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 HARPER'S CLASSICAL LIBRARY. 
 
 TRANSLATED LITERALLY.
 
 

 
 C M 3 A '
 
 CJSAR'S COMENTARIES 
 
 GALLIC AND CIVIL WARS 
 
 ttrilmte& to prtnw ; 
 
 INCI.UPINO THE 
 
 ALEXANDRIAN, AFRICAN, AND SPANISH 
 WARS. 
 
 LITERALLY TRANSLATED, 
 
 WITH NOTES AND A VERY ELABORATE INDEX. 
 
 NEW YORK: 
 HARPER & BROTHERS, 
 
 829 & 831 PEAKL 8TBEET. 
 1859.
 
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 PREFACE. 
 
 THE present is the most complete translation of 
 Caesar yet presented to the English public. Besides 
 the books deemed authentic, it includes those variously 
 attributed to Hirtius and others, namely, the eighth 
 book of the Gallic War, and the Alexandrian, African, 
 and Spanish Wars. In addition to these, the Frag- 
 ments, consisting of quotations from various ancient 
 authors relating to Caesar, are now for the first time 
 given in English. 
 
 The utmost attention has been paid to render the 
 translation as closely literal as is consistent with neat- 
 ness of style. The text which has been followed is 
 that of Oudendorp, collated, however, with the labors 
 of subsequent critics. The notes are of but limited 
 extent, as the classical student is presumed to possess 
 either Oudendorp's, Oberlin's, Anthon's, Prenderville's, 
 or some other of the numerous editions which supply 
 what he is likely to require in this department.
 
 vi PREFACE. 
 
 Although Caesar can not be regarded as a difficult 
 author, the publisher has had no little trouble in pro- 
 curing a translation to his mind, in consequence of 
 which considerable delay has arisen. The work has at 
 length been completed, it is hoped satisfactorily, by 
 Mr. W. A. McDevitte, B.A., of Trinity College, 
 Dublin, in conjunction with W. S. Bonn.
 
 THE 
 
 COMMENTARIES OF C, JULIUS CJESAR 
 
 ON JII8 
 
 WAR IN GAUL. 
 
 BOOK I 
 
 THE ARGUMENT. 
 
 I. Description of Gaul and its divisions. II.-IV. The ambitious designs 
 of the Helvetii under Orgetorix, and the suspicious death of the lat- 
 ter. V.-VI. The Helvetii still proceed to carry out then- designs. VIII.- 
 XI. Caesar's opposition and measures. XII. The battle at the River 
 Arar. XIII. The Helvetii send embassadors to sue for peace. XIV. 
 Caesar's politic answer. XV. Another engagement with the Helvetii. 
 XVI. Caesar's reproof of the ^Edui for not sending him the promised 
 supplies. XVIL-XIX. The disclosures of Liscua respecting Dum- 
 norix. XX. Divitiacus, his brother, pleads for Dnmnorix. XXI.-XXVI. 
 Various events in the war between Caesar and the Helvetii. XXVII. 
 The Helvetii, being worsted, offer a surrender, but some clandestinely 
 return home. XXV III.-XXIX. The numbers of the several Helvetian 
 forces before and after the war. XXX. Certain parts of Gaul congratu- 
 late Caesar and request a council. XXXI. Complaints are there made 
 against Ariovistus. XXXII.-XXXVI. Caesar's message to Ariovistus 
 and the bold answer of the latter. XXXVH.-XXXIX. A panic in the 
 Eoman camp. XL. Caesar's speech on that occasion. XLI. Its effects. 
 XLII.-XLVI. Conference between Caesar and Ariovistus. XL VII.- 
 LIL Which terminates in war. LIII. The overthrow of the Germans 
 and their flight from Gaul. LIV. Caesar, having sent his army into 
 winter-quarters among the Sequani, proceeds to perform the civil 
 duties of his pro-consular office. 
 
 CHAP. I. All Gaul is divided into three parts, one of 
 which the Belgse Inhabit, the Aquitani another, those who in 
 their own language are called Celts, in our Gauls, the third. 
 All these differ from each other in language, customs and 
 laws. The river Garonne separates the Gauls from the 
 Aquitani ; the Marne and the Seine separate them from 
 the Belgae. Of all these, the Belgae are the bravest, be- 
 cause they are furthest from the civilization and refinement 
 of [our] Province, and merchants least frequently resort to 
 
 1
 
 2 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK r. 
 
 them, and import those things which tend to effeminate 
 the mind ; and they are the nearest to the Gennans, who dwell 
 beyond the Rhine, "with whom they are continually waging 
 war ; for which reason the Helvetii also surpass the rest of 
 the Gauls in valor, as they contend with the Germans in 
 almost daily battles, when they either repel them from their 
 own territories, or themselves wage war on their frontiers. 
 One part of these, 1 which it has been said that the Gauls 
 occupy, takes its beginning at the river Rhone ; it is bounded 
 by the river Garonne, the ocean, and the territories of the 
 Belgae ; it borders, too, on the side of the Sequani and the 
 Helvetii, upon the river Rhine, and stretches toward the 
 north." The Belgae rises from the extreme frontier of Gaul, 
 extend to the lower part of the river Rhine ; and look toward 
 the north and the rising sun. 3 Aquitania extends from the 
 river Garonne to the Pyrenaean mountains and to that part 
 of the ocean which is near Spain : 4 it looks between the set- 
 ting of the sun, and the north star. 5 
 
 CHAP. II. Among the Helvetii, Orgetorix was by far the 
 most distinguished and wealthy. He, when Marcus Messala 
 and Marcus Piso 8 were consuls, incited by lust of sove- 
 reignty, formed a conspiracy among the nobility, and per- 
 suaded the people to go forth from their territories with 
 all their possessions, 7 [saying] that it would be very easy, 
 
 1 Of these, i. e. of the three divisions of the Gauls, (1> Celts, (2) Bel- 
 gians, and (3) Aquitanians, not yet reduced by conquest to the state of 
 provincials of Rome, as the AUobroges in the S. E. had been by Q. Fdbiiis 
 Maximus Allobrogicus, who was consul in B. c. 121 (the year of the fam- 
 ous vintage), with L. Opimius Nepos, the murderer of C. Gracchus in 
 that year. This Fabius, who thence derived his surname, defeated them 
 and triumphed over their ally Bituitus, king of the Averni [Auvergne] 
 who was led captive in the victor's procession at Rome. So that be- 
 fore Caesar's birth this was the Provincia (or Galh'a Narbonensis vel Brac- 
 cata). The modern Provence is only part of the old Roman Provincia. 
 
 2 " To the north:" literally, to the northern stars. 
 
 3 . e. It has a north-east aspect. . 
 * i. e. It has a north-west aspect. 
 
 5 This " part of the ocean" is the Bay of Biscay, where it washes tho 
 north coast of Spain. 
 
 6 The consulship of M. Valerius Messala Niger and M. Pupius Piso, 
 was in B. c. 61, the year in which Clodius profaned the rites of the Bona 
 Dea, and in which Pompey the Great triumphed at Rome for his victories 
 over the Pirates, and the kings Tigranes, and Mithridates. 
 
 7 Cum omnibus copiis, i. e. iravdrj/tei, with aU their goods and chattels, 
 [conf. " cultum et copias Gallorum." Book i. 31.]
 
 CHAP. m. CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 3 
 
 since they excelled all in valor, to acquire the supremacy of 
 the whole of Gaul. To this he the more easily persuaded them, 
 because the Helvetii, are confined on every side by the nature 
 of their situation ; on one side by the Rhine, a very broad and 
 deep river, which separates the Helvetian territory from the 
 Germans ; on a second side by the Jura, a very high mountain, 
 which is [situated] between the Sequani and the Helvetii ; on a 
 third by the Lake of Geneva, and by the river Rhone, which 
 separates our Province from the Helvetii. From these circum- 
 stances it resulted, that they could range less widely, and 
 could less easily make war upon their neighbors ; for which 
 reason men fond of war [as they were] were affected with great 
 regret They thought, that considering the extent of their 
 population, and their renown for warfare and bravery, they 
 had but narrow limits, although they extended in length 240, 
 and in breadth 180 [Roman] 1 miles. 
 
 CHAP. HI. Induced by these considerations, and influ- 
 enced by the authority of Orgetfirix, they determined to pro- 
 vide such things as were necessary for their expedition to buy 
 upas great a number as possible of beasts of burden and wagons 
 to make their sowings as large as possible, so that on their 
 march plenty of corn might be in store and to establish 
 peace and friendship with the neighboring states. They 
 reckoned that a term of two years would be sufficient for them 
 to execute their designs ; they fix by decree their departure for 
 the third year. Orgetorix is chosen to complete these arrange- 
 ments. He took upon himself the office of embassador to the 
 states : on this journey he persuades Casticus, the son of 
 Catamantaledes (one of the Sequani, whose father had pos- 
 sessed the sovereignty among the people for many years, and 
 had been styled "friend" by the senate of the Roman people), 
 to seize upon the sovereignty in his own state, which his 
 father had held before him, and he likewise persuades Dum- 
 norix, an ^Eduan, the brother of Divitiacus, who at that time 
 possessed the chief authority in the state, and was -exceedingly 
 beloved by the people, to attempt the same, and gives him his 
 
 1 The Roman mile, mille passus=4,854 English, feet, exactly=9'193 
 of English miles. So that the length, as in the text, would be about 21 1 
 English miles, the breadth 163. The real length of Helvetia from the 
 Leman lake to Lake of Constance is hardly more than 40 geographical 
 miles.
 
 4 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 daughter in marriage. He proves to them that to accomplish 
 their attempts was a thing very easy to be done, because ho 
 himself would obtain the government of his own state ; that 
 there was no doubt that the Helvetii were the most power- 
 ful of the whole of Gaul ; he assures them that he will, 
 with his own forces and his own army, acquire the sove- 
 reignty for them. Incited by this speech, they give a pledge 
 and oath to one another, and hope that, when they have 
 seized the sovereignty, they will, by means of the three most 
 powerful and valiant nations, be enabled to obtain possession 
 of the whole of Gaul 
 
 CHAP. IV. When this scheme was disclosed to the Hel- 
 vetii by informers, they, according to their custom, compelled 
 Orgetorix to plead his cause in chains ; it was the law that 
 the penalty of being burned by fire should await him if con- 
 demned. On the day appointed for the pleading of his cause, 
 Orgetorix drew together from all quarters to the court, all his 
 vassals to the number of ten thousand persons; and led to- 
 gether to the same place all his dependents and debtor- 
 bondsmen, .of whom he had a great number ; by means of those 
 he rescued himself from [the necessity of] pleading his cause. 
 While the state, incensed at this act, was endeavoring to as- 
 sert its right by arms, and the magistrates were mustering 
 a large body of men from the country, Orgetorix died ; and 
 there is not wanting a suspicion, as the Helvetii think, of his 
 having committed suicide. 1 
 
 CHAP. V. After his death, the Helvetii nevertheless at- 
 tempt to do that which they had resolved on, namely, to go 
 forth from their territories. When they thought that they 
 were at length prepared for this undertaking, they set fire to 
 all their towns, in number about twelve to their villages about 
 four hundred and to the private dwellings that remained ; 
 they burn up all the corn, except what they intend to carry 
 with them ; that after destroying the hope of a return home, 
 they might be the more ready for undergoing all dangers. 
 They order every one to carry forth from home for himself 
 provisions for three months, ready ground. They persuade 
 the Rauraci, and the Tulingi, and the Latobrigi, their neigh- 
 
 1 Literally, " nor is there absent a suspicion that he resolved on death 
 for himsel''
 
 CHAP.VH. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 5 
 
 bors, to adopt the same plan, and after burning down their 
 towns and villages, to set out with them : and they admit to 
 their party and unite to themselves as confederates the Boii, 
 who had dwelt on the other side of the Rhine, 1 and had crossed 
 over into the Norican territory, and assaulted Noreia." 
 
 CHAP. VI. There were in all two routes, by which they 
 could go forth from their country one through the Sequani 3 
 narrow and difficult, between Mount Jura and the river Rhone 
 (by which scarcely one wagon at a time could be led ; there 
 was, moreover, a very high mountain overhanging, so that a 
 very few might easily intercept them) ; the other, through our 
 Province, much easier and freer from obstacles, because the 
 Rhone flows between the boundaries of the Helvetii and those 
 of the Allobroges, who had lately been subdued,* and is in 
 some places crossed by a ford. The furthest town of the 
 Allobroges, and the nearest to the territories of the Helvetii, 
 is Geneva. From this town a bridge extends to the Helvetii. 
 They thought that they .should either persuade the Allobroges, 
 because they did not seem as yet well-affected toward the 
 Roman people, or compel them by force to allow them to pass 
 through their territories. Having provided every thing for 
 the expedition, they appoint a day, on which they should all 
 meet on the bank of the Rhone. This day was the fifth 
 before the kalends of April [i-. e. the 28th 6 of March], in the 
 consulship of Lucius Piso and Aulus Gabinius [B. c. 58.] 
 
 CHAP. VII. When it was reported to Caesar that th#y 
 were attempting to make their route through our Province, 
 he hastens to set out from the city, and, by as great marches 
 as he can, proceeds to Further Gaul, and arrives at Geneva. 
 He orders the whole Province [to furnish] as great a number 
 of soldiers as possible, as there was in all only one legion 
 in Further Gaul : he orders the bridge at Geneva to . be 
 
 1 In the modern Bohemia and Bavaria, which both derive their names 
 from the Boii. 
 
 2 Noreia seems to have been the old capital of Noricum. 
 
 3 The country of the Sequani is the modern Franche Comte. 
 
 4 C. Pomptinus, when praetor, defeated (B. c. 61) the Allobroges, who 
 had invaded his province of Gallia Narbonensis. (They were perhaps 
 insurgents.) 
 
 5 According to the ^'reclusive reckoning of the ancients, whereby the 
 31st (last) day of March would be the day before [rather the 2d day of] 
 the kalends of April, the 30th the 3d day before, etc., etc.
 
 8 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 
 
 broken down. When the Helvetii are apprized of his arrival, 
 they send to him, as embassadors, the most illustrious men 
 of their state (in which embassy Numeius and Verudoctius 
 held the chief place), to say "that it was their intention to 
 march through the Province without doing any harm, because 
 they had" [according to their own representations,] 1 "no 
 other route : that they requested, they might be allowed 
 to do so with his consent." Caesar, inasmuch as he kept in 
 remembrance that Lucius Cassius, the consul, had been slain, 2 
 and his army routed and made to pass under the yoke by the 
 Helvetii, did not think that [their request] ought to be granted : 
 nor was he of opinion that men of hostile disposition, if an 
 opportunity of marching through the Province were given 
 them, would abstain from outrage and mischief. Yet, in order 
 that a period might intervene, until the soldiers whom he had 
 ordered [to be furnished] should assemble, he replied to the 
 ambassadors, that he would take time to deliberate ; if they 
 wanted any thing, they might return on the day before the ides 3 
 of April [on April 12th]. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. Meanwhile, with the legion which he had 
 with him and the soldiers which had assembled from the Pro- 
 vince, he carries along for nineteen [Roman, not quite eighteen 
 English] miles a wall, to the height of sixteen feet, 4 and a 
 trench, from the Lake of Geneva, which flows into the river 
 Rhone, to Mount Jura, which "separates the territories of the 
 Sequani from those of the Helvetii. When that work was 
 finished, he distributes garrisons, and closely fortifies redoubts, 
 in order that he may the more easily intercept them, if they 
 should attempt to cross over against his will. When the day 
 which he had appointed with the embassadors came, and 
 
 1 Vid. Madvig's Lat Gramm. ("Wood's Translation), 382. Obs. 3, 
 p. 333. These parentheses are inserted to explain more fully the pre- 
 cise form of the Latin subjunctives (" haberent" .... " reverterentur, 
 etc.) in the oratio obliqva, indirect citation, where not the fact but the 
 assertion of it by somebody, is meant to be declared. 
 
 - By the Tigurini, u. c. 107, when consul (with the famous C. Marius). 
 Yid. chap. ziL 
 
 3 The ides of April being April 13th, and the ides of every month the 
 13th, save March, May, July, and, October, during which four months 
 the ides fell on the 15th of each, two days later than usual. 
 
 4 The Roman foot, pes, was equal to 97 English feet. The height of 
 the wall would, therefore, bo about 11 feet 10 inches, according to our 
 mensuration.
 
 CHAP. x. CJSSAR'S COMMENTARIES. 7 
 
 they returned to him ; he says, that he can not, consistently 
 with the custom and precedent of the Roman people, grant 
 any one a passage through the Province ; and he gives them 
 to understand, 1 that, if they should attempt to use violence 
 he would oppose them. The Helvetti, disappointed in this 
 hope, tried if they could force a passage (some by means 
 of a bridge of boats and numerous rafts constructed for the 
 purpose ;" others, by the fords of the Rhone, where the depth' 
 of the river was least, sometimes by day, but more frequently 
 by night), but being kept at bay by the strength of our works, 
 and by the concourse of the soldiers, and by the missiles, they 
 desisted from this attempt. 
 
 CHAP. IX. There was left one way, [namely] through the 
 Sequani, by which, on account of its narrowness, they could 
 not pass without the consent of the Sequani. As they could 
 not of themselves prevail on them, they send embassadors to 
 Dumn6rix the ./Eduan, that through his intercession, they 
 might obtain their request from the Sequani. Dumndrix, by 
 his popularity and liberality, had great influence among the 
 Sequani, and was friendly to the Helvetii, because out of that 
 state he had married the daughter of Orgetdrix ; and, incited 
 by lust of sovereignty, was anxious for a revolution, and wished 
 to have as many states as possible attached to him by his 
 kindness toward them. He, therefore, undertakes the affair, 
 and prevails upon the Sequani to allow the Helvetii to march 
 through their territories, and arranges that they should give 
 hostages to each other the Sequani not to obstruct the Hel- 
 vetii in their march the Helretii, to pass without mischief 
 and outrage. 
 
 CHAP. X. It is again told Caesar, that the Helvetii in- 
 tended to march through the country of the Sequani and the 
 ^Edui into the territories of the Santones, which are not far 
 distant from those boundaries of the Tolosates, which [viz. 
 Tolosa, Toulouse] is a state in the Province. If this took 
 place, he saw that it would be attended with great danger 
 to the Province to have warlike men, enemies of the Roman 
 
 1 "Ostendere" and " demonstrare" are often used by Caesar for explicit 
 oral declaration. 
 
 2 That is, as a pontoon.
 
 8 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIE& BOOK I. 
 
 people, bordering upon 1 an open and very fertile tract of 
 country. For these reasons he appointed Titus Labienus, his 
 lieutenant, to the command of the fortification which he had 
 made. He himself proceeds to Italy by forced marches, and 
 there levies two legions, and leads out from winter-quarters 
 three which were wintering around Aquileia, 2 and with these 
 five legions marches 3 rapidly by the nearest route across the 
 ' Alps into Further Gaul. Here the Centrones and the Graioceli 
 and the Caturlges, 4 having taken possession of the higher parts, 
 attempt to obstruct the army in their march. After having 
 routed these in several battles, he arrives in the territories of 
 the Vocontii in the Further Province on the seventh day 
 from Ocelum, 6 which is the most remote town of the Hither 
 Province ; thence he leads his army into the country of the 
 Allobroges, and from the Allobroges to the Segusiani.' These 
 people are the first beyond the Province on the opposite side of 
 the Rhone. 7 
 
 CHAP. XL The Helvetii had by this time led their forces 
 over through the narrow defile and the territories of the Se- 
 quani, and had arrived at the territories of the ^Edui, and 
 were ravaging their lands. The ^Edui, as they could not 
 defend themselves and their possessions against them, send 
 embassadors to Caesar to ask assistance, [pleading] that they 
 had at all times so well deserved of the Roman people, that 
 their fields ought not to have been laid waste their children 
 carried off into slavery their towns stormed, almost within 
 sight of our army. At the same, time the Ambarri, the 
 friends and kinsmen of the ^Edui, apprize Caesar, that it was 
 not easy for them, now that their fields had been devastated, 
 
 1 Making "lociaspaientibus" directly dependent on "finittmos" which 
 seems the true (though overlooked) construction, and is perhaps the 
 simplest. 
 
 2 A district in Venetia, which not in ancient only, but in more modern 
 times and the middle ages, held the key of Italy on the north-east side. 
 
 3 Contendit ire. Literally, "hastens to go." 
 
 < The Centrones in the Graian Alps, Caturiges (south of them) in the 
 Cottian Alps, Graioceli between the two. 
 
 5 Ocelum, the chief town of Graioceli, just on the frontiers of Transal- 
 pine Gaul : the present Usseau in Piedmont. 
 
 6 Considered, of course, not so much as tribes, but as districts. This 
 is common enongh in Caesar. 
 
 7 The first independent people north of the Roman Province (near 
 Lugdunum, Lyons).
 
 CHAP. xn. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. . 9 
 
 to ward off the violence of the enemy from their towns-, 
 the Allobroges likewise, who had villages and possessions 
 on the other side of the Rhone, betake themselves in flight 
 to Caesar, and assure him that they had nothing remaining, 
 except the soil of their land. Caesar, induced by these circum- 
 stances, decides, that he ought not to wait until the Helvetii, 
 after destroying all the property of his Sllies, should arrive 
 among the Sant6nes. 
 
 CHAP. XII. There is a river {called] the Saone, which flows 
 through the territories of the ^Edui and Sequani into the Rhone 
 with such incredible slowness, that it can not be determined 
 by the eye in which direction it flows. This the Helvetii were 
 crossing by rafts and boats joined together.. When Caesar 
 was informed by spies that the Helvetii had already conveyed 
 three parts of their forces across that river, but that the 
 fourth part was left behind on this side of the Saone, he set out 
 from the camp with three legions during the third watch, 1 and 
 came up with that divison which had not yet crossed the river. 
 Attacking them, encumbered with baggage, and not expecting 
 him, he cut to pieces a great part of them ; the rest betook 
 themselves to flight, and concealed themselves in the nearest 
 woods. That canton [which was cut down] was called the 
 Tigurine ;" for the whole Helvetian state is divided into four 
 cantons. This single canton having left their country, within 
 the recollection of our fathers, had slain Lucius Cassius the 
 consul, and had made his army pass under the yoke, 3 [B. c. 
 107]. Thus, whether by chance, or by the design of the 
 immortal gods, that part of the Helvetian state which had 
 brought a signal calamity upon the Roman people, was the 
 first to pay the penalty. In this Caesar avenged not only 
 the public but also his own personal wrongs, because the 
 Tigurlni had slain Lucius Piso 4 the lieutenant [of Cassius], the 
 
 1 The night was divided by the Romans into four " watches," of three 
 hours each ; the third beginning at midnight, and the whole four lasting 
 from six o'clock P.M. to six A.M. " De" seems often to mean " about the 
 middle of;" "ut jugulent homines, surgunt de node (at midnight) latro- 
 nes." Horat. 1 Epist. ii 32. 
 
 2 The Canton of Zurich. 
 
 3 This has been already mentioned in chap. vii. 
 
 4 Consul in B.C. 112. 
 
 1*
 
 10 - CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 grandfather of Lucius Calpurnius Piso, 1 his [Caesar's] father-in 
 law, in the same battle as Cassius himself. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. This battle ended, that he might be able to 
 come up with the remaining forces of the Helvetii, he procures 
 a bridge to be made across the Saone, and thus leads his army 
 over. The Helvetii, confused by his sudden arrival, when they 
 found that he had effected in one day, what they, themselves 
 had with the utmost difficulty accomplished in twenty, 
 namely, the crossing of the river, send embassadors to him; 
 at the head of which embassy was Divico, who had been 
 commander of the Helvetii, in the war against Cassius. He 
 thus treats with Caesar : that, " if the Roman people would 
 make peace with the Helvetii they would go to that part and 
 there remain, where Caesar might appoint and desire them 
 to be ; but if he should persist in persecuting" them with war, 
 that he ought to remember both the ancient disgrace of the 
 Roman people and the characteristic valor of the Helvetii. 
 As to his having attacked one canton by surprise, [at a time] 
 when those who had crossed the river could not bring assist- 
 ance to their friends, that he ought not on that account to 
 ascribe very much to his own valor, or despise them ; that they 
 had so learned from their sires and ancestors, as to rely more 
 on valor than on artifice and stratagem. Wherefore let him not 
 bring it to pass 3 that the place, where they were standing, 
 should acquire a name, from the disaster of the Roman people 
 and the destruction of their army or transmit the remembrance 
 [of such an event to posterity]." 
 
 CHAP. XIV. To these words Caesar thus replied : that 
 "on that very account he felt less hesitation, because he kept 
 in remembrance those circumstances which the Helvetian 
 embassadors had mentioned, and that he felt the more in- 
 dignant at them, in proportion as they had happened unde- 
 servedly to the Roman people : for if they had been conscious 
 of having done any wrong, it would not have been difficult 
 
 1 Consul in B.C. 68, through Caesar's influence, who had been consul 
 in B.C. 59, and had married Piso's daughter Ccdpurnia. 
 
 2 Turning the Latin from the oratio obliqua to the oratio recta, it 
 would be : " sin bello persequi perseveras, reminiscitor .... pristinse 
 virtutis Helvetiorum," etc. ; and lower down ( 3 ) " ne committeret" would 
 be " ne commiseris." Vid. Wood's Translation of Madvig's Lat Gramm. 
 404, 5, p. 354.
 
 CHAP. IT. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 11 
 
 to be on their guard, but for that very reason had they been 
 deceived, because neither were they aware that any offense had 
 been given by them, on account of which they should be afraid, 
 nor did they think that they ought to be afraid without 
 cause. But even if he were willing to forget their former 
 outrage, could he also lay aside 1 the remembrance of the late 
 wrongs, in that they had against his will attempted a route 
 through the Province by force, in that they had molested the 
 JEdui, the Ambarri, and the Allobroges 1 That as to their so 
 insolently boasting of their victory, and as to their being as- 
 tonished that they had so long committed their outrages with 
 impunity, [both these things] tended to the same point ^for 
 the immortal gods are wont to allow those persons whom they 
 wish to punish for their guilt sometimes a greater prosperity 
 and longer impunity, in order that they may suffer the more 
 severely from a reverse of circumstances. Although these things 
 are so, yet, if hostages were to be given him by them in order 
 that he may be assured they will do what they promise, and 
 provided they will give satisfaction to the ^Edui for the outrages 
 which they had committed against them and their allies, and 
 likewise to the Allobroges, he [Caesar] will make peace -with 
 them." Divico replied, that " the Helvetii had been so trained 
 by their ancestors, that they were accustomed, to receive, not to 
 give hostages ; of that fact the Roman people were witness." 
 Having given this reply, he withdrew. 
 
 CHAP. XV. On the following day they move their camp 
 from that place ; Caesar does the same, and sends forward all 
 his cavalry, to the number of four thousand (which he had 
 drawn together from all parts of the Province and from the 
 ^Edui and their allies), to observe toward what parts the 
 enemy are directing their march. These, having too eagerly 
 pursued the enemy's rear, come to a battle with the cavalry of 
 the Helvetii in a disadvantageous place, and a few of our men 
 fall. The Helvetii, elated with this battle, because they had 
 with five hundred horse repulsed so large a body of horse, 
 began to face us more boldly, sometimes too from their rear to 
 
 1 Si veteria contumelise oblivisci vellet, num etiam recentium injuri- 
 arum memoriam deponere, posse, "without "se" would be in oratio recta, 
 " si . . . volo" " num .... possum ?" For a fuller explanation see 
 Madvig's Lat. Gramm. (Wood's Translation), 405, a, page 354.
 
 12 CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK L 
 
 provoke our men by an attack. Caesar [however] restrained 
 his men from battle, deeming it sufficient for the present to 
 prevent the enemy from rapine, forage, and depredation. They 
 marched for about fifteen days in such a manner that there was 
 not more than five or six miles between the enemy's rear and 
 our van. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. Meanwhile, Caesar kept daily importuning the 
 JEdui for the corn which they had promised in the name of 
 their state ; for, in consequence of the coldness (Gaul, being, 
 as before said, situated toward the north), not only was the 
 corn in the fields not ripe, but there was not in store a suffi- 
 ciently large quantity even of fodder : besides he was un- 
 able to use the corn which he had conveyed in ships up 
 the river Saone, because the Helvetii, from whom he was 
 unwilling to retire had diverted their march from the Saone. 
 The ^Edui kept deferring from day to day, and saying that it 
 was being " collected brought in on the road." When he 
 saw that he was put off too long, and that the day was 
 close at hand on which he ought to serve out the corn 
 to his soldiers ; having called together their chiefs, of whom 
 he had a great number in his camp, among them Divitiacus, 
 and Liscus who was invested with the chief magistracy (whom 
 the ^Edui style the Vergobretus, and who is elected annually, 
 and has power of life or death over his countrymen), he severely 
 reprimands them, because he is not assisted by them on so ur- 
 gent an occasion, when the enemy were so close at hand, and 
 when [corn] could neither be bought nor taken from the fields, 
 particularly as, in a great measure urged by their prayers, he 
 had undertaken the war ; much more bitterly, therefore, does 
 he complain of his being forsaken. 
 
 CHAP. XVIL Then at length Liscus, moved by Caesar's 
 speech, discloses what he had hitherto kept secret: that 
 "there are some whose influences with the people is very 
 great, who, though private men, have more power than the 
 magistrates themselves : that these by seditions and violent 
 language are deterring the populace from contributing the 
 corn which they ought to supply; [by telling them] that, 
 if they can not any longer retain the supremacy of Gaul, 
 it were better to submit to the government of Gauls 
 than of Romans, nor ought they to doubt that, if the 
 Romans should overpower the Helvetii, they would wrest their
 
 HAP. xvni. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 13 
 
 freedom from the JEdui together with the remainder of Gaul. 
 By these very men, [said he], are our plans, and whatever is 
 done in the camp, disclosed to the enemy ; that they could 
 npt he restrained by him : nay more, he was well aware, that 
 though compelled by necessity, he had disclosed the matter to 
 Caesar, at how great a risk he had done it ; and for that reason, 
 he had been silent as long as he could." 
 
