£on.stitutional Law 
 
 And 
 
 Leading Cases 
 
 liiniiiMi 
 
 d 
 
 i/i 
 
 11': I 
 
 ,1 
 
 r'l' 
 
 -rii'i, ■' 
 
 , ;■■ I 
 
 ■nil : ■ 
 
 1:' !■ i 
 
 i jnmnHHHHnuimiliiiiii 1 1
 
 /%/./r//^^ 
 
 -r 
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OE CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES 
 
 SCHOOL OF LAW 
 
 / 
 
 f 
 
 BOOK STORE 
 
 BATON ROUGE
 
 CONSTITUTIONAL LAW
 
 COiNSTITUTIONAL LAW 
 
 AN INTRODUCTORY TREATISE DESIGNED 
 FOR USE IN SCHOOLS WHERE THE PRINCI- 
 PLES OF THE CONSTITUTION ARE STUDIED 
 
 BY 
 
 H. J. FENTON, M. A., LL. B. 
 
 Instructor, U. S. N. A. 
 
 REVISED EDITION 
 JULY, 1914 
 
 1914 
 
 THE UNITED STATES NAVAL INSTITUTE 
 
 Annapolis, Md.
 
 COPYIIIGHT, 1914, BY 
 
 E. J. KING 
 Secretary and Treasurer of the 
 
 U. S. NAVAL INSTITUTE 
 
 T 
 
 T^t Both C^&ftimovt (pttgtf 
 
 BALTIMORE, MD., U. S. A.
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 Scope. — This book is introductory in scope. It is a study 
 of the text of the Constitution and the principles of law per- 
 taining to it, designed mainly for those students who are 
 just beginning their inquiry into the subject of law and gov- 
 ernment. By it it is hoped that the student may obtain such 
 knowledge of the instrument of government under which this 
 country has lived for more than a century as is almost requi- 
 site for a liberal education and for good citizenship; and 
 that those who have the time and the inclination to pursue 
 the subject further may be inspired to do so. 
 
 Sources. — Except perhaps in the use of cases and in certain 
 minor details this book pretends to no originality. It is the 
 business of the law writer, like the historian, to record rather 
 than to make. It is partly from classroom notes, the product 
 of ten years in the teacher's chair; partly from the writings of 
 such excellent publicists as Story, Black, Cooley, McLain, 
 Pomeroy, Wilson, Baldwin and Burgess; and partly from a 
 wide reading among the cases decided by the Supreme Court 
 that this book is compiled. 
 
 Cases. — Since American Constitutional Law is largely a 
 child of the Supreme Court the writer has made frequent use 
 of cases for illustrative purposes, and has besides referred to 
 many others in footnotes. Furthermore, an abstract of the 
 leading and most interesting Supreme Court cases is printed 
 in Chapter IX, which, it is hoped, will be found interesting 
 and useful, both to instructor and to student. These cases may 
 be used as best suits the instructor — either as review prob- 
 lems to be interpreted by the student's application of prin- 
 ciples previously learned, or as illustrative material by the 
 
 LAW
 
 6 Introduction 
 
 teacher in his classroom discussions. They have been used by 
 the writer in both ways, and have been found almost invalu- 
 able as a means of fixing the principles of the Constitution 
 in the student's mind, and of securing an interest in the study 
 not so easily obtained in any other way. 
 
 Acknowledgment. — The writer feels peculiarly indebted to 
 the other members of the English Department of the United 
 )States Naval Academy for their friendly interest in the pub- 
 lication of this book, and especially for their many excellent 
 suggestions and keen criticisms of the manuscript. Without 
 such friendly cooperation the task of bringing the volume to 
 completion would have been very much greater. 
 
 H. J. F. 
 
 United States Naval Academy, 
 novembeb 1, 1913.
 
 Chapter I. 
 
 Chapter II. 
 
 Chapter III. 
 
 Chapter IV. 
 
 Chapter V. 
 
 Chapter VI. 
 
 Chapter VII. 
 
 Chapter VIII. 
 Chapter IX. 
 Appendix A. 
 Appendix B. 
 
 CONTEXTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Chronology of the Constitution 9 
 
 Definitions and Historical Sketch 13 
 
 The Congress, Composition, Development of, 
 
 etc.. Art. 1, Sees. 1-7 27 
 
 The Powers of Congress, Art. 1, Sec. 8 83 
 
 Limitations on Congress and the States, Art. 1, 
 
 Sees. 9-10 139 
 
 The Executive, Powers of, etc.. Art. 2 167 
 
 The Judiciary, Art. 3 203 
 
 Miscellaneous, Art. 4 227 
 
 Methods of Amending, Art. 5 240 
 
 Validity of Debts; Fundamental Law, etc.. 
 
 Art. 6 243 
 
 Ratification, Art. 7 246 
 
 Amendments 251 
 
 Leading Cases 293 
 
 The Articles of Confederation 313 
 
 The Constitution (Original Print) 321 
 
 Index 341
 
 CHROXOLOGY OF THE COXSTITUTIOX 
 
 1774 The First Continental Congress convened. 
 
 1776 The Declaration of Independence. 
 
 1781 The Articles of Confederation, proposed by the Congress 
 in 1778, were adopted. 
 
 1786 The Annapolis Convention. 
 
 1787 The Philadelphia Convention framed the Constitution. 
 1789 The Constitution, ratified by the requisite number of States, 
 
 became the organ of government. 
 1791 Amendments 1-10, proposed by Congress in 1789, were 
 
 adopted. 
 1798 The 11th Amendment, proposed in 1794, was adopted. 
 1804 The 12th Amendment, proposed in 1803, was adopted. 
 1865 The 13th Amendment, proposed in 1865, was adopted. 
 1868 The 14th Amendment, proposed in 1866, was adopted. 
 1870 The 15th Amendment, proposed in 1869, was adopted. 
 1913 The 16th Amendment, proposed in 1909, was adopted. 
 1913 The 17th Amendment, proposed in 1912, was adopted.
 
 CHAPTER I 
 A CHAPTER OF DEFIXITIOXS 
 
 AND 
 
 HISTORICAL SKETCH
 
 A CHAPTER OF DEFTXITIONS 
 Law: International, Municipal, and Constitutional 
 
 Law. — Law may be broadly defined as "a rule of action, 
 imposed by a superior, which an inferior is bound to obey." * 
 The law of gravitation, the law of heredity, the law of supply 
 and demand — these, as well as regulations made by man, come 
 under this wide definition. Our present study, however, is 
 of law in a narrower and more technical sense; and as such it 
 may be defined as " a rule of civil conduct, prescribed by a 
 competent civil authority, commanding certain things as 
 necessary to, and forbidding certain other things as incon- 
 sistent with, the peace of society." ' 
 
 International and Municipal Law. — In a technical sense 
 law is of two kinds. International and Municipal. Inter- 
 national law comprises those rules of conduct which are agreed 
 to by civilized nations for regulating their common inter- 
 course. Strictly speaking, these are not laws, although loosely 
 termed such, for the rules of conduct agreed to by nations are 
 not prescribed by any superior authority, and there is no 
 power, except War, to compel obedience to them. Inter- 
 national laws might well be termed international agreements. 
 Municipal law, on the other hand, includes those rules of civil 
 conduct prescribed by the supreme power in a State, or depart- 
 ment thereof, and regulating the intercourse of the State with 
 its subjects, and of the subjects with one another. Under 
 this head come statutes, ordinances, regulations, and all that 
 machinery necessary to maintain the peace and order of a 
 civilized community. 
 
 * Robinson's Elementary Law.
 
 14 Constitutional Law 
 
 Written and Unwritten Laws. — It matters not whether the 
 rules for the regulation of a civilized State are written or un- 
 written; if they exist under a directing, superior authority, 
 and govern the intercourse of State and subjects, or of sub- 
 jects with one another, they are laws. An unwritten law 
 derives its force from long established custom, and may serve 
 its purpose in society quite as well as one that is written or 
 printed, and that men may read ^ ; but since the day of un- 
 written law is largely past, we may better confine our attention 
 to written law, or that law prescribed directly, in so many 
 words, by the supreme power in the State, or of some depart- 
 ment thereof. Such law is usually in the form of 
 
 Statutes and Ordinances. — An ordinance is a rule of con- 
 duct prescribed by some minor department within a State, 
 such as a town or a city, for the preservation of good order 
 therein. A statute is an enactment made by the supreme law 
 making body of a State (in the United States, the Congress; 
 in the several States, the respective legislatures). 
 
 Statutes at Large. — These are the Federal statutes, ])rinted 
 in full in large volumes, as distinguished from abridgments 
 and revisions. The acts of each Congress are compiled sepa- 
 rately; volume 35, for example, containing all the acts of 
 the GOth Congress, 1907-1909. In the case of variance between 
 an act of Congress, as printed in the statutes, and the original, 
 as enrolled and deposited with the Secretary of State, the latter 
 must prevail.' 
 
 Revised Statutes. — These are all the Federal laws that were 
 general and permanent in their nature and in force December 
 1, 1873. They were printed in one large volume in 1875 under 
 the direction of the Secretary of State (see Stat, at Large, 
 18, 113). Congress has since authorized the publication of 
 
 * For fuller discussion of this see page 267. 
 
 • 38 Pacific Reporter, 973.
 
 Chapter of Definitions 15 
 
 several supplements to this volume, covering the period from 
 1873 to 1907. The Statutes at Large, then, are all the laws 
 devised by Congress since the first session, and they fill many 
 volumes; the Eevised Statutes are those Federal laws that 
 have not been repealed from time to time by Congress, or 
 rendered inoperative by later legislation, and are contained in 
 a single volume with a few supplements. 
 
 Constitutions Defined and Classified. — A constitution is a 
 fundamental body of law serving as the basis of the govern- 
 ment of a State. It is the backbone of a State, the guide and 
 tost for all political action within the State. Constitutions 
 may be unwritten or written. An unwritten constitution is 
 one of gradual accumulation; one that has grown up by slow 
 evolution, and not contained in any single document, or re- 
 duced wholly, if at all, to writing. This is the oldest form of 
 constitutions, as unwritten laws were the earliest forms of 
 laws. Such was the Roman Constitution, and such is still 
 the foundation of the government of Great Britain. The 
 latter country indeed may be said to have the only unwritten 
 constitution in existence to-day. It is the result of a slow 
 accumulation of principles. Its larger provisions, such as 
 the iMagna Charta, the Petition of Eights, the Habeas Corpus 
 Act and the Bill of Rights have been adopted at various times 
 and in various ways. Besides these are many principles de- 
 rived from court decisions, and customs enforced only by 
 general acquiescence. Only Parliament can alter the Consti- 
 tution, and no act by that body can be held invalid as uncon- 
 stitutional. Tlie foundation of the British government is 
 largely in the conservatism of the British people. A written 
 constitution, on the other hand, is a written instrument, or 
 document, which is complete in itself. It is usually adopted 
 at one time and hy one act, although modified perhaps by 
 later amendments. It is drawn up for the distinct purpose of 
 serving as the basis of government in the State that creates it.
 
 16 Constitutional Law 
 
 The Constitution of the United States is' such a written in- 
 strument, and so are the constitutions of the respective States 
 of the Union. These instruments of government are funda- 
 mental in this respect, namely, that whatever Congress enacts 
 must conform to the provision^' of the Constitution, and what- 
 ever the States' legislatures enact must conform to the States' 
 constitutions and also to the Constitution of the United States. 
 Constitutional Law. — This is not susceptible of a ready and 
 accurate definition, for it is not wholly law in the technical 
 sense. Briefly, it may be said to be that branch of juris- 
 prudence which treats of constitutions'. But the constitution 
 of a nation is inseparably linked with the nation's history, and 
 students of law have come to recognize the fact that constitu- 
 tional law is in a peculiar sense a branch of history, and is to 
 be studied in a historic spirit. Constitutional law therefore is 
 not so much a body of customs, maxims, or enactments, as 
 it is a science, an historical study. Eegarded in this light the 
 constitutional law of the United States may be said to include 
 the following : 1st, the Constitution itself ; 2d, the history of 
 its establishment; 3d, the construction put upon its various 
 clauses by the courts, as their meaning has been brought into 
 question by properly instituted cases; 4th, and lastly, the 
 validity of legislative enactments as tested by their conformity 
 to the Constitution. It is well, however, that the student, 
 before undertaking the study of the Constitution and the in- 
 terpretation of its clauses, should have a clear understanding 
 of the reasons for the adoption of this instrument as the basis 
 of government. This understanding it is hoped he will get by 
 the following brief historical sketch. 
 
 IIISTOEICAL SKETCH 
 
 The Articles of Confederation. — With the Declaration of 
 
 Independence, 1776, the American colonies severed themselves 
 from British control. To be sure, that severance was not at
 
 Historical Sketch 17 
 
 all certain to be lasting, for the war had just begun ; but the 
 people were so united in their opposition to the mother country 
 and so determined to be free that they immediately set about 
 to establish some definite form of government. At this time, 
 the student should remember, there was no such thing as a 
 united American people, but only a thin line of half-formed 
 States stretched along the Atlantic seaboard, exceedingly 
 jealous of one another, but held together for the time being 
 by a common danger and interest. A body of delegates from 
 the several colonies, which had first convened in 1774, was by 
 common consent conducting the war. This was the Conti- 
 nental Congress. It was a provisional body merely, made 
 necessary by stress of the times. It was bound by no organ 
 of government; its acts were sanctioned by no nation. If the 
 self-freed colonies therefore were to become anything more 
 than a number of weak and petty principalities, more or less 
 sure to be brought again beneath the British yoke, they must 
 before long hit upon some plan of amalgamation. Accord- 
 ingly, within two years after the Declaration of Independence, 
 or in 1778, the members of the Continental Congress had 
 drawn up an organ of government known as the Articles of 
 Confederation, which was designed to be the authority for all 
 acts of the Congress, and a means of guidance for the new 
 nation. 
 
 This famous document represents the first attempt by the 
 American people to frame a general constitution. When com- 
 pleted by the Congress it was submitted to the thirteen 
 colonies — or new-born States — for their approval. Maryland, 
 the last State to ratify the Articles, gave her consent in 1781. 
 Then the instrument became binding. By ratification the 
 States gave tlieir free consent to become members of a con- 
 federation having a central government. The adoption of the 
 Articles did not, however, much change the nature of what had 
 been the government before ; it merely gave the people a sort 
 2
 
 18 Constitutional Law 
 
 of rudder with which to steer their ship of state. The same 
 Congress of delegates from the several States continued to 
 govern the Confederation, as well as the Articles allowed it to 
 do, and it continued to meet in yearly sessions until 1789, 
 when the Articles of Confederation were superseded by the 
 Constitution of the United States. The name " Continental," 
 however, clung to the Congress after the adoption of the 
 Articles; hence the Congress that adjourned in 1789 is some- 
 times termed the 14th Continental Congress. The " Federal " 
 Congress originated with the Constitution. 
 
 Why the Articles of Confederation Failed. — Before the 
 Eevolution the colonists had been ruled by a far away govern- 
 ment, which they had learned to distrust and fear. When the 
 war was well advanced, and they found that they were about 
 to substitute for the distant government one nearer home, 
 they began to distrust that too. In truth, the people were 
 naturally apprehensive of any government except that in their 
 immediate localities. The great question of States' rights, 
 which was to cause so much trouble for the nation later on, 
 was even then before them. As a wliole they had no very 
 distinct notion of the value of national unity except for de- 
 fensive purposes. Therefore it is not strange to find that, 
 before they agreed to the Articles of Confederation, which 
 established a central government, they made sure that the 
 government was to have little power. Consequently, the 
 Articles worked badly from the beginning, for they were 
 glaringly inadequate to the needs of such a country as the 
 United States. Briefly, they created a confederation, not a 
 union ; they provided no head to the organization ; and though 
 they gave Congress full power to recommend and to declare, 
 they gave it little power to do. Perhaps the most vital weak- 
 ness of the Continental Congress was its inability to tax, 
 for without that power no government can prosper. The only 
 means of raising money which Congress had under the Articles
 
 Historical Sketch 19 
 
 of Confederation were: to make requisitions on the States — 
 with no power to collect them; to borrow from foreign na- 
 tions; and to issue paper currency. Of these, the first was 
 very uncertain, the other two tended to financial ruin. The 
 result of these weaknesses was that the Congress began rapidly 
 to lose power at home and respect abroad; while the States, 
 relieved of their common enemy, began to irritate each other 
 and to make trouble for the central government. Each State 
 maintained its own troops, regulated its internal and foreign 
 commerce as it pleased, often to the detriment of neighboring 
 States, and paid or withheld its quota of the general tax at 
 will. Since voting in the Congress was by States, a large 
 State that sent many delegates had no more authority than a 
 small State that sent but few ; and a comparatively small num- 
 ber of members could negative any measure. Furthermore, 
 since each State paid its own delegates to the Congress, some 
 found it convenient occasionally to send none at all. 
 
 The Annapolis Convention. — These conditions could not 
 long endure. In the year 1786, therefore, at the instance of 
 Virginia, delegates from several States met in Annapolis, Md., 
 for the purpose of discussing interstate trade, and of recom- 
 mending a uniform system of commercial regulations. Of the 
 States invited only five sent delegates — New York, Xew 
 Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Virginia. Although the 
 convention met in the capital city of Maryland, that State was 
 not represented. The assembly offers the rather singular 
 instance of a body which, although convened to discuss jin 
 important public matter, deliberated instead a public ques- 
 tion very different, but quite as important. Because the mem- 
 bers were few, they did not enter upon the proper business of 
 the Convention at all, but drew up a resolution instead, devised 
 by Alexander Hamilton, expressing their unanimous convic- 
 tion that the constitution of the existing government was not 
 adequate to the needs of the nation. This resolution with its
 
 20 Constitutional Law 
 
 pertinent suggestion led to the assembling of that remarkable 
 convention in Philadelphia the next year which framed the 
 Federal Constitution. 
 
 Effect of the Kesolution. — The resolution was at once sub- 
 mitted to the legislatures of the several States and to the Con- 
 gress. The latter body could do nothing but recommend, but 
 it did that with reasonable quickness. In February, 1787, it 
 passed a resolution calling the attention of the States to the 
 failure of the Articles of Confederation, and suggesting that a 
 convention of delegates from all the States should assemble in 
 the month of May following to revise them. In response to 
 this suggestion, delegates from every State except Ehode 
 Island met in the city of Philadelphia on the 14th of May, 
 1787, and by the 25th of that month were hard at work re- 
 modelling the ship of state. 
 
 A Convention of Famous Men. — It was a remarkable body 
 of men that composed the Constitutional Convention. Its 
 presiding officer was George Washington, one of the great men 
 of all time, of whom an English historian has said : " No 
 nobler figure ever stood in the forefront of a nation's life." * 
 There was Franklin, scientist, author, inventor, statesman; 
 to whose prudence, calmness, and sagacity Americans owe an 
 everlasting debt. There was Hamilton, one of the greatest 
 constructive statesmen that ever lived. There, too, were 
 Madison, and Sherman, and Ellsworth, and Pinckney, and 
 Morris, all men of affairs, well versed in history, in letters, 
 and in the ways of men. The Convention furthermore was 
 mainly composed of young men. Their average age was 43 ; 
 ranging from Franklin, 81, to J. Francis Mercer, 28. Ells- 
 worth was 42 ; Madison was 36 ; Gouverneur Morris was 35 ; 
 Edmund Randolph was 34 ; and Hamilton but 30. Thus age, 
 with its experience and ripened judgment, and youth, with its 
 energy and abounding hope, united to produce what no less 
 
 * J. R. Green.
 
 Historical Sketch 21 
 
 a man than Gladstone has said was " the greatest political 
 instrument ever struck off on a single occasion by the minds 
 of men." 
 
 The Work of the Convention. — The avowed purpose of the 
 Convention was to revise the Articles of Confederation. To 
 revise had been the instruction given by most of the States to 
 their delegates. But before the assembly had been long at 
 work better statesmanship prevailed. Two schemes of gov- 
 ernment were laid before the Convention : one by Mr. Patter- 
 son of New Jersey, providing for the revision of the Articles; 
 the other by Mr. Randolph of Virginia, calling for an entirely 
 new constitution. After due deliberation the Convention 
 wisely decided that it was easier and better to construct a new 
 instrument than to patch up the old, and they proceeded to 
 do so. Not without misgivings on the part of many members 
 Mr. Randolph's plan was adopted; the insufficient Articles 
 of Confederation were forever abandoned, and a new Con- 
 fctitution was begun. In framing a new Constitution, how- 
 ever, little that was new in principle entered into the work. 
 The men of the Convention did not dare to experiment. They 
 did not believe, as did the French at a later period, that work- 
 ing political principles could be made off-hand. Instead of 
 creating they made wise selection from materials right at 
 hand. The British Government had been, and was still, suc- 
 cessful, and it was a representative government. The States 
 all had constitutions that seemed to work well. It was from 
 these working models that the Convention took most of the 
 principles now embodied in the Federal Constitution. The 
 Articles of Confederation had provided for no Executive ; the 
 Convention created a President modelled on the English 
 Crown in some respects, on the State governors in certain 
 others. The Continental Congress wab a single body having 
 both legislative and executive functions ; the Convention pro- 
 vided for a Congress which should consist of two houses and
 
 22 Constitutional Law 
 
 have legislative powers mainly — in many ways resembling the 
 British Parliament and the legislatures then in operation in 
 the States. Under the Articles there was no system of national 
 courts; the Convention provided for a national judiciary, in 
 many respects like the British. In short, the broad, basic 
 principles woven into the Constitution were principles that 
 had already stood the test of time within the political ex- 
 perience of the men in the Convention. It has been said that 
 those parts of the Constitution which were copied from the 
 English system of government, or from the systems operating 
 in the States, have worn the best, while those that were 
 original have been less satisfactory. 
 
 The document was' finished and signed by the men of the 
 Convention on the 17th of September, 1787. It was im- 
 mediately submitted to the people of the States for their 
 approval. Within two years it had received the necessary 
 ratification, and in the spring of 1789 it went into operation, 
 superseding forever the Articles of Confederation. 
 
 The Constitution is Unique. — As a successful organ of gov- 
 ernment the Constitution is unique. In the excellence of its 
 scheme, in its adaptation to a diversified people, in its brevity, 
 simplicity, and precision of language, it ranks above every 
 other written constitution. History can show few examples of 
 governmental documents at once so momentous and so short. 
 The English Constitution — so far as England can be said to 
 have a Constitution — consists of hundreds of volumes of 
 statutes and reported cases; the Federal Constitution can be 
 read through in less than half an hour. It was made short for 
 a purpose. It was intended to be a people's Constitution, 
 easily to be read and understood. Furthermore, its makers 
 realized that the more they specified, the more they should 
 have to specify. The document was therefore made rather 
 general in its principles ; much was left to be filled in by later 
 legislation, much to be worked out by interpretation. A
 
 Historical Sketch 23 
 
 century and more has now passed since the Constitution was 
 written, during which time it has been subjected to a severe 
 experience. Hardly a line in it but has been made the subject 
 of judicial examination. It has withstood the shock of the 
 greatest civil war in history. Amendments have been added 
 to it; some of its minor principles have through time and 
 changing circumstances become dead letters; but its general 
 features stand unaltered — an enduring monument to men 
 who " builded better than they knew."
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 THE PREAMBLE 
 
 THE TWO HOUSES OF CONGRESS 
 
 Article 1, Sections 1-7
 
 THE PREAMBLE 
 
 We, the people of the United States, in order to form a 
 more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tran- 
 quillity, provide for the common defense, promote the 
 general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to our- 
 selves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this 
 Constitution for the United States of America. 
 
 The Opening Clause. — The opening clause of the Constitu- 
 tion has been called a preamble b}^ some, the enacting clause 
 by others. Whatever name is given to it, its meaning and pur- 
 pose are obvious. It contains in simple language, without 
 ostentation or forced humility, six broad reasons for the adop- 
 tion of the Constitution. It is well for the student to ponder 
 these reasons briefly before undertaking the study of the law 
 itself; he may then pursue his study with a more sympathetic, 
 if not clearer, understanding. Accordingly, a short discussion 
 of them is given herewith. 
 
 " We, the People . . . ." — A comparison of this clause with 
 the preamble to the Articles of Confederation shows this great 
 difl'erence : that document was made by the States, the Con- 
 stitution was made by the people. This clause, therefore, is 
 not only a statement of reasons, but a declaration to all the 
 world that the United States comprised one people, no longer 
 a loose confederation of separate States. The nation began to 
 exist on July 4, 1776, but not until 1789, when the people 
 adopted their Constitution, did it assume a corporate form. 
 
 ** A More Perfect Union." — The Articles of Confederation 
 created the United States of America; the Constitution per- 
 fected the Union. Under the Articles the Union was, as we 
 have seen, imperfect. The phraseology of its title was some-
 
 28 Constitutional Law 
 
 what contradictory — " Articles of Confederation and Per- 
 petual Union," for the terms " confederation " and " perpetual 
 union " do not have precisely the same meaning. As Mr. John 
 Fiske states in his admirable text-book on civil government, 
 a confederation is what the Germans call a Staatenhund, or a 
 Band-of -States; a union is a Bundesstaat, or a Banded-State. 
 The Articles of Confederation made the former colonies little 
 more than a loosely banded group of States. They remained 
 still what the Declaration of Independence had made them, 
 separate and independent little commonwealths, independent 
 of Great Britain and of each other. Mutual jealousy and 
 distrust now served to keep them apart, where formerly the 
 fear of a common enemy had linked them together. It was 
 to correct the evils incident to this state of affairs, to make 
 of the thirteen commonwealths a Banded-State, that the Fed- 
 eral Constitution was adopted. Even then, it took some people 
 many years to grasp the meaning of the word Union, to realize 
 that the United States made one country, one nation, and not 
 a group of more or less independent States. Under the Con- 
 stitution the States still have a great deal of independence ; but 
 they acknowledge now a superior central government, they 
 have the same interest in the present and a common hope in 
 the future, as they never did have under the Articles of Confed- 
 eration. 
 
 " Establish Justice." — Under the Articles of Confederation 
 there was no Supreme Court, no system of Federal tribunals. 
 The States had their judicial systems, it is true, under which 
 controversies within the States were settled well enough ; but 
 the Articles provided no ready means for the settlement of 
 cases of national importance. The method provided by the 
 Articles for the adjustment of disputes between States, namely, 
 that Congress should act as arbiter in such cases, was at best 
 cumbersome and difficult of operation.* The Constitution, on 
 
 * Art. of Confederation, IX.
 
 The Preamble 29 
 
 the other hand, established justice among the States by pro- 
 viding for a separate judicial department, and for the creation 
 and maintenance of a system of national courts. 
 
 " Insure Domestic Tranquillity." — Where no strong central 
 authority exists in a republic, internal peace cannot be assured. 
 For some time after the Revolutionary War money was 
 scarce, taxes were high, and the people were distrustful. In 
 consequence, disturbances took place here and there in the 
 States, some of which threatened very serious results; and in 
 no case was the Congress of much assistance in settling the 
 trouble. This was notably so in the case of Shays's Eebellion, 
 an outbreak in Massachusetts in 1786 that nearly involved 
 the entire country, or a large part of it, in a general revolu- 
 tion. Although the Congress made motions and resolutions 
 respecting the affair, it did almost nothing to quiet the dis- 
 turbance. The outside help that Massachusetts received came 
 rather from neighboring States on their own initiative, or at 
 the request of Massachusetts herself. To-day a domestic 
 trouble assuming serious proportions would call for immedi- 
 ate legislation by Congress — legislation that could be enforced 
 — or quick action by the President, or both. 
 
 ** The Common Defense." — To provide for the common de- 
 fense was probably the main reason for forming the Confed- 
 eration. Yet the Articles of Confederation gave the Congress 
 little or no power to insure tranquillity within or defense 
 against enemies without. Each State attempted to provide 
 for its ovni defense, and in time of need it was more likely 
 to call upon neighboring States for help than upon the Con- 
 gress. Had New Hampshire, for example, been invaded by 
 troops from Canada during this early period, it is quite possible 
 that ilassachusetts would have sent her assistance, and very 
 probable that Georgia would not, being too far away from 
 the scene to feel vitally interested. The Congress, in such a
 
 30 Constitutional Law 
 
 case, might have declared war on Canada and have called on 
 the States to furnish money and troops to repel invasion. But 
 some States might have refused to furnish money or troops, 
 and the Congress would have been unable to enforce its de- 
 mands on them, for the Articles gave it no such power. In 
 providing for the common defense, therefore, the Constitution 
 is very strong where the Articles of Confederation were lam- 
 entably weak. To-day, Congress may not only declare war 
 and require money and troops from the States, but it can 
 enforce its requisitions by taxation and draft. 
 
 " The General Welfare." — The phrase, " to promote the 
 general welfare," states a broad purpose. Every act of Con- 
 gress which benefits the public may be said to promote the 
 general welfare. But this phrase is not to be interpreted as 
 giving to Congress any actual authority. It merely states one 
 of the broad reasons for forming the Union, and for having 
 such a guiding instrument as the Constitution. Congress, 
 however, has promoted the general welfare through powers 
 distinctly given to it by other clauses in the Constitution, or 
 implied by them. It has passed acts to conserve forests and 
 waterways ; it has created the national banking system, enacted 
 inspection laws, and made tariff regulations — all of which 
 may be said to advance the interests of the general public. A 
 careful perusal of the Articles of Confederation, however, dis- 
 closes no intention on the part of its makers of allowing the 
 Congress any such scope in its legislation. It is doubtful if 
 the Continental Congress ever could have done much to pro- 
 mote the general welfare of the country. 
 
 "The Blessing's of Liberty." — This, like the foregoing, is 
 a general phrase. Paradoxical as it may seem, the States by 
 giving up liberty have gained liberty. Under the Articles 
 of Confederation the States retained their sovereignty and 
 independence. As a result they were weak individually, 
 and the Confederacy lacked that unity which is necessary to
 
 The Two Houses of Coxgress 31 
 
 make a strong nation. Under the Constitution the idea of 
 complete State sovereignty is untenable, for much of the 
 freedom of the separate States is merged in that of the gen- 
 eral government. But who will now say that this loss of 
 individual independence does not make the independence of 
 the Union greater and more lasting? 
 
 THE TAYO HOUSES OF COXGRESS 
 
 Article 1 
 
 Section 1, Clause 1. — All legislative powers herein 
 granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United 
 States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Rep- 
 resentatives. 
 
 Character of the National Legislature. — The framers of 
 the Constitution, in making the national legislature to con- 
 sist of two separate branches, followed as their model the 
 British Parliament, which consists of a House of Lords and 
 a House of Commons. They were also doubtlessly influenced 
 by examples at home of successful governments whose legis- 
 latures were thus dual in character. On the other hand, the 
 Continental Congress was not divided, but consisted of a 
 single body ; France has at various times had a single legisla- 
 tive body; Sweden once had four, corresponding to the four 
 classes of people in that country ; but experience has shown 
 that the dual legislature is the most conducive to good govern- 
 ment. This is because one branch of such a legislature acts 
 as a check on the doings of the other. Before a bill in Con- 
 gress can become a law it is first reviewed by two separate and 
 distinct assemblies, one of which is composed, at least in the- 
 ory, of older and more experienced men thaii the other. Hasty 
 legislation is thus less possible, for what may be passed in the 
 heat of passion by one house must be subjected to the probal)lv 
 cooler judgment of the other. Such a system of checking is
 
 32 Constitutional Law 
 
 not possible in a single bodied legislature; and a deliberative 
 assembly made up of three or four houses is obviously too 
 cumbersome for harmonious work. 
 
 Of the two Houses which compose the Congress of the 
 United States the Senate is the smaller and more conserva- 
 tive. It is constituted mainly of older men, who are elected 
 for longer terms and who are so divided into classes that a 
 large proportion of them, as will be explained later, will al- 
 ways have had the experience of two or more years in office. 
 It is thus the permanent branch of the legislature. The 
 House of Eepresentatives, although much larger, is not a per- 
 manent body, for it goes out of being every two years, and its 
 members go out of office at the same time. Many of the latter, 
 of course, are re-elected to serve in the succeeding House, 
 but many others are supplanted by new and inexperienced 
 men. In this way the House of Representatives is ever chang- 
 ing its personnel, and its members, coming as they do from 
 comparatively small districts scattered about the country, are 
 supposed to reflect pretty thoroughly the will of a democratic 
 people. On the other hand, they are quite as likely to reflect 
 the passions, prejudices and errors of those whom they rep- 
 resent. 
 
 Section 2, Clause 1. — The House of Representatives shall 
 be composed of members chosen eTery second year by the 
 people of the several States; and the electors in each State 
 shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the 
 most numerous branch of the State legislature. 
 
 Representatives' Term of Office. — We have said that the 
 House of Eepresentatives, as a legal assembly, goes out of 
 existence every two years. This is by virtue of the present 
 clause, which compels the election of Eepresentatives every 
 second year. Members of the British House of Commons 
 serve for seven years. In America it is not the rule to
 
 The Two PIouses of Congress 33 
 
 keep citizens long in political offices, but rather to have 
 short terms and frequent elections. Whether this is a good 
 rule in respect to the House of Representatives is open to 
 question, but it seems to have some advantages. Two years 
 is long enough for a Representative to acquire a practical 
 knowledge of legislative work, and not sufficiently long to 
 allow him to lose his sense of responsibility to his constituents. 
 This, at least, seems to have been the reason in the Conven- 
 tion for limiting the term to so short a period. In some of 
 the States the same rule is followed ; in others it is not. For 
 example, in Marjdand the delegates to the legislature are 
 chosen every two years; but as the legislature of the State 
 meets normally but once in that period the delegates are se- 
 lected anew for every session. 
 
 Qualifications of Electors. — The House is the popular 
 branch of the national legislature, for by the Constitution the 
 right to select its members rests solely with the people. The 
 word electors in this clause means voters. Not all the people 
 in the States are voters, however ; hence not all the people help 
 to elect their Representatives in Congress, but only those 
 qualified under State laws to vote for members of the larger 
 body of their own legislatures. It has been decided that Con- 
 gress, although it may regulate such matters as time, place, and 
 manner of conducting elections,' may not prescribe any more 
 specific qualifications for voters in national elections than this 
 clause contains.* Since the matter of suffrage is thus left 
 almost entirely to the discretion of the States, there has arisen 
 a noticeable lack of uniformity in the qualifications of those 
 persons who elect the Federal Representatives, and indirectly 
 the President. Some States require a property qualification 
 of their voters*; others require a certain amount of educa- 
 
 ' Const. 1, 4, 1. (See R. S., 23-25.) 
 * Ex parte Yarbrough, 110 U. S., 651. 
 'Mass., Del., Penn., R. I., Ga. 
 3
 
 34 Constitutional Law 
 
 tion '; some permit women to vote "; and some even allow the 
 ballot to unnaturalized forei<?ners after a short residence in 
 the State/ The only positive restriction which the Constitu- 
 tion lays on the States in respect to suffrage is to be found in 
 the 15th Amendment. It follows from what has just been 
 said, and from the custom of choosing Eepresentatives from 
 separate districts, that, although the Constitution requires 
 the members of the House to be elected by the people, they are 
 in fact chosen by a comparatively small proportion of the 
 whole; and that those who actually may assist in the election 
 of a Representative are but a fraction even of the voters in 
 the State. 
 
 Section 2, Clause 2. — No person shall be a Representa- 
 tive who shall not have attained to the age of twenty-five 
 years, and been seven years a citizen of the United 
 States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant 
 of that State in which he shall be chosen. 
 
 Qualifications of Representatives. — The Constitution de- 
 fines in a negative way the qualifications of national Repre- 
 sentatives. Any person not debarred by age, citizenship, or 
 habitancy may aspire to the office. The Constitution does not 
 require a Representative to be a voter, a property holder, a 
 male citizen, or even an American-born citizen, but merely to 
 be a resident of a State, twenty-five years of age, and a citizen 
 of the United States for seven years. To debar naturalized 
 citizens from membership in the House would deprive the 
 country of the services of many able men, and since the es- 
 tablishment of the Constitution many such citizens have been 
 elected to that assembly. But before a foreigner can legally 
 become a Representative he must have had at least twelve 
 
 ' Mass., Conn., Del., Miss., Wy. 
 
 • Col., Cal., Ida., "Wash., Wy., Utah, Kan., Ariz., Ore. 
 
 ' Ala., Ark., Ind., Kan., Mo., Neb., Ore., Tex.
 
 The Two Houses of Congress 35 
 
 years' residence within the United States — five years before 
 he can be naturalized, and seven years of citizenship. It has 
 been decided that neither Conp:ress nor the States can change 
 these qualifications. TJeprcscntatives cannot, for example, be 
 required to be freeholders, or to profess any religion, or to be 
 college bred, or to be residents of the districts from which they 
 shall be chosen. 
 
 Residence. — A Representative must, at the time of his elec- 
 tion, be a domiciled resident of the State in which he is 
 chosen. He need not reside in the district that elects him, 
 although people as a rule prefer to choose one who is domiciled 
 among them. It is thought that only a person who is familiar 
 with a district from personal residence there can properly 
 represent it in Congress. It is perhaps from the custom of 
 electing Eeprcsentatives from particular districts' that the 
 people have come to regard members of the House as purely 
 local Representatives, and the latter often spend quite as much 
 time and effort in looking after petty affairs for their districts 
 as they do in considering broader national matters. By a 
 political fiction one who resides temporarily at a foreign court 
 as representative of the United States, or who is traveling or 
 sojourning abroad, does not thereby lose his status as resident 
 in his State, or his national citizenship. He may on his re- 
 turn become a Representative, if duly elected. 
 
 Since the Constitution docs not require a Representative to 
 reside in any particular district, it follows that removal from 
 the district after election does not affect his political status. 
 Whether removal from the State after election would compel 
 a Representative to vacate his office is still an unsettled ques- 
 tion. Although it is a rule of the common law that, if a 
 person holding a representative office remove from his dis- 
 trict (State), he thereby vacates the office, it would seem that, 
 although a Representative-elect who should do this ought with 
 good reason to resign his ofhee, he cannot be compelled to do
 
 36 Constitutional Law 
 
 so, for the present clause in the Constitution relates only to 
 time before or at election, not to time after. 
 
 Age. — Before a man can be a member of the British House 
 of Commons he must be at least twenty-one years of age. This 
 is the rule of membership in legislative assemblies generally 
 throughout the United States, but to be a member of the 
 national House of Representatives one must be at least twenty- 
 five. Few men have had a very extensive political experience 
 by the time they are twenty-five; hence the age limit for 
 the important position of Eepresentative does not seem too 
 high. As a matter of fact few men enter Congress before they 
 are thirty. 
 
 Note. — The British Constitution does not permit a foreigner, 
 although naturalized, to be a member of either House of Parlia- 
 ment. 
 
 Section 2, Clause 3. — Representatives and direct taxes 
 shall be apportioned among the several States which may 
 be included within this Union, according to their respec- 
 tive numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the 
 whole number of free persons, including those bound to 
 service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not 
 taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. The actual enumer- 
 ation shall be made within three years after the first meet- 
 ing of the Congress of the United States, and within every 
 subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they 
 shall by law direct. The number of Representatives shall 
 not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each State 
 shall have at least one Representative; and until such 
 enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire 
 shall be entitled to choose three; Massachusetts, eight; 
 Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, one; Connecti- 
 cut, five; New York, six; New Jersey, four; Pennsyl- 
 vania, eight; Delaware, one; Maryland, six; Virginia, 
 ten; North Carolina, five; South Carolina, five; and 
 Georgia, three 
 
 Equal Apportionment. — It is a principle of republican gov- 
 ernment that the people shall bear the burdens of the govern-
 
 The Two Houses of Congress 3~ 
 
 ment equally, if possible, and share equally in the blessings. 
 People like to elect Ecpresentatives, or like to be such them- 
 selves; they do not like to pay taxes. With a delicate sense oi* 
 justice therefore the Constitution declares that Representa- 
 tives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the people. 
 By " their respective numbers " is obviously meant the popu- 
 lation of the several States. 
 
 "Three-Fifths of All Other Persons."— The so-called 
 " Three-Fifths Rule " is now but a historical curiosity, for the 
 present clause in the Constitution has, since July 21, 18G8, 
 been superseded by the 14th Amendment, which omits the 
 phrase " three-fifths' of all other persons." It begins thus : 
 " Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among 
 the several States according to their respective numbers, count- 
 ing the ivhole number of persons in each State, excluding 
 Indians not taxed." But when the Constitution was adopted 
 the people of many States were slave holders, who naturally 
 desired to have their slaves' count in the census, for a State's 
 representation in Congress increased with its population. 
 Other States objected to this, on the ground that slaves were 
 in reality property and not citizens. The agreement finally 
 to count three-fifths of the slaves in determining the census 
 of a State was one of the many compromises reached by the 
 Convention, in which the slave-holding States got a little the 
 better of the argument. 
 
 "Indians Not Taxed." — Indians once were numerous; to- 
 day they form but an inconsiderable part of the population. As 
 tribes they have never had any political status, their relation to 
 the government being that of ward to guardian, and for this 
 reason they have never been subject to taxation or reckoned as 
 part of the population. They can not sue or be sued in the 
 Federal courts. There is nothing, however, to prevent in- 
 dividual Indians from adopting the ways of civilization and 
 acquiring a political status; that is, becoming citizens with all
 
 38 Constitutional Law 
 
 the rights and privileges thereunto pertaining, and many have 
 done so/ An Indian who has become a citizen is of course 
 subject to taxation, and he may acquire the right to vote. 
 
 Apportionment of Representatives. — Tlie present method 
 of apportioning Representatives among the respective States 
 has been used since 1850. It is as follows: Congress first 
 decides upon the number of Representatives desired. This 
 number is then divided into the entire population of the 
 country, and the quotient is taken as the basis of representa- 
 tion. The population of each State is then divided by this 
 number as a common divisor to get the number of Repre- 
 sentatives allowed to it. If the sum of the quotients thus ob- 
 tained does not equal the number of Representatives which 
 Congress has deemed requisite — and it rarely does — an 
 additional member is allotted to each of the States having the 
 largest remainders, until the required number is reached. 
 
 The Constitution required the census to be taken within 
 three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the 
 United States. It was in fact made in 1790. Since then it 
 has been made at the beginning of every decade, and with 
 every new enumeration of the people Congress has made a new 
 apportionment of Representatives. The thirteenth census was 
 taken in 1910. The Congress that was in session at the com- 
 pletion of the task, the 62 d, fixed the number of Representa- 
 tives for the decade beginning with March 3, 1913, at 433, 
 the basis of representation being 311,877. This number 
 was apportioned among the States as follows: Alabama 10, 
 Arkansas 7, California 11, Colorado 4, Connecticut 5, Dela- 
 ware 1, Florida 4, Georgia 12, Idaho 2, Illinois 27, Indiana 13, 
 Iowa 11, Kansas 8, Kentucky 11, Louisiana 8, Maine 4, Mary- 
 land 6, Massachusetts IG, Michigan 13, Minnesota 10, Missis- 
 sippi 8, Missouri 16, Montana 2, Nebraska 6, Nevada 1, New 
 
 " See 24 Stat, at Large, 390; 30 Stat, at Large, 513, 518; 31 Stat, 
 at Large, 1447.
 
 The Two Houses of Congress :\9 
 
 Hampshire 2, New Jersey 12, New York 43, North Carolina 
 10, North Dai<ota 3, Ohio 22, Oklahoma 8, Oregon 3, Pennsyl- 
 vania 3G, Khode Island 3, South Carolina 7, South Dakota 3, 
 Tennessee 10, Texas 18, Utali 2, \'erniont 2, Virginia 10, 
 Washington 5, West Virginia G, Wiscousin 11, Wyoming 1. 
 
 The same act provided that Arizona and New Mexico, 
 which then were Territories, should, if admitted as States 
 within the decade, be allowed one Representative each in Con- 
 gress. This has since taken place. 
 
 The Constitution established the number of "Representatives 
 for the first Congress by stating how many each State should 
 be entitled to choose until the first census could be taken. It 
 is interesting to compare the representation allotted then to 
 the original thirteen States respectively, and the number 
 apportioned to the same States for the decade beginning with 
 1913, after one hundred and twenty-three years of growth. 
 For comparison the two apportionments are printed herewith : 
 
 1790 iyi3 
 
 New Hampshire 3 2 
 
 Massachusetts 8 16 
 
 Rhode Island 1 3 
 
 Connecticut 5 5 
 
 New York 6 43 
 
 New Jersey 4 12 
 
 Pennsylvania 8 36 
 
 Delaware 1 1 
 
 Maryland 6 6 
 
 Virginia 10 10 
 
 North Carolina 5 10 
 
 South Carolina 5 7 
 
 Georgia 3 12 
 
 From this list it is obvious that, while certain States, par- 
 ticularly New York and Pennsylvania, have tremendously in- 
 creased their representation in the House, other States have 
 not increased at all, and one. New Hampshire, has even lost
 
 40 Constitutional Law 
 
 a member. Population in that State has not kept pace with 
 the increase in the basis of representation. 
 
 How Territories are Represented. — Although States are 
 allowed rei)resentation in the House according to their popu- 
 lation, Territories are allowed but a single delegate, regardless 
 of population. This official occupies a peculiar position in 
 Congress. He is entitled to membership on certain com- 
 mittees, particularly such as are concerned with Territorial 
 business, and he has the privilege of the floor, that is, he may 
 address the House, but he has no vote. At present (1913) 
 Alaska and Hawaii have each such a delegate in Congress. 
 Porto Rico sends a resident commissioner to the United States, 
 who represents the island in its transactions with the Federal 
 government, but who has no connection with Congress. 
 
 Hepresentative at Large. — ^TJntil June 25, 1842, States' 
 elected their Representatives to Congress by general ticket; 
 that is, all the electors in a State had the right to vote for all 
 the State's Congressional candidates at a general election. In 
 that year Congress enacted that Representatives should be 
 chosen by districts of contiguous territory within the re- 
 spective States corresponding in number with the Represen- 
 tatives. The rule thus established has been followed ever 
 since. The work of dividing the States into districts falls 
 upon the States' legislatures, and the only restriction placed 
 on them is that the districts shall contain approximately the 
 same population. Under this' system a State sending ten 
 Representatives to Congress should be divided into ten dis- 
 tricts, each of which is entitled to choose one Representative. 
 I^ow it may happen that this State, by virtue of a new appor- 
 tionment of Representatives, suddenly finds itself entitled to 
 send eleven members to the House instead of ten, and the 
 legislature may fail to redistrict the State in time for the next 
 general election. What then? How is the additional Rep- 
 resentative to be chosen? He is elected by the whole State
 
 The Two Houses of Coxgress 41 
 
 regardless of districts, and is called Eepresentative at Large. 
 Of course a State entitled to but one Representative of neces- 
 sity elects him at large. 
 
 In the 62d Congress there were Ecpresentatives at Large 
 from the following States : Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, 
 i\Iontana, Nevada, Xorth Dakota (2), South Dakota (2), 
 rtah. 
 
 Section 2, Clause 4. — When vacancies happen in tlie 
 representation from any State, the executive authority 
 thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies. 
 
 Vacancies in Office. — Vacancies may happen in the repre- 
 sentation from any State by death, removal, resignation, or 
 the acceptance of incompatible offices. As the people elect 
 the regular Representatives, it is but natural that they should 
 have a voice in the matter of filling vacancies in office when 
 they occur. Consequently, in such a case, the Governor of the 
 State has no power of appointment, although a different rule 
 may obtain in respect to vacancies in the Senate. His duty is 
 to call a special election in the district concerned, or in the 
 whole State in the case of a Representative at Large, by issuing 
 a writ of election. This is a formal notice to the people of the 
 existence of the vacancy, commanding them to meet together 
 on a certain day for the purpose of choosing some one for the 
 vacant office. It is customary for the House, when a vacancy 
 occurs, to notify the Executive of the State concerned ; but it 
 is sufficient notice if he receives the resignation of the member. 
 Whoever is elected to fill the vacancy serves for the rest of 
 the term. 
 
 Section 2, Clause 5. — The House of Representatives shall 
 choose their Speaker and other officers, and shall have the 
 sole power of impeachment.
 
 42 COXSTITDTIONAL La"VT 
 
 The Speaker. — The Speaker is chosen by ballot at the be- 
 ginning of every term of Congress from the list of Eepre- 
 sentatives, and is the only Eepresentative to hold special office. 
 His general duties are : to preside over the deliberations of the 
 House; to appoint all special ° committees; to vote in case of 
 a tie, although he may do so on other occasions ; and to sign all 
 bills and joint resolutions. Next to the President the Speaker 
 holds the most important and powerful office under the gov- 
 ernment, for his position allows him to wield considerable 
 influence on legislation. The title of Speaker originated in 
 the time when the legislature was addressed in person occa- 
 sionally by the chief executive of a nation, and the presiding 
 officer of the assembly was expected to reply. This custom 
 long ago fell into disuse, but the name remains. 
 
 Other Officers of the House. — The other officers of the House 
 are the clerk, the doorkeeper, the sergeant-at-arms, and the 
 postmaster. These are not Congressmen. The office of clerk 
 is of considerable importance, and involves much labor. The 
 clerk calls the rolls, reads the minutes' and the almost countless 
 bills presented to the House, and presides at the opening of 
 each subsequent Congress. An ex-member of Congress is 
 sometimes appointed clerk. The duties of the other officers 
 are obvious'. 
 
 Impeachment. — Impeachment in legislative bodies corre- 
 sponds in general to indictment in criminal procedure. Tech- 
 nically, it is a written accusation made by the House of Rep- 
 resentatives of the United States (or of a State) to the Senate 
 of the United States (or of a State) against a civil officer," 
 charging him with misdemeanor in office. The accusation is 
 directed to the Senate, because that body is the court before 
 
 • Until 1911 the Speaker appointed all regular standing com- 
 mittees. In that year, at the beginning of the 62d Congress, the 
 House adopted a rule requiring all such committees to be elected 
 by the members of the body. (House Rules, Sec. 661.) 
 
 '" Military and naval officers are tried by courts martial.
 
 The Two Houses of Congress 43 
 
 which the officer must be tried. Briefly, the method of im- 
 ])cfiching a man is as follows: The Speaker first appoints a 
 special committee to investigate the conduct of the officer. 
 If the rei)ort of the committee is in favor of impcacliment the 
 House draws up the necessary articles embodying the specific 
 iliarges on which the accused is to be tried, and a special com- 
 mittee is then appointed to prosecute the case before the 
 Senate. (For further treatment see pages 52-53, 184, 
 198-200.) 
 
 Section 3, Clause 1. — The Senate of the United States 
 shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen 
 by the legislature thereof, for six years; and each Senator 
 shall have one vote. 
 
 The ITth Amendment, adopted in 1913, rendered this sec- 
 tion of the Constitution void. For the sake of historical in- 
 terest, however, it may be worth while, in passing, to discuss 
 briefly the old method of electing Senators. 
 
 Equality of Representation. — Previous to the adoption of 
 tlie ITth Amendment the House might be said to represent the 
 people in Congress ; the Senate, to represent the States. SucJi 
 at least was the thought in the Convention. Prior to the 
 adoption of the new Constitution practical equality had existed 
 among the States, for in the old Continental Congress each 
 had but one vote on any question, no matter how many dele- 
 gates it furnished. Xaturally the smaller States wished the 
 same rule to hold under the Constitution; naturally the larger 
 ones did not. Tiic Convention finally compromised by pro- 
 viding that the States should be represented in the House 
 according to their respective numbers, but equally in the 
 Senate. Accordingly, each State was allowed to send two 
 Senators to the national Congress, and each Senator had a 
 Yote. Thus in both Houses voting was now done by indi- 
 viduals, no longer bv States. 
 
 How Senators were Elected. — The student should remember
 
 44 Constitutional Law 
 
 this important difference between the mode of electing Sena- 
 tors previous to the 17th Amendment, and that of electing 
 Representatives : the former were chosen by States' legisla- 
 tures; the latter, by the people. The first method is called 
 indirect; the second, direct. Now the Constitution nowhere 
 specifies in what manner the legislatures of the States should 
 choose Senators for the United States Congress, and for many 
 years there was little uniformity in the methods used. In 
 18GG, however. Congress, by virtue of the power conferred 
 upon it in Article 1, Section 4, Clause 1, of the Constitu- 
 tion, prescribed the following mode." Each House of any 
 State legislature that should be chosen next preceding the 
 expiration of the time for which a Senator from that State 
 was elected should, on the second Tuesday after its first 
 meeting and organization, name one candidate for United 
 States Senator. The members of each House, in this case, 
 were to vote openly, viva voce, and the number necessary for 
 choice was a majority of those present. The name of the 
 candidate thus chosen by each House was required to be 
 entered on the journal, and if either House failed to select a 
 candidate, that was likewise entered. At noon on the follow- 
 ing day the two Houses were required to meet in joint 
 assembly, and if it appeared from the journals that the same 
 man had been selected for Senator by each House, that person 
 was duly declared elected. If, however, the two Houses had 
 not chosen the same person, or if one or both failed to present 
 a candidate, then they were required to vote in joint assembly 
 at least once a day, until they should succeed in selecting a 
 Senator. In this case a majority of each House was required 
 to be present, and of these a majority was sufficient to elect. 
 The voting was, as before, viva voce. The Governor had noth- 
 ing whatever to do with these elections. 
 
 This was the procedure when a vacancy was about to occur 
 
 "Revised Statutes, 15.
 
 The Two Houses of Congress 45 
 
 through the expiration of a Senator's term of office. The same 
 steps were taken, of course, if a legislature, on convening, 
 found a vacancy already existing; and if a vacancy occurred 
 while the legislature was in session, they proceeded to elect 
 on the second Tuesday after they had received due notice of it. 
 
 The System Abused. — The method just explained was theo- 
 retically a rather neat way of getting men into the United 
 States Senate. Legislatures represent the people of the whole 
 State; hence a legislature's choice for the Senate would be 
 peculiarly representative of the State. But in practice the 
 scheme came to be altogether unsatisfactory, for it was awk- 
 ward, cumbersome, and open to abuse. Legislatures were 
 sometimes in disagreement (deadlock) over elections for 
 weeks. Meanwhile, important business of the State was de- 
 layed, and the vacancy at ^Yashington still continued. 
 Furthermore, bribery and coercion were not unheard of in this 
 connection; and too often a Senator-elect, instead of being 
 representative of the whole State, was in reality representative 
 of a powerful faction in a State legislature. For these and 
 other reasons the question of electing Senators by popular 
 ballot had long been agitated ; but it was not until the spring 
 of 1913 that the necessary amendment providing for such a 
 radical change in the organic law became a fact. 
 
 Senatorial Primaries. — As illustrative of the general grow- 
 ing demand for the popular election of United States Senators 
 many States had, previous to the adoption of the 17th Amend- 
 ment, passed primary election laws allowing the people to 
 participate in a measure in the selection of United States 
 Senators by naming candidates at the general State elections. 
 These elections were called Senatorial primaries. The final 
 selection of the Senator in these cases was reduced to a mere 
 form, for the law usually made it incumbent on the legislature 
 to choose the person for whom the people had sho^-n their 
 preference at the polls. This, however, only scotch'd the 
 snake; the 17th Amendment killed it.
 
 46 Constitutional Law 
 
 AMENDMENT 17. 
 
 The Senate of the United States shall bo composed of 
 two Senators from each State, elected by the people 
 thereof, for six years; and each Senator shall have one 
 vote. The electors in each State shall have the qualifica- 
 tions requisite for electors of the most numerous branch 
 of the State legislature. 
 
 When vacancies happen in the representation of any 
 State in the Senate, the executive authority of such State 
 shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies: Pro- 
 vided, That the legislature of any State may empower the 
 executive thereof to make temporary appointments until 
 the people fill the vacancies by election as the legislature 
 may direct. 
 
 This amendment shall not be so construed as to affect 
 the election or term of office of any Senator chosen before 
 it becomes valid as part of the Constitution. 
 
 This amendment was proposed in the House of Representa- 
 tives in the form of a joint resolution in 1911. It was sub- 
 mitted to the legislatures of the States in 1913. Early in 
 1913, having received the ratification of the necessary three- 
 fourths, it became therewith an integral part of the Constitu- 
 tion. 
 
 Effect on the Constitution. — The 17th Amendment at once 
 made void the first clause of Section 3, Article 1 ; and so much 
 of the second clause, as relates to vacancies. According to 
 this amendment United States Senators must now be elected 
 by the people, in the manner provided by the Constitution for 
 the election of Eepresentatives ; and when vacancies occur, 
 they also must be filled by popular election, except that a State 
 legislature may authorize its chief executive to make tempo- 
 rary appointments to fill the vacancies until the legislature 
 provides for a special election. In any event the original 
 office and the vacancies in it must now be filled through elec- 
 tions by the people, and not by State legislatures as heretofore. 
 
 At this writing (1913) it is a little too soon after the enact-
 
 The Two Houses of Congress 47 
 
 mrnt of the I'tli Aniondmcnt for an oxtondod discussion. Wo 
 cannot forecast tiie years and say what will be the result of 
 Buch a radical chanfro in the basic law, but there is reason in 
 believing that it will redound to the general good. If ever 
 there was a valid reason for employing different methods in 
 electing members to the two Houses of Congress, it has no 
 great force to-day; and certainly it would seem that, in a 
 republican country, both parts of a bicameral legislature 
 should be as nearly as possible representative of the people. 
 Section 3, Clause 2. — Immediately after they shall be as- 
 sembled in consequence of the first election, they shall be 
 divided as equally as may be into three classes. The seats 
 of the Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the 
 expiration of the second year, of the second class at the 
 expiration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the 
 expiration of the sixth year, so that one-third may be 
 chosen every second year; and if vacancies happen by 
 resignation, or otherwise, during the recess of the legis- 
 lature of any State, the executive thereof may make tem- 
 porary appointments until the next meeting of the legis- 
 lature, which shall then fill such vacancies. 
 
 Classes of Senators. — Dividing the Senators into classes 
 was an expedient devised to make the Senate a perpetual body. 
 It is not to be inferred from this clause, however, that some 
 Senators serve only two years, some four, and the rest six. 
 The short terms' occurred when the Senate assembled in con- 
 sequence of the first election, i. r., in 1780, and on the admis- 
 sion of new States to the Union. To illustrate: After the 
 first Congress was set in operation, and the Senators had been 
 divided into the three classes, the seats of the first class became 
 vacant by law in 1791, two years after the assembling of Con- 
 gress; the seats of the second class became vacant in 1703; 
 the seats of the third class, in 1705. Now, since the senatorial 
 term is six years, the seats of tlie first class again became 
 vacant in 1707 ; the seats of the second class, in 1700 ; and the 
 seats of the third class, in 1801. On the admission of new
 
 48 Constitutional Law 
 
 States, however, it has been necessary to assign the first two 
 Senators from such States to different classes, in order that 
 their seats should not be vacant at the same time ; and these 
 Senators have enjoyed their offices for two, four, or six years, 
 according to the classes to which they happened to be assigned. 
 To illustrate again : The Senators from Ohio took their seats 
 in 1803, and were assigned to the first and third classes 
 respectively. Consequently, the one assigned to the first class 
 served the full period of six years, for the terms of that class 
 expired in 1809, 1815, etc., but the one assigned to the third 
 class served only four years, for the terms of that class expired 
 in 1807, 1813, etc. Thereafter, however, all the Senators from 
 that State were entitled to the full six-year term. 
 
 Vacancies in the Senate. — These may occur from resigna- 
 tion, death, removal from office, or the acceptance of incom- 
 patible offices. In the last case, the act of accepting the in- 
 compatible office creates the vacancy without further action 
 by the Senator. An instance of this would be the acceptance 
 by the Senator of the office of United States District Judge. 
 The election of a Senator to the governorship of a State would 
 not create a vacancy at once, for State and Federal officers 
 are not strictly incompatible. 
 
 Since the matter of filling vacancies in the Senate has 
 already been discussed under the 17th Amendment it is un- 
 necessary to discuss it further here. The student should 
 notice in particular that the Governor of a State no longer has 
 the power to make temporary appointments unless the State 
 legislature gives him authority so to do. 
 
 Certificate of Election. — ^Wlien a person is duly elected to 
 the United States Senate it is the duty of the executive of his 
 State to confirm the election by giving him a formal certifi- 
 cate, countersigned by the secretary of State, and stamped 
 by the State's seal. This he presents to the president of the 
 Senate as evidence of his lawful election. It is only prima
 
 The Two Houses of Congress 49 
 
 fade evidence, however, since the Senate may go hohind the 
 
 certificate and demand more evidence of the fact. This is more 
 
 fully discussed under Section 5, Clause 1, of this Article. 
 
 (See page 59.) 
 
 I' 
 Section 3, Clause 3. — No person shall be a Senator who 
 
 shall not have attained to the age of thirty years, and 
 
 been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who 
 
 shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for 
 
 which he shall be chosen. 
 
 Qualifications of Senators. — The qualifications of Senators 
 differ from those of Eeprescntatives only in degree, the higher 
 requirements for admission to the Senate giving that body a 
 slightly more exalted character. It is seemly that these re- 
 quirements should be higher, for the Senate now and then 
 engages in more serious business." What in general has been 
 said in previous pages concerning the qualifications of Rep- 
 resentatives applies equally to Senators. Citizens of foreign 
 I)irth are not eligible to the United States Senate until nine 
 years after their naturalization — a limitation that is reason- 
 ably certain to prevent any foreign government from exercis- 
 ing an influence over the conduct of affairs within the United 
 States. 
 
 Scope of Congressmen. — Although Eeprescntatives and 
 Senators represent the States in Congress primarily, in a 
 larger sense they are all national ofHcers, whose work should 
 not be limited, individually, to legislation affecting local sec- 
 tions. They serve their own States best in Congress who 
 labor for the good of the commonwealth. State legislatures, 
 however, have sometimes instructed their United States 
 Senators to work for special objects, and the people of certain 
 districts too often expect their Representatives to get more or 
 less Federal patronage for them; but Congressmen are not 
 
 "The Senate tries impeachments, confirms Presidential ap- 
 pointments, and assists in making treaties. 
 4
 
 50 Constitutional Law 
 
 bound to follow cither the instructions of the one or the wishes 
 of the other. Those who do not take this wide view of their 
 duty are presumably guided by somewhat restricted, personal 
 interests. 
 
 Removal from the State. — There is nothing in the Constitu- 
 tion to prevent a Senator from removing his residence after 
 election from the State in which he was chosen. It is merely 
 necessary that he be an inhabitant of the State at the time of 
 his election. 
 
 Section 3, Clause 4. — The Vice President of the United 
 States shall be the President of the Senate, but shall have 
 no vote, unless they be equally divided. 
 
 The Vice President. — The Vice President is a sort of Presi- 
 dent in expectancy. If the office of President becomes vacant 
 through the death, resignation, or removal of its occupant the 
 Vice President at once becomes President. Although the Vice 
 President is not a Senator, the makers of the Constitution 
 provided that he should be President of the Senate, and for 
 two very good reasons: 1st, to give him something to do, 
 since there are no duties attached to the office of Vice Presi- 
 dent; and 2d, to avoid the unpleasant possibility of any one 
 State's obtaining more than its due share of influence by the 
 selection of one of its representatives for the presidency of 
 the Senate. The Vice President himself has no choice in the 
 matter. By virtue of the Constitution he must preside over 
 the deliberations of the Senate whether he wishes to do so or 
 not, and even though he may be naturally unfitted for the task. 
 
 The United States Senate is not the only example of a 
 deliberative body whose presiding officer is in no other sense a 
 member of it. This is the case in the English House of Lords, 
 and in the legislatures of some of the States. In the latter the 
 Lieutenant-Governor presides over the State Senate. In Mary- 
 land, however, which has no Lieutenant-Governor, the pre-
 
 The Two Houses of Congress 51 
 
 siding officer of the Senate is chosen by ballot from the mem- 
 bers of that body. 
 
 Duties as President of the Senate. — Unlike the Speaker of 
 the House the President of the Senate wields no great power. 
 He is virtually a figurehead. The Senate makes its o\^ti rules, 
 elects its committees by ballot, and there is but little for the 
 presiding officer to do but to maintain order, declare votes, and 
 perform other more or less perfunctory duties. Even ques- 
 tions of order decided by him may be appealed to the Senate. 
 Purthermore, the Constitution distinctly limits his right to 
 vote, allowing it only in case of a tie. The chance to exercise 
 this right does not happen very often, but when it does the 
 Vice President becomes at once a person of considerable im- 
 portance, for he has the power single handed to make or to 
 mar legislation of vast importance. With this lone exception 
 the office of Vice President carries no great influence, and for 
 this reason has not been much sought after by men in public 
 life. 
 
 Section 3, Clause 5. — The Senate shall choose their other 
 officers, and also a President pro tempore, in the absence of 
 the Vice President, or when he shall exercise the office of 
 President of the United States. 
 
 Other Officers. — The other officers here referred to are a 
 secretary, a sergcant-at-arms, a chaplain, a postmaster, and 
 two doorkeepers. These officers arc not Senators. On the 
 other hand the president pro tempore is a Senator. He is not, 
 however, appointed permanently except on the death of the 
 Vice President, or on the latter's promotion to the Presidency. 
 It is customary for the Vice President to vacate the presid- 
 ing officer's chair in the Senate a few days before the close of 
 each session, in order that the Senate may choose a president 
 pro tempore, who will thus be in office in case the Vice Presi- 
 dent should in the recess' of Congress become President, or
 
 52 Constitutional Law 
 
 become mentally or physically unable to discharge his duties. 
 But the president fro tempore receives no additional salary, 
 except when he succeeds the Vice President in office per- 
 manently; then he gets the latter's salary. Unlike the Vice 
 President, the president pro tempore of the Senate is not 
 restricted in his power to vote. 
 
 Section 3, Clause 6. — The Senate shall have the sole 
 power to try all impeachments. When sitting for that pur- 
 pose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. "When the Presi- 
 dent of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall 
 preside: and no person shall be convicted without the 
 concurrence of two-thirds of the members present. 
 
 Impeachment. — It is well that the right of impeachment 
 exists, for it is a bulwark against possible oppression on the 
 part of those in high places. Furthermore, it is eminently 
 proper that legislatures, or other bodies than courts of law, 
 should conduct impeachment proceedings, for the offenses 
 reached thereby are mainly, though not always," of a political 
 or judicial nature — abuses of trust, neglect of duty, un- 
 warranted assumption or high-handed exercise of power — and 
 are not always within the jurisdiction of municipal courts. 
 The procedure in impeachment cases is not so intricate or so 
 technical as in action before courts of law, and there is less 
 opportunity therefore for offenders to escape conviction on 
 mere quibbles. Undoubtedly the framers of the Constitution 
 got their notions of impeachment from England, where from 
 time immemorial the House of Commons has exercised the 
 right to impeach offenders, the House of Lords the right to 
 try them. Under the Constitution the participation of the two 
 Houses of Congress is similar: the House of Representatives 
 is the prosecuting body, the Senate is the court before which 
 
 " Constitution, 2, 4. See p. 198.
 
 The Two Houses of Congress 53 
 
 the case is tried. It would not be seemly for either assembly 
 to be both accuser and court. 
 
