from 
 Vladivostock to Port Arthur. More recently she agreed to 
 permit the construction of a line from Mukden in Man- 
 churia to Peking, and three lines from Peking to the prov- 
 inces of Shansi, Ho-nan and Hupeh. Still other lines are 
 in contemplation to connect southern China with Peking, 
 with French Indo-China, and with Burma of British India. 
 
 The " Eastern Question " has spread from Constantinople 
 and the eastern shores of the Mediterranean to Persia, 
 Afghanistan, and the Far East. It has expanded or resolved 
 itself into many problems, of which the Chinese has recently 
 become the most prominent. Of the nominally independent 
 countries of Asia, i. e., Turkey, Arabia, Oman, Persia, 
 Afghanistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Siam, China, Corea and Japan 
 only Japan is thoroughly independent in fact. European 
 powers have zones of influence in all of the others. Turkey, 
 in need of a better government, has been the object of the 
 
 1 A. R. Calquhoun: China in Transformation. Curzon: Prob- 
 lems of the Far East. Lord Charles Beresford: The Break-up of 
 China.
 
 157] International Situation in the Far East. 157 
 
 deliberations of an international congress. Central Arabia 
 is inhabited by tribes who owe allegiance to no single ruler. 
 Oman is practically an English protectorate. Persia is 
 dominated by Russia in the north and by England in the 
 south. Afghanistan, under the uncertain rule of an Afghan 
 chief, receives a subsidy from British India, and permits a 
 Russian flotilla on her branches of the Oxus. Some say 
 that occupation or protection by some stronger power is 
 apparently the only relief for the chaotic conditions which 
 exist from the Bosporus to the Hindu Kush. China, 
 though not in the same political condition as Turkey and 
 Persia, sometimes appears to be preparing herself for a 
 coroner's inquest or vivisection. Her internal condition, 
 together with her relation to opposing powers with con- 
 flicting interests, presents a serious case to the political doc- 
 tors, who find it difficult to agree upon a remedy to effect 
 a permanent cure. 
 
 The Anglo-Saxon and the Slav have met on the Plains 
 of Pamir, the roof of the world, at the western gate of China. 
 Only a strip of Afghan territory, twelve miles wide, lies be- 
 tween them, and it is under British influence. Afghanistan 
 is only a temporary " buffer " between them, though it may 
 be of little value to either except as a basis for military 
 operations. With half-completed military roads, they keep 
 their armies like bridled steeds, ready to prance toward each 
 other in war-harness. The Anglo-Saxon nation, incessantly 
 toiling, cultivating swamps and clearing jungles, driving 
 back famine and pestilence, and opening the tropics to the 
 world, has extended her dominion upward from the south 
 of India, secured a supreme influence in Southern Asia from 
 the Red Sea coast and the Persian Gulf on the west to 
 Siam and toward Singapore on the east. She has peacefully 
 expanded over Beluchistan, and extended her control north- 
 ward from Calcutta to the Himalayas and eastward to Siam. 
 Still further east she possesses Borneo and South Sea groups 
 of islands. In China, she is already established at Hong 
 Kong, has a shadowy sphere of predominating influence in
 
 158 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [158 
 
 the Yang-tse valley, and is planning to secure a concession 
 for a railway from Burma to Yunnan. 
 
 The Slav, by a long record of toil and privation and self- 
 directed effort, has colonized central Asia and continued 
 eastward with half-accidental, half-unconscious progress 
 across the continent. Vast Russia, virile, apparently in- 
 vincible, and increasingly predominant, spanning Europe 
 and Asia, embracing one-half the combined area of the two 
 continents (and nearly two and one-half times as large as the 
 United States), is steadily expanding to the south and east 
 along a wavering frontier of 10,000 miles. She is strength- 
 ening her hand in the Bosporus, Syria and Palestine and 
 in Persia, which offers a practicable trade outlet to the 
 Indian ocean, and an advantage in case of conflict with 
 England. If England and France would permit, she would 
 absorb Turkey, whose capital she has threatened for 800 
 years. She has become predominant in the north of Per- 
 sia, whose territory she has been acquiring for 100 years. 
 She has consolidated her position in Turkestan, elbowed 
 China out of Pamir on the west. The more England has 
 hindered her in the south, the better has she established 
 herself in the east, especially since the Crimean war. In 
 her search for a " scientific boundary," she has always ad- 
 vocated " rectification of the frontier " as a remedy for 
 grievances, and is now in possession of the greater part of 
 the land which China has been losing since 1858. Indent- 
 ing Chinese territory from Pamir to Manchuria, she has 
 been making rapid strides to occupy the position once held 
 by Genghiz Khan. 2 
 
 Russia is now at the beginning of a new era in her his- 
 tory. Since 1893, she has been consolidating the work of 
 the early venturesome explorers across the wilds of Siberia 
 by the construction of a trans-Siberian railway with numer- 
 ous stations and branches. By means of this road she is 
 securing a more rapid colonization of Siberia whose fertile, 
 
 3 Alexia Krausse: Russia in Asia (1558-1899).
 
 159] International Situation in the Far East. 159 
 
 productive lands no longer remain locked in silence and 
 solitude and is expecting to work a revolution in the com- 
 merce and travel of the world. She is bringing the Far 
 East to the doors of Europe, and preparing to become an 
 oceanic power. After a struggle of 200 years to reach 
 the open sea, and a port free from ice at all seasons of the 
 year, she now floats her flag over Port Arthur, southeast of 
 Peking, and is attaining the freedom of the seas. 
 
 Russia now threatens to secure an advantage in the trade 
 of China by a process of gradual absorption. She has rap- 
 idly become a manufacturing nation, and, like Great Britain 
 and the United States and other powers, is seeking new 
 markets. She claims a sphere of influence north and east 
 of Peking, and has an eye toward the great central valley 
 where British influence is still predominant. Knowing that 
 it will be difficult for her, under equal terms, to compete 
 with British, American, German and French trade, she may 
 undertake to secure exclusive privileges for her traders and 
 for the exercise of her influence, and perhaps obtain com- 
 plete control of portions of China under an exclusive colonial 
 system. In case she should become involved in a conflict 
 with Great Britain, who has so long been her competitor 
 and antagonist in the direction of Asia, she would probably 
 have the assistance of France, who, driven from India by the 
 British, and profiting by fortunate circumstances, has estab- 
 lished a new French empire in the Indo-Chinese peninsula 
 (including Cambodia, Anam, Cochin China and Tonkin), 
 and has a sphere of commercial activity in the south of 
 China. Russia and France, should they form an alliance 
 for the partition of China, would probably be resisted by 
 the common action of Great Britain and Japan, and also by 
 Germany in case such action should seem to be subor- 
 dinate to her European and general interests. 
 