 CHAP. XVIH. Csesar perceived that, by this speech of 
 Liscus, DumnSrix, the brother of Divitiacus, was indicated ; but, 
 as he was unwilling that these matters should be discussed while 
 so many were present, he speedily dismisses the council, but de- 
 tains Liscus : he inquires from him when alone, about those 
 things which he had said in the meeting. He [Liscus] speaks 
 more unreservedly and boldly. He [Caesar] makes inquiries 
 on the same points privately of others, and discovers that it is 
 all true ; that " Dumnorix is the person, a man of the highest 
 daring, in great favor with the people on account of his 
 liberality, a man eager for a revolution : that for a great many 
 years he has been in the habit of contracting for the customs 
 and all the other taxes of the ^Edui at a small cost, because 
 when he bids, no one dares to bid against him. By these 
 means he has both increased his own private property, and 
 amassed great means for giving largesses ; that he maintains 
 constantly at his own expense and keeps about his own person 
 a great number of cavalry, and that not only at home, but even 
 among the neighboring states, he has great influence, and for 
 the sake of strengthening this influence has given his mother in 
 marriage among the Bituriges to a man the most noble and most 
 influential there ; that he has himself taken a wife from among 
 the Helvetii, and has given his sister by the mother's side and 
 his female relations in marriage into other states; that he 
 favors and wishes well to the Helvetii on account of this 
 connection ; and that he hates Caesar and the Romans, on his 
 own account, because by their arrival his power was weak- 
 ened, and his brother, Divitiacus, restored to his former 
 position of influence and dignity : that, if any thing should 
 happen to the Romans, he entertains the highest hope of 
 gaining the sovereignty by means of the Helvetii, but that 
 under the government of the Roman people he despairs not 
 only of royalty, but even of that influence which he already 
 has." Caesar discovered too, on inquiring into the unsuccessful
 
 14 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 cavalry engagement which had taken place a few days before, 
 that the commencement of that flight had been made by 
 Dumnorix and his cavalry (for Dumnorix was in command 
 of the cavalry which the JEdui had sent for aid to Caesar) ; 
 that by their flight the rest of the cavalry were dismayed. 
 
 CHAP. XIX After learning these circumstances, since to 
 these suspicions the most unequivocal facts were added, viz., 
 that he had led the Helvetii through the territories of the 
 Sequani ; that he had provided that hostages should be mutu- 
 ally given ; that he had done all these things, not only without 
 any orders of his [Caesar's] and of his own state's, but even 
 without their [the ^Edui] knowing any thing of it themselves ; 
 that he [Dumnorix] was reprimanded by the [chief] magistrate 
 of the ^Edui ; he [Caesar] considered that there was sufficient 
 reason, why he should either punish him himself, or order the 
 state to do so. One thing [however] stood in the way of all 
 this that he had learned by experience his brother Divitiacus's 
 very high regard for the Roman people, his great affection 
 toward him, his distinguished faithfulness, justice, and modera- 
 tion ; for he was afraid lest by the punishment of this man, he 
 should hurt the feelings of Divitiacus. Therefore, before he 
 attempted any thing, he orders Divitiacus to be summoned to 
 him, and, when the ordinary interpreters had been withdrawn, 
 converses with him through Caius Valerius Procillus, chief of 
 the province of Gaul, an intimate friend of his, in whom he 
 reposed the highest confidence in every thing ; at the same 
 time he reminds him of what was said about Dumnorix in 
 the council of the Gauls, when he himself was present, and 
 shows what each had said of him privately in his [Caesar's] 
 own presence ; he begs and exhorts him, that, without offense 
 to his feelings, he may either himself pass judgment on him 
 [Dumnorix] after trying the case, or else order the [^Eduan] 
 state to do so. 
 
 CHAP. XX. Divitiacus, embracing Caesar, begins to im- 
 plore him, with many tears, that " he would not pass any very 
 severe sentence upon his brother; saying, that he knows 
 that those charges are true, and that nobody suffered more 
 pain on that account than he himself did ; for when he 
 himself could effect a very great deal by his influence at home 
 and in the rest of Gaul, and he [Dumnorix] very little on 
 account of his youth, the latter had become powerful through
 
 CHAP. rsi. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 15 
 
 his means, which power and strength he used not only to 
 the lessening of his [Divitiacus] popularity, but almost to his 
 ruin ; that he, however, was influenced both by fraternal 
 affection and by public opinion. But if any thing very severe 
 from Caesar should befall him [Dumnorix], no one would 
 think that it had been done without his consent, since he 
 himself held such a place in Caesar's friendship : from which 
 circumstance it would arise, that the affections of the whole 
 of Gaul would be estranged from him." As he was with 
 tears begging these things of Caesar in many words, Caesar 
 takes his right hand, and, comforting him, begs him to make 
 an end of entreating, and assures him that his regard for 
 him is so great, that he forgives Both the injuries of the 
 republic and his private wrongs, at his desire and prayers. 
 He summons Dumnorix to him ; he brings in his brother ; 
 he points out what he censures in him ; he lays before him 
 what he of himself perceives, and what the state complains 
 of; he warns him for the future to avoid all grounds of 
 suspicion ; he says that he pardons the past, for the sake 
 of his brother, Divitiacus. He sets spies over Dumnorix 
 that he' may be able to know what he does, and with whom 
 he communicates. 
 
 CHAP. XXI. Being on the same day informed by his 
 scouts, that the enemy had encamped at the foot of a mount- 
 ain eight miles from his own camp ; he sent persons to 
 ascertain what the nature of the mountain was, and of what 
 kind the ascent on every side. Word was brought back, 
 that it was easy. During the third watch 1 he orders Titus 
 Labienus, his lieutenant with praetorian powers, 8 to ascend 
 to the highest ridge of the mountain with two legions, and 
 with those as guides who had examined the road ; he explains 
 what his plan is. He himself during the fourth watch, 1 
 
 1 For the vigilice, or watches of the night, vid. note on book i. chap. 12. 
 
 3d m .. 
 
 Romans .,, . ., %^ ~ A ,, connected with mili- 
 
 3A.M. tO 6A.M. tarynightH j uty . 
 
 2 Legatum pro prcetore." The legati accompanied the generals into the 
 field, or the proconsul [or praetor] to the provinces. They were nomi- 
 nated (legati) by the Consu, Praetor, or Dictator, under whom they serv- 
 ed, after such nomination had been sanctioned by a decree of senate
 
 16 CLESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 hastens to them by the same route by which the enemy had 
 gone, and sends on all the cavalry before him. Publius Consi- 
 dius, who was reputed to be very experienced in military 
 affairs, and had been in the army of Lucius Sulla, and after- 
 ward in that of Marcus Crassus, is sent forward with the 
 scouts. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. At day-break, when the summit of the 
 mountain was in the possession of Titus Labienus, and he him- 
 self was not further off than a mile and half 1 from the enemy's 
 camp, nor, as he afterward ascertained from the captives, had 
 either his arrival or that of Labienus been discovered ; Consi- 
 dius, with his horse at full gallop, comes up to him says that 
 the mountain which he" [Caasar] wished should be seized by 
 Labienus, is in possession of the enemy ; that he has discovered 
 this by the Gallic arms and ensigns. Caesar leads off his 
 forces to the next hill : [and] draws them up in battle-order. 
 Labieuus, as he had been ordered by Caesar not to come 
 to an engagement unless [Caesar's] own forces were seen 
 near the enemy's camp, that the attack upon the enemy 
 might be made on every side at the same time, was, after 
 having taken possession of the mountain, waiting "for our 
 men, and refraining from battle. When, at length, the day 
 was far advanced, Caesar learned through spies, that the 
 mountain was in possession of his own men, and that the 
 Helvetii had moved their camp, and that Considius, struck 
 with fear, had reported to him, as seen, that which he had not 
 seen. On that day he follows the enemy at his usual 2 dis- 
 tance, and pitches his camp three miles from theirs. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. The next day (as there remained in all 
 only two day's space [to the time] when he must serve out the 
 corn to his army, and as he was not more than eighteen 
 miles from Bibracte, 3 by far the largest and best-stored town 
 
 [senatus consultum.] If the consul was absent from the army, or a pro- 
 consul left his province, the legati, or one of them, held the absent 
 magistrate's power and insignia, in which case he was styled Legatus 
 pro PraBtore (or Vicegerent). 
 
 1 Bibracte, afterward Augusiodunam, (hence) the modern Autun (on 
 the river Aroux, in Burgundy). 
 
 2 Lit. "1500 paces." The passus (poce)=2 gradus=5 pedes=4 Eng- 
 lish feet, 10 '248 inches. 
 
 3 Literally, " At the interval at which he had 'been used" (to follow, 
 etc.)
 
 
 CHAP. xxv. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 
 
 of the ^Edui), he thought that he ought to provide for a sup- 
 ply of corn ; and diverted his march from the Helvetii, and 
 advanced rapidly to Bibracte. This circumstance is reported to 
 the enemy by 'some deserters from Lucius ^Emilius, a captain, 1 
 of the Gallic horse. The Helvetii, either because they 
 thought that the Romans, struck with terror, were retreating 
 from them, the more so, as the day before, though they had 
 seized on the higher grounds, they had not joined battle; 
 or because they flattered themselves that they might be cut 
 off from the provisions, altering their plan and changing 
 their route, began to pursue, and to annoy our men in the 
 rear. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. Caeear, when he observes this, draws off 
 his forces to the next hill, and sent the cavalry to sustain the 
 attack of the enemy. He himself, meanwhile, drew up on 
 the middle of the hill a triple line of his four veteran legions 
 in such a manner, that he placed above him on the very 
 summit the two legions, which he had lately levied in Hither 
 Gaul," and all the auxiliaries ; 3 and he ordered that the 
 whole mountain should be covered with men, and that mean- 
 while the baggage 4 should be brought together into one place, 
 and the position be protected by those who were posted in the 
 upper line. The Helvetii having followed with all their 
 wagons, collected their baggage into one place : they them- 
 selves, after having repulsed our cavalry and formed a phalanx, 
 advanced up to our front line in very close order. 
 
 CHAP. XXV. Caesar, having removed out of sight first his 
 
 1 The regular complement (Justus equitatus) of cavalry in a legion in 
 Caesar's time (the legion then was 5000 foot) was 300, i. e. 10 turms of 
 30 horseman each. [There were for each turm 3 decuriones, Ihdpxai.'] 
 But in Caesar's time the decurio seems to have been captain of the whole 
 turm, according to Vegetius. 
 
 2 As is stated in chap. x. of this book. 
 
 3 All the foreign socii were obliged to send subsidies in troops when 
 Rome demanded them ; these did not, however, lik,e those of the socii 
 Italici, serve in the line, but were used as light-armed soldiers, and were 
 called " auxilia." 
 
 4 Sarcinse (lit. "packages") is used of each solder's own baggage, 
 which he carries for himself; but impedimenta is the army's baggage, 
 carried on wagons or beasts of burden. The Roman soldier carried a 
 vast load, 60 pounds weight, besides his armor, which last was con- 
 sidered part and parcel of the man himself. (Cic. Tusc. Qu. ii. 16.)
 
 18 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 own horse, then those of all, that he might make the danger 
 of all equal, and do away with the hope of flight, after en- 
 couraging his men, joined battle. His soldiers hurling their 
 javelins from the higher ground, easily broke the enemy's 
 phalanx. That being dispersed, they made a charge on them 
 with drawn swords. It was a great hinderance to the Gauls in 
 fighting, that, when several of their bucklers 1 had been by one 
 stroke of the (Roman) javelins 2 pierced through and pinned 
 fast together, as the point of the iron had bent itself, they could 
 neither pluck it out, nor, with their left hand entangled, fight 
 with sufficient ease ; so that many, after having long tossed 
 their arm about, chose rather to cast away the buckler from 
 their hand, and to fight with their person unprotected. At 
 length, worn out with wounds, they began to give way, and, 
 as there was in the neighborhood a mountain about a 
 mile off, to betake themselves thither. When the mount- 
 ain had been gained, and our men were advancing up, the 
 Boii and Tulingi, who with about 15,000 men closed the 
 enemy's line of march and served as a guard to their rear, 
 having assailed our men on the exposed flank as they advanced 
 [prepared] to surround 3 them ; upon seeing which, the Hel- 
 vetii who had betaken themselves to the mountain, began 
 to press on again and renew the battle. The Romans having 
 faced about, advanced to the attack in two divisions ; 4 the 
 first and second line, to withstand those who had beon de- 
 
 1 Scutum, i9r>peof of Polybius, was the (oblong) wooden (or wicker- 
 work) buckler (strengthened with an iron rim and an iron boss) of the 
 Roman heavy-armed infantry. It covered the left shoulder, and was 
 4 ft. long by 2? broad. It was distinct from the (Greek) dypeus (shield), 
 which was round, and was by the Romans discontinued for the Sabine 
 scutum, about B.C. 400 (after the soldiers began to receive pay). 
 
 2 The pilum, or ponderous javelin, vaadf (of which the Roman soldier 
 carried two), to throw or to thrust with, was about 6 feet 9 inches in 
 length. The shaft was 4i feet, long ; and of the same length was the 
 barbed (three-square) iron head, which extended half-way down the 
 shaft. This thick javelin was peculiar to the Roman heavy-armed 
 soldier (with his long lance), as the gosum was to the Gauls 
 
 3 Circumvenire seems preferable to venere. 
 
 4 "Roman! conversa signa bipartite intulerunt," are the words 
 "Signa inferre," "to bear the standards on," means to attack; and 
 "signa convertere," " to turn the standards round," means to face about. 
 The Romans, having faced about, advanced to the attack" bipartite 
 " from two different quarters," or " in two divisions."
 
 CHAP. xxvn. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 19 
 
 feated and driven off the field ; the "third to receive those who 
 were just arriving. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. Thus, was the contest long and vigorously 
 carried on with doubtful success. 1 When they could no longer 
 withstand the attacks of our men, the one division, as they had 
 begun to do, betook themselves to the mountain ; the other 
 repaired to their baggage and wagons. For during the 
 whole of this battle, although the fight lasted from the seventh 
 hour [i. e. 12 (noon) 1 p. M.] to eventide, no one could see 
 an enemy with his back turned. The fight was carried on also 
 at the baggage till late in the night^ for they had set wagons in 
 the way as a rampart, and from the higher ground kept throw- 
 ing weapons upon our men, as they came on, and some from 
 between the wagons and the wheels kept darting their lances 
 and javelins from beneath, and wounding our men. After the 
 fight had lasted some time, our men gained possession of their 
 baggage and camp. There the daughter and one of the 
 sons of Orgetorix was taken. After the battle about 130,000 
 men [of the enemy] remained alive, who marched incessant- 
 ly during the whole of that night ; and after a march dis- 
 continued for no part of the night, arrived in the territories 
 of the Lingones on the fourth day, while our men, having 
 stopped for three days, both on account of the wounds of the 
 soldiers and the burial of the slain, had not been able to fol- 
 low them. Caesar sent letters and messengers to the Lingones 
 [with orders] that they should not assist them with corn 
 or with any thing else ; for that if they should assist them, he 
 would regard them in the same light as the Helvetii. After 
 the three days' interval he began to follow them himself with 
 all his forces. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. The Helvetii, compelled by the want of 
 every thing, sent embassadors to him about a surrender. 
 When these had met him on the way and had thrown them- 
 selves at his feet, and speaking in suppliant tone had with 
 tears sued for peace, and [when] he had ordered them to await 
 his arrival, in the place, 2 where they then were, they obeyed 
 
 1 The sense of "ancipiti praelio," to which the best commentators incline. 
 
 2 Loco quo turn essent, " where they" (the whole body of the fugitive 
 Helvetii) "then were," essent, (according to the embassador's statements, 
 "wherever" on the faith of their statement "they were," though where 
 exactly Caesar knew not). This is the force of the subjunctive in the 
 "oratio obliqua."
 
 20 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK L 
 
 his commands. When Caesar arrived at that place, he de- 
 manded hostages, their arms, and the slaves who had deserted 
 to them. While those things are being sought for and got 
 together, after a night's interval, about 6000 men of that can- 
 ton which is called the Verbigene, whether terrified by fear, lest, 
 after delivering up their arms, they should suffer punishment, 
 or else induced by the hope of safety, because they supposed 
 that, amid so vast a multitude of those who had surrendered 
 themselves, their flight might either be concealed or entirely 
 overlooked, having at night-fall departed out of the camp of 
 the Helvetii, hastened to the Rhine and the territories of the 
 Germans. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII. But when Caesar discovered this, he com- 
 manded those through whose territory they had gone, to seek 
 them out and to bring them back again, if they meant to be 
 acquitted before him ; and considered them, when brought 
 back, in the light of enemies ; he admitted all the rest to a sur- 
 render, upon their delivering up the hostages, arms, and de- 
 serters. He ordered the Helvetii, the Tulingi, and the Lato- 
 brigi, to return to their territories from which they had come, 
 and as there was at home nothing whereby they might support 
 their hunger, all the productions of the earth having been de- 
 stroyed, he commanded the Allobroges to let them have a plen- 
 tiful supply of corn ; and ordered them to rebuild the towns 
 and villages which they had burned. This he did, chiefly, on 
 this account, because he was unwilling that the country, from 
 which the Helvetii had departed, should be untenanted, lest the 
 Germans, who dwell on the other side of the Rhine, should, on 
 account of the excellence of the lands, cross over from their 
 own territories into those of the Helvetii, and become borderers 
 upon the province of Gaul and the Allobroges. He granted 
 the petition 1 of the JEdui, that they might settle the Boii, in 
 their own (i. e. in the ^Eduan) territories, as these were known 
 to be of distinguished valor, to whom they gave lands, and 
 whom they afterward admitted to the same state of rights and 
 freedom as themselves. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX. In the camp of the Helvetii, lists were 
 
 1 Lit. " he granted to the j^dui, requesting it, that they (the JEdui) 
 shall settle the Boii," etc. (where the ut coUocarent is governed by con- 
 cessit).
 
 CHAP. xxx. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 21 
 
 found, drawn up in Greek characters, and were brought to 
 Caesar, in which an estimate had been drawn up, name by 
 name, of the number which had gone forth from their country 
 of those who were able to bear arms ; and likewise the boys, 
 the old men, and the women, separately. Of all' which items 
 the total was : 
 
 Of the ffelvetii [lit. of the heads of the Helvetii] 263,000 
 
 Of the Tulingi v i;~ v . . 36,000 
 
 Of the Latobrigi >'.'. 14,000 
 
 Of the Jtauraci 23,000 
 
 Ofthe.BoM 32,000 
 
 The sum of all amounted to ... 368,000 
 
 'Out of these, such as could bear arms, [amounted] to about 
 92,000. When the census 1 of those who returned home was 
 taken, as Caesar had commanded, the number was found to be 
 110,000. 
 
 CHAP. XXX. When the war with the Helvetii was con- 
 cluded, embassadors from almost all parts of Gaul, the chiefs of 
 states, assembled to congratulate Caesar, [saying] that they 
 were well aware, that, although he had taken vengeance on the 
 Helvetii in war, for the old wrongs done by them to the Roman 
 people, 1 yet that circumstance had happened no less to the bene- 
 fit of the land of Gaul than of the Roman people, because the 
 Helvetii, while their affairs were most flourishing, had quitted 
 their country with the design of making war upon the whole 
 of Gaul, and seizing the government of it, and selecting, out of 
 a great abundance, that spot for an abode, which they should 
 judge to be the most convenient and most productive of all 
 
 1 Probably, only an ordinary review, for the sake of a pretty accurate 
 estimate. 
 
 2 Helvetiorum injuriis populi Romani (use of the double genitive, 
 "Wood's Madvig's Lat. Gram. 288), the wrongs of the Helvetii L e. 
 which they did (act) implies the wrongs of the Roman people L e. which 
 they suffered (pass.) [So "superior umdierum Sabini cunctatio," in Book 
 iii. 18.] "Tametsi ab iis pcenas bello repetisset," is lit. "although from 
 them he had sought back (re-claimed) penal-satisfactions in war." Pcenas 
 petere, or eo^etere, or repetere, capere or sumere, habere or persequi, to 
 " take satisfaction" by dealing punishment or vengeance. Prena, expiatory 
 punishment [or tortures].
 
 22 (LESAB'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 Gaul, and hold the rest of the states as tributaries. They re- 
 quested that they might be allowed to proclaim an assembly of 
 the whole of Gaul for 1 a particular day, and to do that with 
 Caesar's permission, [stating] that they had some things which, 
 with the genefal consent, they wished to ask of him. This re- 
 quest having been granted, they appointed a day for the assem- 
 bly, and ordained by an oath with each other, that no one 
 should disclose [their deliberations] except those to whom this 
 [office] should be assigned by the general assembly. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI. When that assembly was dismissed, the 
 same chiefs of states, who had before been to Caesar, returned, 
 and asked that they might be allowed to treat with him pri- 
 vately (in secret) 2 concerning the safety of themselves and 
 of all. That request having been obtained, they all threw 
 themselves in tears at Caesar's feet, [saying] that they no less 
 begged and earnestly desired that what they might say should 
 not be disclosed, than that they might obtain those things 
 which they wished for ; inasmuch as they saw, that, if a dis- 
 closure was made, they should be put to the greatest tortures. 
 For these Divjjiacus the ^Eduan spoke and told him : " That 
 there were two parties in the whole of Gaul : that the ^Edui 
 stood at the head of one of these, the Arverni of the other. 
 After these had been violently struggling with one another for 
 the superiority for many years, it came to pass that the Ger- 
 mans were called in for hire by the Arverni and the' Sequani. 
 That about 15,000, of them [i. e. of the Germans] had at 
 first crossed the Ehine : but after that these wild and savage 
 men had become enamored of the lands and the refinement 
 and the abundance of the Gauls, more were brought over, 
 that there were now as many as 120,000 of them in Gaul : 
 that with these the ^Eclui and their dependents had repeatedly 
 struggled in arms that they had been routed, and had 
 sustained a great calamity had lost all their nobility, all 
 their senate, all their cavalry. And that broken by such en- 
 gagements and calamities, although they had formerly been 
 very powerful in Gaul, both from their own valor and from 
 
 1 i. e. to make a proclamation, that such an assembly was to be holden 
 upon a fixed day. 
 
 2 Oudendorp has secreto in occulto, but more recent texts, and among 
 them Bentley, regard in occulio as a gloss.
 
 CHAP. xrxi. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 23 
 
 the Roman people's hospitality 1 and friendship, they were 
 now compelled to give the chief nobles of their state, as hos- 
 tages to the Sequani, and to bind their state by an oath, that 
 they would neither demand hostages in return, nor supplicate 
 aid from the Roman people, nor refuse to be forever under 
 their sway and empire. That he was the only one out of all 
 the state of the .(Edui, who could not be prevailed upon to 
 take the oath or to give his children as hostages. On that 
 account he had fled from his state and had gone to the senate 
 at Rome" to beseech aid, as he alone was bound neither by 
 oath nor hostages. But a worse thing had befallen the victo- 
 rious Sequani than the vanquished ^Edui, for Ariovistus, the 
 king of the Germans, had settled in then- territories, and had 
 seized upon a third of their land, which was 3 the best in the 
 whole of Gaul, and was now ordering them to depart from 
 another third part, because a few months previously 24,000 
 men of the Harudes 4 had come to him, for whom room and 
 settlements must be provided. The consequence would be, that 
 in a few years they would all be driven from the territories of 
 Gaul, and all the Germans would cross the Rhine ; for neither 
 must the land 5 of Gaul be compared with the land of the Ger- 
 mans, nor must the habit of living of the latter be put on a 
 level with that of the former. Moreover, [as for] Ariovistus, no 
 sooner did he defeat the forces of the Gauls in a battle, which 
 took place at Magetobria, than [he began] to lord it haughtily 
 and cruelly, to demand as hostages the children of all the prin- 
 cipal nobles, and wreak on them every kind of cruelty, if every 
 thing was not done at his nod or pleasure ; that he was a 
 savage, passionate, and reckless man, and that his commands 
 could no longer be borne. Unless there was some aid in 
 Caesar and the Roman people, the Gauls must all do the same 
 thing that the Helvetii have done, [viz.] emigrate from their 
 country, and seek another dwelling place, other settlements 
 
 1 The Roman " hospitium," public hospitality, was much the same as 
 the Grecian irpogevia. 
 
 2 Romam ad senatum, lit. "to Rome to the senate (there)." 
 
 3 Esset optimus, "was" according to the speaker's representation, "the 
 best" 
 
 4 Lit. "twenty-four thousands of the men" [called] "the Harudes." 
 
 5 Agrum, land, i. e. in the agricultural sense (arable soil). 
 
 6 Lit. " as soon as (when once) he defeated the Gauls, etc., he [began 
 to] lord it," etc.
 
 24 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK L 
 
 remote from the Germans, and try whatever fortune may fall to 
 their lot. If these things were to be disclosed to Ariovistus, 
 [Divitificus adds] that he doubts not that he would inflict the 
 most severe punishment on all the hostages who are in his 
 possession, [and says] that Caesar could, either by his own in- 
 fluence and by that of his army, or by his late victory, or by 
 name of the Roman people, intimidate him, so as to pre- 
 vent a greater number of Germans being brought over the 
 Rhine, and could protect all Gaul from the outrages of Ario- 
 vistus. 
 
 CHAP. XXXII. When this speech had been delivered by 
 Divitiacus, all who were present began with loud lamentation 
 to entreat assistance of Caesar. Caesar noticed that the Sequ,ni 
 were the only people of all who did none of those things which 
 the others did, but, with their heads bowed down, gazed on 
 the earth in sadness. Wondering what was the reason of this 
 conduct, he inquired of themselves. No reply did the Se- 
 quani make, but silently continued in the same sadness. When 
 lie had repeatedly inquired of them and could not elicit any 
 answer at all, the same Divitiacus the ^Eduan answered, that 
 "the lot of the Sequani was more wretched and grievous 
 than that of the rest, on this account, because they alone 
 durst not even in secret complain or supplicate aid ; and shud- 
 dered at the cruelty of Ariovistus [even when] absent, just 
 as if he were present ; for, to the rest, despite of every thing, 1 
 there was an opportunity of flight given ; but all tortures 
 must be endured by the Sequani, who had admitted Ario- 
 vistus within their territories, and whose towns were all in his 
 power." 
 
 CHAP. XXXIII. Caesar, on being informed of these things, 
 cheered the minds of the Gauls with his words, and promised 
 that this affair should be an object of his concern, [saying] 
 that he had great hopes that Ariovistus, induced both by his 
 kindness and his power, would put an end to his oppression. 
 After delivering this speech, he dismissed the assembly ; and, 
 besides those statements, many circumstances induced him to 
 think that this affair ought to be considerea and taken up by 
 him ; especially as he saw that the JSudi, styled [as they had 
 
 1 This elliptical use of tamen, (1) "nevertheless," (2) "yet at leaet," (3) 
 "but after aU," may be compared with that of the Greek 6/
 
 CHAP, xxxin. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 25 
 
 been] repeatedly by the senate "brethren" and "kinsmen," 
 were held in the thraldom and dominion of the Germans, 
 and understood that their hostages were with Ariovistus 
 and the Sequani, which in so mighty an empire [as that] 
 of the Roman people he considered very disgraceful to him- 
 self and the republic. That, moreover, the Germans should 
 by degrees become accustomed to cross the Rhine, and 
 that a great body of them should come into Gaul, he saw 
 ("would be] dangerous to the Roman people, and judged, 
 that wild and savage men would not be likely to restrain 
 themselves, after they had possessed themselves of all Gaul, 
 from going forth into the province and thence marching 
 into Italy (as the Cimbri and Teutones 1 had done before 
 
 1 The Cimbri, says Niebuhr, were not real Gauls but Cymri (Celts in fact) 
 of the same stock to which belong the Welsh Basbretons early Cumbri- 
 ans, and inhabitants of the western coast of England. [The Picts of Scot- 
 land and the Belgae were Cymri.] They extended eastward as far as the 
 river Dnieper, where they were called Galatians. And he is equally suro 
 that the Teutones or (Teutoni) were Germans. It is thought that Jutland 
 and the regions whence came the Anglo-Saxons were the original seats 
 of these Cimbri, who were driven from them by the progress of the Sarma- 
 tians, and migrated southward. They appeared B. c. 115 in Noricum, 
 and thence descended into Illyricum, where, near Noreia (in the modern 
 Carinthia), they defeated the consul Cn. Papririus Carbo, B. c. 113, who 
 had been sent with a large army to protect the Carnians. They, however, 
 now moved westward into Helvetia, and on their desolating course seem 
 to have been joined by the Teutoni, Ambrones, Tigurini, to the number of 
 about 300,000 fighting men, besides avast multitude of women and chil- 
 dren. "With this nomad horde they spread over South GauL South-west 
 Gaul (i. e. Languedoc and Provence, Dauphine and Savoy, the country of 
 the Allobroges) was now a Roman province, "provincianostra," and the 
 consul, M. Junius Silanus, was sent to protect it. He was defeated in 109 
 B. c. by the Cimbri. We have seen in previous chapters [ 7 and 1 2] of 
 these Commentaries, that in 107 B. c. the Tigurini defeated the consul L. 
 Cassius Longinus, whose army was nearly cut to pieces, and himself slain, 
 near the Lake of Geneva. In 105 B. c. M. Aurelius Scaurus, then consular 
 legate in Gaul, was taken prisoner by the Cimbri, and put to death on the 
 spot by Bororix (one of their leaders), for having warned them not to 
 cross the Alps. In the same year, B. c. 105, on Oct. 6th, the Roman forces 
 under the proconsul, Q. Servihus Caepio, and the consul, Cn. Manlius 
 Maximus, sustained a dreadful defeat, owing to the discord of the two 
 generals ; of the two consular armies, consisting of 80,000 soldiers, only 
 ten men survived. After this, the Cimbri turned to Spain, which for two 
 or three years they ravaged as ruthlessly as they had ravaged GauL They 
 then, long-expected, moved into Italy, and mingled again with the 
 Teutones. The invaders advanced in two columns. The Cimbri entered 
 
 2
 
 26 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 them), particularly as the Rhone [was the sole barrier that] 
 separated the Sequani from our province. Against which 
 events he thought he ought to provide as speedily as possible. 
 Moreover, Ariovistus, for his part, had assumed to himself 
 such pride and arrogance, that he was felt to be quite insuffer- 
 able. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIV. He therefore determined to send embas- 
 sadors to Ariovistus to demand of him to name some inter- 
 mediate spot for a conference between the two, [saying] that 
 he wished to treat him on state-business and matters of 
 the highest importance to both of them. To this embassy 
 Ariovistus replied, that if he himself had had need of any 
 thing from Caesar, he would have gone to him ; L and that if 
 Caesar wanted any thing from him" he ought to come to him. 
 