 The Senate as a Court. — While engaged in impeachment 
 cases the Senate assumes the character of a judicial tribunal. 
 But it is a peculiar tribunal. It is at once both judge and 
 jury, deciding questions of fact as well as questions of law; 
 and as a court it is almost unwieldy in size. The ordinary 
 trial jury in courts of law consists of twelve men, who must 
 be unanimous in order to convict; whereas the Senate con- 
 vened as a court may consist of nearly a hundred men, and 
 conviction may be had by a two-thirds vote of the members 
 present. This may mean the full Senate, or only a majority, 
 the number necessary under the law to do business. Thus the 
 number necessary to convict is always variable. How different 
 is this from the rule in courts of law, where exactness and 
 certainty are prerequisite. In this respect the procedure in 
 impeachment trials is open to criticism; yet the custom of 
 allowing conviction on a fractional vote is in itself wise, for 
 it is very probable that a unanimous verdict could never be 
 obtained in such a large body of men, a hody, furthermore, 
 that is often divided on purely party or sectional lines. 
 
 Procedure in the Senate. — When the House has presented 
 the articles of impeachment— that is, the charge or indict- 
 ment—to the Senate, it becomes the latter's duty to summon 
 the accused party to appear before it on a designated day. 
 When the accused appears he is given a copy of the charges, 
 and is allowed a certain time in which to make his answer. 
 If he denies the allegations, the prosecuting committee from 
 the House replies in writing, and states its readiness to prove 
 the charges preferred. The accused is then furnished counsel, 
 and the trial proceeds according to the ordinary rules of 
 law and parliamentary practice. Should the accused foil to 
 appear in answer to the summons, the Senate may go on with 
 the trial in his absence. This is called an ex parte proceeding." 
 
 " The case of Judge Pickering, 1S04.
 
 54 Constitutional Law 
 
 Ordinarily the Vice President presides over impeachment 
 trials, but should the President happen to be the accused 
 party, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court presides. To 
 have the Vice President officiate in such a case is not deemed 
 good policy in view of the fact that he has an interest in the 
 chair of the Chief Executive. 
 
 Impeachment in the States. — The constitutions of most, if 
 not all, of the States provide for the impeachment of State 
 officers. The right to impeach is, however, generally regarded 
 as inherent in a republican state, hence it is probable that any 
 State legislature would have the power to bring impeachment 
 proceedings whether the constitution expressly provided for 
 them or not. In most States the Chief Justice of the State 
 Supreme Court presides if the Governor is impeached. For 
 many years the States of South Carolina and New York re- 
 quired a mixed tribunal of legislative and judicial officers in 
 impeachments. Impeachment trials in the States have been 
 comparatively rare. 
 
 Section 3, Clause 7. — Judgment in cases of impeachment 
 shall not extend further than to removal from office, and 
 disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust 
 or profit under the United States: but the party convicted 
 shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, 
 trial, judgment, and punishment, according to law. 
 
 Punishment. — In Great Britain, after conviction in a case 
 of impeachment, the House of Lords may inflict as much 
 punishment as a court of law. This is because the Parliament 
 was originally the highest court of judicature in the realm, 
 and the power of the Lords to decree extreme punishment in 
 cases over which it has jurisdiction has never been taken away. 
 The Constitution of the United States, however, limits the 
 penalty which the Senate may impose to " removal from office, 
 and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, 
 trust, or profit under the United States." By a later clause,
 
 The Two Houses of Congress 55 
 
 Article 2, Section 4, removal from office is, on conviction in 
 certain cases, made imperative. Briefly then, one who is 
 impeached and found guilty of the charge must be removed 
 from office; in addition, he may be disqualified to hold that, or 
 any other office under the national government, at the dis- 
 cretion of the Senate. 
 
 Courts May Also Punish. — Thus the power of the Senate to 
 punish in cases of impeachment is limited." But in addition 
 the impeached person is liable to trial and punishment by any 
 court of law having jurisdiction of the person and the offense. 
 This of course is an exception to the principle that conviction 
 or acquittal by one established tribunal renders a second trial 
 for the same oU'euse impossible." But the f ramers of the Con- 
 stitution made the exception arbitrarily in order that no man 
 should lightly escape a deserved punishment if guilty of an 
 offense against the State. It is the purpose of impeachment 
 to purify the office; it is the function of the law to punish. 
 As yet, however, in the history of the United States, no im- 
 peached person has suffered further trial and punishment 
 according to law for the same offense. 
 
 Office Under the United States. — Disqualification to hold 
 and enjoy any office of honor, trust, or profit under the United 
 States has no bearing on the occupation of State offices. They 
 are not offices under the United States. It would not be un- 
 constitutional, therefore, for a person whom Congress had 
 impeached and found guilty to accept afterwards the governor- 
 ship of a State, or any other purely State office. In this respect 
 the States and the United States, it may be seen, are separate 
 entities, working independently of each other. 
 
 " Nevertheless, the power of the Senate is absolute as far as It 
 goes, for not even the President can pardon one whom the Senate 
 has convicted. Art. 2, Sec. 2, Clause 1, pp. 181, 184. 
 
 " Constitution, Amendment 5.
 
 56 Constitutional Law 
 
 Section 4, Clause 1. — The times, places, and manner of 
 holding elections for Senators and Representatives shall 
 be prescribed In each State by the legislature thereof; but 
 the Congress may, at any time, by law, make or alter such 
 regulations, except as to the places of choosing Senators. 
 
 The Control of Elections. — At the time of the Constitu- 
 tional Convention many people argued that to allow Congress 
 in any way to control the elections of Congressmen would be 
 placing an arbitrary power in the hands of the national legis- 
 lature that might work infinite harm to some States, or to all. 
 On the other hand it was clear that every good government 
 should possess the means for its own preservation, and to grant 
 to the State legislatures the exclusive power to regulate elec- 
 tions might result in leaving Congress to their mercy. The 
 Convention finally agreed on the sensible compromise stated 
 in the clause above. 
 
 Acts of Congress Regulating Elections. — Until 1842 the 
 States appointed Representatives and Senators in what man- 
 ner, time, and place they saw fit ; and there was in consequence 
 very little uniformity in the matter. In 1842, however, Con- 
 gress enacted a law compelling the elections of Eepresentatives 
 to be held in districts of contiguous territory." This was a 
 regulation as to jjlace. In 1871 Congress provided that all 
 votes for Eepresentatives should be on written, or printed, 
 ballots, any law of any State to the contrary notwithstanding."' 
 Thus was the manner of such elections determined. In 1872, 
 furthermore. Congress regulated the time of choosing Eepre- 
 sentatives by making it the same throughout the Union : viz., 
 on the Tuesday after the first Monday in November of every 
 alternate year." As to the selection of Senators, Congress 
 passed an act in 18GG to regulate the procedure/" the manner 
 
 " Stat, at Large, 5, 491. 
 "R. S., 27. 
 »R. S., 25. 
 ^R. S., 15.
 
 The Two Houses of Congress 57 
 
 of which has already been explained. The 17th Amendment 
 has, however, rendered that law inoperative. 
 
 In such ways as these Congress has at various times regu- 
 lated the time, manner, and place of holding elections for 
 Representatives, and the manner of electing Senators. The 
 purpose of these regulations has been to make uniform the 
 methods of choosing men for Congress, and they have been 
 beneficial rather than harmful. Power to prescribe in what 
 places the elections of Senators should be held was distinctly 
 prohibited to Congress by the Constitution, for it was plainly 
 improper for Congress to have the power to fix the meeting 
 places of State legislatures, and consequently to determine the 
 situation of State capitals. 
 
 Section 4, Clause 2. — The Congress shall assemble at 
 least once in every year, and such meeting shall be on the 
 first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint 
 a different day. 
 
 Meetings of Congress. — Terms of Congress and sessions of 
 Congress are ditferent things. A term of Congress consists 
 of two years, the length of time for which Representatives are 
 elected to serve. A session, on the other hand, is any assem- 
 bling of Congress for legislative purposes, whether for long 
 or short periods, whether at regular or irregular intervals. A 
 term of Congress begins regularly on the 4th of !March of every 
 alternate year. During every term there must be by law at 
 least two sessions, one each year; and there may be more. 
 Normally, the first regular session of a Congress begins on the 
 first ]\ronday in December of the year in which the term begins, 
 and it lasts until some time during the following spring or 
 summer. It is of indefinite length, for it may continue 
 legally until the time set for the second session to begin. The 
 second session begins legally on the first "Monday in December 
 of the following year and closes by law on the 4th of March 
 next ensuing." 
 
 »' Until 1853 it was on the 3d of March.
 
 58 Constitutional Law 
 
 Congresses Named Numerically. — Congresses are named in 
 the order of their terms, beginning with the 1st in 1789, Thus 
 the Congress which began on March 4, 1913, was the 83d. 
 
 Special Sessions. — It is obvious from what has just been 
 said that the two sessions of Congress convened in every term 
 are of unequal length. The first is always the longer, its 
 length being determined by the amount of business on hand. 
 The second session, however, must close on the 4th of March 
 next ensuing, unless adjourned beforehand on motion, or by 
 Executive order. But the President may call extra, or special, 
 sessions of Congress, or of either House separately, whenever 
 in his judgment the exigencies of the country demand it; and 
 he may adjourn the two Houses should they disagree as to the 
 time of adjournment.^ The President has never yet ad- 
 journed Congress, but he has called many extra sessions. For 
 example. President Taft called an extra session of Congress 
 on the 4th of March, 1909, to revise the tariff; his successor, 
 President Wilson, did likewise in the spring of 1913. An 
 extraordinary session of Congress is not limited to the business 
 for which it is convened ; it may consider any business properly 
 within its scope. 
 
 " A Different Day." — Under the authority of this' clause 
 Congress might appoint some other day for its yearly assem- 
 bling than the first Monday in December, and for some time 
 after the adoption of the Constitution it exercised its pre- 
 rogative in this respect. But the custom of meeting on the 
 first Monday in December has now become so fixed that it is' 
 unlikely that Congress will ever appoint a different day. 
 
 Section 5, Clause 1. — Each House shall be the judge of 
 the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own mem- 
 bers, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to 
 do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day 
 to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of 
 absent members, in such manner and under such penalties 
 as each House may provide. 
 
 '^^ Constitution, 2, 3.
 
 The Two Houses of Congress 59 
 
 Contested Elections. — ^The word " returns " here means the 
 election reports niadc by tlic proper oiricials after an election. 
 The correctness of these returns, the lefjality of the election, 
 and the qualifications of the person concerned are all matters 
 to be determined finally by each House of Congress if the 
 status of a member is in doubt. Ordinarily, the certificate of 
 election which the Representative- or the Senator-elect brings 
 with him is sufficient to establish his right to a seat. But 
 the certificate is only prima facie evidence of the fact, and 
 each House may demand other and additional evidence. All 
 doubtful cases, accordingly, are referred to a standing com- 
 mittee on elections, whose report, if accepted, is final; and 
 neither States nor courts have power to re-open the question. 
 This power to determine the fitness of members, and the 
 legality of their elections, is generally inherent in legislative 
 bodies. 
 
 Quorums. — A quorum is the number of members of a delib- 
 erative body necessary to be present in order that the body 
 may transact legal business. Usually assemblies determine 
 their own quorums; sometimes they are established by law. 
 Sometimes a quorum is a variable number, as in Congress, 
 where a majority in each House is sufficient ; and this may be 
 said to be the usual custom among assemblies. Sometimes, 
 however, it is a fixed number, as in the British Parliament, 
 where in the House of Commons of 670 members'* forty-five 
 make a quorum, in the House of Lords of 631 members " only 
 three are necessary. In a few of the States, likewise, a quorum 
 is a fixed number. 
 
 The rule requiring a majority for a quorum makes it im- 
 possible for a crafty minority to pass a bill by stealth or sur- 
 prise, or to obstruct legislation seriously, as might be the case 
 if a definite number below or above a majority were necessary 
 for a quorum. 
 
 '"* Statesman's Year Book, 1910.
 
 60 Constitutional Law 
 
 Compelling Attendance. — Under this clause in the Consti- 
 tution a smaller number than a majority may meet and 
 adjourn from day to day, thus preventing the legal dissolution 
 of Congress, and may compel the attendance of absent mem- 
 bers under such penalties as either House may deem proper. 
 By a rule of the House of Eepresentatives fifteen members, 
 including the Speaker, may compel attendance. Under the 
 Articles of Confederation no such rule existed, and the Con- 
 gress was often idle for want of a sufficient number to do 
 business. 
 
 When it becomes' necessary to compel the attendance of 
 absent members of either House the sergeant-at-arms is 
 usually empowered to arrest truant members wherever he can 
 find them, and bring them before the House to which they 
 belong for final action by that body.'^ This, however, is a pro- 
 cedure not often invoked. 
 
 Counting a Quorum. — Until the 51st Congress only those 
 members of either House who voted on questions were con- 
 sidered to be constitutionally present. That is, members 
 might be in actual attendance, and might even speak on 
 matters before the assembly, but unless they voted on measures 
 they could not be counted to make the necessary majority. 
 In this way legislation was often impeded for want of a 
 quorum. During the 51st Congress, however. Speaker Reed 
 established the rule of numbering all the members of the 
 House who were present in person whether they voted or not. 
 Later, this right to count a quorum was questioned rigorously, 
 but the rule was upheld by the Supreme Court,^'' and the 
 practice is now settled. 
 
 Filibustering. — This was the term applied to the act of a 
 member in refusing to vote, thus making himself constitu- 
 tionally absent, and delaying legislation. The word, however, 
 
 " House Rule. 
 
 "'United States v. Ballin, 144 U. S., 1.
 
 The Two Houses or Congress 61 
 
 has to-day a wider application, meaning any tactics whatsoever 
 indulged in by members of either House to impede the passage 
 of an act. Thus the continual calling for a yea and nay vote 
 on trivial matters, and the making of unduly long speeches 
 are favorite filibustering tactics. 
 
 Section 5, Clause 2. — Each House may determine the 
 rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly- 
 behavior, and, with the concurrence of two-thirds, expel 
 a member. 
 
 House Rules. — To allow Congress to frame its own rules of 
 procedure, or parliamentary rules, as they are called, is a 
 matter of common sense. Without this power it might be im- 
 possible for the national legislature to do business with 
 decency, deliberation, and order. It is customary, at the 
 opening of the first session of each Congress, for the House of 
 Eepresentatives to adopt the rules in force during the pre- 
 ceding term, but later to adopt such changes or additions as 
 the standing committee on rules may recommend. Until the 
 60th Congress the Speaker of the House was regularly chair- 
 man of this committee on rules, a position that enabled him 
 to dominate the procedure of the House to a very large extent. 
 During that Congress a rule was adopted eliminating the 
 Speaker from the important position. The Senate, being 
 more in the nature of a continuing body, has a set of standing 
 rules. 
 
 The Power to Punish. — The right to punish, even to the 
 extent of expelling members, seems to belong naturally to 
 legislative bodies. Without it, rules are of little effect, and 
 chaos is likely to reign. The phrase " disorderly behavior " 
 is rather broad. It is generally understood to mean any con- 
 duct inconsistent with the trust and duty of a Congressman, 
 whether during a regular session of Congress or not. Con- 
 duct to be punishable need not amount to a statutory offense. 
 This power has been sparingly used, and the punishments that
 
 62 Constitutional Law 
 
 have been imposed have usually been of a minor nature, such as 
 reprimands, censures, loss of privileges, and small fines. On 
 the concurrence of two-thirds, however, either House may 
 expel a member/* But since expulsion creates a vacancy, it is' 
 not impossible for the rejected member to be returned to Con- 
 gress by his State to fill the vacancy thus created. 
 
 Contempts. — Contempt is wilful disregard of a public 
 authority, or disobedience to it. That either House of Con- 
 gress may punish its members for contempt is not denied, but 
 much has been written for and against its power to punish 
 other people. Ordinarily, no such right exists; but when 
 either body, or a part thereof, is acting in an authorized 
 judicial capacity, such as sitting in impeachment, or con- 
 ducting examinations of disorderly behavior, it may lawfully 
 punish even non-members who persist in being unruly, or who 
 refuse to obey a summons or other order of the assembly." 
 Punishment for contempt is limited to imprisonment, and the 
 duress ceases with the adjournment of Congress. In the 
 British Parliament each House has unlimited power to punish 
 for contempt; in which respect Parliament is strong where 
 Congress is weak. 
 
 Unlawful Duress. — Should any person be confined illegally 
 by an order of either House, he can obtain no redress except 
 by a suit against the sergcant-at-arms for executing an illegal 
 process. Congressional members are not liable in such a case, 
 by virtue of Article 1, Section 6, Clause 1, to wit, "for any 
 speech or debate in either House, they shall not be questioned 
 in any other place." " 
 
 ^ Members of Congress, not being subject to impeachment, can- 
 not be expelled by this method (see p. 198, Note 27). 
 
 "Kilbourn v. Thompson, 104 U. S., 168 (overruling Dunn v. 
 Anderson, 6 Wheaton, 204).
 
 Titf: Two ITorsKs of Coxgress 63 
 
 Section 5, Claiise 3. — Each House sliall keep a journal of 
 Its proceedings, and from time to time, publish the same, 
 excepting such parts as may in their judgment require 
 secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the members of either 
 House, on any question, shall, at the desire of one-fifth of 
 those present, be entered on the journal. 
 
 The Journals of Congress. — The journals of the two Houses 
 of Congress contain the permanent records of the legi.^ilative 
 proceedings, and are of considerable historic interest and 
 value. Although compelled by law to publish these records 
 now and then, either IIou.se may at discretion omit from pub- 
 lication all matter that seems to require secrecy. The meetings 
 of Congress are usually open to the public, but there is no law 
 to prevent either assembly from holding its meetings behind 
 closed doors, and each does so occasionally. The Senate some- 
 times goes into " executive session," that is secret session, to 
 consider treaties or confidential communications from tlie 
 President, such as nominations to office ; and tlie House now 
 and then closes its doors to visitors while deliberating matters 
 of especial importance. The records of these secret meetings 
 are kept in a separate journal. 
 
 Methods of Voting. — Voting in Congress is commonly viva 
 voce, that is, by acclamation. But in any case, if the presid- 
 ing officer is in doubt as to the result, he may call for a rising 
 vote. Should any member question the correctness of the 
 chairman's count he may call for a division of the nou.«;e, and 
 then tellers are appointed to count the vote. On questions of 
 great importance, and in all cases at the desire of one-fifth of 
 the members present, the roll is called, when each member 
 answers yea or nay, as the ca-^e may be, and all the votes are 
 entered on the journal. Although tliis method has tlie ad- 
 vantage of putting a vote on record and enabling the people to 
 know just how their representatives stand on certiiin ques- 
 tions, it is often used by a factious minority to delay proceed- 
 ings and thus to hamper loLrislation. A member, for example.
 
 64 Constitutional Law 
 
 moves to adjourn ; another calls for a yea and nay vote on the 
 motion. Accordingly, if one-fifth of the members present are 
 found to desire a yea and nay vote, the roll is called and all 
 the votes are entered on the journal — a proceeding that con- 
 sumes much time. Furthermore, it often happens that the 
 member making the motion votes against it, showing that he 
 did not make it in good faith. Such a motion is called dilatory. 
 The presiding officer has it in his power to refuse to recognize 
 a member who in his opinion is about to indulge in dilatory 
 tactics. 
 
 Section 5, Clause 4. — Neither House, during the session 
 of Congress, shall, without the consent of the other, ad- 
 journ for more than three days, nor to any other place 
 than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. 
 
 Adjournment. — The provision in this clause was deemed 
 necessary on account of the division of Congress into two 
 bodies. The obvious purpose of it is to prevent either House 
 from retarding the work of legislation by adjourning in- 
 definitely, or to some place remote from the other House. 
 
 Section 6, Clause 1. — The Senators and Representatives 
 shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascer- 
 tained by law, and paid out of the Treasury of the United 
 States. They shall in all cases, except treason, felony, 
 and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during 
 their attendance at the session of their respective Houses, 
 and in going to and returning from the same; and for 
 any speech or debate in either House, they shall not be 
 questioned in any other place. 
 
 Compensation. — It has always been the policy of the United 
 States, and of the several States, to pay legislators a fair 
 compensation. Under the Articles of Confederation the States' 
 paid their own delegates in Congress. The result of this 
 arrangement was that some delegates were paid more than 
 others, and certain States at times failed, for financial reasons,
 
 The Two Houses of Congress fio 
 
 to send any delegates at all. It was a wise policy for the mem- 
 bers of the Constitutional Convention to decide that all 
 national legislators should receive pay for their services, and 
 out of the public treasury. On the one hand, this enables the 
 government to get the services of many men of high minds but 
 of limited means; on the other, it equalizes the salaries and 
 enables Congress to be independent of the States. The pro- 
 vision that the compensation shall be " ascertained by law " 
 places the matter entirely in Congress, away from the possible 
 prejudice and pride of any section of the country, and makes 
 it possible to change the compensation to meet the fluctua- 
 tions in the value of money, and the ever-varying prosperity 
 of the nation. True, it allows the question of salary increase 
 to be settled wholly by those who are to be benefited thereby; 
 yet this very fact has, perhaps, served to keep the compensa- 
 tion within reasonable limits. The salaries paid to Congress- 
 men have ranged from $fi.00 per day while the latter were in 
 actual attendance upon their duties, to $7500,00 per year. At 
 present (1913) they receive $7500.00. The Speaker of the 
 House and the President of the Senate receive $12,000.00 each. 
 
 Note. — In Parliament, members of the House of Lords 
 have always served without pay. Members of the House 
 of Commons previous to 1677 were paid small sums by 
 their constituencies; since then until 1911 they also 
 served without pay. Since 1911, however, they have re- 
 ceived 400 pounds annually. Members of the French legis- 
 lature receive moderate salaries. 
 
 Other Compensation. — Besides salary, a Congressman re- 
 ceives a certain allowance for clerk hire, and is allowed mileage 
 at twenty cents a mile both in going and returning home by the 
 shortest route each session. He is also provided with sta- 
 tionery and various other necessaries incidental to legislative 
 duties, and he has the privilege of franking mail on official 
 business.
 
 66 Constitutional Law 
 
 Special Privileges. — Freedom from arrest, and absolute 
 freedom of speech in the halls of Congress, are by this clause 
 insured to members in order that their work shall be reason- 
 ably free from interruption, and that they shall be able to act 
 and to speak with independence. The privilege of freedom 
 from arrest has belonged to most legislative bodies since time 
 immemorial ; but it has been a limited freedom. So it is with 
 Congress. For such indictable offenses as treason, felony 
 (murder, burglary, arson, etc.), and for breach of the peace 
 (drunkenness, rioting, etc.), a legislator may suffer arrest and 
 trial like any other citizen ; but from the service of all process 
 he is free. Thus he cannot be compelled to serve on a jury, 
 or to appear in court as a witness. This rather slight im- 
 munity, as well as the larger freedom of speech, is extended to 
 all delegates from Territories as well as to Representatives and 
 Senators ; and it has been held that one who goes to Congress 
 duly commissioned is thus privileged, even though it after- 
 wards appear that he was not entitled to his seat.'' 
 
 Immunity from arrest begins, according to one writer," at 
 the moment of election, and before the member has been 
 sworn in. This freedom is, however, a personal privilege, not 
 extending to the member's family, or to his property.^* If a 
 Congressman is arrested the arrest is void, and the member 
 may be freed on motion to the court, or by a writ of habeas 
 corpus, or by a warrant from the House to which he belongs 
 when executed by the proper authority. Since the arrest is 
 illegal, the act is a trespass for which the parties making it 
 may be proceeded against in a court of law. It is useless in 
 such a case to plead ignorance of identity, for everybody is 
 supposed to know who are the members of either House of 
 Congress." 
 
 =« Dunstan v. Halstead, 4 Penn. L. J., 237. 
 " Jefferson's Manual, par. 3. 
 '"Story's Constitution, 862. 
 " Jefferson's Manual, 4.
 
 \/ The Two TTouses or Congress 67 
 
 Freedom of Speech. — It is commonly said that in America 
 everybody has freedom of speech. But even in this country 
 one may not lef]^ally say things in public to the injury of some- 
 body else, for liberty is not license. The expression, " freedom 
 of speech," however, has a wider application in respect to 
 Congressmen than to other citizens. For whatever they may 
 say in the course of official business in either House they can- 
 not be questioned in any other place. In the halls of Congress 
 liberty of utterance is absolute. The presiding officer may 
 caution a member for ill-choscn language, or refuse a member 
 recognition who persists in slanderous speech, but the latter 
 cannot be sued for slander in a court of law. As was said in a 
 leading case," " defamatory words uttered in debate, or in 
 the course of official business, cannot be made the ground of 
 judicial action." The privilege does not extend to the volun- 
 tary publication of matter by the member,'* but only to utter- 
 ances made in the course of duty on the floor of either House, 
 or in committee rooms, or to publications authorized by the 
 legislature. In other words, whatever one may do or say as a 
 legislator he may do or say with absolute independence, but as 
 a private citizen he must act and speak with a more strict 
 regard for tlie rights and feelings of other citizens. 
 
 Section 6. Clause 2. — No Senator or Representative shall, 
 during the time tor which he was elected, be appointed to 
 any civil office under the authority of the United States 
 which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof 
 shall have been increased, during such time; and no per- 
 son holding any office under the United States shall be a 
 member of either House during his continuance in office. 
 
 Incompatible Offices. — The first part of this clause has refer- 
 ence to menil)crs of Congress only ; the last part to holders of 
 other United States offices. The aim of the first is to prevent 
 members of Congress from resigning in order to occupy lucra- 
 
 " Coffin r. Coffin, 4 Mass., 1. 
 " Story's Constitution, 866.
 
 68 Constitutional Law 
 
 tive offices which they themselves have lielpcd to create, or the 
 emoluments of which they have helped to increase; the pur- 
 pose of the last is to prevent members from holding offices 
 under the United States incompatible with their duties as 
 Congressmen. But there is nothing to prevent an ex-member 
 of Congress from accepting such an office, for at the expira- 
 tion of his term in Congress he is but a private citizen, who 
 may aspire to any office under the government; and there is 
 nothing to prevent a Congressman from accepting and holding 
 a purely State office,'^ or from holding another office under 
 the United States after his election and before he has taken 
 his seat. In other words, if a member of Congress accepts any 
 civil office under the government he forfeits his seat in Con- 
 gress thereby ; if, however, he is holding another office at the 
 time of his election, he may continue in the office until he 
 takes his seat in Congress, when he must resign. Although the 
 Constitution is silent in this connection respecting State 
 offices, it would seem not to be good policy for a Senator or a 
 Eepresentative to occupy a State office long, for he could 
 hardly do so without seriously impairing his efficiency in one 
 office or the other, or in both. 
 
 A member of Congress cannot at the same time be a 
 judge of a Federal court, or a member of the President's 
 Cabinet, for these are offices under the United States. In this 
 respect the rule in Great Britain is very different, for there 
 the ministry is usually composed of members of Parliament, 
 and members may hold other offices under the government 
 likewise. It is a striking peculiarity of the United States 
 Constitution that it keeps the three great departments of 
 government, executive, legislative, and judicial, in the main 
 distmct and separate. 
 
 " Case of Senator David B. Hill, who continued to hold the 
 office of Governor of New York until Dec. 31, 1891, though his term 
 as Senator began March 4, 1891.
 
 The Two Houses of Congress 69 
 
 A Case in Point. — An interesting case illustrative of this 
 clause is that of the lion. P. C. Knox, Secretary of State 
 under President Taft. Mr, Knox was Senator from Pennsyl- 
 vania in the 60th Con<Tress, when that body raised the salaries 
 of the President from $r)(),000 to $75,000 ; of the Cabinet mem- 
 bers from $8000 to $12,000; and of Congressmen from $5000 
 to $7500. Before his term had expired he resigned from the 
 Senate to accept the position of Secretary of State, the highest 
 Cabinet office. Before Mr. Knox was sworn in to the latter 
 office, however, the attention of Congress was drawn to the fact 
 that he was about to occupy an office the emoluments of which 
 he, as Senator, had helped to increase. Considerable dis- 
 cussion followed, but the difficulty was finally settled, and Mr. 
 Knox's appointment made constitutional, by reducing the 
 salary of the Secretary of State, during the time that Mr. 
 Knox would have served as Senator, to the former basis. 
 
 Section 7, Clause 1. — All bills for raising revenue shall 
 originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate 
 may propose or concur with amendments, as on other bills. 
 
 Raising Revenue. — Since taxation is the most common 
 method by which a government obtains revenue, the phrase 
 " raising revenue " has always been interpreted to mean 
 " levying taxes." In Great Britain the power to raise revenue 
 is in the House of Commons — and the Lords may not even 
 amend — and in the several States of the Union, as well as in 
 Congress, it is in the representative branch of the legislature. 
 Thus in both England and the United States taxes are regu- 
 lated, at least in theory, by the whole people. 
 
 Accordingly, any bill, the purpose of which is to create or 
 to increase taxation, or to decrease or abolish it, must origi- 
 nate in the House of Representatives; although the Senate 
 may propose amendments, as it may to any other bill. But 
 all bills that incidentally may produce revenue do not come
 
 70 Constitutional Law 
 
 Avithin the limitation of this chiupc. Bills to regulate the post- 
 office, for example, to establish mints, to further the sale of 
 public lands, and numerous others, all have originated in the 
 Senate. Although they produced revenue, they were not 
 designed to tax. Tariff bills, on the other hand, have always 
 come from the House, for one of their clear purposes is to 
 raise money by taxation. 
 
 Section 7, Clause 2. — Every bill which shall have passed 
 the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before 
 it become a law, be presented to the President of the 
 United States; if he approve he shall sign it, but if not 
 he shall return it with his objections to that House in 
 which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objec- 
 tions at large in their journal, and proceed to reconsider 
 it. If, after such reconsideration, two-thirds of that 
 House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together 
 with the objections, to the other House, by which it shall 
 likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two-thirds of 
 that House, it shall become a law. But in all such cases the 
 votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and 
 nays, and the names of the persons voting for and against 
 the bill shall be entered on the journal of each House 
 respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the 
 President within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it 
 shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, 
 in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress, 
 by their adjournment, prevent its return, in which case 
 it shall not be a law. 
 
 Majorities. — ^Ye have already seen that for either House of 
 Congress to transact business a quorum must be present ; and 
 that a quorum is a majority. It follows therefore that the 
 majority vote of the quorum is sufficient, ordinarily, to pass 
 a bill ; that the majority vote of the whole House is not re- 
 quired. But to pass a bill over the President's veto demands' 
 a special majority, two-thirds. Tt has Ion? been decided that 
 even this means two-thirds of a quorum." This, however, 
 
 « 9 Law Rep., 196.
 
 The Two Houses of Congress 71 
 
 Conjircss seems to have dceidofl in aceordanre with tlic general 
 custom among legislative bodies, rather than in accordance 
 with the letter of the Constitution. 
 
 The Veto Power. — The act of the President in signing or 
 vetoing bills is his only participation in legislative business. 
 He may do nothing else concerning the making of laws, except 
 to offer suggestion and advice. When a bill has passed both 
 Houses of Congress and is presented to him, he must either 
 sign it, or veto it by sending it back unsigned to the House in 
 which it originated, and with his reasons therefor; or he may 
 simply retain it in his possession and give it no further notice. 
 If he signs the bill, it becomes a law by that act; if he vetoes 
 the bill, it may still become a law by passing both Houses 
 again with the required two-thirds majority ; if he simply 
 retains the bill in possession for ten days without signing it, 
 by that very fact it may become a law, unless Congress should 
 forestall his signature by a hasty adjournment. The Presi- 
 dent's power to veto is unlimited. He may exercise it for any 
 reason, whether founded in wisdom or in ignorance. He can- 
 not, however, veto one or tn-o items in a bill and approve the 
 rest ; he must approve it or veto it in entirety. 
 
 This makes possible what is known among legislators as 
 a " rider." This is a bill, to which the President is known or 
 suspected to be unfriendly, which is made a part of a more 
 important measure that he is known to be friendly to, or which 
 is so essential to the needs of the country that he is not likely 
 to veto it. Thus a bill to increase the salaries of certain officers, 
 if attached to the general appropriation bill, is not likely to 
 be vetoed, for the President cannot veto one without vetoing 
 the other, and the bill for appropriations is too important a 
 measure to be killed, or even seriously delayed. 
 
 The veto power is a check on unwise, hasty legislation. It 
 is a great power for one man to have; but it is a necessary 
 power, and in the hands of a good man it is a beneficent power.
 
 73 Constitutional Law 
 
 Congress is not infallible or omniscient. It sometimes enacts 
 unnecessary, unwise, and even unconstitutional legislation. 
 It is well that such legislation be checked somewhere if 
 possible ; and where could such a check be better lodged than 
 in the Chief Executive, who as the head of a great nation, 
 somewhat removed from sectional prejudice and party clamor, 
 cannot but feel a great sense of responsibility to the people, 
 and a desire to have his administration clean, progressive and 
 successful? The executive veto, however, has been spar- 
 ingly used, and the bills that Congress has passed over the 
 President's head have been comparatively few. 
 
 It may be noted here that while the Executive Department 
 is a check on the Legislative Department, the Judicial Depart- 
 ment is a check on both : for whatever Congress enacts, and the 
 President approves, the Supreme Court may declare uncon- 
 stitutional and void. 
 
 The Pocket Veto. — All bills received by the President with- 
 in ten days of the probable adjournment of Congress run the 
 risk of failure by action of law. If the Executive fails to sign 
 them before Congress adjourns, then by force of the last 
 sentence of Clause 2 of this Article, they cannot become laws. 
 This way of killing bills is sometimes called the pocket veto. 
 In effect, it is vetoing bills without having to assign any 
 reasons, and with no possibility of their being repassed by a 
 subsequent two-thirds vote of that Congress. 
 
 The Initiative and the Referendum. — Congress' and the 
 State legislatures are the normal law making bodies in the 
 United States. This is in accordance with the theory of popu- 
 lar government, in which all legislative power is vested in the 
 people's representatives. There is a growing demand, how- 
 ever, for the people to be more immediately concerned with 
 legislation, especially with State and municipal legislation. 
 Accordingly, some States have authorized the voters' them- 
 selves to propose laws by petition. For example; In Ne-
 
 The Two Houses of Congress 73 
 
 braska fifteen per cent of the voters in municipalities may 
 propose ordinances by petition, and twenty per cent may coni- 
 })el the mayor and council to submit the ordinances to a 
 popular vote. This power of the people to propose legislation 
 is commonly known as the initiative. Under the Constitution 
 the initiative is impossible in respect to Federal laws. 
 
 The referendum is the corollary to the initiative. It is the 
 submission of a proposed law to the people for their ratification 
 or rejection. Under this system of legislation statutes and 
 ordinances, however proposed, are of no force until sanctioned 
 by the voters. The referendum has been in use more or less 
 since the Revolution, especially among municipalities. In the 
 Federal scheme of government it is of course unknown. 
 
 The initiative and the referendum usually go together; 
 States that have adopted one have commonly adopted the 
 other. Like the recall and primary elections, they show that 
 the people of the United States are coming to have a much 
 greater share in the business of governing than was ever in- 
 tended by the framers of the Constitution. 
 
 Section 7, Clause 3. — Every order, resolution, or vote, to 
 which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Repre- 
 sentatives may be necessary (except on a question of ad- 
 journment) shall be presented to the President of the 
 United States, and before the same shall take effect shall 
 be approved by him, or, being disapproved by him, shall be 
 re-passed by two-thirds of the Senate and House of Repre- 
 sentatives, according to the rules and limitations pre- 
 scribed in the case of a bill. 
 
 Purpose of Clause 3. — The purpose of this clause is to pre- 
 vent Congress from enacting laws under the name of resolu- 
 tions, etc., without conforming to the restrictions in the 
 previous clause respecting bills. Whatever Congress may 
 enact, whether bill, resolution, order, or vote, must, if intended 
 to have the force of law, be signed by the President, or be 
 passed over his veto by the required majority.
 
 74 Constitutional Law 
 
 Resolutions, Concurrent and Joint. — "Ropohitions, as well 
 as bills, are formal expressions of the will of Congress. If the 
 purpose of a resolution is to bind the country to some course of 
 action, that is, to have the force of law, it is called joint, and 
 as such must be treated like a bill ; if not, it is called con- 
 current. A concurrent resolution does not require the signa- 
 ture of the President. It is commonly nothing but the formal 
 determination of Congress respecting a matter of minor im- 
 portance, such as requesting the return of a bill from the Chief 
 Executive, or directing the suspension of a rule for the rest 
 of the session. The joint resolution, however, does require the 
 signature of the President to be valid, or must be repassed by 
 a two-thirds vote of each House. This form of resolution came 
 into being in 1871, in the House of Eepresentatives, to dis- 
 tinguish between temporary and permanent enactments, a 
 distinction that has since been lost sight of. The only appar- 
 ent difference now between a bill and a joint resolution is in 
 the opening phraseology, and, rather broadly, in the purposes 
 for which they are used. Ordinary legislation takes the form 
 of a bill; inferior, incidental, or unusual legislation may be 
 expressed in a joint resolution. The distinction is rather 
 refined, and the present tendency is against the use of the 
 latter. Some of the purposes for which it has been used are the 
 following: to direct the printing of documents; to make 
 sundry appropriations; to admit new States; and to propose 
 amendments to the Constitution.'" 
 
 Bills, Public and Private. — Bills (commonly called acts) 
 are either public or private. Public acts concern the common- 
 wealth, or some locality in it, rather than individuals, and 
 courts take judicial notice of them ; private acts relate rather 
 to individuals, and are not noticed judicially by the courts." 
 
 ^ A resolution proposing an amendment to the Constitution does 
 not require the President's signature. See Art. 5. 
 " That is, courts will not accept them as facts without proof.
 
 The Two TTouses of Congress 75 
 
 A bill to establish a light hou.se, or to build a battleship, or to 
 levy a tax, is public; a bill to relieve a citizen by a pension, or 
 by removing political disabilities, is private. In number, the 
 {)rivate bills introduced into Congress each year far outnumber 
 the public bills. Both, however, as well as joint resolutions, 
 nmst go through the same process before becoming laws. 
 
 Bills and Resolutions, Forms of. — ^The following excerpts 
 from the enactments of the Gist Congress illustrate the forms 
 of public and private bills, and of concurrent and joint reso- 
 lutions: 
 
 Public Act. 
 
 Chapter 152. — An Act for establishing a light and fog signal 
 station on the San Pedro breakwater, California.^^ 
 
 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of 
 the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the 
 Secretary of Commerce and Labor be, and he is hereby, authorized 
 to establish a light and fog signal station on the San Pedro break- 
 water, California, at a cost not to exceed thirty-six thousand 
 dollars. 
 
 Approved, February 24, 1911. 
 
 Private Act. 
 
 Chapter 315.— An Act for the relief of Helen S. Hogan."* 
 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
 United States of America in Congress assembled. That the Secre- 
 tory of the Treasury be, and he is hereby, authorized and directed 
 to pay, out of any money in tlie treasury not otherwise appro- 
 priated, to Helen S. Hogan, of Woodford County, Kentucky, the 
 sum of three thousand dollars, etc. 
 Approved, March 4, 1911. 
 
 CONCUBBENT RESOLUTION. 
 
 Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate concur- 
 ring), That the President of the United States be. and is hereby, 
 
 *• Statutes at Large, Vol. 36, 929. 
 '» Statutes at Large, Vol. 36, 2123.
 
 76 Constitutional Law 
 
 requested to return to the House the bill (H. R. 25081), "For the 
 relief of Helen S. Hogan." «• 
 Passed, February 21, 1911. 
 
 Joint Resolution. 
 
 Making appropriations for the payment of certain expenses 
 Incident to the first session of the Sixty-first Congress." 
 
 Resolved hy the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
 United States of America in Congress assembled, That the follow- 
 ing sums are hereby appropriated, out of money in the Treasury 
 not otherwise appropriated, for purposes as follows: (naming 
 them). 
 
 Approved, April 23, 1909. 
 
 Bills, Introduction of; First Reading. — Any member may- 
 introduce into Congress as many bills as he likes, and these 
 bills may be drawn up by the member, or by any outsider, who 
 may hand them to a member to be introduced. A public bill, 
 when entered, is laid on the Speaker's table, and the Speaker 
 refers it to the proper committee for further consideration ; a 
 private bill is delivered to the clerk informally, endorsed by 
 the member with the name of the committee to which it shall 
 go. In each case the clerk reads the title of the bill to the 
 House. This is the first reading. 
 
 The Committees. — Before tracing the passage of a bill 
 through Congress it is well to understand first the work of the 
 committees. These are small groups of Congressmen, whose 
 duties mainly are to give preliminary consideration to bills as 
 they are introduced, and to report to Congress only those 
 which they deem worthy of possible passage. In the House of 
 Eepresentatives are some half hundred or more regular com- 
 mittees, such as the Committee on Eules, the Committee on 
 Elections, the Committee on Ways and Means, and all are 
 chosen by the House at the beginning of each new Congress. 
 
 " Statutes at Large, Vol. 36, 2136. 
 " Statutes at Large, Vol. 36, 182.
 
 The Two Houses or Congress 77 
 
 The Speaker may, however, appoint select, or conference, 
 committees as the need arises for them, and the House may 
 resolve itself into what is known as a " Committee of the 
 Whole." The latter is usually done to allow greater freedom 
 in debate : the Speaker leaves the chair, appointing a member 
 to take his' place temporarily, the ordinary rules for parlia- 
 mentary discussion are suspended, and the entire assembly, 
 like a large committee, proceeds to discuss the matter at hand 
 unhampered by any arbitrary restrictions. In the Senate are 
 nearly as many committees as in the House, although each is 
 necessarily composed of fewer members. These are chosen by 
 the Senate. 
 
 Advantages and Disadvantages. — The chief advantage of 
 the committee system is that it facilitates legislation by killing 
 off worthless bills at an early stage in their existence, thus 
 preventing waste of time by the House or the Senate. The 
 bills introduced into Congress at every session run into the 
 thousands, and obviously it would be quite impossible for 
 either branch of Congress, as a whole, to give adequate con- 
 sideration to so many. Furthermore, the system makes pos- 
 sible some co-operation between the executive and the legisla- 
 tive departments, for although cabinet members, for instance, 
 may not appear in behalf of measures on the floor of either 
 House of Congress, they may do so before committees. On 
 the other hand the system is not wholly ideal, for it cramps 
 debate, makes corruption easier, reduces responsibility, and 
 lessens the unity of Congress as a constructive body. It has, 
 however, been too long in use to admit of any radical change, 
 and, after all, the advantages in it are so positive that it is 
 regarded as good as any system that could be devised. 
 
 Work of Committees. — The committee to which a bill has 
 been referred determines whether it shall come before either 
 House for further consideration. Its determination in the 
 matter is final, and its judgment cannot be questioned. If the
 
 78 Constitutional Law 
 
 committee votes to drop the bill, it is killed at once, for it can- 
 not be considered by the legislature unless re-introduced at a 
 subsequent session. If the committee reports it adversely to 
 the House, the latter commonly drops it at an early stage. If, 
 however, the committee reports the bill favorably, it has a good 
 chance of becoming a law, for unless it has strong opponents 
 among the members of Congress outside the committee, the 
 legislature will accept the recommendation of the committee 
 and pass the bill. It is safe to say, however, that about nine- 
 tenths of the bills are dropped by the committees. 
 
 Consideration by the House ; Second and Third Readings. — 
 A bill reported favorably to the House is read a second time, 
 this time in full, and then placed on the calendar for later 
 consideration. When in its proper time the bill comes before 
 the legislature for discussion, it is said to reach its third read- 
 ing, this time again by title, unless some member demands a 
 full reading. Debate on the bill is opened by the Speaker's 
 asking, " Shall the bill pass ? " Debate may be closed at any 
 time thereafter on the call of any member for " the previous 
 question." Vote is then taken. If the bill is passed by the 
 House, it is engrossed, that is written out in full in large hand 
 (en gros), signed by the Speaker and the clerk, and then sent 
 to the Senate. 
 
 Consideration by the Senate.— In the Senate a bill goes 
 through about the same process as in the House. It is first 
 referred to the appropriate committee, after which it comes 
 before the Senate to be voted on. If the Senate rejects the bill, 
 it is lost as certainly as though it had failed of passage in the 
 House. If the Senate passes the bill, it is returned to the 
 House where it is at once enrolled on parchment. After this 
 it is inspected by the Committee on Enrolled Bills, signed by 
 the Speaker of the House and the President of the Senate, 
 then transmitted to the President of the United States. 
 
 Amendments. — Bills, except those for raising revenue (see 
 Article 1, Section 7, Clause 1) may originate in either House
 
 The Two Houses of Congress 79 
 
 of Congress, and either House may ofTer amendments to the 
 other's bills. When this is done both the original bill and its 
 amendments must be returned to the body in which it origi- 
 nated for consideration of the amendments. If the House of 
 Representatives, for example, accepts an amendment proposed 
 by the Senate, the bill as amended passes at once. But if the 
 House does not accept the amendment, it sends notice of the 
 fact to the Senate, leaving it to that body to recede from its 
 position, or to insist and ask for a conference. 
 
 Conferences. — Most disagreements between the House and 
 the Senate over bills, or amendments to them, are settled in 
 conference by special committees composed of members from 
 each of the committees in the House and the Senate that con- 
 sidered the bills in the first place. The fate of the measures 
 then depends almost entirely on the report of the conference 
 committee. The latter may vote to accept or to reject a bill, 
 or amendment, or it may substitute an entirely new one. In 
 any case the report must be acted on by the body in which the 
 bill originated. T^sually, the judgment of the conference is 
 accepted, and the bill assumes the form suggested by the com- 
 mittee.
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 THE POWERS OF CONGRESS 
 Article 1, Sectiox 8
 
 THE rOWKRS OF CONGRESS 
 
 Article 1 
 
 The Congress shall have power — 
 
 Section 8, Clause 1. — To lay and collect taxes, duties, 
 imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the 
 common defense and general welfare of the United States; 
 but all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform 
 throughout the United States; 
 
 In General. — Without power to lay and collect taxes the 
 United States government could not long endure. The main 
 weakness in the Articles of Confederation was in the fact that 
 they gave the government no means of raising money,' It is 
 well that, respecting this power, the Constitution speaks in no 
 uncertain terms. 
 
 Limitations on the Taxing Power. — It has heen aptly said 
 that the power to tax involves the power to destroy.' In order 
 that Congress may not go to unreasonable extremes in its 
 exercise of this great power it is limited in various ways. 1st, 
 Congress is limited in respect to the purpose for which it may 
 tax : to wit, " to pay the debts, and provide for the common 
 defense and general welfare." These purposes are broad 
 enough to cover all the possible needs of the government; per- 
 haps too broad, for much litigation has arisen over the " gen- 
 eral welfare" plirase.' 2d. Congress is limited in respect to 
 the manner in which it may lay tlie taxes herein mentioned. 
 
 'Art. of Confederation, Art. VIII. 
 
 * Marshall, C. J., in McCulloch v. Maryland, 4 Wheat, 316. 
 ° It is obvious that the purpose must be public rather than 
 private.
 
 8-i Constitutional Law 
 
 That is, all taxes levied under the authority of this clause must 
 be uniform.* If an import tax, for example, is laid on hides, 
 the tax must be the same for the same class of hides at every 
 port of entry in the United States. 3d. Congress may be said 
 to be limited in its taxing power by the very plan of repre- 
 sentative government. Members of the House of Eepresenta- 
 tives, in which body all Federal taxation must originate, are 
 chosen for short terms. A legislature, therefore, that imposes 
 an oppressive tax, can soon be superseded by one more sensible 
 of its limitations. Congress is not likely to impose taxes, 
 either directly or indirectly, that do not meet the approval 
 of a majority of the people. 4th, and lastly, Congress is 
 limited by a necessary respect for the rights of the separate 
 States. Both the United States and the individual States 
 are supreme in the sphere of their lawful activities, and 
 neither may interfere with the other by taxation. Thus it has 
 been held that Congress may not tax a State municipal cor- 
 poration, or its resources," or the salary of a State officer,' or 
 the process of State courts,^ or a railroad owned by a State.' 
 On the other hand, a State cannot tax the salary of a Federal 
 officer,' or a national bank,'" or land of the United States 
 within the borders of the State." The two cases of (a) U. S. v. 
 E. R. Co., 17 Wall., 322, and (b) McCulloch v. Md., 4 Wheat., 
 316 are in point. 
 
 (a) In 1854 Baltimore City loaned the B. & 0. R. E. Co. 
 several million dollars secured by 5^ bonds. The Federal 
 
 * Compare with Art. 1, Sec. 2, CI. 3 of Constitution. 
 
 » U. S. V. Railroad Co., 17 Wall., 322. 
 
 ' Collector v. Day, 11 Wall., 113. 
 
 ^ Warren v. Paul, 22 Ind., 276. 
 
 'Georgian. Atkins, 1 Abb. (U. S. Cir. Ct), 22. 
 
 ° Dobbins v. Commissioners, 16 Peters, 435. 
 
 '" M'Culloch V. Maryland, 4 Wheat., 316. 
 
 " Van Brocklin v. Tennessee, 117 U. S., 151.
 
 The Powers of Congress 85 
 
 government broufjlit suit against the railroad company to 
 compel the payment of the internal revenue tax on these bonds. 
 The Supreme Court held that the tax was unconstitutional 
 and void as a tax on the revenues of the municipal corporation 
 of Baltimore. Such a corporation is a part of the sovereign 
 power of the State, and neither it nor its revenues are subject 
 to Federal taxation. 
 
 (b) The Bank of the United States, incorporated by act of 
 Congress, and doing business in Philadelphia, established a 
 branch bank in Baltimore, Md. A statute in Maryland re- 
 quired all banks in that State, not chartered by the State 
 legislature, to pay an annual tax for the privilege. McCulloch, 
 agent for the United States Bank in Baltimore, refused to pay 
 the tax, and when sued by the State, set up as defense that the 
 Maryland statute was unconstitutional in so far as it applied 
 to the Bank of the United States. The court held: that (1) a 
 State may not tax a superior power; (2) the Bank of the 
 United States was a fiscal arm of the government, hence not 
 to be taxed ; (3) although a State may not tax the right of the 
 bank to exist, it may tax personal property, building, etc., of 
 the corporation, like any other private property in the State. 
 
 Duties, Imposts, and Excises; Indirect Taxes. — It is prob- 
 able that Congress would have full authority to levy duties, 
 imposts, and excises without specific mention of them in the 
 Constitution. In the first place, the word taxes includes any 
 financial charge imposed on the people for support of the 
 government; and in the second place, the power to levy taxes; 
 is inherent in any government. The enumeration of specific 
 taxes here, however, avoids possible confusion and trouble. 
 Duties are taxes on both exports and imports, but since another 
 clause of the Constitution absolutely prohibits charges on ex- 
 ports, the term has become generally synonymous with im- 
 posts, which are taxes levied only on imports. Excises are 
 taxes on the manufacture, sale or production of commodities
 
 86 Constitutional Law 
 
 within the country, and on the privilege of pursuing certain 
 occupations. Thus taxes on the manufacture or sale of alcohol 
 and cigars, and license fees for the privilege of selling those 
 articles are excises. 
 
 These taxes are usually termed indirect, because the burden 
 of them is borne by the ultimate consumer, or by the indi- 
 vidual patrons, as the case may be. That is, the importing 
 merchant who pays a duty on his goods adds enough to the 
 selling price to cover that charge, and the tax therefore is 
 really paid by those who purchase the goods. Likewise, one 
 who pays a license fee for the privilege of conducting a busi- 
 ness or profession may recoup on his patrons by charging a 
 trifle more for his wares or for his services. 
 
 Direct Taxes. — We have seen that the taxes mentioned in 
 the present clause of the Constitution must be levied uni- 
 formly. Clause 3, Section 2 of the 1st Article, however, says 
 that direct taxes must be laid in proportion to the population. 
 What then are direct taxes? In theory they are taxes paid 
 absolutely by the person to whom they are assessed. The 
 Constitution and the Supreme Court, however, have limited 
 this rather broad definition. The Constitution, Article 1, 
 Section 9, intimates that a poll, or capitation, tax is a direct 
 tax, and the Supreme Court has decided that taxes on land and 
 on all incomes from real or personal property are direct.*'^ The 
 Constitution does not say what things may or may not be 
 taxed; but when Congress levies a tax on men, lands or in- 
 comes, such a tax is in its nature direct and must be laid pro- 
 portionally. When such a tax is to be levied the procedure 
 is as follows : Congress first decides the amount of money 
 to be raised, then requires of each State its respective quota 
 according to its population. The tax is then levied on the 
 people, if it is a poll tax, or on the land or the houses, etc., 
 according to the terms of the enactment providing for the tax. 
 
 " Pollock V. Trust Company, 158 U. S., 601.
 
 The Powers of Congress 87 
 
 In the history of the United States direct taxes have been 
 levied but five times: viz., in 1798, 1813, 1815, 1816 and 1861. 
 They are decidedly unpopular, difficult of accurate apportion- 
 ment, and often unfair. They are unpopular, because they are 
 in the nature of an assessment; hard to apportion with 
 accuracy on account of the varying, shifting population of the 
 States; and they are often unfair, since a State with a large 
 population pays a greater tax than a State whose population 
 is less, although the aggregate wealth of the former may not 
 be any greater or so much. The Federal government usually 
 provides for current expenses by indirect taxes, i. e., customs, 
 excises, etc. Until the Civil War the greater portion of the 
 national revenue was derived from customs, but since then the 
 sums derived from excises and from customs have been about 
 equal. The individual States, on the contrary, meet their 
 expenses by direct taxation. State officials determine the 
 amount of money needed annually, and the counties, or dis- 
 tricts, then are required to raise their respective shares. Thus, 
 when one pays a tax for State or municipal purposes he pays 
 a specific sum, proportionate to the value of the real or per- 
 sonal property he owns. 
 
 Income Taxes ; Attitude of Supreme Court. — It is interesting 
 here to note briefly the difi'ercnt attitudes of the Supreme 
 Court towards taxes on incomes. In 1794 the court declared 
 that direct taxes could be levied only on lands and on persons 
 (capitation taxes), and for about a hundred years that limita- 
 tion was observed." In 1880 the court ruled explicitly that 
 a tax on the income from real or personal property was not a 
 direct tax." The status of income taxes was argued again, 
 however, in 1894, and the court held, overruling the fornuT 
 decision, that such taxes were direct taxes within the mean- 
 ing of the Constitution, and should be laid according to popu- 
 
 "Hylton V. U. S., 3 Dallas. 171. 
 " Springer v. U. S., 102 U. S., 586.
 
 88 Constitutional Law 
 
 lation." Although this ruling was rendered by a divided court, 
 two judges having filed strong dissenting opinions, and al- 
 though it was not in accordance with political economy and 
 the views of many publicists, it settled the legal status of 
 income taxes in the United States. Since then direct taxes 
 have been held to include taxes on incomes as well as capita- 
 tion taxes and taxes on real or personal property. (For a 
 further discussion of this subject see Amendment IG, p. 286.) 
 Section 8, Clause 2. — To borrow money on the credit of 
 the United States; 
 
 Borrowing Money. — ^The United States is a corporation, a 
 large public corporation, and as such it has the power to 
 borrow money. Ordinarily, the government meets its ex- 
 penses by taxation; but on extraordinary ©ccasions, such as 
 the outbreak of war, or the undertaking of a great public 
 work like the Panama Canal, it becomes expedient to borrow 
 money. It might be possible to meet such unusual burdens by 
 taxation, but it seems the better policy to borrow money instead. 
 To raise quickly a great sum of money by taxation creates an 
 intolerable burden for the people ; to borrow it does not, for it 
 is offered freely by those who wish to lend ; and the repayment 
 of such money may be distributed over a long term of years, 
 making the burden of it thus fall little by little on those future 
 generations that may justly be asked to share the expense of the 
 war, or that most enjoy the advantages of the public work. 
 
 United States Bonds. — When the government wishes to 
 borrow money it issues for sale what are known as United 
 States bonds. These are certificates, or notes, in which the 
 government promises to pay the holder at a stipulated time 
 the sum named therein with interest at a stated per cent. 
 These notes are not money, nor are they designed to circulate 
 as such, although they may be assigned, or passed from hand 
 to hand, like any valuable commercial paper. They are cer- 
 
 " Pollock V. Farmers' L. & T. Co., 158 U. S., 429.
 
 The Powers of Congress 89 
 
 tifioates of indebtedness merely. The purchaser of govern- 
 ment bonds becomes in fact a creditor of the United States, 
 for he virtually lends to the government the sum named in the 
 certificates. When United States bonds are issued they find 
 a ready sale, for, although they do not pay a high rate of 
 interest, they are regarded as absolutely safe. In fact so 
 great is the demand for such notes that they usually sell 
 above their face value. Bonds issued in 1911, for the Panama 
 Canal, bearing interest at only 3 per cent sold as high as 108^. 
 Government bonds usually find their way into the hands of the 
 people through the large banking houses, such as those on Wall 
 Street, New York, that usually purchase the issue at once in 
 large blocks. 
 
 " On the Credit of the United States." — When one buys the 
 bonds of a private corporation he runs the risk of losing some 
 of his money, for the assets of the corporation, should it fail, 
 may or may not be enough to reimburse the bond holders. 
 Theoretically, one who buys the bonds of the corporation 
 known as the United States runs a risk of losing all of his in- 
 vestment. Should the United States become bankrupt there 
 would be no definable assets for distribution among the bond 
 holders, for the bonds are issued on credit only, nor is there 
 any court in which suit for distribution could be brought. But 
 so long as the financial standing of the United States remains 
 high, that risk is reduced to a minimum. In fact, bankruptcy 
 of the United States would be possible only as the result of a 
 disastrous war, or on account of some tremendous shrinkage 
 of values, or frightful cataclysm of nature. 
 
 Section 8, Clause 3. — To regulate commerce with foreign 
 nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian 
 tribes; 
 
 The Need of Federal Regulation. — After the Pevolution 
 and before the adoption of the Constitution the individual 
 States regulated commerce about as they pleased, with little 
 regard to the welfare of the whole conmionwealth. They
 
 90 Constitutional Law 
 
 levied duties on imports and exports, both from and to other 
 countries and from and to each other. Thus' communities 
 that were favorably situated were able to exact a revenue from 
 communities less favorably placed. The inevitable confusion 
 and ill feeling resulting from this state of affairs finally 
 reached such a pass that a convention of delegates from the 
 several States was called in 1786 at Annapolis, Md., to con- 
 sider the problem of interstate trade. For lack of a quorum 
 the commissioners attending this convention, as told in a 
 previous chapter, entered into no discussion of interstate com- 
 merce, but rather made certain recommendations regarding 
 the need of a stronger general government. But the Constitu- 
 tional Convention, which met the following year in pursuance 
 of those recommendations, forever settled the vexed question 
 of trade by placing commerce with foreign nations, among the 
 several States, and with the Indian tribes wholly in the hands 
 of Congress. 
 
 Extent of Federal Regulation. — The simple prepositional 
 phrase, " To regulate commerce," gave to Congress an im- 
 mense power, but a great amount of litigation has been neces- 
 sary to demonstrate the full extent of that power. Briefly the 
 phrase has been settled to mean : The power to control com- 
 mercial intercourse between nations, and parts of nations, in 
 all its branches by prescribing rules for carrying it on. Com- 
 merce therefore is more than traffic; it is intercourse. It in- 
 cludes navigation; it embraces ships and railroads as instru- 
 ments of trade, as well as the men who manage them ; it 
 comprehends both passengers and cargoes, and even telegraphic 
 lines and messages. In the case of the Pensacola Tel. Co. v. 
 Western Tel. Co., 93 IT. S., 1 (1877), the court said that the 
 power of Congress to regulate commerce could not be confined 
 to the instrumentalities in use at the time of the adoption of 
 the Constitution, but kept pace with inventions and with the 
 growth of the country. Hence the power of Congress extends
 
 The Powers of Congress 91 
 
 to all the means whereby commerce between States and with 
 other nations is facilitated ; it is exercised on the ocean as well 
 as upon tlie land, and on all navigable waters within the United 
 States not wholly included within the boundaries of a State. 
 
 Intrastate and Interstate Commerce. — Few things illustrate 
 the parity of powers held by the United States and the several 
 States better than the decisions relating to commerce. Every 
 State may control the commerce carried on wholly within its 
 borders ; but the commerce that enters a State from without, or 
 that passes out from within, is under the exclusive control of 
 Congress. A State may regulate the traffic on a railroad that 
 lies wholly within the State, and control the trade on a navi- 
 gable river or lake similarly situated, provided that the water 
 is not directly connected with the ocean or other highway of 
 the world's commerce." A State may likewise exercise the 
 right of eminent domain over the shores of a navigable stream, 
 if in so doing it does not hinder interstate trade or affect 
 reciprocal rights in the Federal government." On the other 
 hand, a State law granting the exclusive privilege of running 
 steam vessels for traffic on such a river as the Hudson is un- 
 constitutional and void. This, was decided as early as 1824, 
 in the famous case of Gibbons v. Ogden, 9 Wheaton, 1, the facts 
 of which were as follows: 
 
 " The State of New York granted to E. E. Livingston and 
 E. Fulton the exclusive right to navigate all or any of the 
 waters within the jurisdiction of that State. Later, this ex- 
 elusive right was assigned by Livingston and Fulton to one 
 Ogden, who brought suit against Gil)bons for running a 
 passenger steamboat about New York and on the lower Hud- 
 son. Gibbons set up as a defense that his boat was duly en- 
 rolled and licensed under acts of Congress to engage in the 
 coasting trade." 
 
 "Veazie v. Moore, 14 Howard, 568. 
 " Oilman v. Philadelphia, 3 Wall., 726.
 
 93 Constitutional Law 
 
 The court held, that the power of the United States to regu- 
 late commerce did not stop at the external boundaries of a 
 State ; and that, although a State might enact reasonable regu- 
 lations for the navigation of waters within its jurisdiction, a 
 statute which purported to give to any person or corporation 
 the exclusive privilege of navigating that portion of its waters 
 which served for the passage of commerce between the States 
 was so unreasonable a statute, and so palpably a regulation 
 of interstate trade, that it was' unconstitutional. Reasoning 
 in a similar way the Supreme Court later declared that a State 
 law which required importers to pay a license fee of fifty 
 dollars before selling imported goods was void ; " and that a 
 license tax imposed by a State on commercial agents coming 
 into the State from without to solicit orders was illegal, even 
 though a like tax was imposed on agents of corporations 
 dwelling within the State/^ 
 
 Police Power of a State. — Although the power of Congress! 
 to regulate commerce among the States is, in general, ex- 
 clusive, it is limited indirectly in the following way. It has 
 long been decided that the States, in the exercise of protective 
 care over their inhabitants, may make and enforce local regu- 
 lations, even though in so doing they remotely affect interstate 
 commerce.'" This power of the States to protect the lives, 
 health, and property of their citizens, and to preserve good 
 order and public morals, is known as the police power. Such 
 a power is naturally incident to sovereignty in any form, and 
 it cannot be said ever to have been surrendered by the States 
 to the United States. Accordingly, a State may require 
 engineers on all railroads running within, into, or through the 
 State to pass an examination on eyesight ; '' it may regulate 
 
 " Brown v. Maryland, 12 Wheat., 419. 
 
 " Robbins v. Shelby County Taxing Dist., 120 U. S., 489. 
 
 "^ Pervear v. Commonwealth, 5 Wall., 475. 
 
 =° Smith V. Alabama, 124 U. S., 465.
 
 The Powers of Congress 93 
 
 the sale of intoxicating liquors, including liquor imported ; " 
 it may impose reasonable wharfage rates along navigable 
 waters, build bridges over streams, provided that they do not 
 in so doing stop all commerce, and may enforce rules for 
 pilotage; " it may even tax the property of those corporations 
 within the State engaged in interstate commerce;" it may 
 pass sanitary, quarantine, and inspection laws, and may take 
 reasonable precautions to keep out of the State convicts, 
 paupers, and all persons and animals afflicted with contagious 
 diseases. But no State may, under cover of the police power, 
 enact legislation that substantially burdens or restricts foreign 
 or interstate trade." It is not always easy to say, in respect 
 to a State law which in some slight degree offers a bar to inter- 
 state commerce, whether or not it is to be justified under the 
 police power. In a general way its legality may be said to 
 depend on its reasonableness and the actual necessity for its 
 existence, ratlier than on any absolute rule, (See also p. 280.) 
 The Embargo Act. — Congress has' stretched the great power 
 to regulate commerce so far as to prohibit commerce altogether. 
 This was the effect of the Embargo Act of 1807, which pro- 
 vided that all ships then in port, cleared or not cleared, should 
 stay there, and that no vessel bound to a foreign port should 
 be furnished clearance papers except under the immediate 
 direction of the President. The purpose of the act was to 
 prevent traffic with other nations, and it largely succeeded. 
 It succeeded so well that exports in 1808 declined four-fifths, 
 and foreign trade was at a standstill. So severe was its effect 
 on the people that it nearly drove New England into a revo- 
 lution. The act was repealed in 1809. It is doubtful if any 
 
 " The License Cases, 5 Howard, 504. 
 
 " Gibbons v. Ogden, 9 Wheat., 1. People v. S. & R. R. R. Co., 15 
 Wend. (N. Y.), 113. 
 
 "Transp. Co. v. Wheeling, 99 U. S., 273. 
 "R. R. Co., V. Husen, 95 U. S., 465.
 
 94 Constitutional Law 
 
 other Congress will ever attempt to go to the extent of the 
 Congress of 1807 in the exercise of the power to regulate 
 commerce. 
 
 Act of 1887. — Since 1807 the most important legislation 
 passed by Congress for the regulation of commerce is the 
 Interstate Commerce Act of 1887. This act was made neces- 
 sary by the growing tendency of certain great railroad lines 
 to control to an unreasonable extent the internal traffic of the 
 countr}' by consolidating their interests, thus putting them- 
 selves in a position to raise freight and passenger rates and to 
 secure other unfair advantages. Among other things the act 
 provided: (1) That passenger and freight rates should be 
 reasonable ; ( 2 ) that there should be no unfair discrimination 
 between persons, corporations or places; (3) that the charge 
 for a short haul should not be greater than for a long haul 
 under similar conditions; (4) that there should be no pooling 
 agreements; and (5) that there should be created a com- 
 mission to supervise the administration of the law. The com- 
 mission created under the law is at present composed of seven 
 members, appointed by the President and the Senate for seven 
 years, and each is paid a salary of $10,000 per year. The 
 powers of the commission now extend beyond railroad and 
 steamship companies to include the supervision of express and 
 sleeping car companies, and petroleum pipe lines. The com- 
 mission is organized like a court of law and holrls sittings at 
 various places in the United States. Although it is not a part 
 of the judicial system it determines cases like a court: it can 
 summon witnesses and empower United States marshals to 
 execute injunctions and other positive mandates'. It has not 
 like a court the power to execute all its fmdings, but its 
 decisions may form the grounds for action by United States 
 courts, and they are received with great respect. 
 
 Since the passage of the Interstate Commerce Act Congress 
 has enacted several statutes forbidding combinations and
 
 The Powers of Congress 95 
 
 conspiracies in restraint of interstate trade. Under these acts 
 any pooling or joining of interests, the result of which is to 
 create a monopoly or trust, is illegal; and this is so even 
 though the original purpose of such pooling was not to stifle 
 free competition. The law looks at the prol)able result of such 
 combining, rather than at the intent of the participants. The 
 United States v. Freight Association, 1G6 U. S., 290 (1897), 
 is a case in point. Eighteen railroads running through the 
 middle west formed an association for the purpose of main- 
 taining freight rates in the region between the ]\rississippi 
 Eiver and the Pacific Ocean. The managers maintained that 
 it was not their purpose to increase rates, or to stifle competi- 
 tion. The United States sued to have the association dis- 
 solved. The Supreme Court, in granting the petition, said 
 that the logical result of such an agreement between roads was 
 to create a trust, and that since the parties were engaged in 
 interstate trade it was illeiial as a regulation of commerce. 
 