 The United States, though beginning to play a great part 
 in the Pacific, and having trade interests in the Orient which 
 may increase rapidly, desires to remain free to act inde- 
 pendently, or in cooperation, as circumstances may indicate
 
 r 
 
 160 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [160 
 
 to be the wisest policy. She feels, however, that her posi- 
 tion among the nations,with a large Pacific coast and a con- 
 stantly expanding direct trade with the Far East, gives her 
 " an equitable claim to consideration and friendly treat- 
 ment." She finds an open door along the shores of south- 
 ern Asia, where Great Britain has control, and perhaps 
 would participate in active cooperation to prevent any power 
 from securing exclusive commercial advantages in China. 
 She " has not been an indifferent spectator of the extra- 
 ordinary events transpiring in China," by which portions 
 of the maritime provinces are passing under the control of 
 various European powers; but the necessity of her becom- 
 ing an " actor in the scene " has been obviated by the pros- 
 pect that the new occupants will not prejudice American 
 commerce by exclusive treatment. 8 
 
 The United States, through her prestige as a territorially 
 disinterested power, and her ability to speak in the lan- 
 guage of unselfish, powerful diplomacy, has an opportunity 
 to become an arbiter in a peaceful and definite settlement 
 of the problems of the Far East, securing fair dealing and 
 equal opportunity, and preserving the honor and interests 
 of all. Facing Asia as well as Europe, she is well situated 
 for the protection of American interests and the support 
 of the independence and integrity of China with an open 
 door to commerce a policy which the American Govern- 
 ment has advocated for over thirty years. 4 With her west- 
 ern coast ports, the Hawaiian and Philippine islands, and 
 steamers on the Pacific, if she prepare to urge an open-door, 
 non-partition policy in China, she can secure her share of 
 the developing trade of the Orient. 
 
 The importance of securing ports or establishments in 
 the vicinity of the coasts of Asia, for the benefit of American 
 commerce, was suggested in the early part of the century. 
 It was urged in 1832 by President Jackson, who sent Ed- 
 
 * President McKinley's message, Dec. 5, 1898. 
 
 4 Instr. Germany, Fish to Bancroft, Aug. 31, 1869.
 
 161] International Situation in the Far East. 161 
 
 mund Roberts to negotiate treaties with Borneo, Siam, 
 Cochin China and Japan. The increase of American in- 
 terest in the Orient, by the conditions following American 
 expansion to California, soon resulted in a determination 
 to secure better facilities for intercourse with the Pacific 
 and the Eastern countries. " The future history of the 
 world must be achieved in the East," said W. H. Trescot, 
 who urged (1849) the policy of an Anglo-American alliance 
 as a means to prevent Russian designs in China and to 
 " control the history of the world." Senator Seward, ad- 
 vocating surveys in the seas of the Far East, in 1852, said: 
 '' Who does not see, then, that every year hereafter, Euro- 
 pean commerce, European politics, European thought, and 
 European activity, although actually gaining force, and Eu- 
 ropean connections, although actually becoming more inti- 
 mate, will, nevertheless, relatively sink in importance; while 
 the Pacific ocean, its shores, its islands and the vast region 
 beyond will become the chief theatre of events in the world's 
 great Hereafter. . . . Who does not see that this move- 
 ment must . . . develop the American opinion and influ- 
 ence, which shall remould constitutional laws and customs 
 in the land which is first greeted by the rising sun ... I 
 cannot reject the hope that peace is now to have her sway. ^ 
 . . . Commerce is the great agent of this movement. What- 
 ever nation shall put that commerce into full employment, 
 and shall conduct it steadily with adequate expansion, shall 
 become necessarily the greatest of existing States." Com- 
 modore Perry, on his route to secure ports in Japan, pro--' 
 posed the occupation of the Loo Choo Islands as a pre- 
 liminary measure, and also contemplated the extension of 
 American jurisdiction over the Bonin group. Later he 
 suggested the occupation and colonization of Formosa. 
 In 1856 and 1857, Mr. Parker, the American commissioner ^ 
 in China, suggested to Secretary Marcy the policy of tak- 
 ing Formosa from China as an indemnity [supra, p. 98]. J 
 Marcy had just been making an effort to acquire Hawaii, 
 as an outlying territorial possession with no promise of
 
 162 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [162 
 
 statehood, but he was opposed to the seizure of Formosa. 
 The peaceful negotiation of treaties with Japan and China, 
 after 1857, reduced the immediate importance of securing 
 ports on the smaller islands as proposed by Perry. The 
 annexation of Hawaii, however, continued to be regarded 
 as a measure concomitant with the increase of American 
 influence in the Pacific. In reply to those who opposed 
 its annexation because of its distant insular position, Sen- 
 ator Dolph, in 1893, said: "We must abandon the doc- 
 trine that our national boundaries and jurisdiction should 
 be confined to the shores of the continent. We cannot 
 afford, like a snail, to draw our heads within our shells." 
 At the beginning of 1898, Senator Lodge said that since we 
 had made the citadel secure, we must not now neglect the 
 outposts. 
 
 By the retention of the Philippines, the United States has 
 entered upon a new era. Refusing to choose a policy of 
 isolation, she has become a world power, and a leading 
 factor in international politics. She no longer stands aloof 
 from the Pacific, " the historic sea of the future," s as she 
 did -in her weak beginnings when the vast unexplored ter- 
 ritories on our west belonged to foreign powers. 
 
 Her evolution to the " Great Pacific Power " appears to 
 be but the logic of history. Richard Olney, ex-Secretary of 
 State, recently referring to our future relations with the 
 European powers struggling for commercial and political 
 supremacy in the East, said the abandonment of our " inter- 
 national isolation " policy, which was only suited to the 
 period of our infancy, was inevitable, and would result in 
 
 * " The nations have their toes toward the Pacific." They have 
 left very few of its islands unappropriated. Since the race for 
 island-grabbing in the South Seas, in 1884-86, there is no longer 
 an opportunity to occupy fabled regions unexplored in the Poly- 
 nesian world. The nations have been taking time by the forelock 
 and preparing to secure positions which are likely to prove advan- 
 tageous in connection with the swiftly changing conditions in the 
 Orient.
 