 Italy on the north-east, crossing the passes of the Tyrolese Alps near Tri- 
 dentum (Trent), to the Plain of the Po ; while the Teutoni [and Ambrones] 
 penetrated into Italy by Nice, round the coast of the Sinus Ligusticus (or 
 Gulf of Genoa). The famous C. Marius, in his fourth consulate, B. c. 102, 
 opposed the Teutones, and, by means of an ambush of 3000 men under 
 Claudius Marcellus in the barbarians' rear, vanquished and annihilated 
 their immense army with terrible slaughter in a battle, fought on the 
 banks of the Rhone near Aquae Sextise (Aix in Provence). Manus's col- 
 league, Q. Lutatius Catulus, who with (the afterward celebrated) Sulla 
 for his lieutenant, had gone against the Cimbn and had taken up a strong 
 position near the sources of the Athesis (Adige), was much less successful, 
 for he was dislodged by a sudden onset of the Cimbri forced to retreat 
 fall back behind the Po and leave the whole of Transpadane Gaul (the 
 rich plain of Lombardy) to the mercy of the enemy. This was in the. 
 spring of 101 B. c. Catulus this year was pro-consul; and Marius, now 
 consul for the fifth time, started from Rome (where he had declined a 
 triumph for his victory while the Cimbri were yet in Italy), to join his 
 late colleague. Their united forces, amounting to 50,000 men, came up 
 with the Cimbri near Yercella3 ( VerceUi westward of Milan), and in the 
 Raudii Campi (on July 30th), completely routed and destroyed the bar- 
 barian host, as Marius had the Teutones. The brunt of this fearful con- 
 flict, and therefore the honor of the decisive victory which crowned it, 
 belonged to Catulus, who with 20,000 men had occupied the center; 
 Marius with the remainder, being posted on the wings, had (on account 
 of a prodigious blinding dust which arose) quite missed the enemy, yet 
 at Rome the whole merit was given to him. [Juvenal Sat, viii. 253.] 
 The Tigurini, who had been stationed at the passes of the Tyrol, fled and 
 dispersed, when they heard of the overthrow and destruction of their 
 allies the Teutonea and Cimbri. 
 
 1 " Sese ad eum veniurum fuisse ;" on this see "Wood's translation of 
 Madvig's Lat. Gramm. 409 (the 06*. particularly), p. 357. 
 
 2 "Si quid ille" (Caesar) "se" (Ariovistum) "velit," where se is the
 
 CHAP. xxrv. CJESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 27 
 
 That, besides, neither dare he go without an army into those 
 parts of Gaul which Caesar had possession of, nor could he, 
 without great expense and trouble, draw his army together to 
 one place ; that to him, moreover, it appeared strange, what 
 business either Caesar or the Roman people at all had in his 
 own Gaul, which he had conquered in war. 1 
 
 CHAP. XXXV. When these answers were reported to 
 Caesar, he sends embassadors to him a second time with 
 this message. "Since, after having been treated with so 
 much kindness by himself and the Roman people (as he had 
 in his consulship [B. c. 57] been styled ' king and friend' by 
 the senate), he makes 2 this recompense to [Caesar] himself 
 and the Roman people, [viz.] that when invited to a confe- 
 rence he demurs, and does not think that it concerns him to 
 advise and inform himself about an object of mutual interest, 
 these are the things which he requires of him; first, that 
 he do not 3 any more bring over any body of men across the 
 Rhine into Gaul ; in the next place, that he restore the hos- 
 tages, which he has from the ^Edui, and grant the Sequani 
 permission 3 to restore to them with his consent those hostages 
 which they have, and that he neither provoke the JEdui by 
 outrage nor make war upon them or their allies ; if he would 
 accordingly do this,"* [Caesar says] that " he himself and the 
 Roman people will entertain a perpetual feeling of favor 
 and friendship toward him ; but that if he [Caesar] does not 
 obtain [his desires] that he (forasmuch as in the consulship of 
 Marcus Messala and Marcus Piso [B. c. 61] the senate had 
 decreed that, whoever should have the administration of the 
 province of Gaul should, as far as he could do so consistently 
 with the interests of the republic, protect the ^Edui and the 
 
 accusative case; for "velle aliquem aliquid" is "to want something of 
 (or with) somebody." 
 
 1 Lit. "What (sort) of business there was either to Caesar, or to the 
 Roman people at all, (i. e. what sort of business they had^ in his" (Ario- 
 vistus's) "own Gaul," etc. 
 
 2 The imperfects subj. of the Latin oratio oNiqua, are here translated 
 by present tenses in English, this seeming better suited to our idiom. The 
 imperfect is used in Latin, because the principal tense, legates mittit, as 
 an historic present, is equivalent to a past tense, which would require the 
 subj. imperf. , 
 
 3 Lit. " grant permission that they should be allowed to restore." 
 
 * Lit. "if he should have done that so," t. e. "if he should have act- 
 ed so in that case."
 
 28 CLESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 other friends of the Roman people), will not overlook the 
 wrongs of the ^Edui." 
 
 CHAP. XXXVI. To this Ariovistus replied, that " the right 
 of war was, that they who had conquered should govern those 
 whom they had conquered, in what manner they pleased ; that in 
 that way the Roman people were wont to govern the nations 
 which they had conquered, not according to the dictation of any 
 other, but according to their own discretion. If he for his part 
 did not dictate to the Roman people as to the manner in which 
 they were to exercise their right, he ought not to be obstructed 
 by the Roman people in his right ; that the -^EJui, inasmuch 
 as they had tried the fortune of war and had engaged in 
 arms and been conquered, had become tributaries to him ; 
 that Caesar was doing a great injustice, in that by his arrival 
 he was making his revenues less valuable to him ; that he 
 should not restore their hostages to the ./Edui, but should 
 not make war wrongfully either upon them or their allies, if 
 they abided by that which had been agreed on, and paid 
 their tribute annually : if they did not continue to do that, 
 the Roman people's name of 'brothers' would avail them 
 naught. 1 As to Caesar's threatening him, that he would 
 not overlook the wrongs of the ^Edui, pie said] that no one 
 had ever entered into a contest with him [Ariovistus] without 
 utter ruin to himself. That Caesar might enter the fists when 
 he chose ; he would feel what the invincible Germans, well- 
 trained [as they were] beyond all others to arms, who for four- 
 teen years 2 had not been beneath a roof, could achieve by their 
 valor." 
 
 CHAP. XXXVII. At the same time that this message 
 was delivered to Caesar, embassaclors came from the ^Edui 
 and the Treviri ; from the ^Edui to complain that the 
 Harudes, who had lately been brought over into Gaul, were 
 ravaging their territories ; that they had not been able to pur- 
 chase peace from Ariovistus, even by giving hostages : and from 
 the Treviri, [to state] that a hundred cantons of the Suevi 
 
 1 Lit. " if they should not have done that, the Roman people's titlo 
 of " brothers" would be far from being of any avail to them. " Longe 
 procul multum abesse," often means "to be utterly impotent, or disin- 
 clined, to be of no service." 
 
 2 Inter annos XIV. means this: intra annos XIV. would bo "within 
 [in less than] fourteen years."
 
 CHAP. XJDCIX. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 29 
 
 had encamped on the banks of the Rhine, and were attempting 
 to cross it ; that the brothers, Nasuas and Cimberius, headed 
 them. Being greatly alarmed at these things, Caesar thought 
 that he ought to use all dispatch, lest, if this new band 
 of Suevi should unite with the old troops of Ariovistus, he 
 [Ariovistus] might be less easily withstood. Having there- 
 fore, as quickly as he could, provided a supply of corn, he 
 hastened to Ariovistus by forced marches. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVm. When he had proceeded three days' 
 journey, word was brought to him that Ariovistus was hasten- 
 ing with all his forces to seize on Vesontio, 1 which is the 
 largest town of the Sequani, and had advanced three days' 
 journey from its territories. Caesar thought that he ought 
 to take the greatest precautions lest this should happen, for 
 there was in that town a most ample supply of every thing 
 which was serviceable for war; and so fortified was it by 
 the nature of the ground, as to afford a great facility for pro- 
 tracting the war, inasmuch as the river Doubs almost sur- 
 rounds the whole town, as though it were traced round it with 
 a pair of compasses. A mountain of great height shuts in 
 the remaining space, which is not more than 600 feet,* where 
 the river leaves a gap, in such a manner that the roots of that 
 mountain extend to the river's bank on either side. A wall 
 thrown around it makes a citadel of this [mountain], and 
 connects it with the town. Hither Caesar hastens by forced 
 marches by night and day, and, after having seized the town, 
 stations a garrison there. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIX. While he is tarrying a few days at Ve- 
 sontio, on account of corn and provisions ; from the inquiries 
 of our men and the reports of the Gauls and traders (who 
 asserted that the Germans were men of huge stature, of 
 incredible valor and practice in arms that oftentimes they, 
 on encountering them, could not bear even their countenance, 
 and the fierceness of their eyes) so great a panic on a sudden 
 seized the whole army, as to discompose the minds and spirits 
 of all in no slight degree. This first arose from the tribunes 
 
 1 Modern Besanfon. 
 
 2 Caesar seems to have-meant here not the common foot, but the gradus 
 or pea sestertius (= 2i feet), as the base of the mountain actually mea- 
 sures 1500 feet.
 
 30 OESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 of the soldiers, the prefects and the rest, who, having followed 
 Caesar from the city [Rome] from motives of friendship, had 
 no great experience in military affairs. And alleging, some 
 of them one reason, some another, which they said made it 
 necessary for them to depart, they requested that by his 
 consent they might be allowed to withdraw ; some, influenced 
 by shame, stayed behind in order that they might avoid 
 the suspicion of cowardice. These could neither compose 
 their countenance, 1 nor even sometimes check their tears : 
 but hidden in their tents, either bewailed their fate, or de- 
 plored with their comrades the general dangor. Wills were 
 sealed universally throughout the whole camp. By the ex- 
 pressions and cowardice of these men, even those who pos- 
 sessed great experience in the camp, both soldiers -and centu- 
 rions, and those [the decurions] who were in command of the 
 cavalry, were gradually disconcerted. Such of them as wished 
 to be considered less alarmed, said that they did not dread 
 the enemy, but feared the narrowness of the roads and the 
 vastness of the forests which lay between them and Ariovistus, 
 or else that the supplies could not be brought up readily 
 enough. Some even declared to Ca?sar, that when he gave 
 orders for the camp to be moved and the troops to advance, 2 the 
 soldiers would not be obedient to the command, nor advance 3 
 in consequence of their fear. 
 
 CHAP. XL. When Caesar observed these things, having 
 called a council, and summoned to it the centurions of all 
 the companies, he severely reprimanded them, " particularly, 
 for supposing that it belonged to them to inquire or conjecture, 
 either in what direction they were marching, or with what 
 object. That Ariovistus, during his [Caesar's] consulship, had 
 most anxiously sought after the friendship of the Roman 
 people ; why should any one judge that he would so rashly 
 depart from his duty ? He for his part was persuaded, that, 
 when his demands were known and the fairness of the terms 
 considered, he would reject neither his nor the Roman people's 
 favor. But even if, driven on by rage and madness, he should 
 
 1 "With Caesar's " vultum fingere" conf. -x/.aoa/Lievof TTJ fyei, Thuc, vL 
 58, &Dem. 1122 12, 20. 
 
 2 i. e. that his men should decamp from that place and march forward. 
 
 3 Lit. "would not bear the standards."
 
 CHAP. XL. CJESAR'S -COMMEliTTARIES. 31 
 
 make war upon them, what after all were they afraid of? or 
 Avhy should they despair either of their own valor or of his 
 zeal ? Of that enemy a trial had been made within our fathers' 
 recollection, when, on the defeat of the Cimbri and Teutones 
 by Caius Marius, the army was regarded as having deserved 
 no less praise than their commander himself. It had been 
 made lately, too, in Italy, during the rebellion of the slaves, 
 whom, however, the experience and training which they had 
 received from us, assisted in some respect From which a 
 judgment might be formed of the advantages which reso- 
 lution carries with it inasmuch as those whom for some 
 time they had groundlessly dreaded when unarmed, they had 
 afterward vanquished, when well armed and flushed with suc- 
 cess. In short, that these were the same men whom the Hel- 
 vetii, in frequent encounters, not only in their own territories, 
 but also in theirs [the German], have generally vanquished, 
 and yet can not have been a match for our army. If the 
 unsuccessful battle and flight of the Gauls disquieted any, 
 these, if they made inquiries, might discover that, when the 
 Gauls had been tired out by the long duration of the war, 
 Ariovistus, after he had many months kept himself in his camp 
 and in the marshes, and had given no opportunity for an 
 engagement, fell suddenly upon them, by this time despairing 
 of a battle and scattered in all directions, and was victorious 
 more through stratagem and cunning than valor. (But though 
 there had been room for such stratagem against savage and 
 unskilled men, not even [Ariovistus] himself expected that 
 thereby our armies could be entrapped. That those who ascribed 
 their fear to a pretense about* the [deficiency of] supplies and 
 the narrowness of the roads, acted presumptuously, as they 
 seemed either to distrust their general's discharge of his duty, 
 or to dictate to him. That these things were his concern ; 
 that the Sequani, the Leuci, and the Lingones were to furnish 
 the corn ; and that it was already ripe in the fields ; that 
 as to the road they would soon be able to judge for them-, 
 selves. As to its being reported that the soldiers would 
 not be obedient to command, or advance, he was not at 
 all disturbed at that; for he knew, that in the case of all 
 those whose army had not been obedient to command, either 
 upon some mismanagement of an affair, fortune had deserted
 
 82 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 them, or, that upon some crime being discovered, covetousness 
 had been clearly proved [against them]. His integrity had 
 been seen throughout his whole life, his good fortune in the 
 war with the Helvetii. That he would therefore instantly 
 Bet about what he had intended to put off till a more distant 
 day, and would break up his camp the next night, in the fourth 
 watch, that he might ascertain, as soon as possible, whether 
 a sense of honor and duty, or whether fear had more in- 
 fluence with them. But that, if no one else should follow, 
 yet he would go with only the tenth legion, of which he had 
 no misgivings, and it should be his praetorian cohort." This 
 legion Caesar had both greatly favored, and in it, on account 
 of its valor, placed the greatest confidence. 
 
 CHAP. XLL Upon the delivery of this speech, the minds 
 of all were changed in a surprising manner, and the highest 
 ardor and eagerness for prosecuting the war were engen- 
 dered ; and the tenth legion was the first to return thanks to 
 him, through their military tribunes, for his having expressed 
 this most favorable opinion of them; and assured him that 
 they were quite ready to prosecute the war. Then, the other 
 legions endeavored, through th.fcir military tribunes and the 
 centurions of the principal companies, to excuse themselves 
 to Cajsar, [saying] that they had never either doubted or 
 feared, or supposed that the determination of the conduct of 
 the war was theirs and not their general's. Having accepted 
 their excuse, and having had the road carefully reconnoitered by 
 Divitiacus, because in him of all others he had the greatest faith, 
 [he found] that by a circuitous route of more than fifty miles 1 
 he might lead his army through open parts ; he then set out 
 in the fourth watch, as he had said [he would]. On the 
 seventh day, as he did not discontinue his march, he was 
 informed by scouts that the forces of Ariovistus were only four 
 and twenty miles distant from ours. 1 
 
 CHAP. XLII. Upon being apprized of Caesar's arrival, 
 Ariovistus sends embassadors to him, [saying] that what he had 
 before requested as to a conference, might now, as far as his 
 permission went, take place, since he [Cresar] had approached 
 nearer, and he considered that he might now do it without 
 
 1 See the note on p. 3.
 
 CHAP. XLin. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIEa 33 
 
 danger. Caesar did not reject the. proposal and began to 
 think that he was now returning to a rational state of mind, 
 as he spontaneously proffered that which he had previously 
 refused to him when requesting it ; and was in great hopes 
 that, in consideration of his own and the Roman people's 
 great favors toward him, the issue would be that he would 
 desist from his obstinacy upon his demands being made known. 
 The fifth day after that was appointed as the day of con- 
 ference. Meanwhile, as ambassadors were being often sent 
 to and fro between them, Ariovistus demanded that Caesar 
 should not bring any foot-soldier with him to the conference, 
 [saying] that " he was afraid of being ensnared by him through 
 treachery; that both should come accompanied by cavalry; 
 that he would not come on any other condition." Caesar, as 
 he neither wished that the conference should, by an excuse 
 thrown in the way, be set aside, nor durst trust his life to 
 the cavalry of the Gauls, decided that it would be most ex- 
 pedient to take away from the Gallic cavalry all their horses, 
 and thereon to mount the 1 legionary soldiers of the tenth 
 legion, in which he placed the greatest confidence, in order 
 that he might have a body-guard as trustworthy as possible, 
 should there be any need for action. And when this was done, 
 one of the soldiers of the tenth legion said, not without a touch 
 of humor, " that Caesar did more for them than he had prom- 
 ised ; he had promised to have the tenth legion in place of 
 his praetorian cohort ; but he now converted them into 
 horse." 
 
 CHAP. XLIII. There was a large plain, and in it a mound 
 of earth of considerable size. This spot was at nearly an equal 
 distance from both camps. Thither, as had been appointed, 
 they came for the conference. Caesar stationed the legion, 
 which he had brought [with him] on horseback, 200 paces from 
 this mound. The cavalry of Ariovistus also took their stand 
 at an equal distance. Ariovistus then demanded that they 
 should confer on horseback, and that, besides themselves, they 
 should bring with them ten men each to the conference. 
 When they were come to the place, Caesar, in the opening of 
 his speech, detailed his own and the senate's favors toward 
 him [Ariovistus], in that he had been styled king, in that [he 
 
 1 The regular troops of the legion are here called " legionary soldiers," 
 to distinguish them from the Velites, or light-armed infantry. 
 
 2*
 
 34 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 had been styled] friend, by the senate in that very consider- 
 able presents had been sent him ; which circumstance he in- 
 formed him had both fallen to the lot of few, and had usually 
 been bestowed in consideration of important personal services; 
 that he, although he had neither an introduction, nor a just 
 ground for the request, had obtained these honors through 
 the kindness and munificence of himself [Caesar] and the 
 senate. He informed him too, how old and how just were the 
 grounds of connection that existed between themselves [the 
 Romans] and the JEdui, what decrees of the senate had been 
 passed in their favor, and how frequent and how honorable ; 
 how from time immemorial the ^Edui had held the supremacy 
 of the whole of Gaul ; even [said Caesar] before they had 
 sought our friendship ; that it was the custom of the Roman 
 people to desire not only that its allies and friends should 
 lose none of their property, but be advanced in influence, dig- 
 nity, and honor : who then could endure that what they had 
 brought with them to the friendship of the Roman people, 
 should be torn from them?" He then made the same 
 demands which he had commissioned the embassadors to 
 make, that [Ariovistus] should not make war either upon the 
 -^Edui or their allies, that he should restore the hostages ; that, 
 if he could not send back to their country any part of the 
 Germans, he should at all events suffer none of them any 
 more to cross the Rhine. 
 
 CHAP. XLIV. Ariovistus briefly replied to the demands 
 of Caesar ; but expatiated largely on his own virtues, " that 
 he had crossed the Rhine not of his own accord, but on being 
 invited and sent for by the Gauls ; that he had not left home 
 and kindred without great expectations and great rewards ; 
 that he had settlements in Gaul, granted by the Gauls 
 themselves ; that the hostages had been given by their own 
 good-will ; that he took by right of war the tribute which 
 conquerors are accustomed to impose on the conquered ; that 
 he had not made war upon the Gauls, but the Gauls upon 
 him ; that all the states of Gaul came to attack him, and 
 had encamped against him ; that all their forces had been 
 routed aud beaten by him in a single battle ; that if they 
 chose to make a second trial, he was ready to encounter 
 them again ; but if they chose to enjoy peace, it was unfair 
 to refuse the tribute, which of their own free-will they had
 
 CHAP. XLV. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 35 
 
 paid up to that time. That the friendship of the Roman 
 people ought to prove to him an ornament and a safeguard, 
 not a detriment ; and that he sought it with that expectation. 
 But if through the Roman people the tribute was to be dis- 
 continued, and those who surrendered to be seduced from 
 him, he would renounce the friendship of the Roman people 
 no less heartily than he had sought it. As to his leading 
 over a host of Germans into Gaul, that he was doing this 
 with a view of securing himself, not of assaulting Gaul : that 
 there was evidence of this, in that he did not come without 
 being invited, and in that he did not make war, but merely 
 warded it off. That he had come into Gaul before the Roman 
 people. That never before this time did a Roman army go beyond 
 the frontiers of the province of Gaul. What [said he] does [Cae- 
 sar] desire ? why come into his [Ariovistus] domains ? that 
 this was his province of Gaul, just as that is ours. As it ought 
 not to be pardoned in him, if he were to make an attack upon 
 our territories; so, likewise, that we were unjust, to obstruct 
 him in his prerogative. As for Caesar's saying that the ^Edui 
 had been styled ' brethren' by the senate, he was not so unciv- 
 ilized nor so ignorant of affairs, as not to know that the 
 ^Edui iu the very last war with the Allobroges had neither 
 rendered assistance to the Romans, nor received any from the 
 Roman people in the struggles which the jEdui had been 
 maintaining with him and with the Sequani. He must feel 
 suspicious, that Caesar, though feigning friendship as the reason 
 for his keeping an army in Gaul, was keeping it with the view 
 of crushing him. And that unless he depart and withdraw 
 his army from these parts, he shall regard him not as a 
 friend, but as a foe ; and that, even if he should put him to 
 death, he should do what would please many of the nobles and 
 leading men of the Roman people ; he had assurance of that 
 from themselves through their messengers, and could pur- 
 chase the favor and the friendship of them all by his [Caesar's] 
 death. But if he would depart and resign to him the free 
 possession of Gaul, he would recompense him with a great 
 reward, and would bring to a close whatever wars he wished 
 to be carried on, without any trouble or risk to him." 
 
 CHAP. XLV. Many things were stated by Caesar to the 
 effect [to show] ; '" why he could not waive the business, 
 and that neither his nor the Roman people's practice would
 
 36 CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK L 
 
 suffer him to abandon most meritorious allies, nor did ho 
 deem that Gaul belonged to Ariovistus rather than to the 
 Roman people; that the Arverni 1 and the Rutem" had been 
 subdued in war by Quintus Fabius Maximus, 3 and that the 
 Roman people had pardoned them and had not reduced them 
 into a province or imposed a tribute upon them. And if 
 the most ancient period was to be regarded then was the 
 sovereignty of the Roman people in Gaul most just : if the 
 decree of the Senate was" to be observed, then ought Gaul to be 
 free, which they [the Romans] had conquered in war, and had 
 permitted to enjoy its own laws." 
 
 CHAP. XL VI. While these things are being transacted in 
 the conference it was announced to Caesar that the cavalry of 
 Ariovistus were approaching nearer the mound, and were riding 
 up to our men, and casting stones and weapons at them. 
 Caesar made an end of his speech and betook himself to his 
 men ; and commanded them that they should by no means 
 return a weapon upon the enemy. For though he saw that 
 an engagement with the cavalry would be without any danger 
 to his chosen legion, yet he did not think proper to engage, 
 lest, after the enemy were routed, it might be said that they 
 had been insnared by him under the sanction of a* conference. 
 When it was spread abroad among the common soldiery with 
 what haughtiness Ariovistus had behaved at the conference, 
 and how he had ordered the Romans to quit Gaul, and how 
 his cavalry had made an attack upon our men, and how this 
 had broken off the conference, a much greater alacrity and 
 eagerness for battle was infused into our army. 
 
 CHAP. XLVII. Two days after, Ariovistus sends embas- 
 sadors to Caesar, to state " that he wished to treat with him 
 about those things which had been begun to be treated of 
 between them, but had not been concluded ;" [and to beg] 
 that "he would either again appoint a day for a conference; 
 or, if he were not willing to do that, that he would send one 
 of his [officers] as an embassador to him." There did not 
 appear to Caesar any good reason for holding a conference ; and 
 the more so as the day before the Germans could not be 
 
 1 Modern Auvergne. 
 8 Modern Le Eoliergue. 
 
 3 "We find mention made of this victory in the Epitomes of Livy t lib. 
 Ixi., and in Strabo, lib. iv.
 
 CHAP. XLvni. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 3Y 
 
 restrained from casting weapons at our men. He thought he 
 should not without great danger send to him as embassador 
 one of his [Roman] officers, and should expose him to savage 
 men. It seemed [therefore] most proper to send to him C. 
 Valerius Procillus, the son of C. Valerius Caburus, a young 
 man of the highest courage and accomplishments (whose father 
 had been presented with the freedom of the city by C. Valerius 
 Flaccus), both on account of his fidelity and on account of his 
 knowledge of the Gallic language, which Ariovistus, by long 
 practice, now spoke fluently ; and because in his case the Ger- 
 mans would have no motive for committing violence ;* and [as 
 his colleague] M. Mettius, who had shared the hospitality of 
 Ariovistus.* He commissioned them to learn what Ariovistus 
 had to say, and to report to him. But when Ariovistus saw 
 them before him in his camp, he cried out in the presence of 
 his army, " Why were they come to him ? was it for the pur- 
 pose of acting as spies ?" He stopped them when attempting 
 to speak, and cast them into chains. 
 
 CHAP. XL VIII. The same day he moved his camp forward 
 and pitched under a hill six miles from Caesar's camp. The 
 day following he led his forces past Caesar's camp, and encamp- 
 ed two miles beyond him ; with this design that he might 
 cut off Caesar from the corn and provisions, which might be 
 conveyed to him from the Sequani and the ^Edui. For five 
 successive days from that day, Caesar drew out his forces before 
 the camp, and put them in battle order, that, if Ariovistus 
 should be willing to engage in battle, an opportunity might not 
 be wanting to him. Ariovistus all this time kept his army in 
 camp : but engaged daily in cavalry skirmishes. The method 
 of battle in which the Germans had practiced themselves was 
 this. There were 6,000 horse, and as many very active and 
 courageous foot, one of whom each of the horse selected out of 
 the whole army for his own protection. By these [foot] they 
 
 1 Inasmuch as he was not a Roman, but a GauL 
 
 2 Classical writers bear continual testimony to the sanctity of this re- 
 lation. It appears from Aul. Gellius (1-13) to have ranked next to that 
 of parents and clients. A league of the same nature, and bearing the 
 same name, was sometimes entered into by persons at a distance from 
 each other. The Roman people, at large, formed such a league with 
 foreign States. The 31st section of the present book of Cesar's Commen- 
 taries furnishes an allusion to this.
 
 38 CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 were constantly accompanied in their engagements ; to these 
 the horse retired ; these on any emergency rushed forward ; if 
 any one, upon receiving a very severe wound, had fallen from 
 his horse, they stood around him : if it was necessary to ad- 
 vance further than usual, or to retreat more rapidly, so great, 
 from practice, was their swiftness, that, supported by the manes 
 of the horses, they could keep pace with their speed. 1 
 
 CHAP. XLIX. Perceiving that Ariovistus kept himself in 
 camp, Caesar, that he might not any longer be cut off from 
 provisions, chose a convenient position for a camp beyond that 
 place in which the Germans had encamped, at-about 600 paces 
 from them, and having drawn up his army in three lines, 
 marched to that place. He ordered the first and second lines 
 to be under arms ; the third to fortify the camp. 3 This place 
 was distant from the enemy about 600 paces, as has been 
 stated. Thither Ariovistus sent light troops, about 16,000 
 men in number, with all his cavalry; which forces were to 
 intimidate our men, and hinder them in their fortification. 
 Caesar nevertheless, as he had before arranged, ordered two 
 lines to drive off the enemy : the third to execute the work. 
 The camp being fortified, he left there two legions and a por- 
 
 1 Strange as this account may appear to us modems, into whoso 
 military tactics nothing similar enters, it does not need the explanation 
 which some have given of it that the foot-soldiers here spoken of threw 
 themselves into a body when an engagement began, and supported the 
 cavalry in that form. They were, Caesar expressly says, chosen individ- 
 ually to assist some particular cavalry soldier ; and their duty was rather 
 to perform that "part, as occasion required, than to render any direct serv- 
 ice against the enemy. The Romans had, before this time, practiced in 
 a more scientific form, this piece of warfare. Livy relates, lib. xxvi. 41, 
 that at the siege of Capua, upon the discovery that from all their engage- 
 ments the legions returned victorious, while the cavalry were worsted, 
 they adopted the plan of mounting behind each horse-soldier a man armed 
 with a small shield and seven darts, who, upon a given signal, alighted 
 and charged the enemy. This was attended with great success, and led, 
 says Livy, to the origin of the Velites. Sallust, too, in his Bell. Jugurth., 
 tells us that Marius intermingled the Velites with the cavalry. Caesar 
 appears to have resorted to this plan in the encounter with Pompey at 
 the river Genusus, after his defeat at Dyrrachium. 
 
 2 The care with which the Romans fortified their camp in a remarkable 
 feature in their military discipline. They never encamped even for a 
 single night, without fortifying themselves with a rampart and a ditch. 
 The encampment of a few hours presented the systematic and complete 
 order of a station.
 
 CHAP. LI. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 39 
 
 tion of the auxiliaries ; and led back the other four legions into 
 the larger camp. 
 
 CHAP. L. The next day, according to his custom, Caesar led 
 out his forces from both camps, and having advanced a little 
 from the larger one, drew up his line of battle, and gave the 
 enemy an opportunity of fighting. When he found that they 
 did not even then come out [from their intrenchments,] he led 
 back his army into camp about noon. Then at last Ariovistus 
 sent part of his forces to attack the lesser camp. The battle 
 was vigorously maintained on both sides till the evening. At 
 sunset, after many wounds had been inflicted and received, 
 Ariovistus led back his forces into camp. When Caesar in- 
 quired of his prisoners, wherefore Ariovistus did not come to 
 an engagement, he discovered this to be the reason that 
 among the Germans it was the custom for their matrons to pro- 
 nounce from lots and divination, whether it were expedient that 
 the battle should be engaged in or not ; that they had said, 
 " that it was not the will of heaven that the Germans should 
 conquer, if they engaged in battle before the new moon." 1 
 
 CHAP. LL The day following, Caesar left what seemed suf- 
 ficient as a guard for both camps ; [and then] drew up all the 
 auxiliaries in sight of the enemy, before the lesser camp, be- 
 cause he was not very powerful in the number of legionary 
 soldiers, considering the number of the enemy ; that [thereby] 
 
 1 Some suppose the women here referred to were Druidesses ; but we 
 know that the ancient Germans believed there was something sacred and 
 prophetic (quid sacrum) in the female character. See Tacitus, Germania, 
 cap. viii. Among the Romans, divination by " sortes" was usually per- 
 formed by means of counters (tesserce), mostly made of wood, thrown into 
 an urn (sitetta). To this, among other instances, Plautus alludes in his 
 Casina, act iii. sc. v. The presage was drawn from the order in which 
 the counters were taken out of the urn. There are many interesting 
 records of the use of " sortes" in later times. The "sortes Virgilianae," 
 which are among these, derive their name from the custom of placing 
 verses of the poet Virgil in an urn, or of opening his writings at chance, 
 and discerning the events inquired into by the order in which the verses 
 appeared in the former, or the passage on which the eye first rested in 
 the latter method. To this St. Augustine alludes in the 4th book of his 
 Confessions. The Mohammedans used the Koran, and the Christians the 
 Bible, for the same purpose. The latter was forbidden by some of the 
 early Ecclesiastical Councils. Tacitus says that the Germans were much 
 given to divination (auspicia sortesque, ut qui maxime observant, Ger. 
 10). Plutarch relates that these German fatidicce drew their observa- 
 tions from the motion of the water in rivers.
 