 " With the Indian Tribes." — That Congress should control 
 the trade with the Indian tribes is but just. If the regulation 
 of that traffic were left to the several States, or to corporations, 
 or to individuals, the way to sure abuse would be open. As 
 long therefore as tribal relations exist, or until the race dis- 
 appears, Indians will continue as wards of the government, 
 and their political relations will be defined by statutes and 
 treaties.'" In their domestic government they are left to their 
 own rules and traditions, but all commerce, whether between 
 white persons and Indians, or between different Indian tribes 
 or the individual members thereof, and whether upon reserva- 
 tions within the Territories or the States, is wholly to be 
 carried on under rules prescribed by Congress." Xeither 
 States nor individuals can jnirchase land from Indian tribes 
 
 ^ Cherokee Nation v. Georgia, 5 Peters. 1, 16. 
 ='U. S. V. Holliday, 3 Wall., 41S. U. S. v. Bridleman, 7 Fed. 
 Rep., 894.
 
 96 Constitutional Law 
 
 without the consent of Congress. The land set apart for 
 Indian reservations is Federal property by right of conquest 
 or of purchase, and even the Indians have but a right of 
 occupancy there, which Congress may deprive them of at will. 
 It follows therefore that offenses committed on Indian terri- 
 tory are offenses against the United States, and not against 
 any State. 
 
 What has just been said respecting trade with Indians 
 presupposes the existence of tribal relations. If such relations 
 cease, as where individual Indians voluntarily give up the 
 tribal life and adopt the ways of civilization, the dependence 
 on Congress may end, and commerce with them may be carried 
 on as with other persons. 
 
 Section 8, Clause 4. — To establish a uniform rule of 
 naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bank- 
 ruptcies throughout the United States; 
 
 Mode of Naturalization. — Naturalization is the legal proc- 
 ess of making an alien a citizen. The requirements for such 
 citizenship and the mode of naturalizing are as follows : Be- 
 fore becoming a citizen of the United States an alien must 
 reside within the continental limits of the country at least 
 five years, and one year in the State where he makes applica- 
 tion; he must show to the satisfaction of the court in which 
 he makes application that he is of good moral character, 
 attached to the principles of republican government, and has 
 at the time a bona fide residence within the State ; at least two 
 years before he can legally ask for citizenship, he must register 
 his intention of becoming a citizen ; and lastly, at the time of 
 final application he must declare on oath that he will support 
 the Constitution, renounce his allegiance to any foreign State, 
 and give up what claims he may have to any hereditary title, 
 or order of nobility. In other words, an alien wishing to be- 
 come a citizen must first register his intention. Two years
 
 The Powers oe Congress 97 
 
 later, if his residence here amounts to five years, he may be- 
 come a citizen by going before the proper court " and renounc- 
 ing allegiance to the fatherland and swearing allegiance to the 
 United States — provided he measures up to the few rather 
 general requirements of domicil, character, etc. 
 
 Exceptions. — Not every foreign-born person has to go 
 through this process before becoming a citizen, (a) The 
 minor children of aliens, though born out of the United States, 
 if dwelling within the United States when their parents are 
 naturalized, become citizens by the naturalization of their 
 parents, (b) Any woman who might lawfully be naturalized 
 is deemed a citizen if married to a citizen of the United States, 
 (c) Minor children that such a woman may have become 
 citizens by the same act. (d) An alien soldier, 21 years of 
 age or older, regularly discharged from the army of the 
 United States, may be admitted to citizenship without pre- 
 vious intention, and after one year's residence, (e) An alien, 
 21 years of age or older, who has served five consecutive years 
 in the United States navy, or one enlistment in the marine 
 corps (four years), and has been honorably discharged, may 
 be admitted to citizenship without previous declaration of in- 
 tention, (f) An alien, who comes to the United States while 
 a minor and continues to reside here until 21 years of age, may, 
 if his residence amounts to five years, become a citizen without 
 previous declaration of intention. 
 
 Who are Citizens? — The very pertinent questions arise in 
 this connection, Wliat is citizenship? and. Who are citizens of 
 the United States? Citizenship may be defined as the state of 
 being a citizen; an American citizen may be said to be any 
 person owing allegiance to tlie government of the United 
 States and entitled to its protection. Tlie 1 Ith Amendment 
 to the Constitution defines the term by declaring that "all 
 persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject 
 
 » See p. 100. 
 7
 
 98 Constitutional Law 
 
 to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States 
 and of the States wherein they reside." Thus citizenship de- 
 pends on neither age, sex, nor suffrage. A baby is as lawfully 
 a citizen as a mature man ; so is a woman. IVIillions of citizens 
 do not vote, and cannot vote; on the other hand some voters 
 are not even citizens." Indians while maintaining tribal 
 relations are not citizens, or have but a limited citizenship. 
 Chinese are not citizens of the United States, unless born of 
 resident parents, and under the present laws they cannot be- 
 come so by naturalization.'" The children of foreigners who 
 are touring America, or of diplomatic agents, though born in 
 the United States, are not citizens of the United States, for 
 they are not subject to the jurisdiction thereof." Similarly, 
 children born of American parents on the ocean, or in foreign 
 countries, are citizens of the United States, for they take the 
 status of their parents. 
 
 Expatriation. — England once proclaimed the doctrine, 
 " Once an Englishman, always an Englishman " ; and per- 
 sistent adherence to that doctrine brought on the War of 1812. 
 In other words England denied to her citizens the right of 
 expatriation, that is, the right to throw off allegiance to the 
 mother country and become citizens of some other country. 
 The United States, however, has always recognized the right, 
 and in 1868 Congress expressly declared it. Thus just as a 
 foreigner may renounce allegiance to some other government 
 and solicit citizenship in the United States, so a citizen of the 
 United States may give up his allegiance and become a bona 
 fide member of some alien commonwealth. Such a person 
 could regain citizenship in his own country only through 
 naturalization. 
 
 ^ See footnote 7, p. 34. 
 
 '"22 Stat, at Large, 26, 61. 
 
 «' United States v. Wong Kim Ark, 169 U. S., 649, 693.
 
 The Powers of Congress 99 
 
 Immig^ration and Exclusion Laws. — In 1907 Congress en- 
 acted that every master, agent, owner or consignee of a vessel 
 bringing alien immigrants into the United States should pay 
 a tax of four dollars for every alien thus brought in. The 
 money thus collected is to be paid into the treasury of the 
 United States to become a special " immigrant fund," which 
 the Secretary of Commerce and Labor may cause to be used 
 to defray the expense of regulating the immigration of aliens 
 into the United States. 
 
 Under this law the following classes of persons are excluded 
 from admittance to the United States; all idiots, imbeciles and 
 shoplifters; all paupers, or people likely to become a public 
 charge; all seriously diseased persons; and all such generally 
 undesirable persons as convicted criminals, polygamists, an- 
 archists, prostitutes, and contract laborers, 
 
 Chinese. — In respect to citizenship within the United States 
 the Chinese are in a class by themselves. No State or Federal 
 court can now admit a Chinese to citizenship.** A certificate 
 of naturalization issued by a State court to a Chinese is void 
 on its face." But children born of Chinese parents already 
 residing in this country, who are not members of diplomatic 
 corps, are citizens by virtue of the 14th Amendment." But 
 an immigrant Chinese is not entitled to citizenship, for he is 
 not a white person in the meaning of the naturalization laws." 
 The Exclusion Acts of 1882-1884 are not applicable to Chinese 
 born here. They are citizens, and no citizen can be excluded 
 from the United States except for crime.'' (See also p. 275.) 
 
 Naturalization of Communities. — The Constitution has pro- 
 vided for the naturalization of individuals. What is done, 
 
 •^ 22 Statutes at Large. 26, 61. 
 "In re Gee Hop, 71 Fed. Rep., 274 (1895). 
 
 "In re Gee Hop, 71 Fed. Rep., 274 (1895). In re Look Tin Sin, 
 21 Fed. Rep., 905. U. S. v. Wong Kim Ark, 169 U. S., 649. 
 "In re Ah Yup, 5 Sawyer, 155 (1894). 
 « In re Look Tin Sin, 21 Fed. Rep. 905.
 
 100 Constitutional Law 
 
 however, when on the addition of new territory to the United 
 States entire communities are ready for citizenship? Do the 
 ordinary methods obtain? By no means. It would be ob- 
 viously ridiculous for the United States courts to pass on the 
 qualifications of the millions of applicants that such addition 
 of territory might produce. Congress has therefore assumed 
 the power to admit to citizenship by a single act all the in- 
 habitants of such new territory. Accordingly, when Texas was 
 admitted to the Union all its inhabitants were made citizens 
 by a special resolution of Congress. It is not to be supposed, 
 however, that the acquisition of new territory means, ipso 
 facto, new citizens. It is a matter that rests entirely with 
 Congress to decide, 
 
 " A Uniform Rule." — Congress, under the authority of this 
 clause in the Constitution, has provided a uniform rule for the 
 naturalization of aliens by prescribing the manner in which 
 it shall be done, and what courts shall have power to do it. 
 The mode of naturalization has already been explained; the 
 courts having naturalization powers are the U, S. District 
 Courts, the District and Supreme Courts of Territories, and 
 any State court of record having common law Jurisdiction.^ 
 The fact that State courts may confer citizenship on foreigners 
 does not mean that the power to naturalize is in the States 
 themselves. These courts get their authority entirely from 
 Congress ; they can act only in accordance with uniform regu- 
 lations prescribed in the Federal statutes. 
 
 The power of Congress over naturalization is exclusive. If 
 it were not, if each State could invest aliens with citizenship 
 at will, there might be as many modes of naturalization as 
 there are States. This was the case under the Articles of Con- 
 federation, and it resulted in great confusion. Although 
 States may define the rights of aliens and of naturalized 
 citizens within their borders, they have no authority to make 
 
 ''R. S., 2165.
 
 The Powers of Congress 101 
 
 citizens of the United States. The fact that Congress has the 
 sole power over naturalization is in harmony with Article 4, 
 Section 2, Clause 1, of the Constitution, which declares that 
 " The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges 
 and immunities of citizens in the several States." It is hard 
 to see how the " privileges and immunities of citizens in the 
 several States " could be the same unless the method of mak- 
 ing citizens were the same in all the States. 
 
 An Apparent Exception. — ^The query is sometimes raised: 
 Can a naturalized citizen of the United States, on revisiting 
 the land of liis nativity, be made to serve his apprenticeship in 
 the army, if he has not already done so, where such apprentice- 
 ship is regularly demanded? Yes, he may. This of course 
 creates an anomalous situation, for the United States guaran- 
 tees the same protection to naturalized citizens that is due to 
 natural born citizens. The logic of the matter, however, seems 
 to be as follows : In certain foreign countries military service 
 is regarded as an obligation which attaches to every male child 
 upon his birth, and is not discharged by his naturalization 
 elsewhere. Xaturalization, it is argued, in no way affects 
 duties or obligations owed to the State of the nativity at the 
 time when the naturalization is effected, and therefore it does 
 not discharge an individual from his obligation to military 
 service. The question has been raised and passed on a number 
 of times."" With several countries of Europe this' matter is 
 covered by special treaty, in which case, of course, the treaty 
 holds. Thus in the general treaty with Belgium there is an 
 express provision upon this point. 
 
 Bankruptcy and Insolvency. — The object of insolvency and 
 bankrupt laws is twofold : lirst, to free a person from perpetual 
 bondage to creditors and thus give him another chance to 
 succeed; second, to secure an equitable division of the prop- 
 
 ■"See on this point: Wharton's International Law Digest, 385, 
 Sec. ISl; Davis' International Law, 3d Ed., p. 144.
 
 102 Constitutional Law 
 
 erty of the debtor among the various creditors. Generally 
 speaking, an insolvent person is one whose debts exceed his 
 assets; a bankrupt is one who has voluntarily or involuntarily 
 gone into bankruptcy : that is, who has been adjudged a bank- 
 rupt by a court of competent jurisdiction. The condition of in- 
 solvency usually precedes bankruptcy, but not every insolvent 
 person becomes a bankrupt. 
 
 The control of bankruptcy is placed by the Constitution 
 wholly in Congress. In order that the credit of the country 
 be stable, and that the method of obtaining freedom from 
 indebtedness be the same in all the States, it is necessary that 
 Congress should have such complete control. Under the 
 Articles of Confederation the States regulated bankruptcy as 
 they saw fit; and until Congress passed a uniform rule they 
 continued to do so, even after the Constitution was adopted; 
 and their laws were upheld.^" But when Congress passed a 
 national bankruptcy law, such law superseded State statutes 
 on the subject, where the latter were antagonistic. The last 
 national bankruptcy law was passed in 1898 by the 55th Con- 
 gress. The main provisions of the law are as follows : 
 
 A. That the United States District Courts in the States 
 and Territories, and the Supreme Court of the District of 
 Columbia, shall have jurisdiction over cases in bankruptcy. 
 
 B. That acts leading to bankruptcy shall be: 1, any at- 
 tempt to delay, hinder or defraud creditors by purposely con- 
 veying, concealing, or removing property; 2, any attempt to 
 prefer, while insolvent, one creditor over another; 3, per- 
 mitting one creditor to obtain a preference over another; 4, 
 making a general assignment of property for the benefit of 
 creditors; 5, admitting in writing a state of insolvency and a 
 willingness to be adjudged a bankrupt. 
 
 C. That the District Court may appoint referees, or trustees, 
 in l)ankruptcy, who shall inventory the property, make proper 
 
 «°Sturgis V. Crowningshield, 4 Wheat, 122 (1819).
 
 TiiR Powers of Coxgress 103 
 
 reports of the same to the court, and shall cquitahly distrihute 
 the proceeds of the estate, or the earnings of the corporation, 
 among the creditors. 
 
 D. That any insolvent person, except a corporation, may 
 become a voluntary bankmpt; aiid that any private banker, 
 any incorporated company, or corporation, owing debts to the 
 amount of $1000.00 or more, and any private person, except 
 wage earner or farmer, may become an involuntary bankrupt. 
 This means that any insolvent person, except a corporation, 
 may petition to be declared a bankrupt ; and that any corpora- 
 tion, private banker, or private person, except wage earner or 
 farmer, may be forced into bankruptcy on the petition of 
 creditors. 
 
 Results of Bankruptcy Proceedings. — "When a person has 
 been discharged from bankruptcy by a court of competent 
 jurisdiction he is legally freed from all claims of creditors, 
 even though his property may have been sufficient to pay only 
 a small part of his debts. He is at liberty to engage in business 
 again and is under no legal obligation to pay debts previously 
 contracted. 
 
 When a corporation goes into bankruptcy the referees, or 
 trustees, take charge of the business and run it for the benefit 
 of the creditors. Sometimes their eiforts result in paying off 
 all the indebtedness and setting the corporation again on a 
 sound basis, and sometimes they are obliged to sell out the 
 business assets entirely. In this case the corporation as such 
 goes out of existence. 
 
 State laws. — The law of 1R0R on bankruptcy did not neces- 
 sarily make void all State laws on insolvency and bankruptcy. 
 Where the latter are not repu<rnant to the Constitution or to 
 the law of 1898, or do not attempt to operate outside of State 
 limits, or affect any contract created before the law was con- 
 ceived, they are valid.
 
 104 Constitutional Law 
 
 Section 8, Clause 5. — To coin money, regulate the value 
 thereof and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of 
 weights and measures; 
 
 Money. — Section 10 (p. 150) suggests that only gold and 
 silver, coined by the government and made legal tender in pay- 
 ment of debts, is money. In common parlance, however, any 
 recognized medium of exchange is money. Thus in some of 
 the Colonies before the Eevolution hides and Indian wampum 
 were used for purposes of exchange. To-day paper bills, 
 stamped and issued by the government, as well as copper and 
 nickel pieces, are so used. All these may reasonably be termed 
 money, for they are such in a practical way, although they are 
 neither gold nor silver, and their legal tender capacity is 
 limited. The term "lawful money," however, has a limited 
 signification. It includes gold coins, silver dollars, United 
 States notes, and treasury notes. 
 
 Money Must Have Value. — ]\Iediums of exchange, under 
 whatever names they may go, must have a certain market value 
 in themselves, or be based on that which has. Thus all coins 
 in the United States are made of metal whose value in the 
 markets of the world either equals or approaches their face 
 value. This is true of all gold pieces. If we melt a gold 
 dollar, we get a dollar's worth of pure gold, plus a little alloy, 
 or hardening compound. If we melt silver, copper, or nickel 
 coins, we get pure metal, whose value only approaches the 
 face value of the coins. Their ability to circulate as mediums 
 of exchange therefore must depend on something more than 
 their intrinsic worth. This something more is the credit, 
 or financial standing, of the government that issues them — a 
 rather indefinite something, it is true, but none the less a thing 
 to be reckoned with. For this reason alone, much of the paper 
 money of the United States circulates at its face value. The 
 worth of the material it is made of is slight, but backed as it 
 is by the government's promise to redeem in that which haa
 
 The Powers of Congress 103 
 
 value, it passes readily from hand to hand, and forms a large 
 and convenient part of the nation's currency. So also of the 
 minor coins, whose intrinsic value is less than their face value. 
 Such parts of the nation's currency depend for their stahility 
 and value on the real or supposed ability of the government to 
 maintain its credit before the world. Governments and per- 
 sons are alike in this respect. The notes of a business man are 
 valuable only so far as he is able, or supposed to be able, to pay 
 them. So that part of a nation's currency that is based on 
 credit is acceptable only so far as the financial standing of the 
 nation is above suspicion. 
 
 legal Tender. — This term is synonymous with " lawful 
 money" mentioned above. It means that which the law 
 authorizes a debtor to offer and compels a creditor to accept 
 in payment of a debt. It is a creature of the law entirely. In 
 the United States gold coins are and always have been legal 
 tender for all sums. From 1792 till 1853 silver coins were 
 likewise legal tender for all sums. Since 1853, however, sub- 
 sidiary silver coins have been legal tender for limited 
 amounts only,*" and from 1853 till 1878 the silver dollar was 
 not full legal tender. Since the last date, however, the silver 
 dollar has been legal tender for all debts. Xickel and copper 
 coins are now Iggal tender for sums not exceeding twenty-five 
 cents. As to paper money, banknotes, and silver and gold 
 certificates have never been legal tender. On the other hand, 
 treasury notes' and United States notes have been made legal 
 tender by the authority of Congress. 
 
 Regulate Value. — This means to determine the value of coins 
 in terms of some other. In order to have a currency consisting 
 of more than one thing we must first have a standard, to Avhich 
 We may adjust all other weights and values. Congress cannot 
 
 '"From 1853 to 1879 they were legal tender for $5.00; since 
 1879, for $10.00. They are redeemable, however, when presented in 
 sums of $20.00 or more.
 
 106 Constitutional Law 
 
 prescribe the value of the material out of which money is 
 made ; Congress can only ascertain its value by consulting the 
 quotations in the markets, and then fix the size and the weight 
 of the coins accordingly. If one metal is adopted as the 
 standard, we have a mono-metallic currency; if two metals 
 are selected, we have a bi-metallic currency. Congress, in its 
 first coinage act (1792), adopted the bi-metallic standard by 
 authorizing the minting of gold and silver coins, and their 
 circulation on an equality at the ratio of 15 to 1. This meant 
 that Congress, having ascertained gold to be worth fifteen 
 times as much as silver, put into the silver coins fifteen times 
 as much pure silver as it put pure gold into the gold coins, and 
 authorized their circulation on a parity. That is, gold dollars 
 and silver dollars were given the same purchasing power. 
 But it is hard to maintain a bi-metallic currency. The market 
 value of one of the two metals is always going up or down, 
 and the government is frequently obliged to change the 
 relative weights of the two coins' in order to keep their values 
 equal. So Congress found. By 1834 the relative values of 
 gold and silver had so changed that Congress was under the 
 necessity of changing the ratio from 15 to 1, to 18 to 1. Again 
 Congress found that it could not control the market values 
 of the two metals, and in 1853 it discarded the double stand- 
 ard by making gold legal tender for all sums, and making all 
 other coins subsidiary to gold, reducing their weights enough 
 to insure their remaining subsidiary. This, at least in theory, 
 was the most sensible course. But in 1878 Congress again set 
 up the double standard, by declaring that the silver dollar 
 should be full legal tender again, and that it was the policy of 
 the government to maintain the gold and the silver dollar on 
 a parity. It was only a nominal double standard, however, 
 that Congress set up, for the market value of the silver in the 
 silver dollar was not equal to one hundred cents, and since tlien 
 it has fallen so much lower, that the coin is practically sub-
 
 The Powers of Congress 107 
 
 sidiary. In 1908, for example, the pure metal in a silver 
 dollar was worth only about forty-live cents. 
 
 One can readily see that in a time of extremity, when tlie 
 government might be unable to meet its obligations, the ex- 
 change value of the silver dollar, and indeed of all currency 
 whose intrinsic value is less than its face value, might become 
 no more than what its basic metal would bring in the open 
 market. 
 
 It is not worth while to discuss here the different coins now 
 in use in the United States; their differences are obvious. It 
 may be of interest, however, to point out the distinctive 
 features' of the paper coinage, for those are not so generally 
 known. 
 
 Paper CuiTency. — For ease in handling, and to lessen the 
 certain waste of the valuable metal in coins through erosion, 
 and for other minor reasons, the United States government 
 has found it practicable to issue paper currency. Such cur- 
 rency is based either on actual coin or bullion stored in the 
 treasury, or on the credit of the government. If for every bill 
 issued its equivalent in coin or bullion is deposited in the 
 government's vaults, there is little danger of a depreciation ; 
 but when bills are issued entirely on the credit of the govern- 
 ment they are based on that which is indefinite and unstable. 
 If the nation is rich, and its credit high, its paper currency 
 is acceptable at face value; but if the nation becomes poor, and 
 its credit low, such bills at once depreciate. The paper cur- 
 rency of the United States consists of the following: 
 
 (A) Gold and Silver Certificates. — These bills have the 
 words " Silver Certificate," or " Gold Certificate," as the case 
 may be, stamped on one side ; and on the other, the inscription, 
 " This certifies that there has been deposited in the treasury' 
 of tlie United States one silver dollar," or whatever the metal 
 or the amount may be. These are not legal tender, but being 
 represented by actual coin in the treasury, tlicy are a very 
 stable kind of paper currenty.
 
 108 Constitutional Law 
 
 (B) United States Notes. — These are commonly called 
 " greenbacks " or " legal tenders." They are issued in various 
 denominations. They bear on the face the inscription, 
 "United States Note," and " The United States will pay the 
 bearer .... dollars." On the reverse side is printed, " This 
 note is a legal tender at its face value for all debts public and 
 private except duties on imports and interest on the public 
 debt." This inscription is important. The student will 
 notice that these bills are not based on coin or valuable metal 
 of any kind. They are the government's promissory notes, and 
 their value depends solely on the presumed ability of the gov- 
 ernment to pay its debts. But governments cannot always 
 pay their debts, and in times of financial stress their notes; 
 tend to depreciate rapidly. This was exactly what happened 
 at the time of the Civil War. So loth were the people to 
 accept the government's notes, which were mere promises to 
 pay, that they became nearly useless for exchange. In 1862, 
 therefore. Congress, in order to make these notes receivable 
 for debts, that is, for past obligations, added the legal tender 
 feature to them. This, though objectionable, insured their 
 circulation, and since then they have caused little disquiet, 
 but have been as serviceable as any other kind of paper money. 
 It was questionable finance to do this, for it arbitrarily forced 
 the people to accept as money a medium of exchange that was 
 not valuable in itself and was based on that which is naturally 
 very uncertain. It did more : it made United States notes in 
 a measure more useful than gold or silver certificates, for the 
 latter have never been made legal tender. In spite of this, 
 however, and the fact that the Supreme Court has upheld the 
 legal tender acts of Congress," it is hard to see how in a time 
 of monetary stress even this legal tender clause can keep these 
 notes from depreciation. The wondrous process of alchemy 
 
 "The Legal Tender Cases, 12 Wall., 457; 110 U. S., 421.
 
 The Powers of Congress 109 
 
 has not yet been discovered ; not even the Congress of the 
 United States can make something out of nothing. 
 
 (C) Treasury Notes. — These are not now in general circula- 
 tion. Tlicy were issued under the Sherman Act of 1890 in 
 payment of silver bullion, but have since been largely retired 
 and cancelled. The Sherman Act required the government 
 to purchase four and one-half million ounces of silver bullion 
 per month, to coin two million ounces per month until July 1, 
 1891, and to store in the treasur}' the bullion then left un- 
 coined. The notes issued for the payment of this raw silver 
 bore on the face the promise " to pay the bearer on demand 
 .... dollars in coin." The purpose of this issue of bills, and 
 the coinage of so much silver was to maintain gold and silver 
 on a parity. The result was, however, that these notes began 
 to be presented in great quantities' at the treasury, and gold 
 demanded in payment to such an extent that the fund of 
 $100,000,000 in gold, reserved to insure the stability of green- 
 backs, was seriously diminished. A period of financial unrest 
 followed. Financiers then saw that, so long as the government 
 was bound to buy silver with treasury notes and then redeem 
 these notes with gold, it would result in a severe strain on its 
 resources. A special session of Congress was called therefore 
 in 1893, which repealed the purchasing clause of the Sherman 
 Act. Later acts of Congress have required the Secretary of 
 the Treasury to coin the silver purchased under the Sherman 
 Act into standard silver dollars, and with these dollars to re- 
 deem outstanding treasury notes as fast as presented. As 
 these notes have been taken in and cancelled silver certificates 
 have been issued in their places. 
 
 Both treasury notes and United States notes have always been 
 reckoned as part of the national debt. They are analogous to 
 government bonds; but unlike them they are designed to pass 
 current as money; they bear no date of redemption; and they pay 
 no interest.
 
 110 CONSTITUTIOXAL Law 
 
 (D) Banknotes. — These bills are issued by national banks, 
 or banks chartered by the government. They are stamped 
 with the name of the bank issuing them, their denomination, 
 etc., to wit : " The First National Bank of New York will pay 
 the bearer on demand .... dollars." Banknotes are just as 
 good as notes of the United States, perhaps better, for they 
 are all secured by bonds deposited in the treasury of the 
 United States, and they are not evidence of indebtedness. 
 State banks, or banks chartered by State legislatures, for 
 many years issued paper currency, in the face of the constitu- 
 tional prohibition, " No State shall emit bills of credit." 
 Congress never expressly prohibited the issuance of such bills, 
 but in 1865 it passed an act, amended in 1866, levying a tax 
 of 10 per cent on the circulation of all State banks. This 
 virtually drove State banknotes out of existence. 
 
 Retrospect. — It can readily be seen from the foregoing 
 sketch of the monetary history of the United States that Con- 
 gress has not found it easy to exercise the power of coining 
 money, nor has it been at all times wholly successful. Yet in 
 the main it has kept the nation sound financially; and there 
 has been harmony in the matter of exchange among the people 
 of the respective States, where, had the States the right to 
 exercise this great power, must have been chaos. 
 
 Foreign Coin. — Congress has exercised the power to regu- 
 late the value of foreign coin by declaring at what rate it shall 
 be received for duties on imports and in payment for public 
 lands. This rate has always been based on the value of the 
 pure metal in the coin. Congress has never presumed to 
 declare the rate for contracts between private citizens. That 
 is done in the open markets of the world, and is purely a 
 matter of supply and demand. 
 
 Weights and Measures. — Beyond authorizing the troy 
 pound for use in the national mint, and legalizing the metric 
 system in the United States, Congress has done little or noth- 
 ing to " fix the standard of weights and measures."
 
 The Powers of Congress 111 
 
 Section 8, Clause 6. — To provide for tho punishment of 
 counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the 
 United States; 
 
 Counterfeiting. — Counterfeiting is the making of false coin 
 in the likeness of the genuine. The coin need not be actually 
 used as money ; it is sufficient if the spurious article be capable 
 of such use. It must, however, be base, and its resemblance to 
 the genuine be so close as to be likely to deceive a person using 
 ordinary precaution. As used in the present clause, however, 
 the term counterfeiting has been construed more broadly to 
 include, besides the making of false coin and securities, the 
 intentional uttering or passing the same ; or the possession of 
 them or of the instruments for making them with the intent to 
 defraud; or the act of bringing them into the country for the 
 same purpose." Although mere possession of dies or of false 
 coin does not constitute the offense of counterfeiting, it is a 
 suspicious circumstance; the essence of the crime lies in the 
 intent to deceive. Federal statutes declare what the punish- 
 ment for counterfeiting the coin or securities of the United 
 States shall be. 
 
 Securities. — Under the term securities are included all cer- 
 tificates of indebtedness, such as stocks, bonds etc.; all forms 
 of paper money, including banknotes; all revenue and postage 
 stamps; all customhouse certificates, postal money orders, 
 stamped envelopes, etc.; and all notes and bonds of foreign 
 governments. The imitation of these things for the purpose 
 of fraud is counterfeiting just as truly as the imitation of 
 money, and is punishable under the laws of Congress. 
 
 Power Not Exclusive.— The power to coin money, as we 
 have already noted, is exclusive in the Federal government. 
 Hence it follows that if the power to punish counterfeiting 
 were not expressly given to Congress, it would necessarily be 
 implied by the power to coin money; otherwise the latter 
 
 "United States v. Marigold, 9 Howard, 560.
 
 112 Constitutional Law 
 
 power would soon become a nullity. Whether the authority 
 to punish counterfeiting is exclusive in Congress has been a 
 mooted question." The better opinion seems to be that in such 
 a ease, where the exercise by the States of any power granted 
 to Congress can work no harm, but is rather productive of 
 good, it is wise to construe the clause conferring it reasonably 
 and broadly. To make an act punishable under both State 
 and Federal laws will tend to decrease crime rather than to 
 increase it. It has been held, therefore, that States may pass 
 laws forbidding the counterfeiting and the circulation of 
 United States currency within their borders, and may punish 
 offenses against such laws, as being against the peace and good 
 order of the State." Furthermore, the punishment of such 
 acts by a State does not preclude a second punishment by the 
 United States : for an act may at once be an offense against 
 both.*' 
 
 Ordinarily the law presumes an accused person to be innocent 
 until proved to be guilty. The contrary, strange as it may seem, 
 may be the case when one is accused of counterfeiting. It is a 
 reasonable presumption that, when a person attempts to pass 
 counterfeit money, or has it in possession, it is with full knowledge 
 of the fact, and the burden of proof in such a case is on the ac- 
 cused to show that the possession or the illegal act of passing 
 was innocent. 
 
 Sectioii 8, Clause 7. — To establish post-offices and post- 
 roads; 
 
 In 1788 that remarkable early commentary on the Consti- 
 tution, the Federalist, approaches this topic in a half apolo- 
 getic manner. It remarks in brief that "the power of es- 
 tablishing post-roads must, in every view, be a harmless power, 
 and may perhaps by judicious management become productive 
 
 ^ See Story's Constitution, §1123. 
 
 *^Fox V. Ohio, 5 Howard, 410. Martin v. State, 18 Tex. App., 224. 
 Houston V. Moore, 5 Wheaton, 1; Cooley's Prin. Const. Law, p. 94. 
 « Idem.
 
 The Powers of Congress 113 
 
 of great public convcniency." " Could the author here quoted 
 have foreseen that the Postoffice Department was to become 
 one of the most useful and beneficent under the government, 
 he would not have written in that cautious manner. As a 
 matter of fact no department of the United States illustrates 
 so well that the government is for the people, for no other 
 department administers so well to the comforts, interests, and 
 necessities of persons in every walk of life, and at so small an 
 individual expense. The Postal Department was not created 
 to make money, but to administer; and as a result it is often 
 run at a loss. From a small and almost unimportant branch 
 it has grown to immense size, and tremendous importance. 
 It gives work to hundreds of thousands of persons; it receives 
 and disburses tons of mail matter of every description, silently, 
 swiftly, and with certainty ; and it reaches out beneficent hands 
 along thousands of miles of railways, highways and waterways, 
 to every accessible corner of a vast country. 
 
 Post-Offices and Post-Roads. — The whole authority for put- 
 ting into operation a system at once so intricate and so vast is 
 vested in Congress by the simple and rather general sentence, 
 " Congress shall have power to establish post-offices and post- 
 roads." The power to establish has been interpreted to in- 
 clude the power to regulate, and Congress has therefore right- 
 fully assumed the power to create, manage, and control this 
 great business of transporting and delivering the mails, and to 
 do many things that assist in making such transporting and 
 delivery quick, efficient and safe. For many years the point 
 was under discussion whether the phrase " to establish " 
 meant to create, or to point out; and much effort was wasted 
 to prove tliat, wliile Congress could designate what should be 
 used as a post-oflk-e, and what road already existing should 
 be a mail-road, it could construct neither one nor the other. 
 It is the settled opinion now, however, that Congress can both 
 
 «' The Federalist, No. 42. 
 8
 
 114 Constitutional Law 
 
 designate and construct, and Congress has always acted under 
 that interpretation — many times in the building of post- 
 offices; and a few times in the making of post-roads." Both 
 State and private enterprise, however, have been so sufficient 
 in road building that Congress has been under very little 
 necessity to enter on such work. The terms post-offices and 
 post-roads have both received judicial interpretation, and are 
 to be taken in a broad sense. Any place where mail is officially 
 received, opened, or delivered, whether house, office room, 
 tent, booth, boat, wagon, or box, is a post-office"; and any 
 route over which mail is carried is a post-road, whether it be 
 railroad, highway, canal, navigable stream, or footpath. 
 
 Under the authority to regulate the postal system Congress 
 may do anything that reasonable public policy may demand. 
 Thus certain persons have for cause been deprived of the use 
 of the mails; and obscene, injurious or libellous matter is 
 excluded." So Congress may cause to be punished those who 
 introduce forbidden matter into the mails, and may assume 
 the power likewise to define and punish as misdemeanors all 
 acts that are a hindrance to the postal service. 
 
 Organization of the Postal Service; Expenses. — The mail 
 system of the United States is under the direction of a Post- 
 master-General, who has a seat in the President's cabinet, and 
 four Assistant Postmasters-General, all of whom are appointed 
 by the President and the Senate. The first Postmaster- 
 General was Benjamin Franklin, who organized the first sys- 
 tem of mail distribution in America. The present Post-office 
 Department is divided into four bureaus, each of which is 
 supervised by one of the Assistant Postmasters-General. The 
 work of these bureaus and the duties of the four Assistant 
 Postmasters-General are clearly defined in the Federal 
 
 *' Stat, at Large, Vol. 2, 42, 730. 
 
 " United States v. Marselis, 2 Blatch. Cir. Ct, 108. 
 
 *• Ex parte Jackson, 96 U. S., 727.
 
 The Powers of Congress 115 
 
 statutes. Each of the bureaus is, furthermore, divirlefl into 
 divisions to facilitate the work, and the labor in them is carried 
 on by corps of well-trained clerks. The number of employees 
 in the postal service, including postmasters and their assist- 
 ants, runs into the thousands; the yearly disbursement for 
 salaries amounts to millions of dollars. A few figures will 
 perhaps give a more definite idea of the present vast extent of 
 the postal business, and of the cost which it involves. In 1800 
 the number of post-offices in the United States was but 903 ; in 
 1910 it was 59,580. In 1910 the expenditures of the Depart- 
 ment amounted to $229,977,224, exceeding the revenues by 
 about five million dollars; the compensation paid to post- 
 masters was $27,521,013; the cost of transporting the mails 
 was $84,882,281. In the same year the pieces' of postal matter 
 which passed through the mails reached the prodigious num- 
 ber of 14,850,102,559. 
 
 Section 8, Clause 8. — To promote the progress of science 
 and useful arts, by securing for limited times, to authors 
 and inventors, the exclusive right to their respective 
 writings and discoveries; 
 
 In General. — Just how much science and useful arts are 
 promoted by this clause is wholly conjectural. It is both 
 reasonable and just, however, that Congress sliould enact laws' 
 to protect authors and inventors in the enjoyment of the fruits 
 of their brainwork ; and it is the act of a beneficent and far- 
 seeing government to hold out large recompense for original 
 work of all kinds. The wisdom of placing copyrights and 
 patents under the power of Congress is apparent. In America 
 one has no common law right to enjoy alone the products of 
 his' genius; when once made public they are, in the absence of 
 statutory provisions, available to all. Furthermore, a copy- 
 right or a patent protected by State law only would be but 
 limited in its usefulness. The Constitution docs not forbid
 
 116 Constitutional Law 
 
 the States to enact patent or copyright laws, but the Supreme 
 Court has decided that, although States under their police 
 power may regulate the use of patented articles,"" they may 
 not grant patents or copyrights, or regulate such rights or the 
 sale of them in any way.°' The power to do these things is in 
 Congress alone. It has always been understood, furthermore, 
 that patent and copyright laws are solely for the benefit of 
 authors and inventors," and are not to be extended by Con- 
 gress to the introducers of new works and inventions. The 
 patent and copyright laws of America are modeled on those 
 of England. 
 
 Copyrights. — A copyright is an exclusive privilege to pub- 
 lish a literary or artistic production. Although commonly 
 applied to books the term is not so limited in fact, for musical 
 compositions, photographs, paintings, engravings, and even 
 statues may be copyrighted. The copyright of a musical 
 composition carries with it the exclusive right to perform it 
 in public, or to cause it to be performed. A copyright is a 
 property right, which may be assigned. 
 
 The term of a copyright is twenty-eight years, from the time 
 of recording the title thereof, with the privilege of renewal for 
 twenty-eight more. The method of obtaining it is governed 
 entirely by published statutes.'' On the death of the original 
 holder the right passes to his widow or children, even the right 
 of renewal. Thus the grant of a copyright, and the same is 
 true of a patent, creates a monopoly. But it is a limited 
 monopoly. The general public also has rights to be observed, 
 and at the expiration of a period reasonably long enough for 
 the original grantee to reward himself for his labor or inge- 
 
 '^ Patterson v. Kentucky, 97 U. S., 501. State v. Tel. Co., 36 
 Ohio St., 296. 
 " Crawson v. Smith, 37 Mich., 309. Hollida v. Hunt, 70 111., 109. 
 "Livlnf^fiton v. Van Ingen, 9 Johns. fN. Y.), 507. 
 "Rev. Stat. 4956-7-8 (Amend. 26, Stat, at Large, 1107).
 
 The Powers of Congress 117 
 
 nuity, the monopoly ceases, and the privilege formerly en- 
 joyed by one, or by a few, is open to all. 
 
 For many years foreign governments did not allow Ameri- 
 can authors the privilege of copyright, and until 1891 aliens 
 and non-residents were likewise debarred in the United States. 
 By the Act of March 3, 1891, however, Congress substantially 
 granted the privilege of American copyright to all foreigners 
 whose own governments gave similar rights to citizens of the 
 United States. Thus by the exchange of national courtesies 
 it is possible to have one's copyright extended over more than 
 one country. 
 
 Patents. — A patent is the exclusive right, secured by law to 
 an inventor, to enjoy the fruits of his invention or discovery 
 for a limited period. The life of a patent is seventeen years, 
 but the right may be renewed' for seven more, provided the 
 holder can show that he has not received adequate compensa- 
 tion meantime. Like a copyright, a patent is a property right, 
 which is assignable at law, and on the death of the holder the 
 right descends to the heirs at law. A patent granted by Con- 
 gress is confined to the limits of the United States; whether 
 a person shall obtain a foreign patent on his invention depends 
 entirely on the disposition of the foreign government. There 
 are no reciprocal treaties covering patents, as in the case of 
 copyrights. Under the laws of the United States an article 
 to be patentable must have the following qualifications: 
 
 1. It must be new. That is, it must be original in concep- 
 tion, not a mere equivalent of something else, or a mere change 
 in form, or a carrying forward of the same idea. 
 
 2. It must be useful. Inventions that are wholly useless, 
 or merely trifling, or pernicious, are not patentable. This is 
 a rather indeterminate quality, for the degree of usefulness 
 is not always important; but, as said by !Mr. Justice Bradley 
 (107 U. S., 200), it is not the object of the patent laws " to 
 grant a monopoly for every trifling device, every shadow of 
 an idea."
 
 118 CONSTITUT ONAL LaW 
 
 3. It must be prior in time, i'hat is, in case more than one 
 person should apply for a patent on the same thing, the first 
 to reduce the invention to a practical working condition is 
 entitled to the patent, rather than the one who may have first 
 conceived the idea. 
 
 4. It must not be abandoned. If it can be shown that the 
 applicant has been unreasonably negligent, or has carelessly 
 abandoned his invention to the use of the public, he may be 
 denied the patent.^' It is an old maxim of the law that " Neg- 
 ligence always has misfortune for a companion." 
 
 The method of obtaining a patent is governed by the public 
 statutes." The grant of a patent, however, gives the grantee 
 absolute rights, and not even the United States government 
 may use a patented invention without the consent of the 
 patentee, or without making adequate compensation.^ In 
 such cases the government officers are themselves liable to 
 personal suit. 
 
 Trade-Marks. — These cannot be patented or copyrighted, 
 for they are neither inventions nor writings within the mean- 
 ing of the Constitution." Distinguishing marks on goods 
 destined for interstate or export trade may, however, be reg- 
 istered at the Patent Office, and all unwarranted use, or wilful 
 imitation of such registered mark is illegal.'** A registered 
 trade-mark endures for thirty years, and may be renewed for 
 thirty more. Congress has no authority over marks on goods 
 in purely domestic or Intra-state trade, but in many States 
 they are protected by State laws. 
 
 Section 8, Clause 9. — To constitute trib'inals inferior 
 to the Supreme Court; 
 
 " Gayler v. Wilder, 10 How., 477. Dable Shovel Co. v. Flint, 137 
 U. S., 41. 
 
 "R. S., 4883-4936. 
 «> Belknap v. Schild, ICl U. S., 10. 
 "The Trade-mark cases, 100 U. S., 82. 
 5" 33 Stat, at Larpe, 728.
 
 The Powers of Congress 119 
 
 Inferior Courts. — The Constitution estahlished but one 
 court for the United States — the Supreme Court. The y)resent 
 clause, however, gave Congress full })owcr to establish other 
 inferior courts, unlimited in number, jurisdiction, or comple- 
 ment; and Congress early proceeded to put that power into 
 execution by establishing the District and Circuit Courts, and 
 the Circuit Courts of Appeals. The power thus granted, how- 
 ever, is not exclusive: States may create judicial systems, as 
 well as the United States, l)ut with limited jurisdictions. In 
 consequence, the system of legal administration within the 
 United States has become rather complicated. Besides the 
 great Federal system there are as many State systems as there 
 are States, and hardly any two States are alike in their ad- 
 ministrations of the law, A fuller discussion of the Federal 
 courts, as well as some remarks on State systems, will be 
 found in the pages devoted to Article 3. 
 
 Section 8, Clause 10. — To define and punish piracies and 
 felonies committed on the high seas, and offenses against 
 the law of nations; 
 
 In General. — It is the manifest purpose of this clause to 
 provide for the punishment of serious offenses committed in 
 that part of the world that is under the jurisdiction of no 
 nation. The authority for such power is derived from two 
 sources : first, from the principle that international law allows 
 any nation to pursue and punisli wherever found those wild 
 sea rovers that are inimical to civilized peoples and subject to 
 no nation ; secondly, from the principle that a nation's vessels 
 are floating bits of the nation's territory. Offenses committed 
 on vessels sailing under the American flag are, therefore, 
 plainly within the scope of congressional legislation. 
 
 Piracy. — At common law, piracy was robber}', aniivc 
 furandi. on the high seas; and high seas, the ocean beyond 
 low water mark. The present clause, however, plainly give?
 
 120 Constitutional Law 
 
 to Congress the power to enlarge this definition of piracy ; and 
 Congress has so done. At common law, the slave trade was 
 not deemed piracy, yet in 1820 Congress declared it to be 
 punishable as such. Congress has also enlarged the definition 
 of high seas to include the Great Lakes, and the Supreme 
 Court has held likewise." It follows, therefore, that any 
 offense, committed on the high seas or on the Great Lakes, 
 may be punished in the courts of the United States as piracy, 
 if Congress has declared the act to be piracy; but that be- 
 fore Congress can declare an offense to be punishable, it must 
 first define the offense. It is not necessary, however, that such 
 acts be defined as piracy as are held to be piracy by the common 
 law, or by the law of nations. 
 
 Felonies. — Under the common law of England felonies were 
 those offenses for which a person might suffer loss of life or of 
 property, or of both, according to the degree of his guilt. In 
 American law the term felony is not clearly defined. It is used 
 loosely to distinguish offenses of a serious nature from those 
 of a less serious nature, or misdemeanors. But this' distinc- 
 tion is slowly disappearing. State statutes usually define 
 felonies as those crimes for which the punishment is death or 
 incarceration in the State prison .*" The Federal statutes have 
 never defined the term, but under the authority of this clause 
 Congress may declare any offense committed on the high seas 
 a felony and cause it to be punished as such. Thus mutiny 
 committed on a ship under American colors while on the ocean 
 is punishable under the laws enacted by Congress'. But 
 robbery on a ship belonging to subjects of a foreign state, and 
 by one not a citizen of the United States, would not be punish- 
 able in the courts of the United States, for the latter would 
 have no jurisdiction over either persons or property on such a 
 
 » 26 Stat, at Large, 424; U. S. v. Rodgers, 150 U. S., 249. 
 ** e. g., Mass. and N. Y.
 
 The Powers of Congress 121 
 
 vessel." Tlie principle to be grasped here is that all acts done 
 on the high seas, or on navigable bays, lakes, harbors, and 
 rivers, fall naturally under the purview of Congress, for all 
 interstate and foreign commerce and all foreign relations are 
 governed by Congress, rather than by the States, and under 
 the power herein granted Congress may place crimes com- 
 mitted on such waters in any category it pleases, and cause 
 them to be punished accordingly. 
 
 Offenses Against the Laws of Nations. — These are the acts, 
 whether committed on the high seas or on the land, which 
 tend to interrupt the peaceful relations between the United 
 States and foreign nations. International law is a rather 
 loose code of principles, unwritten except in commentaries, 
 tending to promote harmony among civilized nations. It is 
 for the best interests of the United States that these principles 
 be observed, and that Congress should have the power to 
 punish offenses against these principles, and to define and 
 make punishable other offenses not included in the inter- 
 national code. Thus the so-called neutrality laws forbid 
 citizens of a neutral nation to equip vessels of war or bodies 
 of troops to aid a belligerent nation ; and Congress has passed 
 acts to forbid fdibustering, and has made it a serious offense 
 to organize or to set on foot armed expeditions against 
 friendly nations. 
 
 Section 8. Clanse 11. — To declare war, grant letters of 
 marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures 
 on land and water; 
 
 War; Declaration of, etc. — The evident purpose of this 
 clause is to prevent the United States from engaging in war 
 with other nations without the consent of the people, through 
 their Eepresentatives in Congress assembled. In England the 
 
 " U. S. V. Palmer, 3 Wheaton, 610.
 
 122 Constitutional Law 
 
 power to declare war is in the Crown, but that power is limited 
 by the fact that Parliament alone may make appropriations. 
 In the United States the war power is somewhat limited, for, 
 although Congress may declare war and appropriate money to 
 carry it on, no Congress can make appropriations for that 
 purpose for a longer term than two years.^ 
 
 A state of war may exist, however, without any declaration 
 by Congress, either through insurrection, or by the hostile acts 
 of foreign nations. When such a state of war exists, the people 
 and the courts of the country are bound to take notice of the 
 fact""; and the President is authorized to take steps to sup- 
 press the insurrection or to repel the invasion.*^ 
 
 Congress has declared war twice: in 1812 against Great 
 Britain ; in 1898 against Spain. The war against Mexico, in 
 1846, was recognized as already existing by the hostile acts 
 of that country. The conflict between the North and the 
 South, although it assumed the magnitude of war, was in 
 reality nothing but an insurrection. The insurrectionists 
 were recognized by some foreign nations as belligerents, but 
 never as an independent people. The conflict began while 
 Congress was not in session, and the duty of coping with it at 
 first fell entirely on the President. He could not declare war, 
 but under the authority to put down insurrections he pro- 
 ceeded to order out the militia and to issue calls for volun- 
 teers. Later, when Congress assembled, it recognized the acts 
 of the Executive, and empowered him to take further steps 
 to put down the rebellion. In this connection an interesting 
 constitutional question arose : Did the acts of the President 
 in attempting to put down the rebellion before Congress had 
 assembled and declared war to exist amount to war in fact? 
 If so, then the capture of certain vessels attempting to run the 
 
 •"Constitution, 1, 8, 12. 
 
 "' The Prize Cases, 2 Black, 635. 
 
 " Statute passed in 1795.
 
 The Powers of Congress 123 
 
 blockade established by the President was legal; otherwise 
 it was not. The Supreme Court decided in the affirmative: 
 on the <<round that, in order to constitute war, it is not neces- 
 sary for both parties to be sovereign nations; but war may 
 exist where one belligerent claims sovereign rights against 
 the other.** 
 
 War Powers of Congress. — In the event of war Congress 
 may wield all those extreme powers that are regarded as lawful 
 by the civilized world. Thus Congress may acquire territory 
 by conquest*" it may try offenses by military commissions 
 where civil law has been displaced by warlike operations "^ ; and 
 it may set up provisional courts in conquered territory." It 
 follows therefore that warlike acts by private parties, un- 
 authorized by the government, are illegal. Hence irregular 
 bands of marauders are likely to be treated if captured as law- 
 less banditti; and those who prey on the enemy's commerce 
 without lawful authority are rightfully classed as pirates. 
 Furthermore, war between two nations makes private inter- 
 course between the inhabitants thereof unlawful. The in- 
 habitants of one are the enemies of the other ( Opinions of the 
 Attorney General, Vol. 11, p. 301), and all contracts between 
 hostile parties are absolutely void.*" 
 
 !N'o State, of course, can declare war or make captures. 
 Such power is exclusive in Congress. For subduing internal 
 disorders, however, a State may use force to any extent within 
 her means, even to marshaling State troops in the field, as 
 though a real war were in progress. 
 
 Letters of Marque and Reprisal. — A letter of marque is a 
 commission given by a civilized government to a private ship 
 
 "The Prize Cases, 2 Black, 635. 
 "" Adi. Ins. Co. I'. Canter. 1 Peters, 511, 541. 
 " Ex parte Milligan. 4 Wallace, 2. 
 "« The Grapeshot. 9 Wallace, 129. 
 
 ** Kent's Commentaries, 67; Griswold v. Waddington. 15 Johns. 
 (N. Y.), 57.
 
 124 Constitutional Law 
 
 authorizing it to attack ships of the enemy. A ship bearing 
 such a commission is commonly termed a privateer, and its 
 operations are generally carried on against the enemy's com- 
 merce. Privateering has usually accompanied organized war- 
 fare ; but letters of marque have been given to individuals when 
 no war existed, allowing them to make reprisal, that is, to take 
 private redress against foreign subjects for private injuries 
 received. But this is rarely done now. During the Eevolu- 
 tionary War and the War of 1813 many American privateers 
 sailed the seas, doing extensive damage to England's com- 
 merce. During the Civil War the Southern Confederacy 
 issued such commissions, but the Northern Government did 
 not. Although Congress authorized letters of marque. Presi- 
 dent Lincoln did not issue any. In the war with Spain in 
 1898 the United States did not grant commissions for private 
 warfare. At the treaty of Paris, in 1856, certain European 
 powers agreed to abolish privateering. The United States 
 did not accede to that agreement; but so strong is modern 
 public sentiment against private warfare that it is doubtful 
 if Congress ever again legalizes the practice. 
 
 Rules Concerning Captures. — It rests with Congress to de- 
 termine what shall be done with men, or ship§, or cargoes, or 
 property of every sort captured in time of war. Until Con- 
 gress has acted, no private citizen can enforce rights of 
 forfeiture, even with judicial assistance.'" 
 
 Section 8, Clause 12. — To raise and support armies, but 
 no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a 
 longer term than two years; 
 
 Section 8, Clause 13. — To provide and maintain a navy; 
 Section 8, Clause 14. — To make rules for the govern- 
 ment of the land and naval forces; 
 
 The Army and the Navy. — Clauses 12, 13, and 14, since they 
 are inseparably connected in thought, may well be considered 
 
 ''" Brown v. United States, 8 Cranch, 110.
 
 The Powers of Congress 125 
 
 together. Without these clauses Congress would no doubt 
 have power to raise troops and equip ships to carry on war, 
 for otherwise the power to declare war would be useless. But 
 from the power to declare war one could hardly deduce the 
 authority to maintain troops and ships of war in times of 
 peace. Hence it is fair to assume that these clauses are meant 
 to provide for the regular navy and the standing army. 
 
 Under the Articles of Confederation Congress was given no 
 authority to raise armies in times of peace ; nor could any such 
 authority be deduced from its rather nominal power to declare 
 war. Standing armies and navies were too suggestive of 
 militarism and monarchism to bo provided for by a nation 
 that had just rid itself of both evils. Accordingly, whatever 
 troops were maintained were organized, drilled and equipped 
 by the various States; there was no national military organiza- 
 tion. The system was, as Judge Story points out, " equally at 
 war with economy, efficiency and safety.^' " 
 
 Under the Constitution the power of Congress to raise and 
 maintain an army or a navy is unlimited, except in respect to 
 the length of time for making appropriations to the use of the 
 army ; and such limitation applies only to the army. Congress 
 may make either force so large as to become burdensome, or 
 it may abolish both altogether. Thus far, however, the good 
 sense of the people's Representatives, the comparative isolation 
 of the United States, and its consequent freedom from Euro- 
 pean discords have kept Congress from one extreme, while 
 potent, obvious reasons have kept it from the other. It has 
 been the policy of the United States since 1799 to maintain 
 a regular army of moderate size, but in respect to the navy its 
 policy has undergone much fluctuation. 
 
 The Navy Since the Revolution. — From the close of the 
 Revolutionary War until 1794 the United States had no navy 
 — at least, none worth tlie name. In that year trouble with 
 Algiers impelled Congress to pass a law which provided for 
 
 " Story's Constitution, Sec. 1179.
 
 126 Constitutional Law 
 
 the construction of six frigates. This was the beginning of 
 the American Navy. Naval matters were tlicn managed by 
 the War Department, and they continued to be so managed 
 until 1798, when Congress created the office of Secretary of 
 the Navy. Naval success in the war with France, 1799-1801, 
 and greater success in the War of 1812, gave great impetus 
 to the navy, and from the end of the latter struggle until 
 1861 Congress could muster a fair armament on the sea. The 
 necessities of the Civil War caused a vast increase in both 
 ships and personnel, but when the war ended Congress entered 
 on a policy of retrenchment: the navy was allowed to decay, 
 and in a few years the naval list contained hardly one re- 
 spectable fighting ship. In 1881 Congress awoke to the fact 
 that the navy was at its lowest ebb since the Eevolution, and 
 set to work to remedy conditions. In 1883 Congress provided 
 for the construction of several vessels of modem design and 
 armament; and since then it has added steadily to the naval 
 strength of the country, until in 1911 the United States Navy 
 took second place among the navies of the world. Such in 
 brief has been the history of the American Navy since the 
 Eevolution. 
 
 Military Powers of Congress. — Under the power to rais'e 
 and support armies Congress may resort to any means which 
 exigency demands. When other means fail the draft act may 
 undoubtedly be resorted to as a means of securing men for 
 the service. Congress may appropriate money for military 
 equipments; for the pay, transportation, rations, and clothing 
 of troops; for the purchase or manufacture of arms and 
 ammunition ; for the support of hospital, engineer, and in- 
 struction corps ; for the construction of forts, arsenals, bar- 
 racks, and defenses of all kinds; for the establishment and 
 maintenance of hospitals, and of schools for military instruc- 
 tion. In short, everything necessary or incidental to the 
 preparation, equipment, and maintenance of a national mili-
 
 The Powers of Congress 127 
 
 tary force of any size, or to the buildinn^, fitting out and sup- 
 port of a national navy, is in the hands of Congress exclusively. 
 Not even the President may attempt to maintain a navy, or to 
 keep on foot a standing army, when in the opinion of the 
 Federal legislature it is not necessary. 
 
 Appropriations. — Congress is not limited by the Constitu- 
 tion in ai)i)ropriatiug money for the navy, but it cannot pro- 
 vide for the army for a longer term than two years. As a 
 matter of custom Congress makes yearly appropriations for 
 each. In 1911 Congress appropriated for the army $95,440,- 
 567.55; for the navy $131,410,568.30. These sums do not 
 include money expended on forts and fortifications, and on 
 the ]\Iilitary Academy. 
 
 Military Rules. — Under the power conferred by Clause 14, 
 Congress luus from time to time formulated rules governing 
 the conduct of men in the military and naval service of the 
 United States, until the Army and the Naval Regulations 
 fill rather capacious volumes. Some of these rules are appli- 
 cable to men in military circles only; others express definitely 
 rules that commonly govern civil conduct. 
 
 The power to make rules carries with it the power to enforce 
 them, and to punish infractions thereof. Congress may there- 
 fore establish military courts for the trial of military offenders. 
 Hence, one who joins the army or the navy, either voluntarily 
 or by draft, puts himself out of the pale of civil authority. 
 Thereafter he is governed by military law, and he may be 
 punished by a military court, commonly called court-martial, 
 whose judgments are just as binding as the judgments of other 
 courts. All military courts, however, are strictly criminal in 
 their nature, and cannot decide property rights or political 
 questions. The jurisdiction of such courts, although ex- 
 clusive over matters properly before them, may be enquired 
 into by civil courts, and if jurisdiction is found wanting the 
 civil courts may discharge a person improperly held." 
 
 "In re Grimlcy. 137 U. S., 147.
 
 128 Constitutional Law 
 
 Martial Law. — IMilitary law must not be confounded with 
 martial law. The former is a body of positive rules ; the latter 
 is in reality the suspension of all civil law. Martial law is a 
 sort of war measure, which can legally be called into action 
 only in times of great exigency, or as a means of waging war. 
 When a district is under martial law every person in it becomes 
 subject to military rules, and to the mandates of military 
 courts. This so subverts the usual order of things, and makes 
 possible such great and serious abuses, that it is justified only 
 when civil law is powerless to act, and the situation demands 
 military control. The weight of opinion seems to be that the 
 power to declare martial law rests in the President, as com- 
 mander-in-chief of the military and naval forces of the United 
 States. He may, however, delegate it to commanding officers'. 
 
 Section 8, Clause 15. — To provide for calling forth the 
 militia to execute the lavi^s of the Union, suppress insur- 
 rections, and repel invasions; 
 
 Sectien 8, Clause 16. — To provide for organizing, arming, 
 and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part 
 of them as may be employed in the service of the United 
 States, reserving to the States respectively the appoint- 
 ment of the officers, and the authority of training the 
 militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress; 
 
 The Militia are the citizen soldiers of the country, who are 
 liable to be called into service in cases of emergency. Theo- 
 retically every male citizen between the ages of 18 and 45 is 
 a militiaman; but in common parlance the word militia in- 
 cludes only those organized and uniformed bodies of citizen 
 soldiers maintained by the respective States, as distinguished 
 from the regular army of the United States. The control of 
 the militia illustrates in a measure the concurrent powers of 
 the nation and the States. In times of peace the militia are 
 under State authority, except when participating in ma- 
 neuvers with the regular army. They are drilled and officered
 
 The Powers of Congress 120 
 
 by State officials, and may be subjected to special defensive 
 duty within the State at the command of the Governor. As 
 part of the State constabulary members of the militia may 
 be tried and punished for offenses by State courts-martial." 
 If the United States does not provide for any special system 
 of tactics for the militia, each State may adopt a system for 
 itself. 
 
 On the other hand, Congress may provide a special mode of 
 training for militiamen, which must be adopted by the States; 
 and in times of invasion or rebellion the President may call 
 them into the service of the country at large. When this 
 is done they form a part of the regular army, and as such 
 may be subject to the orders of regular military officers, and 
 may be tried for offenses by courts-martial. 
 
 Legislation Concerning the Militia. — Congress took early 
 action in respect to the militia. In 1792 (Eev. Stat., 1625- 
 1629) Congress provided for the organization of the militia of 
 the several States; and in 1795 (Eev. Stat., 1642), it author- 
 ized the President to call out the militia for the general pur- 
 poses of executing the laws of the nation, suppressing in- 
 surrections, and repelling invasions. It has been judicially 
 decided that when the President acts under this authority his 
 judgment cannot be questioned." The power to act is ex- 
 clusive in him, and he alone is responsible. To warrant the 
 President's action in these cases, it is not necessary that in- 
 vaders be actually present in the country, or that an insurrec- 
 tion be actually in progress; he may act whenever in his 
 judgment either danger threatens. But since the laws of the 
 Union have effect only within the boundaries of the country, 
 and since invasion and rebellion can take place only within 
 such boundaries, it follows that not even the Chief Executive 
 can send the militia for service out of the country. The 
 
 "Houston V. Moore, 5 "Wheaton, 1. 
 "Martin v. Mott, 12 Wheaton, 19. 
 9
 
 130 Constitutional Law 
 
 service of the members of the militia when called out is 
 limited by law (32 Stat, at Large, 776) to nine months. Con- 
 gress may, however, under the power to raise armies, resort to 
 the draft act, and thus enroll into the regular army even 
 members of the organized militia, as well as plain civilians. 
 When this is done, the restrictions noted above do not apply. 
 The same is true of course when members of the militia enlist 
 voluntarily in the army. 
 
 National Service of the Militia. — Li the history of the 
 United States the organized militia have been ordered out by 
 the President three times : in 1794, to put down the Whiskey 
 Eebellion, an insurrection in some of the western counties of 
 Pennsylvania; in 1812, to repel invasion; and, lastly, in 1861, 
 to put down the rebellion in the Southern States. In the first 
 instance, the President acted by virtue of the Act of 1792 ; in 
 the other two cases, by the same act as amended in 1795. 
 This act has never been repealed. In the war with Mexico, 
 1846, and again in the war with Spain, 1898, it was expedient 
 to send troops out of the country, and militia regiments were 
 therefore not called out. All who participated in those wars 
 were either regular troops or volunteers. 
 
 Organizing, Arming, etc. — By the authority of Clause 16, 
 Congress early provided for a national militia. If Congress 
 had not acted the States would have been at liberty to do so. 
 By act of Congress, 1792, every able-bodied male citizen, with 
 certain exceptions, is made available for military duty, or a 
 member of the militia of the respective States and Territories. 
 This was amended in 1903 (32 Stat, at Large, 775) to include 
 all aliens who have declared their intention of becoming 
 citizens. Congress provided, furthermore, by the same act, 
 that the militia should consist of two bodies: 1st, the or- 
 ganized militia, known as the national guard of the respective 
 States and Territories; 2d, the reserve, or unorganized, 
 militia, consisting of all other male citizens who may be liable
 
 The Powers of Congress 131 
 
 to military duty. The national guard, althougli organized by 
 act of Congress, armed and equipped by the national govern- 
 ment, and drilled in tactics prescribed by the same authority, 
 is composed of State organizations. These are commanded 
 by State officers and are amenable to State authority. But 
 when called into active service by the President they become 
 national troops in fact, and are then entitled to the same pay 
 and allowances, and the same general treatment accorded to 
 members of the regular army. The members are entitled to 
 pensions if disabled while in the performance of duty (32 Stat, 
 at Large, 779). They are subject to court-martial; but the 
 trial court in the case of militiamen must be composed of 
 militia officers (idem, 776). 
 
 Section 8. Clause 17. — To exercise exclusive legislation 
 in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding 
 ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular 
 States and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat 
 of the Government of the United States, and to exercise 
 like authority over all places purchased by the consent 
 of the legislature of the State in which the same shall 
 be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock- 
 yards, and other needful buildings; and. 
 
 The District of Columbia. — The original District of Co- 
 lumbia was a tract of land ton miles square ceded to the 
 United States by the States of Maryland and Virginia in 1788 
 and 1789. Later, in 1846, that part lying south of the 
 Potomac River was retroceded to Virginia. The present dis- 
 trict therefore contains rather less than the original, about 
 70 square miles in all, and lies wholly within the original 
 boundaries of IVfaryland. The government of the District is 
 peculiar, in t-hat the people have no voice in electing their 
 legislators. Congress acts as the District's local legislature. 
 Its daily government is administered by a board of three com- 
 missioners : two appointed by the President and the Senate
 
 132 Constitutional Laav 
 
 for three years ; and the third, an officer of the Engineer Corps 
 of the army, detailed by the President alone. These com- 
 missioners appoint all minor officials, and submit each year 
 a detailed estimate of the District's expenses to the Secretary 
 of the Treasury. When this estimate has been approved by 
 Congress, one-half of the amount called for is paid out of 
 the national treasury, the rest is assessed on the taxable 
 property in the District. This method of government is not 
 in accordance with American ideas, for it is a denial of the 
 right of self-government; but like the control over Territories, 
 it must be regarded as an exception arising out of necessity. 
 Without the power of exclusive control over the seat of gov- 
 ernment Congress could not be assured of its freedom. Dur- 
 ing a very short period, from 1871 to 1874, the District had a 
 local self-government, resembling that of a Territory.'" But 
 the right of Congress thus to delegate the general legislative 
 authority conferred on it by the Constitution is very doubtful. 
 
 Lands Purchased for Forts, etc. — The power of the United 
 States to exercise authority over all places purchased by the 
 consent of the State legislatures for certain needful purposes 
 is exclusive." It follows therefore that the inhabitants of such 
 places cease, by operation of law, to be citizens of the State 
 from which the land was purchased, and can exercise no civil 
 or political rights under the State. Federal laws there are 
 supreme. Not even crimes committed there are punishable 
 under State laws, but always under Federal statutes." 
 
 The right to acquire property is, however, naturally incident 
 to sovereignty and cannot be made to depend on the good will 
 of State legislatures.'* The United States as a sovereign power 
 can therefore acquire land for needful purposes with or with- 
 
 " 16 Stat, at Large, 419; 18 Stat, at Large, 116, 
 "United States v. Cornell, 2 Mason (U. S. Cir. Ct.), 60. 
 
 " Kelly V. United States, 27 Fed. Rep., 616. 
 '• Prin. Const. Law, Cooley, 104, Note 4.
 
 The Powers of Coxgress 133 
 
 out legislative consent. It may take without such consent 
 through the process of condemnation known as eminent do- 
 Tiiain (see p. 262) ; or it may claim title on the ground of 
 original proprietorship. But over places thus acquired Con- 
 gress may not exercise exclusive control : State authority is not 
 ousted, provided the exercise of it is not inconsistent with the 
 public purposes for which the land was acquired." Further- 
 more, a State may cede land to the United States, and in so 
 doing make any reasonable restrictions or conditions. If, for 
 example, a State reserves the right to serve legal papers within 
 such ceded territory, or to tax private property therein, the 
 acceptance of the grant by the United States will imply con- 
 sent to such reservations.*" 
 
 Section 8, Clause 18. — To make all laws which shall be 
 necessary and proper for carrying into execution the fore- 
 going powers, and all other powers vested by this Con- 
 stitution in the Government of the United States, or in 
 any department or officer thereof. 
 