 163] International Situation in the Far East. 163 
 
 aiding our commercial interests and the widening of our 
 mental and moral vision as a nation. 
 
 The constitutional question involved in the acauisition 
 and government of the Philippines has recently been the 
 subject of much discussion. It will soon be a subject 
 of decision by the Supreme Court. The American Gov- 
 ernment is acting upon the belief that the islands can be 
 governed by Congress as territorial possessions of the 
 United States, and in beginning the inauguration of a 
 responsible government has very liberal views. 6 It pro- 
 poses a political system devised for the interest of all con- 
 cerned and administered by the inhabitants as far as they 
 show a capacity for self-government; but, if necessary to 
 preserve order, the islands may be ruled by the American 
 Government with a hand as strong as that of Jefferson, 
 who applied his " despotic " non-representative system to 
 Louisiana against the protests of the inhabitants, who re- 
 quested him to send the Declaration of Independence and 
 the Constitution to the shores of the Mississippi. 
 
 America faces responsibility and opportunity with the 
 same spirit of confidence which animated the Fathers. With 
 her face set toward the morning, she seeks duty with the 
 courage of the optimist and the ameliorator. She does not 
 let her aspirations sink before the predictions of the prophets 
 
 6 In his message of Dec., 1899, President McKinley said: 
 
 " The hour of victory will be the hour of clemency and recon- 
 struction. 
 
 " No effort will be spared to build up the waste places desolated 
 by the war and by long years of misgovernment. We shall not 
 wait for the end of the strife to begin the beneficent work. We 
 shall continue, as we have begun, to open the schools and the 
 churches, to set the courts in operation, to foster industry and 
 trade and agriculture, and in every way in our power to make these 
 people, whom Providence has brought within our jurisdiction, feel 
 that it is their liberty and not our power, their welfare and not our 
 gain, we are seeking to enhance. w 
 
 " Our flag has never waved over any community but in blessing. 
 I feel the Filipinos will soon recognize the fact that it has notjost 
 its gift of benediction in its world-wide journey to their shores." ^
 
 164 American Relations in the Pacific and Far East. [164 
 
 of disaster. She has not become discouraged by the gloomy 
 views of " trembling ones shrieking at the self-conjured 
 ghost of imperialism, as if empire could grow on freedom's 
 soil." She sees no reason to condemn the present or to 
 despair of the future. She observes that the republic has 
 survived the predictions of disaster made by those who 
 opposed the policy of Jefferson, Madison, Monroe and their 
 successors. She asserts that the Ship of State tinder sunny 
 skies still has her anchors, and is abundantly able to meet 
 new conditions in world movements. 
 
 The future belongs to the future. Its conditions will in- 
 fluence the shaping of policy for the solution of problems 
 as they arise. But America has no element of exploitation 
 or imperialism lurking in her purposes. With high and 
 just motives, she reaches the hand of helpfulness across the 
 seas which she wishes to transform into paths for ships. 
 She will continue to embark, venture, explore and investi- 
 gate, as she has in the past. She will carefully survey and 
 feel her way, and construct charts for those who follow. 
 With the strenuous spirit of the pioneer, she advances be- 
 yond the frontier. When she reaches streams unspanned, 
 she will build bridges; and when she comes to bridges, she 
 will cross them. 
 
 The descendants and beneficiaries of those who, three 
 centuries ago, animated with the desire to found an imperial 
 democracy, faced the cold, inhospitable coasts of a wild, 
 uncivilized continent and began our traditional policy of 
 expansion, may confidently face the problems of foreign 
 policy and territorial government which now confrdct them.
 
 APPENDIX A. 
 
 INSTRUCTIONS TO HUMPHREY MARSHALL AS COMMIS- 
 SIONER TO CHINA IN 1852-53. 1 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF STATE, 
 WASHINGTON, HTH AUGUST, 1852. 
 No. 1. HUMPHREY MARSHALL, ESQ., 
 
 ETC., ETC. 
 
 Sir : The Department [has] already communicated to you your Com- 
 mission as Commissioner of the United States of America to China. 
 
 Tour compensation as fixed by law is at the rate of Six Thousand 
 Dollars ($6000) per annum. . . . 
 
 To become properly conversant with the business of the Legation, you 
 will have recourse to the correspondence between this Department and 
 jour predecessors in the Mission, recorded in its archives. Special 
 instructions on important subjects between the two Governments will 
 be sent to you from time to time as occasion may require. 
 
 During your residence in China, you may sometimes be applied to to 
 interpose in behalf of American citizens for the purpose of obtaining 
 satisfaction of claims which they may have upon the Chinese Govern- 
 ment, or the redress of grievances which they may experience in the 
 course of their dealings and transactions. In cases of this nature, where 
 the intervention of this Government shall be proper according to the 
 public law, you will afford such official aid as may appear to you appro- 
 priate to the occasion whether you have special instructions from this 
 Department or not. . . . 
 
 I am Sir, respectfully, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 DAN L WEBSTER. 
 [1 China Instr., pp. 76-79.] . . . 
 
 1 Before the appointment of Marshall, the position had been offered to three 
 persons within one year. The nomination of A. R. Nelson was confirmed by 
 the. Senate in March, 1851. Joseph Blunt accepted the place on October 20, 
 1851. On February 24, 1852, the President offered the place to Alfred Conklingi 
 of New York, who declined . Marshall's commission was sent to him by the 
 Department of State on August 6, 1852. See p. 90, supra.
 
 166 Appendix A. [166 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF STATE, 
 WASHINGTON, SOTH SEPT., 1852. 
 No. 2. HUMPHREY MARSHALL, ESQ., 
 
 ETC., ETC. 
 
 Sir: You are aware that some of our citizens now or formerly resi- 
 dent in China, have, for a long time past had claims against the Chinese 
 Government. The cases are that of the Rev. Mr. Roberts for losses sus- 
 tained by a mob at Canton, and that of Messrs. Louis Manigault and 
 Edward Cunningham, for assault and robbery in the neighborhood of 
 the same city. The Department is not in possession of such proof as 
 would warrant it in expressing an opinion in regard to these claims. 
 As you will be on the spot, however, where all the evidence that can be 
 adduced in support of them will be accessible to you, you will be 
 enabled to determine whether they are of such a character as would 
 warrant the official interposition of this Government. It is possible 
 that the Chinese Government might require proof of your authority to 
 negotiate upon the subject. To provide for this contingency, it has 
 been judged expedient to give you the accompanying full power. This 
 will enable you to adjust not only the cause above mentioned, but any 
 others which may occur during your mission. 
 