 40 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK L 
 
 he might make use of his auxiliaries for appearance. He him- 
 self, having drawn up his army in three lines, advanced to the 
 camp of the enemy. Then at last of necessity the Germans 
 drew their forces out of camp, and disposed them canton by 
 canton, at equal distances, the Harudes, Marcomanni, Tribocci, 
 Vangiones, Nemetes, Sedusii, Suevi ; nncl surrounded their 
 whole army with their chariots and wagons, that no hope might 
 be left in flight. On these they placed their women, who, with 
 disheveled hair and in tears, entreated the soldiers, as they 
 went forward to battle, not to deliver them into slavery to the 
 Romans. 
 
 CHAP. LII. Caesar appointed over each legion a lieutenant 
 and a questor, that every one might have them as witnesses of 
 his valor. He himself began the battle at the head of the right 
 wing, because he had observed that part of the enemy to be the 
 least strong. Accordingly our men, upon the signal being 
 given, vigorously made an attack upon the enemy, and the 
 enemy so suddenly and rapidly rushed forward, that there was 
 no time for casting the javelins at them. Throwing aside [there- 
 fore] their javelins, they fought with swords hand to hand. But 
 the Germans, according to their custom, rapidly forming a pha- 
 lanx, sustained the attack of our swords. There were found 
 very many of our soldiers who leaped upon the phalanx, and 
 with their hands tore away the shields, and wounded the enemy 
 from above. Although the army of the enemy was routed on 
 the left wing and put to flight, they [still] pressed heavily on 
 our men from the right wing, by the great number of their 
 troops. On observing which, P. Crassus, a young man, who 
 commanded the cavalry as he was more disengaged than those 
 who were employed in the fight sent the third line as a relief 
 to our men who were in distress. 
 
 CHAP. LIII. Thereupon the engagement was renewed, and 
 all the enemy turned their backs, nor did they cease to flee un- 
 til they arrived at the river Rhine, about fifty miles from that 
 place. 1 There some few, either relying on their strength^ en- 
 deavored to swim over, or, finding boats, procured their safety. 
 Among the latter was Ariovistus, who meeting with a small 
 vessel tied to the bank, escaped in it ; our horse pursued and 
 slew all the rest of them. Ariovistus had two wives, one a Sue- 
 
 1 Dion. Cassius, 38-48, narrates this war between Caesar and Ariovistus,
 
 CHAP. LIV. CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 41 
 
 van by nation, whom he brought with him from home ; the 
 other a Norican, the sister of king Vocion, whom he had mar- 
 ried in Gaul, she having been sent [thither for that purpose] by 
 her brother. Both perished in that flight. Of their two daugh- 
 ters, one was slain, the other captured. C. Valerius Procillus, 
 as he was being dragged by his guards in the fight, bound with 
 a triple chain, fell into the hands of Caesar himself, as he was 
 pursuing the enemy with his cavalry. This circumstance in- 
 deed aftbrded Caesar no less pleasure than the victory itself; 
 because he saw a man of the first rank in the province of Gaul, 
 his intimate acquaintance and friend, rescued from the hand of 
 the enemy, and restored to him, and that fortune had not di- 
 minished aught of the joy and exultation [of that day] by his 
 destruction. He [Proeillus] said that, in his own presence, 
 the lots had been thrice consulted 1 respecting him, whether he 
 should immediately be put to death by fire, or be reserved 
 for another time : that by the favor of the lots he was unin- 
 jured. M. Mettius, also, was found and brought back to him 
 [Caesar.] 
 
 CHAP. LIV. This battle having been reported beyond the 
 Rhine, the Suevi, who had come to the banks of that river, 
 began to return home, when the Ubii, a who dwelt nearest to 
 the Rhine, pursuing them, while much alarmed, slew a great 
 number of them. Caesar having concluded two very impor- 
 tant wars in one campaign, conducted his army into winter- 
 quarters 3 among the Sequani, a little earlier than the sea- 
 
 1 Perhaps three was with the Germans, as with some other nations of 
 antiquity, a sacred or mystical number. 
 
 2 The Ubii were situated on the west side of the Rhine. Cologne is 
 supposed to occupy the site of their capital. 
 
 3 The winter-quarters (Jiiberna) of the Romans present one of the most 
 striking characteristics of the warfare of antiquity. They were fortified 
 with astonishing strength, and, besides being constructed with due regard 
 to the relative dignity of the several ranks of the Roman army, were fur- 
 nished, no less than the civilized towns of the period, with every accom- 
 modation. They covered a great space of ground. To Roman encamp- 
 ments many towns owe their origin. In our country (where this portion 
 of military discipline was by no means remissly observed), those places in 
 the names of which cester or Chester appear, bespeak their having existed 
 there. Nor is it on the authority of the name alone (where cester or Chester 
 is certainly from Castra, and not from a Saxon word) that this assertion 
 is made. In those places, particularly, have Roman implements of war 
 and other vestiges of the Roman sojourn in this island been discovered.
 
 42 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 son of the year required. He appointed Labienus over the 
 winter-quarters, and set out in person for Hither Gaul to hold 
 the assizes. 1 
 
 1 The word " conventus" in the original, refers to those courts which 
 the policy of the Romans established in countries which they had con- 
 quered. These may be represented by the expression, provincial assize*. 
 Their business was to administer justice, to hear petitions, prescribe 
 regulations as to taxes and levies, and affix seals to documents which 
 required that process to render them legal. Over these it was the office 
 of the proconsul to preside, assisted, usually, by twenty persons, select- 
 ed, for the most part, from the Romans resident in that particular portion 
 of the province, as his "assessores" or "concilium," or body of advisers. 
 The proceedings of these courts, like all those of the governors of pro- 
 vinces, were conducted in Latin. (Val. Maximus, ii. 2.) Hence the pro- 
 consul was on these occasions attended by an interpreter. To this allu- 
 sion is made, among other places, in Cicero's Third Oration against 
 Verres, sect. 37 
 
 It will prove interesting to compare the Commentaries of Caisar, as 
 regards the Gauls, with the history of their wars with the Romans, given 
 in the second Book of Polybius, and to read the account of their partici- 
 pation in the Punic war, given in his third Book.
 
 CHAP. I. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 43 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 THE ARGUMENT. 
 
 I. The Belgse, from various motives, enter into a confederacy against the 
 Roman people. II. Caesar, having received intelligence or it, proceeds 
 against them. III. IV. The Remi submit to Caesar, and give him in- 
 formation respecting the other Belgae. V. He crosses the river Aisne 
 and encamps beyond it. VI. VII. The attack on Bibrnx by the Belgse, 
 and its relief by the Romans. VI1I.-X. State of affairs between the 
 Romans and the Belgse. XI. The Bellovaci, withdrawing from tho 
 warfare to return home, are pursued by the Romans, and sufler severely. 
 XII. Caesar proceeds against the Suessiones. XIII. Then against the 
 Bellovaci, and receives the surrender of both. XIV. Divitiacus pleads 
 in behalf of the Bellovaci. XV. Caesar's reply ; the character of the 
 Nervii. XVI.-XXIII. Engagements with them ; a peculiarity in their 
 mode of-warfare ;, their extraordinary courage ; they are finally subdued. 
 XXIX. The Aduatuci. XXX. Their ridicule of the Roman engineering. 
 XXXI. Their pretended submission to the Romans. XXXII. Csesara 
 reply to their embassy. XXXIII. Their treachery and overthrow. 
 XXXIV. P. Crassus announces that several nations had submitted to 
 the Roman power. XXXV. Caesar returns to Italy; a solemn thanks- 
 giving is decreed by the senate. 
 
 CHAP. I. While Caesar was in winter quarters in Hither 
 Gaul, as we have shown above, frequent reports were brought 
 to him, and he was also informed by letters from Labienus, that 
 all the Belgae, who we have said are a third part of Gaul, were 
 entering into a confederacy against the Eoman people, and 
 giving hostages to one another ; that Ihe reasons of the con- 
 federacy were these first, because they feared that, after all 
 [Celtic] Gaul was subdued, our army would be led against 
 them ; secondly, because they were instigated by several of the 
 Gauls ; some of whom as [on the one hand] they had been un- 
 willing that the Germans should remain any longer in Gaul, 1 so 
 
 1 The circumstances which led to the Germans going into Gaul, and 
 the result of their introduction, are briefly given, book i. 31.
 
 44 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES, BOOK u. 
 
 [on the other] they were dissatisfied that the army of the Roman 
 people should pass the winter in it, and settle there ; and others 
 of them, from a natural instability and fickleness of disposition, 1 
 were anxious for a revolution ; [the Belgse were instigated] by 
 several, also, because the government in Gaul was generally 
 seized upon by the more powerful persons and by those who 
 had the means of hiring troops, and they could less easily eifect 
 this object under our dominion. 
 
 CHAP. II. Alarmed by these tidings and letters, Caesar 
 levied two new legions in Hither Gaul, and, at the begin- 
 ning of summer, sent Q. Pedius, his lieutenant, to conduct 
 them further into Gaul. He himself, as soon as there 
 began to be plenty of forage, came to the army. He gives a 
 commission to the Senones and the other Gauls who were 
 neighbors of the Belgse, to learn what is going on among 
 them \i. e. the Belgae], and inform him of these matters. These 
 all uniformly reported that troops were being raised, and that 
 an army was being collected in one place. Then, indeed, he 
 thought that he ought not to hesitate about proceeding toward 
 them, and having provided supplies, moves his camp, and in 
 about fifteen days arrives at the territories of the Belgae. 
 
 CHAP. III. As he arrived there unexpectedly and sooner than 
 any one anticipated, the Remi, who are the nearest of the Belgae 
 to [Celtic] Gaul, sent to him Iccius and Antebrogius, [two of] 
 the principal persons of the state, as their embassadors : to tell 
 him that they surrendered themselves and all their posses- 
 sions to the protection and disposal of the Roman people : and 
 that they had neither combined with the rest of the Belgae, nor 
 entered into any confederacy against the Roman people : and 
 were prepared to give hostages, to obey his commands, 
 to receive him into their towns, and to aid him with corn and 
 other things ; that all the rest of the Belgse were in arms ; and 
 that the Germans, who dwell on this side of the Rhine, had join- 
 ed themselves to them ; and that so great was the infatuation 
 of them all, that they could not restrain even the Suessiones, 
 their own brethren and kinsmen, who enjoy the same rights, 
 and the same laws, and who have one government and one 
 magistracy [in common] with themselves, from uniting with 
 them. 
 
 1 Polybius represents the Gauls, in general, as characterized by fickle- 
 ness of mind and impetuosity of action. Hist. lib. ii. 35.
 
 CHAP. iv. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 45 
 
 CHAP. IV. When Caesar inquired of them what states were 
 in arms, how powerful they were, and what they could do in 
 Avar, he received the following information : that the greater 
 part of the Belgae were sprung from the Germans, and that 
 having crossed the Rhine at an early period, they had settled 
 there, on account of the fertility of the country, and had driven 
 out the Gauls who inhabited those regions ; and that they were 
 the only people who, in the memory of our fathers, when all 
 Gaul was overrun, had prevented the Teutones and the Cimbri 
 from entering their territories ; the effect of which was, that, 
 from the recollection of those events, they assumed to them- 
 selves great authority and haughtiness in military matters. 
 The Remi said, that they had known accurately every thing 
 respecting their number, because being united to them by 
 neighborhood and by alliances, they had learned what number 
 each state had in the general council of the Belgae promised 
 for that war. That - the Bellovaci were the most powerful 
 among them in valor, influence, and the number of men ; 
 that these could muster 100,000 armed men, [and had] pro- 
 mised 60,000 picked men out of that number, and de- 
 manded for themselves the command of the whole war. 
 That the Suessiones 1 were their nearest neighbors and pos- 
 sessed a very extensive and fertile country; that among 
 them, even in our own memory, Divitiacus, the most powerful 
 man of all Gaul, had been king ; who had held the govern- 
 ment of a great part of these regions, as well as of Britain ; 
 that their king at present was Galba ; that the direction of 
 the whole war was conferred by the consent of all, upon him, 
 on account of his integrity and prudence; that they had 
 twelve towns ; that they had promised 50,000 armed men ; and 
 that the Nervii, who are reckoned the most warlike among 
 them, and are situated at a very great distance, [had promised] 
 as many; the Atrebates 15,000; the Ambiani," 10,000; 
 the Mormi, 3 25,000 ; the Menapii, 4 9,000 ; the Caleti, 6 
 
 1 A people of Gallia Belgica. Suessiones, their capital, is the modern 
 Soissons. 
 
 2 Ambiani. The territory of these people lay along the British Channel. 
 Atrebates (Arras), their capital, is by the Flemings called Atrecht. 
 
 3 Mormi. Their country lay along the coast opposite Kent.- 
 
 4 Menapii. They lay near the Mosa (the Meuse). 
 
 5 Caloti or Caletes. They lay to the north of the mouth of the Seine.
 
 46 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK n. 
 
 10,000; the Velocasses 1 and the Veromandui 3 as many; 
 the Aduatuci 19,000; that the Condrusi, the Eburones, the 
 Cseraesi, tlie Psemani, who are called by the common name 
 of Germans [had promised], they thought, to the number of 
 40,000. 
 
 CHAP. V. Caesar, having encouraged the Remi, and ad- 
 dressed them courteously, ordered the whole senate to as- 
 semble before him, and the children of their chief men to 
 be brought to him as hostages ; all which commands they 
 punctually performed by the day [appointed]. He, addressing 
 himself to Divitiacus, the ^Ecluan, with great earnestness, 
 points out how much it concernes the republic and their com- 
 mon security, that the forces of the enemy should be divided, 
 so that it might not be necessary to engage with so large a 
 number at one time. [He asserts] that this might be effected 
 if the ^Edui would lead their forces into the territories of the 
 Bellovaci, and begin to lay waste their country. With these 
 instructions he dismissed him from his presence. After he 
 perceived that all the forces of the Belgae, which had been 
 collected in one place, were approaching toward him, and 
 learned from the scouts whom he had sent out, and [also] 
 from the Remi, that they were then not far distant, he 
 hastened to lead his army over the Aisne, which is on the 
 borders of the Remi, and there pitched his camp. This 
 position fortified one side of his camp by the banks of the 
 river, rendered the country which lay in his rear secure from 
 the enemy, and furthermore insured that provisions might 
 without danger be brought to him by the Remi and the rest 
 of the states. Over that river was a bridge : there he places 
 a guard ; and on the other side of the river he leaves Q. Titurius 
 Sabinus, his lieutenant, with six cohorts. He orders him to 
 
 1 Yelocasses, or Bellocassi. Their territories were of considerable 
 extent, and were bounded on the east by the Isere ; on the south, by the 
 Seine ; on the west, by the regions of the Caleti, and on the north by 
 those of the Bellovaci. 
 
 2 Vcromandui, etc. The Veromandui lay between the Nervii and the 
 Suessiones. Their capital, Augusta Veromanduorum, is the modern St. 
 Quentin. The Aduatuci lay on the west bank of the Meuse. The Con- 
 drusi lay on the Meuse ; modern Condrotz derives its name from their 
 territories. Eburones (in some Greek authors, Euburones), the greater 
 part of whose territories lay on the west of the Meuse. The Csersesi and 
 the Psemani also lay on the Meuse.
 
 CHAP.VII. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 47 
 
 fortify a camp with a rampart twelve feet in height, and a trench 
 eighteen feet in breadth. 
 
 CHAP. VI. There was a town of the Remi, by name Bi- 
 brax, 1 eight miles distant from this camp. This the Belgae on 
 their march began to attack with great vigor. [The assault] 
 was with difficulty sustained for that day. The Gauls' mode 
 of besieging is the same as that of the Belgae : when after 
 having drawn a large number of men around the whole of the 
 fortifications, stones have begun to be cast against the wall on 
 all sides, and the wall has been stripped of its defenders, [then], 
 forming a testudo, 2 they advance to the gates and undermine 
 the wall : which was easily effected on this occasion ; for while 
 so large a number were casting stones and darts, no one 3 was 
 able to maintain his position upon the wall. When night had 
 put an end to the assault, Iccius, who was then in command 
 of the town, one of the Remi, a man of the highest rank and in- 
 fluence among his people, and one of those who had come to 
 Caesar as embassador [to sue] for peace, sends messengers to 
 him, [to report] " That, unless assistance were sent to him he 
 could not hold out any longer." 
 
 CHAP. VII. Thither, immediately after midnight, Caesar, 
 using as guides the same persons who had come to him as 
 messengers from Iccius, sends some .Numidian and Cretan 
 archers, and some Balearian slingers 4 as a relief to the 
 
 1 Bibrax Bievre, a town of the Remi, on the Aisne, must not be con- 
 founded with Bibracte, one of the largest and richest towns of the JEdui. 
 
 2 A body of soldiers, in forming a testudo, held their shields firmly to- 
 gether over their heads, and were thus protected from such missiles as 
 might be thrown from above, while those of the outer files held their 
 shields sloping in such a manner as to protect the flanks of the entire 
 body. They thus presented an appearance not unlike the back of a tortoise, 
 "testudo;" from which circumstance the name was derived. By the 
 testudo was also meant a penthouse moving on wheels, under cover of 
 which the besiegers worked the battering-ram. The name in this case was 
 readily suggested by the resemblance which the ram presented to a tor- 
 toise thrusting its head forward from its shell and drawing it back again, 
 
 3 Literally, " No one had the power of standing his ground." 
 
 4 Frequent mention is made by ancient writers of the Numidians and 
 Cretans as archers, and of the Balearians as slingers. These last took 
 their name from three islands in tbe-Mediterraneau ; two of which, from 
 their distinctive titles of Major and Minor, are called Majorca and Minor- 
 ca ; the third Yvica. Pliny ascribes the invention of the sling to these 
 people. Diodorus Siculus tells us that they could break a target or 
 helmet, or, indeed, any piece of armor, with their national weapon. Nor
 
 48 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK u. 
 
 towns-people, by whose arrival both a desire to resist together 
 with the hope of [making good their] defense, was infused 
 into the Remi, and, for the same reason, the hope of gain- 
 ing the town, abandoned the enemy. Therefore, after staying 
 a short time before the town, and laying waste the country 
 of the Remi, when all the villages and buildings which they 
 could approach had been burned, they hastened with all their 
 forces to the camp of Caesar, and encamped within less than 
 two miles [of it] ; and their camp, as was indicated by 
 the smoke and fires, extended more than eight miles in 
 breadth. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. Caesar at first determined to decline a battle, 
 as well on account of the great number of the enemy as their 
 distinguished reputation for valor : daily, however, in cavalry 
 actions, he strove to ascertain by frequent trials, what the 
 enemy could effect by their prowess and what our men would 
 dare. When he perceived that our men were not inferior, as 
 the place before the camp was naturally convenient and suit- 
 nblo for marshaling an army (since the hill where the camp 
 was pitched, rising gradually from the plain, extended forward 
 in breadth as far as the space which the marshaled army 
 could occupy, and had steep declines of its side in either direc- 
 tion, and gently sloping in front gradually sank to the plain) ; 
 on either side of that hill he drew a cross trench of about four 
 hundred paces, and at the extremities of that trench built forts, 
 and placed there his military engines, lest, after he had mar- 
 shaled his army, the enemy, since they were so powerful 
 in point of number, should be able to surround his men 
 in the flank, while fighting. After doing this, and leaving in 
 the camp the two legions which he had last raised, that, if 
 there should be any occasion, they might be brought as a re- 
 serve, he formed the other six legions in order of battle before 
 the camp. The enemy, likewise, had drawn up their forces 
 which they had brought out of the camp. 
 
 CHAP. IX. There was a marsh of no great extent between 
 our army and that of the enemy. The latter were waiting to 
 see if our men would pass this,;, our men, also, were ready in 
 
 will that appear wonderful if we receive the assertion of Suidas, that 
 they would cast a stone of a pound weight. Their usual missiles, how- 
 ever, were small stones and leadeii bullets. The inhabitants of those 
 islands are reported to excel in the use of the sling at the present day.
 
 CHAP. XL CLESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 4& 
 
 amis to attack them -while disordered, if the first attempt to 
 pass should be made by them. In the mean time battle was 
 commenced between the two armies by a cavalry action. When 
 neither army began to pass the marsh, Caesar, upon the 
 skirmishes of the horse [proving] favorable to our men, 
 led back his forces into the camp. The enemy immediately 
 hastened from that place to the river Aisne, which it has been 
 stated Avas behind our camp. Finding a ford there, they 
 endeavored to lead a part of their forces over it; with the 
 design, that, if they could, they might cany by storm the fort 
 which Q. Titunus, Caesar's lieutenant, commanded, and might 
 cut off the bridge ; but, if they could not do that, they should 
 lay waste the lands of the Remi, which were of great use to 
 us in carrying on the war, and might hinder our men from 
 foraging. -" "_- 
 
 CHAP. X. Caesar, being apprized of this by Titurius, leads 
 all his cavalry and light-armed Numidians, slingers and archers, 
 over the bridge, and hastens toward them. There was a severe 
 struggle in that place. Our men, attacking in the river the 
 disordered enemy, slew a great part of them. By the 
 immense number of their missiles they drove back the 
 rest, who, in a most courageous manner were attempting to 
 pass over their bodies, and surrounded with their cavalry, 
 and cut to pieces those who had first crossed the river. 
 The enemy, when they perceived that their hopes had. de- 
 ceived them both with regard to their taking the town by 
 storm and also their passing the river, and did not see our 
 men advance to a more disadvantageous place for the purpose 
 of fighting, and when provisions began to fail them, having 
 called a council, determined that it was best for each to return 
 to his country, and resolved to assemble from all quarters to 
 defend those into whose territories the Romans should first 
 march an army ; that they might contend in their own rather 
 than in a foreign country, and might enjoy the stores of 
 provision which they possessed at home. Together with other 
 causes, this consideration also led them to that resolution, 
 viz. : that they had learned that Divitiacus and the JEdui 
 were approaching the territories of the Bellovaci. And it 
 was impossible to persuade the latter to stay any longer, 
 or to deter them from conveying succor to their own people. 
 
 CHAP. XL That matter being determined on, marching 
 
 3
 
 50 CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK n. 
 
 out of their camp at the second watch, with great noise and 
 confusion, in no fixed order, nor under any command, since 
 each sought for himself the foremost place in the journey, 
 and hastened to reach home, they made their departure 
 appear very like a flight. Caesar, immediately learning this 
 through his scouts, [but] fearing an ambuscade, becausG 
 he had not yet discovered for what reason they were depart- 
 ing, kept his army and cavalry within the camp. At day- 
 break, the intelligence having been confirmed by the scouts, he 
 sent forward his cavalry to harass their rear ; and gave the com- 
 mand of it to two of his lieutenants, Q. Pedius, and L. Aurun- 
 culeius Cotta. He ordered T. Labienus, another of his lieu- 
 tenants, to follow them closely with three legions. These, 
 attacking their rear, and pursuing them for many miles,-slew a 
 great number of them as they were fleeing; while those in 
 the rear with whom they had come up, halted, and bravely 
 sustained the attack of our soldiers ; the van, because they 
 appeared to be removed from danger, and were not restrained 
 hy any necessity or command, as soon as the noise was heard, 
 broke their ranks, and, to a man, rested their safety in flight. 
 Thus without any risk [to themselves] our men killed as great 
 a number of them as the length of the day allowed ; and at 
 sunset desisted from the pursuit, and betook themselves into 
 the camp, as they had been commanded. 
 
 CHAP. XII. On the day following, before the enemy 
 could recover from their terror and flight, Caesar led hisarmy 
 into the territories of the Suessiones, which are next to the 
 Eemi, and having accomplished a long march, hastens to 
 the town named Noviodunum. 1 Having attempted to take it 
 by storm on his march, because he heard that it was destitute 
 of [sufficient] defenders, he was not able to carry it by assault, 
 on account of the breadth of the ditch and the height of the 
 wall, though few were defending it. Therefore, having forti- 
 fied the camp, he began to bring up the vineae, and to provide 
 whatever things were necessary for the storm. In the mean 
 time the whole body of the Suessiones, after their flight, 
 
 1 There were three cities of this name in Gaul: 1. Noviodunum Sues- 
 sinum, called also simply Suessiones and Augusta, the modern Soissons, 
 which is meant here. 2. Noviodunum -<Eduoum or Nevirnum, a city of 
 the ^Edui on the Loire, the modem Nevers. 3. Noviodunum Biturigum, 
 the modern Neuvy or Neufry, about twenty miles west from Nevers.
 
 CHAP. xiv. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 51 
 
 came the next night into the town. The vineae having been 
 quickly brought up against the town, a mound thrown up, 
 and towers built, the Gauls, amazed by the greatness of the 
 works, such as they had neither seen nor heard of before, and 
 struck also by the dispatch of the Romans, send embassadors 
 to Caesar respecting a surrender, and succeed in consequence 
 of the Remi requesting that they [the Suessiones] might be 
 spared. 
 
 CHAP. Xin. Caesar, having received as hostages the first 
 men of the state, and even the two sons of king Galba 
 himself ; and ail the arms in the town having been delivered 
 up, admitted the Suessiones to a surrender, and led his army 
 against the Bellovaci. Who, when they had conveyed them- 
 selves and all their possessions into the town called Bratus- 
 pantium, 1 and Caesar with his army was about five miles distant 
 from that town, all the old men, going out of the town, began 
 to stretch out their hands to Caesar, and to intimate by their 
 voice that they would throw themselves on his protection and 
 power, nor would contend in arms against the Roman people-. 
 In like manner, when he had* come up to the town, and there 
 pitched his camp, the boys arid the women from the wall, with 
 outstretched hands, after their custom, begged peace from the 
 Romans. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. For these Divitiacus pleads (for after the 
 departure of the Belgae, having dismissed the troops of the 
 ,<Edui, he had returned to Caesar). "The Bellovaci had at 
 all times been in the alliance and friendship of the JEduan 
 state ; that they had revolted from the ^Edui and made 
 war upon the Roman people, being urged thereto by their 
 nobles, who said that the -<3dui, reduced to slavery by Caesar, 
 were suffering every indignity and insult. That they who 
 had been the leaders of that plot, because they perceived 
 how great a calamity they had brought upon the state, had 
 fled into Britain. That not only the Bellovaci, but also the 
 ^Edui, entreated him to use his [accustomed] clemency and 
 lenity toward them [the Bellovaci]: which if he did, he 
 would increase the influence of the ^Edui among all the Belgae, 
 by whose succor and resources they had been accustomed to 
 support themselves whenever any wars occurred." a 
 
 1 This town is supposed to have stood between Caesaromagus, after- 
 ward Belvacus, Beauvais, and Samarobriva, Amiens. 
 
 4 For the grammatical construction of the original of this passage (" Qui
 
 52 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 
 
 CHAP. XV. Caesar said that on account of his respect for 
 Divitiacus and the JEduans, he would receive them into his 
 protection, and would spare them ; but, because the state was 
 of great influence among the Belgse, and pre-eminent in the 
 number of its population, he demanded 600 hostages. When 
 these, were delivered, and all the arms in the town collected, 
 he went from that place into the territories of the Ambiani, 
 who, without delay, surrendered themselves and all thftir possess- 
 ions. Upon their territories bordered the Nervii, concerning 
 whose character and customs when Caesar inquired he received 
 the following information: That there was -no access for 
 merchants to them ; that they suffered no wine and other things 
 tending to luxury to be imported ; because they thought that by 
 their use the mind is enervated and the courage impaired : 
 that they were a savage people and of great bravery : that they 
 upbraided and condemned the rest of the Belga? who had sur- 
 rendered themselves to the Roman people and thrown aside 
 their national courage : that they openly declared they would 
 neither send embassadors, nor accept any condition of peace." 
 
 CHAP. XVI. After he had made three days' march through 
 their territories, he discovered from some prisoners, that the 
 river Sambre was not more than ten miles from his camp ; that 
 all the Nervii had stationed themselves on the other side of 
 that river, and together with the Atrebates and the Veromandui, 
 their neighbors, were there awaiting the arrival of the Romans ; 
 for they had persuaded both these nations to try the same 
 fortune of war [as themselves] : that the forces of the Adua-' 
 tuci were also expected by them, and were on their march ; 
 that they had put their women, and those who through age 
 appeared useless for war, in a place to which there was no 
 approach for an army, on account of the marshes. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. Having learned these things, he sends for- 
 ward scouts and centurions to choose a convenient place for 
 the camp. And as a great many of the surrounding Belgse 
 and other Gauls, following Caesar, marched with him ; some of 
 these, as was afterwards learned from the prisoners, having 
 accurately observed, during those days, the army's method 
 of marching, went by night to the Nervii, and informed 
 them that a great number of baggage-trains passed between 
 
 hujus," etc. "fuissent" " intulissent" "consuorint,") see tho notes on 
 the "oratio obliqua" and "oratio recta," book i., pp. 6, 10, 20.
 
 CHAP. xir. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 53 
 
 the several logons, and that there would be no difficulty, 
 when the first logion had come into the camp, and the 
 other legions were at a great distance, to attack that 
 legion while under baggage, which being routed, and the 
 baggage-train seized, it would come to pass that the other 
 legions would not dare to stand their ground. It added 
 weight also to the advice of those who reported that circum- 
 stance, that the Nervii, from early times, because they were 
 weak in cavalry, (for not even at this time do they attend 
 to it, but accomplish by their infantry whatever they can,) 
 in order that they might the more easily obstruct the cavalry 
 of their neighbors if they came upon them for the purpose 
 of plundering, having cut young trees, and bent them, by 
 means of their numerous branches [extending] on to the sides, 
 and the quick-briars and thorns springing up between them, had 
 made these hedges present a fortification like a wall, through 
 which it was not only impossible to enter, but even to pene- 
 trate with the eye. 1 Since [therefore] the march of our army 
 would be obstructed by these things, the Nervii thought that 
 the advice ought not to be neglected by them. 
 
 CHAP XVIII. The nature of the ground which our men 
 had chosen for the camp was this : A hill, declining evenly 
 from the top, extending to the river Sambre, which we have men- 
 tioned above : from this river there arose a [second] hill of like 
 ascent, on the other side and opposite to the former, and 
 open for about 200 paces at the lower part ; but in the upper 
 part, woody, (so much so) that it was not easy to see through it 
 into the interior. Within these woods the enemy kept them- 
 selves in concealment ; a few troops of horse-soldiers appeared 
 on the open ground, along the river. The depth of the river 
 was about three feet. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. Caesar, having sent his cavalry on before, 
 followed close after them with all his forces ; but the plan and 
 order of the march was different from that which the Belgae 
 had reported to the Nervii. For as he was approaching the 
 enemy, Caesar, according to his custom, led on [as the van] 
 
 1 I have here adopted Anthon's reading and interpretation. Prende- 
 ville retains enatis in the text, punctuates differently, and translates as 
 follows: "Having half cut young trees and twisted their thick branches 
 in a lateral direction, and briars and thorns growing up and being dispers- 
 ed between them (the trees), caused that these hedges could form a 
 barrier like a wall."
 