 Implied Powers. — This clause merely declares what would 
 be otherwise necessarily implied. The common maxim that 
 the end justifies the means applies with force to the Constitu- 
 tion, for wherever that instrument gives to Congress a general 
 power to act, the particular powers necessary for the perform- 
 ance of the act are included by implication. \Yhy then was 
 this clause inserted in the Constitution? Presumably it was 
 to remove uncertainty, and to avoid any doubt which inge- 
 nuity, jealousy or specious reasoning might raise on the 
 subject. 
 
 The framers of the Constitution might have done several 
 
 "People V. Godfrey, 17 Johns. (N. Y.), 225. Ft. Leavenworth v. 
 Lowe, 114 U. S., 525. 
 
 Tt. Leavenworth R. R. Co. v. Lowe, 114 U. S., 525; 16 Opinions 
 of Attorney-General, 592.
 
 134 Constitutional Law 
 
 other things. They might have made the Constitution an 
 instrument of express powers only, prohibiting Congress from 
 doing everything not expressly mentioned — in which case the 
 Constitution could be so strictly construed as to disarm it of 
 all real authority. They might have attempted an enumera- 
 tion of all the powers that Congress would be likely to find 
 use for — a quite impossible task. Lastly, they might have 
 omitted Clause 18 altogether— in which event, if we would 
 have the Constitution anything but a splendid nullity, all the 
 auxiliary powers, as aforesaid, would have followed by neces- 
 sary implication. Eather, they chose first to enumerate cer- 
 tain general powers of Congress, and to conclude with the 
 broad and sweeping statement expressed in the present clause; 
 the obvious import of which is that Congress shall have all the 
 incidental and instrumental powers, necessary and proper to 
 carry into effect all those powers specifically mentioned. 
 
 " Necessary and Proper." — These rather general terms have 
 been judicially determined to mean appropriate and fitting, 
 rather than absolutely needful and requisite, for the purport 
 of the clause is to enlarge, not to diminish, the powers of the 
 government." Whenever a question comes up respecting the 
 constitutionality of a power exercised by Congress, a power not 
 expressly granted, the query arises. Is it properly incident 
 to an express power, and reasonably necessary to its execution? 
 In other words, is it consistent with the spirit of the Constitu- 
 tion? If so, and not among those acts which are expressly 
 forbidden (Article 1, Section 9), it is constitutional; if it is 
 not, then Congress has no authority to act. 
 
 A vast number of legislative acts illustrate this doctrine of 
 incidental powers. The enumerated powers of Congress are 
 but few; yet upon what thousands of things has not that 
 body legislated, for which the Constitution gives no express 
 authority ? Under the power to regulate commerce Congress 
 
 "McCulloch V. Maryland, 4 Wheat., 413.
 
 The Powers of Congress 135 
 
 provided for the exclusion of Chinese lahorers," and in 1807 
 ])ractieally destroyed xVniorican commerce by the unwise Em- 
 bargo Act. Although the Constitution nowhere expressly gives 
 Congress the right to exclude anybody from the country, or to 
 annihilate commerce, these acts were justified as reasonable 
 and appropriate means of regulating commerce. The Con- 
 stitution does not grant to Congress the right to acquire 
 territory out of the limits of the United States; yet Congress 
 has so done (Louisiana, Alaska, etc), and the acquisitions 
 have been justified on the ground that to grow and expand 
 is properly incident to sovereignty, and reasonably necessary 
 to the common defense and general welfare. The Constitution 
 gives no direct authority for the establishment of national 
 banks, or to make paper money legal tender ; but Congress has 
 done both as reasonable means of carrying on the fiscal opera- 
 tions of the government, for which authority is given. It 
 might be possible to fill volumes with illustrations of acts 
 done under the implied authority of the Constitution, but 
 these conspicuous examples are sufficient. One, however, who 
 wishes a fuller discussion of this doctrine of implied powers, 
 will find it in the great case of McCulloch v. Md., 4 Wheaton's 
 Eeports, 413. This case settled forever the question of power 
 by implication, and presents the most exhaustive treatment of 
 it on record. The opinion in that famous case was written by 
 Chief Justice John Marshall in 1819. It was owing to the 
 broad and liberal interpretations of that remarkable jurist 
 that the Constitution early came to be regarded as an elastic 
 instrument, rather than the rigid, unyielding document that 
 a strict constructionist might have made of it. 
 
 "The Chinese Exclusion Cases, 130 U. S., 581; 149 U. S., 698.
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 LIMITATIONS ON COXGRESS AND THE STATES 
 Article 1, Sections 9-10
 
 LIMITATIONS ON CONGEESS 
 
 Article 1 
 
 Section 9, Clause 1. — The migration or importation of 
 such persons as any of the States now existing shall think 
 proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress 
 prior to the, year one thousand eight hundred and eight, 
 but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, 
 not exceeding ten dollars for each person. 
 
 We have enumerated and discussed to some extent the 
 powers of Congress. We have seen that the Constitution has 
 expressly granted to Congress some rather general powers, 
 and that the grant of those powers necessarily implies the 
 right to exercise other powers. It is plain therefore that Con- 
 gress may legitimately exercise any power expressly granted 
 to it, or any power necessarily implied by such grant — except 
 in respect to those things which the Constitution expressly 
 prohibits to Congress. What tliese express limitations are 
 forms the subject of the present chapter. 
 
 The Slave Trade. — Section 9, Clause 1, when written, had 
 direct reference to the slave trade. Among the members of 
 the Constitutional Convention there was a disposition to end 
 the trade at once; but opposition among the Southern dele- 
 gates was strong, and the States of South Carolina and 
 Georgia even made the limitation in the present clause a con- 
 dition precedent to their joining the Union. Section 9, Clause 
 1, therefore, is in the nature of a compromise. The limitation 
 here is purely congressional, obviously leaving to the States 
 for a short period the right to prohibit the trade or not as they 
 chose. It is a noteworthy fact that Massachusetts had already 
 prohibited slavery, and before the limitation on Congress had
 
 140 Constitutional Law 
 
 expired several more had done likewise. Twenty years after 
 the adoption of the Constitution Congress exercised its power 
 to abolish the traffic in slaves, by passing a prohibitory act, 
 March 2, 1807, to take effect on January 1, 1808. With the 
 passage of that act the restrictive part of the clause under dis- 
 cussion became once and for all a dead letter in the Constitu- 
 tion. Except for this restriction, Congress, at any time after 
 the adoption of the Constitution, might have abolished the 
 slave trade as a reasonable regulation of commerce. It is 
 curious to note, in passing, that, although there are several 
 allusions to slavery in the Constitution, neither the word slave 
 nor slave trade is mentioned in the original instrument.* The 
 words slavery and slave do occur in the 13th and 14th Amend- 
 ments respectively. 
 
 The words migration and importation, as used in this clause, 
 have slightly different applications. The first applies to 
 voluntary comers, the latter to involuntary comers. It was 
 held in the case of Gibbons v. Ogden, 9 Wheaton, 206, that the 
 power to regulate commerce applied equally to vessels engaged 
 in transporting men who pass voluntarily from place to place, 
 and those engaged in transporting men who pass involuntarily. 
 Neither migration nor importation could be prohibited prior 
 to 1808. The right to levy a tax of ten dollars on the importa- 
 tion of persons has never been exercised.* 
 
 Section 9, Clause 2. — The privilege of the writ of habeas 
 corpus shall not be suspended, unless when In cases of 
 rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it. 
 
 The Writ of Habeas Corpus. — The writ of habeas corpus is 
 a written order issued by a court directing that a person in 
 
 'Constitution, 4, 2, 3; 1, 2, 3. 
 
 * The masters of immigrant ships are required to pay a tax of 
 $4.00 per head for every immigrant brought into the United States. 
 34 Stat, at Large, 898; see p. 99.
 
 Limitations on Congress 141 
 
 confinement be brought before it that the legality of the con- 
 finement may be determined. The name comes from the 
 phraseology of the ancient form of the writ, the words habeas 
 corpus meaning " you may have the body." The writ is never 
 issued except on petition, eitlier by the person in confinement, 
 or by some one acting for him. The petition, which should be 
 in writing and verified by affidavit, presents the facts in the 
 case, to wit: In whose custody the prisoner is detained and 
 by what authority, if any ; and ends with a prayer for an im- 
 mediate hearing. The paper is served by the court's executive 
 officer: in the State courts, by the sheriff; in the United States 
 courts, by the marshal. The person to whom the writ is 
 directed must without delay produce the body of the prisoner 
 before the court and shew cause why the prisoner is held in 
 restraint; or if unable to produce the body, show cause for that 
 also. It is a sufficient return of the writ to show that the 
 prisoner is detained by superior authority. In order that the 
 writ may be always efficacious, no judge having jurisdiction 
 may legally refuse to listen to the petition. If on the appear- 
 ance of the body, and a recital of the evidence, the judge finds 
 that the person is held without sufficient cause, he must order 
 immediate release. In this connection it is well to bear in 
 mind two things: first, that the writ of habeas corpus is a 
 writ of right, but it is not a writ of course : for, although any- 
 one in confinement may demand it, the judge is not bound to 
 grant it except for cause shown; second, that the writ does 
 not bring about a final determination of one's guilt or inno- 
 cence, but merely compels an immediate hearing on the ques- 
 tion of the legality of one's confinement. Before the writ 
 came into general use in England men were thrown into prison 
 on trumped up charges, there left to languish for months, and 
 even years, having no power to compel an immediate hearing 
 of their cases. This is hardly possible now. 
 
 The word confinement herein used includes not only cases
 
 142 Constitutional Law 
 
 of actual imprisonment, but the exercise of any illegal 
 authority by one person over another. Thus the writ may be 
 employed by a parent to obtain possession of a child, or by a 
 guardian for the possession of his ward. It is also used to 
 secure the freedom of a sane person unjustly held in an asylum 
 under color of insanity. 
 
 This great bulwark against oppression and tyranny is one of 
 the oldest writs known. Its origin is lost in the mists of 
 antiquity. Its beneficent principles are to be found in the 
 Pandects of Justinian, and traces of the modern writ are in 
 the Year Book of Edward III. The individual right to sue out 
 the writ is recognized by the courts of every State in the 
 Union, and most, if not all, the State constitutions secure the 
 right by provisions similar to that in the Federal Constitu- 
 tion. Exigencies may arise, however, when the suspension of 
 all habeas corpus privilege may be expedient; but such action 
 is so conducive to oppression that it cannot be taken except 
 when the safety of the general public demands rigorous 
 measures. 
 
 The Power to Suspend. — In England, Parliament alone may 
 suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus. In the 
 United States, similarly, the power to suspend rests in Con- 
 gress.' A limited power to suspend, it is held, may be exer- 
 cised by others than Congress : first, by State legislatures, when 
 the power is not wholly forbidden by the State constitutions; 
 second, by military chiefs in decilaring martial law, for that 
 is a practical bar to all civil process. This is not of course an 
 actual suspending of the writ, as contemplated by the Con- 
 stitution, but in effect it amounts to the same thing. A 
 prisoner of war, therefore, or a person held under the law 
 martial, or whose offense is properly cognizable before a court- 
 martial, is not subject to the writ of habeas corpus* No State 
 
 * Ex parte Merryman, 9 Am. Law. Register, 524. 
 
 * Johnson v. Sayre, 158 U. S., 109.
 
 Limitations on Congress 143 
 
 legislature has as yet suspended the privilege of the writ, 
 except that of Massachusetts, which at the time of Shays's 
 Rebellion, 1786, suspended it for eight months. Congress, by 
 act of March 3, 1863 (12 Stat, at Large, 755), authorized 
 President Lincoln to suspend the privilege of the writ in any 
 part of the United States, whenever in his judgment it was 
 necessary. The previous act of the President, April 27, 1861, 
 in suspending the writ on his own authority was probably 
 unconstitutional." 
 
 Federal v. State Authority. — Practically any judge of any 
 court of record, whether State or Federal, may issue the writ 
 of habeas corpus. As a general principle, each of these powers. 
 State and Federal, is supreme within its respective sphere of 
 action, and neither may interfere with the enactments of the 
 other, or intrude within its jurisdiction; but where there 
 occurs a conflict of authority the national government is 
 supreme, until the matter can be settled by the Federal courts.' 
 It follows therefore that a person held in custody by the 
 authority of the United States cannot be released by habeas 
 corpiis proceedings on the part of any State court. Neither 
 may a United States judge release a person held under State 
 authority — unless perhaps to secure his presence as a witness 
 in a Federal trial. 
 
 Section 9, Clanse 3.— No bill of attainder or ex post 
 facto law shall be passed. 
 
 Bills of Attainder. — A bill of attainder is a legislative act 
 imposing punishment without judicial trial. When the pun- 
 ishment imposed is less than death the act is called a bill of 
 pains and penalties. Neither has any place in modem civili- 
 zation. The English constitution does not prohibit bills of 
 
 "3 Pol. Sc. Quart., 454; 5 Am. Law., 169. 
 
 'Ableman v. Booth, 21 How., 506. Tarble's Case, 13 Wall., 397.
 
 144: Constitutional Law 
 
 attainder, and Parliament has in its long history passed many 
 Buch acts; but it is doubtful if it ever passes another. In the 
 United States, immediately after the Eevolution, so strong 
 "vras the feeling against English sympathizers, that many State 
 legislatures passed acts in the nature of pains and penalties, 
 depriving certain royalists of their property holdings, and 
 thereby aroused much bitter feeling. The Constitution wisely 
 prohibits both Congress and the States from passing bills of 
 attainder, or anything in the likeness of them. Accordingly, 
 the test oath law, passed by Congress at the close of the Civil 
 War, which required all attorneys practicing before the United 
 States courts to swear that they had never taken up arms 
 against the government of the United States, was declared 
 unconstitutional, for it was in effect a bill that imposed pun- 
 ishment on certain persons, without giving them opportunity 
 for defense.^ On similar grounds, that part of the constitution 
 of Missouri, which required an expurgatory oath of all priests, 
 teachers, and others, was held to be void.* These decisions, 
 it is fair to say, were given by the Supreme Court at a time of 
 high sectional feeling, and the minority Judges rendered a 
 strong dissenting opinion in each case. No sane person doubts, 
 however, that such legislative enactments, although not 
 literally bills of attainder, are so much like them in general 
 effect, that the country is better off without than with them. 
 
 Ex Post Facto Laws. — These, like bills of attainder, are a 
 part of the machinery of tyrants, and so contrary to the spirit 
 of American institutions? that they could not be tolerated in 
 the United States, even if not expressly forbidden. The term 
 ex post facto means literally " after the deed." An ex post 
 facto law therefore is a law which makes an act criminal which 
 was not so when committed; or which increases the punish- 
 
 'Ex parte Garland, 4 Wallace, 333. 
 ■ Cummings v. State, 4 Wallace, 277.
 
 Limitations on Congress 145 
 
 ment after the deed ; or which so modifies the rules of evidence 
 after the deed as to render conviction easier.' The term is of 
 limited application, for it applies only to criminal, not to civil, 
 proceedings. Such a law is retroactive, or retrospective; 
 but all retroactive laws, although they may be against public 
 policy and unjust, are not ex post facto, but only such laws 
 as relate to crime. Neither Congress nor the States are for- 
 bidden to enact retroactive legislation, but both are forbidden 
 to pass laws that are ex post facto. 
 
 In exception to the foregoing it should be said that retro- 
 active laws that impose no hardship cannot be considered ex 
 post facto. Thus legislation that mitigates the punishment 
 after the deed is not to be condemned on this ground"; nor 
 acts that effect merely technical changes in the procedure in 
 criminal cases, not affecting the substantial rights of the 
 accused " ; or that allow a previous conviction to work a greater 
 punishment of the crime in question " ; or that allow accused 
 persons to be extradited for acts done before a certain law or 
 treaty is established." 
 
 Section 9, Clause 4. — No capitation or other direct tax 
 shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumer- 
 ation hereinbefore directed to be taken. 
 
 Capitation Taxes. — A capitation tax is a poll tax : that is, a 
 tax levied on the person. The necessary implication of this 
 clause is that there are other direct taxes besides poll taxes, 
 but what they are is left for the government to determine. It 
 is interesting to note, however, that the only direct tax men- 
 tioned in the Constitution, the capitation tax, Congress has 
 
 » Thompson v. Utah, 170 U. S., 343. 
 
 '" Ratzky v. People, 29 N. Y., 124. 
 
 " Duncan v. Mo., 152 U. S., 377; Gibson v. Miss., 162 U. S., 565. 
 
 "Rand v. Commonwealth, 9 Grattan (Va.), 738. 
 
 >* In re Giacomo, 12 Blatch., 391. 
 
 10
 
 146 CONSTITUTIONxi.L LaW 
 
 never yet levied, although certain States have at various times 
 done so. 
 
 The reason for thus restricting the levy of direct taxes is 
 largely historical. It was not to render taxation of this kind 
 impossible, or even more than ordinarily difficult, but to main- 
 tain some sort of equilibrium between representation in Con- 
 gress and direct taxation — a matter already discussed in con- 
 nection with Clause 3, Section 2, Article 1, of the Constitution. 
 But slavery has long since disappeared from the United States, 
 and there now seems to be no sufficient reason for perpetuating 
 this requirement in the levy of direct taxes. To levy taxes ac- 
 cording to the census in the several States has been found to 
 be both inconvenient and difficult, but as a change in this 
 respect would require a constitutional amendment, it is not 
 likely to be soon brought about. It may be said, however, that 
 of all taxes, direct taxes are the least popular. Hence, the 
 difficulties attending the levy are not without a beneficent 
 aspect : in a measure they are a guaranty that direct taxes will 
 be levied only in times of great necessity. 
 
 Section 9, Clause 5. — No tax or duty shall be laid on 
 articles exported from any State. 
 
 Export Taxes. — This clause has immediate reference to Con- 
 gress; a later clause imposes a like restriction on the States 
 (Article 1, Section 10, Clause 2). To exempt articles of ex- 
 port from taxation does in a measure foster home production 
 and the export trade, but whether it was wise to incorporate 
 such exemption in the Constitution and make it eternal and 
 absolute is certainly open to question. It is worthy of note 
 that in the Constitutional Convention such influential men as 
 Washington and Madison strongly advocated the power to tax 
 exports as well as imports:. 
 
 In connection with this clause one must distinguish between 
 an export tax levied as such, and from which revenue is de-
 
 LniiTATioNS ON Congress 147 
 
 rived, and a tax in the form of an excise on articles of domestic 
 growth or manufacture, which may be designed for the export 
 trade. Where articles intended for export are required to 
 bear a stamp, for which a nominal fee is paid, to show their 
 purity or genuineness, such requirement is not an export tax." 
 But such a stamp required for purposes of revenue comes 
 within the prohibition as a tax on exports." 
 
 Section 9, Clause 6. — No preference shall be given by any 
 regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one 
 State over those of another; nor shall vessels bound to or 
 from one State be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in 
 another. 
 
 Commercial Preferences. — It will be remembered that com- 
 mercial irregularities led to the Annapolis Convention, which 
 in turn led to the Convention that framed the Constitution. 
 It was the aim of this Convention to correct these troubles, and 
 to make sure that in commercial matters, at least, the govern- 
 ment should treat the States with absolute equality. Tn their 
 zeal the members were led into repetition, for the present 
 clause but reiterates what is already expressed in Section 8, 
 Clause 1, that all duties shall be equal. But it further in- 
 sures the equality of the States by saying that in no possible 
 manner shall matters of commerce and revenue ever be so 
 regulated by Congress as to result in the exaltation of the 
 ports of one State over those of another. 
 
 Entering and Clearing. — ^The prohibition expressed in the 
 last part of Clause 6 seems to repeat in a measure the thought 
 given in the first part : for to compel vessels bound to or from 
 one State to enter and clear from another is plainly preferring 
 the ports of one over the ports of another. Tlie restriction was 
 doubtless inspired by the harassing conditions of pre-revo- 
 
 " Pace V. Burgess, 92 U. S., 372. 
 "Almey v. California, 24 How., 169.
 
 148 Constitutional Law 
 
 lutionary days, when American vessels bound to any European 
 port were obliged to enter and clear first from a British port. 
 To-day it has lost much of its significance. 
 
 To enter a port is to report the ship to the proper official 
 and obtain permission to land or to obtain cargo. To clear is 
 to obtain from the proper officials the necessary papers for 
 sailing from the port. Both of these requirements are for the 
 good of the vessel and the country to which it comes, and often 
 to the country to which it goes. The papers that a ship is 
 generally required to carry as evidence of her character, quality 
 and good intentions are: certificate of registry, sea letter or 
 passport, crew list, log book, charter party — if under affreight- 
 ment — invoice, and bill of lading. The list varies somewhat 
 with different nations, but the want of the requisite papers, 
 or any of them, gives a vessel a suspicious character. A vessel, 
 however, that has gone through the necessary formality of 
 clearing from any port in the United States cannot, by any 
 act of Congress, or by any usurpation of sovereignty on the 
 port of any State, be compelled to clear from another before 
 reaching its destination ; nor can a vessel bound to a port of the 
 United States be compelled to enter first any special port at 
 the designation of Congress, or of any State. 
 
 Although a State may not lay imposts, or substantially 
 regulate commerce, it may make minor needful rules govern- 
 ing the shipping about its ports, even though in so doing it 
 makes restrictions not demanded at other ports. Thus a State 
 may make rules for pilotage, provided they are reasonable, 
 and require ship owners to pay small pilotage fees." But a 
 State statute requiring every shipmaster to pay a fee for every 
 steerage passenger brought by his vessel to the ports of tlie 
 State is void as an attempt to lay duties and to regulate com- 
 merce unduly." 
 
 " Cooley V. Port Wardens, 12 How., 299. 
 " The Passenger Cases, 7 How., 283.
 
 LiMITATIOXS ON CONGRESS 149 
 
 Section 9, Clause 7. — No money sliall be drawn from the 
 treasury but in consequence of appropriations made by 
 law; and a regular statement and account of the receipts 
 and expenditures of all public money shall be published 
 from time to time. 
 
 Appropriations. — This clause is a check on the Executive. 
 Congress holds the purse strings of the nation, and not a 
 penny of national funds can be paid out except in consequence 
 of Congressional appropriations. Were it otherwise, and had 
 the Chief Executive unlimited power to draw on the treasury, 
 there is no telling to what heights of despotism an ambitious 
 President might lift himself by the lavish use of money. Xot 
 even a lawful debt against the government can be paid by any 
 official until Congress has acted in the matter. In 1855 a 
 Court of Claims was established to determine the legality of 
 claims against the United States. But even the favorable 
 decision of that court does not constitute a lien on Federal 
 property," or authorize a lien on the public funds. The func- 
 tion of that tribunal is merely to determine what claims 
 against the government are legally valid, and what are not. A 
 creditor of the national government has no means of com- 
 pelling immediate payment; he must a^vait the action of 
 Congress. 
 
 It is the duty of the Treasurer of the United States to keep 
 strict account of all government expenditures and receipts, 
 and it is the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to report 
 the same annually to Congress. These financial reports are 
 usually voluminous, and form a large part of the executive 
 documents of the nation. Thus the financial operations of the 
 country are kept open and above board. The meetings and 
 discussions of Congress are for the most part public, and the 
 published reports of the Secretary of the Treasury keep the 
 people informed as to how their money is spent. 
 
 " United States v. Barney. ?> Hall's L. J., 130.
 
 150 Constitutional Law 
 
 Section 9, Clause 8. — No title of nobility shall be granted 
 by the United States; and no person holding any office of 
 profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of 
 the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or 
 title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or 
 foreign State. 
 
 Titles of Nobility. — Equality is the foundation of American 
 institutions ; to create a privileged order would enter a wedge 
 against democratic government. In Section 10 of this Article 
 of the Constitution the States likewise are forbidden to grant 
 titles of nobility. These two provisions are perhaps unneces- 
 sary, but they were deemed reasonable precautions to insure 
 democratic equality in the United States. 
 
 Presents to Officers. — In forbidding public officials to accept 
 presents from any king, prince, or foreign State, the framers 
 of the Constitution placed a check on the possibly corrupting 
 influence of European and other governments. That it is 
 possible for one government to corrupt the officials of another 
 has been evidenced too often in history to be scouted to-day. 
 Hence, the prohibition herein expressed is wise. It applies 
 to both military and civil officers. As early as 1803 an amend- 
 ment was offered in Congress to extend the restriction to 
 private citizens; but the proposed amendment was never 
 ratified. It is, however, within the power of Congress to 
 remove the prohibition, and in some instances this has been 
 done. 
 
 Section 10, Clause 1. — No State shall enter into any 
 treaty, alliance, or confederation; grant letters of marque 
 and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make 
 anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of 
 debts; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law 
 Impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of 
 nobility. 
 
 Treaties, Alliances, or Confederations. — Treaty making is 
 exercising sovereign power. When one nation forms a treaty
 
 Limitations on the States 151 
 
 with another the act is a formal recognition on the part of 
 each that the other is an independent State. It is with reason 
 therefore that the Constitution forbids to the States all acts 
 suggestive of a separate national existence. 
 
 It is not unconstitutional, however, for States to have com- 
 munication with each other as States, and to enter into agree- 
 ments, so long as such acts in no way prejudice the supremacy 
 of the United States." A phrase in Clause 3 of this Section 
 expressly allows such compacts with the consent of Congress, 
 for it is plain that there are many matters on which States may 
 agree, matters that promote more harmonious relations, etc., 
 that do not work any serious political changes or affect the 
 nation at large in any way. The consent of Congress herein 
 required may be expressly given, or it may be implied by the 
 subsequent action of Congress — as where two States agree to 
 a change in their boundary lines, and Congress afterwards 
 districts the two in accordance with this change." An attempt, 
 however, on the part of a State to deliver up a fugitive from 
 justice to a foreign State has been construed as an attempt to 
 enter into an unauthorized agreement, as a usurpation of 
 power belonging to independent sovereignty.'*' So any com- 
 pact between two States, or among several, tending to enlarge 
 the political powers of any one of them would certainly come 
 within this constitutional limitation. (See also p. 182.) 
 
 Letters of Marque and Reprisal. — To issue letters of marque 
 and reprisal is, like treaty making, the exercise of sovereign 
 power. Had tlie individual States the authority to grant such 
 letters, it would be within their power to embroil the entire 
 country in war with its certain costliness and possible disaster. 
 All war powers, great and small, are more safely vested in the 
 national legislature. Congress may, however, even delegate 
 
 "Virginia v. Tenn., 148 U. S.. 503. Wharton v. Wise, 153 U. S., 
 155. 
 "Holmes v. Jennisou, 14 Peters, 540.
 
 152 CONSTITUTIO^TAL LaW 
 
 this great power to the States; and in certain extreme cases 
 the latter may engage in defensive war without the permission 
 of Congress. (See Clause 3 of this Section.) 
 
 Coining Money. — As to the wisdom of forbidding to the 
 States the coinage of money, one has but to review the mone- 
 tary history of the States just previous to the adoption of the 
 Constitution. Then each State coined money and adopted its 
 own monetary standards. There was uniformity nowhere. It 
 is utterly impossible to have a stable system of finance in the 
 United States, unless all power over the common medium of 
 exchange is vested in one authority. 
 
 Bills of Credit. — What constitutes a State bill of credit has 
 been the subject of many legal l)attles. It has long been 
 settled, however, that any written or printed certificate, issued 
 by a State, involving the credit of the State, and appropriate 
 for circulation as money, is a bill of credit. Certain loan 
 certificates, issued by the State of Missouri in 1821, although 
 not made legal tender nor designed to circulate as money, did 
 in fact so circulate, and were therefore classed as bills of credit, 
 and the statute authorizing them was declared void.'^ Al- 
 though the Constitution is silent as to the power of Congress 
 to issue bills of credit, it expressly forbids the power to the 
 States. But what a State may not do in this respect, it seems 
 that its fiscal agents may do. Thus notes issued by a bank, 
 chartered by a State, have been declared good, and not in con- 
 flict with this prohibition.''^ But since the imposition of the 
 Federal tax of 10 per cent on the notes of State banks, these 
 institutions have no longer found it profitable to issue such 
 paper. On the other hand, State certificates of stock and State 
 bonds are not bills of credit, for they do not circulate as money. 
 To prohibit their issuance on such grounds would be to deprive 
 the States of power to borrow money. 
 
 ^ Craig V. State of Mc, 4 Peters, 410. 
 
 ^Briscoe v. Bank of Ky., 11 Peters, 257. Darrington v. Bank of 
 Ala., 13 How.. 12.
 
 Limitations on the States 153 
 
 Legal Tender. — The restriction in respect to legal tender, as 
 well as the two limitations preceding, was the result of an 
 effort on the part of the f ramers of the Constitution to secure 
 a uniform standard for all commercial transactions. Without 
 this restriction a State might declare any convenient medium 
 of exchange legal tender, witli the result that there might be 
 as many different ways of satisfying a debt as the minds of 
 different legislators could conceive. But this is not the worst. 
 It is not to be supposed that all State legislatures would agree 
 upon the same legal tender, and if they did not, the result 
 would be financial chaos. Coining money, emitting bills of 
 credit, and creating legal tender — these are serious acts, and 
 the power to perform them can better be lodged in one 
 authority than in many. 
 
 Bills of Attainder, etc. — This restriction requires little 
 comment. It would be obviously absurd to allow States, even 
 by implication, to exercise powers that are forbidden to the 
 general government. 
 
 Contracts. — A contract is an agreement between two or 
 more parties. It may be express, as where the terms are 
 openly avowed ; or implied, as where common reason, or justice, 
 supplies the terms from the nature of the transaction, or from 
 the acts of the parties — for it is an axiom of the law that every 
 man intends the natural consequences of his acts. A contract 
 may also be executory, as where one binds himself to do, or 
 not to do, something in the future ; or executed, as where the 
 terms of the agreement have been performed. A mutual con- 
 tract may thus be executed by one party, and remain executory 
 as to the other. The word contract, as used in this clause of 
 the Constitution, inc^ludcs all four kinds.'* 
 
 The Obligation of Contracts. — The obligation of contracts 
 is tlieir enforcibility, or that })0wer of the law, read into 
 every vvalid contract, which may be called into action to compel 
 
 ^ Holmes v. Holmes, 4 Barber, 295.
 
 154 Constitutional Law 
 
 the keeping of the terms of the agreement. To illustrate : If 
 A promises to pay B one hundred dollars in return for work 
 performed, this mutual agreement is an express, executory 
 contract. If after the work is performed A refuses to pay B, 
 the latter can enforce his legal right against A. If B per- 
 forms: work for A at the instance of the latter, and nothing is 
 said about the price, A is under an implied contract to pay B 
 a reasonable sum; and the obligation of that contract is as 
 good as the other. But if, meanwhile, by a change in the 
 municipal law, A is somehow released from his contract to 
 pay B, or the latter is deprived of his right of action against A, 
 the obligation of the contract is said to be impaired. It was to 
 prevent State legislatures from thus interfering with the 
 vested contract rights of its citizens, either wilfully or other- 
 wise, that the present clause was inserted in the Constitution. 
 To impair the obligation of contracts, however, a law must, 
 like an ex post facto law, be passed subsequent to the contract, 
 States have full power to enact laws regulating future con- 
 tracts among their citizens. 
 
 What Impairs a Contract. — Any law that enlarges, abridges, 
 or changes the intentions of the contracting parties impairs 
 the obligation of the contract; and the degree of such change 
 is not important. Any law which imposes conditions not be- 
 fore expressed or understood, or which does away with those 
 that are expressed, impairs the obligation. Likewise, a law 
 which makes a contract invalid, which was valid when made, or 
 which releases either party, impairs the obligations.** On the 
 other hand, a law that reasonably limits the rights of either 
 party to enforce the contract, or that extinguishes some remedy, 
 does not impair the obligation, provided some substantial 
 remedy is still left. Thus statutes of limitation and laws that 
 discharge debtors from prison, or that forbid their incarcera- 
 tion, are valid. They are sensible limitations, and do not 
 deprive the creditor of his substantial remedies. 
 
 •* Sturgls V. Crowningshield, 4 Wheat., 197.
 
 Limitations ox tiie States 155 
 
 Charters. — A charter, as understood in municipal law, is a 
 legislative document creating a corporation. Charters may be 
 either public or private. They are public if granted to public 
 corporations, such as a city or township; they are private if 
 granted to private corporations, such as a private bank or a 
 bridge company. A private charter is a contract in the mean- 
 ing of the Constitution " ; a public charter is not. The reason 
 for this distinction is not hard to understand. A private 
 charter is a grant of privileges, under which multifarious 
 private rights become vested ; a public charter is practically a 
 statute enacted for the public good. Municipal corporations 
 are created as necessary conveniencies in government. They 
 are parts of the governing power of the State, and hence their 
 powers and privileges are subject to legislative modification 
 and recall. 
 
 Exceptions. — There are some exceptions to the general 
 principles stated above. If a charter contains a clause reserv- 
 ing to the State legislature the right of repeal, or modification, 
 that right remains. To repeal or to modify is then in accord- 
 ance with the charter itself. The same is true if the State 
 constitution provides that all charters shall be subject to legis- 
 lative control." Furthermore, all charters are subject to the 
 superior right of the State to exercise the power of eminent 
 domain," and to the restraints of the State's police power," 
 and all other reasonable regulations imposed by State 
 authority. There is no reason why contract rights should be 
 any better off in these respects than any other property within 
 the State. It should ever be borne in mind that the welfare of 
 
 ** Dartmouth College v. Woodward, 4 Wheat., 518. 
 
 =' Murray v. Charleston, 96 U. S., 432. Railroad Co. v. Georgia, 
 98 U. S., 359. 
 
 " Const. Limitations, Cooley, 6 Ed. 339. West River Bridge Co., 
 V. Dix, 6 How., 507. 
 
 "-" U. S. V. Dewitt, 9 Wall., 41.
 
 156 COXSTITUTIOXAL LaW 
 
 the people is of supreme importance, and that while a State 
 may irrevocably bind itself by contracts with persons, or cor- 
 porations, or with other States, it cannot do so to the serious 
 detriment of its people, or at a loss of any of the essential 
 powers of sovereignty. In the exercise of its police power, a 
 State may lawfully modify or annul many of its agreements 
 having contractural elements in them, when such action re- 
 sults in moral or physical good to the people. Thus no license 
 laws are valid, even though they deprive some individuals of 
 the right to manufacture and sell liquor; and railroad com- 
 panies may be compelled to fence in their tracks, or to slow 
 down their trains at exposed places. Such regulations are 
 reasonable precautions for the public safety. 
 
 Grants. — There is no discrimination between public and 
 private grants, as with charters ; each is irrevocable when com- 
 pleted. A grant extinguishes the right of the grantor, and im- 
 plies a promise on his part not to reassert it. In this respect 
 a State has no greater power than its humblest citizens. A 
 grant is an executed contract, and as such is not to be impaired 
 by future legislation. Thus when a State makes a grant of 
 land to an individual, or to a corporation, the grant cannot be 
 repealed or modified by any succeeding legislature. In 1758 
 the Colonial legislature of New Jersey authorized the purchase 
 of a tract of land within the State for the use of the Delaware 
 Indians, and exempted the land from taxation. In 1803, the 
 Indians having all died, the land was sold by legislative 
 authority to private persons, and in 1804 the legislature re- 
 pealed the law of 1758 exempting the land from taxation. It 
 was decided, however, that the act of 1758 was in the nature 
 of a contract and irrepealable, and the act of 1804 was there- 
 fore unconstitutional.'"' This case established the constitu- 
 tional principles that a State cannot annul a conveyance, 
 when once made, or repudiate an exemption when once created. 
 
 * N. J. V. Wilson, 7 Cranch., 164.
 
 Ll^[lTATIONS OX THE STATES 157 
 
 A State may therefore exempt parties or lands from taxation, 
 and if the terms of the exemption are clear, and the exemption 
 is not made as a mere favor, it becomes irrevocable.'" 
 
 Public Offices. — An office holder gets his position either by 
 election or by appointment. While a State or municipality 
 is' always under an implied contract to pay for services 
 rendered in office, the office itself is not such a contract as may 
 not be impaired by subsequent legislation. A public office may 
 be modified or abolished at any time, unless some constitu- 
 tional provision expressly prohibits such change. 
 
 Special Privileges. — Generally speaking, all special privi- 
 leges obtained under the general law of the State, such as 
 licenses to carry on a business not open to the general public, 
 or exemptions from military or jury duty, or exemptions of 
 property from taxation, may be taken away by subsequent 
 legislation. These are looked upon as special favors, and arc 
 not contracts within the prohibition of the Constitution for- 
 bidding the impairment of contracts." The case of Stone v. 
 Miss., which is in point, was as follows : 
 
 " In 1867 the legislature of Mississippi granted permission 
 to a certain lottery company to carry on its business for twenty- 
 five years. In 1867, however, the State amended its Constitu- 
 tion by a clause forbidding lottery companies to do business 
 within the State. Stone, for conducting the lottery organized 
 under the Act of 1867, was sued by the attorney-general of 
 Mississippi. He maintained in defense that the amendment 
 under which he was sued was unconstitutional in so far as it 
 applied to him. The court, distinguishing between a charter 
 and a mere license to enjoy privileges for a time, held that — 
 
 " 1. While a private charter is irrevocable, a license may be 
 revoked at any time. 
 
 " 2. Lotteries are public evils, and no legislature can for- 
 
 »" New Orleans v. Houston, 119 U. S., 265. 
 
 "" Stone V. Miss., 101 U. S., 814. Fell v. State, 42 Md., 71.
 
 158 Constitutional Law 
 
 ever defeat the will of the people in respect to such business by 
 granting an irrevocable charter. 
 
 "3. Under the so-called police power a State may depart 
 from the strict letter of the constitution where such departure 
 is reasonable and for the general good of the people." 
 
 Titles of Nobility. — The Federalist, No. 84, has the follow- 
 ing to say regarding this restriction : " Nothing need be said 
 to illustrate the importance of the prohibition of titles of 
 nobility. This may truly be denominated the corner-stone 
 of republican government; for so long as they are excluded, 
 there can never be serious danger that the government will 
 be any other than that of the people." 
 
 Section 10, Clause 2. — No State shall, without the consent 
 of the Congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports 
 or exports except what may be absolutely necessary for 
 executing its inspection laws: and the net produce of all 
 duties and imposts, laid by any State on imports or 
 exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the United 
 States; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision 
 and control of the Congress. 
 
 •'States May Not Lay Duties. — This clause, in a general way, 
 reiterates the fact that all interstate and foreign commerce is 
 under the exclusive control of Congress : for to tax imports or 
 exports is to control commerce in a greater or less degree. The 
 framers of the Constitution determined that the commercial 
 interests of the nation would prosper better under the control 
 of one central authority than under many scattered ones. At 
 the same time they recognized the fact that the individual 
 States were entitled to some discrimination in the matter of 
 imports and exports; and, furthermore, that the restriction 
 of their right to tax articles of commerce should not interfere 
 with their inherent right to tax the property of their own 
 citizens for municipal purposes. In other words, they realized 
 the necessity of State inspection laws, and of ordinary State
 
 Limitations on the States 159 
 
 taxation; and the courts have many times distinguished be- 
 tween export or import duties, levied as such, and reasonable 
 restrictions on exports and imports imposed in the interests 
 of public health, and internal revenue taxes on goods that 
 might or might not become subjects of interstate or foreign 
 commerce. 
 
 Taxes on Exports. — Although the States are forbidden to 
 levy export taxes, they may pass various laws, in the interests 
 of public health, even if tlic result of such laws is to limit 
 the export trade. For example, a State may entirely prohibit 
 the exportation of game shot within its borders**; and it may 
 prohibit the manufacture of liquor, including liquor intended 
 wholly for the export trade.** Furthermore, since States' may 
 undoubtedly tax the property of their citizens for domestic 
 purposes, the fact that certain goods produced or manu- 
 factured within the State are designed for shipment beyond 
 the State does not exempt them from such taxation." The 
 solution in these cases, as in so many others, depends on the 
 question of reasonableness and intent. If the tax, or the 
 restriction, is reasonable, and the purpose of it is not to limit 
 trade beyond the State, it is not likely to be pronounced invalid 
 by the courts. 
 
 Inspection Laws. — These are undoubtedly restrictions on 
 commerce, but they are expressly allowed by the Constitution. 
 They provide for the examination and approval of goods in- 
 tended for export or for domestic use ; their object is to pre- 
 serve the character of the goods and to protect the community 
 against fraud. The tax, or duty, necessary for the execution 
 of such laws is in the nature of a fixed fee paid for the labor of 
 the inspection. The net proceeds of these fees, however, are 
 for the use of the treasury of the United States. Thus States 
 
 «Geer v. Conn., 161 U. S.. 519. 
 
 " Kidd V. Pearson, 128 U. S., 1. 
 
 ** Coe V. Errol, 116 U. S., 517. Pace v. Burgess, 92 U. S., 372.
 
 160 Constitutional Law 
 
 are effectually prevented from gaining a revenue from imports 
 or exports under the cover of inspection fees. 
 
 Character of Imported Goods. — The general rule is that 
 imported goods do not lose their character as imports until the 
 original package has been broken up for use or for retail by 
 the importer, or until the package has passed from his hands 
 to the hands of the purchaser. Goods in the original package, 
 or bale, while in the hands of the importer, are not subject to 
 State taxation, but become so when the package, or bale, is 
 broken up by the importer, or when the goods pass to the hands 
 of a purchaser. Goods in transit are articles of interstate 
 commerce until received at their destination. If received at 
 the ports of one State, but destined for the ports of another, 
 they are not taxable until they have arrived at their destina- 
 tion.'* It has been held in a numl)er of cases that the words 
 imports and exports, as used in this connection, refer to 
 foreign commerce only, not to commerce between the States. 
 Thus, although States may not levy an import tax on goods 
 brought in from other States, they may tax such goods as 
 property of their citizens, even in the original package." 
 
 Indirect Taxation. — For a State to tax imports or exports 
 indirectly is quite as unlawful as to tax them directly. The 
 State of Maryland once enacted a law requiring all importers 
 of foreign goods to take out a license costing fifty dollars. The 
 State of California enacted a law requiring a stamp on all bills 
 of lading for gold exported from the State. Both laws were 
 declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court: the first as 
 an indirect tax on imports '^; the second as an indirect tax on 
 exports,'* Neither could be justified as an inspection law. 
 
 '"Brown v. Maryland, 12 Wheat., 419. 
 
 "Brown v. Houston, 114 U. S., 622. Woodruff v. Parham, 8 
 Wall., 123. 
 "Brown v. Maryland, 32 Wheat., 419. 
 " Almey v. Cal., 24 How., 1G9.
 
 Limitations ox the States 161 
 
 Section 10, Clause 3. — No State shall, without the consent 
 of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops or 
 ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement 
 or compact with another State or with a foreign power, 
 or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such im- 
 minent danger as will not admit of delay. 
 
 Tonnage Dues. — Tonnage is the carrying capacity of a 
 vessel reckoned in tons. In England tonnage is the number 
 of tons burden a ship can carry; in the United States it is the 
 vessel's internal cubic capacity, reckoned in tons of 100 cubic 
 feet each,*' Since this is estimated rather generally, however, 
 the ofiicial tonnage of a vessel in the United States is' below its 
 actual capacity to carry freight." The duty of tonnage, pro- 
 hibited by this clause in the Constitution, is a charge upon a 
 vessel based on its tonnage for the privilege of entering or 
 leaving port, or of navigating certain waters. If this re- 
 striction were not in the Constitution, States might seriously 
 hamper both interstate and foreign commerce under the guise 
 of tonnage dues. Hence, any charge levied upon a vessel as 
 an instrument of commerce, or for the privilege of trading at 
 a port, is void." 
 
 A ship, however, is property, and as such may be taxed by 
 the State in which the owners reside." Furthermore, wharf- 
 age charges, or fees for the privilege of lying at wharves and 
 discharging cargo there, are not duties of tonnage, even if 
 graded according to the carrying capacity of a vessel." 
 
 Troops and Ships of War. — The word troops used in this 
 clause means "standing army," not militia. The Constitu- 
 
 ~R. S., 4150, et seq. 
 
 ** Roberts v. Opdyke, 40 N. Y., 259. 
 
 *» Steamship Co. v. "Wardens, 6 Wall, 31. Peete v. Morgan, 19 
 Wall., 581. 
 
 "Transp. Co. v. Wheeling, 99 U. S.. 273. St. v. Ferry Co., 11 
 Wall., 483. 
 
 *• Packet Co. v. Keokuk, 95 U. S., 80. 
 11
 
 162 Constitutional Law 
 
 tion recognizes the necessity and value of the States' militia; 
 in fact the 2d Amendment declares that a well regulated 
 militia is necessary to the security of a free State. But for a 
 State to maintain regular troops and vessels of war would be 
 to assume the appearance of a sovereign and independent 
 power. The general power to declare war, and to maintain 
 armies and navies, is wisely placed in the Federal govern- 
 ment. But in cases of sudden invasion, or of imminent danger 
 of such, a State may take the necessary steps for self-defense 
 without waiting for Congress to act. 
 
 Agreements and Compacts Forbidden. — It should be noticed 
 that the restrictions in the first clause of Section 10 are abso- 
 lute; those in the second and third clauses are qualified. In 
 the first all treaties, alliances and confederations among the 
 States are wholly forbidden; in the third States may enter 
 into compacts and agreements if Congress consents. What the 
 precise difference is between " treaties, alliances and con- 
 federations," and " compacts and agreements," the Constitu- 
 tion does not make clear. But the reasonable, if not probable, 
 intent of these two restrictions so different in character is, 
 on the one hand, to forbid absolutely all acts that would tend 
 to increase the power and influence of one State, or group of 
 States, at the expense of other States, or of the national gov- 
 ernment, or that would tend to clothe a State, or group of 
 States', with the dress of sovereignty; on the other hand, it is 
 not to make impossible that reasonable intercourse and mutual 
 action concerning questions of boundary and other matters of 
 common interest which should tend to promote harmony 
 among adjoining States, but which do not immediately con- 
 cern the Federal government. This matter was discussed 
 somewhat under Section 10, Clause 1, page 151, and need not 
 be further treated here. 
 
 When the consent of Congress is necessary to legalize the act 
 of a State that consent may be expressly given, or it may be
 
 Limitations ox the States 163 
 
 implied from the subsequent attitude of Congress. It is 
 implied when Congress adopts the particular act by sanction- 
 ing its objects and enforcing them. Where a State is ad- 
 mitted into the Union upon a compact between it and the 
 State of which it was formerly a part the act of admitting the 
 State is an implied consent to the compact." 
 
 Retrospect. — Here, at the end of the first Article to the 
 Constitution, it is well for the student to reflect a little upon 
 what he has read. It was the task of the makers of the Con- 
 stitution to set up a strong central government without making 
 it despotic, to bring into harmony thirteen jarring States, and 
 to make them subordinate to that government, without making 
 them subject to it. That they did the task well, later history 
 has amply shown. In the language of Chief Justice Story, 
 " We cannot but be struck with the reflection, how admirably 
 this distribution and division of legislative powers between the 
 State and the national governments are adapted to preserve 
 the liberty and promote the general happiness of the people of 
 the United States." " 
 
 "Case of the admission ol Kentucky. (See Green v. Biddle, 
 8 Wheat., 85.) 
 
 " Story's Constitutional Law, Vol. 2, 312.
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 THE EXECUTIVE POWER 
 
 Article 2, Sections 1-4
 
 THE EXECUTIVE TOWER 
 
 Article 2 
 
 Section 1, Clause 1. — The Executive power shall be vested 
 in a President of the United States of America. He shall 
 hold his office during the term of four years, and, together 
 with the Vice President, chosen for the same term, be 
 elected as follows: 
 
 Executive Power. — The Judicial and the legislative powers 
 are vested in many persons, the executive in one. Executive 
 power is directing power. Human experience has shown that 
 such power is best lodged in a single responsible hand ; that to 
 divide it is to divide responsibility and thereby open the way 
 to dissension, feebleness, and probable failure. One defect 
 of Rome as a republic was that it had too many executives; 
 the great trouble with the Articles of Confederation was that 
 they provided for no executive, but placed all powers of govern- 
 ment in a congress of a varying size. On the other hand, laws 
 can best be made and judgments most fairly rendered by as- 
 semblies of men, for such matters require deliberation, dis- 
 cussion, and the meeting of many minds. 
 
 Executive Immunity. — It is the work of the Chief Executive 
 to see that the laws passed by Congress are faithfully carried 
 out, and in a large sense to direct the business policy of the 
 nation. In carrying out his work the President is assisted by 
 an army of minor officials, who are responsible to him or to the 
 courts for the faithful performance of their duties. But the 
 President is responsible to none. He is above the law in the 
 exercise of the functions of his office. For willful misfeasance 
 he may be impeached by Congress and removed from office, and 
 if at the end of his term he has been found weak or in any way 
 undesirable he may fail of re-election to a second term ; but in
 
 168 CoNSTiTUTioisrAL Law 
 
 no other way can he be made to suffer for acts done in the per- 
 formance of official duty. He cannot be controlled by the 
 judiciary by mandamus proceedings/ by injunction/ or by 
 any other means." Executive officers of lesser rank, such as 
 heads of departments, are likewise exempt from judicial in- 
 terference in respect to acts that involve their discretion, but 
 not in respect to ministerial acts, or acts required by the law 
 to be done.* As to unofficial acts done by the President and 
 other executive officers there is no immunity. That is, for 
 unlawful acts done as private citizens they are probably as 
 amenable to the courts as are other private citizens. 
 
 Term of Office. — In the Constitutional Convention it was 
 suggested that the presidential term be limited to seven years, 
 and that there should be no re-election. Both these sugges- 
 tions failed of adoption. The office was finally limited in 
 length to four years, and no clause was inserted in the Consti- 
 tution forbidding a re-election. Under the law there is no 
 limit to the number of presidential terms to which a man may 
 be elected; but the general feeling among the people has 
 always been that third-term Presidents are not desirable. A 
 number of Presidents have, however, served two terms. 
 
 Whether one term is better than two, and whether re- 
 election should be forbidden, are perhaps idle questions to dis- 
 cuss here. On general principles it would seem that the term 
 of office of the Chief Executive should not be so long as to 
 allow a bad man in office to bring ruin on the country, or so 
 short, or the number of terms so limited, as to deprive the 
 nation prematurely of the services of a good man. 
 
 * Boynton v. Blaine, 139 U. S., 306. 
 
 » New Orleans v. Paine, 147 U. S., 261. Miss. v. Johnson, 4 Wall., 
 475. 
 ' Spaulding v. Vilas, 161 U. S., 483. 
 
 • Kendall v. U. S., 12 Peters, 524.
 
 The Executive Power 169 
 
 Section 1, Clause 2. — Each State shall appoint in such 
 manner as the legislature thereof may direct, a number 
 of electors equal to the whole number o£ Senators and 
 Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the 
 Congress; but no Senator or Representative, or person 
 holding an office of trust or profit under the United States, 
 shall be appointed an elector. 
 
 Presidential Electors. — Historically this clause is a remark- 
 able illustration of how a part of a written constitution may 
 be changed in its obvious purpose without repealing a word 
 or blotting a line. By it the framers of the Constitution evi- 
 dently meant to do two things: to take the election of the 
 President out of the hands of the people, and to place it above 
 popular clamor and party prejudice. They failed largely in 
 both. That the President should not be chosen by the people 
 they placed his election in the hands of a few electors to be 
 appointed by the States in such manner as the legislatures 
 thereof should direct. Uniformity was not required, and for 
 many years there was none. For a time the legislatures of 
 some States appointed the electors; in other? they directed 
 that the electors should be chosen by the people voting in dis- 
 tricts; in others by general ticket. Since 1872, however, all 
 the States have chosen their electors by the last method. That 
 is, in every State at presidential elections the people vote for 
 the electors, who in turn vote for the President. Thus, in- 
 directly at least, the people vote for the Chief Executive. That 
 tlie appointment of electors has failed to remove the election 
 of the President from popular clamor and party prejudice is 
 obvious to the most indifferent student of politics. It may be 
 that the first two or three bodies of electors chosen cast their 
 ballots quite independent of parties. But the machinery of 
 politics has since grown with the development of the country, 
 and the high purpose and significance of the electoral body 
 have become quite lost. Presidential electors to-day, instead 
 of being free from party politics, are bound entirely by them.
 
 170 Constitutional Law 
 
 An independent elector is unknown. Eepublican electors cast 
 their ballots for the Republican nominee, Democratic electors 
 cast theirs for the Democratic nominee. Thus, although the 
 people actually vote for the presidential electors — for their 
 names appear on the official ballots, practically they vote for 
 the President, since the election of a majority of Eepublican 
 electors means the election of a Eepublican President, and vice 
 versa. As soon therefore as the electors have been voted in, 
 it is known who is to be the next President ; and the act of the 
 electors in casting their ballots later, though a solemn func- 
 tion, has come to be an empty form." 
 
 The letter of this clause of the Constitution has thus been 
 kept, but its purpose evaded. It is better so, for there is little 
 reason why, in a republic, the President should not represent 
 as nearly as possible the choice of the people. On general 
 principles it is better to interpret a constitution literally 
 rather than figuratively ; strictly rather than loosely. But the 
 electoral system, as made imperative by the Constitution, is 
 at best awkward. It is complex in operation, and it sometimes 
 fails to register the wish of a majority of the people, even as at 
 present developed, for the candidate receiving the most 
 electoral votes is not always the choice of the majority of the 
 people. 
 
 A simple hypothetical case will show how this is possible. 
 Suppose five States only are concerned in the election of a 
 President. Suppose four of these States control three electoral 
 votes each, and the other State ten. The four small States may 
 go Democratic by the slight plurality of 1000 each; the large 
 State may go Eepublican by a large plurality of 100,000. 
 
 ° So strong is this adherence to party that the presidential vote 
 of a State may be divided, according to the political faith of the 
 electors. In Maryland, in 1909, five Democratic electors were 
 chosen and one Republican, and each cast his ballot for the candi- 
 date of the party that chose him.
 
 The Executive Power 171 
 
 What is the result? Under the electoral system the Demo- 
 cratic candidate is elected, for he receives twelve electoral votes 
 against the Eepublican's ten. Under any other system, on 
 the other hand, the Ecpublican vi^ould be elected, for his 
 plurality of 100,000 in the one State would offset the sum of 
 the small Democratic pluralities in the other four States. 
 This is somewhat the situation that developed in 1888. Mr. 
 Cleveland in that year received a plurality of 95,534 votes, 
 yet from the electors he received but 168 votes against Mr. 
 Harrison's 233. 
 
 The Electoral College. — The whole body of electors is 
 commonly known as the electoral college. Its size varies with 
 the growth of Congress, for each State is entitled to as many 
 electors as' it has national Senators and Eeprcsentatives. As 
 to the qualifications of the electors, the Constitution is nega- 
 tive rather than positive. National legislators, and Federal 
 oflBce holders, and those barred by the 14th Amendment, may 
 not be appointed electors. Anybody else may be. 
 
 AMENDMENT 12 • 
 
 The electors shall meet in their respective States, and 
 vote by ballot for President and Vice President, one of 
 whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same 
 State with themselves; they shall name in their ballots 
 the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots 
 the person voted for as Vice President, and they shall 
 make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President 
 and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the 
 number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and 
 certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the government 
 of the United States, directed to the president of the 
 Senate; the president of the Senate shall, in the presence 
 of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the 
 certificates and the votes shall then be counted; the per- 
 son having the greatest number of votes for President 
 shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the 
 
 'Adopted in 1S04.
 
 172 Constitutional Law 
 
 whole number of electors appointed; and if no person 
 have such majority, then from the persons having the 
 highest numbers not exceeding three on the list of those 
 voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall 
 choose immediately, by ballot, the President. But in 
 choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, 
 the representation from each State having one vote; a quo- 
 rum for this purpose shall consist of a member or mem- 
 bers from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all 
 the States shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House 
 of Representatives shall not choose a President whenever 
 the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the 
 fourth day of March next following, then the Vice Presi- 
 dent shall act as President, as in the case of the death or 
 other constitutional disability of the President. The per- 
 son having the greatest number of votes as Vice President 
 shall be the Vice President, If such number be a majority 
 of the whole number of electors appointed, and if no per- 
 son have a majority, then from the two highest numbers 
 on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice President; a 
 quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the 
 whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole 
 number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person con- 
 stitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be 
 eligible to that of Vice President of the United States. 
 
 Election of President. 12th Amendment.— Until 1804 the 
 President was elected by the method prescribed in the 3d 
 Clause of Section 1, Article 2. The adoption of the 12th 
 Amendment in that year made the clause a dead letter, and 
 since then the election of the President has been carried on in 
 accordance with the Amendment. The provisions of the 12th 
 Amendment are plain. The difference between it and the 
 clause which it abrogated may readily be seen by a careful 
 comparison of the two. It is not necessary to discuss this 
 difference here, but it may be worth while to draw attention 
 to certain contingencies for which the 12th Amendment makes 
 wise provision. (For the repealed clause see p 327.)
 
 The Executive Power n3 
 
 Contingencies. — 1. If no candidate receives a majority of 
 the electoral votes, the choice then devolves on the House of 
 Eepresentatives, which must decide by ballot, from those per- 
 sons on the list of candidates not exceeding; tlircc, who shall be 
 President. This duty has devolved on the House twice : once 
 before the adoption of the 12th Amendment, and once after 
 it. In 1800 Thomas Jeircrson and Aaron Burr tied for first 
 choice. The election therefore went to the House, and it 
 required 36 ballotings by that body to break the tie. This 
 dilemma was largely responsible for the adoption of the 12th 
 Amendment. The other instance occurred in 182-4 when John 
 Quincy Adams was chosen over Andrew Jackson and others. 
 
 2. If no person receives a majority of the electoral votes for 
 Vice President, the Senate must choose from the two highest 
 on the list of candidates. This has happened once : Eichard 
 M. Johnson was chosen by the Senate in 1836. That this con- 
 tingency should be settled by the Senate is peculiarly fitting, 
 for the Vice President becomes the Senate's presiding officer. 
 
 3. In case the House, when the choice of President devolves 
 upon it, fails to elect before the 4th of March next following, 
 then the Vice President becomes President, as he would 
 naturally on the latter's death or permanent disability. This 
 has never yet happened. As to what must be done should both 
 the House and the Senate fail to perform their electoral duty 
 by the 4th of ]\Iareh the Constitution does not provide. 
 
 State Influence on Elections. — In presidential elections the 
 influence of the States as separate commonwealths is strongly 
 felt. In the first place, the method of appointing electors is 
 left to the State legislatures. In the second place, although 
 the people do indirectly elect their President, they do not act 
 in so doing as a collective unit, but as segregated into their 
 local commonwealths, that is, the States. And in the third 
 place, in case the election of either President or Vice President 
 goes to the House or the Senate, the voting there is strictly by
 
 174 Constitutional Law 
 
 States, each State having one vote. In this proceeding the 
 smallest and least populous State has as much authority as the 
 largest and most populous. 
 
 In the transaction of this business a quorum in each House 
 consists of a representation from two-thirds of the States; 
 whereas in ordinary legislation a bare majority of the members 
 is sufficient, with no reference to States : and although a bill 
 may be passed by a majority vote of a quorum, the President 
 or Vice President is elected by a majority vote of all the States. 
 It requires little mathematics to show that such an important 
 thing as the election of the Chief Executive may be done when 
 left to the House by a much smaller number than is necessary 
 to transact ordinary legislation. 
 
 Presidential Nominations; Primaries. — The Constitution 
 does not even suggest how candidates for the office of Presi- 
 dent shall be chosen. The method in vogue to-day is the result 
 of expediency and convenience rather than of law. Until 1832 
 nominations were made usually by the legislatures of the 
 States ; since then they have been made by conventions of dele- 
 gates. These conventions are strictly party affairs, the several 
 political parties in the country holding their separate meetings 
 for the specific purpose of nominating candidates for the 
 presidency. To these nominating conventions each State is 
 allowed to send twice as many delegates as it has Senators and 
 Representatives in Congress. But it has so often happened 
 that a few leading spirits have been able to control the con- 
 ventions and virtually to name the person that later was to 
 become President, that many States now hold primary, or 
 preliminary, elections, in which the people are given a chance 
 to indicate their choice for President. These " presidential 
 primaries," as they are called, are not binding, they merely 
 make plain the wishes of the majority of the Republicans, or 
 of the Democrats, or of any other great party in the State, 
 respecting the men from whom their delegates in the conven-
 
 The Executive Power n5 
 
 tion are later to choose a candidate. After such preliminary 
 elections, however, the delegates are more likely to vote for the 
 man who has been the choice of the majority in their respective 
 parties than for some other who is not. Thus primary elec- 
 tions are a part of the present-day progressive movement to 
 prevent the control of elections and the dictation of candidates 
 by the few. They are but another step in the direction of the 
 popular election of Presidents; another step away from the 
 method prescribed by the Constitution. i^ 
 
 Section 1, Clause 4. — The Congress may determine the 
 time of choosing the electors, and the day on which they 
 shall give their votes; which day shall be the same 
 throughout the United States. 
 
 Election Day. — By the authority of this clause Congress has 
 passed several statutes regulating presidential elections, but 
 since 1845 the electors have been chosen on the Tuesday next 
 after the first Monday in November, of every fourth year. 
 Since 1887 the electors have been required to meet in their 
 respective States and cast their ballots on the second Monday 
 in January immediately following their election. 
 
 How the Election is Officially Determined. — By the act of 
 1887 the Governor of each State is required, as soon as possible 
 after the results of the general election are known, to make 
 out a certificate stating that there has been a proper ascertain- 
 ment of electors in his State, and giving the names of the 
 electors and the number of votes for each. He is then required 
 to transmit one copy of this election certificate to the Secretary 
 of State, and to deliver three to the State electors on or 
 before the day of their meeting, all copies to be under the seal 
 of the State. When the electors meet on the second Monday 
 in January in their respective States they are required to make 
 out and sign three certificates of all the votes given by them 
 for President and Vice President, and to enclose in each of 
 these certificates one of those received from the Governor.
 
 176 Constitutional Law 
 
 One of these certificates, with its enclosure, is then sent by 
 messenger to the President of the Senate ; another is forwarded 
 to the same person by mail; the third is deposited with the 
 judge of the district in which the electors are assembled. 
 
 On the second Wednesday in February following, at one 
 o'clock in the afternoon, both Houses of Congress are required 
 to convene in the Eepresentative chamber to hear the result 
 of the voting. The President of the Senate presides and opens 
 the certificates of election in the alphabetical order of the 
 States. Tellers previously appointed read and record the 
 votes, and when this has been done, the presiding officer an- 
 nounces the result. The names of the newly elected President 
 and Vice President, together with the list of votes, are then 
 entered on the journals of the two Houses. This proceeding 
 is very formal and quite in keeping with the dignity of the 
 high office of President; but coming as it does three months 
 after the people have voted, when everybody knows who the 
 new Executive is to be, it is not without a certain droll aspect 
 to those critics who are humorously inclined. 
 
 Double Returns. — It sometimes happens that two sets of 
 certificates of election, each purporting to be a correct return 
 of the electoral vote, are sent in from the same State.^ Where 
 voting is close it is possible for the Democratic electors to 
 
 ^The Hayes-Tilden election, in 1876, is a case in point. The 
 result of the election depended on disputed returns from several 
 States. Congress finally settled the controversy by appointing a 
 commission of fifteen members: five Senators, five Representa- 
 tives, and five Justices from the Supreme Court. As it happened, 
 the five Senators were Republican, the Representatives were 
 Democratic; two of tlie five judges were Democratic, and three 
 were Republican; and all voted on strict party lines. In each 
 case the commission decided in favor of the Republican returns 
 by the close vote of eight to seven. Hayes was accordingly elected 
 by a vote of 185 to 184. The law under which this determination 
 wag made was not intended to apply to future disputes.
 
 The Executive Power 177 
 
 believe that they are elected, when in fact the Republican 
 electors receive a slight majority instead, or vice versa, and 
 each group of electors sends in its certificate of election. To 
 meet this dilemma the act of 1887 provides that each State 
 may by law provide a method for determining the correct vote 
 of that State. If such determination is reached at least six 
 days before the meeting of the electors, it shall be final ; if 
 not, provision is made for its settlement by Congress. It has 
 been decided that such a matter, because it is political, not 
 judicial, is not within the jurisdiction of any court. 
 
 Section 1, Clause 5. — No person, except a natural-born 
 citizen, or a citizen of the United States at the time of the 
 adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the office 
 of President; neither shall any person be eligible to that 
 office who shall not have attained to the age of thirty-five 
 years, and been fourteen years a resident within the 
 United States. 
 
 Qualifications of the President. — The qualifications of 
 the President, like those of Senators and Representatives, re- 
 late to citizenship, age and residence. Naturalized citizens are 
 not now eligible to the presidency; but only citizens of native 
 birth. At the time of the adoption of the Constitution, how- 
 ever, many prominent inhabitants were of foreign birth, some 
 of whom were members of the Convention. These were ex- 
 cepted from the general rule. Whether it was wise to forever 
 prohibit citizens of alien birth, except those in being at the 
 time of the adoption of the Constitution, from aspiring to the 
 high office of President is open to question, for certainly 
 many able, distinguished and patriotic citizens of the United 
 States have been foreign born. But the evident purpose of 
 the restriction was to make the office purely American. Noth- 
 ing in the clause debars women from the presidency ; but this 
 possibility was probably not contemplated by the Convention. 
 
 The fourteen years residence required by this clause does 
 12
 
 178 Constitutional Law 
 
 not bar citizens who have been abroad in the public service/ 
 or on private business. The fourteen years need not be con- 
 secutive. If a citizen, natural born, has had for fourteen years 
 previous to his nomination to the presidency such an in- 
 habitancy as includes a domicile in the United States, he is' 
 eligible. 
 
 The Vice President. — The Constitution does not prescribe 
 the qualifications of the A'ice President. The 12th Amend- 
 ment, hovi^ever, declares that " no person constitutionally in- 
 eligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of 
 Vice President of the United States." Ftirthermore, the Vice 
 President is the lawful successor to the President in the event 
 of the latter's death or disability. It would necessarily follow 
 from this, even without the 12th Amendment, that the qualifi- 
 cations for the two Federal offices must be the same. 
 
 Section 1, Clause 6. — In case of the removal of the Presi- 
 dent from office, or of his death, resignation, or inability 
 to discharge the powers and duties of said office, the same 
 shall devolve on the Vice President; and the Congress 
 may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resig- 
 nation, or inability, both of the President and Vice Presi- 
 dent, declaring what officer shall then act as President, 
 and such officer shall act accordingly, until the disability 
 be removed, or a President shall be elected. 
 
 Presidential Succession. — Should the office of President be- 
 come vacant by either death, removal or resignation, the Vice 
 President immediately becomes President by operation of law, 
 and he may hold office until the end of the original term. 
 Should the President become temporarily disabled instead, the 
 Vice President assumes the duties of the office only until the 
 disability is removed. But in case the offices of both the Presi- 
 dent and the Vice President become vacant during the term, 
 the duty of filling the Chief Executive's chair devolves on 
 
 •James Buchanan was minister to England just prior to hi3 
 election to the presidency.
 