 I am Sir, respectfully, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 C. M. CONRAD, 
 
 Acting Secretary. 
 
 [1 China Instr., pp. 79-80.] 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF STATE, 
 WASHINGTON, ?TH JDNE, 1853. 
 No. 8. HUMPHREY MARSHALL, ESQ., 
 ETC., ETC. 
 
 Sir: Your despatches to No. 10, inclusive, have been duly received at 
 this Department. 
 
 The Government of the United States has recently received additional 
 information of the successful progress of the Revolutionary movements 
 in China. It is also apprised of the intention of the Government of 
 Great Britain to avail itself of the present condition of things in that 
 country to obtain "increased facilities of intercourse" with it, not 
 exclusively for its own subjects but for all nations and it has suggested 
 to this Government to send such instructions to our Commissioner there 
 as will "empower him to take such course in conjunction with Her 
 Majesty's Plenipotentiary as will be calculated to turn to the best 
 account the opportunity offered by the present crisis to open the Chinese 
 Empire generally to the commercial enterprise of all of the civilized 
 nations of the world."
 
 167] Appendix A. 167 
 
 The end proposed commends itself to the approval of the President 
 and he directs you to do what you can within your proper sphere of 
 action, towards its accomplishment. Our treaty stipulations with China 
 must be respected and our settled policy of non-interference in the con- 
 tests which arise between the people and their rulers must be observed. 
 Without a departure from these rules of conduct you may be able to do 
 much in such a crisis as does or may exist in China to cause an abandon- 
 ment of the unwise restrictions imposed by China upon foreign inter- 
 course. Without knowing what course the British authorities may 
 deem it expedient to take in furtherance of the object in view, the 
 President does not enjoin upon you cooperation, but only cordial rela- 
 tions and free conference with them. 
 
 As it is impossible to anticipate here what will be the condition of 
 things there, no specific instructions in regard to your official conduct 
 can be given. Your own judgment must be your guide as to the best 
 means to accomplish the desired object. 
 
 In the agitated state of the country the property of our citizens 
 therein and their rights will probably be in unusual danger. You will 
 be vigilant and active in affording them all the protection within your 
 power. The naval force of the United States in that vicinity will be 
 devoted to this important object. 
 
 The Department requests you to keep it fully advised of the progress 
 of events in China, of the effects of the Revolutionary proceedings there 
 upon our interests and of the prospects presented for a more free and 
 extended commerce with that country. 
 
 I am Sir, respectfully, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 W. L. MARCY. 
 fl China Instr., pp. 84-86.]
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 
 GOVERNMENT OF HAWAII AS A TERRITORY OF THE 
 UNITED STATES. 1 
 
 Congress in providing for the government of Hawaii as an American Terri- 
 tory has been very liberal. In the original bill as presented by the commis- 
 sioners who visited the island, strong argument was presented in favor of a 
 property qualification for voters. It was feared that natives, with suffrage 
 unrestricted, would secure the control of the legislature, and might even be 
 able to override the veto of the governor. It was said that if the natives 
 should combine, it was reasonable to suppose that no white person could be 
 elected to a legislative seat. 
 
 After the overthrow of the monarchy a property qualification had been 
 imposed upon the electors of senators. A conservative class was thus pro- 
 vided, and held the other house in check. The system was recommended for 
 continuation. 
 
 The Congressional committee to which the Hawaiian bill was referred did 
 not retain the property-qualification feature. It acted upon the principle that 
 " the right of free expression at the polls is in the nature of a safety valve," 
 and that citizens of Hawaii should have the right to participate in their govern- 
 ment, irrespective of tax-paying ability. Hawaii had already shown herself 
 capable of maintaining a stable government. She had a system of laws based 
 upon American laws. She was familiar with Anglo-Saxon institutions and 
 language. She had voluntarily placed herself under the sovereignty of the 
 United States. Americans, although in a small minority, practically dominated 
 the governmental, financial and commercial affairs of the islands. 2 
 
 Congress had never yet required a property qualification in any of the terri- 
 tories, (though in some cases there had been reason to suspect the danger of 
 riotous and ignorant legislation), and it was not considered necessary to make 
 a local exception in the case of Hawaii. 
 
 1 See p. 184 supra 
 
 2 The Hawaiian Islands are now occupied by the following races and nationalities : 
 
 Hawaiians and mixed blood 39,000 
 
 Japanese '25,001) 
 
 Chinese 21,000 
 
 Portuguese 15,000 
 
 Americans 4,000 
 
 British 2,250 
 
 Germans and other Europeans 2,000 
 
 Polynesians and miscellaneous 1 i250 
 
 Total 109,500 
 
 About 700 Chinese have been naturalized into the Hawaiian republic, and many Chinese 
 and Japanese are there under government permits and labor contracts, under which they 
 are bound to work for a term of years and to return to their own countries at the end of 
 their term of service. 
 
 The Chinese and Japanese possess no political power. 
 
 The Portuguese are largely immigrants or descendants from immigrants from the islands 
 and colonies of Portugal in the Atlantic and are not closely allied in sentiment to their 
 native country. 
 
 The public school system makes the study of the English language compulsory. There 
 are 132 public and 60 private schools, and education is compulsory and free as to all public 
 schools. American text-books are used in the schools. The language of business in English 
 and the decisions of American courts prevail as precedents.
 
 170 
 
 Appendix B. 
 
 [170 
 
 GOVERNMENT 
 
 OF THE 
 
 TERRITORY OF HAWAII 
 
 (April 30, 1900) 
 
 f CONSISTS OF Two HOUSES. 
 
 (Section 12) 
 
 Provisions common to both houses : 
 General elections, first Tuesday 
 after first Monday in November, 
 1900, and biennially thereafter (14). 
 Each house judge of election, re- 
 turns, and qualifications of own 
 members (15). Can not hold other 
 office (16-17). Oath of office (19). 
 Each determines its own rules. 
 One-fifth can demand ayes and' 
 noes. Majority constitutes quo- ' 
 rum for business, except on final 
 passage; then majority of all 
 members required ( 22) . Less than 
 quorum may adjourn and compel 
 attendance (23). Each house pun- 
 ishes members (25) . Members ex- 
 empt from liability elsewhere for 
 words (28i. Arrest (29). Salary, 
 $400 each session and 10 cents a 
 mile each way ; $200 extra session. 
 
 Voting for 
 senators. 
 