 54 CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK n. 
 
 six legions unencumbered .by baggage ; behind them he had 
 placed the baggage- trains of the \vliole army ; theu the two 
 legions which had been last raised closed the rear, and were a 
 guard for the baggage-train. Our horse, with the slingers and 
 archers, having passed the river, commenced action with the 
 cavalry of the enemy. While they from time to time betook 
 themselves into the woods to their companions, and again made 
 an assault out of the wood upon our men, who did not dare 
 to follow them in their retreat further than the limit to which 
 the plain and open parts extended, in the mean time the six 
 legions which had arrived first, having measured out the work, 
 began to fortify the camp. When the first part of the baggage 
 train of our army was seen by those who lay hid in the woods, 
 which had been agreed on among them as the time for com- 
 mencing action, as soon as they had arranged their line of 
 battle and formed their ranks within the woods, and had 
 encouraged one another, they rushed out suddenly with all their 
 forces and made an attack upon our horse. The latter being 
 easily routed and thrown into confusion, the Nervii ran down 
 to the river with such incredible speed that they seemed to 
 be in the woods, the river, and close upon us almost at 
 the same time. And with the same speed they hastened 
 up the hill to our camp, and to those who .were employed in the 
 works. 
 
 CHAP. XX. Caesar had every thing to do at one time :' 
 the standard to be displayed, which was the sign when 
 it was necessary to run to arms ; the signal to be given by 
 the trumpet ; the soldiers to be called off from the works ; 
 those who had proceeded some distance for the purpose of 
 seeking materials for the rampart, to be summoned ; the 
 order of battle to be formed ; the soldiers to be encouraged ; a 
 
 1 Literally, " all things were to be done by Cassar at one time." 
 
 2 " When a general, after having consulted the auspices, had determined 
 to lead forth his troops against the enemy, a red flag was displayed (vexillum 
 vel signum pugrue proponebatur), on a Bpear from the top of the Prajtorium, 
 Caes. de Bell. Gall. ii. 20. Liv. xxii. 45, which was the signal to prepare 
 for battle. Then having called an assembly by the sound of a trumpet 
 (dassico, i. e. tuba, condone advocatd, Liv. iii. 62), he harangued the sol- 
 diers, who usually showed their approbation by shouts, by raising their right 
 hands (Lucaa i. 386), or by beating on their shields with their spears. 
 This address was sometimes made in the open field from a tribunal raised 
 of turf (e triluncdi cespititio, aut viride cespite exslructo). Tacit. Ann. i. 18. 
 Plin. Paneg. 50. Stat. Silv. v. 2 144." Adam's Rom. Antiquities.
 
 CHAP. TXI. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 55 
 
 the watchword to be given. A great part of these arrange- 
 ments was prevented by the shortness of time and the sudden 
 approach and charge of the enemy. Under these difficulties 
 two things proved of advantage ; [first] the skill and expe- 
 rience of the soldiers, because, having been trained by former 
 engagements, they could suggest to themselves what ought to 
 be done, as conveniently as receive information from others ; 
 and [secondly] that Caesar had forbidden his several lieutenants 
 to depart from the works and their respective legions, before 
 the camp was fortified. These, on account of the near approach 
 and the speed of the enemy, did not then wait for any command 
 from Caesar, but of themselves executed whatever appeared 
 proper. 
 
 CHAP. XXI. Caesar, having given the necessary orders, 
 hastened to and fro into whatever quarter fortune carried 
 him, to animate the troops, and came to the tenth legion. 
 Having encouraged the soldiers with no further speech than 
 that " they should keep up the remembrance of their wonted 
 valor, and not be confused in mind, but valiantly sustain 
 the assault of the enemy ;" as the latter were not further from 
 them than the distance to which a dart could be cast, he gave 
 the signal for commencing battle. And having gone to another 
 quarter for the purpose of encouraging [the soldiers], he finds 
 them fighting. Such was the shortness of the time, and so de- 
 termined was the mind of the enemy on fighting, that time was 
 wanting not only for affixing the military insignia, 1 but even, 
 for putting on the helmets 2 and drawing off the covers from 
 the shields.* To whatever part any one by chance came from 
 the works (in which he had been employed), and whatever 
 standards he saw first, at these he stood, lest in seeking his 
 own company he should lose the time for fighting. 
 
 1 " Insignia" here means those ornaments and badges of distinction 
 worn by the Roman soldiers : probably it here refers especially to the 
 devices upon the helmets. " The fictitious employment" of insignia "to 
 deceive and mislead an enemy was among the stratagems of war. (Paus. 
 iv. 28 ; Virg. JEn. ii. 389-392)." Smith's Diction, of Greek and Roman 
 Antiq. 
 
 2 It was the practice of the Roman soldiers when on the march, not to 
 wear their helmets, but to carry them slung over their backs, or chests. 
 
 3 As the shields of the soldiers, even at that period, were embellished 
 with curious and expensive ornaments, they kept them, when either in camp 
 or on the march, covered with leather, as a defense against the dust or rain.
 
 56 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK n. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. The army having been marshaled, rather as 
 the nature of the ground and the declivity of the hill and the 
 exigency of the time, than as the method and order of military 
 matters required; while the legions in the different places 
 were withstanding the enemy, some in one quarter, some in 
 another, and the view was obstructed by the very thick hedges 
 intervening, as we have before remarked, neither could proper 
 reserves be posted, nor could the necessary measures be taken 
 in each part, nor could all the commands be issued by one 
 person. Therefore, in such an unfavorable state of affairs, 
 various events of fortune followed. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. The soldiers of the ninth and tenth legions, 
 as they had been stationed on the left part of the army, casting 
 their weapons, speedily drove the Atrebates (for that division 
 had been opposed, to them,) who were breathless with running 
 and fatigue, and worn out with wounds, from the higher ground 
 into the river ; and following them as they were endeavoring to 
 pass it, slew with their swords a great part of them while im- 
 peded (therein). They themselves did not hesitate to pass the 
 river ; and having advanced to a disadvantageous place, when 
 the battle was renewed, they [nevertheless] again put to flight 
 the enemy, who had returned and were opposing them. In 
 like manner, in another quarter two different legions, the 
 eleventh and the eighth, having routed the Veromandui, with 
 whom they had engaged, were fighting from the higher ground 
 upon the very banks of the river. But, almost the whole camp 
 on the front and on the left side being then exposed, since the 
 twelfth legion was posted in the right Aving, and the seventh 
 at no great distance from it, all the Nervii, in a very close 
 body, with Boduognatus, who held the chief command, as their 
 leader, hastened toward that place ; and part of them began to 
 surround the legions on their unprotected flank, part to make 
 for the highest point of the encampment. 1 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. At the same time our horsemen, and light- 
 armed infantry, who had been with those, who, as I have re- 
 lated, were routed by the first assault of the enemy, as they 
 were betaking themselves into the camp, met the enemy face 
 to face, and again sought flight into another quarter ; and 
 
 1 The highest point, perhaps, of the hill on which the camp was. The 
 Greek paraphrast has nopf rd uupa reivovai.
 
 CHAP. XXT. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 57 
 
 the camp-followers 1 who from the Decuman Gate,* and from 
 the highest ridge of the hill had seen our men pass the river 
 as victors, when, after going out for the purposes of plunder- 
 ing, they looked back and saw the enemy parading in our 
 camp, committed themselves precipitately to flight; at the 
 same time there arose the cry and shout of those who came 
 with the baggage-train : and they (affrighted), were carried 
 some one way, some another. By all these circumstances 
 the cavalry of the Treviri were much alarmed, (whose reputa- 
 tion for courage is extraordinary among the Gauls, and who 
 had come to Caesar, being sent by their state as auxiliaries), 
 and, when they saw our camp filled with a large number of 
 the enemy, the legions hard pressed and almost held sur- 
 rounded, the camp-retainers, horsemen, slingers, and Numi- 
 dians fleeing on all sides divided and scattered, they, 
 despairing of our affairs, hastened home, and related to their 
 state that the Romans were routed and conquered, [and] that 
 the enemy were in possession of their camp and baggage-train. 
 CHAP. XXV. Csar proceeded, after encouraging the tenth 
 'legion, to the right wing ; where he perceived that his men were 
 hard pressed, and that in consequence of the standards of the 
 twelfth legion being collected together in one place, the crowded 
 soldiers were a hinderance to themselves in the fight ; that all 
 the centurions of the fourth cohort were slain, and the standard- 
 bearer killed, the standard 3 itself lost, almost all the centurions 
 of the other cohorts either wounded or slain, and among them 
 the chief centurion of the legion* P. Sextius Baculus, a very 
 valiant man, who was so exhausted by many and severe wounds, 
 
 1 These calones, it is generally supposed, were slaves. From continual 
 attendance upon the army they arrived at a considerable degree of skill 
 in military mattera Caesar, for the most part, uses the word catenas by 
 itself; whereas Tacitus uses it in conjunction with lixce, as if the two 
 words implied the same class of persons. The UXOR. however, were quite 
 distinct from the calones. They were freemen, and followed the army 
 for the purpose of trade ; " lixae, qui exercitum sequebantur, quaestus 
 causa." Festus. Thus Hirtius, de Bello Afric. 75, classes them with 
 " mercatores :" " lixarum mercatorumque qui plaustris merces portabant." 
 
 2 The Roman camp had four gates: "porte prcetoria," nearest to the 
 enemy ; "porta Decumana" opposite to that, and thus furthest from them ; 
 " porta principalis dectra," and "porta principalis sinistra." 
 
 3 Besides the aquila or standard of the legion, there were the subordi- 
 nate standards of the cohorts and the manipuli. 
 
 4 The primopilus was the first centurion of the first maniple of the 
 
 3*
 
 58 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOKii. 
 
 that he was already unable to support himself ; he likewise per- 
 ceived that the rest were slackening their efforts, and that 
 some, deserted by those in the rear, were retiring from the 
 battle and avoiding the weapons ; that the enemy [on the other 
 hand] though advancing from the lower ground, were not re- 
 laxing 5u front, and were [at the same time] pressing hard on 
 both flanks ; he also perceived that the affair was at a crisis, 
 and that there was not any reserve which could be brought up ; 
 having therefore snatched a shield from one of the soldiers in 
 the rear (for he himself had come without a shield), he 
 advanced to the front of the line, and addressing the centurioKS 
 by name, and encouraging the rest of the soldiers, he ordered 
 them to carry forward the standards, and extend the companies, 
 that they might the more easily use their swords. On his 
 arrival, as hope was brought to the soldiers and their courage 
 restored, while every one for his own part, in the sight of 
 his general, desired to exert his utmost energy, the impetuosity 
 of the enemy was a little checked. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. Caesar, when he perceived that the seventh 
 legion, which stood close by him, was also hard pressed by 
 the enemy, directed the tribunes of the soldiers 1 to effect 
 
 Triarii (centurio primi pili), also called primus centurio, a person of great 
 distinction in a legion. He had authority over the other centurions ; 
 ranked next to the tribuni militum, and had a place in the council of war. 
 To him was committed the charge of the principal standard of the legion, 
 whence he is, among other instances, referred to by Tacitus, Ann. L 39, 
 Hist. i. 56, by the title of aquilifer. To the lucrative nature of his office, 
 at least under the empire, Juvenal alludes, when, Sat. xvi. 197, he says, 
 "locupletem aquilam." 
 
 1 The tribunes of the soldiers. In each legion there were in the time 
 of Polybius, six tribuni militum, who commanded under the consul, usu- 
 ally in turns of a month each. During that period the tribune's authority 
 extended over the whole legion. Up to the year B. c. 361, these officers 
 were chosen, during the monarchy, by the kings ; upon the institution 
 of the consulate, by the consuls ; and under the dictatorship, by the dic- 
 tator. That year the people claimed the right of electing either the whole, 
 or the greater part of them. From that period down to B. c. 207, they 
 continued to elect them in this manner. Subsequently, several changes 
 took place in the appointment of these officers. In battle, a military tri- 
 bune had command of 1,000 men; whence their name in Greek is 
 X&iapxS or X&iopXnC' The office was for many years the reward of 
 merit and long service. This rule was afterward fatally violated. The 
 late emperors, in order to oblige as many of their friends as possible, fre- 
 quently conferred the office for the period of six months only. Hence, 
 Pliny, Epist. iv. 4, has "semestri tribunatu;" and Juvenal, Sat. vii. 8,
 
 CHAP, xxviii. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 59 
 
 a junction of the legions gradually, and make their charge 
 upon the enemy with a double front ; which having been 
 done, since they brought assistance the one to the other, nor 
 feared lest their rear should be surrounded by the enemy, 
 they began to stand their ground more boldly, and to fight 
 more courageously. In the mean time, the soldiers of the two 
 legions which had been in the rear of the army, as a guard for 
 the baggage-train, upon the battle being reported to them, 
 quickened their pace, and were seen by the enemy on the top of 
 the hill ; and Titus Labienus, having gained possession of the 
 camp of the enemy, and observed from the higher ground what 
 was going on in our camp, sent the tenth legion as a relief to 
 our men, who, when they had learned from the flight of the 
 horse and the sutlers in what position the affair was, and 
 in how great danger the camp and the legion and the com- 
 mander were involved, left undone nothing [which tended] to 
 dispatch. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. By their arrival, so great a change of 
 matters was made, that our men, even those who had fallen 
 down exhausted with wounds, leaned on their shields, and renewed 
 the fight : then the camp-retainers, though unarmed, seeing 
 the enemy completely dismayed, attacked [them though] 
 armed; the horsemen too, that they might by their valor 
 blot the disgrace of their flight, thrust themselves before 
 the legionary soldiers in all parts of the battle. But the 
 enemy, even in the last hope of safety, displayed such great 
 courage, that when the foremost of them had fallen, the next 
 stood upon them prostrate, and fought from their bodies; 
 when these were overthrown, and their corpses heaped up 
 together, those who survived cast their weapons against 
 our men [thence], as from a mound, and returned our darts 
 which had fallen short between [the armies] ; so that it ought 
 not to be concluded, that men of such great courage had 
 injudiciously dared to pass a very broad river, ascend very 
 high banks, and come up to a very disadvantageous place ; 
 since their greatness of spirit had rendered these actions 
 easy, although in themselves very difficult. 
 
 CHAP. XXVm. This battle being ended, and the. na- 
 
 alluding at once to that practice and the gold ring which was one of the 
 insignia of the tribune, has " semestri auro." The sixth book of Polybiua 
 may be here consulted.
 
 60 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK u. 
 
 tion and name of the Nervii being almost reduced to an- 
 nihilation, their old men, whom together with the boys and 
 women we have stated to have been collected together in the 
 fenny places and marshes, on this battle having been reported 
 to them, since they were convinced that nothing was an 
 obstacle to the conquerors, and nothing safe to the conquered, 
 sent embassadors to Caesar by the consent of all who remained, 
 and surrendered themselves to him ; and in recounting the 
 calamity of their state, said that their senators were reduced 
 from 600 to three ; that from 60,000 men they [were reduced] 
 to scarcely 500 who could bear arms ; whom Caesar, that he 
 might appear to use compassion toward the wretched and the 
 suppliant, most carefully spared ; and ordered them to enjoy 
 their own territories and towns, and commanded their neigh- 
 bors that they should restrain themselves and their depend- 
 ents from offering injury or outrage [to them]. 
 CHAP. XXIX. When the Aduatuci, of whom we have 
 written above, were coming up with all their forces to the as- 
 sistance of the Nervii, upon this battle being reported to them, 
 they returned home after they were on the march ; deserting 
 all their towns and forts, they conveyed together all their pos- 
 sessions into one town, eminently fortified by nature. While 
 this town had on all sides around it very high rocks and 
 precipices, there was left on one side a gently ascending 
 approach, of not more than 200 feet in width ; which place 
 they had fortified with a very lofty double wall : besides, they 
 had placed stones of great weight and sharpened stakes upon 
 the walls. They were descended from the Cimbri and Teu- 
 tones, who, when they were marching into our province and 
 Italy, having deposited on this side the river Rhine such of 
 their baggage-trains as they could not drive or convey with 
 them, left 6,000 of their men as a guard and defense for them. 
 These having, after the destruction of their countrymen, been 
 harassed for many years by their neighbors, while one time 
 they waged war offensively, and at another resisted it when 
 waged against them, concluded a peace with the consent of all, 
 and chose this place as their settlement. 
 
 CHAP. XXX. And on the first arrival of our army they 
 made frequent sallies from the town, and contended with our 
 men in trifling skirmishes ; afterward, when hemmed in by a 
 rampart of twelve feet [in height], and fifteen miles in circuit,
 
 CHAP. XXXIL (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 61 
 
 they kept themselves within the town. When, vineae' having 
 been brought up and a mound raised, they observed that a 
 tower also was being built at a distance, they at first began to 
 mock the Romans from their wall, and to taunt them with 
 the following speeches. "For what purpose was so vast a 
 machine constructed at so great a distance ? With what 
 hands," or " with what strength did they, especially [as they 
 were] men of such very small stature" (for our shortness of 
 stature, in comparison to the great size of their bodies, is 
 generally a subject of much contempt to the men of Gaul) 
 "trust to place against their walls a tower of such great 
 weight." 
 
 CHAP. XXXI. But when they saw that it was being moved, 
 and was approaching their walls, startled by the new and un- 
 accustomed sight, they sent embassadors to Caesar [to treat] 
 about peace ; who spoke in the following manner : "That they 
 did not believe the Romans waged war without divine aid, 
 since they were able to move forward machines of such a height 
 with so great speed, and thus fight from close quarters ; that they 
 resigned themselves and all their possessions to [Caesar's] dis- 
 posal : that they begged and earnestly entreated one thing, viz., 
 that if perchance, agreeable to his clemency and humanity, which 
 they had heard of from others, he should resolve that the Adu- 
 atuci were to be spared, he would not deprive them of their arms; 
 that all their neighbors were enemies to them and envied their 
 courage, from whom they could not defend themselves if their 
 arms were delivered up : that it was better for them, if they 
 should be reduced to that state, to suffer any fate from the Ro- 
 man people, than to be tortured to death by those among whom 
 they had been accustomed to rule." 
 
 CHAP. XXXII. To these things Caesar replied, " That he, 
 
 1 The vinece was a machine under the protection of which the besieging 
 soldiery advanced to the walls of a town. It consisted of a roof, (formed 
 of planks and wickerwork, covered over with raw hides or wet cloth),about 
 sixteen feet long and seven broad, and resting upon posts eight feet in 
 height. The sides of this were guarded also by a wickerwork. Though 
 usually so light that the men might carry it, the vinece was, in extraordinary 
 cases, made so strong as to be too heavy for that mode of advancing it,and 
 was then moved by wheels attached to the posts. Frequently, as perhaps 
 in the above case,several of these were joined together ; the besiegers being 
 defended against the darts, stones, and fire of the town by the vinece, con- 
 ducted their operations of undermining or of attack by the battering-ram.
 
 62 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK ir. 
 
 in accordance with, his custom, rather than owing to their desert, 
 should spare the state, if they should surrender themselves 
 before the battering-ram 1 should touch the wall ; but that there 
 was no condition of surrender, except upon their arms being 
 delivered up ; that he should do to them that which he had 
 done in the case of the Nervii, and would command their 
 neighbors not to offer any injury to those who had surren- 
 dered to the Roman people." The matter being reported to 
 their countrymen, they said that they would execute his 
 commands. Having cast a very large quantity of their arms 
 from the wall into the trench that was before the town, 
 so that the heaps of arms almost equalled the top of the 
 wall and the rampart, and nevertheless having retained and 
 concealed, as we afterward discovered, about a third part 
 in the town, the gates were opened, and they enjoyed peace for 
 that day. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIII. Toward evening Caesar ordered the gates 
 to be shut, and the soldiers to go out of the town, lest 
 the towns-people should receive any injury from them by 
 night. They [the Aduatuci], by a design before entered into, 
 as we afterwards understood, because they believed that, as a 
 surrender had been made, our men would dismiss their guards, 
 or at least would keep watch less carefully, partly with those 
 arms which they had retained and concealed, partly with shields 
 made of bark or interwoven wickers, which they had hastily 
 covered over with skins, (as the shortness of time required) in 
 the third watch, suddenly made a sally from the town with all 
 their forces [in that direction] in which the ascent to our fortifi- 
 
 1 Tho battering-ram (aries) was, perhaps, the most effective instrument 
 of ancient warfare. It may be called the artillery of olden times. The 
 bas-reheCs on the column of Trajan at Rome present a portraiture of this 
 war engine in its simple form ; borne and impelled that is, by human 
 force alone. In its more efficient form, iron rings were placed around the 
 beam of the ram, by which it was suspended by means of ropes, or chains, 
 to another beam fitted transversely over it. Velocity, and consequently 
 power, were thus greatly increased. The head was made of iron or some 
 hard metal, and formed to represent the head of a goat. Hence, as well 
 as from its application, it was called by the Romans aries. The Romans 
 borrowed it from the Greeks. They do not, however, appear to have 
 made very much use of it before the siege of Syracuse, in the second 
 Punic war. The beam to which the head was attached varied from eighty 
 to a hundred and twenty feet in length, and the united strength of more 
 than a hundred men was sometimes engaged in its operation.
 
 CHAP. xxiv. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 63 
 
 cations seemed the least difficult. The signal having been 
 immediately given by fires, as Caesar had previously com- 
 manded, a rush was made thither [i. e. by the Roman soldiers] 
 from the nearest fort ; and the battle was fought by the enemy 
 as vigorously as it ought to be fought by brave men, in the last 
 hope of safety, in a disadvantageous place, and against those 
 who were throwing their weapons from a rampart and from 
 towers ; since all hope of safety depended on their courage 
 alone. About 4,000 of the men having been slain, the rest. 
 were forced back into the town. The day after, Caesar, after 
 breaking open the gates, which there was no one then to defend, 
 and sending in our soldiers, sold the whole spoil of that town. 
 The number of 53,000 persons was reported to him by those 
 who had bought them. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIV. At the same time he was informed by P. 
 Crassus, whom he had sent with one legion against the Vengti, 1 
 the Unelli, the Osismii, the Curiosolitae, the Sesuvii, the Aulerci, 
 and the Rhedones, which are maritime states, and touch upon 
 the [Atlantic] ocean, that all these nations were brought under 
 the dominion and power of the Roman people. 
 
 CHAP. XXXV. These things being achieved, [and] all 
 Gaul being subdued, so high an opinion of this war was 
 spread among the barbarians, that embassadors were sent to 
 Caesar by those nations who dwelt beyond the Rhine, to 
 promise that they would give hostages and execute his com- 
 mands. Which embassies Caesar, because he was hastening 
 into Italy and Ulyricum, ordered to return to him at the 
 beginning of the following summer. He himself, having fed 
 his legions into winter quarters among the Carnutes, the 
 Andes, and the Turones, which states were close to those 
 regions in which he had waged war, set out for Italy ; and a 
 thanksgiving 2 of fifteen days was decreed for those achieve- 
 
 1 Veneti, etc. These were nations of Gallia Celtica. The Veneti were 
 situated in the west. The Unelli possessed a territory lying on the north- 
 west of what is now called Normandy. Off their coast lay the islands 
 Csesarea, Jersey ; Sarnia, Guernsey ; and Reduna, Alderney. The Osismii 
 occupied a territory afterward forming a part of the province of Bretagne, 
 and now called Finisterre. The Curiosolitse also occupied a part of the 
 same province. The Sesuvii are supposed to have been situated on the 
 coast near the Bay of Biscay. 
 
 2 This (supplicatio or supplicium) was a great religious solemnity de- 
 creed by the senate, upon an extraordinary victory. It was designed as
 
 64 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK n. 
 
 ments, upon receiving Caesar's letter ; [an honor] which before 
 that time 1 had been conferred on none. 
 
 an act of thanksgiving to the gods. The temples were then thrown open 
 and the statues of the deities placed in public upon couches. Before 
 these the people gave expression to their thankfulness. This part of tho 
 solemnity was called lectisternium. The value of the victory was sup- 
 posed to determine the period of the duration of this sacred festival. 
 Though sometimes decreed for one day, its usual period was three or five 
 days. Pompey had a supplicatio of ten days decreed upon the conclu- 
 sion of the war with Mithridates. Caesar, as we read in the text, obtain- 
 ed one of fifteen days. This, he tells us, was the first occasion on which 
 a Roman general had enjoyed that honor. Upon his victory over "Ver- 
 cingetorix, that illustrious enemy of the Roman power in Gaul, a suppli- 
 catio of twenty days was decreed him, as we read, De Bell. Gall. vii. 90. 
 Dion Cassius mentions instances in which a forty, fifty, and even sixty 
 days' supplicatio was decreed. Cicero obtained a supplicatio upon the 
 suppression of the Catiline conspiracy an honor which he took frequent 
 opportunity of observing had never before been granted to manful 
 achievements. 
 
 There was another solemnity bearing this name. The occasion of it, 
 however, was very different from that already spoken of. In times of 
 public distress or danger, and at the appearance of uncommon prodigies; 
 the senate decreed a supplicatio to appease the deities and remove tho 
 present, or avert the anticipated evil 
 
 1 laterally, "happened to none."
 
 CHAP. I. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 65 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 THE ARGUMENT. 
 
 I. Caesar, at the close of the late campaign, sent Servins Qalha into the 
 territories of the Nautuates, Veragri, and Seduni, with permission to 
 winter there, if expedient ; his reason for this. Galba resolved to win- 
 ter at Octodums. II. The Seduni and Veragri combine against him. 
 III. And attack his camp. IV.-VI. A fierce battle ensues ; in which, 
 as well as in several other engagements, Galba is successful. VII., VIII. 
 An unexpected war in Gaul ; the occasion of it. Veneti are the princi- 
 pal instigators. IX. Caesar gives orders for the equipment of a fleet. 
 The Veneti and other states augment their navy, and extend their al- 
 liances. X.-XII. Caesar's difficulties ; arising chiefly from the position 
 of the Venetio towns. XIII. The structure of the Venetio ships ac- 
 commodated to that position. XIV., XV. Caesar surmounts these dis- 
 advantages ; and in a naval engagement obtains a victory. XVI. Which 
 terminated the war with the V eneti. XVII.-XIX. Titurius Sabinus is 
 sent into the territories of the Unelli. Conduct of their king, Viridorix. 
 Sabinus is compelled to resort to stratagems ; he defeats the Unelli. 
 XX., XXI. P. Crassus enters Aquitania, and is attacked by the Sotiates, 
 who are signally worsted. XXII. The " Soldurii." XXIII. Crassus 
 proceeds into the territories of the Vocates and Tarusates ; who engage 
 in measures of opposition. XXIV. He draws up his forces for a battle ; 
 which the enemy decline. XXV.. XXVI. He then attacks their en- 
 campment, and is victorious. XXVIII. Caesar advances against the 
 Monni and Menapii ; his motives for this : the enemy make a sudden 
 assault on the Roman forces, and are repelled with great loss. XXIX. 
 Caesar's provision against such attacks : his operations interrupted by 
 the inclemency of the season : the army is led into winter quarters. 
 
 CHAP. I. When Caesar was setting out for Italy, lie sent 
 Servius Galba with the twelfth legion and part of the cavalry, 
 against the Nantuates, 1 the Veragri, and Seduni, who ex- 
 
 
 
 1 The Nantuates were an Alpine race, on the south of the Lake of 
 Geneva ; the Veragri, a tribe of the Roman province, also south of that 
 lake, whose chief town, Octodums, is the modern Martigni, and the Se- 
 duni, a people lying between the east coast of it and the Rhone, whose 
 capital, Seduni, ia the modern Sion.
 
 66 OESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK m. 
 
 tend from the territories of the Allobroges, and the lake of 
 Geneva, and the River Rhone to the top of the Alps. The 
 reason for sending him was, that he desired that the pass along 
 the Alps, through which [the Roman] merchants had been 
 accustomed to travel with great danger, and under great im- 
 posts, should be opened. He permitted him, if he thought 
 it necessary, to station the legion in these places, for the 
 purpose of wintering. Galba having fought some success- 
 ful battless and stormed several of their forts; upon embas- 
 sadors being sent to him from all parts and hostages given 
 and a peace concluded, determined to station two cohorts 
 among the Nantuatcs, and to winter in person with the other 
 cohorts of that legion in a village of the Veragri, which is 
 called Octodurus ; and this village being situated in a valley, 
 with a small plain annexed to it, is bounded on all sides by 
 very high mountains. As this village was divided into two 
 parts by a river, he granted one part of it to the Gauls, and 
 assigned the other, which had been left by them unoccupied, to 
 the cohorts to winter in. He fortified this [latter] part with a 
 rampart and a ditch. 
 
 CHAP. II. When several days had elapsed in winter 
 quarters, and he had ordered corn to be brought in he was 
 suddenly informed by his scouts that all the people had gone 
 off in the night from that part of the town which he had given 
 up to the Gauls, and that the mountains which hung over it 
 were occupied by a very large force of the Secluni and Veragri. 
 It had happened for several reasons that the Gauls suddenly 
 formed the design of renewing the war and cutting off that 
 legion. First, because they despised a single legion, on account 
 of its small number, and that hot quite full (two cohorts 
 having been detached, and several individuals 'being absent, 
 who had been dispatched for the purpose of seeking provision) ; 
 then, likewise, because they thought that on account of the 
 disadvantageous character of the situation, even their first 
 attack could not be sustained [by us] when they would rush 
 from the mountains into the valley, and discharge their wea- 
 pons upon us. To this was added, that they were indignant 
 thai their children were torn from them under the title of 
 hostages, and they were persuaded that the Romans designed 
 to seize upon the summits of the Alps, and unite those parts to
 
 CHAP. v. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 67 
 
 the neighboring province [of Gaul], not only to secure the 
 passes, 1 but also a constant possession. 
 
 CHAP. III. Having received these tidings, Galba, since 
 the works of the winter-quarters and the fortifications were not 
 fully completed, nor was sufficient preparation made with regard 
 to corn and other provisions (since, as a surrender had been made, 
 and hostages received, he had thought he need entertain no 
 apprehension of war), speedily summoning a council, began to 
 anxiously inquire their opinions. In which council, since so 
 much sudden danger had happened contrary to the general 
 expectation, and almost all the higher places were seen already 
 covered with a multitude of armed men, nor could [either] troops 
 come to their relief, or provisions be brought in, as the passes 
 were blocked up [by the enemy] ; safety being now nearly 
 despaired of, some opinions of this sort were delivered : that, 
 " leaving their baggage, and making a sally, they should hasten 
 away for safety by the same routes by which they had come 
 thither." To the greater part, however, it seemed best, reserving 
 that measure to the last, to await the issue of the matter, and 
 to defend the camp. 
 