 The Executive Power 179 
 
 Congress. Accordingly, in 1792, Congress provided that, in 
 such a case, the president pro tempore of the Senate should 
 act as President, or if there were no such person to act, then 
 the Speaker of the House of Representatives. In 1886, how- 
 ever, this law was repealed, and the present law of presidential 
 succession was enacted. This provides that, in case of the 
 default of both the President and Vice President, the duties 
 of the office of the Chief Executive shall devolve on the mem- 
 bers of the cabinet in order of seniority, to wit : the Secretary 
 of State, the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of War, 
 the Attorney General, the Postmaster General, the Secretary 
 of the Navy, the Secretary of the Interior, etc. It is probable 
 that a cabinet minister would not in this case become President 
 in fact; he would merely fulfill the duties of the office until a 
 new President could be elected, or until the disability of either 
 the President or the Vice President, if that were the cause of 
 the vacancy, should be removed. But no cabinet member can, 
 by the law of 1886, act as President, who does not have the 
 constitutional qualifications of age, citizenship, and residence. 
 Several Presidents have died in office." Several Vice Presi- 
 dents also have died in office, and one has resigned," but at 
 no time have the offices of both the President and the Vice 
 President become vacant during the alloted term. No Presi- 
 dent has as yet resigned from office, and none has been re- 
 moved. If one should desire to resign. Congress has provided 
 that the resignation must be in writing, subscribed by the 
 President, and delivered to the office of the Secretary of State." 
 
 Section 1, Clause 7. — The President shall, at stated times, 
 receive for his services a compensation, which shall 
 neither be increased nor diminished during the period 
 
 'W. H. Harrison, 1S41; Zachary Taylor, 1S50; A. Lincoln, 1865; 
 J. R. Garfield, 1881; W. McKinley, 1901. 
 "J. C. Calhoun, 1832. 
 «R. S., 151.
 
 180 Constitutional Law 
 
 for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not 
 receive within that period any other emolument from the 
 United States, or any of them. 
 
 The President's Compensation. — Men do not aspire to the 
 presidency for the salary alone; that, in comparison with the 
 emoluments received by the executives of certain other nations, 
 is relatively small." If the office paid no salary, it would not 
 lack worthy aspirants, for the honor is greater than mere 
 money compensation. But in order not to limit the nation's 
 highest office to men of independent means, it was wisely made 
 a salaried position. The salary of the first President was 
 fixed by Congress at $25,000 per year; that of the Vice Presi- 
 dent at $5000. In 1873 these amounts were increased re- 
 spectively to $50,000 and $10,000 per year. The latter was 
 reduced in 1874 to $8000. In 1909 the President's salary was 
 further increased to $75,000, that of the Vice President to 
 $12,000. These salaries are paid in monthly installments. 
 
 Besides salary, the President receives other emoluments, 
 making the office really more compensative than it appears' to 
 be. A furnished house, the White House, is provided for the 
 President and his family at Washington ; a fast vessel is at 
 his disposal for transportation on the sea; mileage is allowed 
 for inland travel; and there are numerous minor accessories. 
 But whatever the compensation is, Congress must provide for 
 it before the Executive enters on his term of office, for by the 
 present clause of the Constitution it cannot be done during his 
 incumbency ; nor can it be diminished within the period. 
 
 The provisions of this clause secure the complete inde- 
 pendence of the President, for Congress may neither weaken 
 his fortitude by working on his necessities, nor corrupt his 
 integrity by appealing to his avarice; and what Congress and 
 
 *^The King of England receives £470,000; the Emperor of Russia 
 receives no stated sum, but income from over one million square 
 miles of crown lands; the President of France, 1,200,000 fr.
 
 The Executive Power 181 
 
 the nation at large may not do in this respect, may not be done 
 by any individual State. 
 
 Section 1, Clause 8. — Before he enter on the execution of 
 his office, he shall take the following oath or affirmation: 
 
 "I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully 
 execute the office of President of the United States, and 
 will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend 
 the Constitution of the United States." 
 
 Oath of Office. — It has become customary, though not re- 
 quired by law, for the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court to 
 administer the oath of office to the President-elect. Anybody 
 legally qualified to administer oaths could perform the cere- 
 mony, but it is perhaps fitting that the highest executive officer 
 should be sworn in by the highest judicial officer. The cere- 
 mony of swearing in the President-elect, wliich is a part of 
 the formalities of inauguration, takes place at noon on the 4th 
 of March next succeeding his election. Weather permitting, 
 it is done in the open air before the Capitol in the presence of 
 the two Houses of Congress and of the assembled people. 
 
 The Constitution does not require the Vice President-elect 
 to take any special oath other than the general oath to support 
 the Constitution which is required by Article 8, Clause 3, of 
 every executive officer of the United States and of the several 
 States. On succeeding to the office of President, in the event of 
 the latter's death, resignation or removal, the Vice President 
 takes the prescribed oath of office. 
 
 Section 2, Clause 1. — The President shall be commander- 
 in-chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of 
 the militia of the several States when called into the actual 
 service of the United States; he may require the opinion. 
 In writing, of the principal officer in each of the executive 
 departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of 
 their respective offices, and he shall have power to grant 
 reprieves and pardons for offenses against the United 
 States, except in cases of impeachment.
 
 182 Constitutional Law 
 
 The War Power. — The President, as Chief Executive of the 
 nation, has supreme directing power over the military and 
 the naval forces of the United States. In peace and in war 
 this amounts to the same thing: namely, that the President 
 controls the movements of the army and the navy; he pre- 
 scribes the stations and duties of both offices and men ; he plans' 
 campaigns, establishes blockades and sieges, and directs all 
 marches and cruises. He may order United States troops and 
 ships anywhere to protect Federal property, or American 
 citizens and their property. To suppress insurrection, or to 
 repel invasion, he may call the militia into the service of the 
 government, and then he may exercise the same authority 
 over them as over United States troops — except that he cannot 
 send them beyond the confines of the country. The President 
 may not declare war. That great power is vested in Congress 
 alone; but when Congress has declared war, it is incumbent 
 on the President to direct all military and naval operations. 
 He does not take the field in person ; he promulgates his orders 
 through the proper officials of the War and the Navy Depart- 
 ments; or, what amounts to the same thing, he approves or 
 disapproves their orders and suggestions. Neither the courts 
 nor the legislatures may interfere directly with the President 
 as commander-in-chief. Indirectly, however, Congress might 
 hamper the President considerably, for the House of Eepre- 
 sensatives might refuse to appropriate funds for the main- 
 tenance of war, and the Senate might refuse to confirm the 
 President's nominations to office. 
 
 Executive Departments. — The executive departments herein 
 mentioned are nowhere defined in the Constitution, or their 
 number limited by it; but from time to time as necessity has 
 demanded, they have been provided by law. There are now 
 ten of these : the Department of State, the Department of 
 the Treasury, the Department of War, the Department of 
 Justice, the Post- Office Department, the Department of the
 
 The Executive Power 183 
 
 Navy, the Department of the Interior, the Department of 
 Agriculture, and the Departments of Commerce and Labor. 
 The chief officer of each of those departments is styled Secre- 
 tary, except the heads of the departments of justice and of the 
 post-office, who are titled respectively Attorney-General, and 
 Postmaster-General. The general purpose of these depart- 
 ments is to assist the President in his executive business. 
 Thus the Department of War controls the operations of the 
 army, the Department of State is the medium through which 
 the government communicates with foreign governments, and 
 so on. Collectively the heads of the executive departments 
 form the President's cabinet ; they are appointed by the Presi- 
 dent, and they act in an advisory capacity to him. At any 
 time he may demand their opinions in writing on any subject 
 relating to their offices. This perhaps has been most fre- 
 quently done of the Attorney-General, whose published 
 opinions now fill many printed volumes. As authoritative 
 statements of the law, these opinions are entitled to great 
 respect. 
 
 For the origin of the cabinet we must look to custom rather 
 than to law. The Constitutional Convention did not con- 
 template the creation of an advisory council to the President, 
 but rather that there should be heads of departments, whom 
 he might consult individually and at his pleasure. Washing- 
 ton, however, formed his department heads into an advisory 
 body, and the custom of so doing has since been followed. 
 
 The Pardoning^ Power. — Eecognizing that human justice is 
 not infallible, that in the long run justice is best when 
 tempered with mercy, the framers of the Constitution placed 
 in the President the great and almost unlimited power of 
 executive clemency. In so doing, however, they evolved no 
 new principle : the power to pardon has been inseparably con- 
 nected with sovereignty since time immemorial. But it is a 
 vast power for one man to have. By it the President may
 
 184 Constitutional Law 
 
 render null and void the decision of the highest tribunal; by 
 it he may remit all fines and debts due to the government ; by 
 it he may open the doors of all the Federal prisons ; and neither 
 Congress nor any court may restrict him in the slightest 
 degree." But it was expected that he would use this power 
 with reason, and thus far the people of the United States have 
 had little cause to complain against the misuse of executive 
 grace. 
 
 A reprieve is a temporary suspension of punishment, a stay 
 of execution; a pardon is a complete release from penalty. 
 The law recognizes four kinds of pardons. First, a pardon 
 may be complete, unlimited. As such it restores a criminal 
 to the condition of a free citizen, remitting all punishment. 
 Second, it may be conditional," as where its force is made to 
 depend on the criminal's doing some positive act, such as leav- 
 ing the country, or accepting a penalty in lieu of that imposed 
 by the court. Third, it may be before conviction as well as 
 after. Fourth, it may apply to individuals or to masses of 
 people. Where masses of people are pardoned, as in the case 
 of an unsuccessful rebellion, the executive act is known as 
 amnesty. The President may issue any kind of pardon known 
 to the law. 
 
 The sole exception to the President's pardoning power is in 
 cases of impeachment. Since the main object of impeachment 
 is to purify public offices, it is well that the President should 
 not have it in his power to prevent a thorough investigation of 
 the conduct of public officials, or to relieve them from punish- 
 ment if convicted. Furthermore, since the President him- 
 self is liable to impeachment, he might, if it were not for this 
 exception, pardon himself, should occasion arise. 
 
 Power of the Legislature. — The only way in which the 
 legislature can relieve offenders from the consequences of their 
 
 " Ex parte Garland, 4 Wall., 333, 380. 
 
 "Ex parte Wells, 18 How., 307; 1 Opinions of Att'y-Gen., 341.
 
 The Executive Power 185 
 
 acts is by repealing the law that defines the crime and appor- 
 tions the punishmeut. The Constitution gives to Congress no 
 pardoning power and no authority either to aid or to hinder 
 the Executive in the act of clemency. Herein the United 
 States differs from Great Britain, where the power to pardon 
 is in both Parliament and the Crown. 
 
 Pardoning Power in the States. — The power to pardon 
 offenses against State laws is usually in the Governor. The 
 constitution of the State of Maryland, for example, grants the 
 power to the Governor in precisely the language that the 
 United States Constitution grants it to the President. In 
 some States, however, the authority is vested in commissions, 
 or pardon boards." This, on the whole, seems to be the better 
 way. Executive clemency originated far back in history, when 
 the king was absolute, and kingly grace was akin to Heaven's 
 grace. But absolutism in earthly rulers has largely passed 
 away. In America, at least, executive officers are elected by 
 the votes of the people, and their terms of office are limited. 
 Frequently they are not learned in the law, and their general 
 calilier is often not above that of many of the electorate. That 
 an ordinary citizen, therefore, raised for a brief while by 
 popular votes to an exalted position, should be able to set free 
 those whom courts and juries have deemed it wise to shut up is 
 little short of the preposterous." 
 
 Section 2, Clause 2. — He shall have power, by and with 
 the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, 
 provided two-thirds of the Senators present concur; and 
 
 " In Massachusetts it is in the Governor and council; in Pennsyl- 
 vania, it is in the Governor and the legislature. 
 
 "An instance of the extreme use of gubernatorial clemency oc- 
 curred in 1909, when Governor Patterson, of Tennessee, uncon- 
 ditionally pardoned Duncan Cooper, accessory to the murder of 
 United States Senator Carmack. Of Cooper's guilt there does not 
 seem to have been any question.
 
 186 Constitutional Law 
 
 he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent 
 of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public 
 Ministers and Consuls. Judges of the Supreme Court, and 
 all other officers of the United States, whose appointments 
 are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be 
 established by law; but the Congress may by law vest 
 the appointment of such inferior officers as they think 
 proper, in the President alone, in the courts of law, or in 
 the heads of departments. 
 
 Treaties. — A treaty is an agreement, or contract, between 
 sovereign States. In England, the power to make treaties is in 
 the Crown; under the Articles of Confederation, it was vested 
 in Congress alone; under the Constitution, it is in the Presi- 
 dent and the Senate. The Senate, however, acts in a checking 
 capacity only, for the power of negotiation and inception is in 
 the Executive alone. Acting through the Secretary of State 
 and foreign representatives, the President makes all treaty 
 stipulations, and the Senate may neither dictate a word con- 
 cerning foreign relations, nor force the President into any 
 particular line of action. It is for the Senate merely to 
 approve or to disapprove when the treaty is presented to that 
 body for consideration. The words " advice and consent " are 
 usually determined to mean consent only. Although it is not 
 without precedent for the Chief Magistrate to consult the 
 Senate before drawing up a treaty," he usually goes elsewhere 
 for advice. 
 
 Kinds of Treaties. — Treaties are either executed or execu- 
 tory. An executed treaty brings into existence at once a cer- 
 tain state, or right. Such is a treaty of peace. Hostilities are 
 expected to cease, and a state of peace to begin, with the sign- 
 ing of the treaty, and without further action by either the 
 Executive or the legislature. An executory treaty, on the 
 other hand, necessitates further action by one or both parties 
 
 " President Polk in connection with the Oregon treaty.
 
 The Executive Power 187 
 
 to the treaty, before the thing agreed to may be said to be 
 accomplished. Thus an agreement between the United States 
 and Great Britain to maintain a fleet on the African coast in 
 1842 for the suppression of the slave trade was an executory 
 treaty. 
 
 Weakness of Treaties. — Suppose in the ca.se just mentioned 
 the President had neglected to order warships to the African 
 coast; what could have been done? Probably nothing. 
 Neither Congress nor the courts could have forced the Presi- 
 dent to execute the terms of the treaty. Furthermore, a 
 statute of the United States can be enforced by the courts, but 
 no common and superior tribunal exists an}'where, able to 
 compel either party to a treaty to keep its agreements — except 
 the great tribunal of war." Therein lies the weakness of all 
 international agreements. 
 
 Treaty Power Limited. — In general, the treaty making 
 power extends to every kind of treaty. The Constitution 
 places no limits to its exercise, but common sense may suggest 
 some. The power plainly cannot be so used as to override the 
 Constitution itself, or to weaken or destroy the fundamental 
 principles of government. A treaty that should attempt to 
 deprive Congress, or the judiciary, or the Executive of general 
 powers' granted by the organic law would be absolutely null 
 and void." So would a treaty that materially altered the 
 boundary lines of any State without the latter's consent; or 
 that tended to deprive the citizens of one State of rights en- 
 joyed by the citizens of other States. 
 
 Concurrence of the Senate. — Every treaty to which the 
 United States isJ a party must be approved by the Senate. 
 Although the latter cannot take the initiative, its consent is 
 absolutely necessary before any treaty can become a law. The 
 Senate may, however, after a treaty is presented to it for 
 
 "Foster v. Neilson, 2 Peters, 253; Pomeroy's Const. Law, 450. 
 " Geofrey v. Riggs, 133 U. S., 258, 267.
 
 188 Constitutional Law 
 
 approval, suggest alterations or amendments, or it may ap- 
 prove or condemn it in entirety. If amendments are sug- 
 gested, they must be accepted by the President and the repre- 
 sentatives' of the foreign State before the treaty thus changed 
 can become binding. In any case, the approval of the Senate 
 and the signature of the President are essential. A treaty 
 dates from the day it is signed.*" 
 
 The House of Representatives has nothing to do with origi- 
 nating, making, or ratifying a treaty. It is possible, however, 
 for the House to render a treaty a nullity by refusing, or 
 neglecting, to pass the legislation necessary to give it effect. 
 This is in respect to an executory treaty. To illustrate : should 
 the treaty require the payment of money, as in the case of 
 the purchase of territory, the agreement can have no effect 
 until the House has voted the necessary funds. It is the evi- 
 dent duty of that body to appropriate money when it is re- 
 quired by the terms of a treaty, but neither the Executive nor 
 the judiciary can compel it to do so.** 
 
 A State of the Union, not being a sovereign power, can be 
 a party to no treaty. 
 
 Appointments to Office. — Before a person can be appointed 
 to office the office must exist. The Constitution provides for 
 certain offices; Congress has created many more, and may 
 create others, as necessity demands. We have seen how the 
 offices of President and Vice President, Senators and Repre- 
 sentatives, Speaker of the House, and certain minor positions 
 in both branches of the legislature are filled. These are the 
 only purely elective offices under the government. All other 
 Federal offices, and there are many thousands of them, are 
 
 '" Shepard v. Ins. Co., 40 Fed. Rep., 341. Davis v. Police Jury, 
 9 How., 280. 
 
 " Before the purchase of Louisiana, of Florida, and of California, 
 Presidents Jefferson, Monroe, and Polk ascertained the wishes 
 of Congress, thus apparently recognizing tlie power of the House 
 to refuse to make appropriations.
 
 The Executive Power 189 
 
 filled in the four ways provided by this clause: by the Presi- 
 dent and the Senate, by the President alone, by heads of de- 
 partments, and by courts of law. The Constitution directs 
 that "Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, 
 Jud<,res of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the 
 United States, whose appointments are not otherwise herein 
 provided for" shall be appointed by the President and the 
 Senate. It allows Congress to vest the appointment of all 
 other officers in any of the authorities mentioned above. Ac- 
 cordingly, Congress has vested the appointment of certain 
 officers in the President alone; of certain others in heads of 
 departments; and of still others in courts of law. For ex- 
 ample: the President alone appoints the Librarian of Con- 
 gress; the Postmaster-General appoints all postmasters whose 
 salaries are less than $1000.00 per annum; Federal courts 
 provide their own stenographers and clerks, the Supreme 
 Court, its own marshal and reporter. There are no officers 
 mentioned in the Constitution, " whose appointments are not 
 herein otherwise provided for," unless the heads of depart- 
 ments are such. These are appointed by the President and 
 the Senate. Should Congress create an office and fail to direct 
 how it should be filled, it follows from this clause that the 
 appointment thereto would vest in the President and the 
 Senate. 
 
 Power to Remove. — History teaches, and most writers on 
 constitutional law agree, that the power to appoint to a 
 national office is a ruler's prerogative, and that the power to 
 remove from office is a necessary consequent of the power to 
 appoint. The Constitution limits the appointing power of the 
 President somewhat by compelling him to send the nomina- 
 tions to certain offices to the Senate for approval; it is silent 
 regarding the power to remove from office. Had the Consti- 
 tution said nothing about appointments to office, the Presi- 
 dent's right to fill all Federal offices by personal appointees
 
 190 Constitutional Law 
 
 would have been absolute. In the absence of any reference in 
 the instrument to the matter of removal, it follows that the 
 Executive's right thereto is without limitation. This, at 
 least, has been the opinion of Story, Pomeroy, Cooley, and 
 other eminent publicists; it was the opinion of the majority 
 in the Convention; every President has exercised the right, 
 and the matter may be regarded as settled. The Tenure 
 of Office Act, passed in 18G7, denied to the President the 
 power to remove from office in all cases where the consent of 
 the Senate was necessary to fdl the office, without first con- 
 sulting the Senate. The constitutionality of the Tenure of 
 Office Act was doubtful, for if Congress cannot deprive the 
 President of a right expressly granted by the Constitution, 
 how could it do so of a right implied ? This act, however, was 
 repealed in 1887, so that the right of the President to remove 
 a Federal officer is the same to-day as in the day of Wash- 
 ington.^ 
 
 This is a vast power for one man to have ; but like the power 
 to pardon it is not likely to be exercised without reasonable 
 cause. A nation must have an executive, and that executive 
 must, if he is to be anything but a puppet, have sweeping 
 powers. There is little danger that any President will ever 
 become a Caesar. The checks in the Constitution itself, backed 
 by an intelligent people, are ample protection. Furthermore, 
 in the language of Mr. Madison : " The wanton removal of 
 meritorious officers would subject him (the President) to im- 
 peachment and removal from his own high trust." 
 
 Section 2, Clause 3. — The President shall have power to 
 fill up all vacancies that may happen during the recess of 
 the Senate, by granting commissions which shall expire at 
 the end of their next session. 
 
 ^The judges of the courts of the United States are protected 
 from sudden removal by Art. 3, Sec. 1 of the Constitution. Mili- 
 tary and naval officers are protected by the Act of 1866, which 
 provided for their removal only after conviction by court-martial.
 
 The Executive Power 1^1 
 
 Vacancies in Office. — Vacancy in this clause seems to moan 
 a state of inoccupancy after the office has once been filled by 
 lawful appointment. Hence, an office created by Congress, 
 but remaining unfilled at the end of the session, does not make 
 a vacancy during the recess of the Senate which the President 
 phould fill. This, at least, is the opinion of most law writers; 
 but the President, in his executive position, may take the other 
 view and act accordingly." Vacancies may happen from many 
 causes, such as death, resignation, removal, and the accepting 
 of incompatible offices." Whatever the cause may be, it is 
 expedient that the vacancy be filled immediately, if the work 
 of the government in that department is to go on. The Chief 
 Executive is therefore given power to act at once and alone on 
 these cases. But to guard against the possibility of the Presi- 
 dent's creating vacancies by arbitrary removal and filling them 
 with favorites while the Senate is not convened, the commis- 
 sion herein authorized to be granted expires at the end of the 
 next session of Congress. If, meanwhile, the President nomi- 
 nates the same person to the office, and the Senate when con- 
 vened confirms the nomination, a new commission is made out, 
 and the incumbent remains in office. 
 
 State Offices. — These are filled according to the dictates of 
 State constitutions or State legislatures. As in so many 
 other political matters, there is no uniformity among the 
 States. 
 
 Section 3. — He shall, from time to time, give to the 
 Congress information of the state of the Union, and 
 recommend to their consideration such measures as he 
 
 « President Washington adopted this other view in October, 
 1786, -when he appointed Rufus Putnam to the office of Surveyor 
 General. The office was created in IMay of that year, but remained 
 unfilled at the end of that session. 
 
 " Failure of the Senate to reject or confirm a nomination before 
 adjournment creates a vacancy which the President may fill.
 
 192 Constitutional Law 
 
 shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraor- 
 dinary occasions, convene both Houses, or either of 
 them, and in case of disagreement between them with 
 respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them 
 to sucli time as he shall think proper; he shall receive am- 
 bassadors and other public ministers; he shall take care 
 that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission 
 all the ofRcers of the United States. 
 
 Special Sessions; Adjournment. — Article 1, Section 4, 
 Clause 2 of the Constitution provides for the regular meetings 
 of Congress. But under the authority of the present clause 
 the President may at any time, if necessity demands, convene 
 either House of Congress, or both of them, in extra session; 
 and in case of disagreement between them on the question of 
 adjournment he may adjourn them to such time as he alone 
 deems fit. These are great powers, but necessary. Normally 
 Congress is not in session for from six to nine months of the 
 year; during which time many things may happen, such as 
 financial crises, insurrection, or invasion, demanding the 
 attention of the Federal legislature. It is well therefore that 
 the Executive should be able to summon that body to his 
 assistance. Since the adoption of the Constitution many 
 special sessions have been called. The Senate has been con- 
 vened frequently to act on treaties and nominations to office, 
 but the House has never been convened alone. The power to 
 dismiss Congress has never been used by any President, a fact 
 iliat speaks well for the sanity of Federal legislatures. It is 
 wise that the power should exist, however, in order to put a 
 stop to unseemly wrangling over a matter of only minor im- 
 portance. In England, the king may dissolve Parliament 
 at will, as ho may call extra sessions at will. 
 
 The President's Message. — Legislation originates in Con- 
 gress, but the President may advise and recommend; and 
 from his official position as Chief Executive his advice and 
 recommendations are often of value. The Executive Depart-
 
 The Executive Power 193 
 
 merit has better means for getting information of the state 
 of the Union than has Congress. Such matters as foreign 
 relations, revenue and expense, the condition of the army and 
 the navy, postal needs and many others are directly under its 
 cognizance; and it is vital that the Chief Executive should, 
 from time to time, impart such intimate knowledge to the law- 
 making body, as he in his official position may acquire. 
 
 The Constitution does not say how or when this information 
 shall be communicated to Congress, but it has become cus- 
 tomary for tlie President to present it at the opening of each 
 session in the form of a written message. Presidents Wash- 
 ington and John Adams read their messages in person in 
 the two Houses in joint assembly; Jefferson instituted the 
 custom, which has been followed by all Presidents since," of 
 sending his message to each House to be read by the clerk. 
 No answer is given, and none expected. To these documents 
 the members of Congress usually give respectful attention, but 
 it is reasonable to suppose that they do not hold them all in 
 quite the same awe, as the ancient Greeks held the utterances 
 of the oracle at Delphi. Presidents are but men, their wisdom 
 is limited, and their recommendations are not always followed 
 to the letter. The President holds no whip over Congress, a 
 fact which that body is well aware of. Indeed, whenever it 
 happens that the President and the majority in either House 
 of Congress are of opposite political faiths, or when for any 
 reason lack of harmony prevails between the Executive and 
 the Legislative Departments, measures that the President 
 recommends are likely to make slow progress. 
 
 Not all the Executive's messages are presented at the open- 
 ing of a session of Congress. The President may at any time 
 transmit information to that body, or recommend special 
 measures, and either House of Congress may at any time 
 
 " President Wilson, in 1913, revived the old custom by delivering 
 his message to Congress in person. 
 13
 
 194 Constitutional Law 
 
 request such information as may seem desirable, even on 
 matters over -which it has no direct legislative power. On the 
 other hand the President may decline to communicate facts, 
 if in his judgment the public welfare demands their secrecy. 
 These irregular executive documents are termed " special 
 messages." 
 
 Ambassadors and other Public Ministers. — ^These are 
 diplomatic agents, representing the sovereignty of the nations 
 which accredit them. To receive such a political representa- 
 tive is to recognize the nation from which he comes as a 
 sovereign State. The language of this clause is imperative: 
 " He shall receive." This does not mean, however, that any 
 and every foreign diplomatic agent must be accepted ; but only 
 such as are agreeable to the United States are to be formally 
 received by the President. States, Congress, and courts of law 
 have nothing to do with foreign relations; these are carried 
 on entirely by the President and the Department of State. 
 The President alone is judge of the sovereignty of the foreign 
 State, and of the fitness of its representatives. It follows 
 therefore that the power to receive carries with it the power 
 to refuse to receive, and to demand the recall of an accepted 
 agent — either on the ground that he is personally undesirable, 
 or that the relations between the two governments have be- 
 come too far strained to admit of his further continuance in 
 office.*" All this is delicate business. To refuse to receive a 
 foreign diplomatic agent, or to demand his recall, may be 
 looked upon by the other nation concerned as a very unfriendly 
 act. Hence it is highly essential that the person to whom is 
 intrusted this delicate power should be one of tact and sound 
 judgment. 
 
 ^Mr. Genet, French minister, was recalled on demand in 1793; 
 Mr. Jackson, British minister, 1809; Mr. Poussin, French, in 1849; 
 Sir John Crampton, British, 1856; Mr. Catacazy, Russian, 1872; 
 Lord Sackville, British, 1888.
 
 The Executive Power 105 
 
 Until 1893 no ministers from the United States were styled 
 Ambassadors. In that year Congress authorized the President 
 to confer the title on the ministers to all foreign governments 
 that sent agents of such rank to the United States. Ambassa- 
 dors are now sent to the following countries : Great Britain, 
 Fran,ce, Germany, Eussia, Italy, Japan, Mexico, Austria- 
 Hungary, Brazil;, Turkey, Spain, Argentina, and Chili. 
 
 The duty of an Ambassador, and of any other foreign 
 minister, is in general to foster pleasant relations with the 
 government to which he is accredited. He is his nation's 
 mouthpiece. Whatever he may say in public of a political 
 nature is supposed to reflect the sentiments of his home govern- 
 ment. All intercourse between the foreign nation and his own 
 is carried on through him. His position therefore requires a 
 distinct gift for diplomacy. 
 
 Other Public Ministers. — These are in order of rank: 
 Envoys Extraordinary, Ministers Plenipotentiary, Ministers 
 Ecsident, and Charge d'Affaires. Like Ambassadors, these are 
 purely political agents. The difference between them is not 
 easy to determine, for their duties are the same. Their relative 
 ranks depend on the importance of the country to which they 
 are sent. Ministers Eesident from the United States are few 
 in number. The title is often merged in that of Consul- 
 Gencral. Charge d'Affaires are not often sent out. 
 
 Consuls. — These are commercial, rather than diplomatic, 
 agents. Their purpose is to further the business interests of 
 their respective countries. Their duties are rather various. 
 They hold the required papers of all American vessels while 
 in their ports; they hear complaints of seamen; they reclaim 
 deserters ; they appoint examiners for vessels reported unsea- 
 worthy, they cause mutinous sailors to be arrested and sent 
 home for trial ; they take possession of the personal property 
 of American citizens dying abroad ; they take measures to save 
 stranded vessels and their cargoes ; they report the condition
 
 196 Constitutional Law 
 
 of business in their respective localities ; and they are ex officio 
 notaries for all the States of the United States. Consular 
 reports are published frequently, and thoy often are of great 
 service to American business men engaged in foreign trade. 
 
 The Constitution is silent respecting the reception of con- 
 suls. The term " public ministers " does not embrace them. 
 The power of the President to receive them may, however, be 
 fairly implied by the Constitution. In fact foreign consuls 
 always receive their exequatur from the President through 
 the State Department. The consular corps is far larger than 
 the diplomatic corps. In 1911 there were over 1100 consular 
 representatives abroad. Formerly these agents were paid by 
 fees, but since 1906 all have been paid regular salaries. Fees 
 which they may collect are accounted for to the United States 
 government. 
 
 Exterritoriality of Public Ministers. — By a political fiction, 
 public ministers are not subject to the jurisdiction of the 
 countries to which they are accredited, but to the home 
 country. That is, they carry with them into the foreign land 
 the rights and privileges accorded them by their own sovereign, 
 and are amenable only to his laws. Consuls, not being public 
 ministers, do not usually enjoy these exterritorial privileges, 
 but are answerable to the laws of the country in which they may 
 be serving. 
 
 Execution of the Laws. — To execute the law is to enforce it. 
 The laws of the United States which the President is required 
 to enforce comprise the Constitution itself, the treaties with 
 foreign nations, and the statutes yearly enacted by Congress. 
 For this purpose, he may ask Congress for appropriations that 
 are necessary under the provisions of a statute, and as com- 
 mander-in-chief he may call into action United States troops 
 or ships. The duty is wholly on the President; neither Con- 
 gress, nor the judiciary, nor any other department of the 
 government may lawfully hinder him in enforcing the law, or
 
 The Executive Po"U'er 197 
 
 take any initial steps therein. The case of Miss. v. Johnson, 
 4 Wall., 475, is illustrative. 
 
 This was a petition by Messrs. Sharkey and Walker, on be- 
 half of the .State of Mississippi, for a perpetual injunction to 
 restrain Andrew Johnson, President, from executing certain 
 acts of Congress. The petition asserted that the acts in ques- 
 tion were unconstitutional, and had been vetoed by the Presi- 
 dent but passed over his veto. The court held : that the in- 
 junction could not be issued ; that the President was bound by 
 the Constitution to execute the laws, and it made no difference 
 whether he believed the laws to be unconstitutional or not. 
 The courts could not restrain him. 
 
 Although the President may exercise a certain discretion 
 respecting the manner or the means of executing the law, he 
 has no discretionary power over the law itself. That is, he 
 may not lawfully refuse to execute it on the ground that it is 
 invalid or impolitic. Whatever Congress enacts is presump- 
 tively valid, and the President must see that it is faithfully 
 executed, whether it is passed in the usual manner, or over his 
 veto by the requisite two-thirds. It is for the judiciary to 
 determine, in a case properly before it, the validity or in- 
 validity of a statute. 
 
 Coininissions. — Appointing to office and commissioning 
 officers are not the same. All Federal officers duly appointed 
 are commissioned by the President, but not all officers of the 
 United States are appointed by him, as has been pointed out 
 in a previous paragraph. A commission is, in the sense under- 
 stood here, a document issued l)y the President, signed by 
 him and bearing the seal of the United States, authorizing the 
 person named therein to hold a Federal office, and to enjoy all 
 its rights and privileges. The commission is not the appoint- 
 ment; it is but the evidence of it, and the appointee's right 
 to the office does not depend on the possession of the commis- 
 sion. As was well said in the case of the United States v.
 
 198 Constitutional Law 
 
 Le Baron, 19 Howard, 74, "The transmission of the com- 
 mission to the officer is not necessary to his investiture of the 
 office." 
 
 Officers of the United States. — From this phrase it is reason- 
 able to infer that those only are officers of the United States 
 who receive their commissions from the President. 
 
 Section 4. — The President, Vice President, and all civil 
 officers of the United States, shall be removed from office 
 on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, 
 or other high crimes and misdemeanors. 
 
 Who May be Impeached. — It is a logical inference from 
 this clause that the President, Vice President, and all civil 
 officers of the United States may be impeached. The term 
 civil officers is not defined in the Constitution. It is used, 
 apparently, in contradistinction to military and naval officers, 
 who may be court-martialed, but not impeached. It may be 
 said to include all other officers of the United States who 
 derive their appointments from the national government, 
 rather than from the State governments, or from the people. 
 Senators and Representatives cannot be impeached." They 
 are not " civil officers of the United States," for they derive 
 their appointments from the States, or from the people. On 
 the other hand, cabinet members, Federal judges, public 
 ministers and consuls are such civil officers as may be im- 
 peached, for they derive their appointments from the national 
 government. 
 
 One President, Andrew Johnson, has been impeached," 
 
 " Senator William Blount, of South Carolina, was impeached 
 in 1797. When the Senate convened as a court, counsel for Blount 
 entered a plea to the jurisdiction: to wit, that when the offense 
 was committed Blount was not an officer of the United States. 
 By a vote of 14 to 11, the plea was allowed, and the case dismissed. 
 
 *• 1868. Acquitted. See Blaine's " Twenty Years in Congress," 
 Vol. 2, Chap. 14.
 
 The Executive Power 199 
 
 but no "Vice President. One cabinet member, Secretary 
 Belknap, lias been impeacbed. Tbis was in 1876, The Sec- 
 retary was acquitted. Six judges bave been impeached. 
 They are as follows: Judge Pickering, 1803; Judge Chase, 
 1801; Judge Peck, 1830; Judge Humphries, 1862; Judge 
 Swayne, 1905, and Eobt. W. Arcbbald, 1912. Of these Judges 
 Pickering, Humphries, and Arcbbald were convicted. " Judge 
 Pickering, of the District Court of New Hampshire, lost his 
 reason, and to get him off the bench it was necessary to go 
 through the form of impeachment." " Judge Humphries was 
 convicted of " aiding the Rebellion, ill-treating loyal men, 
 confiscating their property, etc." Robert W. Arcbbald, Asso- 
 ciate Judge of the Commerce Court, formerly U. S. District 
 Judge for middle Pennsylvania, was impeached on July 11, 
 1912, for corrupt collusion with certain coal mine owners and 
 railway officials while in office. He was removed from the 
 bench and disqualified for further holding any office under 
 the government. The last two have been the only ones to 
 suffer the extreme punishment provided by the Constitution 
 for those convicted in impeachment trials. 
 
 Offenses Leading to Impeachment. — The Constitution makes 
 a very general enumeration of the offenses for which an officer 
 may be impeached : " treason, bribery, and other high crimes 
 and misdemeanors." Treason is the act of levying war against 
 the government, or adhering to its enemies, giving them aid 
 and comfort. Bribery is the act of receiving any undue 
 reward by a person whose profession is the administration of 
 public justice, or the act of offering an undue reward to such 
 person, in order to influence his behavior in office. The 
 phrase " other high crimes and misdemeanors " is very gen- 
 eral. In all probability it was purposely made so in order to 
 give Congress a wide latitude in the matter of impeachment. 
 It would be futile to attempt, within the limits of the Consti- 
 
 » Baldwin's "American Judiciary," 323.
 
 200 Constitutional Law 
 
 tution, to enumerate all the possible crimes and misdemeanors 
 for which one might be impeached. It may be regarded as 
 settled that, in addition to such conspicuous crimes as treason 
 and bribery, at which society revolts, a Federal office holder 
 may be impeached for innumerable lesser acts which render 
 him an undesirable official. 
 
 The Punishment. — Since the object of impeachment is not 
 so much to punish the person as to purify the office, the penalty 
 is comparatively light. Congress may neither fine, imprison, 
 nor pronounce sentence of death, all of which the British 
 Parliament, sitting in impeachment, may do. The Constitu- 
 tion limits Congress in its infliction of punishment to two 
 things, one of which it makes compulsory, the other per- 
 missive. Congress must, on conviction, remove the offender 
 from office ; it may further disqualify him to enjoy any other 
 office under the United States. In any case, the findings of 
 the Senate cannot be reviewed by any other authority, and not 
 even the President may pardon one whom the Senate has 
 convicted." 
 
 »» Const, 2, 2. 1. Ante, p. 184.
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 THE FEDERAL JUDICIARY 
 Article 3, Sections 1-3
 
 THE FEDETJAL JUDICIARY 
 Article 3 
 
 Section 1. — The judicial power of the United States shall 
 be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior 
 courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and 
 establish. The judges, both of the supreme and inferior 
 courts, shall hold their oflSces during good behavior, and 
 shall, at stated times, receive for their services a com- 
 pensation which shall not be diminished during their 
 continuance in office. 
 
 The Judicial Power. — The judicial power is the right to 
 hear and determine a controversy according to the rules of 
 established law. The Constitution vests this power in one 
 Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as Congress may 
 from time to time establish. The word court here means a 
 tribunal for the administration of justice. It may consist of 
 one judge or several. As a judicial body it is to be dis- 
 tinguished from both counsel and jury. 
 
 The Supreme Court. — This is the highest court in the United 
 States, the court of last resort, as the name implies. It con- 
 sists of nine members, one Chief Justice and eight Associate 
 Justices, of whom six make a quorum. The court holds one 
 annual term in the city of Washington, D. C, commencing 
 on the second Monday in October, and such special, or ad- 
 journed, terms as the business before it may require. This 
 subject is considered further under Article 3, Section 2, Clause 
 2, page 216. 
 
 Inferior Courts. — The " inferior courts " that Congress has 
 created are the following: Circuit Courts, Circuit Courts of 
 Appeals, Distriet Courts, the Court of Claims, the Commerce
 
 204 COXSTITUTIONAL LaW 
 
 Court, and Territorial Courts (including those of the Dis- 
 trict of Columbia), The Circuit Courts, established in 1789, 
 were abolished by act of Congress in 1911; the Commerce 
 Court, established in 1911, was abolished in 1913. These 
 courts therefore are no longer in the judicial system of the 
 United States. In addition to these Congress has provided for 
 certain quasi courts, like the Interstate Commerce Commis- 
 sion, and for such occasional tribunals as courts-martial and 
 consular courts. 
 
 Circuit Courts of Appeals. — For systematizing judicial busi- 
 ness Congress has divided the country into nine circuits, corre- 
 sponding in number to the justices of the Supreme Court. 
 Each of these circuits includes several States. For example, 
 the first circuit consists of Maine, New Hampshire, Massa- 
 chusetts, and Rhode Island. In each of the nine circuits is one 
 Circuit Court of Appeals, consisting normally of three circuit 
 judges,^ two of whom make a quorum. By law the nine 
 judges' of the Supreme Court are assigned to duty on the 
 circuits, one to each. The allotment is made by the Chief 
 Justice. In addition to these, the several District Judges 
 within a circuit are competent to sit in the Circuit Court of 
 Appeals. Hence three classes of judges may sit in this court. 
 Supreme, Circuit and District Judges. But no judge, before 
 whom a case has been tried in the District Court, may hear 
 the same case in the Court of Appeals. The work of this court 
 is to review cases coming to it from the District Court on 
 appeal or by writ of error. Its decision is final in some of 
 these eases; in others it is not, these being appealable to the 
 Supreme Court. 
 
 District Courts. — As Congress has divided the whole country 
 into circuits, so it has divided the States into districts. Un- 
 like circuits, judicial districts are entirely within State lines. 
 Large States, such as New York, Pennsylvania, California, 
 
 * The number varies from two to four.
 
 The Federal Judiciary 205 
 
 Texas, etc., contain from two to four districts; smaller States, 
 but one. Usually one judge is appointed to a district, but 
 where the districts are large, there are two. At present (1912) 
 there are 77 judicial districts, but 84 District Judges. 
 
 The jurisdiction of the United States District Courts is 
 very extensive. It includes practically all Federal cases except 
 a few that by law go at once to the Supreme Court. For ex- 
 ample, offenses against the Federal government; prize cases; 
 civil causes (a) arising under the Constitution, laws and 
 treaties of the United States, or (2) between citizens of dif- 
 ferent States, or between citizens and aliens ; and cases arising 
 under the patent, copyright, postal, immigration, or bank- 
 ruptcy laws, or the Sherman Anti-Trust Act — all these are 
 triable before the United States District Courts. 
 
 The Court of Claims. — This court consists of one Chief Jus- 
 tice and four Associate Justices, who hold one annual session, 
 beginning on the first Monday in December. It was estab- 
 lished in 1855 for the purpose of deciding the legality of claims 
 against the government. The United States cannot be sued 
 in the ordinary sense, but a claim, or debt, against the gov- 
 ernment may be laid before the Court of Claims for adjudica- 
 tion. If the decision of the court is favorable to the claimant, 
 it is so reported to Congress, and a bill may then be prepared 
 to give the decision effect. The court is thus a kind of stand- 
 ing committee on claims. Before its establishment there was 
 no way of collecting a debt against the government, except by 
 engineering a bill througli Congress — a lengthy, indeterminate 
 proceeding, in which there was no legal interpretation of the 
 claim except that given by the members of Congress. Under 
 the present system Congress must still be appealed to, it is 
 true, but only when the justice of the claim has been judicially 
 determined, when it becomes possible for that body to make 
 the necessary appropriation.
 
 206 Constitutional Law 
 
 Territorial Courts. — Congress has established supreme and 
 inferior courts in the Territories, by virtue of the general 
 power prescribed by Article 4, Section 3 of the Constitution. 
 The judges in these courts are appointed by the President and 
 the Senate for definite terms, usually four years, but may be 
 removed by the President at any time previous to the expira- 
 tion of their terms. 
 
 Consular Courts. — Provision has been made by treaties with 
 certain non-Christian foreign countries, such as China, Siam, 
 Japan, Madagascar, Egypt, Persia and Turkey, for the estab- 
 lishment of consular and ministerial courts. In other words, 
 both consuls and ministers appointed to these countries are 
 invested with power to try cases of both civil and criminal 
 nature, to which citizens of the United States may be parties. 
 Appeal is allowed from the decisions of consuls in certain 
 cases' to the accredited minister, and in more serious cases, 
 to the Circuit Court for the District of California. 
 
 (For the Interstate Commerce Commission, see p. 94.) 
 
 Military Courts. — These are tribunals for the trial of 
 offenses arising in the military or naval forces. Their juris- 
 diction is limited; their existence, temporary. They are 
 occasional courts, coming into existence when necessity de- 
 mands, and dissolving when their special work is finished. In 
 the naval service they are of two kinds, general and summary. 
 In the army, besides the general courts, there are regimental 
 and garrison courts. General courts-martial have jurisdiction 
 over every offense for the trial of which a military court may 
 be convened. When organized, these military tribunals con- 
 sist of from five to thirteen commissioned officers, of whom 
 at least one-half must be superior in rank to the person to be 
 tried. In the navy they may be convened by the P^-esident 
 or the Secretary of the Navy, or by the commander-in-chief of 
 a fleet or squadron with the express permission of the Presi-
 
 The Federal Judiciary 207 
 
 dent.' In the army, they are convened by any general com- 
 manding an army, or colonel commanding a department; or 
 in time of war by a brigade or division commander. The 
 presiding officer of a general court-martial is termed the 
 president ; the prosecuting officer is called the judge advocate. 
 Conviction may be had on a majority vote of the court, except 
 whore the sentence of death is to be imposed, when two-thirds 
 must concur. Summary courts-martial are for the trial of 
 petty offenses and persons of inferior ratings. In the navy 
 they consist of three officers, not below the rank of ensign, and 
 a recorder. They may be convened by the commander of any 
 vessel in the naval service, or by the commandant of any navy 
 yard, naval station, or marine barracks. 
 
 The findings of both general and summary courts-martial 
 must be reviewed by the convening authority before the 
 sentence of the court can be carried into effect. "When the 
 findings of a military court having jurisdiction have been 
 reviewed and confirmed, it is not proper for any other court, 
 military or civil, to review the case. It is always proper, how- 
 ever, for a civil court to inquire into the jurisdiction of a mili- 
 tary court.* 
 
 Besides being temporary tribunals, military courts differ 
 from ordinary courts in other respects. The members are 
 usually not versed in the law, and tlieir proceedings, although 
 they must be in conformity to the law, are commonly free 
 from the technicalities so often seen in municipal trials. The 
 courts have neither judge nor jury; or better, perhaps, the 
 members act in both capacities, sifting the evidence on the 
 one hand, and weighing the facts on the other. Lastly, a 
 person to be subject to trial by a military court need not be 
 first indicted by a grand jury, and conviction does not depend 
 on the unanimity of the court. 
 
 * This permission not necessary when the fleet Is In foreign 
 waters. 
 ' In re Grimley, 137 U. S., 147.
 
 2Q8 Constitutional Law 
 
 •^ The Military Power Subordinate. — When martial law is de- 
 clared in any district, all offenses calculated to impede the 
 operations of the military authorities are triable before mili- 
 tary commissions. But if conditions are reasonably peaceful, 
 and the civil courts are in operation, military commissions 
 have no power to try persons not attached to the military or 
 naval forces.* The rule is that the military power is sub- 
 ordinate to the civil, unless necessity demands the contrary. 
 
 State Courts. — All that has just been said about courts 
 relates to the Federal courts, that is, tribunals established by 
 Congress under the authority of the Constitution. The vast 
 majority of courts in the United States, however, have very 
 little to do with Congress or the Federal judicial system. 
 These are the State courts. Just as the general government 
 operates a judicial system, every State has its system. Con- 
 sequently, there are as many systems for the administration 
 of justice in the United States as there are States, and among 
 them are great differences in title, jurisdiction, and manner 
 of operation. To illustrate: in Connecticut is one Supreme 
 Court, corresponding to the Supreme Court of the United 
 States; Superior Courts, similar in a general way to the 
 Federal Circuit Courts of Appeals ; Courts of Common Pleas ; 
 Probate Courts (tribunals for the settlement of wills and 
 estates) ; and Justice, or Police Courts. In Maryland, on the 
 other hand, the highest court is called the Circuit Court of 
 Appeals. Below that is the Circuit Court, and below that is 
 the Justice Court. Here the Probate Courts are termed 
 Orphans' Courts. There is no Federal tribunal for the admin- 
 istration of wills and estates. Thus the courts of these two 
 States, although designed to attain the same ends, differ 
 greatly from each other in name, and do not altogether re- 
 semble the courts in the Federal system. An examination of 
 the courts of other States would disclose still further varia- 
 
 * Ex parte Milligan, 4 Wallace, 2.
 
 The Federal Judiciary 209 
 
 tions, but enough has been said to show that the system for the 
 interpretation of laws and the administration of justice in the 
 United States is very complex. 
 
 Federal and State Systems are in Harmony. — Notwith- 
 standing this apparent confusion of titles and systems, Federal 
 and State courts work together smoothly. Federal courts are 
 sanctioned wholly by the Constitution and statutes of the 
 United States; State courts derive their functions entirely 
 from the constitutions and laws of the respective States, or 
 from the common law as adopted by them. Both systems 
 within their respective spheres are supreme.'* The decisions 
 of the courts of one State are given full faith and credit in 
 the courts of other States, and in the courts of the United 
 States. Most of the litigation arising in any State is settled 
 by the courts of that State, only those cases being appealable to 
 the Federal courts that concern the Constitution, treaties and 
 laws of the United States. 
 
 Tenure of Office; Salary. — Federal judges hold office prac- 
 tically for life.* They may resign at pleasure, and on reaching 
 the age of seventy years they may retire from active duty; 
 but they are excepted by the present clause from the Presi- 
 dent's sweeping power of removal. The sole way of removing 
 a Federal judge from office is by the long and tedious process 
 of impeachment. Much more than a century has now elapsed 
 since the adoption of the Federal Constitution, and although 
 several judges have been impeached, only three have been pro- 
 nounced guilty of the offense charged and removed from office * 
 • — a fact that testifies as much perhaps to the cumbersomeness 
 of that method of removal as to the rectitude of judges. The 
 
 "Collector v. Day, 11 Wallace, 113. 
 
 'Exception: judges in the Court of Claims, and in territorial 
 courts are appointed for limited periods. 
 ' See p. 199. 
 
 14
 
 210 Constitutional Law 
 
 'salary of Federal judges is determined by Congress; when once 
 fixed it may not be diminished during their respective terms of 
 office. These provisions' insuring tenure of office and con- 
 tinuance of salary were intended to secure the complete in- 
 dependence of the Federal judiciary, without which it would 
 be difficult to insure the proper administration of public 
 justice. 
 
 In State Courts. — There is some variation among the States 
 in respect to the appointment and tenure of office of judges. 
 In some States judges are appointed by the Governor, in others 
 they are elected by the people ; in some States they hold office 
 during good behavior, in others, for limited periods only; in 
 others they are subject to the recall. 
 
 Kecall of Judges. — The " recall," as the term implies, is a 
 process by which elective officers may be ousted from their 
 positions by popular vote. On the petition of a certain per- 
 centage of the voters in a district the question whether an 
 official, against whom some complaint has been made, shall be 
 continued in office is put to the ballot. Like the " initiative " 
 and the " referendum " the " recall " is regarded by many 
 people as a panacea for all official malfeasance and incompe- 
 tence. They argue that, especially in a democratic country, 
 holders of public offices are public servants, and as such they 
 should be directly responsible to the people. Accordingly, in 
 some States the " recall " has been adopted by constitutional 
 amendment for administrative and executive officers ; in other 
 States it includes the judiciary as well. In respect to Federal 
 officers, the " recall " is unknown. 
 
 The chief objection to the " recall," and especially to the 
 " recall " of judges is that it tends to weaken the office by 
 lessening the independence of the occupant. One who holds 
 a public office of any importance should be free to act without 
 fear or favor; he cannot feel free if liable at any time to be 
 voted out of office on the petition of any section of the com-
 
 The Federal Judiciary 211 
 
 munity that he may displease by his act or decision. On the 
 other hand, one who is secure for life or for a limited period in 
 a public office is in a position to do more or less mischief. To 
 find the best means of limiting this power in a public officer to 
 do harm, and at the same time to secure his complete inde- 
 pendence, is a great problem in practical politics. 
 
 Officers of the Courts. — The officers of the Federal courts 
 are : attorneys, marshals, commissioners, reporters, and 
 clerks. In a broad sense, every lawyer practising before a 
 United States court is an officer of the court. The Attorney- 
 General, however, and his immediate assistants are the only 
 attorneys having distinct duties before the court. This officer 
 is charged with the duty of conducting all suits in the Supreme 
 Court to which the United States is a party. As head of the 
 Department of Justice, he has a seat in the cabinet, and is 
 required to give legal advice to the President, and to the heads 
 of the other departments as well, when requested. 
 
 United States marshals are executive officers appointed for 
 each judicial district, whose duties are to carry out all man- 
 dates of the court. They correspond to the sheriffs in the State 
 courts. 
 
 United States commissioners are justices of limited juris- 
 diction appointed by the District Courts. In a general way, 
 they are like justices of the peace in the States. 
 
 The duty of a court reporter is to keep a record of the facts 
 in all the cases adjudicated by a court, together with the 
 opinions of the court, and cause the same to be published. 
 The Supreme Court reports now fill many volumes. In the 
 early days, these reports were named after the reporter wlio 
 made them. Thus a reference to 5 Wheaton, 317, means the 
 5th volume of \Yhea ton's Supreme Court Eoports, page 317. 
 To-day, however, these reports are arranged in a numerical 
 series and are called United States Eeports. A reference to 
 169 U. S., 17, means volume 169 of the Supreme Court Ee- 
 ports, page 17.
 
 212 Constitutional Law 
 
 Clerks of the court care for the seals and records, sign and 
 seal all process, and record the decrees of the court. The word 
 process here includes all those means necessary to compel the 
 performance of the orders of the court, such as summonses, 
 warrants, and subpoenas. 
 
 Section 2, Clause 1. — The judicial power shall extend to 
 all cases in law and equity arising under this Constitution, 
 the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which 
 shall be made, under their authority; to all cases affecting 
 ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls; to all 
 cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to contro- 
 versies to which the United States shall be a party; to 
 controversies between two or more States; between a 
 State and citizens of another State; between citizens of 
 different States; between citizens of the same State claim- 
 ing lands under grants of different States; and between 
 a State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign States, citizens, 
 or subjects. 
 
 Admiralty and Maritime Jurisdiction. — The words " admi- 
 ralty " and " maritime," as used in the Constitution, are not 
 synonymous'. The difference is broadly this : Admiralty juris- 
 diction extends to cases that occur or have their origin on the 
 high seas, including navigable rivers, lakes and ship canals, 
 as well as the ocean; a maritime cause is one arising from a 
 maritime contract, whether made at sea or on land. Prize 
 cases, and all offenses committed at sea come under the 
 admiralty jurisdiction. Contracts to insure ships or cargoes, 
 and contracts for launching or for removing ballast are mari- 
 time contracts. The court of original admiralty and maritime 
 jurisdiction is the United States District Court. 
 
 Judicial Precedents. — ^When a court has mice applied the 
 law to a set of facts, its decision becomes a sort of judicial 
 precedent for the guidance of the same court, or of other 
 courts, in the settlement of other cases. Judges, in their deter- 
 mination of legal questions, give great consideration to the 
 previous decisions of other courts bearing on the same or
 
 The Federal Judiciary 213 
 
 similar questions ; and students of law find it quite as useful 
 to study actual law cases, as to study the principles of law laid 
 down in text-books. A case that has established some principle 
 of law is called a leading case. Such is the case of Dartmouth 
 College V. Woodward, 4 Wheaton, 518, which established the 
 principle that the charter of a college is such a contract as the 
 State legislature cannot annul or impair. 
 
 This adherence to precedent is both good and bad. It is 
 good in that it helps to preserve a sort of continuity and 
 harmony among judicial decisions, thus tending to make the 
 law more sure and stable ; it is bad in that it fails to allow for 
 that change in sentiment and belief which is more or less 
 linked with human evolution. 
 
 Cases Under the Constitution, Laws and Treaties.— A case 
 is said to arise under the Constitution, the laws of the United 
 States, and treaties made, when its correct decision depends 
 on the construction of any clause in the Constitution, or law, 
 or treaty of the United States. It is the character of the suit 
 that gives the court jurisdiction. Thus any controversy which 
 raises the question of the constitutionality of a Federal law 
 or treaty may be tried in a Federal court, regardless of the 
 amount involved. 
 
 Other Cases. — The other seven classes of cases, over which 
 the national courts have jurisdiction, are less general. Power 
 over these is given to the Federal judiciary, either because they 
 involve foreign relations, or because the Federal government 
 is directly concerned, or because it is desirable that they be 
 taken before a common superior tribunal, free from pernicious, 
 partisan influence. Cases affecting public ministers, and 
 admiralty and maritime cases may involve foreign relations; 
 cases to which the United States may be a party directly 
 affect the government ; and cases between States, or between 
 a State and citizens of another State, or between citizens of 
 different States or between citizens of the same State claiming
 
 214 Constitutional Law 
 
 lands under grants of different States, all are less liable to 
 partisan influence if tried before national courts than if tried 
 before State courts. Again, the jurisdiction is not as a general 
 thing exclusive. For example, controversies between citizens 
 of different States may be instituted in the State courts, and 
 they very frequently are. The United States, as a party to a 
 suit, may commence proceedings in a State court, or in a 
 Federal court, as circumstances may require." 
 
 " Cases in Law and Equity." — Courts are not legislative, 
 executive, or advisory bodies. Their duty is solely to interpret 
 the law in relation to facts, which when presented in the form 
 of a controversy between parties constitute a " case." It is 
 not the province of the judicial department of the United 
 States to advise, or control in any way, the executive or the 
 legislative departments, for each in its sphere is supreme. No 
 court, furthermore, will of its own volition decide the validity 
 of a law ; it does so only when that question is at issue in a case 
 legally before the court. Neither do courts decide concurrent, 
 or contingent matters, or questions suggested by a case in 
 hand. They determine the point at issue, and nothing more. 
 
 A case in law is one that must be decided by strict legal 
 principles ; a case in equity is decided by equitable principles. 
 By the latter is meant those broader principles of right and 
 fairness which a petitioner in court may invoke to obtain sub- 
 stantial justice, in cases where the strict rules of the law do not 
 grant it. Both the common law and the statutes are limited 
 in their scope. Neither covers every conceivable situation. 
 When a suitor therefore asks for relief which the law cannot 
 grant, a court having equitable powers may give equitable 
 relief. Injunctions are common equitable remedies. To illus- 
 trate : A dams a stream, causing the back flow to injure B's 
 property. At law the utmost relief that B can obtain is money 
 damages. But this may not be adequate compensation. The 
 
 « Principles of Constitutional Law, Cooley, 133, and cases cited.
 
 The Federal Judtciary 215 
 
 relief that B seeks is the restoration of his land to its former 
 state, not money damages. In such a case a court of equity 
 might supplement the inadequacy of the law by issuing an 
 injunction compelling A to remove the dam, or restraining 
 him from so building it as to injure B's property. By the 
 authority of the present clause of the Constitution Federal 
 courts administer both legal and equitable principles. 
 
 Section 2, Clause 2. — In all cases affecting ambassadors, 
 other public ministers, and consuls, and those in which a 
 State shall be a party, the Supreme Court shall have origi- 
 nal jurisdiction. In all the other cases before mentioned, 
 the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction both 
 as to law and fact, with such exceptions and under such 
 regulations as the Congress shall make. 
 
 Jurisdiction. — In law the term jurisdiction is synonymous 
 with judicial power, i. e., the power of a court to try a legal 
 controversy. The word legal is important here. It is not the 
 business of a court to settle diplomatic, business, or political 
 questions. The jurisdiction of a court may be either ex- 
 clusive or concurrent ; original or appellate. It is exclusive in 
 a case, if no other court has power to act; it is concurrent 
 where two or more courts have authority to try a case at the 
 option of the suitor; it is original where the court has power 
 to try a cause in the first instance; it is appellate where the 
 court may review the decision of another court. Judicial 
 tribunals in the United States, and likewise in the several 
 States, are arranged in a sort of ascending series, so that while 
 the lowest courts have usually only original jurisdiction, the 
 intermediate and the highest courts have mainly appellate 
 jurisdiction, but are given original jurisdiction over some 
 cases. The United States District Courts, for example, hear 
 causes in the first instance only ; the Circuit Court of Appeals 
 has appellate power only; but the Supreme Court is given 
 original power over some cases, and appellate over others. 
 Neither the Supreme Court, nor any other court that has
 
 216 Constitutional Law 
 
 original and appellate jurisdiction, may review its own de- 
 cisions, although it may re-try the same cause. To re-try a 
 cause is to hear the facts a second time as if they were new ; 
 to review is to examine the record of proceedings in the 
 original case. 
 
 The Original Jurisdiction of the Supreme Court. — The Con- 
 stitution gives the Supreme Court of the United States 
 original jurisdiction over two classes of cases: 1st, those 
 affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls; 
 2d, those in which a State shall be a party. It has been decided 
 that Congress can neither enlarge nor abridge this jurisdic- 
 tion." Furthermore, the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court is 
 not exclusive. Congress has provided that in all cases' brought 
 by ambassadors or other public ministers, or in which a consul 
 is concerned, other Federal courts may have jurisdiction con- 
 currently with the Supreme Court; and in cases between a 
 State and its citizens, or between a State and citizens of 
 another State, or aliens, the jurisdiction is likewise concur- 
 rent; in other cases it is exclusive in the Supreme Court.^" 
 
 The Appellate Jurisdiction. — This is much more extensive 
 than the original jurisdiction. It includes all the cases men- 
 tioned in the first clause of this' Article. The first item in that 
 clause makes the Supreme Court the court of last resort for 
 all so-called constitutional cases. This is a wide range. Any 
 ease, whether between high functionaries over extensive 
 claims, or between the humblest citizens involving but a trivial 
 interest, if it turns wholly or in part on the application or 
 interpretation of the Constitution, the validity of an act of 
 Congress, or the force and extent of a treaty, comes fairly 
 under the Constitution, laws or treaties of the United States, 
 and may properly be appealed to the Supreme Court. The 
 question of appeal in these cases depends, not on the bigness of 
 
 • Marbury v. Madison, 1 Crancli, 137. 
 '» R. S., 687.
 
 The Federal Judiciary ^H 
 
 the claim, or the importance of the parties, but on the principle 
 at stake. Both questions of law and questions of fact may be 
 carried to the Supreme Court for review, but the majority of 
 the cases decided by that court involve questions of law only. 
 By such questions is meant : the validity or meaning of a law 
 or statute, or the rulings of the lower court on matters of pro- 
 cedure and evidence. These questions are always determined 
 by the judges without a jury. Questions of fact, on the other 
 hand, are triable before a jury; but jury trials in this court 
 are rare. 
 
 The Power of Congress to Make Exceptions. — The matter of 
 appeal is wholly subject to the legislative power of Congress, 
 as shown by the phrase, "with such exceptions and under 
 such reservations as the Congress shall make." Under this 
 authority Congress has determined that certain cases decided 
 in the State courts may be appealed to the Supreme Court — 
 as where the highest State court decides against the validity 
 of a law or treaty of the United States, or decides, on the other 
 hand, that a State statute is not repugnant to the United 
 States Constitution." Congress has enacted, furthermore, 
 that some cases may be decided finally by the Circuit Courts of 
 Appeals, some by the District Courts, and some by the Court 
 of Claims. To determine in any case whether a controversy 
 should come properly before a Federal court, or is properly 
 appealable to the Supreme Court, one must consult the 
 statutes enacted by Congress. 
 
 Limitations of the Federal Courts. — The Federal courts 
 have no common law jurisdietion. That is to say, all their 
 powers are derived from the Constitution or the Federal 
 statutes. This is especially evident in regard to crimes. 
 There are no common law crimes in the United States, except 
 as recognized by the several States. Hence no act is triable 
 as an offense before a Federal tribunal, unless Congress has 
 
 "R. S., 709.
 
 218 Constitutional Law 
 
 previously declared the act to be an offense against the United 
 
 States." 
 
 Section 2, Clause 3. — The trial of all crimes, except in 
 cases of impeachment, shall be by jury; and such trial 
 shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall have 
 been committed; but when not committed within any 
 State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the 
 Congress may by law have directed. 
 
 The Trial of Crimes by Jury. — The phrase " trial of all 
 crimes," refers to offenses against the United States only. Such 
 offenses, as we have said, must be defined by the public statutes 
 before they can be tried in the Federal courts, for there are no 
 common law offenses against the United States. The jury 
 which the Constitution requires for the trial of crimes is a 
 body of twelve impartial men, chosen from the district where 
 the violation of law occurred, all of whom must concur in the 
 guilt of the accused before he can be convicted. It is not im- 
 proper for the States to provide for juries of a greater or less 
 number than twelve for the trial of State offenses, or to allow 
 conviction by the vote of a majority. Most of the States, how- 
 ever, still cling to the old idea that the trial jury should con- 
 sist of twelve men, and that conviction should be only on a 
 unanimous verdict. This trial body is called the petit jury. 
 
 Need of Change in the Jury System.— The Constitution 
 requires all crimes to be tried before a jury. The requirements 
 of a jury to-day, however, are practically the same as the re- 
 quirements of centuries ago, and it is becoming more and more 
 a question whether trial by jury should not be abolished, or 
 drastic reforms made in the method of procedure. At present 
 the system is hedged about by straight-laced demands and 
 restrictions, and burdened by arbitrary, antiquated forms. So 
 many classes of men are excused from jury duty by law, and so 
 many drawn by lot are excused by the court for various 
 
 " U. S. V. Hudson, 7 Cranch, 32. U. S. v. Bevans, 3 Wheaton, 336. 
 Baldwin's American Judiciary, 142.
 
 The Federal Judiciary 219 
 
 reasons, that it is becoming more and more difficult to impanel 
 a full jury. Furthermore, the requirement that a juryman 
 shall have no previously formed opinion of the case before the 
 court seems, in these days of almost universal education and 
 rapid dissemination of knowledge, almost an absurdity. But 
 legal methods are slow to change, and this way of determining 
 justice will probably continue for a good many years to come. 
 
 Exceptions. — Not all cases at law, it should be noticed, are 
 tried by jury in the Federal courts; but only criminal cases, 
 and those issues of fact which the Constitution and the judi- 
 ciary acts require to be so tried. Equity cases are rarely taken 
 before the jury, but are determined by the court. Civil causes 
 in admiralty are likewise heard by the court without a jury, 
 except in a few special cases (R. S., 5G6). 
 
 Place of Trial. — The trial of all crimes must be in the State 
 where they are committed. By this provision the accused is 
 made to suffer as little inconvenience as possible; witnesses 
 are more easily summoned, and information is more readily 
 obtained, than if the trial should be held in some place remote 
 from the scene. Ordinarily the trial takes place in or near the 
 locality where the crime was committed, but if for any reason 
 the defendant cannot be assured of a fair trial in that locality, 
 the case may be taken to some other. This is called change of 
 _yenue. All these things, as well as the requirements regard- 
 ing the number and unanimity of the jury, favor the accused. 
 Offenses " not committed in any State " are those committed 
 in the District of Columbia, in the Territories, on lands owned 
 by the Indians, in the forts and arsenals of the United States, 
 and on the high seas. Congress has provided for all these: 
 those committed on the high seas being triable in the State 
 where the vessel first arrives. In the case of an American 
 vessel outward bound to a foreign port, it would be the duty of 
 the American consul at that port to cause the offender, on the 
 arrival of the vessel, to be arrested and sent back to the United 
 States for trial.
 
 220 Constitutional Law 
 
 Section '3, Clause 1. — Treason against the United States 
 shall consist only in levying war against them, or in ad- 
 hering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. 
 No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the 
 testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on 
 confession in open court. 
 
 Section 3, Clause 2. — The Congress shall have power to 
 declare the punishment of treason, but no attainder of 
 treason shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, 
 except during the life of the person attainted. 
 
 Treason Limited to Definite Acts; Constructive Treason. — 
 The definition of treason in the Constitution serves two pur- 
 poses : first, it makes conspicuous the acts which may be 
 punished as treason; second, it absolutely excludes all other 
 acts from being considered treason. The latter purpose is the 
 greater. The substance of this definition was taken directly 
 from the English Statute of Treasons, 25, Edward III. Before 
 the enactment of that statute judges sometimes determined 
 acts to be treasonable that were not believed to be such when 
 committed. From their decisions arose what was known as 
 constructive treason. Under the Constitution constructive 
 treason is absolutely impossible. The common law, further- 
 more, distinguished between high and petit treason; high 
 treason being practically what the Constitution defines as 
 treason, petit treason being the killing of a husband by his 
 wife, or of a master by his servant. The old distinction be- 
 tween high and petit treason, known to the common law and 
 still adhered to by some nations, does not exist in the United 
 States. 
 
 What is Treason? — The Constitution recognizes only two 
 classes of acts as treasonable: first, levying war against the 
 United States, or any one of them; second, adhering to their 
 enemies, giving them aid and (;omfort. To constitute the 
 offense of levying war there must be an actual breaking out of 
 hostilities for the purpose of subverting the government.
 