 First session, third Wednesday, 
 February, 1901, and biennially 
 thereafter (41). 
 
 Special session may be convened 
 (43). 
 
 Sessions 60 days long, except that 
 governor may extend 30 days (43). 
 
 All proceedings in English lan- 
 guage (44). 
 
 Bills must pass three readings on 
 separate days (46), and final pas- 
 sage must be on majority vote of 
 all members by ayes and noes. 
 
 Governor may veto appropriation 
 bills in whole or in part (49). 
 
 Bills may be passed over veto by 
 two-thirds vote (50). 
 
 f" Shall extend to all 
 rightful subjects of 
 legislation not incon- 
 sistent with the Con- 
 stitution and laws of 
 the United States lo- 
 cally applicable." 
 
 Scope of 
 power. 
 
 Special limitations 
 
 May create counties 
 and town and city 
 municipalities, and 
 provide for the gov- 
 ernment thereof. 
 
 ( Composed of 15 members : 4 years ; 
 elected from 4 districts, alternat- 
 ing 7 and 8 biennially (30, 32). 
 Vacancies filled by election (31). 
 Must be male citizens of United 
 States, 30 years old, resided in 
 Hawaii 3 years, qualified to vote 
 for senators (34). 
 
 f Each voter may cast 
 Senate -{ one vote for each 
 
 senator from district 
 (61), and required 
 number of candi- 
 dates receiving high- 
 est number of votes 
 shall be senators in 
 district (61). Voters 
 must have qualifica- 
 tions of voters for 
 representatives, i. e., 
 male citizen of the 
 United States, resi- 
 dence 1 year in Ha- 
 waii, 3 months in dis- 
 trict, 21 years old 
 (60-62); must register, 
 and be able to speak, 
 read, and write Eng- 
 L L lish or Hawaiian (60). 
 
 ( Composed of 30 members, elected 
 from 6 districts every second year 
 (35). Term until next general elec- 
 tion (36, 38). Vacancies tilled at 
 general or special elections (37) ; 
 must be male citizens of United 
 States, 25 years old, resided in 
 Hawaii 3 years, and qualified to 
 vote for representatives (40 >. 
 
 fEach voter may cast a 
 t House -j A^ote for as many rep- 
 
 resentatives as are to 
 be elected from dis- 
 trict (59), and required 
 number of candi- 
 dates receiving 1 high- 
 est number of votes 
 are elected (59 '. Vo- 
 ters, male citi/ens of 
 the United States, 21 
 years old, have re- 
 sided in Hawaii 1 
 year, and in district 
 3 months ; have reg- 
 istered, and able to 
 speak, read, and write 
 L English or Hawaiian. 
 
 1. The legislature shall not grant 
 any special or exclusive privilege, 
 immunity or franchise without 
 the approval of Congress. 
 
 2. It shall not grant private char- 
 ters, but may pass general acts 
 governing corporations. 
 
 3. It shall not grant divorces. 
 
 4. It shall not grant money for sec- 
 tarian or private schools. 
 
 5. The Government, or any political 
 or municipal corporation or sub- 
 division of the Territory, shall 
 not make any subscription to the 
 capital stock of any corporation, 
 nor lend its credit therefor. 
 
 6. The legislature shall not author- 
 ize any debt to be contracted ex- 
 cept to pay interest upon existing 
 indebtedness, to suppress insur- 
 rection, or to provide for the com- 
 mon defense and except loans 
 for the erection of penal, charit- 
 able and educational institutions, 
 
 L and for public works. 
 
 Voting for 
 represent- 
 atives.
 
 171] 
 
 Appendix B. 
 
 171 
 
 2. TH EXECUTIVE. 
 
 Governor 
 (Sec. 66). 
 
 Powers 
 and du- 
 ties 
 I (66, 67). 
 
 f Appointed by President for 4 years and 
 until successor is appointed and quali- 
 fied. Shall be 35 years old and citizen 
 of Hawaii. Salary, $5,000 (92) : $500 inci- 
 dentals, traveling, and $2,000 for private 
 secretary. 
 
 f Shall be commander-in-chief of 
 militia; may grant pardons or 
 reprieves for offense* against 
 Territory and against United 
 States, pending decision by 
 President. When necessary 
 may call upon military or 
 naval forces of the United 
 States in Hawaii, or summon 
 posse comitatus, or call out 
 militia; may suspend writ of 
 habeas corpus or place Terri- 
 tory under martial law; has 
 veto power; power of removal 
 when not otherwise provided 
 (80). 
 
 f 1. Judges circuit 
 
 courts. 
 
 2. Attorney-generaL 
 Appoint- 3. Treasurer, 
 ive power \ 4. Commissioner of 
 (. (80). public lands. 
 
 5. Commissioner of 
 
 agriculture. 
 
 6. Superintendent of 
 
 public works. 
 
 7. Superintendent of 
 
 public instruc- 
 tion. 
 
 8. Auditor. 
 
 9. Deputy auditor. 
 
 10. Surveyor. 
 
 11. High sheriff. 
 
 12. Members board of 
 
 health. 
 
 13. Commissioners of 
 
 public instruc- 
 tion. 
 
 14. Boards of regis- 
 
 tration and in- 
 spectors of elec- 
 tions. 
 
 15. All other public 
 
 boards. 
 
 Appointed by President for 4 years and 
 until successor is appointed and quali- 
 fied. Salary, $3,000 (92). 
 
 f Shall record and preserve all the 
 acts and proceedings of the 
 legislature and the governor, 
 promulgate proclamations, and 
 Duties transmit to the President of the 
 and -{ United States copies of the 
 I powers. [ laws, journals, and executive 
 
 proceedings. 
 
 Shall act as governor in case of 
 vacancy by death, removal, 
 resignation, disability or ab- 
 l. sence of the governor, 
 f Attorney-general (71). 
 Other Treasurer (72). 
 executive Commissioner of public lands (id). 
 
 officers Commissioner of agriculture and forestry 
 Appointed I (74). _ ,_,. 
 
 by the 1 Superintendent of public works ( .5). 
 Governor Superintendent of public instruction ( ib). 
 for 4 years Auditor and deputy auditor (77). 
 (80). Surveyor (78). 
 
 .High sheriff (79). 
 
 Secretary 
 (66).
 
 172 
 
 Appendix B. 
 
 [172 
 
 f Hawaiian 
 Courts 
 (81). 
 