 CHAP. IV. A short time only having elapsed, so that time 
 was scarcely given for arranging and executing those things 
 which they had determined on, the enemy, upon the signal 
 being given, rushed down [upon our men] from all parts, and 
 discharged stones and darts* upon our rampart. Our men at 
 first, while their strength was fresh, resisted bravely, nor did 
 they cast any weapon ineffectually from their higher station. 
 As soon as any part of the camp, being destitute of defenders, 
 seemed to be hard pressed, thither they ran, and brought 
 assistance. But they were over-matched in this, that the 
 enemy when wearied by the long continuance of the battle, 
 went out of the action, and others with fresh strength came in 
 their place ; none of which things could be done by our men, 
 owing to the smallness of their number ; and not only was per- 
 mission not given to the wearied [Roman] to retire from, the 
 fight, but not even to the wounded [was liberty granted] to quit 
 the pofet where he had been stationed, and recover. 
 
 CHAP. V. When they had now been fighting for more than 
 six hours, without cessation, and not only strength, but even 
 
 1 Literally, "for the possession of the passes." 
 
 2 The gcesum, a Celtic weapon, was adopted by the Romans.
 
 68 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES, BOOK IIL 
 
 weapons were failing our men, and the enemy were pressing on 
 more rigorously, and had begun to demolish the rampart and 
 to fill up the trench, while our men were becoming exhausted, 
 and the matter was now brought to the last extremity, P. Sex- 
 tius Baculus, a centurion of the first rank, whom we have 
 related to have been disabled by severe wounds in the engage- 
 ment with the Nervii, and also C. Volusenus, a tribune of the 
 soldiers, a man of great skill and valor, hasten to Galba, and 
 assure him that the only hope of safety 1 lay in making a sally, 
 and trying the last resource. Whereupon assembling the cen- 
 turions, he quickly gives orders to the soldiers to discontinue 
 the fight a short time, and only collect the weapons flung [at 
 them], and recruit themselves after their fatigue, and afterward, 
 upon the signal being given, sally forth from the camp, and 
 place in their valor all their hope of safety. 
 
 CHAP. VI. They do what they were ordered ; and, making 
 a sudden sally from all the gates [of the camp], leave the enemy 
 the means neither of knowing what was taking place, nor of 
 collecting themselves. Fortune thus taking a turn, [our men] 
 surround on every side, and slay those who had entertained the 
 hope of gaining the camp and having killed more than the 
 third part of an army of more than 30,000 men (which num- 
 ber of the barbarians it appeared certain had come up to our 
 camp], put to flight the rest when panic-stricken, and do not 
 suffer them to halt even upon the higher grounds. All the 
 forces of the enemy being thus routed, and stripped of 
 their arms, [our men] betake themselves to their camp 
 and fortifications. Which battle being finished, inasmuch 
 as Galba was unwilling to tempt fortune again, and remem- 
 bered that he had come into winter quarters with one design, 
 and saw that he had met with a different state of affairs ; 
 chiefly however urged by the want of corn and provision, 
 having the next day burned all the buildings of that village, he 
 hastens to return into the province ; and as no enemy opposed 
 or hindered his march, he brought the legion safe into the 
 [country of the] Nantuates, thence into [that of] the Allo- 
 broges, and there wintered. 
 
 CHAP. VII. These things being achieved, while Caesar had 
 every reason to suppose that Gaul was reduced to a state of tran- 
 
 1 Literally, " the only hope of safety was, if a sally being made, they 
 tried the last resource."
 
 CHAP. LX. C^ESAE'S COMMENTARIES. 69 
 
 quillity, the Belgae being overcome, the Germans expelled, the 
 Seduni among the Alps defeated, and when he had, therefore, 
 in the beginning of winter, set out for Illyricum, as he wished to 
 visit those nations, and acquire a knowledge of their countries, 
 a sudden war sprang up in Gaul. The occasion of that war was 
 this : P. Crassus, a young man, had taken up his winter quarters 
 with the seventh legion among the Andes, who border upon 
 the [Atlantic] ocean. He, as there was a scarcity of corn in 
 those parts, sent out some officers of cavalry, and several mili- 
 tary tribunes among the neighbouring states, for the purpose 
 of procuring corn and provision ; in which number T. Terrasi- 
 dius was sent among the Esubii ; M. Trebius Gallus among 
 the Curiosolltae ; Q. Velanius, T. Silius, amongst the Vengti. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. The influence of this state is by far the most 
 considerable of any- of the countries on the whole sea coast, 
 because the Ven6ti both have a very great number of ships, 
 'with which they have been accustomed to sail to Britain, and 
 [thus] excel the rest in their knowledge and experience of 
 nautical affairs ; and as only a few ports lie scattered along 
 that stormy and open sea, of which they are in possession, 
 they hold as tributaries almost all those who are accustomed 
 to traffic in that sea. With them arose the beginning [of the 
 revolt] by their detaining Silius and Velanius ; for they thought 
 that they should recover by their means the hostages which 
 they had given to Crassus. The neighboring people led on 
 by their influence (as the measures of the Gauls are sud- 
 den and hasty), detain Trebius and Terrasidius for the same 
 motive ; and quickly sending embassadors, by means of their 
 leading men, they enter into a mutual compact to do nothing 
 except by general consent, and abide the same issue of for- 
 tune ; and they solicit the other states to choose rather to con- 
 tinue in that liberty which they had received from their 
 ancestors, than endure slavery under the Romans. All the 
 sea coast being quickly brought over to their sentiments, they 
 send a common embassy to P. Crassus [to say], " If he wished 
 to receive back his officers, let him send back to them their 
 hostages." 
 
 CHAP. IX. Caesar, being informed of these things by Cras- 
 sus, since he was so far distant himself, orders ships of war to 
 be built in the mean time on the river Loire, which flows into
 
 70 OESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK m. 
 
 the ocean ; rowers to be raised from the province ; sailors 
 and pilots to be provided. These matters being quickly 
 executed, he himself, as soon as the season of the year per- 
 mits, hastens to the army. The Veneti, and the other states 
 also, being informed of Cassar's arrival, when they reflected 
 how great a crime they had committed, in that, ihe embas- 
 sadors (a character which had among all nations ever 
 been sacred and inviolable) 1 had by them been detained and 
 thrown into prison, resolve to prepare for a war in pro- 
 portion to the greatness of their danger, and especially to 
 provide those things which appertain to the service of a 
 navy, with the greater confidence, inasmuch as they greatly 
 relied on the nature of their situation. They knew that 
 the passes by land were cut off by estuaries, that the ap- 
 proach by sea was most difficult, by reason of our ignorance 
 of the localities, [and] the small number of the harbors, 
 and they trusted that our army would not be able to stay 
 very long among them, on account of the insufficiency of 
 corn ; and again, even if all these things should turn out 
 contrary to their expectation, yet they were very powerful in 
 their navy. They well understood that the Romans neither 
 had any number of ships, nor were acquainted with the shal- 
 lows, the harbors, or the islands of those parts where they 
 would have to carry on the war ; and the navigation was very 
 different in a narrrow sea 2 from what it was in the vast and 
 open ocean. Having come to this resolution, they fortify 
 their towns, convey corn into them from the country parts, 
 bring together as many ships as possible to Veneti a, where 
 it appeared Caesar would at first carry on the war. They unite 
 to themselves as allies for that war, the Osismii, the Lexovii, 
 the Nannetes, 3 the Ambiliati, the Morini, the Diablintes,* 
 and the Menapii ; and send for auxiliaries from Britain, 
 which is situated over against those regions. 
 
 1 Frequent mention is made of the sacred and holy characters of em- 
 bassadors by Roman writers. 
 
 2 Literally, "far different in a narrow sea and in the vast and open 
 ocean." 
 
 3 The Nannetes, or Namnetes, were a Celtic tribe, whose capital, Con- 
 divicnum, afterward Nannetes, is the modern Nantes, which preserves 
 the ancient name with a slight modification. 
 
 4 The Diablintes were a division of the Aulerci. Their capital, the 
 name of which was changed from Neodunum to Diablintes, is the modem 
 Gdbliens.
 
 CHAP.JOL OESAR'S COMMENTARIES. "71 
 
 CHAP. X. There were these difficulties which we have men- 
 tioned above, in carrying on the war, but many things, never- 
 theless, urged Caesar to that war ; the open insult offered to 
 the state in the detention of the Roman knights, the rebellion 
 raised after surrendering, the revolt after hostages were given, 
 the cpnfederacy of so many states, but principally, lest if, [the con- 
 duct of] this part was overlooked, the other nations should think 
 that the same thing was permitted them. Wherefore, since ho 
 reflected that almost all the Gauls were fond of revolution, 
 and easily and quickly excited to war ; that all men likewise, 
 by nature, love liberty and hate the condition of slavery, 
 he thought he ought to divide and more widely distribute 
 his army, before more states should join the confederation. 
 
 CHAP. XL He therefore sends T..Labienus, his lieutenant, 
 with the cavalry to the Treviri, who are nearest to the river 
 Rhine. He charges him to visit the Remi and the other 
 Belgians, and to keep them in their allegiance and repel the 
 Germans (who where said to have been summoned by the Belgse 
 to their aid,) if they attempted to cross the river by force in 
 their ships. He orders P. Crassus to proceed into Aquitania 
 with twelve legionary cohorts and a great number of the cavalry, 
 lest auxiliaries should be sent into Gaul by these states, and 
 such great nations be united. He sends Q. Titurius Sabinus 
 his lieutenant, with three legions, among the Unelli, the Cu- 
 riosolltae, and the Lexovii, to take care that their forces should 
 be kept separate from the rest. He appoints D. Brutus, a young 
 man, over the fleet and those Gallic vessels which he had 
 ordered to be furnished 1 by the Pictones and the Santoni, and 
 the other provinces which remained at peace ; and commands 
 him to proceed toward the Veneti, as soon as he could. He 
 himself hastens thither with the land forces. 
 
 CHAP. XTT The sites of their towns were generally such 
 that, being placed on extreme points 2 [of land] and on pro- 
 montories, they neither had an approach by land when the 
 tide had rushed in from the main ocean, which always happens 
 twice in the space of twelve hours; nor by ships, because, 
 upon the tide ebbing again, the ships were likely to be dashed 
 upon the shoals. Thus, by either circumstance, was the 
 storming of their towns rendered difficult ; and if at any time 
 
 1 Lit. "to assemble from among," etc. 
 
 2 Lit. " small tongues."
 
 72 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK in. 
 
 perchance the Veneti overpowered by the greatness of our 
 works, (the sea having been excluded by a mound and large 
 dams, and the latter being made almost equal in height to the 
 walls of the town) had begun to despair of their fortunes ; 
 bringing up a large number of ships, of which they had a very 
 great quantity, they carried off all their property and betook 
 themselves to the nearest towns ; there they again defended 
 themselves by the same advantages of situation. They did 
 this the more easily during a great part of the summer, be- 
 cause our ships were kept back by storms, and the difficulty of 
 sailing was very great in that vast and open sea, with its 
 strong tides and its harbors far apart and exceedingly few 
 in number. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. For their ships were built and equipped 
 after this manner. The keels were somewhat flatter than 
 those of our ships, whereby they could more easily encounter 
 the shallows and the ebbing of the tide : the prows were raised 
 very high, and, in like manner the sterns were adapted to the 
 force of the waves and storms [which they were formed to sus- 
 tain]. The ships were built wholly of oak, and designed to 
 endure any force and violence whatever; the benches which 
 were made of planks a foot in breadth, were fastened by iron 
 spikes of the thickness of a man's thumb; the anchors were 
 secured fast by iron chains instead of cables, and for sails 
 they used skins and thin dressed leather. These [were used] 
 either through their want of canvas and their ignorance of its 
 application, or for this reason, which is more probable, that they 
 thought that such storms of the ocean, and such violent gales 
 of wind could not be resisted by sails, nor ships of such great 
 burden be conveniently enough managed by them. The en- 
 counter of our fleet with these ships 1 was of such a nature that 
 our fleet excelled in speed alone, and the plying of the oars ; 
 other things, considering the nature of the place [and] the 
 violence of the storms, were more suitable and better adapted 
 on their side ; for neither could our ships injure theirs with 
 their beaks 2 (so great was their strength), nor on account of 
 
 1 i. e. the relative character of the two was, etc. 
 
 2 " For neither could," etc. A similar remark is made in the next 
 chapter. And yet the rostrum (more commonly rostra, Greek /itfo/lof , or 
 Ip&ohov) supplied a very formidable instrument of ancient naval warfare. 
 It was a beam springing from a part just below the prow, and topped
 
 CHAP. xiv. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 73 
 
 their height was a weapon easily cast up to them ; and for tho 
 same reason they were less readily locked in by rocks. To 
 this was added, that whenever a storm began to rage and they 
 ran before the wind, they both could weather the storm more 
 easily and heave to securely in the shallows, and when left by 
 the tide feared nothing from rocks and shelves : the risk of all 
 which things was much to be dreaded by our ships. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. Caesar, after taking many of their towns, 
 perceiving that so much labor was spent in vain and that the 
 flight of the enemy could not be prevented on the capture of 
 their towns, and that injury could not be done them, he deter- 
 mined to wait for his fleet. As soon as it came up and was 
 first seen by the enemy, about 220 of their ships, fully equipped 
 and appointed with every kind of [naval] implement, sailed 
 forth from the harbor, and drew up opposite to ours ; nor did it 
 appear clear to Brutus, who commanded the fleet, or to the 
 tribunes of the soldiers and the centurions, to whom the se- 
 veral ships were assigned, what to do, or what system of tactics 
 to adopt ; for they knew that damage could not be done by 
 their beaks ; and that, although turrets were built [on their 
 decks], yet the height of the stems of the barbarian ships 
 exceeded these ; so that weapons could not be cast up from 
 [our] lower position with sufficient effect, and those cast by 
 the Gauls fell the more forcibly . upon us. One thing pro- 
 vided by our men was of great service, [viz.] sharp hooks 1 
 inserted into and fastened upon poles, of a form not unlike the 
 hooks used in attacking town walls. When the ropes which, 
 fastened the sail-yards to the masts were caught by them and 
 pulled, and our vessel vigorously impelled with the oars, they 2 
 [the ropes] were severed ; and when they were cut away, the 
 
 with sharp iron points or an iron figure of a ram's head. Though for- 
 merly always above the water they were in latter times placed below it, 
 and thus rendered more dangerous. 
 
 1 "Sharp hooks," (fakes prceacutti). The fakes here spoken of were, 
 probably, those arms which were much used under that name. Thefalx 
 was a large dagger with a coulter, or bill, projecting from one side. Such 
 implements, when fixed upon poles, were employed at the siege of towns. 
 One service of them was to loosen the stones of the walls. To this prac- 
 tice Caesar refers, De Bell. Gall. vii. 22. But Vegetiua, iv. 14, tells us 
 that a large falx was sometimes employed, instead of the more common 
 ram's head, for the purpose of attacking towns. 
 
 2 Literally, " gave themselves to the wind." 
 
 4
 
 14: CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK in. 
 
 yards necessarily fell down ; so that as all the hope of the 
 Gallic vessels depended on their sails and rigging, upon these 
 being cut away, the entire management of the ships was 
 taken from them at the same time. The rest of the contest 
 depended on 1 courage ; in which our men decidedly had the 
 advantage ; and the more so, because the whole action was 
 carried on in the sight of Caesar and the entire army ; so that 
 no act, a little more valiant than ordinary, could pass unob- 
 served, for all the hills and higher grounds, from which there 
 was a near prospect of the sea were occupied by our army. 
 
 CHAP. XV. The sail-yards [of the enemy], as we have said, 
 being brought down, although two and [in some cases] three 
 ships [of theirs] surrounded each one [of ours], the soldiers 
 strove with the greatest energy to board the ships of the enemy ; 
 and, after the barbarians observed this taking place, as a great 
 many of their ships were beaten, and as no relief for that 
 evil could be discovered, they hastened to seek safety in 
 flight. And, having now turned their vessels to that quarter 
 in which the wind blew, so great a calm and lull suddenly 
 arose, that they could not move out of their place, which cir- 
 cumstance, truly, was exceedingly opportune for finishing the 
 business ; for our men gave chase and took them one by one, so 
 that very few out of all the number, [and those] by the inter- 
 vention of night, arrived at the land, after the battle had 
 lasted almost from the fourth hour* till sun-set. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. By this battle the war with the Veneti and 
 the whole of the sea coast was finished ; for both all the youth, 
 and all, too, of more advanced age, in whom there was any 
 discretion or rank, had assembled in that battle ; and they 
 had collected in that one place whatever naval forces they had 
 any where ; and when these were lost, the survivors had no place 
 to retreat to, nor means of defending their towns. They ac* 
 cordingly surrendered themselves and all their possessions to 
 Caesar, on whom Caesar thought that punishment should be 
 inflicted the more severely, in order that for the future the 
 rights of embassadors might be more carefully respected by 
 barbarians; having, therefore, put to death all their senate, 
 he sold the rest for slaves. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. While these things are going on among 
 the Veneti, Q. Titurius Sabinus with those troops which he 
 
 1 Lit. " was placed in." 2 Lit. " about ten in the morning."
 
 CHAP. mil. CLESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 75 
 
 had received from Caesar, arrives in the territories of the 
 Unelli. Over these people Viridovix ruled, and held the 
 chief command of all those states which had revolted ; from 
 which he had collected a large and powerful army.' Aad in 
 those few days, the Aulerci and the Sexovii, having slain their 
 senate because they would not consent to be promoters of 
 the war, shut their gates [against us] and united themselves 
 to Viridovix ; a great multitude besides of desperate men and 
 robbers assembled out of Gaul from all quarters, whom the 
 hope of plundering and the love of fighting had called away 
 from husbandry and their daily labor. Sabinus kept himself 
 within his camp, which was in a position convenient for every- 
 thing ; while Viridovix encamped over against him at a dis- 
 tance of two miles, and daily bringing out his forces, gave him 
 an opportunity of fighting ; so that Sabinus had now not only 
 come into contempt with the enemy, but also was somewhat 
 taunted by the speeches of our soldiers ; and furnished so great 
 a suspicion of his cowardice that the enemy presumed to ap- 
 proach even to the very rampart of our camp. He adopted 
 this conduct for the following reason : because he did not 
 think that a lieutenant ought to engage in battle with so great 
 a force, especially while he who held the chief command was 
 absent, except on advantageous ground or some favorable 
 circumstance presented itself. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. After having established this suspicion of 
 his cowardice, he selected a certain suitable and crafty Gaul, 
 who was one of those whom he had with him as auxiliaries. 
 He induces him by great gifts and promises to go over to 
 the enemy ; and informs [him] of what he wished to be done. 
 Who, when he arrives among them as a deserter, lays 
 before them the fears of the Romans ; and informs them 
 by what difficulties Caesar himself was harassed, and that 
 the matter was not far removed from this that Sabinus would 
 the next night privately draw off his army out of the camp 
 and set forth to Caesar for the purpose of carrying [him] 
 assistance, which, when they heard, they all cry out together 
 that an opportunity of successfully conducting their enterprise, 
 ought not to be thrown away : that they ought to go to the 
 [Roman] camp. Many things persuaded the Gauls to this 
 measure ; the delay of Sabinus during the previous days ; the 
 
 1 Lit. "an army and large forces."
 
 76 CAESAR'S COMMENTAEIES. BOOK in. 
 
 positive assertion of the [pretended] deserter ; want of pro- 
 visions, for a supply of which they had not taken the requisite 
 precautions ; the hope springing from the Venetic war ; and 
 [also] because in most cases men willingly believe what 
 they wish. Influenced by these things they do not dis- 
 charge Viridovix and the other leaders from the council, 
 before they gained permission from them to take up arms 
 and hasten to [our] camp ; which being granted, rejoicing as 
 if victory were fully certain, they collected faggots and brush- 
 wood, with which to fill up the Roman trenches, and hasten to 
 the camp. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. The situation of the camp was a rising- 
 ground, gently sloping from the bottom for about a mile. 
 Thither they proceeded with great speed (in order that as 
 little time as possible might be given to the Romans to 
 collect and arm themselves), and arrived quite out of breath. 
 Sabinus having encouraged his men, gives them the signal, 
 which they earnestly desired. While the enemy Avere encum- 
 bered by reason of the burdens which they were carrying, he 
 orders a sally to be made suddenly from two gates [of the camp]. 
 It happened, by the advantage of situation, by the unskilfulness 
 and the fatigue of the enemy, by the valor of our soldiers, 
 and their experience in former battles, that they could not stand 
 one attack of our men, and immediately turned their backs ; 
 and our men with full vigor followed them while disor- 
 dered, and slew a great number of them ; the horse pursuing 
 the rest, left but few, who escaped by flight. Thus at the same 
 time, Sabinus was informed of the naval battle and Caesar of 
 victory gained by Sabinus ; and all the states immediately 
 surrendered themselves to Titurius : for as the temper of 
 the Gauls is impetuous and ready to undertake wars, so 
 their mind is weak, and by no means resolute in enduring 
 calamities. 1 
 
 CHAP. XX. About the same time, P. Crassus, when 
 he had arrived in Aquitania (which, as has been before 
 said, both from its extent of territory and the great num- 
 ber of its people, is to be reckoned a third part of Gaul, 2 ) 
 understanding that he was to wage war in these parts, 
 where a few years before, L. Valerius Prseconinus, the lieu- 
 
 1 Polybius's character of the Gauls perfectly agrees with that of Caesar's 
 in both the points spoken of in the passage above. 
 
 2 Book i. 1.
 
 CHAP. HL (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 7Y 
 
 tenant had been killed, and his army routed, and from which L. 
 Manilius, the proconsul, had fled with the loss of his baggage, 
 he perceived that no ordinary care must be used by him. 
 Wherefore, having provided corn, procured auxiliaries and 
 cavalry, [and] having summoned by name many valiant men 
 from Tolosa, Carcaso, and Narbo, which are the states of the 
 province of Gaul, that border on these regions [Aquitania], he 
 led his army into the territories of the Sotiates. On his 
 arrival being known, the Sotiates having brought together 
 great forces and [much] cavalry, in which their strength 
 principally lay, 1 and assailing our army on the march, en- 
 gaged first in a cavalry action, then when their cavalry was 
 routed, and our men pursuing, they suddenly display their 
 infantry forces, which they had placed in ambuscade in a 
 valley. These attacked our men [while] disordered, and renewed 
 the fight. 
 
 CHAP. XXI. The battle was long and vigorously contested, 
 since the Sotiates, relying on their former victories, imagined 
 that the safety of the whole of Aquitania rested on their 
 valor; [and] our men, on the other hand, desired it might 
 be seen what they could accomplish without their general and 
 without the other legions, under a very young commander ; 
 at length the enemy, worn out with wounds, began to turn 
 their backs, and a great number of them being slain, Crassus 
 began to besiege the [principal] town of the Sotiates on his 
 march. Upon their valiantly resisting, he raised vineae and 
 turrets. They at one time attempting a sally, at another 
 forming mines 2 to our rampart and vineae (at which the 
 Aquitani are eminently skilled, because in many places 
 among them there are copper mines) ; when they perceived 
 that nothing could be gained by these operations through 
 
 1 It need scarcely be observed that the infantry were then regarded aa 
 the main part of an army. 
 
 2 When a town could not be approached by vinece, the operations of 
 the siege were often carried on by the means of mines. These were 
 sometimes carried into the very heart of the place. When the object was 
 principally to sap the foundations of the walls, the part to be destroyed 
 was supported by upright wooden beams, which being fired, left the wall 
 to come down. This piece of warfare, we find, then, was also applied to 
 the fortifications of a camp. Another instance of this is found, De Bell. 
 Gall., vii. 22 ; where Csesar speaks also of skill derived from the civil 
 workings of mines applied to military purposes.
 
 78 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK m. 
 
 the perseverance of our men, they send embassadors to Cras- 
 sus, and entreat him to admit them to a surrender. Having 
 obtained it, they, being ordered to deliver up their arms, 
 comply. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. And while the attention of our men is en- 
 gaged in that matter, in another part Adcantuannus, who held 
 the chief command, with 600 devoted followers whom they call 
 soldurii 1 (the conditions of whose association are these, that 
 they enjoy all the conveniences of life with those to whose 
 friendship they have devoted themselves : if any thing calami- 
 tous happen to them, either they endure the same destiny 
 together with them, or commit suicide : nor hitherto, in the 
 memory of men, has there been found any one who, upon his 
 being slain to whose friendship he had devoted himself, refused 
 to die) ; Adcantuannus, [I say] endeavoring to make a sally 
 with these, when our soldiers had rushed together to arms, upon 
 a shout being raised at that part of the fortification, and a fierce 
 battle had been fought there, was driven back into the 
 town, yet he obtained from Crassus [the indulgence] that 
 he should enjoy the same terms of surrender [as the other in- 
 habitants]. 
 
 CHAP. XXIIL Crassus, having received their arms and 
 hostages, marched into the territories of the Vocates and the 
 Tarusates. But then, the barbarians being alarmed, because 
 they had heard that a town fortified by the nature of the place 
 and by art, 8 had been taken by us in a few days after our 
 arrival there, began to send embassadors' into all quarters, to 
 combine, to give hostages one to another, to raise troops. Em- 
 bassadors also are sent to those states of Hither Spain which 
 are nearest to Aquitania, and auxiliaries and leaders are sum- 
 moned from them ; on whose arrival they proceed to carry on the 
 war with great confidence, and with a great host of men. They 
 who had been with Q. Sertorius the whole period [of his war in 
 
 1 Soldurii. This seems a Celtic word. That the soldurii were persons 
 lying under feudal obligations to the persons whom they attended in 
 battle, and are to be regarded in the same light as tho persons (ambacti 
 clientesque) spoken of in book vi. 15, is at least doubtful. Plutarch 
 speaks of persons among the Egyptians devoting themselves to the service 
 of others for life and death (ervvaTroOvTJaKovTet). It is probable that the 
 soldurii acted only on sacred principles in this self-devotion, and were 
 thus an iepof ^.o^of. 
 
 2 Lit. "by hand."
 
 CHAP. xiv. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 79 
 
 Spain] and were supposed to have very great skill in military 
 matters, are chosen leaders. These, adopting the practice of 
 the Roman people, begin to select [advantageous] places, 
 to fortify their camp, to cut off our men from provisions, 
 which, when Crassus observes, [and likewise] that his forces, 
 on account of their small number could not safely be sepa- 
 rated ; that the enemy both made excursions and beset the 
 passes, and [yet] left sufficient guard for their camp ; that on 
 that account, corn and provision could not very conveniently 
 be brought up to him, and that the number of the enemy was 
 daily increased, he thought that he ought not to delay in giving 
 battle. This matter being brought to a council, when he dis- 
 covered that all thought the same thing, he appointed the next 
 day for the fight. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. Having drawn out all his forces at the 
 break of day, and marshaled them in a double line, he 
 posted the auxiliaries in the center, and waited to see 
 what measures the enemy would take. They, although on ac- 
 count of their great number *and their ancient renown in war, 
 and the small number of our men, they supposed they might 
 safely fight, nevertheless considered it safer to gain the vic- 
 tory without any wound, by besetting the passes [and] cutting 
 off the provisions: and if the Romans, on account of the 
 want of corn, should begin to retreat, they intended to attack 
 them while encumbered in their march and depressed in spirit 
 [as being assailed while] under baggage. This measure being 
 approved of by the leaders and the forces of the Romans drawn 
 out, the enemy [still] kept themselves in their camp. Crassus 
 having remarked this circumstance, since the enemy, intimi- 
 dated by their own delay, and by the reputation [i. e. for cow- 
 ardice arising thence] had rendered our soldiers more eager 
 for fighting, and the remarks of all were heard [declaring] 
 that no longer ought delay to be made in going to the 
 camp, after encouraging his men, he marches to the camp of 
 the enemy, to the great gratification of his own troops. 1 
 
 CHAP. XXV. There, while some were filling up the ditch, and 
 others, by throwing a large number of darts, were driving the 
 defenders from the rampart and fortifications, and the auxilia- 
 ries, on whom Crassus did not much rely in the battle, by sup- 
 plying stones and weapons [to the soldiers], and by conveying 
 
 1 Lit "all earnestly wishing it "
 
 80 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK m. 
 
 turf to the mound, presented the appearance and charac- 
 ter of men engaged in fighting ; while also the enemy were 
 fighting resolutely and boldly, and their weapons, discharged 
 from their higher position, fell 1 with great effect; the horse, 
 having gone round the camp of the enemy, reported to Crassus 
 that the camp was not fortified with equal care on the side of 
 the Decuman gate, and had an easy approach. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. Crassus, having exhorted the commanders of 
 the horse to animate their men by great rewards and promises, 
 points out to them what he wished to have done. They, a 
 they had been commanded, having brought out the four cohorts, 
 which, as they had been left as a guard for the camp, were not 
 fatigued by exertion, and having led them round by a some- 
 what longer way, lest they could be seen from the camp of the 
 enemy, when the eyes and minds of all were intent upon the 
 battle, quickly arrived at those fortifications which we have 
 spoken of, and, having demolished these, stood in the camp 
 of the enemy before they were seen by them, or it was known 
 what was going on. And then, a shout being heard in that 
 quarter, our men, their strength having been recruited, (which 4 
 usually occurs on the hope of victory), began to fight more 
 vigorously. The enemy surrounded on all sides, [and] all their 
 affairs being despaired of, made great attempts to cast them- 
 selves down over the ramparts and to seek safety in flight. 
 These the cavalry pursued over the very open plains, and after 
 leaving scarcely a fourth part out of the number of 50,000, 
 which it was certain had assembled out of Aquitania and from 
 the Cantabri, returned late at night to the camp. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. Having heard of this battle, the greatest 
 part of Aquitania surrendered itself to Crassus, and of its own 
 accord sent hostages, in which number were the Tarbelli, 3 the 
 Bigerriones, the Preciani, the Vocasates, the Tarusates, the 
 Elurates, the Garites, the Ausci, the Garumni, the Sibuzates, 
 the Cocosates. A few [and those] most remote nations, relying 
 on the time of the year, because winter was at hand, neglected 
 to do this. 
 