 The Fedeilvl Judiciary 221 
 
 A conspiracy to overthrow the government, although an in- 
 dictable offense, is not in itself treason." Adhering to the 
 enemies of the United States, giving them aid and comfort, is 
 a broad phrase. It embraces every act which renders any 
 assistance to the enemy, unless such act is done under com- 
 pulsion. Among these treasonable acts are : joining with the 
 enemy to give assistance, delivering up forts, arsenals, and 
 ships of war, and supplying the enemy with money, supplies 
 and ammunition. j\rere personal sympathy for the enemy is 
 not necessarily treason. Only the overt act is criminal. In 
 this' connection, however, even acts that are not intended as 
 treasonable may sometimes be so construed, if the effect of 
 them is to render assistance to the public enemy. To illus- 
 trate : in the Civil War, when the loyal owners of two steam- 
 boats which had been seized by the Confederates were offered 
 pay for them by the Southern government, they were in- 
 formed by the Secretary of State that the acceptance of pay 
 would be considered treasonable, as showing adherence to the 
 enemy. In any event, it is not necessary that material damage 
 be done, or that the aid given be of tangible assistance to the 
 enemy. It is enough if a hostile, overt act is committed. 
 Since treason, however, is really a breach of allegiance, it can 
 be committed only by one who owes allegiance, that is, by a 
 citizen." 
 
 Conviction. — Treason is the most serious crime that a man 
 can commit, for it strikes at the foundations of the govern- 
 ment. For this reason more than ordinary proof is required 
 to establish guilt. Mere circumstantial evidence is not 
 enough; a private confession amounts to nothing. To convict 
 of treason, there must be the evidence of two witnesses to the 
 same overt act, or confession in open court. 
 
 " Ex parte Bellman, 4 Cranch, 75. 
 
 "U. S. r. Villato, 2 Dallas, 370. U. S. v. Wiltberger, 5 AVheaton, 
 97.
 
 222 Constitutional Law 
 
 Punishment of Treason ; Attainder. — Under the old English 
 law, the punishment of treason was death in some horrible 
 form. Congress has declared the punishment of treason 
 against the United States to be imprisonment, or death by 
 hanging. The Constitution has further softened the old pun- 
 ishment by declaring that " no attainder of treason shall 
 work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except during the life 
 of the person attainted." The word attainder, as used in this 
 clause, means simply judicial conviction. To work corruption 
 of blood is to destroy all power of inheriting or transmitting 
 property according to the regular laws of descent. Under the 
 old English law, not only might a man convicted of treason 
 be put to death, but his property might be confiscated by the 
 State, and all right in his descendants to inherit property 
 either from him, or through him, be forever cut off. His blood 
 was said to be corrupted, and his punishment was visited upon 
 his descendants for successive generations. Corruption of 
 blood in this sense is forever prohibited by the Constitution, 
 and forfeiture of property is possible only to a limited extent. 
 The case of Day v. Micou, 18 Wall., 156 (1873), will perhaps 
 illuminate this point. 
 
 In 1858 J. P. P.cnjamin mortgaged his land to Madame 
 Micou. In 1865 Benjamin was adjudged guilty of treason 
 against the United States, and his property was confiscated by 
 the government and sold to Madison Day. Later, Madame 
 Micou brought suit against Day to recover the mortgage debt. 
 Day resisted the suit on the ground that forfeiture and sale 
 of the property by the government had relieved it of all en- 
 cumbrances. The court held that punishment for treason can- 
 not work a forfeiture of estate beyond the life of the person 
 attainted. Forfeiture took away merely l\Tr. Benjamin's in- 
 terest in the property, which was a life estate; it could not 
 deprive anyone else of his interest. The mortgagee's claim 
 was still good, since it attached to the property previous to 
 the forfeiture.
 
 The Federal Judiciary 223 
 
 Treason and Rebellion. — When entire communities levy war 
 against the government they create a state of treason rather 
 difficult of settlement. During the Civil War all who were 
 in arms against the government were technically guilty of 
 treason, but the government chose rather to regard them as 
 belligerents than as traitors. Although Congress passed many 
 acts for the disposition of captured property, and both legis- 
 lative and judicial acts of the Confederacy were held to be 
 absolutely void," no steps were taken at the close of the war to 
 punish the offenders according to statute. " You cannot indict 
 a whole people,'' said Edmund Burke ; and both the President 
 and Congress saw the absurdity of trying to punish a rebellious 
 community. Accordingly, the offense of having levied war 
 against the government was pardoned by general proclama- 
 tions of amnesty, issued by Presidents Lincoln and Johnson. 
 Later, the 14th Amendment, Clause 3, imposed disabilities on 
 certain ones who had engaged in rebellion, but more for the 
 purpose of rewarding and insuring loyalty than for punish- 
 ing disobedience. In 1898 these disabilities were removed. 
 
 Misprision of Treason. — Since Congress may declare the 
 punishment of treason, it also must have the power to declare 
 the punishment of lesser crimes in the nature of treason. 
 Accordingly, " misprision of treason," or the willful conceal- 
 ment of known treason by one who takes no part in the same, 
 has been declared an offense and made punishable. Guilty 
 knowledge here constitutes the wrong. Congress has likewise 
 provided for the punishment of conspiracy against the govern- 
 ment, where no overt act has been committed." y 
 
 "Knox V. Lee, 12 Wall. (79 U. S.), 457. In this case Lee, a loyal 
 citizen whose property had been confiscated under Confederate 
 statutes, was allowed to recover from Knox, the purchaser, on the 
 ground that the sale of property under void statutes was illegal. 
 
 " R. S., 5440.
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS 
 Article 4, Sections 1-4 
 
 AMENDING THE CONSTITUTION 
 
 Article 5. 
 
 VALIDITY OF DEBTS; FUNDAMENTAL LAW; OATH 
 
 OF OFFICE 
 
 Article 6, Sections 1-3 
 
 EATIFICATION OF THE CONSTITUTION 
 
 Article 7 
 
 15

 
 A 
 
 / 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS 
 Article 4 
 
 Section 1. — Full faith and credit shall be given in eacn 
 State to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings 
 of every other State. And the Congress may, by general 
 laws, prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, 
 and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof. 
 
 Faitli and Credit. — The full faith and credit to which the 
 public acts, records, and Judicial proceedings are entitled in 
 other States is the same faith and credit to which they are 
 entitled in the State where they originate.* But all such 
 things are facts to be proved, in case the question of their 
 existence arises; for the courts of one State are not required to 
 take judicial notice of the public proceedings in other States, 
 that is, to accept them as matters of common knowledge. 
 
 Proving Public Acts, etc. ; Act of Congress. — Congress has 
 provided for this in the following way : " The acts of the 
 legislature of any State or Territory, or of any countrs' subject 
 to the jurisdiction of the United States, shall be authenticated 
 by having the seal of such Territory, State, or country afifixed 
 thereto. The records, and judicial proceedings of the courts 
 of any State, Territory, or of any such country, shall be proved, 
 or admitted in any other court within the LTnited States, by 
 the attestation of the clerk and the seal of the court annexed, if 
 there be a seal, together with the certificate of the judge, chief 
 justice, or presiding magistrate, that the attestation is in due 
 form." ' 
 
 " Public acts " are the State's legislative enactments. 
 " Eecords " are the registration of deeds, wills, legislative 
 
 * Mills V. Duryea, 7 Cranch, 4S1. 
 'R. S., 905.
 
 228 Constitutional Law 
 
 journals, etc. " Judicial proceedings " are the judgments, 
 orders, and due procedure of organized courts. 
 
 Section 2, Clause 1. — The citizens of each State shall be 
 entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the 
 several States. 
 
 The General Purpose. — The general purpose of this amend- 
 ment was to settle all uncertainty regarding the rights of 
 citizens of any State while passing through, sojourning, or 
 residing in any other State. No state may pass laws discrimi- 
 nating against citizens of other States. Conversely, citizens 
 of one State may not carry into another State privileges that 
 are not enjoyed by citizens of the latter. To illustrate : John 
 Doe, of New Hampshire, on removing to Maine, may enjoy all 
 the privileges and immunities of the citizens of Maine. He 
 may claim police protection; he may acquire and hold prop- 
 erty ; he may institute suits in the State courts, and in respect 
 to most matters may act as a citizen of Maine. But he may 
 not carry into that State any rights and privileges not allowed 
 by the laws of Maine to its own citizens. Thus he may not 
 engage in a business there which is illegal under ]\rnine 
 statutes, on the ground that such business is legal in Xcw 
 Hampshire. 
 
 Exceptions; Political Privileges. — ^WHiat has just been said 
 is true of citizens in respect to their private, or business rela- 
 tions. In respect to their relations with the State a different 
 rule may obtain. Political privileges, such as the right to vote, 
 to hold State offices, etc., may certainly be reserved by the 
 State to its own citizens. Furthermore, on the ground of 
 public ownership, a State may with reason limit certain other 
 privileges, such as shooting on public game preserves and 
 fishing in public waters, to its own body politic. 
 
 Although corporations are often called artificial citizens, in' 
 no sense are they citizens in fact. Hence, a State is not bound]
 
 Miscellaneous 229 
 
 to accord to corporations created by other States all the 
 privileges and iinnmnities granted to its own corporations or 
 enjoyed by its private citizens.* But all restrictions imposed 
 by a State on corporations chartered by other States must be 
 in conformity with the Constitution and laws of the United 
 States. For example, a State may forbid foreign corporations 
 to acquire real property within the State by devise,* that is by 
 will or testament, but it cannot restrict the navigation of its 
 waters to domestic citizens or corporations, for that would be a 
 regulation of interstate commerce ; nor may it deny to foreign 
 corporations, which it allows to do business within its borders, 
 privileges and immunities which its own citizens enjoy. This, 
 at least, was the decision of the Supreme Court in the case of 
 Blake v. McClung, 172 U. S., 239 (1898), as follows: 
 
 A Tennessee statute gave the citizens of that State priority 
 over citizens of other States in the settlement of the estates of 
 insolvent foreign corporations doing business in Tennessee, 
 although foreign corporations were allowed to operate in 
 Tennessee by permission of the legislature. 
 
 The Supreme Court held that the State of Tennessee could 
 not deny to citizens of other States whom it allowed to do 
 business there privileges and immunities that its own citizens 
 enjoyed. The terms privileges and immunities, it said, were 
 not easy to define, but they must include the right of creditors 
 to participate on terms of equality in the assets of a debtor. 
 
 Section, 2, Clause 2. — A person charged in any State with 
 treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice, 
 and be found in another State, shall, on demand of the 
 executive authority of the State from which he fled, be 
 delivered up, to be removed to the State having juris- 
 diction of the crime. 
 
 • Paul V. Va., 8 Wallace, 168. Horn Silver Mining Co. v. N. Y., 
 143 U. S., 305. 
 
 *U. S. V. Fox, 94 U. S., 315.
 
 230 Constitutional Law 
 
 Fugitives From Justice. — A fugitive from justice is a person 
 who, having committed a crime in one jurisdiction, flees to 
 another to avoid punishment. The matter of returning such 
 persons by one nation to another is rcguhited by treaties. The 
 United States government has such treaties witli most, but 
 not all, foreign States. In the United States, the matter is 
 provided for by the present clause in the Constitution. With- 
 out this regulation the several States would become asylums 
 for the fleeing criminals of each other, for the courts of one 
 have no jurisdiction in any other, and the States are forbidden 
 by the Constitution to make treaties, or, without the consent 
 of Congress, to enter into any compact or agreement with each 
 other. The act of returning escaped criminals, or fugitives 
 from justice, from one nation to another, or from one State 
 to another, is called extradition. The formal demand for such 
 delivery is termed requisition. 
 
 The Procedure. — The procedure in extradition was pre- 
 scribed by Congress in 1793. Substantially it is as follows: 
 First, formal demand by the executive of the State from which 
 the alleged criminal has fled must be made on the executive of 
 the State to which he has fled. Second, this demand must be 
 accompanied by a copy of the indictment found against him, 
 or by an affidavit made before a magistrate charging the 
 fugitive with the commission of a crime. Third, when it has 
 been shown to the satisfaction of the executive on whom the 
 demand is made that a crime against the demanding State has 
 been committed by the person named in the requisition, he 
 shall cause the latter to be arrested and delivered up to officers 
 from the demanding State. The law in these cases allows the 
 Governor little discretion. But the charge against the person 
 must be in the nature of a crime; he cannot legally be ex- 
 tradited to satisfy a private demand. What seems like an ex- 
 ception to this is in the law providing for the extradition of 
 bankrupts. Whenever a bankrupt is suspected of an intention
 
 Miscellaneous 231 
 
 to leave the district in which the court is sitting tlie court may 
 issue a warrant for his detention. Should he tlicn remove to 
 some other district he may be extradited, as in the case of a 
 fugitive against whom an indictment is pending." The phrase, 
 " fugitive from justice," implies an actual fleeing from one 
 jurisdiction to another. Accordingly, if the person in ques- 
 tion has never been in the demanding State, he cannot be said 
 to have fled from it, and he is not demandable as a fugitive." 
 
 It is not always necessary to resort to these formal proceed- 
 ings in order to secure a fugitive for trial. He may be enticed 
 back into the State from which he has fled, or kidnapped and 
 brought back, then arrested, tried, and punished, and such 
 proceedings have been declared valid.' In any case, whether 
 returned by extradition, or by less formal proceedings, he may 
 be tried for the alleged offense, or for any other that he may 
 be afterwards charged with.* 
 
 This Clause not Mandatory. — No doubt the framers of the 
 Constitution intended that this clause should be mandatory. 
 Time and the courts have decreed otherwise. The imperative 
 sJluU has become in practice the permissive may. That is, the 
 Governor of the State on whom the demand is made, although 
 morally bound in a proper case to deliver up the alleged 
 criminal, cannot be compelled to do so,* for Congress has as 
 yet made no provision to coerce an obstinate State executive. 
 Furthermore, in case the fugitive is arrested in the State to 
 which he has fled, it is always proper for the courts of that 
 State to inquire by habeas corpus proceedings into the 
 
 ' Statutes at Large, 30, 549. 
 •Ex parte Smith, 3 McLean, 133. 
 
 ' Ker. V. 111., 119 U. S., 456. Malion v. Justice, 127 U. S., 700. Cook 
 V. Hart, 146 U. S., 1S3. 
 
 'Lascelles v. Georgia, 148 U. S., 537. 
 ' Kentucky v. Dennison, 24 Howard, 66.
 
 233 Constitutional Law 
 
 sufficiency of the charge against him"; and unless the requisi- 
 tion papers are complete, and show at least a prima facie case 
 against the accused, he may be released. 
 
 Section 2, Clause 3. — No person held to service or labor 
 in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, 
 shall, In consequence of any law or regulation therein, be 
 discharged from such service or labor, but shall be de- 
 livered up on claim of the party to whom such service or 
 labor may be due. 
 
 Fugitives from Labor. — This clause is mainly of historic 
 interest to-day. It was doubtless intended to apply both to 
 slaves and to apprentices; but as the 13th Amendment has 
 forever abolished slavery, and as the custom of apprenticing 
 is falling into disuse, the clause is practically a dead letter. 
 
 Section 3, Clause 1. — New States may be admitted by the 
 Congress into this Union; but no new State shall be 
 formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other 
 State; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or 
 more States, or parts of States, without the consent of the 
 legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the 
 Congress. 
 
 Western Claims. — At the conclusion of the Eevolutionary 
 War a vast unorganized territory lay west of the thirteen 
 States. Some of this land was claimed by the various States ; 
 the rest was owned by other nations. In 1780 Congress 
 pressed on those States that had claims to western land the 
 advisability of giving up their conflicting holdings for the 
 common good. This they did one by one, until at the time of 
 the adoption of the Constitution only two States, South Caro- 
 lina and Georgia," retained their western claims ; all the rest 
 
 " Roberts v. Reilly, 116 U. S., 80. Ex parte Reggel, 114 U. S., 642. 
 "By 1802 Georgia and South Carolina had relinquished their 
 claims.
 
 Miscellaneous 233 
 
 of the land west of the original colonies, not owned by other 
 nations, had come into the possession of the United States. 
 Gradually Congress acquired possession of the western conti- 
 nental territory held by other nations; but before this was com- 
 pleted the work of dividing western lands into States and 
 Territories had begun. 
 
 Status of New Territory. — Although Section 3, Article 4, 
 had immediate reference to the western claims of the original 
 States, the language is broad enough to cover whatever land 
 the United States might acquire, and by whatever means. 
 The Constitution does not expressly empower Congress to add 
 to the national domain by purchase, conquest, treaty, or by 
 any other mode; but the United States has repeatedly exer- 
 cised the power as appertaining to national sovereignty. 
 Normally, land acquired by the government to be added to 
 the national domain passes through two stages before reach- 
 ing the dignity of statehood. First, whether it be barbarous 
 land, or land with a de facto government, it is a dependency, 
 a mere possession, and ruled entirely by the general govern- 
 ment; secondly, it becomes a territory with a greater or less 
 degree of organization, and with a limited self-government. 
 From this status it may develop into a State with self-govern- 
 ment and a highly developed political organization." 
 
 The fact that a dependency, or Territory, is contiguous to 
 the established Union does not make its statehood any more 
 certain, nor the fact that it lies remote, forever keep it from 
 that desirable status. Whether a Territory shall become a 
 State rests entirely on the will of Congress. 
 
 How States are Admitted. — The mode of admitting new 
 States into the Union has not been entirely uniform. It is 
 usually done as follows : When a Territory has sufficient popu- 
 lation it draws up and sends to Congress a memorial, or peti- 
 tion, asking for permission to form a State constitution, and 
 
 "Texas, the single exception, was admitted a full-fledged State.
 
 234 CoxsTiTUTioxAL Law 
 
 to be admitted to the Union. Congress then passes an " en- 
 abling act," authorizing the inhabitants of the Territory to 
 form a constitution. When this is done the document is sent 
 to Congress for approval. If the proceedings have been regu- 
 lar, and the constitution is free from objections. Congress 
 passes an act, commonly a joint resolution, admitting the new 
 State into the Union, " on an equal footing with the original 
 States in all respects whatsoever." The example of Louisiana 
 is typical. In 1804 the great region purchased from France, 
 under the name of Louisiana, was divided by Congress into 
 the district of Louisiana and the district of Orleans. In 1811 
 Congress passed an act " to enable the people of Orleans to 
 form a State constitution and State government." In 1813 
 an act was passed " for the admission of the State of Louisiana 
 into the Union, and to extend the laws of the United States 
 to the said State." 
 
 Exceptions. — The power of Congress to make new States 
 has two limitations. It may not divide a State, or amalgamate 
 two or more, without the consent of the legislatures of the 
 States concerned. But such consent may be implied by sub- 
 sequent acts as well as expressly given." 
 
 Section 3, Clause 2. — The Congress shall have power to 
 dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations 
 respecting the territory or other property belonging to 
 the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall 
 be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United 
 States, or of any particular State. 
 
 General Provisions. — Territories are portions of the 
 national domain having a more or less developed political 
 organization for purposes of government. The land is owned 
 by the Federal government; the political rights of the people 
 depend on the will of Congress. The executive and the judicial 
 
 "Virginia v. West Virginia, 11 Wallace, 39.
 
 Miscellaneous 235 
 
 officers are appointed by the President and the Senate for 
 limited terms, and are subject to removal by the President at 
 any time. The provisions of the Constitution defining the 
 limits of judicial power have no application to the Territories. 
 Congress may make the jurisdiction of territorial courts what 
 it pleases, or abolish them altogether. The legislature of a 
 Territory is usually elected by the people; but its enactments 
 are subject to the supervision of Congress, and the latter may 
 make void any or all of them." Territories levy their own 
 taxes for local purposes. They may be taxed for national pur- 
 poses, but only under the same rules and for the same purposes 
 as are the States. 
 
 The territorial condition is generally regarded as temporary 
 and preparatory. The inhabitants, as soon as they are suffi- 
 cient in numbers, and local conditions are suitable, may, at 
 the discretion of Congress, establish State institutions for 
 themselves. It has not been the policy of the United States to 
 keep any people, or section of country, in a position of de- 
 pendence longer than conditions make necessary. At present, 
 1913, the Territories of the United States consist of Alaska, 
 Hawaii, Porto Pico, the Philippine Islands, and the small 
 islands of Cluam and Tutuila. As these differ politically in 
 some particulars, it may be well to point out what those par- 
 ticulars are. 
 
 Alaska. — Alaska was purchased from Pussia in 1867. It is 
 not yet a fully organized Territory. Although it has a Gov- 
 ernor, courts, attorneys, marshals, and commissioners, it has 
 SS legislature. For many years the laws of Oregon were, so 
 far as applicable, extended over Alaska; but in 1898 and 1900, 
 respectively, special criminal and civil codes were enacted by 
 Congress for its government. Alaska is represented in Con- 
 gress bv one delegate, who may participate in the discussions 
 of the House and serve on committees, ])ut who lias no vote. 
 
 " Mormon Church v. United States, 136 U. S., 1.
 
 236 Constitutional Law 
 
 Hawaii. — The Hawaiian Islands were annexed to the 
 United States in 1898 by the terms of a joint resolution of 
 Congress. Previously they had been at various times a king- 
 dom under native rulers, a United States protectorate, and a 
 republic. Since 19U0 Hawaii has been an organized Terri- 
 tory. It has a Governor appointed by the President, a dele- 
 gate in Congress, elected by the people, and a legislature con- 
 sisting of a Senate and a House of Representatives. The 
 judiciary consists of a Supreme Court, a Circuit Court, and 
 such inferior courts as the legislature may establish. The 
 judges are appointed by the President and the Senate. 
 
 Porto Rico. — This island came into the possession of the 
 United States in 1898, as a result of the war with Spain. 
 From then until May 1, 1900, when Congress established a 
 civil government for the island, it was governed by the Presi- 
 dent through the War Department. Porto Rico now has a 
 Governor, appointed by the President and the Senate. The 
 legislature consists of a council, appointed by the President 
 and the Senate, and a House of Delegates chosen by the people. 
 It has Supreme and District Courts, the judges of which are 
 appointed by the President and the Senate. Instead of hav- 
 ing a delegate in Congress, Porto Rico maintains a resident 
 commissioner " near the Congress," who represents the island 
 in all official matters. 
 
 The Philippine Islands. — These islands were ceded to the 
 United States in 1898, for $20,000,000. For two years there- 
 after the government was purely military, the Filipinos carry- 
 ing on the same desultory warfare against the United States 
 that they had previously waged against Spain. In 1900 the 
 President appointed a commfssion of five men to establish a 
 civil government for the islands ; in 1903 the head of this com- 
 mission was made civil governor of the Philippines, with the 
 title of Governor-General. In 1907 provision was made for 
 the election of a native assembly. The commissioners (now
 
 Miscellaneous 237 
 
 nine in number) and the assembly together form the legis- 
 lature. The judiciary consists of a Supreme Court and a 
 number of lesser courts. The judges are appointed by the 
 President ajid the Senate. The islands are represented in the 
 United States by two commissioners. 
 
 The condition of both Porto Rico and the Philippines is at 
 present unsatisfactory. Both are under the absolute control 
 of Congress; both are regarded as domestic territory; but they 
 have not yet been incorporated as part of the United States 
 within the meaning of the revenue laws, or of that clause of the 
 Constitution requiring " all duties, imposts, and excises to be 
 uniform throughout the United States." Hence the law pro- 
 viding for a small tax on goods shipped from the United States 
 to Porto Pico, and from the latter place to the United States, 
 was held to be valid." The political status of the inhabitants 
 of the Philippines has not yet been fully determined. 
 
 Guam and Tutuila. — Guam was ceded to the United States 
 in 1899. Tutuila, a part of the Samoan Islands, came into the 
 possession of the United States in 1900, through a treaty 
 entered into by Great Britain, Germany and the United States, 
 concerning the final disposition of this group. Politically, 
 both Guam and Tutuila are little more than dependencies. 
 They are governed by the President through the Navy Depart- 
 ment, and have no official representative in the United States. 
 
 Section 4. — The United States shall guarantee to every 
 State in this Union a republican form of government, and 
 shall protect each of them against invasion; and, on appli- 
 cation of the legislature, or of the Executive (when the 
 legislature cannot be convened) against domestic vio- 
 lence. 
 
 Republican Government. — The obvious meaning of the first 
 part of this clause is that only a republican form of govern- 
 
 "Dooley v. United States. 183 U. S., 151. Stat, at Large. 77. 
 Downes v. Bidwell, 182 U. S., 244.
 
 238 Constitutional Law 
 
 ment shall be allowed to exist in the United States. By repub- 
 lican is meant representative, rather than monarchical, oli- 
 garchical, or democratic. In a monarchy the government is 
 hereditary; in an oligarchy it is restricted to a certain class; 
 in a pure democracy it is vested in the whole people; in a 
 republic the people are the source of all power, although the 
 actual business of governing and law making is in the hands of 
 officers regularly chosen by the people to act for them. The 
 government is " representative." Such was the character of 
 the governments in the several States at the time of the adop- 
 tion of the Constitution, and such is the character of the Fed- 
 eral government. It is to be presumed therefore that this is the 
 form of government guaranteed by the Constitution to every 
 State in the Union. It is not expected, however, that every 
 State government shall correspond in every detail with the 
 governments of all or any of the thirteen original States, or 
 with that of the United States, for there are many shades of 
 republicanism ; but that every State government in the Union 
 shall be representative in character. In every case. Congress 
 is the final judge of the character of the government set up in 
 any State. In the exercise of this power Congress, at the close 
 of the Civil War, provided for the reconstruction of republican 
 governments in the States that had passed ordinances of 
 secession. 
 
 Foreign Invasion and Domestic Violence. — It would plainly 
 be the duty of the Federal government, without this Constitu- 
 tional guaranty, to use its great powers to protect any State 
 against invasion, for injury to one is injury to all; but it is 
 plainly not its duty to interfere in every domestic disturbance. 
 Most cases of domestic violence are local in character. They 
 affect distant States and the Federal governmeut indirectly, 
 or not at all. They are easily within the power of State or 
 municipal authorities to settle. For the United States to in- 
 termeddle on any and every such occasion would tend to pro-
 
 Miscellaneous 239 
 
 voko dipsension, since the States are naturally zealous of their 
 ability to take care of themselves. But on the demand of the 
 State legislature, or of the Governor (when the legislature 
 cannot be convened), it is the duty of the United States gov- 
 ernment to bring its vast strength to the aid of any State 
 having domestic trouble. And in any case, it is proper and 
 lawful for the United States to protect Federal property and 
 the interests of the people at large, whether threatened by 
 internal or external violence. This was conclusively shown 
 at the time of the 
 
 Chicago Riots. — In 1894 occurred a great strike among rail- 
 road employees. At Chicago, where the chief disturbances 
 were, the strikers attempted to prevent trains from operating 
 in the city. Their acts amounted to such serious interference 
 with interstate commerce and the passage of United States 
 mails, that President Cleveland, without the demand of the 
 Governor of Illinois, and even against his protest, called out 
 the Federal troops to suppress the disorder. The Supreme 
 Court sustained the act of the President, thus establishing 
 the principle stated above." 
 
 " In re Debs, 158 U. S., 564.
 
 240 Constitutional Law 
 
 AMENDIXG THE CONSTITUTION 
 
 Article 5 
 
 The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both houses shall 
 deem it necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Con- 
 stitution, or, on the application of the legislatures of two- 
 thirds of the several States, shall call a convention for 
 proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be 
 valid to all intents and purposes as part of this Constitu- 
 tion, when ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of 
 the several States, or by conventions in three-fourths 
 thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be 
 proposed by the Congress: provided, tliat no amendment 
 which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight 
 hundred and eight shall in any manner affect the first and 
 fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article; and 
 that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its 
 equal suffrage in the Senate. 
 
 Methods of Proposing and Ratifying Amendments. — The 
 5th Article provides two ways of proposing and of ratifying 
 the Constitution. Since the Constitution was adopted it has 
 been amended seventeen times, and each time the amendment 
 was proposed by Congress and ratified by the legislatures of 
 the States. The other method of obtaining the same end has 
 been regarded as cumbersome, if not actually dangerous. It is 
 perhaps well that tlie legislatures of two-thirds of the States 
 have never yet petitioned Congress to call a convention for 
 proposing amendments. A large convention called together 
 for that purpose would be likely to arouse endless excitement, 
 and to keep business at a standstill awaiting the result of the 
 deliberations; and the members of the convention, although 
 assembled to propose one amendment, might in their zeal be 
 led to propose a great many more. It has been far better for 
 that deliberative body which is annually in session, namely, 
 the Congress of the United States, to do such proposing, and
 
 Amending the Constitution 241 
 
 for the ratification to be left to those similar deliberative 
 bodies in the States which are yearly in readiness to act. 
 
 The President's Signature Unnecessary. — A proposal by 
 Congress to amend the Constitution has always taken the form 
 of a joint resolution. It has been decided that such a resolu- 
 tion is legal without the President's signature." This is a 
 point which hardly seems to need judicial interpretation, 
 since the majority required to propose an amendment, two- 
 thirds, is precisely the majority required to pass a bill over the 
 President's veto. Furthermore, a proposal by Congress to 
 amend the Constitution does not bind the country until ac- 
 cepted by three-fourths of the States. 
 
 State Equality in the Senate. — It is said that the last clause 
 in Article 5 is the one part of the Constitution not susceptible 
 to amendment. In other words, no matter how many amend- 
 ments are proposed to limit the suffrage of any State in the 
 United States Senate, that State has an absolute veto on every 
 one of them. The idea that any State should consent freely 
 to a limitation of its suffrage is not conceivable. 
 
 Amendments Prior to 1808. — The provision that no amend- 
 ment made prior to the year 1808 should affect the 1st and the 
 4th Clauses of the 9th Section of the 1st Article of the Con- 
 stitution has no longer any force. 
 
 Reason for Allowing Amendments. — The Constitution is 
 the fundamental law of the land. It is a written document 
 of fixed and very definite principles. The makers of the in- 
 strument recognized the fact that their judgment was not 
 infallible, their foresight but limited. They could not foresee 
 the vast expansion which the nation was to achieve, and pro- 
 vide at once for all the possible needs of the people, or for the 
 exigencies to which they might come. Realizing therefore 
 that a written constitution to be successful must be made to 
 conform to changes which progress and development bring, 
 
 " Hollingsworth v. Va., 3 Dallas, 378. 
 16
 
 242 Constitutional Law 
 
 they provided ways for amending the instrument which they 
 had made. But in so doing they had regard for two possible 
 dangers : 1st, of making amendments so easy that their num- 
 ber might in time become a burden, if not a jest among other 
 nations; 2d, of making them so difficult as to be impossible, 
 or so that revolution might seem in comparison to be the 
 surer way of effecting the desired change. 
 
 Are Further Amendments Possible? — The methods of pro- 
 posing and of ratifying amendments, as finally agreed to, 
 seemed at the time of the Convention to be such as to avoid as 
 much as possible the two extremes just mentioned. When the 
 nation was young these methods worked well. Within seven- 
 teen years after the adoption of the Constitution twelve amend- 
 ments were added. For sixty years thereafter, though many 
 were proposed in Congress, no m^re were adopted by the States. 
 Meanwhile, the number of States, and consequently the num- 
 ber of Congressmen, was increasing, and it was becoming 
 more and more difficult for two-thirds of both Houses of Con- 
 gress to agree to propose an amendment, and for three-fourths 
 of the States to ratify it when proposed. Then during that 
 time of unrest and political excitement immediately following 
 the Civil War, three more amendments were proposed and 
 ratified. It is very possible that these three amendments would 
 not have been made but for the unsettled condition of politics 
 at the time. Forty-three years after the 15th Amendment was 
 added to the Constitution the 16th and 17th were proposed 
 and ratified, settling forever vexed questions of very long 
 standing. Thus in one hundred and twenty-four years but 
 seventeen amendments have been added to the Constitution, 
 and most of these at wide intervals. More amendments may 
 possibly be made from time to time ; but the truth of the mat- 
 ter is that population has so increased, States have become so 
 many, and business interests are now so amazingly extensive 
 and intricate that amending the Constitution has come to be a
 
 Validity of Debts, Etc. 243 
 
 gigantic task. What was but reasonably difficult one hundred 
 years ago is now possible only after a very wide demand and a 
 prolonged agitation. 
 
 K^ 
 
 VALIDITY OF DEBTS, FUNDAMENTAL LAW. 
 OATH OF OFFICE 
 
 Article 6 
 
 Section 1, Clause 1. — All debts contracted and engage- 
 ments entered into, before the adoption of this Constitu- 
 tion, shall be as valid against the United States under 
 this Constitution as under the Confederation. 
 
 Section 1, Clause 2. — This Constitution, and the laws of 
 the United States which shall be made in pursuance there- 
 of, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under 
 the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme 
 law of the land; and the judges in every State shall be 
 bound thereby, anything in the constitution or laws of 
 any State to the contrary notwithstanding. 
 
 Section 1, Clause 3. — The Senators and Representatives 
 before mentioned, and the members of the several State 
 legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both 
 of the United States and of the several States, shall be 
 bound by oath, or affirmation, to support this Constitution ; 
 but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualifica- 
 tion to any office or public trust under the United States. 
 
 Pre-existing Debts. — Section 1, Article G, is now only of 
 historical and ethical interest. At the time of the Conven- 
 tion, however, the insertion of this clause validating previous 
 debts and engagements was both just and politic. It was just, 
 since there is no more reason for a nation to escape self-made 
 indebtedness than for an individual ; it was politic, for it set 
 forth to all the world the fact that the United States govern- 
 ment was honest. The clause, however, established no new 
 idea. It has long been a settled principle of law that whenever
 
 244 Constitutional Law 
 
 a nation changes its form of government, the new government 
 succeeds not only to all the rights and privileges of the old, but 
 to all its obligations. Hence the United States government 
 could hardly have repudiated any honest indebtedness to which 
 it had fallen heir. 
 
 The Supreme Law. — The besetting weakness of the Confed- 
 eration was that no member of it recognized a " supreme law 
 of the land." Each State was sufficient unto itself. Section 2, 
 Article 6 of the Constitution plainly establishes the supe- 
 riority of the Federal government and states expressly what 
 the supreme law is. Categorically the meaning of this is as 
 follows : 
 
 1. The Constitution is supreme over every constitution 
 enacted in the States, and over every law created by Congress 
 or by any State, and over every Federal treaty. 
 
 2. Every Federal law and treaty, made in conformity with 
 the Constitution, is also supreme over every law enacted by 
 the States. 
 
 3. But every law and treaty of the United States, not in 
 conformity with the Constitution, is null and void. 
 
 4. And every State statute, not in conformity with the 
 Federal Constitution, laws' or treaties, or with its own constitu- 
 tion, is also void. 
 
 5. Lastly, every judge in every State is bound to observe 
 these principles. 
 
 The last sentence means this : Every judge, whether sitting 
 in a State or a Federal court, not only may decide a State law 
 or a United States law to be unconstitutional, but he is bound 
 to do so if it so appears to him in a regularly instituted case. 
 But every law and treaty is deemed to be constitutional until 
 it has- been declared otherwise by a competent court. The 
 court of last resort for all cases involving the constitutionality 
 of a law or treaty is, of course, the Supreme Court.
 
 Validity of Debts, Etc. 245 
 
 Oath of Office. — A previous clause (Article 2, Section 1, 
 Clause 7) prescribes the oath of office for the President. Con- 
 gress, in its first session, 1789, devised the following oath for 
 all Federal and State officers : " I, A. B., do solemnly swear, 
 or affirm (as the case may be), that I will support the Con- 
 stitution of the United States." This simple oath was in use 
 for many years, but in 1871 it was superseded by the follow- 
 ing: " I, A. B., do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will sup- 
 port and defend the Constitution of the United States against 
 all enemies, foreign and domestic ; that I will bear true faith 
 and allegiance to the same; that I take this obligation freely, 
 without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion; and 
 that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office 
 on which I am about to enter. So help me God." " 
 
 Test Oath of 1862. — ^foved no doubt by the very tense and 
 exalted state of public feeling Congress, in 1862, adopted a 
 very stringent oath of office for all persons elected or appointed 
 to any position under the government. The act required the 
 appointee to swear that he had never taken up arms against 
 the United States, or aided its enemies ; that he had not sought 
 or held office under, or yielded any support to, any pretended 
 government hostile to the United States. The act was broad- 
 ened by amendment in 1865 to include attorneys practicing 
 in the Federal courts. This oath, commonly known as the 
 " Ironclad oath," practically excluded all Southerners from 
 holding office under the government. With the close of the 
 Rebellion this unpopular restriction began to appear more and 
 more unnecessary. It was pronounced unconstitutional by the 
 Supreme Court in 1867, in so far as it related to attorneys 
 practicing before that court " as being ex post facto and a bill 
 of attainder. In 1884 it was repealed. 
 
 Religious Toleration. — Toleration, especially in religious 
 matters, is a striking characteristic of American freedom. 
 
 "Rev. Stat., 1757. 
 
 " Ex parte Garland, 4 Wallace, 334.
 
 246 Constitutional Law 
 
 The members of the Convention realized the fact that a man 
 may be a very good office holder despite a lack of religion. 
 No general desire has ever been shown to remove the prohibi- 
 tion contained in the last clause of Section 3 of Article 6, and 
 to introduce a religious test as a qualification to public office. 
 
 Among the States this broad spirit of toleration has not 
 been universal. In some States no man vt^ho denies the exist- 
 ence of a Supreme Being can hold public office. For example, 
 the State of Maryland requires all holders of public offices to 
 profess the Christian religion, or a belief in a future state of 
 rewards and punishments. 
 
 EATIFICATION OF THE CONSTITUTION" 
 
 Akticle 7 
 
 The ratification of the conventions of nine States shall 
 be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution be- 
 tween the States so ratifying the same. 
 
 Ratification. — The chief thing to note here is that the 
 establishment of the Constitution depended on a fractional, 
 rather than unanimous, vote of the thirteen States. Had 
 unanimous consent been required, it is possible that the Con- 
 stitution would never have gone into operation. One stubborn 
 State could have put to naught the tremendous labors of the 
 Convention. As soon as nine States, however, had signified 
 their willingness to accept the Constitution, steps were taken 
 to organize the government and put it in operation. What 
 would have been the status of any State that had persisted 
 in refusing to join the Union is to-day an interesting question, 
 perhaps, but not profitable to discuss here. 
 
 Organizing the New Government. — The Constitution was 
 signed by the members of the Convention September 17, 1787, 
 and forwarded immediately to the Continental Congress, with 
 a request that it be transmitted to the several States for their
 
 Eatification of the Constitution 247 
 
 ratification. On the 28th of September the Congress voted 
 unanimously to transmit the Constitution to the State legis- 
 latures, with the request that they submit it to " conventions of 
 delegates chosen in each State by the people thereof." This 
 plan was followed in all the States, and the Constitution was 
 ratified by the people through their delegates in the following 
 order: Delaware, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Georgia, Con- 
 necticut, Massachusetts, Maryland, South Carolina, Xew 
 Hampshire, Virginia, New York, North Carolina and Ehode 
 Island. Hence it became truly a people's Constitution. The 
 last two States deferred their consent until November 21, 
 1789, and May 20, 1790, respectively. Meanwhile, as soon as 
 New Hampshire, the ninth State to take favorable action, had 
 ratified the Constitution, Congress set to work to put the new 
 government into operation. This labor devolved naturally on 
 the Continental Congress, for until a new government should 
 be actually established by the election of a new Congress and 
 of a President and a Vice President, that body was still the 
 source of authority. In September, 1788, provision was made 
 for the immediate election of two Houses of Congress, and of a 
 President and a Vice President, and the first Wednesday in 
 March of the next year was selected as the day on which the 
 new government should commence operations'. When the first 
 Wednesday in ^March, 1789, came, which that year was the 
 fourth day of the month, the Continental Congress ceased to be, 
 and the first term of Congress under the Constitution officially 
 began.
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION 
 Articles 1-17
 
 AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION 
 
 In General. — Twenty-one amendments have been proposed 
 by Congress; seventeen have been accepted and ratified by the 
 States. Instead of being inserted in various suitable places 
 in the text of the Constitution, these amendments have been 
 appended to the instrument in succession, and numbered ac- 
 cordingly. They have as much legal force as any clause in the 
 original document. 
 
 The first ten amendments, which in substance form a group 
 by themselves, were proposed by the first Congress, 1T91. They 
 were proposed at a time when fears were rife that the people 
 were in danger of oppression by the Federal government They 
 were intended to be a sort of bulwark for the people against 
 the possible tyranny of that government. They are in the 
 nature of a bill of rights, the necessity for which does not now 
 seem so apparent as it did when they were adopted. 
 
 The 11th and 12th Amendments form a second group. The 
 11th Amendment, adopted in 1798, merely put a restriction on 
 the Federal judiciary. The 12th Amendment, adopted in 
 1804, established the present method of electing the Presi- 
 dent of the United States. 
 
 The 13th, 14th and lotli Amendments, adopted shortly 
 after the Civil War, make a third group. The general purpose 
 of these acts was to improve the status of the negroes, and to 
 prevent the oppression of citizens by the States. 
 
 The IGth and the 17th Amendments, adopted in 1913, for- 
 ever settled two great questions. The 16th Amendment gave 
 Congress the power to tax incomes, a matter that had been in 
 dispute for a century and more ; the 17th Amendment gave the
 
 252 COiSrsTiTDTiONAL Law 
 
 people the right to elect the members of the United States 
 Senate, a question that had been agitated quite as long. 
 
 Article 1 
 Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment 
 of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or 
 abridging the freedom of speech or of the press; or the 
 right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition 
 the government for a redress of grievances. 
 
 Religion and the Law. — The student will remember that 
 Clause 3 of Article 6 states that " no religious test shall ever 
 be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under 
 the United States." The 1st Amendment goes beyond that 
 by forbidding Congress to make any religion the established 
 religion of the United States, or to prevent the free exercise 
 of any religion. To the last, however, there is this exception : 
 namely, that Congress is not to be prevented from legislating 
 against any religion which, in the common sense of mankind, 
 is not harmonious with public morals. For example, polygamy 
 and bigamy are none the less crimes because encouraged by a 
 religious sect. To call their advocacy a tenet of religion is to 
 offend the common sense of mankind.* 
 
 Acts of Congress providing for chaplains in the two Houses 
 of the national legislature, and in the army and the navy, are 
 not to be regarded as establishing a religion. They merely 
 recognize in a general way the benefits of the Christian 
 religion. Although criticized by some, they have received the 
 general approval of the nation. 
 
 The restriction in this amendment, it should be noticed, 
 applies only to Congress. As a matter of fact, however, most, 
 if not all, the States have similar constitutional guaranties, so 
 that religious freedom within the United States is perma- 
 nently assured. 
 
 Freedom of Speech and of the Press. — ^The restriction on 
 Congress to abridge the freedom of speech and of the press 
 
 * Davis V. Beason, 133 U. S., 333.
 
 Amexdmexts to the Constitution 253 
 
 has been construed with liberality. Liberty is not license, and 
 it cannot be insisted that even in the United States one may, 
 with perfect impunity, speak or print what he pleases. What, 
 in fine, is meant by this popular phrase is that one may speak, 
 or write, or print anything, provided the result is not injurious 
 to some one else, or subversive of public morals. Liberty of 
 speech, like liberty of action, is always subject to reasonable 
 limitations, for certainly a person has no greater constitutional 
 riglit to injure another by word than he has by deed. 
 
 Libel and Slander. — According to the common law of Great 
 Britain, one who made false and defamatory statements to the 
 injury of another was guilty of slander, and one who published 
 such matter was guilty of libel, and for either he could be 
 prosecuted. The 1st Amendment to the Constitution alters 
 these rules in no degree. Any person therefore who suffers 
 injury through slander or libel may maintain action against 
 the wrong-doer to recover damages for the injury suffered ; 
 and if the spoken or printed matter is such as to disturb the 
 public peace, or to impair pu])lic morals, the author may be 
 criminally liable. Laws enacted by the United States, or by 
 the States, tending to prevent such abuse of the constitutional 
 privilege of free speech are valid, if not to be condemned on 
 other grounds. 
 
 Censorship of the Press. — Tn Great Britain, prior to the 
 independence of the American colonies, the government exer- 
 cised supervision over the press, charging officials to allow 
 nothing to be published that was likely to injure either the 
 government or the people, and to suppress all publications of 
 such a character that were in print. In some European 
 countries such oversight of the press is still carried on to some 
 extent. In America official censorship is impossible. The 1st 
 Amendment to the Constitution is intended rather to deny 
 this power to the Federal government than to relieve from 
 liability any person guilty of the abuse of the great privilege 
 of free speech.
 
 25J: Constitutional Law 
 
 Privileged Matter. — The general rule regarding defamatory 
 matter has some exceptions. The saying that circumstances 
 alter cases is often true in respect to libel and slander. Thus, 
 words that in their nature are slanderous, and matter that is 
 per se libelous, may nevertheless be spoken or printed without 
 the incurrence of liability, if circumstances justify them. 
 Among such cases of privilege are the following : 
 
 1. Matter that is true. 
 
 2. Matter contained in the records of judicial cases. 
 
 3. Speeches and publications of legislators made in the 
 course of official business.* 
 
 Eight to Assemble and Petition. — The right of the people 
 to assemble and petition for redress of grievances, guaranteed 
 by the 1st Amendment, is highly prized. Perhaps such a 
 guaranty in a republican constitution may seem superfluous, 
 but the insertion of it makes assurance doubly sure. The 
 priviles^e has been much used : statutes have been enacted, and 
 even the Constitution has been amended, as results of per- 
 sistent popular demand. But the right of assembly is regu- 
 lated by law, and any gathering that becomes riotous may be 
 dispersed. The prohibition herein binds Congress only; but 
 since to petition Congress for redress of grievances is a privi- 
 lege of the United States' citizenship, it cannot be abridged 
 by any State.' 
 
 Article 2 
 
 A well-regulated militia being necessary to the security 
 of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear 
 arms shall not be infringed. 
 
 Right to Bear Arms. — The purpose of this amendment evi- 
 dently is twofold : first, to check the government from arbi- 
 trarily disarming the people and reducing them to the con- 
 
 '^ Constitution, 1, 5, 3; 1, 6, 1. 
 »U. S. V. Cruikshank, 92 U. S., 542.
 
 Amendments to the Constitution 255 * 
 
 dition of serfs; sccondl}', to allow men so to familiarize 
 themselves with weapons as to keep tlie nation ever ready for 
 emergencies. This amendment is not necessary to give the 
 States the right to maintain militia, for that right is recog- 
 nized elsewhere in the Constitution.* iSTeither does it restrain 
 the States or Congress from regulating the matter of bearing 
 arms, or preventing the needless parade of the same, or their 
 careless use to the peril of the public. Hence, statutes for- 
 bidding private citizens to carry concealed weapons are con- 
 stitutional.* 
 
 Article 3 
 
 No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any 
 house without the consent of the owner, nor in time of 
 war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. 
 
 Quartering of Troops. — The 3d Amendment is a recognition 
 of the common law principle that every man's house is his 
 castle, which he may defend against the entrance of any person 
 except the authorized officers of the law. The -ith Amendment 
 recognizes the same principle. The quartering of troops in the 
 houses of private citizens might become an almost unbearable 
 species of tyranny. Such tyranny was fresh in the minds of 
 the members of the first Congress, being one of the many 
 acts of the British sovereign denounced in the Declaration of 
 Independence." Under this amendment the quartering of 
 troops is impossible in times of peace, and impossible in times 
 of war, except in ways prescribed beforehand by law ; that is, 
 by the people themselves. The amendment, however, could 
 hardly be stretched to protect the enemies of the country in 
 time of war. 
 
 ♦Constitution, 1, 8, 16. 
 
 " Andrews v. State, 8 Am. Rep. 8. State v. Shelby, 90 Mo., 302. 
 Presser v. 111.. 116 U. S.. 252. 
 •Dec. of Ind., Par. 13-17.
 
 256 Constitutional Law 
 
 Article 4 
 
 The right of the people to be secure in their persons, 
 houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches, 
 and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall 
 issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or 
 affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be 
 searched, and the persons or things to be seized. 
 
 Warrants. — A warrant, within the meaning of this amend- 
 ment, is a document issued by a justice or other competent 
 authority, authorizing the arrest of some person named 
 therein, or the examination of a house or other place particu- 
 larly described for stolen or other goods alleged to be concealed 
 therein. The first is a warrant for arrest; the latter, a search 
 warrant. They are alike hedged about with peculiar, stringent 
 rules. They must particularly describe the person to be 
 arrested, or the place to be searched. A warrant calling for 
 the arrest of John Brown would be invalid for the arrest of 
 James Brown ; or one authorizing the search of a certain house 
 on B street would be invalid for the search of a similar house 
 on any other street. Again, a warrant calling for the seizure 
 of liquors would not authorize the confiscation of counterfeit 
 dies found in the same place. Furthermore, a warrant requir- 
 ing the search of house A, and the seizure of anything illegal 
 found therein, would be void for generality. The Constitu- 
 tion requires that warrants shall be issued only upon probable 
 cause — that is, on the complaint of some party who has reason- 
 able grounds to suspect that an offense has been committed; 
 and that the comi)laint shall be supported by oath or affirma- 
 tion. These requirements, which are as old as the common 
 law, tend to secure the people against willful interference by 
 the State. 
 
 General Warrants. — A general warrant names or describes 
 no person to be arrested, or place to be searched, or goods to 
 be seized, but allows the officer to whom it is directed full
 
 Amendments to the Constitution 257 
 
 discretion. They are such convenient instruments for op- 
 pression and annoyance that they have never been in use in 
 the United States, The 4th Amendment forl)ids them by 
 implication. They had been in use in England prior to the 
 American Revolution, and were not unknown in the colonies. 
 The writs of assistance, issued in Massachusetts in 1761, were 
 general warrants. 
 
 Searches and Arrests Without Warrants. — Without a 
 warrant, search of a house may be made for the purpose of 
 arresting a person known to be concealed within it charged 
 with treason, felony, or breach of the peace; or for the pur- 
 pose of evicting an unlawful occupant; or perhaps to enforce 
 sanitary or police regulations. Furthermore, one person may 
 without a warrant arrest another whom he sees committing, 
 or attempting to commit, a felony or breach of the peace ; and 
 a peace officer may arrest without warrant at any time on 
 reasonable grounds for suspicion, or when municipal laws are 
 violated in his presence. All these are exceptions to the con- 
 stitutional guaranty of private liberty, but are justified on the 
 ground of necessity. The privacy of the dwelling should not 
 unduly hinder the proper execution of the law, and the house 
 should not become a sanctuary for crime; nor should the 
 Constitution become a technicality to hinder swift justice in 
 serious cases. But the burden of proof that the search or the 
 arrest without a warrant was made under such justifiable cir- 
 cumstances is always on the person who conducted the search 
 or made the arrest. 
 
 Article 5 
 
 No person shall be held to answer for a capital or other- 
 wise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indict- 
 ment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land 
 or naval forces, or in the militia when In actual service 
 in time of war or public danger; nor shall any person be 
 subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy 
 
 17
 
 258 Constitutional Law 
 
 of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal 
 case to be a witness against himself; nor be deprived of 
 life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; 
 nor shall private property be taken for public use without 
 just compensation. 
 
 Crimes. — A capital crime is punishable by death where such 
 punishment is allowed ; an infamous crime subjects the guilty 
 person to infamous punishment. The courts have held that 
 infamous punishment is confinement in prison or penitentiary.^ 
 
 Presentments and Indictments. — The distinction between 
 these two methods of bringing a person to trial is of no great 
 value. Properly, a presentment is the charge, or finding, of a 
 grand jury, based on their own knowledge or observation, and 
 laid before the court for further action; an indictment is a 
 document drawn up by the prosecuting officer of the court — 
 in the United States courts, the District Attorney — charging 
 some person, or persons, with offenses, and laid before the 
 grand jury for their investigation. An indictment is the 
 formal statement of an offense, prepared by the duly author- 
 ized officer of the State ; a presentment is only formal notice 
 to the court that an offense has been committed. If well 
 founded, a presentment leads to an indictment, for it is the 
 duty of the court, on receiving such formal notice, to cause 
 the prosecuting officer to frame a proper indictment and sub- 
 mit it to the grand jury. Hence, the effect of each is the same. 
 It is rare, however, that Federal grand juries make present- 
 ments. The criminal business of the Federal government is 
 small, and it is usually brought before the courts by indictment 
 only. 
 
 The Grand Jury. — The jury mentioned elsewhere in the 
 Constitution is the well-known petit, or trial jury, composed 
 of twelve men. The grand jury is very different in both 
 number and purpose. It is generally larger than the petit 
 
 ^Ex parte Wilson, 114 U. S., 417.
 
 Amendments to tiie Constitution 259 
 
 jury; it does not try offenses, but investigates charges; and its 
 determinations do not depend on unanimity, or settle one's 
 guilt or innocence. 
 
 At common law the grand jury consisted of from twelve to 
 twenty-three men. In the various States the number to-day 
 is a matter of local regulation. In many the common law rule 
 is followed, but in others it has been changed. The tendency 
 is to reduce the number. In the Federal courts, however, the 
 number is regulated by statutes, which declare that the grand 
 jury shall consist of at least sixteen and not more than twenty- 
 three, of whom twelve must concur to find an indictment. 
 
 Members of the grand jury are summoned at intervals by 
 the sheriff in the State courts, by the marshal in the Federal 
 courts, from among the male inhabitants of the vicinity. The 
 purpose of these men, as has been intimated, is to investigate, 
 cither on their own initiative or at the instance of the prose- 
 cuting officer of the court, all offenses within the jurisdiction 
 of the court. Although they may make charges on their own 
 volition, they rarely do so, but confine their attention to 
 matters brought to their notice by formal indictment. Their 
 sessions are usually in secret, and they have authority like a 
 court to summon and examine witnesses. If on investigation 
 of a charge they find sufficient evidence to warrant a public 
 prosecution they return the indictment endorsed " A true 
 bill." If they do not find sufficient evidence, they endorse the 
 indictment " Not found," and proceedings against the accused 
 are quashed. The finding of a true bill by the grand jury 
 does not mean that the accused is guilty of the offense charged ; 
 that is a question to be settled later by the trial jury. Thus 
 both juries are bulwarks of the people's liberties. Before a 
 person can be made to suffer judicial punishment for a serious 
 illegal act, he must first be charged with the offense by the 
 grand jury or by the proper officer; the charge must then be 
 investigated by the grand jury, after which he must be tried
 
 260 Constitutional Law 
 
 before the petit jury, all of whom must concur before pro- 
 nouncing him guilty. 
 
 Exceptions. — Cases excepted from the operation of this 
 amendment are those arising in the land or naval forces, or 
 in the militia while in actual service of the United States. 
 Congress, as we have seen, may provide for calling forth the 
 militia to suppress insurrections or repel invasions. When 
 thus called forth, the militia of the States cease to be State 
 troops; they belong to the military arm of the government, 
 and as such are subject to military regulations. In order to 
 enforce discipline, offenses in the army, navy, and the militia 
 while in service, are triable before martial courts, the pro- 
 ceedings of which have already been explained. 
 
 Second Trial. — The clause, "nor shall any person.... be 
 twice put in jeopardy of life or limb," is an old expression 
 belonging to the common law. It means simply that no one 
 shall be tried twice for the same offense. It includes mis- 
 demeanors as well as capital offenses.' The provision binds 
 only the United States,' but the majority of the States, if not 
 all, have adopted the same rule. Immunity from second trial 
 exists, however, only when there has been actual jeopardy, and 
 when the offenses are identical. That is, when by the verdict 
 of a jury duly impanelled before a court having jurisdiction, 
 a person has been acquitted of an accusation, he cannot again 
 be put to trial on the same charge. Conviction is likewise a 
 bar to further action except on the petition of the prisoner 
 himself. Offenses are said to be the same when evidence to 
 support one indictment will equally sustain the other. In 
 case of a mistrial this clause has no application. Thus if the 
 jury disagree,"* or are discharged before reaching a verdict," 
 
 •Bishop's Criminal Law, 1, 990; Ex parte Lange, 18 Wall., 163. 
 "Fox V. Ohio, 5 Howard, 410. Maxwell v. Dow, 176 U. S., 581. 
 "U. S. V. Perez, 9 Wheaton, 579. 
 "Bishop's Criminal Law, 1, 1033. Dreyer v. 111., 178 U. S., 71.
 
 Amendments to ttie CoxnTiTFTiON 261 
 
 or judgment is arrested after a verdict, there is no jeopardy for 
 which the accused can claim immunity from a second arraign- 
 ment. 
 
 Self-incrimination. — The 5th Amendment restates another 
 principle of the common law in declaring that no person shall 
 be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against him- 
 self. Herein the common law, as administered in England 
 and in the United States, is far more favorable to the accused 
 than the civil law, as administered in certain other countries. 
 Under the civil law an accused may not only be forced to 
 testify in respect to the point at issue, but to disclose his 
 previous history, whether it is relative to the case or not ; and 
 in times past torture was not uncommon as a means of wring- 
 ing from him a confession of guilt. The freedom from self- 
 incrimination, guaranteed by the 5th Amendment, applies not 
 only to accused persons, but also to all who give testimony in 
 criminal cases: no one can be compelled to answer questions 
 rendering him liable to a subsequent prosecution. It is gen- 
 erally held, however, that a prisoner, although he cannot be 
 forced to give testimony against himself, may take the witness 
 stand on his own volition, in which case he may be cross- 
 examined like other ^vitnesses on his voluntary evidence. 
 
 The rule against self-incrimination does not apply to civil 
 cases, and it is questionable if in criminal cases it is best for 
 all concerned. It is supported by reverence for the past, and 
 it is quite in keeping with the principle that the entire burden 
 of proving a criminal charge is on the accuser; but it closes 
 at once the most direct path of inquiry leading to the truth. 
 
 Due Process of Law. — This phrase is not self-explanatory. 
 Not every thing done in the name of law is due process; not 
 every proceeding engineered by legislators is law in the ac- 
 cepted sense. That is due process of law which is in accord- 
 ance with the general law of the land. In judicial proceedings 
 due process demands a hearing before condemnation, a judg-
 
 263 Constitutional Law 
 
 ment before dispossession or punishment; in legislative 
 matters it allows only such exertion of the powers of govern- 
 ment as the settled maxims of the law permit. A judicial 
 decree therefore after proper investigation, however onerous 
 it may be, is due process, but lynch law is not; taxation and 
 the exercise of the right of eminent domain, which divest 
 persons of property somewhat against their wills, and draft 
 acts, which arbitrarily restrain men of their liberty, are due 
 process, because they are all in accordance with established 
 principles of law; but bills of attainder, acts of confiscation, 
 legislative judgments and forfeitures, although made in the 
 likeness of law, are not due process within the meaning of the 
 5th Amendment. The individual, no matter how insignifi- 
 cant, is thus secured against the arbitrary exercise of power; 
 the maxim that might makes right loses its significance."^ 
 
 Eminent Domain. — The right to take private property for 
 public use, commonly called the right of eminent domain, has 
 been an attribute to sovereignty since time immemorial. It 
 is an arbitrary exercise of governmental power, but sanctioned 
 by necessity, and softened by compensation. Although the 
 government may take private property, it may do so only for 
 public purposes and after reasonable payment. 
 
 Exercised by Whom. — 1st, The Federal government may, 
 for national purposes, exercise this power anywhere within the 
 geographical limits of the United States." 2d, Every State 
 may exercise the power for State purposes anywhere within 
 its boundaries. 3d, Every State may delegate the right to 
 municipal corporations," or to private persons or corporations 
 
 "For a fuller discussion of this phrase see the argument of 
 Daniel Webster in the case of Dartmouth College v. Woodward, 
 4 Wheaton, 519; Webster's Works, 5, 487. 
 
 "Cherokee Nation v. Kans. R. R., 135 U. S., 641. Kohl v. 
 United States, 91 U. S., 367. 
 
 " Dallas V. Hallock, 44 Oregon, 246.
 
 Amendments to ttte Constitution 2G3 
 
 engaged in public business.'" Accordingly, railroad and canal 
 companies are allowed to exercise the power, since their busi- 
 ness is public. 
 
 Public Use. — What constitutes public use is a question to be 
 decided by the merits of every case. It is sufficient if the use 
 to which the property is put is generally advantageous to the 
 community, but there is no rule as to the degree of the ad- 
 vantage to be thus gained. Among the uses that have been 
 declared public sufficiently to support this arbitrary right are 
 the following: highways, canals, bridges, railroads, wharves, 
 waterworks, parks, school houses, and telegraph and telephone 
 lines. 
 
 Property. — Almost any kind of property, real and personal, 
 tangible and intangible (such as franchises), may be taken," 
 unless already put to a public use. Money cannot be seized, 
 for the payment must be in money." 
 
 Proceedings.— The Constitution does not prescribe how the 
 right of eminent domain shall be exercised ; that is left en- 
 tirely to the discretion of the legislature which exercises or 
 delegates the power. In general, offers to purchase are made 
 first. If these are not accepted, notice that condemnation 
 proceedings are about to begin is then sent to the owner— 
 although this is not compulsory. Appraisers then view the 
 property to estimate its fair value, and on their report, what 
 is judged to be a fair compensation is given to the owner, and 
 the property is ready to be put to the desired use. The pro- 
 ceedings thus result in a sort of forced sale of property for the 
 benefit of the public at large. 
 
 "Young r. Buckingham, 5 Ohio, 485. 
 "West River nridge Co. v. Dix, 6 Howard, 507. 
 " Burdett v. Sacramento, 12 Cal., 76. Cary Library v. Bliss, 151 
 Mass., 364.
 
 264 Constitutional Law 
 
 Article G 
 
 In all criminal prosecutions, tlie accused sliall enjoy the 
 right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury 
 of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been 
 committed, which district sliall have been previously as- 
 certained by law, and to be informed of the nature and 
 cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the wit- 
 nesses against him; to have compulsory process for ob- 
 taining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance 
 of counsel for his defense. 
 
 Privileges of Accused Persons. — The Constitutional guaran- 
 ties to persons accused of crime are many. Summed up in 
 one paragraph, including those in the present amendment and 
 in other clauses in the Constitution, they are as follows : The 
 trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by 
 jury, and shall be held in the State where the crime was com- 
 mitted, or where Congress may provide; the jury shall be 
 chosen from the district in which the crime shall have been 
 committed; before trial, the accused shall be presented, or 
 indicted, by a grand jury, except in military circles, and shall 
 be informed of the charge against him ; the trial shall be speedy 
 and public; the accused shall be confronted with the witnesses 
 against him, shall have compulsory process for obtaining 
 witnesses in his favor, and shall be allowed counsel for his 
 defense ; after one acquittal or conviction, the accused cannot 
 be tried again for the same offense ; he cannot be forced to 
 testify against himself, or be deprived of life or liberty without 
 due process of law ; and lastly, excessive bail shall not be re- 
 quired of him, cruel and unusual punishments shall not be 
 imposed on him, and excessive fines shall not be demanded. 
 
 By these provisions the Constitution safeguards the citizen 
 against many things: against secret and inquisitorial trials; 
 against long delays; against confinement without cause, accu- 
 sation without defense, judgment without proof, and punish- 
 ment that is inhuman. To realize how much less stringent the
 
 Amexdments to the Con'stitutiox 2G5 
 
 criminal law and procedure of to-day is than was that of long 
 ago, one has but to read histor)\ Time was when men lan- 
 guished in prison on trumped up charges for indefinite periods; 
 when brought to trial they had not the assistance of witnesses 
 or of counsel, and upon conviction they suffered punishment to 
 the extreme of barbarity. To-day, at least in those countries 
 where the English common law prevails, it is the aim of 
 criminal jurisprudence to give accused persons every possible 
 chance of defense. Not only is the burden of proving every 
 criminal charge on the State, but the State enables the accused 
 to obtain witnesses, and even provides him with counsel, if he 
 is unable to obtain such assistance himself. 
 
 These constitutional guaranties have force only in connec- 
 tion with Federal offenses. States are not bound by them, 
 except where so commanded by the 14th Amendment; but 
 most, if not all, of the States have similar provisions in their 
 own constitutions. Furthermore, some of these are not to be 
 taken in the narrow, literal sense. For example, the Constitu- 
 tion provides for a " speedy and public trial." But only such 
 • speed and publicity can be given as is consistent with the 
 nature of the crime. It is often necessary to postpone a 
 trial, much against the wishes of the accused, on account of 
 the press of other business before the court, or to allow time in 
 which to investigate fully the circumstances of the case ; and al- 
 though criminal trials are usually open to the public, it is some- 
 times necessary to exclude certain persons from the court, either 
 because they have no connection with the case, or for fear of 
 their being morally corrupted by the facts brought out. Again, 
 the Constitution provides that the accused shall be confronted 
 by witnesses against him, in order that he may hear their testi- 
 mony and cross-examine them : but in homicide cases the dying 
 declarations of the person killed are allowed as evidence, and 
 the sworn testimony given in a former trial by witnesses long 
 since dead is admitted in a second trial ; and these do not
 
 266 Constitutional Law 
 
 admit of cross-examination. Finally, although these con- 
 stitutional provisions are worded imperatively, there is no 
 doubt that the accused may waive most of them, if he so desires 
 and the court consents. 
 
 Article 7 
 
 In suits at common law where the value in contro- 
 versy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by 
 jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury shall 
 be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United 
 States, than according to the rules of the common law. 
 
 The General Purpose. — The general purpose of this amend- 
 ment was to preserve the jury for all issues of fact, where 
 the value in controversy should exceed a certain amount; and, 
 furthermore, to prohibit a review by a court without a jury 
 of the conclusion of fact reached by a jury in the first instance. 
 In other words, if a cause is tried before a jury in the first 
 place, the issue of that cause, if re-examined at all, must be 
 re-examined before a jury. The common law recognized two 
 methods of bringing about the review of a case: 1st, by the 
 grant of a new trial before the court in which the action was 
 first tried; 2d, by a writ of error to a higher court. When, 
 however, a case is carried to a higher court on a writ of error, 
 the court reviews nothing but the rulings in law of the lower 
 court, not the facts. In case the review court finds error in the 
 proceedings of the other, it usually remands the cause back to 
 it for retrial. Most of the cases removed to the Supreme Court 
 are carried there on writs of error. Appeal is a process of civil 
 law origin, not known to the common law. An appealed case 
 is reviewed by a superior court both as to law and fact. 
 
 Waiver of Trial. — The phrase, " right of trial by jury shall 
 be preserved," is not imperative. In any civil suit, the right to 
 trial by a jury may be waived by the party entitled to it, and it 
 frequently is.
 
 Amendments to the Constitution 207 
 
 The Common Law. — What is the common law? It is that 
 system of jurisprudence which has prevailed in England since 
 time immemorial and has been adopted in the United States 
 to a greater or less extent — a system which rests for its 
 authority, not on the will of legislatures, but on the universal 
 consent and long-continued practice of the people. It is some- 
 times called the lex non scripta, and customary law, because 
 its prmciples were not created offhand and expressed in written 
 form like statute law, but developed by slow degrees out of 
 custom and tradition. A custom long in use among a people 
 may come in time to have the binding force of law ; it becomes 
 an established legal principle when sanctioned by judicial 
 decisions. Such, in brief, was the origin of the common law. 
 