 3. THK JUDICIARY. 
 
 Hawaiian laws relative 
 to, are continued in 
 force, except as modi- 
 lied by this Act; sub- 
 ject to modification by 
 Congress or legisla- 
 ture (83). 
 
 No person can sit as 
 judge or juror who is 
 related by affinity or 
 consanguinity to par- 
 ties within third degree I 
 or who shall be inter- 
 ested pecuniarily, per- 
 sonally, or through 
 relatives who are par- 
 ties (84). 
 
 Federal 
 
 District 
 
 Court 
 
 (86). 
 
 fl. Supreme court : One chief justice (salary 
 $5,501)), and two associates (salaries 
 $5,000), appointed by the President of 
 the United States by and with advice 
 and consent of the Senate (82), and hold 
 4 years (80). 
 
 2. Circuit courts : The judges are appointed 
 
 by the governor, and hold for 4 years 
 (80). 
 
 3. Such inferior courts as the legislature 
 
 shall from time to time establish (81). 
 
 President of the United States, by and with 
 advice and consent of the Senate, shall 
 appoint district judge (86). Shall have 
 jurisdiction of cases commonly cogniz- 
 able by both circuit and district courts 
 (86). 
 
 Writs of error and appeals shall be had and 
 allowed to the circuit court of appeals in 
 the ninth judicial circuit of the United 
 States. 
 
 District attorney, salary $3.000, and mar- 
 shal, salary $3,500 (92), appointed by the 
 President, by and with the advice and 
 consent of the Senate (86). 
 
 The district judge shall appoint a clerk 
 (salary $3,000) and a reporter (salary $1200). 
 
 The total indebtedness that may be incurred in any one year by the Territory, or 
 *my such subdivision thereof, is limited to 1 per cent of the taxable property of the 
 Territory or any such subdivision as shown by the last general assessment ; and the 
 total indebtedness of the Territory at any one time shall not exceed 7 per cent ol 
 assessed valuation ; nor shall the total indebtedness of any such subdivision of the 
 Territory at any one time exceed 3 per cent of any such assessed valuation. However, 
 the Governwent is not prevented from refunding existing indebtedness at any time. 
 
 No loans are to be made upon the public domain, and no bonds or other instruments 
 of indebtedness are to be issued unless redeemable in five years, payable in fifteen 
 years, and approved by the President of the United States. 
 
 SPECIAL TOPICS. 
 
 f There shall be a delegate to the United States House 
 of Representatives (to be elected by voters qualified 
 to vote for members of the house of representatives 
 of Hawaii), who shall possess qualifications of mem- 
 bers of the senate of Hawaii ; time, place, and man- 
 ner of holding elections fixed by law (85). 
 
 ( The; Territory shall constitute an internal-revenue 
 
 ' district (87). 
 
 i The Territory shall constitute a customs district 
 with ports of entry and delivery at Honolulu, Hilo 
 Makukona, and Kahului (88). 
 
 f Wharves and landings shall remain under control of 
 Hawaii, and revenues derived therefrom shall 
 belong to Hawaii, provided same are applied to 
 
 I. their maintenance and repair (89). 
 The quarantine regulations relating to the importa- 
 tion of diseases from other countries shall be under 
 the control of the Government of the United 
 States ; but the health laws of the government of 
 Hawaii relating to harbors and internal control 
 shall remain in the jurisdiction of the government 
 of Hawaii, subject to the quarantine laws and regu- 
 lations of the United States (97). 
 
 1 . Delegate to Congress. 
 
 2. Internal-revenue district. 
 
 ,'5. Customs district. 
 
 4. Wharves. 
 
 5. Quarantine.
 
 173] Appendix B. 173 
 
 f Previous residence in Hawaii shall be deemed equiva- 
 lent to residence in the United States. The Ameri- 
 can regulation requiring a previous declaration of 
 
 6. Naturalization. { intention to become a citizen of the United States, 
 etc., shall " not apply to persons who have resided 
 in the islands at least live years prior to the taking- 
 
 L effect of this Act " (100). 
 
 ( Chinese in Hawaiian Islands given one year to obtain 
 certificates of residence as provided by the Act 
 
 7. Chinese certificates 
 of residence. 
 
 of Congress approved May 5, 1893, and amended 
 Novembers, 1893 ; but " no Chinese laborer, whether 
 he shall hold such certificate or not, shall be 
 allowed to enter any State, Territory, or District of 
 the United States from the Hawaiian Islands " (101). 
 
 The provision (Sec. 6) extending the Constitution and laws of the United 
 States placed the Chinese-exclusion law and the alien contract-labor law 
 immediately in force in the Territory of Hawaii. 
 
 The joint resolution of annexation provided that there should be no further 
 immigration of Chinese into Hawaii except as allowed by the laws of the 
 United States, and that no Chinese, by virtue of anything contained in the 
 joint resolution of annexation, should come to the United States from 
 Hawaii. 
 
 8. Hawaiian public lands. 
 
 The public-land system of the United States has not been extended to 
 Hawaii. In some respects it is entirely inapplicable. It would be difficult to 
 establish an arbitrary rectangular system upon a peculiar system long in 
 practice. 
 
 The public-land system of Hawaii evolved from local conditions. The lands 
 are already occupied, and, from the very nature of the soil and character of 
 the inhabitants, are cut up into holdings of all sizes, the shape being generally 
 that of an irregular triangle, with its base on the coast line and its apex 
 toward the centre of the island. 
 
 There has already been established there a system of survey adapted to the 
 natural formation and contour of the islands. For illustration, all the islands 
 rise from the sea level, in some parts abruptly and in some parts gradually, to 
 a central elevation, and for purposes of cultivation the land is naturally 
 divided into lowland, fitted for the growth of taro and rice ; next above this 
 is sugar land, next coffee land, and then comes grazing and timber land. 
 
 Up to 1846 all the lands of the Hawaiian Islands belonged in legal contem- 
 plation to the king. The chiefs and the people, under a feudal system closely 
 resembling the old English feudal system, held their respective parcels by 
 rendering service or payment of rent. In 1846 King Kamehameha III. 
 granted : (1) To his chiei's and people certain portions ; (2) for government 
 purposes certain portions, (3) and reserved the remainder. 
 