 CHAP. XXVHI. About the same time Caesar, although 
 the summer was nearly past, yet, since, all Gaul being re- 
 
 1 Literally, "not ineffectively." 
 
 2 Literally, " which generally ia accustomed to happen." 
 
 3 For the situations of these several people, see the map.
 
 CHAP. xxrc. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 81 
 
 duced, the Morini and the Menapii alone remained in arms, 
 and had never sent embassadors to him [to make a treaty] of 
 peace, speedily led his army thither, thinking that that war 
 might soon be terminated. They resolved to conduct the war 
 on a very different method irom the rest of the Gauls ; for as 
 they perceived that the greatest nations [of Gaul] who had 
 engaged in war, had been routed and overcome, and as they 
 possessed continuous ranges of forests and morasses, they 
 removed themselves and all their property thither. When 
 Caesar had arrived at the opening of these forests, and had 
 began to fortify his camp, and no enemy was in the mean time 
 seen, while our men were dispersed on their respective duties, 
 they suddenly rushed out from all parts of the forest, and 
 made an attack on our men. The latter quickly took up arms 
 and drove them back again to their forests ; and having killed 
 a great many, lost a few of their own men while pursuing them 
 too far through those intricate places. 
 
 CHAP. XXTX. During the remaining days after this, Caesar 
 began to cut down the forests; and that no attack might be 
 made on the flank of the soldiers, while unarmed and not fore- 
 seeing it, he placed together (opposite to the enemy) all that 
 timber which was cut down, and piled it up as a rampart on 
 either flank. When a great space had been, with incredible 
 speed, cleared in a few days, when the cattle [of the enemy] and 
 the rear of their baggage train were already seized by our men, 
 and they themselves were seeking for the thickest parts of the 
 forests, storms of such a kind came on that the work was 
 necessarily suspended, and, through the continuance of the 
 rains, the soldiers could not any longer remain in their tents. 
 Therefore, having laid waste all their country, [and] having 
 burned their villages and houses, Caesar led back his army and 
 stationed them in winter quarters among, the Aulerci and 
 Lexovii, and the other states which had made war upon him 
 last, 
 
 4*
 
 82 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOKIV. 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 THE ARGUMENT. 
 
 I.-III. The TJsipetes and Tenchtheri, oppressed by the Suevi, migrate 
 from Germany into Gaul ; the national character of the Suevi. IV. 
 The TTsipetes and Tenchtheri possess themselves of the estates of the 
 Menapii. V., VI. Caesar resolves to make war upon the Germans. 
 VII.-IX. Receives an overture of peace from them ; their treacherous 
 designs. X. Description of the Meuse and the Rhine. XI.-XV. 
 The perfidy of the Germans: their overthrow and retreat. XVI.- 
 XVIL Caesar's bridge over the Rhine. XVIII., XIX. Caesar leads 
 his army into Germany ; punishes the Sigambri ; frees the Ubii from 
 the tyranny of the Suevi, and returns into Gaul. XX.-XXII. His 
 design upon Britain ; preparations for the expedition. XXIII.-XXVII. 
 Carries it into effect; the defeat and surrender of the Britons. 
 XXVIII., XXIX. The Roman vessels overtaken by a storm. XXX. 
 The Britons think to take advantage of this. XXXI. Caesar defeats 
 their designs. XXXII. A stratagem of the Britons for attacking a 
 Roman legion. XXXIII. Their mode of fighting with chariots. 
 XXXIV. They advance to the Roman camp. XXXV. Are defeated. 
 XXXVI. Sue for peace. XXXVII., XXXVIII. The Morini attack 
 two legions which had just returned from Britain and suffer a severe 
 loss ; Caesar goes into winter quarters among the Belgae ; a thanksgiving 
 of twenty days decreed by the senate for the success of this campaign. 
 
 CHAP. I. The following winter (this was the year in which 
 Cn. Pompey and M. Crassus were consuls), 1 those Germans 
 [called] the Usipetes, and likewise the Tenchtheri, with a great 
 number of men, crossed the Rhine, not far from the place at 
 which that river discharges itself into the sea. 2 The motive. for 
 crossing [that river] was, that having been for several years 
 harassed by the Suevi, they were constantly engaged in war, and 
 hindered from the pursuits of agriculture. The nation of the 
 Suevi is by far the largest and the most warlike nation of all 
 
 1 This was the year 699, after the building of Rome : 55 before Christ. 
 It was the fourth year of the Gallic war. 
 
 5 Lit. " not far from the sea, where the Rhine flows into it."
 
 CHAP. n. CLESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 83 
 
 the Germans. They are said to possess a hundred cantons, 1 
 from each of which they yearly send from their territories for 
 the purpose of war a thousand armed men : the others who re- 
 main at home, maintain [both] themselves and those engaged in 
 the expedition. The latter again, in their turn, are in arms the 
 year after : the former remain at home. Thus neither husbandry, 
 nor the art and practice of war are neglected. But among them 
 there exists no private and separate land ; nor are they per- 
 mitted to remain more than one year in one place for the 
 purpose of residence. They do not live much on corn, but sub- 
 sist for the most part on milk and flesh, and are much [en- 
 gaged] in hunting ; which circumstance must, by the nature of 
 their food, and by their daily exercise and the freedom of their 
 life (for having from boyhood been accustomed to no employ- 
 ment, or discipline, they do nothing at all contrary to their 
 inclination), both promote their strength and render them men 
 of vast stature of body. 3 And to such a habit have they 
 brought themselves, that even in the coldest parts they wear 
 no clothing whatever except skins, 3 by reason of the scantiness 
 of which, a great portion of their body is bare, and besides 
 they bathe in open rivers. 4 
 
 CHAP. II. Merchants have access to them rather that they 
 may have persons to whom they may sell those things which 
 they have taken in war, than because they need any commodity 
 to be imported to them. Moreover, even as to laboring cattle, 
 in which the Gauls take the greatest pleasure, and which- they 
 procure at a great price, the Germans do not employ such as 
 are imported^ but those poor 6 and ill-shaped animals, which 
 belong to their country ; these, however, they render capable 
 of the greatest labor by daily exercise. In cavalry actions they 
 
 1 The correctness of this statement of Caesar's has been doubted. But 
 Tacitus, in his Germania, ch. T-x-viy. has " centum pagis habitantur," in 
 speaking of a German nation. 
 
 * Tacitus, Germania, ch. iv., describing the personal appearance of the 
 Germans, speaks of them in a similar manner: " magna corpora." 
 
 3 See book vi., ch. 21. 
 
 4 In the above mentioned work, ch, iv., Tacitus further says of the Ger- 
 mans : "frigora atque inediam ccelo solove assueverint." Their bathings 
 in the open rivers, in their cold climate, and perhaps without much res- 
 pect to seasons, would to the Romans be an evidence of their hardihood, 
 
 5 Some editions have parva. Davis and Clark have the better reading 
 prava. The Greek paraphrast has fiiKpuf. The classical Greek writers 
 use TrovTjpdc, as the Latin do prams, to denote what is inferior. Xeno-
 
 84 (LESAE'S COMMENTAKIES. BOOK iv. 
 
 frequently leap from their horses and fight on foot ; and train 
 their horses to stand still in the very spot on which they leave 
 them, to which they retreat with great activity when there is 
 occasion ; nor, according to their practice, is any thing regarded 
 as more unseemly, or more unmanly, than to use housings. 1 
 Accordingly, they have the courage, though they be themselves 
 but few, to advance against any number whatever of horse 
 mounted with housings. They on no account permit wine to be 
 imported to them, because they consider that men degenerate 
 in their powers of enduring fatigue, and are rendered effeminate 
 by that commodity. 
 
 CHAP. III. They esteem it their greatest praise as a 
 nation, that the lands about their territories lie unoccupied 
 to a very great extent, inasmuch as [they think] that by 
 this circumstance is indicated, that a great number of nations 
 can not withstand their power ; and thus on one side of 
 the Suevi the lands are said to lie desolate for about six 
 hundred miles. On the other side they border on the Ubii, 
 whose state was large and flourishing, considering the condi- 
 tion of the Germans, and who are somewhat more refined than 
 those of the same race and the rest [of the Germans], and that 
 because they border on the Ehine, and are much resorted to 
 by merchants, and are accustomed to the manners of the Gauls, 
 by reason of their approximity to them. Though the Suevi, 
 after making the attempt frequently and in several wars, could 
 not expel this nation from their territories, on account of the 
 extent and population of their state, yet they made them tribu- 
 taries, and rendered them less distinguished and powerful [than 
 they had ever been]. 2 
 
 CHAP. IV. In the same condition were the Usipetes and 
 the Tenchtheri (whom we have mentioned above), who, for 
 many years, resisted the power of the Suevi, but being at last 
 driven from their possessions, and having wandered through 
 many parts of Germany, came to the Ehine, to districts which 
 
 phon, Cyropasd. book i. The account of the cattle of the Germans given 
 by Tacitus, Germania, ch. v., agrees with that given here by Caesar. He 
 describes their country as "pecorum foecunda, sed plerumque improcera ;" 
 adding, " ne armentis quidem suus honor aut gloria frontis." 
 
 1 Livy, lib. xxzv. ch. xi., says, that the Numidian horse did not use 
 bridles. 
 
 2 So we have thought fit to translate "humitiorea," the literal meaning 
 of which is more lowly.
 
 CHAP. vi. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 85 
 
 the Menapii inhabited, and where they had lands, houses, and 
 villages on either side of the river. The latter people, alarmed 
 by the arrival of so great a multitude, removed from those 
 houses which they had on the other side of the river, and having 
 placed guards on this side the Rhine, proceeded to hinder the 
 Germans from crossing. They, finding themselves, after they 
 had tried all means, unable either to force a passage on account 
 of their deficiency in shipping, or cross by stealth on account 
 of the guards of the Menapii, pretended to return to their own 
 settlements and districts ; and, after having proceeded three 
 days' march, returned ; and their cavalry having performed the 
 whole of this journey in one night, cut off the Menapii, who 
 were ignorant of, and did not expect [their approach, and] who, 
 having moreover been informed of the departure of the Ger- 
 mans by their scouts, had, without apprehension, returned to 
 their villages beyond the Rhine. Having slain these, and seized 
 their ships, they crossed the river before that part of the Me- 
 napii, who were at peace in their settlements over the Rhine, 
 were apprized of [their intention] ; and seizing all their houses, 
 maintained themselves upon their provisions during the rest of 
 the winter. 
 
 CHAP. V. Caesar, when informed of these matters, fearing 
 the fickle disposition of the Gauls, who are easily prompted to 
 take up resolutions, and much addicted to change, considered 
 that nothing was to be intrusted to them ; for it is the custom 
 of that people to compel travelers to stop, even against their in- 
 clination, and inquire what they may have heard, or may know, 
 respecting any matter ; and in towns the common people throng 
 around merchants and force them to state from what countries 
 they come, and what affairs they know of there. They often 
 engage in resolutions concerning the most important matters, 
 induced by these reports and stories alone ; of which they must 
 necessarily instantly repent, since they yield to mere unauthor- 
 ized reports; 1 and since most people give to their questions 
 answers framed agreeably to their wishes. 
 
 CHAP. VI. Caesar, being aware of their custom, in order that 
 he might not encounter a more formidable war, 2 sets forward to 
 
 1 " Quum incertis rumoribus serviant." Oudendorp cites a collateral 
 passage from Plautus, " Nee tuia depellor dictus, quin rumore serviam." 
 
 2 Than by delay he would.
 
 86 CLESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK iv. 
 
 the army earlier in the year than he was accustomed to do. When 
 he had arrived there, he discovered that those tilings, which he 
 had suspected would occur, had taken place ; that embassies had 
 been sent to the Germans by some of the states, and that they 
 had been entreated to leave the Rhine, and had been promised 
 that all things which they desired should be provided by the 
 Gauls. Allured by this hope, the Germans were then making 
 excursions to greater distances, and had advanced to the terri- 
 tories of the Eburones and the Condrusi, who are under the pro- 
 tection 1 of the Treviri. After summoning the chiefs of Gaul, 
 Csesar thought proper to pretend ignorance of the things which, 
 he had discovered ; and having conciliated and confirmed their 
 minds, 2 and ordered some cavalry to be raised, resolved to make 
 war against the Germans. 
 
 CHAP. VII. Having provided corn and selected his cavalry, 
 he began to direct his march toward those parts in which 
 he heard the Germans were. When he was distant from them 
 only a few days' march, embassadors came to him from their 
 state, whose speech was as follows: "That the Germans 
 neither make war upon the Roman people first, nor do they 
 decline, if they are provoked, to engage with them in arms ; 
 for that this was the custom of the Germans handed down 
 to them from their forefathers, to resist whatsoever people 
 make war upon them and not to avert it by entreaty ; 3 this, 
 however, they confessed, that they had come hither reluct- 
 antly, 4 having been expelled from their country. If the Ro- 
 mans were disposed 5 to accept their friendship, they might be 
 serviceable allies to them ; and let them either assign them 
 lands, or permit them to retain those which they had acquired 
 by their arms ; that they are inferior to the Suevi alone, to 
 whom not even the immortal gods can show themselves equal ; 
 that there was none at all besides on earth whom they could 
 not conquer." 
 
 CHAP. Vin. To these remarks Caesar replied in such 
 terms as he thought proper; but the conclusion 8 of his 
 
 1 " Qui sunt Trevirorum dientes." 
 
 2 i. e. in their allegiance to the Roman people. 
 
 3 " Deprecari." 
 
 4 " Invitos" i. e. not by design, but by necessity. 
 
 5 Velint. The Greek 6&u has a like sense. 
 
 6 " Exitus." Conclusion, i. e. substance.
 
 CHAP. x. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 87 
 
 speech was, "That he could make no alliance with them, 
 if they continued in Gaul ; that it was not probable that 
 they who were not able to defend their own territories, should 
 get possession of those of others, nor were there any lands 
 lying waste in Gaul, which could be given away, especially to 
 so great a number of men, without doing wrong [to others] ; 
 but they might, if they were desirous, settle in the territories of 
 the Ubii ; whose embassadors were then with him, and were 
 complaining of the aggressions of the Suevi, and requesting 
 assistance from him; and that he would obtain this request 
 from them." 
 
 CHAP. IX. The embassadors said that they "would report 
 these things to their country men ; and, after having deliberated 
 on the matter, would return to Caesar after the third day, they 
 begged that he would not in the mean time advance his camp 
 nearer to them. Caesar said that he could not grant them 
 even that ; for he had learned that they had sent a great part 
 of their cavalry over the Meuse to the Ambivariti, 1 some days 
 before, for the purpose of plundering and procuring forage. He 
 supposed that they were then waiting for these horse, and that 
 the delay was caused on this account. 
 
 CHAP. X. a The Meuse rises from mount Le Vosge, 3 which 
 is in the territories of the Lingones ; and, having received a 
 branch of the Rhine, which is called the Waal, forms the 
 island of the Batavi, and not more than eighty miles from it 
 it falls into the ocean. But the Rhine takes its source 
 among the Lepontii, who inhabit the Alps, and is carried with 
 a rapid current for a long distance through the territories of 
 the Sarunates, Helvetii, Sequani, Mediomatrici, 4 Tribuci, and 
 Treviri, and when it approaches the ocean, divides into several 
 branches ; and, having formed many and extensive islands, a 
 great part of which are inhabited by savage and barbarous 
 
 1 The Ambivartti lay between the Meuse and the Rhine. 
 
 2 This tenth chapter has, though without any reason, been supposed 
 to be a gloss. 
 
 3 Vosegus (sometimes written Vogesus and Vosaga), the present Vosgs, 
 is a branch of mount Jura. 
 
 4 The Mediomatrici, or -rices, were a people of Gallia Belgica. Till 
 crippled by the Roman conquests in Gaul, they were a powerful people, 
 and possessed of an extensive country. The modern Mete, derives its 
 name from their chief town, MediomatricL The Tribuci lay in the east 
 of Gallia Belgica. They were of German origin.
 
 88 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK IT. 
 
 nations (of whom there are some who are supposed to live on 
 fish and the eggs of sea-fowl), flows into the ocean by several 
 mouths.' 
 
 CHAP. XI When Caesar was not more than twelve miles 
 distant from the enemy, the embassadors return to him, as had 
 been arranged ; who meeting him on the march, earnestly en- 
 treated him not to advance any further. When they could not 
 obtain this, they begged him to send on a dispatch to those 
 who had marched in advance of the main army, and forbid 
 them to engage ; and grant them permission to send embas- 
 sadors to the Ubii, and if the princes and senate of the latter 
 would give them security by oath, they assured Caesar that they 
 would accept such conditions as might be proposed by him ; 
 and requested that he would give them the space of three days 
 for negociating these affairs. Caesar thought that these things 
 tended to the self-same point [as their other proposal] ; [namely] 
 that, in consequence of a delay of three days intervening, their 
 horse, which were at a distance, might return ; however, he said, 
 that he would not that day advance further than four miles 
 for the purpose of procuring water; he ordered that they 
 should assemble at that place in as large a number as possible, 
 the following day, that he might inquire into their demands. In 
 the mean time he sends messengers to the officers who had 
 marched in advance with all the cavalry, to order them not to 
 provoke the enemy to an engagement, and if they themselves 
 Were assailed, to sustain the attack until he came up with the 
 army. 
 
 CHAP. XII. But the enemy, as soon as they saw our horse, 
 the number of which was 5000, whereas they themselves had 
 not more than 800 horse, because those which had gone over 
 the Meuse for the purpose of foraging had not returned, while 
 our men had no apprehensions, because their embassadors had 
 gone away from Caesar a little before, and that day had been 
 requested by them as a period of truce, made an onset on our 
 men, and soon threw them into disorder. When our men, in 
 their turn, made a stand, they, according to their practice, leaped 
 from their horses to their feet, and stabbing our horses in the 
 belly and overthrowing a great many of our men, put the 
 
 1 " Multisque capitibus," etc. Contrary to the use 'of the Latin -writers, 
 Csesar here employs caput to signify, not the source of the river, but the 
 part at which it flows into the sea.
 
 CHAP.xm. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 89 
 
 rest to flight, and drove them forward so much alarmed that 
 they did not desist from their retreat till they had come in sight 
 of our army. In that encounter seventy-four of our horse were 
 slain ; among them, Piso, an Aquitanian, a most valiant man, 
 and descended from a very illustrious family; whose grand- 
 father had held the sovereignty of his state, and had been styled 
 friend by our senate. He, while he was endeavoring to render 
 assistance to his brother who was surrounded by the enemy, and 
 whom he rescued from danger, was himself thrown from his 
 horse, which was wounded under him, but still opposed [his 
 antagonists] with the greatest intrepidity, as long as he was able 
 to maintain the conflict. When at length he fell, surrounded 
 on all sides and after receiving many wounds, and his brother, 
 who had then retired from the fight, observed it from a dis- 
 tance, he spurred on his horse, threw himself upon the enemy, 
 and was killed. 
 
 CHAP. XDI. After this engagement, Caesar considered 
 that neither ought embassadors to be received to audience, 
 nor conditions be accepted by him from those who, after 
 having sued for peace by way of stratagem and treachery, 
 had made war without provocation. And to wait until the ene- 
 my's forces were augmented and their cavalry had returned, 
 he concluded, would be the greatest madness; and knowing 
 the fickleness of the Gauls, he felt how much influence the 
 enemy had already acquired among them by this one skirmish. 
 He [therefore] deemed that no time for concerting measures 
 ought to be afforded them. After having, resolved o.n those 
 things and communicated his plans to his lieutenants and 
 quaestor 1 in order that he might not suffer any opportunity for 
 engaging to escape him, a very seasonable event occurred, 
 namely, that on the morning of the next day, a large body of 
 
 1 From the city quaestors (qufestores urbani), whose office was nearly 
 coeval with the building of Rome, other functionaries of the state, from 
 the corresponding character of their duties, derived their name, with the 
 distinctive title of Militares, or Provinciales. The duties of the former 
 were, principally, to take charge of the treasury, which was kept in the 
 temple of Saturn ; to receive and expend the public money (of which they 
 were required to render an account) ; exact the fines imposed by the state 
 and provide for the accomodation of foreign embassadors. Those of the 
 military, or provincial, quaestors, were to attend the consuls or praetors, 
 into their provinces ; see that provisions and pay were there furnished to 
 the army ; take charge of the money deposited by the soldiers ; raise the 
 taxes and tributes of the state ; have charge of the money and sell the
 
 90 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK iv. 
 
 Germans, consisting of their princes and old men, came to the 
 camp to him to practice the same treachery and dissimulation ; 
 but, as they asserted, for the purpose of acquitting themselves 
 for having engaged in a skirmish the day before, contrary to 
 what had been agreed and to what indeed, they themselves had 
 requested ; and also if they could by any means obtain a truce 
 by deceiving him. Caesar, rejoicing that they had fallen into 
 his power, ordered them to be detained. 1 He then drew all his 
 forces out of the camp, and commanded the cavalry, because 
 he thought they were intimidated by the late skirmish, to fol- 
 low in the rear. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. Having marshalled his army in three lines, 
 and in a short time performed a march of eight miles, he arrived 
 at the camp of the enemy before the Germans could per- 
 ceive what was going on; who being suddenly alarmed by 
 all the circumstances, both by the speediness of our arrival and 
 the absence of their own officers, as time was afforded neither 
 for concerting measures nor for seizing their arms, are per- 
 plexed as to whether it would be better to lead out their forces 
 against the enemy, or to defend their camp, or seek their safety 
 by flight. Their consternation being made apparent by their 
 noise and tumult, our soldiers, excited by the treachery of the 
 preceding day, rushed into the camp : such of them as could 
 readily get their arms, for a short time withstood our men, and 
 gave battle among their carts and baggage wagons ; but the 
 rest of the people, 2 [consisting] of boys and women (for they 
 had left their country and crossed the Rhine with all their 
 families) began to fly in all directions; in pursuit of whom 
 Caesar sent the cavalry. 
 
 CHAP. XV. The Germans when, upon hearing a noise behind 
 them, [they looked and] saw that their families were being slain, 
 
 spoils taken in war ; and, like the city quaestors, render an account of 
 their receipts and disbursements. 
 
 1 Plutarch, in his life of Cassar, records, on the authority of this pas- 
 sage, this act of perfidy on the part of the Germans ; but further intimates 
 that, when a public thanksgiving for this victory was proposed in the 
 senate, Cato (not altogether a friend of Caesar's) was so displeased with 
 the Roman general's conduct in attacking the Germans while their em- 
 bassadors were in his camp, as to declare that he ought to have been 
 delivered up to the enemy as one who had violated a treaty. 
 
 2 " Reliqua multitudo ;" the rest of that large body of people ; i. e. the 
 Germans.
 
 CHAP. XYI. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 91 
 
 throwing away their arms and abandoning their standards, fled 
 out of the camp, and when they had arrived at the confluence 
 of the Meuse and the Rhine, the survivors despairing of further 
 escape, as a great number of their countrymen had been killed, 
 threw themselves into the river and there perished, overcome 
 by fear, fatigue, and the violence of the stream. Our soldiers, 
 after the alarm of so great a war, for the number of the enemy 
 amounted to 430,000,' returned to their camp, all safe to a 
 man, very few being even wounded. Caesar granted those 
 whom he had detained in the camp liberty of departing. They 
 however, dreading revenge and torture from the Gauls, whose 
 lands they had harassed, said that they desired to remain with 
 him. Caesar granted them permission. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. The German war being finished, Caesar 
 thought it expedient for him to cross the Rhine, for many 
 reasons ; of which this was the most weighty, that, since he 
 saw the Germans were so easily urged to go into Gaul, he 
 desired they should have their fears for their own territories, 
 when they discovered that the army of the Roman people both 
 could and dared pass the Rhine. There was added also, that 
 portion of the cavalry of the Usipetes and the Tenchtheri, 
 which I have above related to have crossed the Meuse for 
 the purpose of plundering and procuring forage, and was not 
 present at the engagement, had betaken themselves, after the 
 retreat of their countrymen, across the Rhine into the ter- 
 ritories of the Sigambri, and united themselves to them. 
 When Caesar sent embassadors to them, to demand that they 
 should give up to him those who had made war against him 
 and against Gaul, they replied, " That the Rhine bounded the 
 empire of the Roman people ; if he did not think it just for 
 the Germans to pass over into Gaul against his consent, why 
 did he claim that any thing beyond the Rhine should be subject 
 to his dominion or power 2" The Ubii, also, who alone, out of 
 all the nations lying beyond the Rhine, had sent embassadors 
 to Caesar, and formed an alliance and given hostages, earnestly 
 entreated "that he would bring them assistance, because they 
 were grievously oppressed by the Suevi ; or, if he was prevented 
 from doing so by the business of the commonwealth, he would 
 at least transport his army over the Rhine ; that that would 
 
 1 Including women and children.
 
 92 CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. uoofi.iv. 
 
 be sufficient for their present assistance and their hope for 
 the future ; that so great was the name and the reputation of 
 his army, even among the most remote nations of the Germans, 
 arising from the defeat of Ariovistus and this last battle which 
 was fought, that they might be safe under the fame and 
 friendship of the Roman people." They promised a large 
 number of ships for transporting the army. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. Caesar, for those reasons which I 1 have men- 
 tioned, had resolved to cross the Rhine ; but to cross by ships 
 he neither deemed to be sufficiently safe, nor considered 
 consistent with his own dignity or that of the Roman people. 
 Therefore, although the greatest difficulty in forming a bridge 
 was presented to him, on account of the breadth, rapidity, and 
 depth of the river, he nevertheless considered that it ought to 
 be attempted by him, or that his army ought not otherwise to be 
 led over. He devised this plan of a bridge. He joined together 
 at the distance of two feet, two piles, each a foot and a half thick, 
 sharpened a little at the lower end, and proportioned in length, 
 to the depth of the river. After he had, by means of engines, 
 sunk these into the river, and fixed them at the bottom, and then 
 driven them in with rammers, not quite perpendicularly, like a 
 stake, but bending forward and sloping, so as to incline in the 
 direction of the current of the river ; he also placed two [other 
 piles] opposite to these, at the distance of forty feet lower down, 
 fastened together in the same manner, but directed against 
 the force and current of the river. Both these, moreover, 
 were kept firmly apart by beams two feet thick (the space 
 which the binding of the piles occupied), laid in at their 
 extremities between two braces on each side, and in conse- 
 quence of these being in different directions and' fastened on 
 sides the one opposite to the other, so great was the strength 
 of the work, and such the arrangement of the materials, that 
 in proportion as the greater body of water dashed against 
 the bridge, so much the closer were its parts held fastened 
 together. These beams were bound together by timber laid 
 over them, 2 in the direction of the length of the bridge, arid 
 were [then] covered over with laths and hurdles ; and in addi- 
 
 1 " Commemoravi." Here, as in ch. 27, Caesar, contrary to his practice, 
 uses the first person singular. 
 
 2 I have here adopted Clarke's explanation, which is supported by the 
 authority of Lipsius.
 
 CHAP. xxr. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 93 
 
 tion to this, piles were driven into the water obliquely, at the 
 lower side of the bridge, and these, serving as buttresses, 
 and being connected with every portion of the work, sustained 
 the force of the stream : and there were others also above the 
 bridge, at a moderate distance ; that if trunks of trees or vessels 
 were floated down the river by the barbarians for the purpose of 
 destroying the work, the violence of such things might be di- 
 minished by these defenses, and might not injure the bridge. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. Within ten days after the timber began 
 to be collected, the whole work was completed, and the whole 
 army led over. Caesar, leaving a strong guard at each end 
 of the bridge, hastens into the territories of the Sigambri. 
 In the mean time, embassadors from several nations come to 
 him, whom, on their suing for peace and alliance, he answers 
 in a courteous manner, and orders hostages to be brought to 
 him. But the Sigambri, at the very time the bridge was 
 begun to be built, made preparations for a flight (by the advice 
 of such of the Tenchtheri and Usipgtes as they had among 
 them), and quitted their territories, and conveyed away all their 
 possessions, and concealed themselves in deserts and woods. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. Caesar, having remained in their territories a 
 few days, and burned all their villages and houses, and cut 
 down their corn, proceeded into the territories of the Ubii ; 
 and having promised them his assistance, if they were ever 
 harassed by the Suevi, he learned from them these particulars : 
 that the Suevi, after they had by means of their scouts found 
 that the bridge was being built, had called a council, ac- 
 cording to their custom, and sent orders to all parts of their 
 state to remove from the towns and convey their children, 
 wives, and all their possessions into the woods, and that all 
 who could bear arms should assemble in one place ; that the 
 place thus chosen was nearly the centre of those regions which 
 the Suevi possessed ; that in this spot they had resolved to 
 await the arrival of the Romans, and give them battle there. 
 When Caesar discovered this, having already accomplished 
 all these things on account of which he had resolved to lead 
 his army over, namely, to strike fear into the Germans, take 
 vengeance on the Sigambri, and free the Ubii from the invasion 
 of the Suevi, having spent altogether eighteen days beyond 
 the Rhine, and thinking he had advanced far enough to serve 
 both honor and interest, he returned into Gaul, and cut down 
 the bridge.
 
 94 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK IY. 
 
 CHAP. XX. During the short part of summer which, re- 
 mained, Caesar, although in these countries, as all Gaul lies 
 toward the north, the winters are early, nevertheless resolved 
 to proceed into Britain, 1 because he discovered that in almost 
 all the wars with the Gauls succors had been furnished to 
 our enemy from that country ; and even if the time of year 
 should be insufficient for carrying on the war, yet he thought it 
 would be of great service to him if he only entered the island, 
 and saw into the character of the people, and got knowledge of 
 their localities, harbors, and landing-places, all which were for 
 the most part unknown to the Gauls. For neither does any 
 one except merchants generally go thither, nor even to them was 
 any portion of it known, except the sea-coast and those parts 
 which are opposite to Gaul. Iherefore, after having called up to 
 him the merchants from all parts, he could learn neither what 
 was the size of the island, nor what or how numerous were the 
 nations which inhabited it, nor what system of war they fol- 
 lowed, nor what customs they used, nor what harbors were 
 convenient for a great number of large ships. 2 
 
 CHAP. XXI. He sends before him Caius Volusenus with a 
 ship of war, to acquire a knowledge of these particulars before 
 he in person should make a descent 5 into the island, as he was 
 convinced that this was a judicious measure. He commis- 
 sioned him to thoroughly examine into all matters, and then 
 return to him as soon as possible. He himself proceeds to 
 the Morini with all his forces. He orders ships from all 
 parts of the neighboring countries, and the fleet which the 
 
 K 
 
 1 Ouberlin remarks in his note on this passage, that Dion Cassius asserts 
 that Caesar's expedition against Britain tended to the advantage neither 
 of the general nor of Rome, beyond the mere extension of the empire ; 
 and adds, that Plutarch assented to that opinion. He further reminds 
 us that Suetonius assigns as Caesar's motive for the expedition, the very 
 strange one of his wishing to obtain pearls, in which he had heard the 
 island abounded. He, lastly, cites the passage from Pliny (lib. ix., c. 517), 
 in which that writer relates that Caesar dedicated to Venus, from whom 
 he boasted his descent, a breast-plate formed, as he wished it to be be- 
 lieved, of British pearls. 
 