 There is no distinct body of American common law. Juris- 
 prudence in the United States is based on the English common 
 law as it existed in the colonies at the time of their severance 
 from the mother country. 'Many of the most valued principles 
 of the common law were embodied in the Constitution of the 
 United States, particularly in the first ten amendments, and 
 in the constitutions of the several States ; and in many States 
 the common law is by their constitutions declared to be the law 
 until repealed or superseded by statute. That is, where there 
 is no express statute that can be applied to settle a controversy, 
 it is settled if possible according to the principles of the Eng- 
 lish common law, as adopted in the State where the contro- 
 versy arose. To illustrate : in the absence of a statute to the 
 contrary, a married woman would, on the death of her hus- 
 band, be entitled to a life estate in one-third of the real 
 property of her husband, providing she had had a child by him 
 ca])able of inheriting the property. This dower right of a 
 married woman is one of the oldest principles of the common 
 law. 
 
 The Common Law Modified. — '^^any common law principles 
 were severe as suited to harsh times. For example, the legal
 
 268 Constitutional Law 
 
 existence of a woman was, by marriage, merged in that of the 
 husband. She and all her property were his. But this hard 
 feature of the law has since been so modified, both in England 
 and in the United States, that a married woman has many 
 rights to-day that were utterly unknown to the old law. Simi- 
 larly, although some of the rules of the common law still 
 remain unchanged, most of them have been greatly modified, 
 and some altogether blotted out, by statutes. 
 
 Common Law Crimes. — Since there is no common law of the 
 United States, no act can be declared an offense against the 
 Federal government which has not been previously so declared 
 by statute." In other words, there are no common law crimes 
 of which Federal courts can take cognizance. 
 
 The Civil Law. — The phrase common law is often used in 
 contradistinction to civil law. Briefly, the latter is the system 
 of jurisprudence used as the basis of law and judicial pro- 
 cedure in all the continental countries of Europe, and in all 
 the western world except the United States. It is a written 
 code, many principles of which may be traced back to the 
 Institutes of Justinian, or the Roman law. It differs mate- 
 rially from the common law in many of its rules and methods 
 of procedure, and in its origin, having been compiled by law 
 writers, not founded on custom. It is the fundamental law of 
 one State in the Union — Louisiana. 
 
 " Suits at Common Law." — This phrase has been interpreted 
 to mean : " suits in which legal rights were to be ascertained 
 and adjusted, as distinguished from purely equitable rights 
 and remedies; suits which the common law recognized as 
 among its old and settled proceedings."" Actions for debt, 
 for bailment, for trespass, and for slander are examples of 
 well-known suits at common law. 
 
 "U. S. V. Hudson, 7 Cranch, 32. U. S. v. Brltton, 108 U. S., 199. 
 *• Parsons v. Bedford, 3 Peters, 433, 447.
 
 Amendments to the Constitution 269 
 
 Article 8 
 
 Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines 
 imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. 
 
 Bail. — Bail, as used here, is the security offered or demanded 
 for the temporary release of persons under arrest. It is in 
 accordance with modern progress to inflict as little incon- 
 venience on accused persons as possible, until they have been 
 tried and found guilty. Hence, it is the rule, rather than the 
 exception, to allow such persons their liberty during the time 
 between arrest and trial, provided some other responsible 
 person or persons will become surety for their appearance at 
 the trial. The person, so delivered or bailed, is thereafter in 
 the custody of his' sureties, and may, at any time or place, be 
 arrested by them personally, or on their warrant, and sur- 
 rendered to the court in discharge of their liability. If the 
 bailee appears in court at the time specified, the sureties are 
 discharged; if he fails to appear, the bond of the sureties is 
 forfeited, and may be collected like any property due to the 
 State. The provision that " excessive bail shall not be re- 
 quired" prevents the courts from placing the amount of the 
 bond so high as to be prohibitive, or out of proportion to the 
 crime. Whether in any case bail is excessive depends on the 
 circumstances. For very serious cases, like murder, it may be 
 reasonable to make the amount very great, or to refuse it alto- 
 gether; but for slight offenses a moderate sum should be 
 sufficient. The same principles apply, of course, to the im- 
 posing of fines. 
 
 Cruelties. — The prohibition respecting cruel and unusual 
 punishments was intended to soften the rigors of the common 
 law, which allowed such punishments as drawing and quarter- 
 ing, burning, branding, and mutilating. Death by hanging 
 or by electricity, life imprisonment, disfranchisement, for- 
 feiting of civil rights — these, although severe, are not regarded 
 as cruel and unusual ; nor is whipping, which in some States
 
 270 Constitutional Law 
 
 is legalized and regarded as salutary. In all cases, it is for 
 the legislature to determine the punishment for offenses, and 
 only in extraordinary cases would its judgment be questioned. 
 
 Article 9 
 
 The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights 
 shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained 
 by the people. 
 
 The first eight amendments to the Constitution simply 
 record certain popular common law rights. The fact that such 
 a specific statement is made might lead some to infer that 
 other rights were not to be recognized. To check any such 
 inference the 9th Amendment explicitly declares that this 
 enumeration of rights shall not mean a denial of other rights 
 naturally incident to the people. In other words, the Federal 
 government may not, on the strength of this incomplete enu- 
 meration, deny the people liberties not herein mentioned. The 
 very language of the amendment shows the utter impossibility 
 of making any complete enumeration of rights. 
 
 Article 10 
 
 The powers not delegated to the United States by the 
 Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are 
 reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. 
 
 The moaning of this is clear. The Constitution has given 
 to the general government certain large powers: the power to 
 tax, to declare war, to regulate commerce, etc. Furthermore, 
 the Constitution prohibits to the States the exercise of certain 
 pnumerntod powers: to coin money, to emit bills of credit, to 
 lay export duties, etc. All other powers, the 10th Amend- 
 ment declares, are reserved to the States' in their corporate 
 capacity, or to the people, which amounts to the same thing. 
 
 In effect, the amendment is a recognition of the fact that the 
 people are the source of power in the United States. The
 
 AjIEXDilENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION 271 
 
 people have organized a double government, that of the United 
 States, and that of the States. Whatever powers of govern- 
 ment the people have not delegated by their Constitution to 
 the United States, or prohibited to the several States, they have 
 reserved to themselves, as segregated in their respective States. 
 Thus the people of the States may not coin money, for that 
 is forbidden to the States by the Constitution; but they may 
 establish private banks for the circulation and deposit of 
 money, for that is not forbidden. Again, the people of the 
 States may not make regulations of commerce affecting other 
 States or foreign nations, for the Constitution delegates that 
 power to the United States ; but they may regulate commerce 
 within their own borders to any reasonable extent, for the 
 Constitution neither delegates that power to Congress, nor 
 forbids it to the States. It is such a right as is " reserved to 
 the States respectively, or to the people." 
 
 Article 11 
 
 The judicial power of the United States shall not be 
 construed to extend to any suit in law or equity com- 
 menced or prosecuted against one of the United States by 
 citizens of another State, or by citizens or subjects of any 
 foreign State. 
 
 Suits against States. — Tliis amendment became a part of 
 the fundamental law in 1798. A few years previous the 
 Supreme Court, in the case of Chisholm v. Georgia,"* had 
 decided that, according to the Constitution and the Judiciary 
 Act of 1789, a State of the Union could be sued in a Federal 
 court by citizens of another State, or by citizens or subjects of 
 foreign nations. The decision caused much apprehension. 
 Theoretically, sovereignty cannot be sued, because sovereignty 
 is above the law; hence, to say that States could be made un- 
 
 *>£ Dallas, 419,
 
 272 Constitutional Law 
 
 willing defendants to suits at law by private citizens, was, in 
 the opinion of many, an entering wedge in the principle of 
 State rights. The 11th Amendment was therefore proposed 
 and ratified shortly after to correct this situation. By it the 
 dignity of the States was no doubt bolstered up, but in the 
 minds of many people, the power of the national judiciary to 
 work substantial justice to the citizens was in many cases 
 weakened. The law regarding the suability of States is now 
 settled as follows : 
 
 1. The United States cannot be sued at all except with its 
 own consent, but that consent has been given by the establish- 
 ment of the Court of Claims. 
 
 2. A State cannot be sued by any private citizen without its 
 consent**; and suits against a State's executive officers are 
 suits against the State." Most of the States, however, have 
 made provision for the maintenance of suits against them by 
 citizens in their own courts. 
 
 3. A State may be sued without its consent by the United 
 States, by another State, and probably by a foreign govern- 
 ment. 
 
 The restriction in the 11th Amendment applies only to 
 original suits. It does not preclude a review of the decisions 
 of other tribunals in the Supreme Court, although the review 
 may cause a State to become defendant." 
 
 Article 12 
 This has been already discussed in connection with Article 
 2, Section 1, Clause 3. See ante, page 171. 
 
 Article 13 
 Section 1, Clause 1. — Neither slavery nor involuntary 
 servitude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the 
 
 ** Hans V. La., 134 U. S., 1. R. R. Co. v. Tenn., 101 U. S., 337. 
 
 »*N. C. V. Temple, 134 U. S., 22. 
 
 *» Cohens v. Virginia, 6 Wheaton, 264.
 
 Amendments to the Constitution 273 
 
 party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within 
 the United States, or any place subject to their juris- 
 diction. 
 
 Section 1, Clause 2. — Congress shall have power to en- 
 force this article by appropriate legislation. 
 
 Slavery. — Tn the 13th Amendment is tlie only occurrence 
 of the word slavery in the Constitution. Undoubted reference 
 to the system of slavery is made in three places in the instru- 
 ment," but each time by a euphemism. The 13th Amendment 
 put an end forever to a social system that for nearly a century 
 had caused more trouble within the United States than almost 
 anything else. It had stirred up political bitterness and sec- 
 tional strife, which culminated in the costliest war in history. 
 Congress, from time to time, had legislated around and about 
 it; but not until the Eebellion had given the system its mortal 
 hurt, and the Chief Executive had proclaimed officially against 
 it, were the people sufficiently united to end it. It is impossible 
 in this book to go extensively into the history of slavery and 
 the slave trade, but the following brief summary presents the 
 most important steps taken by the government in the matter. 
 
 1. In 1787 the Continental Congress, in the Ordinance for 
 the Government of the Northwest Territory, forbade slavery 
 in that Territory. 
 
 2. In 1794 Congress prohibited the slave trade with foreign 
 nations. 
 
 3. In 1808 Congress made the importation of slaves un- 
 lawful. 
 
 4. In 1820 Congress declared the slave trade to be piracy. 
 
 5. In 1862 Congress abolished slavery in the District of 
 Columbia and in the Territories. 
 
 (). In 1863 President Lincoln issued the Emancipation 
 Proclamation. 
 
 "Constitution, 1, 2, 3; 1. 9, 1; 4, 2, 3. 
 18
 
 274 Constitutional Law 
 
 7. In 1865 Congress passed, and the required number of the 
 States ratified, the 13th Amendment. 
 
 Involuntary Servitude. — It is probable that the 13th Amend- 
 ment was aimed chiefly at negro slavery, but the phrase " in- 
 voluntary servitude " is broad enough to include any system 
 of compulsory service, even though limited to a term of years, 
 such as the padrone system common in Italy, or the peonage 
 system in Mexico. Laws that allow convicts to be employed 
 at involuntary labor in penitentiaries are not unconstitutional, 
 for such labor is part of " a punishment for crime, whereof 
 the party shall have been duly convicted." But the constitu- 
 tionality of State statutes' that allow convicts to be let out on 
 contract to the highest bidders is certainly open to question. 
 
 Power to Enforce. — Prohibitory statutes are self -executing. 
 The present amendment therefore hardly needs the power to 
 enforce it given in the 2d Clause of this act. Furthermore, 
 under the theory of implied powers, a theory established 
 years before this amendment, Congress would certainly have 
 power to legislate in this matter. 
 
 Article 14 
 
 Section 1, Clause 1. — All persons born or naturalized in 
 the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, 
 are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein 
 they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law 
 which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citi- 
 zens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive 
 any person of life, liberty, or property, without due 
 process of law, nor deny to any person within its juris- 
 diction the equal protection of tlae laws. 
 
 Citizens. — The 13th Amendment freed the slaves; the 14th 
 made them citizens. It did more: it defined citizenship, stat- 
 ing clearly and briefly the two qualifications. All persons horn 
 or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the juris- 
 diction thereof, are citizens. The phrase " all persons " in-
 
 Amendments to the Constitution 275 
 
 eludes men, women, and ehildren, black or white, and of every 
 degree. A child is a citizen as truly as a man, but without as 
 many political privileges. He is entitled to protection, and 
 we may say that he owes allegiance, but he has not the political 
 privilege of voting. Suffrage, or the right to vote, is purely 
 a privilege ; citizenship is a state of being — a matter of acci- 
 dent. A child born of American parents in the United States 
 is at once a citizen, whether he or his parents wish it or not. 
 But he cannot possess suffrage until he reaches a certain age, 
 and the State where he resides gives it to him. But not all 
 children born within the United States are, ipso facto, citizens. 
 They are not, unless they are subject to the jurisdiction of the 
 United States. In brief, birth and jurisdiction must com- 
 bine to produce a citizen. Perhaps ninety-nine per cent of 
 the children born in the United States are at once citizens. 
 The small per cent that are not include the following : 
 
 1. Indians whose parents are not wholly subject to the juris- 
 diction of the United States by reason of being members of 
 Indian tribes. These, however, may become citizens by natu- 
 ralization." 
 
 2. Chinese. (See citizens by naturalization, below.) 
 
 3. Children of foreign ambassadors, and other public 
 ministers, temporarily residing in the United States. 
 
 4. Children of aliens having temporary residence in the 
 United States. In this case a right of choice is recognized. If 
 the child remains in the country until he reaches his majority, 
 he may claim citizenship by birth. 
 
 Citizens by Naturalization. — The mode of naturalizing 
 citizens has been already explained (see page 96). Any alien, 
 white or black, may become a citizen of the United States by 
 this process, unless prevented from entering the countrv' on 
 the ground of pauperism, or dipea,<?e. or criminality. Although 
 Chinese cannot be naturalized, the children of Chinese parents 
 
 *Elk V. Williams, 112 U. S., 94.
 
 276 Constitutional Law 
 
 who reside in the country and were citizens before the exclu- 
 sion acts were passed, or who have a permanent residence in 
 the United States, are citizens " 
 
 United States Citizenship. — It was maintained by many 
 statesmen during the half century and more preceding the 
 Civil War that the people of the United States were citizens 
 of States only, or that national citizenship resulted entirely 
 from State citizenship. The 14th Amendment asserts the 
 opposite. It plainly suggests a twofold citizenship, a double 
 allegiance. " Citizens of the United States and of the States 
 wherein they reside^'; this is the language, and if it means 
 anything it is that an American, whether such by birth or by 
 naturalization, is first a citizen of the United States, and 
 second a citizen of that State wherein he maintains his resi- 
 dence. It is impossible to be a citizen of a State and not of the 
 United States; but it is not impossible for a citizen of the 
 United States to have no State citizenship. The latter is 
 largely a matter of residence. Many members of the army and 
 the navy have no residence in any State. They are citizens of 
 no State ; but they are citizens of the United States. Inhabi- 
 tants of the Territories, if citizens at all, are citizens of the 
 United States, but of no State. To the United States they owe 
 allegiance, and from the general government alone may de- 
 mand protection. 
 
 Privileges and Immunities. — The provision in the 14th 
 Amendment, that no State shall abridge the privileges and 
 immunities of citizens of the United States, affirms expressly 
 what before was a matter of implication merely. Since the 
 government of the United States is superior to that of the 
 States, it necessarily follows that privileges and immunities 
 granted by the United States are beyond the reach of State 
 legislation ; and any unreasonable abridgment of them by any 
 
 *" In re Look Tin Sing, 21 Fed. Rep., 905. U. S. v. Wong Kim 
 Ark, 169 U. S., 649.
 
 AMENDME>rTS TO THE CONSTITUTION 277 
 
 State is at once illegal. The immediate reason for stating 
 this and the other restrictions on the States in this amend- 
 ment was to insure equality of protection to the negroes in 
 the several States. But so important are the provisions, and 
 so broad their application, that a formal statement of them 
 is almost essential. 
 
 What are these privileges and immunities? The privileges 
 are such as naturally go with Federal, rather than State, 
 citizenship. A State may not even restrict its own citizens in 
 respect to privileges conferred by the United States. Among 
 such privileges are the right to use the postal service, to par- 
 ticipate in foreign or interstate commerce, to use the navigable 
 waters of the United States, to pass unhampered from State 
 to State, and many others. The privileges of course suggest 
 the immunities. The case of Crandall v. Nevada, 6 Wall., 35 
 (1867), is somewhat illustrative of these principles. 
 
 The State of Xevada passed a law to compel the owners of all 
 railroad and stage coach lines to pay a tax of one dollar per 
 head on all passengers transported out of the State. Crandall, 
 agent for a stage coach line, was arrested and put on trial for 
 refusing to pay the tax. The court in this case held that the 
 statute was inconsistent with the doctrines of Federal govern- 
 ment and the rights of the people. The United States may re- 
 quire the services of the citizens at the seat of government at 
 any time; it has the right to transport troops through any 
 State, and the people have the right to visit the scat of gov- 
 ernment and all Federal offices in the States. The statute of 
 Nevada interfered with these rights. The power to tax is 
 unlimited. If any State could levy a tax of one dollar per 
 head on all travelers passing through it, it could lay a tax 
 of one thousand dollars per head, thus practically destroying 
 the rights of the government and of the citizens as mentioned 
 above. 
 
 Liberty and Property. — Judicial decisions have widened the 
 ordinary meaning of these terms. Liberty has been held to be
 
 278 Constitutional Law 
 
 more than freedom from restraint ; property, more than lands 
 and goods. Thus the right to pursue a livelihood or calling, 
 and for that purpose to enter into such contracts as may be 
 proper, is liberty which no State can take away without due 
 process of law. Property may be both tangible, such as lands 
 and goods, and intangible, such as debts, franchises, in- 
 corporeal hereditaments, and the right to labor. Both are 
 within the scope of this amendment. 
 
 Due Process of Law. — This phrase has been discussed fully 
 under Amendment 5. There the prohibition is on Congress; 
 here it is on the States. Most State constitutions have similar 
 provisions. We may add this here: A statute is not neces- 
 sarily due process of law, for such an interpretation would 
 render this clause of the amendment nugatory. Thus an act 
 cannot be defended as due process of law, unless the statute 
 authorizing it is above criticism ; or unless sanctioned by age, 
 custom, or established authority. 
 
 Equal Protection of the Laws. — In general, this part of the 
 14th Amendment is a prohibition against discriminating laws. 
 Although enacted primarily for the benefit of the colored 
 people, it applies to all irrespective of color. Corporations are 
 persons within the meaning of the amendment"; so also are 
 aliens'' and Chinese"; and State laws that deprive them of 
 privileges which they as citizens are entitled to are void. Leg- 
 islation is not contrary to the amendment, however, if all per- 
 sons subject to it are treated substantially alike under similar 
 circumstances. Accordingly, a State may establish one set of 
 laws for one section, a different set for another section, and 
 the arrangement denies to no one equal protection of the laws, 
 if all persons are treated alike under the laws of any section. 
 
 " Howe Ins. Co. v. New York, 134 U. S., 594. Gulf R. R. Co. v. 
 Ellis, 165 U. S., 150. 
 
 *»In re Ah Fong, 3 Sawyer fU. S.), 144. 
 » In re Lee Sing, 43 Fed. Rep. 359.
 
 Amendments to the Constitution 279 
 
 The prohibition in the amendment is aimed rather against 
 social, racial, or class distinctions. To illustrate : a statute 
 denying to colored people the privilege of sitting on a jury has 
 been held to be a denial of the equal protection of the laws *° ; 
 likewise, a law excluding colored children from schools " ; and 
 one forbidding corporations to employ Chinese or Mongolians." 
 On the other hand, statutes that provide separate schools for 
 white and colored children do not discriminate against either 
 class, if the accommodations for each are substantially equal "; 
 neither do statutes that provide separate cars, or compart- 
 ments, for colored passengers on railroad lines operating 
 within the State," In respect to lines operating through 
 several States, however, such a statute might be void as a regu- 
 lation of commerce." 
 
 Monopolies. — The grant by a State of exclusive privileges 
 creates a monopoly, and is thus an infringement on equal 
 rights. Theoretically, all such monopolies should be banned 
 by the 14th Amendment, but in fact they are often justified 
 on the ground that the public interests are best served by con- 
 fiding a certain business to one person, or to a group of per- 
 sons, rather than by allowing it to be spread about among 
 many. Accordingly, the grant of the exclusive right to supply 
 water to a city, or to slaughter cattle for a city market, doing 
 so impartially to all who apply, is not unconstitutional. Not 
 every monopoly is illegal, but only those that are unreason- 
 able. The reasonableness of a thing often justifies it in the 
 eyes of the law, when technically it is illegal. Hence, it has 
 
 «> Strauder v. West Va., 100 U. S., 303. 
 " State V. Duffy, 7 Nev., 342. 
 " In re Parrott, 6 Sawyer, 349. 
 "Ward V. Flood. 48 Cal., 36. 
 
 "The Sue, 22 Fed. Rep., 843. Murphy v. Railroad, 23 Fed. 
 Rep., 637. 
 
 "Hall V. De Culr, 95 U. S., 485.
 
 280 Constitutional Law 
 
 come to be the accepted rule that even private monopolies, so 
 long as they are reasonable in their scope, are justifiable. As a 
 general rule a monopoly may be said to be unreasonable when 
 it ceases to serve the public impartially — a question to be 
 settled in every case by the courts. 
 
 The Police Power. — The meaning of this phrase has already 
 been discussed, see ante page 92. A State may, under its 
 police power, pass many acts in defiance of the 14th Amend- 
 ment, provided the general welfare of the people require them. 
 Thus, although a State may not deprive any one of property 
 without due process of law, it may arbitrarily cause property 
 to be removed or destroyed that is dangerous to the public 
 health ; and it may prohibit miners to work in mines more than 
 a certain number of hours per day. Both of these are depriva- 
 tions of property, but justified under the police power. Again, 
 although a State may not deprive any person of the equal pro- 
 tection of the laws, it may compel a certain business or trade 
 to be carried on in a specified way, or confine it to a limited 
 area, if the nature of it demands such adverse legislation." 
 But the legislature may not, under the guise of protecting 
 public interests, arbitrarily interfere with private business, 
 or impose unnecessary and unusual restrictions upon lawful 
 occupations. Its determination of what is lawful in the exer- 
 cise of its police power is not final, but subject to the super- 
 vision of the courts." 
 
 Section 1, Clause 2. — Representatives shall be appor- 
 tioned among the several States according to their re- 
 spective numbers, counting the whole number of persons 
 in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the 
 right to vote at any election for the choice of electors 
 for President and Vice President of the United States, 
 Representatives in Congress, the executive and judicial 
 
 8' Slaughter House Cases, 16 Wall., 36. 
 " Lawton v. Steele, 152 U. S., 133, 137.
 
 Amendments to the Constitution 281 
 
 officers of a State, or the members of the legislature 
 thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such 
 State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the 
 United States, or in any way abridged, except for partici- 
 pation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of represen- 
 tation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the 
 number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole 
 number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such 
 State. 
 
 " Respective Numbers." — According to Art. 1, Sect. 2, CI. 3, 
 of the Constitution, the respective numbers, that is, the popu- 
 lation of a State, should be ascertained by adding to the free 
 inhabitants, excepting Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all 
 other persons. But with the abolition of slavery, and the ac- 
 ceptance of the 14th Amendment, that provision became a dead 
 letter. The respective numbers of the States must now include 
 all persons, excepting Indians not taxed. 
 
 Purpose of this Clause. — The purpose of this clause was to 
 secure colored citizens in their right to vote. Neither the Con- 
 stitution nor the amendments define suffrage : but the present 
 clause implies that normally it shall be in the hands of male 
 citizens, twenty-one years of age. When the slaves were freed, 
 and by the first clause in this amendment were made citizens, 
 they became at once eligible to the suffrage. For fear there- 
 fore that certain States, through hatred or jealousy of former 
 slaves, or of their descendants, might arbitrarily deprive its 
 colored male citizens of their right to vote. Congress added 
 this clause to the 14th Amendment. The clause does not 
 bestow the ballot on the negro, or upon anyone. It does not 
 refer in terms to the colored race. It simply provides that 
 when suffrage is restricted, representation in Congress shall 
 also be restricted, and proportionately. In other words, it 
 declares that no State shall count out any number of its male 
 citizens in making up its electorate, but count in all such 
 citizens for the purposes of population, and therefore repre- 
 sentation in Congress.
 
 283 Constitutional Law 
 
 Denial of Suffrage. — What constitutes a denial of suffrage 
 witliin the meaning of this amendment? Is any limitation of 
 the right to vote such a denial ? Probably not. To demand, as 
 a prerequisite of the right to vote, that a citizen shall pay a 
 poll tax, or reside in the county and be registered there, or 
 pass a fair educational or property test — these are not gen- 
 erally regarded as denials' of suffrage. They are reasonable 
 and flexible limitations within the power of any man to over- 
 come; they create no class distinctions and impose no special 
 hardship. A denial, as understood here, must be something 
 insurmountable in its nature, such as one based on color, 
 foreign birth, or class'. 
 
 Enforcement of this Clause. — Although certain States have 
 been accused of denying to many of their colored male citizens, 
 twenty-one years old and citizens of the United States, the 
 right to vote, either by imposing unreasonably severe restric- 
 tions, or by the tyranny of their election officials, Congress 
 has never yet legislated to enforce the penalty provided by this 
 amendment. It has perhaps' recognized that to do so would be 
 both futile and dangerous, and until there occurs an open and 
 purposed violation of this clause, it is probable that Congress 
 never will so legislate. In the first place, it would be very 
 difficult for Congress to estimate the number of voters denied 
 the ballot, and thus be able to make any proportionate and 
 accurate reduction in representation ; in the second place, the 
 object of the clause has been better gained by the 15th Amend- 
 ment; and in the third place, the clause is unjust, for its 
 threat includes the innocent as well as the guilty without 
 discrimination, and is so in the nature of a perpetual menace 
 as to be a constant irritation to a spirited race. For these and 
 other reasons, the 14th Amendment has been severely arraigned 
 by its enemies, and even its friends have been forced to admit 
 that its passage was an error. Not to prohibit an act, but to 
 allow it under a penalty, does not seem the best of statesman- 
 ship.
 
 Amendments to the Constitution 283 
 
 Section 1, Clause 3. — No person shall be a Senator or 
 Representative in Congress, or elector of President and 
 Vice President, or hold any office, civil or military, under 
 the United States, or under any State, who, having 
 previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as 
 an officer of the "United States, or as a member of any 
 State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of 
 any State, to support the Constitution of the United 
 States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion 
 against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies 
 thereof. But Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of 
 each House, remove such disability. 
 
 Clause 3 of the 14th Amendment has only historic interest 
 to-day. Its purpose was to debar from public office all who 
 had taken up arms against the government. Shortly after its 
 passage, Congress began in individual eases to remove the 
 disability created by it, and in 1898, by special act, it removed 
 all such disabilities outstanding. Althou2:h the clause has no 
 force to-day, the prohibition in it would revive in the event 
 of another rebellion. 
 
 Section 1, Clause 4. — The validity of the public debt of 
 the United States, authorized by law, including debts in- 
 curred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in 
 suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be ques- 
 tioned. But neither the United States nor any State shall 
 assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of in- 
 surrection or rebellion against the United States, or any 
 claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all 
 such debts, obligations, and claims shall be held Illegal 
 and void. 
 
 Section 1, Clause 5. — The Congress shall have power 
 to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of 
 this article. 
 
 The Public Debt. — The immediate purpose of this clause in 
 the 14th Amendment was to pledge the payment of all lawful 
 debts incurred in putting down the Eebellion; but the Ian-
 
 284 Constitutional Law 
 
 guage is broad enough to include public debts whenever they 
 may be made. The principle expressed in the first sentence is 
 the same as that already discussed under Article 6, Section 1. 
 
 War Claims; Void Debts. — No nation can be expected to 
 make compensation to its enemies for losses occasioned by war. 
 Such losses are the fortunes that follow unsuccessful strife. 
 All debts incurred in the aid of unsuccessful rebellion are un- 
 collectable, and all such contracts are void. These rules are 
 unpleasant; but so is rebellion, and the government cannot 
 be expected to indemnify those who bring the unpleasantness 
 about. Since the Civil War bills have been presented in Con- 
 gress to pension Southern soldiers or their widows, or to com- 
 memorate Southern heroism, but as yet none of these has 
 passed. It is doubtful if such bills, should they become laws, 
 could be regarded as constitutional in the face of this amend- 
 ment. 
 
 The prohibition regarding slave property cannot be regarded 
 as altogether equitable, for many loyal owners' as well as the 
 disloyal owners suffered the loss of their slave property, and 
 their losses cannot be said to have been incurred in aid of 
 insurrection. But it was felt at the time of the passage of the 
 amendment that, since slavery was largely the cause of the war 
 and its attendant calamities, its destruction was the destruc- 
 tion of a public enemy, and that no just claim should arise 
 from it. Mrs. Alexander's Cotton, 2 Wall., 417, is a case in 
 point. In May, 1864, a party from the Ouachita, a gunboat 
 belonging to Admiral Porter's expedition on the Eed Eiver, 
 captured 72 bales of cotton belonging to Mrs. Alexander, which 
 were then stored in a gin one mile from the river. The cotton 
 was confiscated and sold by the Federal government. After 
 the war Mrs. Alexander sued the purchasers in the District 
 Court for the value of the cotton. Mrs. Alexander maintained 
 that she had been loyal to the United States through the war. 
 The court held: (1) tliat since cotton was the main reliance
 
 Amendments to the Constitution 285 
 
 of the South for securing means to prosecute the war it was 
 contraband, and hence liable to confiscation; (2) that contra- 
 band goods belonging to loyal people residing among the 
 enemy were not to be distinguished from enemy's property. 
 
 Article 15 
 
 Section 1, Clause 1. — The right of citizens of the United 
 States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the 
 United States, or by any State, on account of race, color, 
 or previous condition of servitude. 
 
 Section 1, Clause 2. — The Congress shall have power to 
 enforce this article by appropriate legislation. 
 
 Why Adopted. — The lath Amendment, like the 13th and 
 the 1 1th, was adopted during the unsettled period that fol- 
 lowed the Civil War. Its purpose was twofold : first, to prosper 
 the nation — for it was thought at the time that the presence 
 in the South of so large a body of f reedmen lacking the political 
 privileges of other citizens would be a constant source of dis- 
 content and consequent danger to the country ; second, to pro- 
 tect the colored man in his political rights — for it was mani- 
 festly the duty of the general government, having freed the 
 negro and given him citizenship, to secure to him the suffrage 
 which that status had opened to him. For the latter reason 
 the second clause in the 14th Amendment had been adopted, 
 but that having failed in its object, the 15th Amendment was 
 proposed and ratified. 
 
 What the Amendment Does. — The 15 th xVmendmcnt docs 
 not confer the right to vote on the negro or anybody else. That 
 right comes to a citizen only by State laws and processes. The 
 amendment is intended to prevent discrimination in popular 
 suffrage on accoimt of race, color, or previous condition of 
 servitude. The language is plain, offering little or no room 
 fcr quibbling. Though passed obviously as a protective meas- 
 ure for the colored people in the United States, it is sweeping
 
 286 Constitutional Law 
 
 enough in its terms to include citizens of every race. There 
 has been little litigation over this amendment, and Congress; 
 has not yet been called on to enforce it by appropriate legis- 
 lation. Indeed, the amendment is self-executing, since any 
 State or Federal statute that denies or abridges the right of 
 citizens of the United States to vote on account of race, color, 
 or servitude, is unconstitutional, and may be declared void 
 by any court. 
 
 Power of States Narrowed. — The 10th Amendment declares 
 that " The powers not delegated to the United States by the 
 Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved 
 to the States respectively, or to the people." Previous to the 
 adoption of the 15th Amendment, Congress possessed no power 
 to legislate respecting State elections. That was reserved to 
 the States respectively, or to the people, since the Constitution 
 did not confer it on the United States, or prohibit it to the 
 States. But with the passage of the 15th Amendment Congress 
 obtained such power. In this respect therefore the power of 
 the Federal government was augmented slightly at the expense 
 of the States. 
 
 Article 16 
 
 The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes 
 on incomes, from whatever source derived, without ap- 
 portionment, among the several States, and without re- 
 gard to census or enumeration. 
 
 In 1894, the student will remember, the Supreme Court 
 ruled that income taxes were direct taxes, and that, since the 
 income tax law of that year did not provide for levying the 
 tax according to population, it was unconstitutional and void. 
 The decision in effect prohibited Congress from ever again im- 
 posing an income tax, for it is next to impossible to apportion 
 such a tax according to representation. Incomes, however, 
 have long been deemed proper subjects for taxation, and it was
 
 Amendments to the Constitution 287 
 
 considered very unfortunate that Congress should be deprived 
 of that great source of revenue. Partly, therefore, to enable 
 Congress to obtain revenue from that source, and partly to 
 satisfy a growing, insistent demand that the swollen fortunes 
 of the wealthy be made to contribute more directly to the 
 public expense, Congress finally proposed the present amend- 
 ment. The clause was introduced at the first session of the 
 Gist Congress. It passed the Senate July 5, 1909, by a unani- 
 mous vote; it passed the House, July 12, by a vote of 317 to 
 14, and was later approved by the President. It was submitted 
 at once to the legislatures of the several States. In January, 
 1913, having been ratified by three-fourths of the States, it 
 became an integral part of the Constitution. 
 
 This amendment settles forever a perplexing question. It 
 makes no difTcrence now whether wo regard income taxes as 
 direct or indirect so far as their availability for purposes of 
 revenue is concerned. Congress may now tax incomes, with- 
 out apportionment, and without regard to census or enumera- 
 tion. Until Congress acts under this power, however, and the 
 courts interpret whatever questions may arise under such acts, 
 it is impossible even to suggest the possible limitations to this 
 addition to the Constitution. 
 
 Income Tax Law. — The first income tax law under the IGth 
 Amendment was passed during the special session of Congress 
 convened by President Wilson in the spring of 1913. This 
 law calls for the assessment of a graduated tax on all incomes, 
 from whatever source derived, above $3000 per annum as fol- 
 lows : On incomes above $3000 per annum and not exceeding 
 $20,000, a tax of one per cent; on incomes above $20,000 and 
 not exceeding $50,000, a tax of two per cent ; on incomes above 
 $50,000 and not exceeding $75,000, a tax of three per cent; 
 on incomes above $75,000 and not exceeding $100,000, a tax of 
 four per cent; and on all incomes exceeding $100,000, a tax 
 of five per cent.
 
 288 Constitutional Law 
 
 Every resident within the United States, whether citizen or 
 not, and every citizen of the United States, whether residing 
 at home or ahroad, is liable to this tax. Every person thus 
 liable is required annually to make a true return of his total 
 net income from all sources during the preceding calendar 
 year to the Commissioner of Internal Revenue, under rules 
 prescribed by him and approved by the Secretary of the 
 Treasury, Failure to make such true return is made punish- 
 able under hea^^ penalties. 
 
 Exemptions. — Certain exemptions and deductions are al- 
 lowed by the income tax law as follows : 
 
 1. Incomes from State and municipal bonds and obliga- 
 tions of the United States are not taxable ; nor are the salaries 
 of the President, United States judges, or of State or mu- 
 nicipal officers. 
 
 2. All persons are entitled to the minimum exemption of 
 $3000 ; but a married man living with his wife, or a married 
 woman living with her husband, is allowed a further exemption 
 of $1000, provided that the said wife or husband has not also 
 a taxable income. In no case, however, is the exemption 
 allowed to both husband and wife at the same time. 
 
 3. Every person in making out his return of net yearly 
 income for assessment may deduct from his gross income 
 (a) all necessary business expenses, not including living and 
 family expenses; (b) all interest on indebtedness; (c) all 
 national, State, county, and municipal taxes paid within the 
 year; (d) all losses sustained during the year and not covered 
 by insurance; (e) all debts and claims charged off as worth- 
 less; (f) a reasonable amount for wear and tear of property 
 in use; (g) dividends on stock in corporations which are them- 
 selves subject to the tax; and (h) all incomes already taxed at 
 the source. By the last is meant income derived from interest 
 on bonds, mortgages, deeds of trust, etc. 
 
 It is idle at this date (1913) to speculate on the validity and
 
 Amendments to the Constitution 289 
 
 usefulness of this law. On its face, however, it appears to be a 
 reasonal)le enactment, which while making available for taxa- 
 tion sources of revenue that have hitherto been exempt, at the 
 same time is very liberal in its exemptions. It is the hope of 
 its framers that the law will provide revenue enough to more 
 than make up for possible losses from reductions in the tariff, 
 besides distributing the burden of Federal taxation more 
 equitably than has hitherto been thought to be the case. 
 
 Article 17 
 
 The 17th Amendment has already been discussed on 
 page 46. 
 
 19
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 LEADING CASES
 
 LEADING CASES 
 
 1 
 
 Van Brocklin v. Tennessee, 117 U. S., 151 (1886) 
 
 Certain lots of land in the city of Memphis, Tenn., were 
 sold to the United States for non-payment of direct taxes. 
 After a lapse of several years the former owners redeemed the 
 land from the government. Whereupon, the State of Tennes- 
 see made formal demand on the owners (Van Brocklin and 
 others) for taxes due on the lots in the interim. The case was 
 first tried in a State court, which decided that the tax was 
 collectable. Van Brocklin then carried the case before the 
 U. S. Supreme Court, which reversed the decision. Why? 
 
 2 
 Fort Leavenworth E. E. v. Lowe, 114 U. S., 525 (1885) 
 
 The State of Kansas ceded to the United States exclusive 
 jurisdiction over the land occupied by the Fort Leavenworth 
 Military Eeservation, "saving to the State the right to tax 
 railroad, bridge, or other corporations on said property." 
 
 The plaintiff, a corporation organized under the laws of 
 Kansas, was the owner of a railroad in the reservation, and 
 was taxed therefor by the board of assessors of the State. The 
 corporation paid the tax under protest, and then brought suit 
 to recover the money paid, on the ground that since the prop- 
 erty was entirely within the reservation it should be exempt 
 from taxation by the State. What are the rights of the parties 
 concerned ? 
 
 3 
 
 Transportation Co. v. Wheeling, 99 U. S., 273 (1878) 
 
 The Wheeling Transportation Company, whose home port 
 and principal offices were at Wheeling, operated boats run- 
 ning to various ports up and down the Ohio River. These
 
 294 Constitutional Law 
 
 boats were licensed under acts of Congress to engage in the 
 toasting trade. The city of Wheeling laid a tax on these 
 vessels as personal property in the city. The company refused 
 to pay the tax, holding that it was an unwarranted regula- 
 tion of interstate commerce, and therefore unconstitutional. 
 How would you decide this ? 
 
 Packet Company v. Keokuk, 95 U. S., 80 (1877) 
 
 A packet, or steamboat company, engaged in interstate 
 commerce, and duly licensed by Congress to engage in the 
 coasting trade, refused to pay fees to the city of Keokuk for 
 the privilege of using the city wharves, maintaining that the 
 fees were in effect a burden on interstate commerce, and that 
 the law imposing them was null and void. How would you 
 decide this ? 
 
 5 
 
 Veazie v. Moore, 14 Howard, 568 (1852) 
 
 The State of Maine granted to Moor and others the ex- 
 clusive right of navigating the Penobscot Eiver above Bangor. 
 It was impossible to navigate a vessel into these waters from 
 below because of natural obstructions in the stream. Veazie, 
 being sued by Moor for running a steamboat on the water 
 above Bangor in contravention of the statute, set up the fol- 
 lowing defense : 1st, that he had a Federal license to engage 
 in the coasting trade ; 2d, that the Maine statute was uncon- 
 stitutional, since it amounted to a regulation of commerce. 
 Ought the court to regard this defense good ? 
 
 6 
 
 McEeady v. Virginia, 94 U. S., 391 (1876) 
 
 A law of Virginia made it illegal for anyone not a citizen 
 of Virginia to plant oysters in tbc tidal waters of that State. 
 McEeady, a citizen of Maryland, was arrested and tried for
 
 Leading Cases 295 
 
 violation of this law. His defense was that the law was un- 
 constitutional, being in violation of Article 1, Section 8, 
 Clause 3 ; Article 14, Section 1. It is established law that each 
 State owns the beds of tidal waters within its jurisdiction. 
 
 Kelly v. Ehoads, 188 U. S., 1 (1902) 
 
 Ehoads, tax collector for Laramie County, Wyo., collected 
 from Kelly $250 in taxes on a herd of sheep. The sheep were 
 oeing driven across Wyoming from Utah to Nebraska, sup- 
 porting themselves on the way by grazing. A statute of 
 Wyoming authorized the taxing of live stock brought into the 
 State for the purpose of grazing. Kelly sued to recover the tax 
 on the ground that the law, as applied to him, was void as a 
 regulation of commerce. 
 
 8 
 
 Geer v. Connecticut, 161 U. S., 519 (1896) 
 
 The plaintiff, indicted for violating a statute of Connecticut 
 which forbade the killing of game for the purpose of trans- 
 portation out of the State, or having it in possession for that 
 purpose, set up as his defense that the statute was unconstitu- 
 tional, being an unreasonable regulation of interstate com- 
 merce, besides unduly depriving him of his property, 
 
 9 
 
 Minnesota v. Barber, 136 U. S., 313 (1889) 
 
 Barber, a dealer in fresh meats, was convicted before a 
 Minnesota court of violating a statute, which forbade the sale 
 of any fresh beef, veal, mutton, pork or lamb, that had not been 
 inspected before slaughter by an inspector within the State. 
 Barber maintained that the statute in question was unconsti- 
 tutional, and his conviction therefore illegal. Was he right?
 
 296 Constitutional Law 
 
 What constitutional principles apply? What writ would be 
 available to secure for him an immediate hearing? 
 
 10 
 United States v. Wong Kim Ark, 169 U. S., 649 (1897) 
 
 Wong Kim Ark was born in 1873 of Chinese parents domi- 
 ciled in San Francisco. On returning from a visit to China 
 he was refused permission to land in the United States, on 
 the ground that he was not a citizen of this country. Previous 
 to this time he had lived in San Francisco 21 years. What 
 should be the decision in this case ? 
 
 11 
 
 Elk v. Williams, 112 U. S., 94 (1884) 
 
 Elk, the complainant, brought suit against Williams be- 
 cause the latter, as registrar of voters in Omaha, Nebraska, 
 had refused to register him as a qualified voter. Elk stated 
 that he was an Indian born in the United States, but had 
 voluntarily severed all tribal relations and had become a bona 
 fide resident of the city of Omaha, State of Nebraska; that 
 under the 14th Amendment, therefore, he was a citizen of the 
 United States, and entitled to all privileges as such. How 
 would you decide this case ? 
 
 12 
 
 United States v. Villato, 2 Dallas, 370 (1797) 
 
 Francis Villato, a citizen of Spain, moved in 1793 from 
 Louisiana to Philadelphia, where he subsequently swore alle- 
 giance to the State of Pennsylvania, and became according to 
 the existing requirements a bona fide resident of that State. 
 Some years later he took service with the French against the 
 United States and was captured while in command of a prize 
 brig. He was tried for treason, as having levied war aijainst 
 the United States and adhered to their enemies. He wiis 
 acquitted. Why?
 
 Leading Cases 297 
 
 13 
 
 Parker v. Davis, 12 Wallace, 79 U. S., 4G1 (1870) 
 
 Parker promised, in payment of a certain sum of lawful 
 money, to convey a lot of land to Davis, Later he refused to 
 execute the contract. Whereupon, the case being brought to 
 the Massachusetts Supreme Court, 1867, Davis was ordered 
 to pay into court the sum promised and Parker to execute 
 the deed for the land. Davis paid into court the sum named 
 in notes of the United States, known as " greenbacks." Parker 
 then refused to execute the deed on the ground that he was 
 entitled to have the sum in coin. Was the latter's position 
 good? 
 
 14 
 
 Fox V. Ohio, 5 Howard, 46 U. S., 410 (1847) 
 
 Malinda Fox, for the offense of passing counterfeit cur- 
 rency in the State of Ohio, was convicted in the highest courts 
 of that State. She appealed her case to the United States 
 Supreme Court, on the ground that the offense with which she 
 was charged was national in character, and that the courts of 
 the State of Ohio did not have jurisdiction over it. How 
 would you decide this ? 
 
 15 
 
 WiiEATOx V. Peters et al, 8 Peters, 223 (1834) 
 
 Wheaton, author of 12 volumes of cases decided by the 
 Supreme Court, sued Peters et al. to recover damages for pub- 
 lishing a volume entitled, " Condensed Peports of Cases in 
 the Supreme Court," which contained among others all the 
 cases in the first volume of Wheaton's reports, in violation of 
 the complainant's copyright. Wheaton claimed (1) a common 
 law right in his own published works; (2) a copyright in them 
 under the statutes of the T"^nited States. The fact was brought 
 out, however, that he had failed to conform to the law of 1790
 
 298 Constitutional Law 
 
 (Stat, at Large, 124), requiring an applicant for copyright to 
 give public notice of his work in the newspapers, and to de- 
 posit a copy of it in the Department of State. 
 
 16 
 
 Diamond Match Co. v. Ontonagon, 188 U. S., 83 (1902) 
 
 The complainant company floated logs down the Ontonagon 
 Eiver to the village of Ontonagon, where they kept them in 
 boom, shipping them out from time to time as required. The 
 defendant, tax collector for the village of Ontonagon, levied 
 a tax on these logs. Thereupon the complainant filed a bill 
 in equity to restrain the collection of the tax on the following 
 grounds: 1st, that it was a tax on exports; 2d, that it was a 
 burden on interstate commerce, since the logs were shipped 
 out of the State. Do you think the complainant's position 
 good? 
 
 ir 
 
 Cornell v. Coyne, 192 U. S., 418 (1903) 
 
 A Federal statute provided: "That upon all filled cheese 
 which shall be manufactured there shall be assessed and col- 
 lected a tax of one cent per pound, to be paid by the manu- 
 facturer thereof." The plaintiff protested this tax on the 
 ground that the cheese whicli he manufactured was intended 
 for export and under the Constitution was exempt from taxa- 
 tion. Was his position good ? 
 
 18 
 TJ. S. V. Smith, 5 Wheaton, 597 (1820) 
 
 Smith and others, part of the crew of a private armed 
 vessel (commissioned by Buenos Ayres, then at war with 
 Spain), mutinied, left tlieir vessel in Margaritta, and seized 
 by violence a ship called the Irrestible, a private vessel com- 
 missioned by tlie government of Artigas, also at war with
 
 Leading Cases 299 
 
 Spain. They then proceeded to sea without documents or 
 commission, and in 181!) plundered a Spanish ship on the 
 high seas. Later they were indicted before the Circuit Court 
 for the District of Virginia for the crime of piracy. Their 
 defense was: that since Congress had not yet defined piracy, 
 they could not be punished for piracy; that before the Federal 
 courts could punish an act as a crime, Congress must first 
 define the act to be a crime. They based their contention on 
 Article 1, Section 8, Clause 10. 
 
 19 ^ 
 Holmes v. Jennison, 14 Peters, 540 (1840) 
 
 Holmes, a Canadian, fled from arrest in Canada and took 
 refuge in the State of Vermont. Here he was arrested by the 
 authority of the Governor of the State of Vermont and held 
 for the action of Canadian officials. He applied for a writ of 
 habeas corpus on the ground that the act of the Governor was 
 unconstitutional. Should it have been so regarded by the 
 court ? 
 
 20 
 
 Sturgis V Crowxingshield, 4 "WTTEAToy, 122 (1819) 
 
 The defendant in this case had made two promissory notes 
 due in August, 1811. He did not pay, and when sued in 1817 
 for the debt he set up as defense the fact that, under a statute 
 passed in 1812 by the State of New York, he had passed 
 through bankruptcy and was discharged from all liability. 
 He offered in court the certificate of discharge from all debts, 
 dated 1812. 
 
 21 
 
 CuMMiNGS V. State of Missouri, 9 Wall., 323 (1866)' 
 
 An amendment to the constitution of the State of "Missouri, 
 adopted in 1865, forbade any person to act as professor or 
 teacher in any educational institution within the State without
 
 300 Constitutional Law 
 
 first taking a prescribed oath that he had never been in armed 
 hostility to the United States. The Eev. Mr. Cummings 
 was, soon after the adoption of this amendment, indicted and 
 convicted in a Missouri court for the crime of teaching and 
 preaching without having taken the prescribed oath, and was 
 fined $500. The case was taken to the U. S. Supreme Court 
 on writ of error, and that court declared the Missouri statute 
 unconstitutional and void. On what grounds? 
 
 Mormon Church v. United States, 136 U. S., 1 (1890) 
 The charter granted in 1851 by the Territory of Utah to 
 the Church of Latter Day Saints was repealed by act of Con- 
 gress in 1887. When proceedings were instituted by the 
 United States to enforce this act the corporation resisted on 
 the ground that the act was unconstitutional. How would 
 you decide this case ? 
 
 23 ^ 
 Morgan S. S. Co. v. Louisiana Board of Health, 118 U. S., 
 
 455 (1888) 
 A statute of Louisiana allowed the resident physician on 
 the Mississippi River the following fees for the inspection of 
 vessels entering the ports of that State: $30 for a ship; $20 
 for a bark; $10 for a schooner, etc. The plaintiff company 
 resisted the payment of the fees, maintaining : 
 
 1. That the law imposed a tonnage tax and was void. 
 
 2. That it was void as a regulation of commerce. 
 
 3. That it was repugnant to Article 1, Section 9, Clause 6. 
 
 24 
 
 OwiNGS V. Speed, 5 Wheaton, 688 (1820) 
 
 In 1780 the State of Virginia granted to Bard and Owings 
 
 a tract of 1000 acres' of land, on which the town of Bardstown 
 
 was later laid off. In 1788 the Virginia legislature vested 100 
 
 acres of this land in trustees to be laid off in lots. Thereupon
 
 Leading Cases 301 
 
 Owings sued Speed, one of the trustees, on the ground that 
 the act of 1788 was unconstitutional as impairing the obliga- 
 tion of contracts. 
 
 25 
 
 Hawker v. New York, 170 U. S., 189 (1898) 
 
 In 1893 the legislature of Xew York enacted that any per- 
 son who should practice medicine after conviction of a felony 
 should be fined accordingly. Hawker, who had been con- 
 victed in 1878 of a statute felony was indicted in 1896 for 
 violating this enactment. He maintained that the law, at 
 least in respect to himself, was ex post facto. Can this case 
 be distinguished from ex parte Garland? See pp. 1-44, 1-15. 
 
 26 
 Almy v. State of California, 24 Howard, 169 (1860) 
 The State of California enacted a law requiring a stamp to 
 be placed on all bills of lading of gold shipped out of the State. 
 The plaintiff refused to buy and affix the required stamps, 
 holding that the law was unconstitutional. Was his position 
 correct? The California courts upheld the statute. 
 
 27 -■ 
 Peete v. Morgan, 19 Wallace, 581 (1873) 
 The State of Texas established quarantine stations at 
 various Texas ports, and enacted: " That every vessel arriving 
 at a port having such quarantine station should pay a fee for 
 the support of the same, of $5.00 for the first 100 tons and 
 1^ cents for every additional ton." ^Nforgan, a ship owner in 
 Louisiana, engaged in transportation business with Texas 
 ports, refused to pay the tax, and brought bill to enjoin Peete, 
 the collector of the taxes, from collecting any more fees under 
 that statute. The Court granted the injunction, holding that 
 the Texas law was unconstitutional. Why? Would it be 
 possible to lay a tax for the purpose that would be constitu- 
 tional ?
 
 302 Constitutional Law 
 
 *" 28 
 In re Green, 134 U. S., 377 (1890) 
 
 Charles Green, disfranchised by the laws of Virginia for 
 petty larceny, was imprisoned by order of the city court of 
 Manchester, Va., for knowingly voting at an election for the 
 presidential electors. He sued out a writ of habeas corpus on 
 the ground that his act, if an offense at all, was an offense 
 against the Federal government, and hence not triable before 
 a State court. How should this be decided? 
 
 29 
 Davis v. Packard, 7 Peters, 276 (1833) 
 
 Packard and others brought suit against Davis in the courts 
 of New York and obtained judgment against him. Davis was 
 then Consul-General from Saxony, stationed in the city of 
 New York. The Supreme Court, on writ of error, reversed 
 the decision of the State court. Why? 
 
 30 
 
 Schooner Exchange v. McFaddon, 7 Cranch, 116 (1812) 
 
 The schooner Exchange, a public armed vessel of France, 
 was libelled in the port of Philadelphia by McFaddon, on the 
 ground that it had formerly belonged to him but had been 
 forcibly seized by certain persons and disposed of under the 
 orders of Napoleon. The Circuit Court ordered the vessel 
 restored to its former owners; the Supreme Court reversed the 
 decision. Why ? 
 
 31 
 
 Cherokee Nation v. Georgia, 5 Peters, 1 (1831) 
 
 The Cherokee Nation, occupying lands in the State of 
 Georgia, filed an original bill in the Supreme Court, as though 
 it were a foreign State, praying for an injunction to restrain
 
 Leading Cases 303 
 
 Georgia from enforcing its laws within the territory occupied 
 by the Cherokces. The court refused the injunction. Ques- 
 tions: 1. "What may have been the grounds for this refusal? 
 2. Was it proper to bring the original suit in the Supreme 
 Court? 3. Why was not the suit barred by the 11th Amend- 
 ment? 
 
 32 ^ 
 
 Wallach v. Van Riswick, 92 U. S., 202 (1875) 
 
 The complainants, children and heirs of Wallach, a Con- 
 federate officer Avhose property had been condemned and sold 
 by the Federal government, sought to obtain an interest in the 
 property now possessed by Van Eiswick, on the grounds: 1. 
 That Congress could not compel the forfeiture of the property 
 beyond the life of the offender (Constitution, 3, 3, 2). 
 2. That the proclamation of amnesty pardoning all who had 
 taken up arms agamst the government restored the property to 
 its original status. 
 
 33 
 
 Il\scelles v. Georgia, 148 U. S., 537 (1892) 
 
 Lascclles, extradited from New York to Georgia for lar- 
 ceny, was indicted by the jury on the charge of forgery. His 
 defense was that, having been extradited for one offense, he 
 could not be tried for another. Was the defense good ? 
 
 34 
 
 American Publishing Co. v. Fisiier, 166 TJ. S., 464 (1897) 
 
 Plaintiffs sued the defendant for $20,000 in the District 
 Court, Salt Lake City, Territory of Utah, before a jury of 
 twelve men. Nine of the latter gave verdict for the defendant, 
 the others not concurring. The court accepted the verdict. 
 Section 3171 of the laws of Utah allowing decisions by nine or 
 more of a jury. The Supreme Court found the law to be un- 
 constitutional. Whv ?
 
 304 Constitutional Law 
 
 35 
 
 Hyatt v. People, 188 U. S., 691 (1902) 
 
 Hyatt was arrested by the authority of the Governor of New- 
 York, acting in pursuance of requisition papers from the 
 Governor of Tennessee. The papers recited that Hyatt had 
 been indicted in Tennessee for grand larceny, and that he 
 was a fugitive from justice from that State ; but in the papers 
 it did not appear that he was in Tennessee when the alleged 
 offense was committed. Should Hyatt be held under these 
 facts? 
 
 36 
 
 United States v. Fox, 94 TJ. S., 315 (1876) 
 
 Charles Fox, of the city of New York, died, bequeathing his 
 property to the United States. The heirs contested the devise 
 on the following grounds : 
 
 1. That the Federal government could not acquire property 
 by such means. 
 
 2. That the laws of New York governing the descent of 
 property limited devises to natural persons, or to such artificial 
 persons (corporations) as were created under the laws of the 
 State. 
 
 37 
 
 Patterson v. Bark Eudora, 190 U. S., 169 (1902) 
 
 A Federal law made it unlawful for any person to pay to 
 any seaman wages in advance of services performed, or to pay 
 such wages to anyone else. Patterson and others, seamen on 
 the British bark Eudora, sued for their wages in the District 
 Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania, alleging that 
 part of their wages had been paid in advance to the shipping 
 agent at Portland, Me., through whom they had been em- 
 ployed. It was admitted at the trial that such advance pay- 
 ment was not contrary to the shipping laws of Great Britain.
 
 Leading Cases 305 
 
 The District Court dismissed the suit. The Supreme Court 
 reversed the decision. Why? 
 
 38 
 
 Davis v. Beasox, 133 U. S., 333 (1889) 
 
 A statute of Idalio forbade anyone to vote at any election, 
 or to hold any office of honor, trust, or profit in the Territory, 
 who was a bigamist or polygamist, or who belonged to any 
 organization that encouraged bigamy or polygamy. Davis, 
 indicted for procuring himself to be made an elector in viola- 
 tion of the statute, contended that the 1st Amendment to the 
 Constitution made the statute unconstitutional. Was his con- 
 tention valid? 
 
 39 ^^ 
 
 Presser r. Illinois, 116 U. S., 252 (1885) 
 
 A statute of Illinois, after providing for an organized 
 militia, forbade all other bodies of men to associate together 
 as military organizations, or to drill in public or parade 
 with arms, without the consent of the Governor. Presser, 
 indicted and tried for parading at the head of a private mili- 
 tary company in violation of the statute, contended that the 
 statute was unconstitutional, being repugnant to the 2d 
 Amendment and to Section 1 of the 14th Amendment. Was it? 
 
 40 
 
 Boyd v. United States, 116 U. S., 616 (1885) 
 
 The court in this case decided that the fifth section of the 
 act of June 22, 1874, authorizing a court of the United States 
 in revenue cases, on motion by the government attorney, to 
 require the defendant to produce in court his private books, 
 invoices, papers, etc., or else the charge against him should be 
 taken as confessed, was repugnant to certain amendments to 
 the Constitution. To which was it repugnant, and why? 
 
 20
 
 306 Constitutional Law 
 
 41 
 Ex PARTE Lange, 18 Wallace, 163 (1873) 
 Lange was convicted of the crime of embezzling from the 
 U. S. mails, the punishment for the offense, as provided by 
 statutes, being fine or imprisonment. The court sentenced 
 him to pay a fine of $200 and to be imprisoned for one year. 
 He paid the fine and began to serve his sentence. Next day he 
 was returned to the court, and the same judge remanded the 
 fine, but resentenced him to imprisonment. Lange then sued 
 out a writ of habeas corpus, on the ground that the sentence 
 was contrary to the 5th Amendment. Was his contention 
 correct ? 
 
 , 42 
 
 U. S. V. Perez, 9 Wheaton, 579 (1824) 
 
 Joseph Perez was put to trial for a criminal offense. The 
 jury, being unable to agree on a verdict, were discharged by 
 the court without the consent of the prisoner or his counsel. 
 The latter then demanded the discharge of his client, on the 
 ground that further trial would subject him to be twice tried 
 for the same offense. 
 
 ^43 
 
 Dreyer v. Illinois, 187 U. S., 71 (1902) 
 
 In the case of Dreyer, who was prosecuted for a misde- 
 meanor, the jury, unable to agree, were discharged without 
 the consent of the accused. Dreyer then demanded his dis- 
 charge, on the ground that another trial would not be due 
 process of law. Was he right ? 
 
 44 
 
 Maxwell v. Dow, 176 IT. S., 581 (1899) 
 
 A statute of the State of Utah allowed trial on an informa- 
 tion, and conviction by juries of eight persons. The plaintiff 
 in this case protested that his conviction under the law was
 
 Leading Cases 307 
 
 unconstitutional : that it was not " due process of law " ; and 
 that he had a constitutional right to an indictment and to be 
 tried by twelve jurors instead of eight. 
 
 45 
 
 Knox v. Lee, 12 Wall., 457 (1870) 
 
 During the Civil War the property of Lee, a loyal citizen 
 residing in Texas, was confiscated and sold under statutes 
 enacted by the Confederate government. After the war Lee 
 sued Knox, the holder of the property, to recover the value 
 thereof. Had he any rights in the case ? 
 
 46 
 
 McDonald v. Massachusetts, 180 U. S., 311 (1901) 
 
 In 1887 the legislature of Massachusetts enacted that who- 
 ever should be convicted of a felony thereafter, who had been 
 twice convicted before and sentenced to three or more years 
 for each offense, should be deemed an habitual criminal and 
 be sentenced to prison for twenty-five years. The plaintiff, 
 adjudged and sentenced as an habitual criminal under this 
 law, contended that it was unconstitutional. Was he right? 
 
 47 
 Pervear v. Commonwealth, 5 Wallace, 475 (1866) 
 
 Pervear, a resident of Massachusetts, was indicted in the 
 courts of that State for selling intoxicating liquor without a 
 license. His defense was: 1. That he had already paid the 
 internal revenue tax demanded by the Federal government 
 and could not be taxed therefore by the State. 2. That the 
 law of ^fassachusetts, under which he was indicted, was un- 
 constitutional because it imposed an excessive fine. The 
 statute imposed a fine of fifty dollars for each offense.
 
 308 Constitutional Law 
 
 48 
 
 Hans v. Louisiana, 134 U. S., 1 (1889) 
 
 The plaintiff, citizen of Louisiana, brought suit against the 
 State in the Federal Circuit Court to recover the value of cer- 
 tain bonds issued by the State, alleging a case under the Con- 
 stitution and laws of the United States. Was he right? The 
 case finally came to the Supreme Court, which decided that 
 the Federal courts had no jurisdiction. Why? 
 
 49 
 
 North Caeolina v. Temple, 134 JJ. S., 23 (1890) 
 
 The original suit was brought by Temple against the State 
 of North Carolina and its auditor, W. Brooks, to compel the 
 State and its officials to levy a tax for the payment of the 
 interest on certain bonds. The Circuit Court granted the 
 decree, whereupon the defendants carried the case to the 
 Supreme Court on writ of error. What should the decision be ? 
 
 50 
 
 TiNDAL V. Wesley, 167 IT. S. (1896) 
 
 Wesley, citizen of New York, sued Tindal and Boyles, 
 citizens of South Carolina, to recover possession of certain 
 property wrongfully held by them in the city of Columbia, 
 S. C. The defendants replied that they held the property in 
 behalf of the State, Tindal as Secretary of State, Boyles a^ 
 his clerk, and that the suit was therefore void under the 11th 
 Amendment to the Constitution. The record of the case as 
 presented to the Supreme Court did not show any evidence 
 in support of their assertion. What should the decision be ? 
 
 51 
 
 Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U. S., 540 (1895) 
 
 Plessy, one-eighth African, was fined for occupying a seat in 
 a railway car set apart for whites, in defiance of a statute com-
 
 Leading Cases 309 
 
 polling separate accommodations for the two races on rail- 
 roads within the State of Louisiana. He pleaded in defense 
 that the statute was unconstitutional, violating Amendment 
 13, and Section 1 of Amendment 14. Plessy was not an inter- 
 state passenger. 
 
 52 
 
 Bradwell v. Illinois, 16 Wallace, 130 (1872) 
 
 ^frs. Bradwell, born in Vermont but residing at the time in 
 Chicago, 111., on being refused admission to the bar of that 
 State on the grounds that females were not eligible under the 
 laws of Illinois, carried her case to the Supreme Court, alleg- 
 ing among other things : 1. That as a citizen of Vermont and 
 of the United States she was denied the privileges and im- 
 munities of the citizens of the several States. Was her con- 
 tention sound? 
 
 53 
 
 Atkin v. Kansas, 191 IT. S., 207 (1902) 
 
 A Kansas statute made it unlawful for laborers to be cm- 
 ployed on behalf of the State or any of its municipalities for 
 more than eight hours per day. Atkin, engaged in building a 
 road for Kansas City, employed one Eeese to work ten hours 
 per day at the eight hour rate. When prosecuted he con- 
 tended that the statute was unconstitutional as depriving him 
 of property without due process of law. 
 
 'A 
 
 In re Parrott, 1. Fed. Rep., 481 (1880) 
 
 Parrott was accused of violating the following act of the 
 legislature of California : " Xo corporation now existing, or 
 hereafter formed under the laws of this State, shall employ 
 any Chinese or Mongolian." What possible defense was open 
 to him under the Constitution ?
 
 310 COXSTITUTIOXAL LaW 
 
 oa 
 
 Slaughter House Case, 16 Wall., 36 (1872) 
 
 The legislature of Louisiana granted to a certain corpora- 
 tion the exclusive right to maintain slaughter houses, land- 
 ings and yards for cattle within the parishes of Orleans, 
 Jefferson and St. Bernard; it further provided that all 
 cattle intended for beef in that district should be brought to 
 the yards and houses of the said corporation, and that the 
 latter should charge a prescribed fee for the use of its yards 
 and for the slaughter of animals. 
 
 1. Does this constitute an unlawful monopoly? 
 
 2. To what clause of the Constitution does the enactment 
 appear to be repugnant? 
 
 3. Under what principle might it be declared valid?
 
 APPENDICES 
 
 A. The Articles of Confederation 
 B, The Constitution of the United States
 
 APPENDIX A 
 
 ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION 
 
 Abticles of Confederation' and Perpetual Union between the 
 States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode 
 Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, NE^v York, 
 New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, 
 North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. 
 
 Article I.— The style of this confederacy shall be, " The United 
 States of America." 
 
 Article II. — Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom, and in- 
 dependence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not 
 by this confederation expressly delegated to the United States iu 
 Congress assembled. 
 
 Article III. — The said States hereby severally enter Into a firm 
 league of friendship with each other, for their common defense, 
 the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general wel- 
 fare, binding themselves to assist each other against all force 
 offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account 
 of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretense whatever. 
 
 Article IV. — The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friend- 
 ship and intercourse among the people of the different States in 
 this Union, the free inhabitants of each of these States, paupers, 
 vagabonds, and fugitives from justice excepted, shall be entitled 
 to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several 
 States; and the people of each State shall have free ingress and 
 regress to and from any other State, and shall enjoy therein 
 all the privileges of trade and commerce, subject to the same 
 duties, impositions, and restrictions, as the inhabitants thereof 
 respectively; provided that such restrictions shall not extend so 
 far as to prevent the removal of property imported into any 
 State, to any other State of which the owner is an inhabitant; 
 provided, also, that no imposition, duties, or restrictions, shall be 
 laid by any State on the property of the United States or either 
 of them.
 
 314 COXSTITUTIONAL LaW 
 
 If any person guilty of, or charged with, treason, felony, or other 
 high misdemeanor in any State, shall flee from justice, and be 
 found in any of the United States, he shall, upon demand of the 
 governor or executive power of the State from which he fled, be 
 delivered up, and removed to the State having jurisdiction of his 
 offense. 
 
 Full faith and credit shall be given, in each of these States, to 
 the records, acts, and judicial proceedings of the courts and magis- 
 trates of every other State. 
 
 Article V. — For the more convenient management of the general 
 interests of the United States, delegates shall be annually appointed 
 in such manner as the legislature of each State shall direct, to 
 meet in Congress on the first Monday in November, in every year, 
 with a power reserved to each State to recall its delegates, or any 
 of them, at any time within the year, and to send others in their 
 stead for the remainder of the year. 
 
 No State shall be represented in Congress by less than two, nor 
 by more than seven members; and no person shall be capable of 
 being a delegate for more than three years, in any term of six 
 years; nor shall any person, being a delegate, be capable of holding 
 any office under the United States, for which he, or another for 
 his benefit, receives any salary, fees, or emolument of any kind. 
 