 By an act, June 7, 1848, the legislature accepted the king's grant and con- 
 firmed to the king, his heirs and successors, certain described lands which 
 were thenceforth known as crown lands. Under an act organizing executive 
 departments, a land commission was provided whose duty it was to receive 
 and pass upon the claims of occupants and lands to their respective holdings 
 in that portion of the land set apart for the chiefs and people. This com- 
 mission heard the testimony of claimants, caused surveys to be made, and 
 issued to the occupants entitled thereto certificates called" Land commission
 
 174 Appendix B. [174 
 
 awards." These awards established the right of the grantee to the possession 
 of the land and entitled him upon payment of one-fourth of the value of the 
 bare land to receive a royal patent. These awards and patents issued pursuant 
 thereto are the source of all title to all lands not public lands or crown lands. 
 
 By an act of July 9, 1850, one-twentieth of all public lands are set apart for 
 the support of schools. These lands are patented to a board of education, 
 which was empowered to sell and lease. Part of these lands is used for sites 
 for school buildings, part is leased, and part has been sold. 
 
 In 1884 a homestead law on a small scale was provided but was little used, 
 only 256 patents having been issued in sixteen years. 
 
 In 1894, the legislature passed " the land act of 1895." By this act the crown 
 lands were treated as having vested in the republic and were placed under the 
 control of a board of commissioners, composed of the secretary of the interior 
 and two persons appointed by the governor. They are now embraced as public 
 lands, and are under the control of a commissioner of public lands. They 
 are subject to alienation and other uses as may be provided by law (99). 
 
 The islands are divided into six land districts, with a subagent of public 
 lands and ranges for each. 
 
 The public domain is divided into agricultural, pastoral, pastoral-agricul- 
 tural, forest and waste lands. 
 
 The commissioners are authorized to dispose of these lands in the following 
 manner: 
 
 1. At public auction for cash in parcels not exceeding 1,000 acres. 
 
 2. At public auction, part credit, in parcels not exceeding 600 acres. 
 
 3. Without auction sale, in exchange for private lands or by way of compro- 
 mise. 
 
 4. By lease at public auction for not more than twenty-one years. 
 
 5. Homestead leases. 
 
 6. Kight-of -purchase leases. 
 
 7. Cash freeholds. 
 
 Under the act of Congress approved April 30, 1900, the commissioner of public 
 lands takes the place of the board of commissioners. The laws relating to 
 public lands, the settlement of boundaries, and the issuance of patents on 
 land-commission awards continue in force until Congress shall provide other- 
 wise. But " no lease of agricultural land shall be granted, sold, or renewed 
 by the government of the Territory of Hawaii for a longer period than five 
 years until Congress shall otherwise direct." All funds arising from this dis- 
 posal of such lands shall be appropriated by the Hawaiian government and 
 applied for the benefit of the inhabitants (73).
 
 SUBJECT INDEX 
 
 ACQUISITION OF PACIFIC IS- 
 LANDS; evolution of the 
 American policy as to, 12, 70, 
 119, 126, 127-128, 130, 137, 141, 
 151; guano islands, 69. 
 
 Aleutian Islands, 59, 70. 
 
 Alliance, American policy as 
 to, 52, 68; Anglo-American, 
 proposed. 90, 95. 97, 98, 100. 
 
 American maritime enterprise, 
 early, 13. 
 
 Anglo-American interests in the 
 Far East, cooperation, 14, 98, 
 
 104, 107; proposed alliance. 
 [See " Alliance."] 
 
 Astoria. 30. 
 
 Behring Sea. 33. 58. 
 
 Bonin Islands, 61, et seq. ; Per- 
 ry's policy for a colony on, 
 63; proposition to take pos- 
 session of, 64; question of 
 ownership, 65. 
 
 Borneo, 74. 157. 
 
 China, earliest American trade 
 in, 10, 13, 84: Major Shaw, 
 first American consul to, 14; 
 early American voyages to, 
 21, 23; restricted trade policy 
 of, 85; reformed methods of, 
 after " Opium War." 86: 
 American policy as to, 83. 99. 
 101. 104, 108, 109, no. [see 
 " Far East "] : American ne- 
 gotiations with, 87, 91, et seq., 
 94. 97. 102; treaties with, 88, 
 
 105, 109; Taiping rebellion in. 
 91 et seq., 96; indications of 
 change in, 156: and the Rus- 
 sian policy, 159. 
 
 Chinese diplomacy; 87, 92. 94, 
 
 102. 
 Cochin China, 74. 
 
 Colonial establishments, distant 
 feared by the Senate, 52; 
 suggested, 61; the Bonin 
 Island colony, 60 et seq.; fav- 
 ored by Perry, 65, 67. 
 
 Colonies, marine, 54. 
 
 Corea, 111-113; need of reforms 
 in, 112. 
 
 Corsairs, Peruvian, 10, 25. 
 
 Deserters, 39, 40, 42, 48, 64. 
 Discipline of crews, necessity 
 
 for strict, 29, 37. 
 Discovery, of islands by Ingra- 
 
 ham, 19; expeditions of, 24, 
 
 55, 58. 
 
 Eastern and Far Eastern ques- 
 tions, 155. 
 
 Expansion to California and 
 Oregon, effect on the Ameri- 
 can policy in the Pacific, 76, 
 78, 89, 90.' 
 
 Exploring Expedition, U. S., 
 suggested, 24, 50; petitions 
 for, 50; discussed in Congress, 
 51 et seq.; opposed by Sen- 
 ate, 52; authorized, 53; pur- 
 poses of, 53-55; delay, causes 
 of, 54; organized, 55; work of. 
 
 56, 58; results, 58. 
 
 Far East, earliest American ne- 
 gotiations for ports in, n, 48; 
 increase of American concern 
 in the, 91; Anglo-American 
 interests in, 14, 90; American 
 opportunity and duty in, 12, 
 no, 159, 160, 162; and the 
 Eastern questions, 155, 156; 
 recent changes in, 155; Rus- 
 sian plans as to, 159. 
 
 Fiji Islands, 24, 43, 45. 53, 55, 
 
 57, 69. 
 
 Fisheries, as a school for Amer- 
 ican seamen, 13.
 
 Subject Index. 
 
 [176 
 
 Foreign policy, 91. [See 
 " China," " Japan," " Samoa," 
 and " Hawaii."] 
 
 Formosa, 66, 67; proposed oc- 
 cupation of, 98, 99. 
 
 Galapagos Islands, 48. 60. 
 
 Great Britain, American coop- 
 eration with, 14, 98, 104, 107; 
 proposed alliance with, 90, 95, 
 97. 98, 100; and Russian ri- 
 valry in Asia, 157. 
 
 Guano Islands, 69. 
 
 Hawaii [see "Sandwich 
 Islands"], Americanization 
 of, 114-134; early policy of the 
 U. S. as to, 114, 117; develop- 
 ment of annexation policy, 
 119-123, 125, 126, 128, 130-131; 
 American treaties with, 40, 
 118. (123), (124), 127; consti- 
 tutional history notes, 131- 
 134; present territorial gov- 
 ernment, 168. [Appendix.] 
 
 Ingraham's voyage, 17; discov- 
 ery of islands, 19; trade, 20. 
 
 Intervention, suggested as to 
 Japan, 77; suggested as to 
 China, 95. 
 
 Isolation policy, favored, 52, 
 138: opposed, 90, 162. 
 
 Isthmian transit routes, need of. 
 40. 
 
 Japan, foreign policy of, 72 et 
 seq. ; early American voyages 
 to, 73 et seq.; American de- 
 termination to secure inter- 
 course with, 76; Perry's ex- 
 pedition to, 78 et seq.; nego- 
 tiation of treaties with, 81, 82, 
 
 Lobos Islands, 24, 69. 
 
 Loo Choo Islands, proposed oc- 
 cupation of, 65, 78; Perry at, 
 80. 
 
 Madison Island (Nukuhiva), 
 discovered by Ingraham, 19; 
 occupation by Capt. Porter, 
 26; American intervention in, 
 27; visited by the Vincennes, 
 41- 
 
 Manila, 10, 44, 58. 
 
 Marquesas Islands, 18. 
 
 Midway Islands, 70. 
 
 Monroe doctrine, and the Pa- 
 cific coast, 35; and policy in 
 the Pacific, 52; and the Far 
 East, 90, no; and Samoa, 138, 
 146. 
 
 Morrell's voyages and adven- 
 tures, 43-45. 
 
 Muscat, 74. 
 
 Mutiny, 28, 38, 48. 
 
 Natives of islands, character of. 
 18, 19, 28, 44, 47, 53. 
 
 Naval and coaling stations, 66, 
 70, 77, 125, 137, 139. 150. 
 
 Navy, operations in the Pacific, 
 10, ii, 25, 39-42, 47, 55, 59, 76, 
 79, 98, 107, in, 129, 130, 136, 
 143, 150; need of increase, 54, 
 
 59- 
 
 Northwest coast, early com- 
 mercial enterprise between 
 China and, 13; Jefferson's in- 
 terest in, 14, 30; the Colum- 
 bia at Nootka, 16; conflict- 
 ing national claims on, 20, 31. 
 [See " Pacific Coast."] 
 
 " Open door," 66, 91, no, 160. 
 Orient, unlocking the, 72 et 
 
 seq.: American duty in, 12, 
 
 no, 159, 1 60, 162. 
 
 Pacific, the; early European 
 voyages to, 9; early American 
 voyages to, 10; beginning of 
 the American navy in, 10, n; 
 Wilkes' expedition to, n, 55; 
 increase of American interests 
 in, 32; need of a larger navy 
 in, 54, 59; policy as to acquir- 
 ing islands in, 12, 70. no. 126. 
 127-128, 130, 137, 141, 151; 
 guano islands of, 69. 
 
 Pacific coast, the; increase of 
 American interest on, 30: 
 proposed plan for settlement 
 of, 32; desire to acquire ports 
 on, 35; and the Monroe doc- 
 trine, 35; acquisition of Cali- 
 fornia, 36. [See " North- 
 west coast."] 
 
 Peel Island colony, 61 et seq.
 
 177] 
 
 Subject Index. 
 
 177 
 
 Peruvian Corsairs, 10, 25. 
 
 Philippines, 10, 56, 149-155; and 
 American opportunity in the 
 Far East, no, 155-164; early 
 American interest in, 149; oc- 
 cupation, 151; cession by 
 Spain, 152; American respon- 
 sibility and policy in, 153-155, 
 163-164. 
 
 Pioneers in trade and discov- 
 ery, 13 et seq. 
 
 Piracy, 23, 40, 109. 
 
 Russia, claims in the North Pa- 
 cific, 31, 33; American trea- 
 ties with, 34; settlements of 
 early American trade with, 22, 
 33; and British rivalry in 
 Asia, 157; expansion policy 
 of, 158. 
 
 Samoa, 46, 55, 57; strategic po- 
 sition of, 136; proposed 
 American protection or an- 
 nexation of, 137, 140; inter- 
 nal troubles, 138, 140, 142, 
 145; treaty with, 139; inter- 
 national complications in, 142, 
 147; tripartite arrangement 
 for, 140, 143; partition of, 148. 
 
 Sandwich Islands, early Ameri- 
 can vessels at, 16, 40, 41, 42, 
 43; early traffic with, 17; In- 
 graham at, 19, 21 ; native wars 
 in, 19; a resort for traders 
 and whalers, 22; and Astoria 
 settlement, 31; Russian de- 
 signs in, 32; a depot for sup- 
 plies, 39; treaty with, 40; im- 
 portance to American inter- 
 ests, 40; difficulties of mis- 
 
 sionaries in, 39, 115; sources 
 of dispute in, 43. [See " Ha- 
 waii."] 
 
 Sealing in the South Pacific, 22, 
 23- 
 
 Shipwrecks, 24, 45, 47, 53, 58, 
 74, 75- 
 
 Siam, .23. 
 
 SocietyTslands, 41, 53, 55. 
 
 South America, west coast of; 
 American influence on, 10, 25, 
 34; agitated by the appear- 
 ance of the Columbia, 16. 
 
 Sulu Sea, 56, 58. 
 
 Sumatra, 47, 53. 
 
 Tahiti, 41, 56. 
 
 Trade, direct Chinese-North- 
 west; American control of, 
 21 ; influence, 22. 
 
 Voyages, (special); of the Em- 
 press of China, 13; of the Co- 
 lumbia, etc., 15; of the Hope, 
 17 et seq.; of the Betsey, 23; 
 of the Aspasia, 23; of the Es- 
 sex, 25; of the Dolphin, 39; of 
 the Vincennes, 41; of the Ant- 
 arctic, 43; of the Margaret Oak- 
 ley, 44; of the Potomac, 47. 
 
 Wake Island, 24, 69. 
 Washington Island, Ingraham 
 
 at, 20. 
 Whalers, early relations with 
 
 the natives, 37 et seq. 
 Whaling interests, American, 
 
 10, 22, 50; protection by Capt. 
 
 Porter, 10, 26. 
 World Power, United States as 
 
 a, 12, no, 159, 162. 
 
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