 Each State shall maintain its own delegates in any meeting of 
 the States and while they act as members of the committee of 
 the States. 
 
 In determining questions in the United States in Congress as- 
 sembled, each State shall have one vote. 
 
 Freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be im- 
 peached or questioned in any court or place out of Congress; and 
 the members of Congress shall be protected in their persons from 
 arrests and imprisonments during the time of their going to and 
 from, and attendance on Congress, except for treason, felony, or 
 breach of the peace. 
 
 Article VI. — No State, without the consent of the United States, 
 In Congress assembled, shall send any embassy to, or receive any 
 embassy from, or enter into any conference, agreement, alliance, 
 or treaty, with any king, prince, or state; nor shall any person 
 holding any office of profit or trust under the United States, or 
 any of them, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title of any 
 kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state; nor shall 
 the United States, in Congress assembled, or any of them, grant 
 any title of nobility.
 
 Appendices 315 
 
 No two or more States shall enter into any treaty, confederation, 
 or alliance whatever between them, without the consent of the 
 United States, in Congress assembled, specifying accurately the 
 purposes for which the same is to be entered into, and how long it 
 shall continue. 
 
 No States shall lay any imposts or duties which may interfere 
 with any stipulations in treaties entered into by the United States, 
 in Congress assembled, with any king, prince, or state, in pursu- 
 ance of any treaties already proposed by Congress to the courts 
 of France and Spain. 
 
 No vessels of war shall be kept up in time of peace, by any 
 State, except such number only as shall be deemed necessary, by 
 the United States in Congress assembled, for the defense of such 
 State or its trade; nor shall any body of forces be kept up, by any 
 State, in time of peace, except such number only as, in the judg- 
 ment of the United States, in Congress assembled, shall be deemed 
 requisite to garrison the forts necessary for the defense of such 
 State; but every State shall always keep up a well regulated and 
 disciplined militia, sufficiently armed and accoutered, and shall 
 provide and constantly have ready for use, in public stores, a due 
 number of field-pieces and tents, and a proper quantity of arms, 
 ammunition, and camp equipage. 
 
 No State shall engage in any war without the consent of the 
 United States, in Congress assembled, unless such State be actually 
 invaded by enemies, or shall have received certain advice of a 
 resolution being formed by some nation of Indians to invade such 
 State, and the danger is so imminent as not to admit of a delay 
 till the United States, in Congress assembled, can be consulted; 
 nor shall any State grant commissions to any ships or vessels of 
 war, nor letters of marque or reprisal, except it be after a declara- 
 tion of war by the United States, in Congress assembled, and then 
 only against the kingdom or state, and the subjects thereof against 
 which war has been so declared, and under such regulations as 
 shall be established by the United States, in Congress assembled, 
 unless such State be infested by pirates, in which case vessels of 
 war may be fitted out for that occasion, and kept so long as the 
 danger shall continue, or until the United States, in Congress 
 assembled, shall determine otlierwise. 
 
 Article VII.— When land forces are raised by any State for the 
 common defense, all officers of or under the rank of colonel, shall 
 be appointed by the legislature of each State respectively by
 
 316 Constitutional Law 
 
 whom such forces shall be raised, or in such manner as such 
 State shall direct, and all vacancies shall be filled up by the State 
 which first made the appointment. 
 
 Article VIII. — All charges of war, and all other expenses that 
 shall be incurred for the common defense or general welfare, and 
 allowed by the United States in Congress assembled, shall be 
 defrayed out of a common treasury, which shall be supplied by 
 the several States, in proportion to the value of all land within 
 each State, granted to, or surveyed for, any person, as such land 
 and the buildings and improvements thereon shall be estimated 
 according to such mode as the United States, in Congress assem- 
 bled, shall, from time to time, direct and appoint. The taxes for 
 paying that proportion shall be laid and levied by the authority 
 and direction of the legislatures of the several States, within the 
 time agreed upon by the United States, in Congress assembled. 
 
 Article IX. — The United States, in Congress assembled, shall 
 have the sole and exclusive right and power of determining on 
 peace and war, except in the cases mentioned in the sixth Article; 
 of sending and receiving ambassadors; entering into treaties and 
 alliances, provided that no treaty of commerce shall be made 
 whereby the legislative power of the respective States shall be 
 restrained from imposing sucli imposts and duties on foreigners, 
 as their own people are subjected to, or from prohibiting the expor- 
 tation or importation of any species of goods or commodities what- 
 soever; of establishing rules for deciding, in all cases, what cap- 
 tures on land or water shall be legal, and in what manner prizes 
 taken by land or naval forces in tlie service of the United States, 
 shall be divided or appropriated; of granting letters of marque 
 and reprisal in times of peace; appointing courts for the trial 
 of piracies and felonies committed on the high seas; and estab- 
 lishing courts for receiving and determining finally appeals In all 
 cases of captures; provided that no member of Congress shall be 
 appointed a judge of any of the said courts. 
 
 The United States, in Congress assembled, shall also be the last 
 resort on appeal, in all disputes and differences now subsisting, 
 or that hereafter may arise between two or more States concerning 
 boundary, jurisdiction, or any other cause whatever; which author- 
 ity shall always be exercised in the manner following: Whenever 
 the legislative or executive authority, or lawful agent of any State 
 In controversy with another, shall present a petition to Congress, 
 stating the matter in question, and praying for a hearing, notice
 
 Appendices 317 
 
 thereof shall be given by order of Congress, to the legislative or 
 executive authority of the other State in controversy, and a day 
 assigned for the appearance of tlie parties by their lawful agents, 
 who shall then be directed to appoint, by joint consent, com- 
 missioners or judges to constitute a court for hearing and determ- 
 ining the matter in question; but if they cannot agree. Congress 
 shall name three persons out of eacli of tlie United States, and from 
 the list of such persons each party shall alternately strike out one, 
 the petitioners beginning, until the number sliall be reduced to 
 thirteen; and from that number not less than seven nor more 
 than nine names, as Congress shall direct, shall, in the presence 
 of Congress, be drawn out by lot; and the persons whose names 
 shall be so drawn, or any five of them, shall be commissioners or 
 judges, to hear and finally determine the controversy, so always as 
 a major part of the judges, who shall hear the cause, shall agree 
 In the determination; and if either party shall neglect to attend 
 at the day appointed, without showing reasons which Congress 
 shall judge sufficient, or being present, shall refuse to strike, the 
 Congress shall proceed to nominate three persons out of each State, 
 and the secretary of Congress shall strike in behalf of such party 
 absent or refusing; and the judgment and sentence of the court, to 
 be appointed in the manner before prescribed, shall be final and con- 
 clusive; and if any of the parties shall refuse to submit to the 
 authority of such court, or to appear or defend their claim or cause, 
 the court shall nevertheless proceed to pronounce sentence or judg- 
 ment, which shall in like manner be final and decisive; the judg- 
 ment or sentence and other proceedings being in either case trans- 
 mitted to Congress, and lodged among the acts of Congress for the 
 security of the parties concerned; provided, that every commis- 
 sioner, before he sits in judgment, shall take an oath, to be ad- 
 ministered by one of the judges of the supreme or superior court 
 of the State where the cause shall be tried, " well and truly to hear 
 and determine the matter in question, according to the best of liis 
 Judgment, without favor, affection, or hope of reward." Provided, 
 also, that no State shall be deprived of territory for the benefit 
 of the United States. 
 
 All controversies concerning tlie private rigiit of soil claimed 
 under different grants of two or more States, whose jurisdictions, 
 as they may respect such lands, and the States which passed such 
 grants are adjusted, the said grants or either of them being at 
 the same claimed to have originated antecedent to such settlement
 
 318 Constitutional Law 
 
 of jurisdiction, shall, on the petition of either party to the Congress 
 of the United States, be finally determined, as near as may be, 
 in the same manner as is before prescribed for deciding disputes 
 respecting territorial jurisdiction between different States. 
 
 The United States, in Congress assembled, shall also have the 
 sole and exclusive right and power of regulating the alloy and 
 value of coin struck by their own authority, or by that of the 
 respective States; fixing the standard of weights and measures 
 throughout the United States, regulating the trade and managing 
 all affairs with the Indians not members of any of the States; 
 provided that the legislative right of any State, within its own 
 limits, be not infringed or violated; establishing and regulating 
 post-offices from one State to another throughout all the United 
 States, and exacting such postage on the papers passing through 
 the same, as may be requisite to defray the expenses of the 
 said office; appointing all officers of the land forces in the service 
 of the United States, excepting regimental officers; appointing 
 all the officers of the naval forces, and commissioning all officers 
 whatever in the service of the United States; making rules for the 
 government and regulation of the said land and naval forces, and 
 directing their operations. 
 
 The United States, in Congress assembled, shall have authority 
 to appoint a committee, to sit in the recess of Congress, to be de- 
 nominated "A Committee of the States," and to consist of one 
 delegate from each State; and to appoint such other committees 
 and civil officers as may be necessary for managing the general 
 affairs of the United States under their direction; to appoint one 
 of their number to preside, provided that no person be allowed to 
 serve in the office of president more than one year in any term of 
 three years; to ascertain the necessary sums of money to be raised 
 for the service of the United States, and to appropriate and apply 
 the same for defraying the public expenses; to borrow money or 
 emit bills on the credit of the United States, transmitting every 
 half year to the respective States an account of the sums of money 
 so borrowed or emitted; to build and equip a navy; to agree upon 
 the number of land forces, and to make requisitions from each 
 State for its quota, in proportion to the number of white inhabi- 
 tants in such State, which requistion shall be binding; and there- 
 upon the Legislature of each State shall appoint the regimental 
 officers, raise the men, and clothe, arm, and equip them in a 
 Boldier-like manner at the expense of the United States; and the
 
 Appendices 319 
 
 officers and men so clothed, armed, and equipped shall march to 
 the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the United 
 States, in Congress assembled; but if the United States, in Con- 
 gress assembled, shall, on consideration of circumstances, judge 
 proper that any State should not raise men, or should raise a 
 smaller number than its quota, and that any other State should 
 raise a greater number of men than the quota thereof, such extra 
 number shall be raised, officered, clothed, armed, and equipped 
 in the same manner as the quota of such State, unless the Legis- 
 lature of such State shall judge that such extra number cannot be 
 safely spared out of the same, in whicli case they shall raise, 
 officer, clothe, arm, and equip as many of such extra number as 
 they judge can be safely spared, and the officers and men so clothed, 
 armed, and equipped shall march to the place appointed, and 
 within the time agreed on by the United States, in Congress 
 assembled. 
 
 The United States, in Congress assembled, shall never engage 
 in a war, nor grant letters of marque and reprisal in time of 
 peace, nor enter into any treaties or alliances, nor coin money, 
 nor regulate the value thereof, nor ascertain the sums and expenses 
 necessary for the defense and welfare of the United States, or any 
 of them, nor emit bills, nor borrow money on the credit of the 
 United States, nor appropriate money, nor agree upon the number 
 of vessels of war to be built or purchased, or the number of land 
 or sea forces to be raised, nor appoint a commander-in-chief of 
 the army or navy unless nine States assent to the same, nor shall 
 a question on any other point, except for adjourning from day 
 to day, be determined, unless by the votes of a majority of the 
 United States, in Congress assembled. 
 
 The Congress of the United States shall have power to adjourn 
 to any time within the year, and to any place within the United 
 States, so that no period of adiournment be for a longer duration 
 than the space of six months, and shall publish the journal of their 
 proceedings monthly, except such parts thereof relating to treaties, 
 alliances, or military operations as in their judgment require 
 secrecy: and the yeas and nays of the delegates of each State, on 
 any question, shall be entered on the journal, when it is desired 
 by any delegate; and the delegates of a State, or any of them, 
 at his or their request, shall be furnished with a transcript of the 
 said journal, except such parts as are above excepted, to lay before 
 the legislatures of the several States.
 
 320 Constitutional Law 
 
 Article X. — The committee of the States, or any nine of them, 
 shall be authorized to execute, in the recess of Congress, such of 
 the powers of Congress as the United States, in Congress assem- 
 bled, by the consent of nine States, shall, from time to time, think 
 expedient to vest them with ; provided that no power be delegated 
 to the said committee, for the exercise of which, by the articles 
 of confederation, the voice of nine States, in the Congress of the 
 United States assembled is requisite. 
 
 Article XI. — Canada acceding to this confederation, and joining 
 in the measures of the United States, shall be admitted into, and 
 entitled to all the advantages of this Union; but no other colony 
 shall be admitted into the same unless such admission be agreed 
 to by nine States. 
 
 Article XII. — All bills of credit emitted, moneys borrowed, and 
 debts contracted by or under the authority of Congress, before the 
 assembling of the United States, in pursuance of the present con- 
 federation, shall be deemed and considered as a charge against 
 the United States, for payment and satisfaction whereof the said 
 United States and the public faith are hereby solemnly pledged. 
 
 Article XIII. — Every State shall abide by the determinations of 
 the United States, in Congress assembled, on all questions which 
 by this Confederation are submitted to them. And the Articles 
 of this Confederation shall be inviolably observed by every State, 
 and the Union shall be perpetual; nor shall any alteration at any 
 time hereafter be made in any of them, unless such alteration be 
 agreed to in a Congress of the United States, and be afterwards 
 currence of two thirds of the Members present. 
 
 And whereas it hath pleased the great Governor of the world 
 to incline the hearts of the legislatures we respectively represent 
 in Congress, to approve of, and to authorize us to ratify the said 
 Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union, Know ye, that we, 
 the undersigned delegates, by virtue of the power and authority 
 to us given for that purpose, do, by these presents, in the name 
 and in behalf of our respective constituents, fully and entirely 
 ratify and confirm each and every of the said Articles of Con- 
 federation and perpetual Union, and all and singular the matters 
 and things therein contained. And we do further solemnly plight 
 and engage the faith of our respective constituents, that they shall 
 abide by the determinations of the United States, in Congress as- 
 snmbled, on all questions which by the said Confederation are 
 submitted to them; and that the Articles thereof shall be inviolably
 
 Ari'EXDicES 321 
 
 observed by the States we respectively represent, and that the 
 Union shall be perpetual. In witness whereof, we have hereunto 
 set our hands in Congress. Done at Philadelphia, in the State 
 of Pennsylvania, the ninth day of July, in tlio yoar of our Lord 
 1778,* and in the third year of the Independence of America. 
 
 APPENDIX B 
 The Constitution of the United States of Axiehica, 
 
 AVITII THE SeVEIUL AMENDMENTS 
 
 Printed from the official records, in conformity with the original 
 
 orthography. 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 
 
 We the people of the United States, in Order to form a more 
 perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, 
 provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, 
 and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, 
 do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States 
 of America. 
 
 Article I. 
 
 Section 1. — All legislative Powers herein granted shall be 
 vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of 
 a Senate and House of Representatives. 
 
 Section 2. — The House of Representatives shall be composed o^ 
 Members chosen every second Year by the People of the several 
 States, and the Electors in e^ch State shall have tlie Qualiflcationa 
 requisite for Electors of the most numerous Branch of the State 
 Legislature. 
 
 No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained 
 to the Age of twenty-five Years, and been seven Years a Citizen 
 
 * Only ten states took action upon the Articles at this time. 
 New Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland did not ratify them until 
 later. 
 
 21
 
 322 Constitutional Law 
 
 of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, he an 
 Inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen. 
 
 Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among 
 the several States which may be included within this Union, 
 according to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined 
 by adding to the whole Number of free Persons, including those 
 bound to Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not 
 taxed, three-fifths of all other Persons. The actual Enumeration 
 shall be made within three Years after the first Meeting of the 
 Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent Term 
 of ten Years, in such Manner as they shall by Law direct. The 
 Number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty 
 Thousand, but each State shall have at Least one Representative; 
 and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hamp- 
 shire shall be entitled to chuse three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode 
 Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York 
 six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Mary- 
 land six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina fire, 
 and Georgia three. 
 
 When vacancies happen in the Representation from any State, 
 the Executive Authority thereof shall issue Writs of Election to 
 fill such Vacancies. 
 
 The House of Representatives shall chuse their Speaker and 
 other Oflicers; and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment. 
 
 Section 3.— The Senate of the United States shall be composed of 
 two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, 
 for six Years; and each Senator shall have one Vote. 
 
 Immediately after they shall be assembled in Consequence 
 of the first Election, they shall be divided as equally as may be 
 into three Classes. The Seats of the Senators of the first Class 
 shall be vacated at the Expiration of the second Year, of the 
 second Class at the Expiration of the fourth Year, and of the 
 third Class at the Expiration of the sixth Year, so that one third 
 may be chosen every second Year; and if Vacancies happen by 
 Resignation, or otherwise, during the Recess of the Legislature 
 of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary Appoint- 
 ments until the next Meeting of the Legislature, which shall then 
 fill such Vacancies. 
 
 No Person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to 
 the Age of thirty Years, and been nine Years a Citizen of the 
 United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant 
 of that State for which he shall be chosen.
 
 Appendices 323 
 
 The Vice President of tlie United States shall be President 
 of the Senate, but shall have no Vote, unless they be equally 
 divided. 
 
 The Senate shall chuse their other Officers, and also a President 
 pro tempore, in the Absence of the Vice l^resident, or when he 
 shall exercise the OflTce of President of the United States. 
 
 The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments. 
 When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or Affirmation. 
 When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice 
 shall preside; And no Person shall be convicted without the Con- 
 currence of two thirds of the Members present. 
 
 Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further 
 than to removal from Office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy 
 any Office of honor. Trust or Profit under the United States: but 
 the Party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to 
 Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment, according to Law. 
 
 Section 4. — The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections 
 for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each 
 State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any 
 time by law make or alter such Regulations, except as to the 
 Places of chusing Senators. 
 
 The Congress shall assemble at least once in every Year, and 
 such Meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless 
 they shall by Law appoint a different Day. 
 
 Section 5. — Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, 
 Returns and Qualifications of its own Members, and a Majority 
 of each shall constitute a Quorum to do Business; but a smaller 
 Number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to 
 compel the Attendance of absent Members, in such Manner, and 
 under such Penalties as each House may provide. 
 
 Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, punish 
 its Members for disorderly Behavior, and, with the Concurrence 
 of two thirds, expel a Member. 
 
 Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and from 
 time to time publish the same, excepting such Parts as may in 
 their Judgment require Secrecy; and tlie Yeas and Nays of the 
 Members of either House on any question shall, at the Desire of 
 one fifth of those Present, be entered on the Journal. 
 
 Neither House, during the Session of Congress, shall, without 
 the Consent of the other, adjourn for more tlian three days, nor 
 to any other Place than that in which the tv/o Houses shall be 
 sitting.
 
 324 Constitutional Law 
 
 Section 6. — The Senators and Representatives shall receive a 
 Compensation for their Services, to be ascertained by Law, and 
 paid out of the Treasury of the United States. They shall in all 
 Cases, except Treason, Felony and Breach of the Peace, be privi- 
 leged from Arrest during their Attendance at the Session of their 
 respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same; 
 and for any Speecli or Debate in either House, tliey shall not be 
 questioned in any other Place. 
 
 No Senator or Representative shall, during the Time for which 
 he was elected, be appointed to any civil Office under the Authority 
 of the United States, which shall have been created, or the Emolu- 
 ments whereof shall have been encreased during such time; and 
 no Person holding any office under the United States, shall be a 
 member of either House during his Continuance in Office. 
 
 Section 7. — All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the 
 House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur 
 with Amendments as on other Bills. 
 
 Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives 
 and the Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be presented to the 
 President of the United States; If he approve he shall sign it, 
 but if not he shall return it, with his Objections to that House 
 in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections 
 at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after 
 such Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to 
 pass the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the Objections, to the 
 other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if 
 approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become a Law. 
 But in all such Cases the Votes of botli Houses shall be determined 
 by yeas and Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for and 
 against the Bill sliall be entered on the Joufnal of each House 
 respectively. If sny Bill sliall not be returned by the President 
 within ten Days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been pre- 
 sented to him, the Same shall be a Law, in like Manner as if he 
 had signed it, unless the Congress by their Adjournment prevent 
 its Return, in which Case it shall not be a Law. 
 
 Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence 
 of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary 
 (except on a question of Adjournment) shall be presented to the 
 President of the United States; and before the Same shall take 
 Effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, 
 shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Repre-
 
 Appexdice3 325 
 
 sentatives, according to the Rules and Limitations prescribed in 
 tlie Case of a Bill. 
 
 Section 8. — The Congress shall have Power To Lay and collect 
 Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide 
 for the common Defence and general Welfare of the I'nited States; 
 but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout 
 the United States; 
 
 To borrow money on the credit of the United States; 
 
 To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the 
 several States, and with the Indian Tribes; 
 
 To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and uniform 
 Laws, on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the United 
 States; 
 
 To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, 
 and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures; 
 
 To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the Securities 
 and current Coin of the United States; 
 
 To establish Post Offices and post Roads; 
 
 To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing 
 for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right 
 to their respective Writings and Discoveries; 
 
 To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court; 
 
 To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the 
 high Seas, and Offences against the Law of Nations; 
 
 To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and 
 make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water; 
 
 To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Money 
 to that Use shall be for a longer Term than two Years; 
 
 To provide and maintain a Navy; 
 
 To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land 
 and naval Forces; 
 
 To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws 
 of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions; 
 
 To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, 
 and for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the 
 Service of the United States, reserving to tlie States respectively, 
 the Appointment of the Officers, and the Authority of training 
 the Militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress; 
 
 To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over 
 such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, by Cession 
 of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, become the
 
 326 Constitutional Law 
 
 Seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise like 
 Authority over all Places purchased by the Consent of the Legis- 
 lature of the State in which the Same shall be, for the Erection of 
 Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, dock-Yards, and other needful Build- 
 ings; — And 
 
 To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carry- 
 ing into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers 
 vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United 
 States, or in any Department or Officer thereof. 
 
 Section 9. — The Migration or Importation of such Persons as 
 any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall 
 not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand 
 eight hundred and eight, but a Tax or duty may be imposed on 
 such Importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each Person. 
 
 The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be sus- 
 pended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public 
 Safety may require it. 
 
 No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be passed. 
 
 No Capitation, or other direct, Tax shall be laid, unless in Pro- 
 portion to the Census or Enumeration herein before directed to 
 be taken. 
 
 No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any 
 State. 
 
 No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce 
 or Revenue to the Ports of one State over those of another: nor 
 shall vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, 
 clear or pay Duties in another. 
 
 No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence 
 of Appropriations made by Law; and a regular Statement and 
 Account of the Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money shall 
 be published from time to time. 
 
 No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States: And 
 no Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under them, shall, 
 without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, Emolu- 
 ment, Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, 
 or foreign State. 
 
 Section 10. — No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or 
 Confederation; grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal; coin Money; 
 emit Bills of Credit; make any Thing but gold and silver Coin a 
 Tender in Payment of Debts; pass any Bill of Attainder, ex post 
 facto Law. or Law impairing the Obligation of Contracts, or grant 
 any Title of Nobility.
 
 Appf.ndices 327 
 
 No state shall, without the Consent of the Congress, lay any 
 Imposts or Duties on Imports or Exports, except wliat may be 
 absolutely necessary for executing it's inspection Laws; and the 
 net Produce of all Duties and Imposts, laid by any State on Im- 
 ports or Exports, shall be for the Use of the Treasury of the 
 United States; and all such Laws shall be subject to the Revision 
 and Controul of the Congress. 
 
 No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any Duty 
 of Tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace, enter 
 into any Agreement or Compact with another State, or with a 
 foreign Power, or engage in War, unless actually invaded, or in 
 such Imminent Danger as will not admit of delay. 
 
 Abtici£ II. 
 
 Section 1. — The executive Power shall be vested in a President 
 of the United States of America. He shall hold his Office during 
 the Term of four Years, and, together with the Vice President, 
 chosen for the same Term, be elected, as follows 
 
 Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature 
 thereof may direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole 
 Number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may 
 be entitled in the Congress: but no Senator or Representative, or 
 Person holding an Office of Trust or Profit under the United States, 
 shall be appointed an Elector. 
 
 [Repealed by Xllth Ametidment, page 336.] 
 
 The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by 
 Ballot for two Persons, of whom one at least shall not be an In- 
 habitant of the same State with themselves. And they shall make 
 a List of all the Persons voted for, and of the Number of Votes for 
 each; which List they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed 
 to the Seat of the Government of the United States, directed to 
 the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, 
 in the Presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open 
 all the Certificates, and the Votes shall then be counted. The 
 Person having the greatest Number of Votes sliall be the President, 
 if such Number be a Majority of tlie whole Number of Electors 
 appointed; and if there be more tlian one who have such Major- 
 ity, and have an equal Number of Votes, then the House of Repre- 
 sentatives shall immediately chuse by Ballot one of them for 
 President; and if no Person have a Majority, then from the five 
 highest on the List, the said House siiall in like Manner chuse 
 the President. But in chasing the President, the Votes shall be 
 taken by States, the Representation from each State having one
 
 328 Constitutional Law 
 
 vote; A quorum for this Purpose shall consist of a Member or 
 Members from two thirds of the States, and a Majority of all the 
 States shall be necessary to a Choice. In every Case, after the 
 Choice of the President, the Person having the greatest Number 
 of Votes of the Electors shall be the Vice President. But if there 
 should remain two or more who have equal Votes, the Senate 
 shall chuse from them by Ballot the Vice President. 
 
 The Congress may determine the Time of chusing the Electors, 
 and the Day on which they shall give their Votes; which Day shall 
 be the same throughout the United States. 
 
 No Person except a natural born Citizen, or a Citizen of the 
 United States, at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, 
 shall be eligible to the Office of President; neither shall any person 
 be eligible to that Office who shall not have attained to the Age 
 of thirty five Years, and been fourteen Years a Resident within 
 the United States. 
 
 In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of his 
 Death, Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers and 
 Duties of the said Office, the Same shall devolve on the Vice Presi- 
 dent, and the Congress may by Law provide for the Case of Re- 
 moval, Death, Resignation or Inability, both of the President and 
 Vice President, declaring what Officer shall then act as President, 
 and such Officer shall act accordingly, until the Disability be 
 removed, or a President shall be elected. 
 
 The President shall, at stated Times, receive for his Services, 
 a Compensation, which shall neither be encreased nor diminished 
 during the Period for which he shall have been elected, and he 
 shall not receive within that Period any other Emolument from 
 the United States, or any of them. 
 
 Before he enter on the Execution of his Office, he shall take the 
 following Oath or Affirmation: — I do solemnly swear (or affirm) 
 that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United 
 States, and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect and 
 defend the Constitution of the United States. 
 
 Section 2. — The President shall be Commander in Chief of the 
 Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the 
 several States, when called into the actual Service of the United 
 States; he may require the Opinion, in writing of the principal 
 Officer in each of the executive Departments, upon any Subject 
 relating to the Duties of their respective Offices, and he shall have
 
 Appendices 329 
 
 Power to grant Reprieves and Pardons, for Offences against the 
 United States, except in Cases of Impeachment. 
 
 He shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of 
 the Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators 
 present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the 
 Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, 
 other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, 
 and all other Officers of the United States, whose Appointments 
 are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be estab- 
 lished by Law: but the Congress may by Law vest the Appointment 
 of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the President 
 alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments. 
 
 The President shall have Power to fill up all Vacancies that may 
 happen during the Recess of the Senate, by granting Commissions 
 which shall expire at the End of their next Session. 
 
 Section 3. — He shall from time to time give to the Congress 
 Information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their 
 Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and 
 expedient; he may, on extraordinary Occasions, convene both 
 Houses, or either of them, and in Case of Disagreement between 
 them, with Respect to the Time of Adjournment, he may adjourn 
 them to such Time as he shall think proper: he shall receive 
 Ambassadors and other public Ministers: he shall take Care that 
 the laws be faithfully executed, and shall Commission all the 
 Officers of the United States. 
 
 Section 4.— The President, Vice President and all civil Officers 
 of the United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment 
 for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and 
 Misdemeanors. 
 
 Articij: III. 
 
 Section 1.— The judicial Power of the United States, shall be 
 vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the 
 Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The 
 Judges, both of the supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold their 
 Offices during good Behaviour, and shall, at stilted Times, receive 
 for their Services, a Compensation, which shall not be diminished 
 during their Continuance in Office. 
 
 Section 2.— The judicial Power shall extend to all Cases, In 
 Law and Equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of
 
 330 Constitutional Law 
 
 the United States, and Treaties made, or which shall be made, 
 under their Authority;— to all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other 
 public Ministers and Consuls; — to all Cases of admiralty and 
 maritime Jurisdiction; — to Controversies to which the United 
 States shall be a Party; — to Controversies between two or more 
 States; — between a State and Citizens of another State; — be- 
 tween Citizens of different States, — between Citizens of the same 
 State claiming Lands under Grants of different States, and be- 
 tween a State, or the Citizens thereof, and foreign States, Citizens 
 or Subjects. 
 
 In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and 
 Consuls, and those in which a State shall be Party, the supreme 
 Court shall have original Jurisdiction. In all the other Cases before 
 mentioned, the supreme Court shall have appellate Jurisdiction, 
 both as to Law and Fact, with such Exceptions, and under such 
 Regulations as the Congress shall make. 
 
 The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, shall 
 be by Jury; and such Trial shall be held in the State where the 
 said Crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed 
 within any State, the Trial shall be at such Place or Places as the 
 Congress may by Law have directed. 
 
 Section 3. — Treason against the United States, shall consist only 
 in levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, 
 giving them Aid and Comfort. No Person shall be convicted of 
 Treason unless on the Testimony of two Witnesses to the same 
 overt Act, or on Confession in open Court. 
 
 The Congress shall have Power to declare the Pimishment of 
 Treason, but no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of 
 Blood, or Forfeiture except during the Life of the Person attainted. 
 
 Article IV * 
 
 Section 1. — Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State 
 to the public Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedings of every 
 
 * Cf. Art. of Confederation; 
 
 "Art. IV. The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friend- 
 ship and intercourse among the people of the different states in 
 this union, the free inhabitants of each of these states, paupers, 
 vagabonds, and fugitives from justice excepted, shall be entitled 
 to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several 
 states; and the people of each state shall have free Ingress and
 
 Appendices 331 
 
 other State. And the Congress may by general Laws prescribe 
 the Manner in which such Acts, Records and Proceedings shall 
 be proved, and the Effect thereof. 
 
 Section 2. — The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all 
 Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in tlie several States. 
 
 A Person charged in any State with Treason, Felony, or other 
 Crime, who siiall flee from Justice, and be found in another State, 
 shall on Demand of the executive Authority of the State from 
 which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having 
 Jurisdiction of the Crime. 
 
 No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the 
 Laws thereof, escaping into another, shall. In Consequence of any 
 Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or 
 Labour, but shall be delivered up on Claim of the Party to whom 
 such Service or Labour may be due. 
 
 Section 3. — New States may be admitted by the Congress into 
 this Union; but no new State shall be formed or erected wltliin 
 tlie Jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by 
 the Junction of two or more States, or Parts of States, without the 
 Consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as well as of 
 the Congress. 
 
 The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all need- 
 ful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Prop- 
 erty belonging to the United States; and nothing In this Consti- 
 tution shall be so construed as to Prejudice any Claims of the 
 Ignited States, or of any particular State. 
 
 egress to and from any other state, and shall enjoy therein all tlie 
 privileges of trade and commerce, subject to the same duties, impo- 
 sitions, and restrictions as the inhabitants thereof respectively, 
 provided that such restriction shall not extend so far as to prevent 
 the removal of property imported into any state, to any otlier 
 state of which the Owner is an inliahitant, provided also that no 
 Imposition, duties or restriction, shall be laid by any state, on tho 
 property of the Ignited States, or eitlier of tliem. 
 
 If any person guilty of, or charged with treason, felony, or other 
 high misdemeanor in any state, shall flee from Justice, and bo 
 found in any of the united states, he shall upon demand of the 
 Governor or executive power, of the state from which he fled, be 
 delivered up and removed to the state having jurisdiction of his 
 offence. 
 
 Full faith and credit shall be given in each of these states to 
 the records, acts and judicial proceedings of the Courts and 
 magistrates of every other state."
 
 332 Constitutional Law 
 
 Section 4. — The United States shall guarantee to every State in 
 this Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect 
 each of them against Invasion; and on Application of the Legis- 
 lature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be con- 
 vened) against domestic Violence. 
 
 Article V. 
 
 The Congress, whanever two thirds of both Houses shall deem 
 it necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, 
 on the Application of the Legislatures of two thirds of the several 
 States, shall call a Convention for proposing Amendments, which, 
 in either Case, shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes, as Part 
 of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three 
 fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three fourths 
 thereof, as the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be pro- 
 posed by the Congress; Provided that no Amendment which may 
 be made prior to the Year One thousand eight hundred and eight 
 shall in any Manner affect the first and fourth Clauses in the 
 Ninth Section of the first Article; and that no State, without its 
 Consent, shall be deprived of its equal Suffrage in the Senate. 
 
 Article VI. 
 
 All Debts contracted and Engagements entered into, before the 
 Adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United 
 Stateij under this Constitution, as under the Confederation. 
 
 This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which 
 shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or 
 which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, 
 shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every 
 State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or 
 Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding. 
 
 The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the 
 Members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and 
 judicial Officers, both of the United States and of the several 
 States, shall be bound by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Con- 
 stitution; but no religious Test shall ever be required as a Quali- 
 fication to any Office or public Trust under the United States.
 
 ArrENDicES 
 
 333 
 
 Article VII. 
 
 The Ratification of the Conventions of nine States, shall be 
 sufficient for the Establishment of this Constitution between the 
 States so ratifying the Same. 
 
 Done in Convention by the Unanimous Consent of the States 
 present the Seventeenth Day of September in the Year of our 
 Lord one thousand seven hundred and Eighty seven and of the 
 Independence of the United States of America the Twelfth. 
 
 In Witness whereof We have hereunto subscribed our Names. 
 
 G": Washington 
 
 Presidt. and deputy from Virginia. 
 
 New Hampshire 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 Connecticut 
 New York 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 Pennsylvayiia 
 
 Delaware 
 
 Maryland 
 Virginia 
 North Carolina 
 
 JJOITN' LANOnON 
 \NltIIOLAS GlLMA.N 
 
 /Nathamel Goriiam: 
 \RuFus King 
 CWm. Saml. Johnson 
 \Kogh:b Sherman 
 
 Alexander Hamilton 
 '"Wll: Livingston 
 
 David Brearley 
 
 Wm. Paterson 
 .Jona: Dayton 
 
 B. Franklin 
 Thomas Mikflin 
 HoBT. Morris 
 Geo. Clymer 
 Tiios. Fitzsimmons 
 Jared Ixgersoll 
 James Wii-son 
 GOLY Moiuus 
 
 Geo: Reed 
 
 Gunning Bepforo Jun 
 John Duki.^son 
 Richard Bassett 
 Jaco: Brown 
 
 James McHenry 
 
 Dan of St. Tiios. Jenifer 
 
 Danl. Carroll 
 
 John Blair — 
 
 James Madison, Jr. 
 
 fWM. Bloint 
 
 RICHD. Dobus SrAIGHT 
 
 Hu Williamson
 
 334 Constitutional Law 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 j. rutledge 
 
 Chakles Cotesworth Pinckney 
 Chables Pinckney 
 L Pierce Butler 
 
 Georgia (Y^'^^l^''' ^^"^ 
 
 \Abr. Baldwin 
 
 Attest William Jackson, Secretary 
 
 AMENDMENTS OP THE CONSTITUTION. 
 
 [Article I.— 1791.] 
 Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of 
 religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging 
 the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people 
 peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a 
 redress of grievances. 
 
 [Article II.— 1791.] 
 
 A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a 
 free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall 
 not be infringed. 
 
 [Article III.— 1791.] 
 
 No Soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, 
 without the consent of the Owner, nor in time of war, but in a 
 manner to be prescribed by law. 
 
 [Article IV.— 1791.] 
 
 The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, 
 papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, 
 shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon prob- 
 able cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly 
 describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things 
 to be seized.
 
 Appendices 335 
 
 [Article V— 1791.] 
 
 No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise 
 infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand 
 Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or In 
 the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public 
 danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to 
 be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in 
 any Criminal Case to be a witness against himself, nor be de- 
 prived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law; 
 nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just 
 compensation. 
 
 [Article VI.— 1791.] 
 
 In all criminal prosecution, the accused shall enjoy the right 
 to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State 
 and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which 
 district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to 
 be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be con- 
 fronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory proc- 
 ess for obtaining Witnesses in his favor, and to have the Assist- 
 ance of Counsel for his defence. 
 
 [Article VII.— 1791.] 
 
 In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall 
 exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, 
 and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any 
 Court of the United States, than according to the rules of the 
 common law 
 
 [Article VIII.— 1791.] 
 
 Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines Imposed, 
 nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. 
 
 [Artici^ IX.— 1791.] 
 
 The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall 
 not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the 
 people.
 
 336 CoxsTiTUTioxAL Kvw 
 
 [Article X.— 1791.] 
 
 The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitu- 
 tion, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States 
 respectively, or to the people.* 
 
 [Article XL— 1798.] 
 
 The Judicial power of the United States shall not be construed 
 to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted 
 against one of the United States by Citizens of another State, or 
 by Citizens or Subjects of any Foreign State. 
 
 [Article XII.— 1804.] 
 
 The Electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by 
 ballot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, 
 shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves; they 
 shall name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and 
 in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President, and they 
 shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, 
 and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number 
 of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and 
 transmit sealed to the seat of the government of the United 
 States, directed to the President of the Senate; — The President 
 of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of 
 Representatives, open all the certificates and the votes shall then 
 be counted; — The person having the greatest number of votes 
 for President, shall be the President, if such number be a majority 
 of the whole number of Electors appointed; and if no person 
 have such majority, then from the persons having the highest 
 numbers not exceeding three on the list of those voted for as 
 President, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately, 
 by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the votes 
 shall be taken by states, the representation from each state having 
 one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member 
 or members from two-thirds of the states, and a majority of all 
 the states shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of 
 
 *Cf. Art. II of the Articles of Confederation. "Each State 
 retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and every 
 power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this confederation 
 expressly delegated to the United States in Congress assembled."
 
 Appendices 337 
 
 Representatives shall not choose a President whenever the right 
 of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March 
 next following, then the Vice-President shall act as Presidont, 
 as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the 
 President. The person having the greatest number of votes as 
 Vice-President, shall be the Vice-President, if sucli number be 
 a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed, and if no 
 person have a majority, then from tlie two higliest numbers on 
 the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-President: a quorum for 
 the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of 
 Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary 
 to a choice. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office 
 of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the 
 United States. 
 
 [Abticle XIII.— 1S65.] 
 
 Section 1. — Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except 
 as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly 
 convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place 
 subject to their jurisdiction. 
 
 Section 2.— Congress shall have power to enforce this article by 
 appropriate legislation. 
 
 [Article XIV.— 1868.] 
 
 Section 1. — All persons born or naturalized in the United States, 
 and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United 
 States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make 
 or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immuni- 
 ties of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive 
 any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; 
 nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection 
 of the laws. 
 
 Section 2.— Representatives shall be apportioned among the 
 several States according to their respective numbers, counting the 
 whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not 
 taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice 
 of electors for President and Vice-President of the United States, 
 Representatives in Congress, the Executive and Judicial officers of 
 a State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to 
 any of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years 
 
 22
 
 338 Constitutional Law 
 
 of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, 
 except for participation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis 
 of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion 
 which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole 
 number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State. 
 
 Section 3. — No person shall be a Senator or Representative in 
 Congress, or elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any 
 office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any 
 State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of 
 Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member 
 of any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of 
 any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall 
 have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or 
 given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may 
 by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability. 
 
 Section 4.— The validity of the public debt of the United States, 
 authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of 
 pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or 
 rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States 
 nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred 
 in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or 
 any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such 
 debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void. 
 
 Section 5. — The Congress shall have power to enforce, by ap- 
 propriate legislation, the provisions of this article. 
 
 [Article XV.— 1870.] 
 
 Section 1.— The right of citizens of the United States to vote 
 shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any 
 State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. 
 
 Section 2. — The Congress shall have power to enforce this article 
 by appropriate legislation. 
 
 [Article XVI.— 1913.] 
 
 The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes on 
 incomes, from whatever source derived, without apportionment, 
 among the several States, and without regard to census or enumer- 
 ation.
 
 Appendices 339 
 
 [Article XVII.— 1913.] 
 
 The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Sena- 
 tors from each State, elected by the people thereof, for six years, 
 and each Senator shall have one vote. The electors in each State 
 shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most 
 numerous branch of the State legislature. 
 
 When vacancies happen in the representation of any State in 
 the Senate, the executive authority of such State shall issue v^rits 
 of election to fill such vacancies: Provided, That the legislature 
 of any State may empower the executive thereof to make tempo- 
 rary appointments until the people fill the vacancies by election 
 as the legislature may direct. 
 
 This amendment shall not be so construed as to affect the elec- 
 tion or term of office of any Senator chosen before it becomes 
 valid as part of the Constitution.
 
 INDEX
 
 INDEX 
 
 Adjournment of Congress, 64. 
 Admiralty and maritime juris- 
 diction, 212. 
 Admission of new States, 233- 
 
 234. 
 Agreements and compacts for- 
 bidden, 162. 
 Alaska, government of, 235. 
 Alexander's (Mrs.) cotton, 284. 
 Aliens, naturalization of, 96. 
 Almey v. California, 147, 160, 
 
 301. 
 Ambassadors and public min- 
 isters, 194. 
 duties of, 195. 
 American Pub. Co. v. Fisher, 
 
 303. 
 Annapolis Convention, 19, 90. 
 Amendments to bills, 78. 
 Amendments to the Constitu- 
 tion: 
 methods of proposing, 240. 
 prior to 1808, 241. 
 possibility of further, 242. 
 reasons for, 241. 
 Amendments to the Constitu- 
 tion: 
 1st, 252. 
 2d, 254. 
 3d. 255. 
 4th, 256. 
 5th, 257. 
 6th, 264. 
 7th, 266. 
 8th, 269. 
 9th, 270. 
 10th, 270. 
 11th, 271. 
 12th, 171-172. 
 13th, 272-273. 
 14th, 97, 274. 280, 283. 
 purpose of, 281. 
 
 Amendments to the Constitu- 
 tion— (Cont'd). 
 15th, 285. 
 16th, 286. 
 17th, 46. 
 Appellate jurisdiction, 216-217. 
 Appointment to office. 186-189. 
 Appropriations limited bv law, 
 149. 
 for the army, 124-125, 127. 
 Archbald. R. W., impeached, 
 
 199. 
 Army, power of Congress over, 
 
 124-125. 
 Articles of Confederation, Ap- 
 pendix A. 
 Atkin V. Kansas. 309. 
 Attainder of treason, 220, 222. 
 
 bills of, 245. 
 Attendance, compelling, 60. 
 
 Bail, not to be excessive, 269. 
 Banknotes, 110. 
 
 Bankruptcy controlled by Con- 
 gress, 101-102. 
 
 contrasted with Insolvency, 
 102. 
 
 law of 1898, 102. 
 
 results of. 103. 
 
 State laws on, 103. 
 Belknap, Secretary, Impeached, 
 
 199. 
 Bills, amendments to, 78-79. 
 
 method of passing. 70, 76-79. ' 
 
 public and private, 74-76. 
 
 introduction of, 76. 
 
 readings of. 76. 78. 
 
 " riders " to. 71. 
 Bills for revenue, 69. 
 Bills of attainder, 143, 153, 245. 
 Bills of credit forbidden, 152.
 
 344 
 
 Index 
 
 Bills of pains and penalties, 
 
 143. 
 Blake v. McClung, 229. 
 Blount, William, impeached, 
 
 198 
 Bonds, 88-89. 
 
 Boyd V. United States, 305. 
 Bradwell v. Illinois, 309. 
 Brown v. Maryland, 92, 160. 
 Burr, Aaron, 173. 
 
 Cabinet, origin of, 183. 
 
 members of, 183. 
 Capitation tax a direct tax, 86. 
 
 clause concerning, 145. 
 Captures, rules concerning, 124. 
 Cases (see Leading Cases). 
 Cases under the Constitution, 
 213. 
 affecting ambassadors, etc., 
 
 213-214. 
 in law and equity, 214. 
 Charters, distinguished from 
 licenses, 157. 
 public and private, 155. 
 Chase, Samuel, impeached, 199. 
 Cherokee Nation v. Georgia, 95, 
 
 302. 
 Chicago riots, 239. 
 Chinese, citizenship of, 98, 99. 
 excluded, 99, 135. 
 naturalization of, 275-276. 
 Chisholm v. Georgia, 271. 
 Circuit court of appeals, 204. 
 Citizens defined, 97. 
 Chinese, 98. 
 who are, 274. 
 Citizens by naturalization, 274. 
 privileges and immunities of, 
 
 276-277. 
 rights in other States, 228. 
 Civil officers liable to impeach- 
 ment, 198. 
 Senators and Representatives 
 are not, 198. 
 Clerk of the House, 42. 
 Coinage, acts of, 106. 
 
 of money forbidden, 152. 
 Commerce, intra- and interstate, 
 91. 
 Act of 1887, 94. 
 
 Commerce — ( Cont'd ) . 
 
 Federal regulation of, 90. 
 
 with Indian tribes, 95. 
 Commissions issued by Presi- 
 dent, 197. 
 Committees in Congress, 76. 
 
 advantages of, 77. 
 
 of the whole, 77. 
 
 work of, 77. 
 Common law defined, 267. 
 
 crimes at, 268. 
 
 how modified, 267. 
 
 suits at, 2G6, 268. 
 Concurrent resolution, 74, 75. 
 Confederation, Articles of, 16, 
 
 18, Appendix A. 
 Conferences in Congress, 79. 
 Congress, adjournment of, 64, 
 192. 
 
 character of, 31. 
 
 compelling attendance in, 60. 
 
 Continental, 17, 18. 
 
 has control over land, etc., 
 
 1 OO 1 oo 
 Loii, loo. 
 
 journals of, 63. 
 
 limitations on, 139-163. 
 
 makes exceptions in appeals, 
 217. 
 
 meetings of, prescribed, 57. 
 
 military powers of, 126. 
 
 named, 58. 
 
 powers of, 83-136. 
 
 powers of, under the Articles, 
 18. 
 
 special sessions of, 192. 
 
 sessions of, unequal, 58. 
 
 voting in, 63. 
 Congressmen, compensation of, 
 64. 
 
 not liable for duress, 62. 
 
 offices debarred to, 68. 
 
 scope of, 49. 
 
 special privileges of. 65. 
 Constitution defined, 15. 
 
 amendments to (see Amend- 
 ments). 
 
 chronology of, 9. 
 
 how ratified, 246. 
 
 of the United States, Appen- 
 dix B.
 
 Index 
 
 345 
 
 Constitution— ( Cont'd ) . 
 
 put in operation, 22. 
 
 the supreme law, 244. 
 Consular courts, 206. 
 Consuls, duties of, 195, 219. 
 Contempts defined, 62. 
 
 punishment for, 62. 
 Contested elections, 59. 
 Continental Congress, 17-18. 
 Contracts defined, 153. 
 
 charters as, 155. 
 
 obligation of, 153, 154. 
 Convention, Annapolis, 19, 90. 
 
 Constitutional, 20-22. 
 Cooper, Duncan, pardon of, 185. 
 Copyrights, 116-117. 
 Cornell v. Coyne, 298. 
 Corporations as citizens, 228- 
 
 229. 
 Counterfeiting defined. 111. 
 
 power to punish. 111. 
 Court of Claims, composition 
 of, 205. 
 
 function of, 149. 
 Courts, Circuit of Appeals, 204. 
 
 Consular, 206. 
 
 District, 204. 
 
 inferior. 119, 203. 
 
 martial, 206-207. 
 
 may punish after impeach- 
 ment, 55. 
 
 military. 127, 206-207. 
 
 of Claims, 149, 205. 
 
 officers of, 211. 
 
 of States, 208. 
 
 of Territories. 206. 
 
 power to establish, 119. 
 
 Supreme, on income tax, 87. 
 
 tenure of office in, 209. 
 Crandall r. Nevada, 277. 
 Crimes against the United 
 States, 218. 
 
 at common law, 268. 
 
 capital and infamous, 258. 
 
 trial of. 218-219. 
 Cruelties in punishments for- 
 bidden, 269. 
 Cummings v. Missouri, 144, 299. 
 Currency, paper, 107. 
 
 kinds of, 107-110. 
 
 Dartmouth Coll. v. Woodward, 
 
 155, 213, 262. 
 Davis V. Beason, 252, 305. 
 Davis V. Packard, 302. 
 Day V. Micou, 222. 
 Debts, pre-existing, valid, 243. 
 
 validity of, 283. 
 
 void if contracted in rebel- 
 lion, 284. 
 Diamond Match Co. v. Onto- 
 nagon, 298. 
 Dilatory motions, 64. 
 Direct tax, 86-87. 
 District-attorney, duties of, 258. 
 District of Columbia, 131. 
 
 crimes in, 219. 
 District Court, 204. 
 
 jurisdiction of, 205. 
 
 in admiralty cases, 212. 
 Dreyer v. Illinois, 306. 
 Duties of tonnage, 161. 
 
 States may not levy, 158. 
 Due process of law, 261, 278. 
 
 Elections, acts of Congress re- 
 garding. 56. 
 
 certificate of, 48. 
 
 contested, 59. 
 
 of the President, 171-172. 
 
 of Representatives, 33-34. 
 
 of Senators, 46. 
 
 State influence on, 173. 
 Electoral system, 169-170. 
 Electors, qualifications of, 33, 
 
 171. 
 Elk V. Williams, 275, 296. 
 Embargo act, 93, 135. 
 Eminent domain defined, 262. 
 
 proceedings under, 263. 
 Equity distinguished from law, 
 
 214. 
 Executive, immunity of, 167. 
 
 departments, 182. 
 
 power, 167. 
 Export duties forbidden, 158- 
 
 159. 
 Ex post facto laws, 144-145. 
 Expatriation, right of, 98. 
 Extradition, 230.
 
 316 
 
 Indes 
 
 Faith and credit, 227. 
 Federal courts, named, 203-204. 
 in harmony with State courts, 
 
 209. 
 limitations of, 217. 
 Federalist, on titles of nobility, 
 
 158. 
 on the post-oflBce, 112. 
 Felonies, 120. 
 
 Filibustering, defined, 60-61. 
 Fines, excessive, not allowed, 
 
 269. 
 Fiske, John, 28. 
 Foreign coin, value regulated, 
 
 110. 
 Forfeiture of property, 223. 
 Fort Leavenworth R. R. v. 
 
 Lowe, 293. 
 Fox V. Ohio, 112, 260, 297. 
 Freedom of speech, 66, 252. 
 Fugitives from justice, clause 
 
 not mandatory, 231. 
 defined, 230. 
 procedure in return of, 230- 
 
 231. 
 Fugitives from labor, 232. 
 
 Garland, case of, 144, 184, 245. 
 Geer v. Conn., 159, 295. 
 Gibbons v. Ogden, 91, 93, 140. 
 Gold certificates, 107. 
 
 and silver, 106. 
 Grand jury, 258, 259. 
 Grants by States to citizens, 156. 
 
 case of in New Jersey, 156. 
 
 defined, 156. 
 Great Britain, constitution of, 
 
 15. 
 Green, in re, 302. 
 Greenbacks, 108. 
 Guam and Tutuila, 237. 
 
 Habeas corpus, writ of, 140. 
 in extradition cases, 231. 
 power to suspend, 142. 
 who may issue writ of, 143. 
 Hamilton, Alexander, in An- 
 napolis Convention, 19. 
 in Constitutional Convention, 
 20. 
 
 Hans V. Louisiana, 272, 308. 
 Hawaii, government of, 236. 
 Hawker v. New York, 301. 
 Heads of departments, 183. 
 Hayes-Tilden controversy, 176. 
 Holmes v. Jennison, 151, 299 
 Hill, David B., Senator and 
 
 Governor, 68. 
 House of Representatives: 
 officers of, 42. 
 originates bills for revenue, 
 
 69. 
 power of, to impeach, 42. 
 punishment of members of, 
 
 61. 
 punishment of members of, 
 
 for contempt, 62. 
 rules of, 61. 
 speaker of, 42. 
 Humphries, West H., im- 
 peached, 199. 
 
 Impeachment defined, 42. 
 in the States, 54. 
 offenses leading to, 199. 
 President cannot pardon in, 
 
 184. 
 presiding officer in, 54. 
 procedure in the House, 43. 
 procedure in the Senate, 53. 
 punishment on conviction of, 
 
 54, 55, 200. 
 purpose of, 52. 
 who are liable to, 198. 
 Implied powers, doctrine of, 
 133. 
 limit of, 135. 
 Imports, character of, 160. 
 States may not tax, 158. 
 Income tax, law of 1913, 287. 
 rulings of the Supreme Court 
 on, 87, 286. 
 Indians, citizenship of, 275. 
 commerce with, 95. 
 not taxed, 37. 
 
 relations with the govern- 
 ment, 37. 
 Indictment distinguished from 
 
 presentment, 258. 
 Indirect taxes, 160.
 
 Index 
 
 347 
 
 Insolvency, 102. 
 
 Initiative and referendum. 72. 
 
 Inspection laws allowed to 
 States, 159. 
 
 Interstate Commerce Commis- 
 sion, 94. 
 
 Involuntary servitude, 274. 
 
 Johnson, Andrew, impeached, 
 
 198. 
 Joint resolutions, 74, 76. 
 Journals of Congress, 63. 
 Judicial power, explained, 203. 
 Judicial precedents, 212. 
 Judicial proceedings, 228. 
 Jurisdiction, admiralty and 
 maritime, 212. 
 defined, 215. 
 
 of the Supreme Court, 216- 
 217. 
 Jury, grand, 258-259. 
 need of change in, 218. 
 trial by, in suits at common 
 law, 266. 
 
 Kelly V. Rhoads, 295. 
 
 Knox, P. C, a case in point, 69. 
 
 Knox V. Lee, 223, 307. 
 
 Lands for forts, 132. 
 Lange, ex parte, 260, 306. 
 Lascelles v. Georgia, 231, 303. 
 Law, defined, 13. 
 
 cases in, and equity, 214. 
 
 civil, 268. 
 
 common, 267. 
 
 Constitutional, defined, 13. 
 
 due process of, 2G1. 
 
 equal protection of, 278. 
 
 ex post facto, 144-145. 
 
 immigration and exclusion, 
 99. 
 
 Inspection, 159. 
 
 martial and military, 128. 
 
 municipal, 13. 
 
 of presidential succession, 
 179. 
 
 religion and, 252. 
 
 the supreme, 244. 
 Leading cases, 293-309. 
 
 Legal tender, defined, 105. 
 notes, 108. 
 
 restrictions on States regard- 
 ing, 153. 
 
 Legislative grants, 156. 
 
 Legislation, methods of, 76-79. 
 
 Legislature, power to relieve 
 offenders, 184. 
 
 Letters of marque, 123, 151. 
 
 Libel and slander, 253. 
 
 Liberty and property defined, 
 277-278. 
 
 Louisiana, admitted as a State, 
 234. 
 civil law in, 268. 
 
 McCulloch V. Maryland, 83, 84, 
 
 85, 134, 135. 
 McDonald v. Mass., 307. 
 McKeady v. Virginia, 294. 
 Majorities, 70. 
 Marshall, John, 83, 135. 
 Maxwell v. Dow, 261, 306, 
 Military rules, 127. 
 Militia, defined, 128. 
 
 legislation concerning, 129. 
 
 necessary to a free State, 254- 
 255. 
 
 organization of, 130. 
 
 service of, 130. 
 Minnesota v. Barber, 295. 
 Misprision of treason, 223. 
 Mississippi r. Johnson, 1G8, 197. 
 Money, defined, 104. 
 
 legal tender, 105. 
 
 method of borrowing, bonds, 
 88. 
 
 paper, 107. 
 
 power to borrow, 88. 
 
 States forbidden to coin, 152. 
 
 value of, regulated, 1U5-107. 
 Monopolies, 279. 
 Morgan S. S. Co. v. La. Board 
 
 of Health, 300. 
 Mormon Church v. Unite 1 
 
 States, 235, 300. 
 Mrs. Alexander's cotton, 284. 
 
 Naturalization, apparent ex- 
 ception to rule of, 101.
 
 348 
 
 Index 
 
 Naturalization — (Confd). 
 
 a uniform rule of, 100. 
 
 mode of, 96-97. 
 
 of communities, 99. 
 
 power of Congress over, 100. 
 Navy, appropriations for, 127. 
 
 since the Revolution, 125. 
 New Jersey v. Wilson, 156. 
 Nobility, titles of, 150. 
 North Carolina v. Temple, 272, 
 308. 
 
 Oath of office, 245. 
 
 test, 245. 
 Obligation of contract, 153. 
 Office, appointment to, 188-189. 
 
 oath of, 245. 
 
 power to remove from, 189- 
 190. 
 
 public, not a contract, 157. 
 
 under the United States, 55. 
 
 vacancies in, 191. 
 Officers, commissioned by Pres- 
 ident, 197. 
 
 of the courts, 211. 
 
 of the United States, 198. 
 
 other, in the House, 42. 
 
 other, in the Senate, 51. 
 
 presents to, 150. 
 Offenses against the law of na- 
 tions, 121. 
 
 place of trial of, 264. 
 Owings V. Speed, 300. 
 
 Packet Co. v. Keokuk, 161, 294. 
 Pardons, kinds of, 184. 
 
 power to issue in the States, 
 185. 
 
 power of President to issue, 
 183. 
 Paris, treaty of, 124. 
 Parker v. Davis, 297. 
 Parliament, pay of members, 
 65. 
 
 power in impeachment, 54. 
 Parrott, in re, 309. 
 Patents, 117. 
 
 qualifications of, 117. 
 Patterson v. Bark Eudora, 304. 
 
 Peck, James H., impeached, 199. 
 Peete v. Morgan, 161, 301. 
 Pensacola Tel. Co. v. Western 
 
 Tel. Co., 90. 
 Pervear v. Commonwealth, 92, 
 
 307. 
 Petit jury, 258. 
 
 Philippines, government of, 236. 
 Pickering, John, ex parte trial 
 of, 53. 
 
 impeached, 199. 
 Piracy, 119. 
 
 slave trade as, 120, 273. 
 Place of trial, 219. 
 Plessy V. Ferguson, 308. 
 Police power of a State, 92, 280. 
 Porto Rico, government of, 236. 
 Ports, entering and clearing, 
 147-148. 
 
 no preference among, 147. 
 Post-office and post-roads, 113- 
 114. 
 
 department of, 113. 
 
 expenses of, 115. 
 
 organization of, 114. 
 Powers not delegated, 270. 
 Preamble, 27. 
 Presentments, 258. 
 Presents to officers, 150. 
 President, as com.-in-chief, 182. 
 
 compensation of, 180. 
 
 commissions officers, 197. 
 
 election of, how determined, 
 175. 
 
 election of, double returns, 
 176. 
 
 election by the House, 173. 
 
 electors of, 169. 
 
 executive power in, 196. 
 
 message of, 192-194. 
 
 mode of electing, 172. 
 
 nominations for, 174. 
 
 oath of office of, 181. 
 
 participates in treaties, 186. 
 
 power to appoint, 188. 
 
 power to convene and adjourn 
 Congress, 192. 
 
 power to fill vacancies, 191. 
 
 power to pardon, 185. 
 
 power to remove, 189.
 
 Index 
 
 349 
 
 President — (Cont'd). 
 
 primary election of, 174. 
 
 qualifications of, 177. 
 
 receives ambassadors, etc., 
 194. 
 
 succession of, 178. 
 
 term of office of, 168. 
 
 veto power of, 71. 
 President of the Senate, Vice 
 President as, 50-51. 
 
 pro tempore of the Senate, 
 51-52. 
 Presidential succession, 178. 
 Press, censorship of, 253. 
 
 freedom of, 252. 
 Presser v. Illinois, 305. 
 Primaries, presidential, 174. 
 
 senatorial, 45. 
 Privateering, Congress on, 124. 
 Privileged matter, 254. 
 Privileges and immunities of 
 citizens, 228. 
 
 exceptions to, 228. 
 
 of accused persons, 264-266. 
 
 of citizens of the United 
 States, 276. 
 Public debt, validity of, 273. 
 Public acts, 227. 
 
 Public ministers, exterritorial- 
 ity of, 196. 
 
 named, 195. 
 Public use, 263. 
 
 Qualifications of President, 177. 
 of Representatives, 34. 
 of Senators, 49. 
 Quorums, counting a, 60. 
 defined, 59. 
 in Congress and Parliament, 
 
 59. 
 in election of President by 
 House, 174. 
 
 Raising revenue, meaning of, 
 69. 
 power to raise, 69. 
 
 Randolph. Edmund, Virginia 
 plan of, 21. 
 
 Reed, Thomas B., counts a quo- 
 rum, 60. 
 
 Ratification of the Constitution, 
 22, 246. 
 
 by the States, 247. 
 Rebellion, debts in aid of, 284. 
 
 Whiskey, 130. 
 
 Shays's, 29. 
 Recall of judges, 210. 
 Records, 227. 
 Religion and law, 252. 
 Religious toleration, 245-246. 
 Removals from office, 189. 
 Reporters, duties of, 211. 
 Representation, equality of, 4-1. 
 Representatives, apportionment 
 of, 38. 
 
 at large, 40. 
 
 election of, 33-34. 
 
 number in first Congress, 38. 
 
 number in 1913, 39. 
 
 privileges of, 62, 66. 
 
 qualifications of, 34. 
 
 residence, 35-36. 
 
 term of office, 32. 
 
 vacancies in office of, 41. 
 Representative government, 238. 
 Requisition, 230. 
 Resolutions, concurrent, 74. 
 
 forms of, 75-76. 
 
 joint, 74. 
 
 use in admission of States, 
 234. 
 Respective numbers, 281. 
 Returns, double, 176. 
 Right to assemble, etc., 254-255. 
 Rules of the House, 61. 
 
 military, 127. 
 
 Schooner Exchange v. McFad- 
 
 don, 302. 
 Searches and seizures, 256. 
 Second trial, 260. 
 Securities defined. 111. 
 Self-incrimination, 261. 
 Senate, as a court, 53. 
 
 elects Vice President, 173. 
 
 officers of, 51. 
 
 participates in treaties, 187. 
 
 presiding officer of, 50. 
 
 size of, 32. 
 
 vacancies in, 48,
 
 350 
 
 Index 
 
 Senators, certificate of election 
 of, 48. 
 
 classes of, 47. 
 
 election of, 44-46. 
 
 privileges of, 62-65. 
 
 qualifications of, 49. 
 
 removal of, from the State, 
 50. 
 Shays's rebellion, 29. 
 Sherman Act, 109. 
 Silver certificates, 107. 
 
 ratio of, to gold, 106. 
 Slaughter House Case, 280, 310. 
 Slave trade, acts relating to, 
 273-274. 
 
 not prohibited till 1808, 139. 
 Slavery forbidden, 273. 
 Speaker of the House, 42. 
 
 may appoint committees, 77. 
 Special privileges under States, 
 
 157. 
 Speech, freedom of, 253. 
 States, how admitted, 233-234. 
 
 faith and credit to, 227. 
 
 police power in, 92, 280. 
 
 prohibitions on, 150-163. 
 
 suability of, 272. 
 
 taxation in, 87. 
 Statutes defined, 14. 
 Stone V. Mississippi, 157. 
 Story, Judge, quotation from, 
 
 163, 190. 
 Sturgis V. Crowningshield, 102, 
 
 154, 299. 
 Suffrage, denial of, 281-282. 
 
 Fifteenth Amendment on, 285. 
 Suits against States, 271. 
 Supreme Court, how consti- 
 tuted, 203. 
 
 jurisdiction of, 216-217. 
 Swayne, Judge, impeached, 199. 
 
 Taxation by the United States, 
 83. 
 
 limitations on, 83-85. 
 Taxes, cajiitation, 145. 
 
 direct, 86-87. 
 
 export, 146. 
 
 income, 87, 286-289. 
 
 indirect, 86. 
 
 Taxes— (Cont'd). 
 
 kinds of, 85. 
 
 on goods for export, 159. 
 Tenure of office, 190. 
 Test oath, 245. 
 Territories, courts in, 206. 
 
 how represented, 40. 
 
 of the United States, 235. 
 
 provisions respecting, 234. 
 
 status of new, 233. 
 
 western claims to, 232. 
 
 when become States, 233. 
 Three-fifths rule, 37. 
 Tindal v. Wesley, 308. 
 Titles of nobility, 150. 
 
 quotation from Federalist on, 
 158. 
 Tonnage, defined, 161. 
 
 duties of, forbidden, 161. 
 Trade-marks, 118. 
 Transportation Co. v. Wheeling, 
 
 93, 161, 293. 
 Treason, defined, 220. 
 
 and rebellion, 223. 
 
 attainder of, 222. 
 
 conviction of, 221. 
 
 punishment for, 222. 
 
 misprision of, 223. 
 Treasurer, duties of, 149. 
 Treaties, alliances and confed- 
 erations, 150. 
 Treaties defined, 186. 
 
 take effect when signed, 188. 
 
 weakness of, 187. 
 Trial by jury, 218-219. 
 
 in suits at common law, 266. 
 
 second for same offense, 260. 
 
 waiver of, 266. 
 Troops of war, quartering of, 
 forbidden, 255. 
 
 States not to maintain, 161- 
 162 
 True bill, 259. 
 
 United States bonds, 88. 
 citizenship in, 276. 
 commissioners, 211. 
 marshals, 211. 
 notes, 108. 
 reporters, 211. 
 treasury notes, 109.
 
 Index 
 
 351 
 
 United States v. Fox, 229, 304. 
 United States v. Freight Co., 95. 
 United States v. LeBaron, 197. 
 United States v. Perez, 260, 306. 
 United States v. R. R. Co., 84. 
 United States v. Smith, 298. 
 United States v. Wong Kim 
 
 Ark, 98. 99, 276, 296. 
 United States v. Villato, 221, 
 
 296. 
 
 Vacancies In office, in Congress, 
 41, 48. 
 President's power to fill, 191. 
 Van Brocklin v. Tennessee, 84, 
 
 293. 
 Veazie v. Moore, 91, 294. 
 Veto power. 71-72. 
 Vice President, election of, by 
 Senate, 173. 
 duties of, 51. 
 method of electing, 172. 
 oath of office of, 181. 
 
 Vice President — (Cont'd). 
 
 presides over the Senate, 50. 
 
 qualifications of, 178. 
 Voting, methods of, 63. 
 
 Waiver of trial, 206. 
 Wallach v. Van Riswick, 303. 
 War. declared twice, 122. 
 
 power of Congress in, 123. 
 
 power of President in. 182. 
 
 power to declare, 121, 123. 
 
 States not to declare, 161-162. 
 Warrants. 256. 
 
 general, forbidden. 256-257. 
 
 searches without. 257. 
 Washington, view of vacancy, 
 
 191. 
 Weights and measures, 110. 
 Wheaton v. Perez. 297. 
 Wilson. Woodrow, message to 
 Congress, 193. 
 
 Yea and nay vote, 63.
 
 •^SCS--"
 
 UC SOUTHERN REGIONAl LiRMA«v f-^^'iLlTY 
 
 AA 000 713 466 i 
 
 ■ri
 
 ■I.illlii 
 
 lltfilll 
 
 Ulltii 
 
 'imumMmili