 2 The earliest accredited account of the ancient Britons is that given 
 in these Commentaries. Tacitus, in his Agricola, c. 10, in entering on 
 his description of that people, represents them as " multis scriptoribus 
 memoratos." After Caesar (in this and the fifth book of the Gallic War), 
 Livy, Strabo, Fabius Rusticus, Pomponiua Mela, Pliny, and Tacitus him- 
 self, in his Agricola, left records of them.
 
 CHAP. zxn. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 95 
 
 preceding summer he had built for the war with the Vengti, to 
 assemble in this place. la the mean time, his purpose having 
 been discovered, and reported to the Britons by merchants, 
 embassadors come to him from several states of the island, 
 to promise that they will give hostages, and submit to the 
 government of the Roman people. Having given them an 
 audience, he after promising liberally, and exhorting them to 
 continue in that purpose, sends them back to their own country, 
 and [dispatches] with them Commius, whom, upon subduing 
 the AtrebStes, he had created king there, a man whose courage 
 and conduct he esteemed, and who he thought would be faith- 
 ful to him, and whose influence ranked highly 1 in those coun- 
 tries. He orders him to visit as many states as he could, and 
 persuade them to embrace the protection of the Roman people, 
 and apprize, them that he would shortly come thither. Volu- 
 senus, having viewed the localities as far as means could be 
 afforded one who dared not leave his ship and trust himself to 
 barbarians, returns to Caesar on the fifth day, and reports what 
 he had there observed. 
 
 CHAP. XXH. While Caesar remains in these parts for the 
 purpose of procuring ships, embassadors come to him from a 
 great portion of the Morini, to plead their excuse respecting 
 their conduct on the late occasion ; alleging that it was as men 
 uncivilized, and as those who were unacquainted with our custom, 
 that they had made war upon the Roman people, and promising 
 to perform what he should command. Caesar, thinking that this 
 had happened fortunately enough for him, because he neither 
 wished to leave an enemy behind him, nor had an opportunity 
 for carrying on a war, by reason of the time of year, nor con- 
 sidered that employment in such trifling matters was to be 
 preferred to his enterprise on Britain, imposes a large num- 
 ber of hostages ; and when these were brought, he received 
 them to his protection. Having collected together, and pro- 
 vided" about eighty transport ships, as many as he thought 
 necessary for conveying over two legions, he assigned such 
 
 1 Or, "whose character was highly prized;" "whose reputation for 
 integrity and ability stood high." 
 
 2 "Navibus circiter LXXX. onerariis coactia contractisque." The 
 Greek paraphrast distinguishes coactia and controctis in this passage, by 
 ovvaMf fiv, to assemble, and lufayeadai, to select; i. e. some from the 
 whole number assembkd.
 
 96 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK iv. 
 
 [ships] of war as he had besides to the quaestor, his lieute- 
 nants, and officers of cavalry. There were m addition to these 
 eighteen ships of burden which were prevented, eight miles 
 from that place, by winds, from being able to reach the same 
 port. These he distributed among the horse ; the rest of the 
 army, he delivered to Q. Titurius Sabinus and L. Aurunculeius 
 Cotta, his lieutenants, to lead into the territories of the Menapii 
 and those cantons of the Morini from which embassadors had 
 not come to him. He ordered P. Sulpicius Rufus, his lieuten- 
 ant, to hold possession of the harbor, with such a garrison as 
 he thought sufficient. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. These matters being arranged, finding the 
 weather favorable for his voyage, he set sail about the 
 third watch, and ordered the horse to march forward to the 
 further port, and there embark and follow him. As this was 
 performed rather tardily by them, he himself reached Britain 
 with the first squadron of ships, about the fourth hour of 
 the day, and there saw the forces of the enemy drawn up in 
 arms on all the hills. The nature of the place was this : the 
 sea was confined by mountains so close to it that a dart could 
 be thrown from their summit upon the shore. Considering 
 this by no means a fit place for disembarking, he remained at 
 anchor till the ninth hour, for the other ships to arrive there. 
 Having in the mean time assembled the lieutenants and mili- 
 tary tribunes, he told them both what he had learned from 
 Volusenus, and what he wished to be done ; and enjoined them 
 (as the principle of military matters, and especially as maritime 
 affairs, which have a precipitate and uncertain action, required) 
 that all things should be performed by them at a nod and at 
 the instant. Having dismissed them, meeting both with wind 
 and tide favorable at the same time, the signal being given 
 and the anchor weighed, he advanced about seven miles from 
 that place, and stationed his fleet over against an open and 
 level shore. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. But the barbarians, upon perceiving the 
 design of the Romans, sent forward their cavalry and char- 
 ioteers, a class of warriors of whom it is their practice to 
 make great use in their battles, 1 and following with the rest 
 
 1 Lit. " which class" or " kind, they are accustomed for the most part 
 to use in battles." The clause applies to the charioteers (essedarii). See 
 note on page 100.
 
 CHAP. xxvr. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 97 
 
 of their forces, endeavored to prevent our men landing. In this 
 was the greatest difficulty, for the following reasons, namely, 
 because our ships, on account of their great size, could be sta- 
 tioned only in deep water; and our soldiers, in places un- 
 known to them, with their hands embarrassed, oppressed with 
 a large and heavy weight of armor, had at the same time 
 to leap from the ships, stand amid the waves, and encounter 
 the enemy ; whereas they, either on dry ground, or advancing 
 a little way into the water, free in all their limbs, in places 
 thoroughly known to them, could confidently throw their weapons 
 and spur on their horses, which were accustomed to this kind of 
 service. Dismayed by these circumstances and altogether un- 
 trained in this mode of battle, our men did not all exert the 
 same vigor and eagerness which they had been wont to exert 
 in engagements on dry ground. 
 
 CHAP. XXV. When Caesar observed this, he ordered 
 the ships of war, the appearance of which was somewhat 
 strange to the barbarians and the motion more ready for serv- 
 ice, to be withdrawn a little from the transport vessels, and to 
 be propelled by their oars, and be stationed toward the open 
 flank of the enemy, and the enemy to be beaten off and driven 
 away, with slings, arrows, and engines: which plan was of 
 great service to our men ; for the barbarians being startled 
 by the form of our ships and the motions o our oars and the 
 nature of our engines, which was strange to them, stopped, 
 and shortly after retreated a little. And while our men were 
 hesitating [whether they should advance to the shore], chiefly 
 on account of the depth of the sea, he who carried the eagle 
 of the tenth legion, after supplicating the gods that the matter 
 might turn out favorably to the legion, exclaimed, " Leap, 
 fellow soldiers, unless you wish to betray your eagle to the 
 enemy. I, for my part, will perform my duty to the common- 
 wealth and my general." When he had said this with a loud 
 voice, he leaped from the ship and proceeded to bear the 
 eagle toward the enemy. Then our men, exhorting one 
 another that so great a disgrace should not be incurred, all 
 leaped from the ship. When those in the nearest vessels 
 saw them, they speedily followed and approached the enemy. 
 
 CHAP XXVI. The battle was maintained vigorously on 
 both sides. Our men, however, as they could neither keep their 
 ranks, nor get firm footing, nor follow their standards, and as 
 
 5
 
 98 CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK IT. 
 
 one from one ship and another from another assembled around 
 whatever standards they met, were thrown into great confusion. 
 But the enemy, who were acquainted with all the shallows, 
 when from the shore they saw any coming from a ship one by one, 
 spurred on their horses, and attacked them while embarrassed ; 
 many surrounded a few, others threw their weapons upon our 
 collected forces on their exposed flank. When Caesar observed 
 this, he ordered the boats of the ships of war and the spy sloops 
 to be filled with soldiers, and sent them up to the succor of 
 those whom he had observed in distress. Our men, as soon as 
 they made good their footing on dry ground, and all their com- 
 rades had joined them, made an attack upon the enemy, and 
 put them to flight, but could not pursue them very far, because 
 the horse had not been able to maintain their course at sea and 
 reach the island. This alone was wanting to Caesar's accus- 
 tomed success. 1 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. The enemy being thus vanquished in battle, 
 as soon as they recovered after their flight, instantly sent em- 
 bassadors to Caesar to negotiate about peace. They promised to 
 give hostages and perform what he should command. To- 
 gether with these embassadors came Commius the Altrebatian, 
 who, as I have above said, had been sent by Caesar into Britain. 
 Him they had seized upon when leaving his ship, although 
 in the character of embassador he bore the general's commis- 
 sion to them, and thrown into chains : then after the battle 
 was fought, they sent him back, and in suing for peace cast the 
 blame of that act upon the common people, and entreated that 
 it might be pardoned on account of their indiscretion. Caesar, 
 complaining, that after they had sued for peace, and had volun- 
 tarily sent embassadors into the continent for that purpose/ 
 they had made war without a reason, said that he would pardon 
 their indiscretion, and imposed hostages, a part of whom they 
 gave immediately ; the rest they said they would give in a few 
 days, since they were sent for from remote places. In the 
 mean time they ordered their people to return to the country 
 parts, and the chiefs assembled from all quarters, and proceeded 
 to surrender themselves and their states to Caesar. 
 
 1 " Hoc unum ad pristinam fortunam Csesari defuit ;" where " ad pris. 
 fort." has the idea of coming up to the mark, or standard, of his olden, or 
 former, i. e. his completely good fortune in war.
 
 CHAP. xxx. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 99 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII. A peace being established by these pro- 
 ceedings four days after we had come into Britain, the 
 eighteen ships, to which reference has been made above, and 
 which conveyed the cavalry, set sail from the upper port with 
 a gentle gale, when, however, they were approaching Britain 
 and were seen from the camp, so great a storm suddenly arose 
 that none of them could maintain their course at sea ; and some 
 were taken back to the same port from which they had started ; 
 others, to their great danger, were driven to the lower part of 
 the island, nearer to the west ; which, however, after having 
 cast anchor, as they were getting filled with water, put out 
 to sea through necessity in a stormy night, and made for the 
 continent. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX. It happened that night to be full moon, 
 which usually occasions very high tides in that ocean ; and that 
 circumstance was unknown to our men. Thus, at the same 
 time, the tide began to fill the ships of war which Caesar had 
 provided to convey over his army, and which he had drawn 
 up on the strand ; and the storm began to dash the ships of 
 burden which were riding at anchor against each other ; nor was 
 any means afforded our men of either managing them or of 
 rendering any service. A great many ships having been wrecked, 
 inasmuch as the rest, having lost their cables, anchors, and 
 other tackling, were unfit for sailing, a great confusion, as 
 would necessarily happen, arose throughout the army ; for 
 there were no other ships in which they could be conveyed back, 
 and all things which are of service in repairing vessels were 
 wanting, and, corn for the winter had not been provided in 
 those places, because it was understood by all that they would 
 certainly winter in Gaul. 
 
 CHAP. XXX. On discovering these things the chiefs of 
 Britain, who had come up after the battle was fought to perform 
 those conditions which Caesar had imposed, held a conference, 
 when they perceived that cavalry, and ships, and corn were 
 wanting to the Romans, and discovered the small number of 
 our soldiers from the small extent of the camp (which, too, was 
 on this account more limited than ordinary, because Caesar had 
 conveyed over his legions without baggage), and thought that 
 the best plan was to renew the war, and cut off our men from 
 corn and provisions and protract the affair till winter ; because 
 they felt confident, that, if they were vanquished or cut off
 
 100 CJESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK rv. 
 
 from a return, no one would afterward pass over into Britain 
 for the purpose of making war. Therefore, again entering 
 into a conspiracy, they began to depart from the camp by de- 
 grees and secretly bring up their people from the country parts. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI. But Caesar, although he had not as yet dis- 
 covered their measures, yet, both from what had occurred to 
 his ships, and from the circumstance that they had neglected 
 to give the promised hostages, suspected that the thing would 
 come to pass which really did happen. He therefore provided 
 remedies against all contingencies ; for he daily conveyed corn 
 from the country parts into the camp, used the timber and brass 
 of such ships as were most seriously damaged for repairing 
 the rest, and ordered whatever things besides were necessary 
 for this object to be brought to him from the continent. 
 And thus, since that business was executed by the soldiers with 
 the greatest energy, he effected that, after the loss of twelve 
 ships, a voyage could be made well enough in the rest. 
 
 CHAP. XXXII. While these things are being transacted, 
 one legion had been sent to forage, according to custom, and 
 no suspicion of war had arisen as yet, and some of the people 1 
 remained in the country parts, others went backward and 
 forward to the camp, they who were on duty at the gates 
 of the camp reported to Caesar that a greater dust than was 
 usuaP was seen in that direction in which the legion had 
 inarched. Caesar, suspecting that which was [really the case], 
 that some new enterprise was undertaken by the barbarians, 
 ordered the two cohorts which were on duty, to march into 
 that quarter with him, and two other cohorts to relieve them 
 on duty ; the rest to be armed and follow him immediately. 
 When he had advanced some little way from the camp, he saw 
 that his men were overpowered by the enemy and scarcely able 
 to stand their ground, and that, the legion being crowded to- 
 gether, weapons were being cast on them from all sides. For 
 as all the corn was reaped in every part with the exception 
 of one, the enemy, suspecting that our men would repair to 
 that, had concealed themselves in the woods during the night. 
 
 1 Hominum, This refers, not to the Romans, but the Britons ; con- 
 trary to the probable meaning of the text and the testimony of commen- 
 tators; some translators, however, and among them Duncan, have 
 referred it to the former. 
 
 2 Lit. than custom produced.
 
 CHAP, xxxrv. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 101 
 
 Then attacking them suddenly, scattered as they were, and 
 when they had laid aside their arms, and were engaged in 
 reaping, they killed a small number, threw the rest into con- 
 fusion, and surrounded them with their cavalry and chariots. 
 
 CHAP. XXXUI. Their mode of fighting with their chariots 
 is this : firstly, they drive about in all directions and throw 
 their weapons and generally break the ranks of the enemy with 
 the very dread of their horses and the noise of their wheels ; 
 and when they have worked themselves in between the troops 
 of horse, leap from their chariots and engage on foot The 
 charioteers in the mean time withdraw some little distance from 
 the battle, and so place themselves with the chariots that, if 
 their masters are overpowered by the number of the enemy, 
 they may have a ready retreat to their own troops. Thus 
 they display in battle the speed of horse, [together with] the 
 firmness of infantry ; and by daily practice and exercise attain 
 to such expertness that they are accustomed, even on a 
 declining and steep place, to check their horses at full speed, 
 and manage and turn them in an instant and run along the 
 pole, and stand on the yoke, and thence betake themselves with 
 the greatest celerity to their chariots again. 1 
 
 CHAP. XXXTV. Under these circumstances, our men being 
 dismayed by the novelty of this mode of battle, Caesar most 
 seasonably brought assistance ; for upon his arrival the enemy 
 paused, and our men recovered from their fear ; upon which 
 thinking the time unfavorable for provoking the enemy and 
 coming to an action, he kept himself in his own quarter, and, a 
 short time having intervened, drew back the legions into the 
 camp. While these things are going on, and all our men en- 
 gaged, the rest of the Britons, who were in the fields, departed. 
 Storms then set in for several successive days, which both con- 
 fined our men to the camp and hindered the enemy from attacking 
 us. In the mean time the barbarians dispatched messengers to 
 all parts, and reported to their people the small number of our 
 soldiers, and how good an opportunity was given for obtaining 
 spoil and for liberating themselves forever, if they should only 
 drive the Romans from their camp. Having by these means 
 
 1 Though common among the ancient nations of the east, the mode of 
 fighting with chariots seems to have been confined to the Britons in Eu- 
 rope. This serves the early historian, Geoffry of Monmouth, as an argu- 
 ment in his attempt to prove that the Britons were of Trojan origin.
 
 102 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK iv. 
 
 speedily got together a large force of infantry and of cavalry, 
 they came up to the camp. 
 
 CHAP. XXXV. Although Caesar anticipated that the same 
 thing which had happened on former occasions would then 
 occur that, if the enemy were routed, they would escape from 
 danger by their speed ; still, having got about thirty horse, 
 which Commius the Atrebatian, of whom mention has been 
 made, had brought over with him [from Gaul], he drew up the 
 legions in order of battle before the camp. When the action 
 commenced, the enemy were unable to sustain the attack of 
 our men long, and turned their backs; our men pursued 
 them as far as their speed and strength permitted, and 
 slew a great number of them ; then, having destroyed and 
 burned every thing far and wide, they retreated to their camp. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVI. The same day, embassadors sent by the 
 enemy came to Caesar to negotiate a peace. Caesar doubled 
 the number of hostages which he had before demanded ; and 
 ordered that they should be brought over to the continent, 
 because, since the time of the equinox was near, he did not 
 consider that, with his ships out of repair, the voyage ought to 
 be deferred till winter. Having met with favorable weather, 
 he set sail a little after midnight, and all his fleet arrived safe 
 at the continent, except two of the ships of burden which 
 could not make the same port which the other ships duTpSnd 
 were carried a little lower down. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVII. When our soldiers, about 300 in number, 
 had been drawn out of these two ships, and were marching to 
 the camp, the Morini, whom Caesar, when setting forth for 
 Britain, had left in a state of peace, excited by the hope of 
 spoil, at first surrounded them with a small number of men, 
 and ordered them to lay down their arms, if they did not 
 wish to be slain ; afterward however, when they, forming a 
 circle, stood on their defense, a shout was raised and about 
 6000 of the enemy soon assembled ; which being reported, 
 Caesar sent all the cavalry in the camp as a relief to his men. 
 In the mean time our soldiers sustained the attack of the 
 enemy, and fought most valiantly for more than four hours, 
 and, receiving but few wounds themselves, slew several of them. 
 But after our cavalry came in sight, the enemy, throwing 
 away their arms, turned their backs, and a great number of 
 them were killed.
 
 CHAP, xzxvm. CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 103 
 
 CHAP. XXXVm. The day following Caesar sent Labie- 
 nus, his lieutenant, with those legions which he had brought 
 back from Britain, against the Morini, who had revolted ; who, 
 as they had no place to which they might retreat, on account 
 of the drying up of their marshes (which they had availed 
 themselves of as a place of refuge the preceding year), almost 
 all fell into the power of Labienus. In the mean time Caesar's 
 lieutenants, Q. Titurius and L. Cotta, who had led the legions 
 into the territories of the Menapii, having laid waste all their 
 lands, cut down their corn and burned their houses, returned to 
 Caesar because the Menapii had all concealed themselves in 
 their thickest woods. Caesar fixed the winter quarters of all 
 the legions among the Belgse. Thither only two British 
 states sent hostages; the rest omitted to do so. For these 
 successes, a thanksgiving 1 of twenty days was decreed by the 
 senate upon receiving Caesar's letter. 
 
 1 In addition to the note at the end of the 2d Book of these Commen- 
 taries, it may he here remarked, that Livy, lib. iiL, c. Ixiii., gives an in- 
 stance in which two victories over the Sabinea having been included in 
 one day'a " supplicatio," by the senate, the people, indignant at it, of 
 their own accord, celebrated the following day with still greater solem- 
 nity than they had that appointed by the state.
 
 104 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK v, 
 
 BOOK Y. 
 
 THE ARGUMENT. 
 
 I. Caesar orders a large fleet of peculiarly constructed ships to be built ; 
 proceeds against the Pirustae ; they submit. II. Returns into Hither 
 Gaul ; marches against the Treviri. III. Indutiomarus and Cingetorix. 
 V. Caesar goes to port Itius ; his policy in taking certain Gallic chief- 
 tains with him to Britain. VI. Dumnorix, who was to have been in 
 that number, by craft and violence, escapes attending Caesar, but is 
 slain. VII. Caesar proceeds on his second expedition against Britain. 
 IX. The bold resistance of the Britons ; they are defeated. X. The 
 Roman fleet suffers severely in a storm. XI. Caesar gives orders to 
 Labienus to build more ships ; Cassivellaunus. XII.-XIV. Descrip- 
 tion of Britain and its inhabitants. XVII. The Britons again prepare 
 for war ; and receive a signal defeat. XVIII. Caesar advances into the 
 territories of Cassivellaunus as far as tho Thames ; an engagement with 
 that prince. XIX. The stratagem of Cassivellaunus. XX. The Trin- 
 obantes send embassadors to Caesar respecting: the conduct of Cassivel- 
 launus toward Mandubratius. XXII. The latter induce^ four princes 
 of Cantium to attack the Romans, by whom they are defeated. XXIII. 
 Caesar receives hostages, and leads back his army into Gaul. XXIV. 
 He quarters his forces, contrary to his custom, in several divisions. 
 XXV. Tasgetius. XXVI The revolt of Ambiorix and ' Cativolcus. 
 XXVII. Ambiorix defends himself in reference to his share in the 
 Gallic combination. XXVIII.-XXXI. Dispute between Titurius and 
 Cotta. XXXII. The valor and conduct of Cotta. XXXVIII.-XLII. 
 The quarters of Cicero attacked by the Eburones ; he sends intelligence 
 to Caesar. XLIV. The noble conduct of Pulfio and Varenus. XLVIIL- 
 LII. Caesar marches to the relief of Cicero ; defeats the Eubrones; 
 LIIT. Indutiomarus is thereby deterred from attacking the camp of 
 Labienus. LVI.-LVIII. Reinforced, Indutiomarus attacks Labienus ; 
 his forces are routed, and he is slain ; Gaul becomes more tranquil. 
 
 CHAP. I. Lucius Domitius and Appius Claudius being 
 consuls, 1 Caesar, when departing from his winter quarters into 
 Italy, as he had been accustomed to do yearly, commands the 
 lieutenants whom he appointed over the legions to take care 
 that during the winter as many ships as possible should be 
 built, and the old repaired. He plans the size and shape 
 
 1 This was 700 years after the building of Rome.
 
 CHAP. IX. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 105 
 
 of them. For dispatch of lading, and for drawing them on 
 shore, 1 he makes them a little lower than those which we have 
 been accustomed to, use in our sea ; and that so much the more, 
 because he knew that, on account of the frequent changes 
 of the tide, less swells occurred there ; for the purpose of trans- 
 porting burdens and a great number of horses, 2 [he makes 
 them] a little broader than those which we use in other seas. 
 All these he orders to be constructed for lightness and expe^ 
 dition, 3 to which, object their lowness contributes greatly. He 
 orders those things which are necessary for equipping ships to 
 be brought thither from Spain. He himself, on the assizes of 
 Hither Gaul being concluded, proceeds into Elyricum, because 
 he heard that the part of the province nearest them was being 
 laid waste by the incursions of the Pirustse. When he had 
 arrived there, he levies soldiers upon the states, and orders them 
 to assemble at an appointed place. Which circumstance having 
 been reported [to them], the Pirustae send embassadors to him 
 to inform him that no part of those proceedings was done by 
 public deliberation, and assert that they were ready to make 
 compensation by all means for the injuries [inflicted]. Caesar, 
 accepting their defense, demands hostages, and orders them to 
 be brought to him on a specified day, and assures them that 
 unless they did so he would visit their state with war. These 
 being brought to him on the day which he had ordered, he 
 appoints arbitrators between the states, who should estimate the 
 damages and determine the reparation. 
 
 CHAP. II. These things being finished, and the assizes 
 being concluded, he returns into Hither Gaul, and proceeds 
 thence to the army. When he had arrived there, having made a 
 survey of the winter quarter, he finds that, by the extraordinary 
 ardor of the soldiers, amid the utmost scarcity of all ma- 
 terials, about six hundred ships of that kind which we have 
 described above, and twenty-eight ships of war, had been built, 4 
 
 1 This refers to the ancient practice of drawing ships on to the sho$e 
 for the winter, or on other occasions. 
 
 2 " Jumentorum." Horses seem here to be especially meant. "Equi 
 et alia jumenta." Livy. 
 
 3 " Constructed for lightness," etc. The original, actuarias, is a distinc- 
 tive term for a class of ships, the character of which the above transla- 
 tion conveys, but for which we have no established corresponding ex- 
 pression. 
 
 4 "Built and were," etc. Though t'rabuilt, structas, they were not 
 
 5*
 
 106 CLESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK v. 
 
 and were not far from that state, that they might be launched 
 in a few days. Having commended the soldiers and those who 
 had presided over the work, he informs them what he wishes to 
 be done, and orders all the ships to assemble at port Itius, 1 
 from which port he had learned that the passage into Britain 
 was shortest, [being only] about thirty miles from the con- 
 tinent. He left what seemed a sufficient number of soldiers 
 for that design ; he himself proceeds into the territories of the 
 Treviri with four legions without baggage, and 800 horse, 
 because they neither came to the general diets [of Gaul], nor 
 obeyed his commands, and were moreover, said to be tamper- 
 ing with the Germans beyond the Rhine. 
 
 CHAP. III. This state is by far the most powerful of all 
 Gaul in cavalry, and has great forces of infantry, and as we 
 have remarked above, borders on the Rhine. In that state, two 
 persons, Indutiomarus" and Cingetorix, were then contending 
 with each other 3 for the supreme power ; one of whom, as soon 
 as the arrival of Caesar and his legions was known, came to 
 him ; assures him that he and all his party would continue 
 in their allegiance, and not revolt from the alliance of the 
 Roman people, and informs him of the things which were 
 going on among the Treviri. But Indutiomarus began to 
 collect cavalry and infantry, and make preparations for war, 
 having concealed those who by reason of their age could not 
 be under arms, in the forest Arduenna, which is of immense 
 size, [and] extends from the Rhine across the country of the 
 Treviri to the frontiers of the Remi. But after that, some of 
 the chief persons of the state, both influenced by their friend- 
 ship for Cingetorix, and alarmed at the arrival of our army, 
 came to Caesar and began to solicit him privately about their 
 own interests, since they could not provide for the safety of 
 the state ; Indutiomarus, dreading lest he should be aban- 
 doned by all, sends embassadors to Csesar, to declare that he 
 absented himself from his countrymen, and refrained from 
 coming to him* on this account, that he might the more easily 
 
 completely equipped with all necessary naval appointments, their arma 
 or armamenta. 
 
 1 " Port Itius," some take this to bo Wissant; others, Boulogne. 
 
 2 This is the person so named in Cicero's Oration for Fonteius. 
 
 3 Lit. " between themselves." 
 
 4 That is, he did not join those Gauls who attended on Caesar at the 
 provincial diets, for the reason following.
 
 CHAP.T. CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 107 
 
 keep the state in its allegiance, lest on the departure of all the 
 nobility the commonalty should, in their indiscretion, revolt. 
 And thus the whole state was at his control ; aud that he, if 
 Caesar would permit, would come to the camp to him, and 
 would commit his own fortunes and those of the state to his 
 good faith. 
 
 CHAP. IV. Caesar, though he discerned from what motive 
 these things were said, and what circumstances deterred him 
 from his meditated plan, still, in order that he might not be 
 compelled to waste the summer among the Trevin, while all 
 things were prepared for the war with Britain, ordered Indu- 
 tiomarus to come to him with 200 hostages. When these 
 were brought, [and] among them his son and near relations, 
 whom he had demanded by name, he consoled Indutiomarus, 
 and enjoined him to continue in his> allegiance ; yet, neverthe- 
 less, summoning to him the chief men of the Treviri, he recon- 
 ciled them individually to Cingetorix : this he both thought 
 should be done by him in justice to the merits of the latter, 
 and also judged that it was of great importance that the influ- 
 ence of one whose singular attachment toward him he had fully 
 seen, should prevail as much as possible among his people. 
 Indutiomarus was very much offended at this act, [seeing that] 
 his influence was diminished among his countrymen ; and he, 
 who already before had borne a hostile mind toward us, was 
 much more violently inflamed against us through resentment 
 at this. 
 
 CHAP. V. These matters being settled, Caesar went to port 
 Itius with the legions. There he discovers that forty ships, 
 which had been built in the country of the Meldi, 1 having been 
 driven back by a storm, had been unable to maintain their 
 course, and had returned to the same port from which they 
 had set out ; he finds the rest ready for sailing, and furnished 
 with every thing. In the same place, the cavalry of the whole 
 of Gaul, in number 4,000, assembles, and [also] the chief 
 persons *of all the states ; he had determined to leave in Gaul 
 a very few of them, whose fidelity toward him he had clearly 
 discerned, and take the rest with him as hostages ; because he 
 feared a commotion in Gaul when he should be absent. 
 
 1 "In Meldis." Some copies have " in Bdgis ;" a reading not so prob- 
 able as the former
 
 108 CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOKV. 
 
 CHAP. VL There was together with the others, Dumnorix, 
 the ./Eduan, of whom we have made previous mention. Him, 
 in particular, he had resolved to have with him, because he had 
 discovered him to be fond of change, fond of power, possessing 
 great resolution, and great influence among the Gauls. To this 
 was added, that Dumnorix had before said in an assembly of 
 ^Eduans, that the sovereignty of the state had been made over 
 to him by Caesar ; which speech the JEdui bore with impa- 
 tience and yet dared not send embassadors to Caesar for the 
 purpose of either rejecting or deprecating [that appointment]. 
 That fact Caesar had learned from his own personal friends. 1 
 He at first strove to obtain by every entreaty that he should be 
 left in Gaul ; partly, because, being unaccustomed to sailing, he 
 feared the sea ; partly, because he said he was prevented by 
 divine admonitions. 2 Aft^r he saw that this request was firmly 
 refused him, all hope of success being lost, he began to tamper 
 with the chief persons of the Gauls, to call them apart singly 
 and exhort them to remain on the continent ; to agitate them 
 with the fear that it was not without reason that Gaul should 
 be stripped of all her nobility ; that it was Caesar's design, to 
 bring over to Britain and put to death all those whom he feared 
 to slay in the -sight of Gaul, to pledge his honor to the rest, to 
 ask for their oath that they would by common deliberation 
 execute what they should perceive to be necessary for Gaul. 
 These things were reported to Caesar by several persons. 
 
 CHAP. VII. Having learned this fact, Caesar, because he had 
 conferred so much honor upon the ^Eduan state, determined 
 that Dumnorix should be restrained and deterred by whatever 
 means he could; and that, because he perceived his insane 
 designs to be proceeding further and further, care should be 
 taken lest he might be able to injure him and the common- 
 wealth. Therefore, having stayed about twenty-five days in 
 that place, because the north wind, which usually blows a great 
 part of every season, prevented the voyage, he exerted himself 
 to keep Dumnorix in his allegiance [and] nevertheless learn all 
 
 1 " Ex suis hospitibus :" Those between whom and Caesar there existed 
 the much-reverenced bond of hospitium, already spoken of in these notes. 
 
 2 "Religionibus:" not, probably, in reference to engagement in any 
 religious solemnities then celebrating, or to be celebrated ; but to pre- 
 sentiments, omens, or auguries.
 
 CHAP. nil. CJESAB'S COMMENTARIES. 109 
 
 his measures : having at length met with favorable weather, he 
 orders the foot soldiers 1 and the horse to embark in the ships. 
 But, while the minds of all were occupied, Dumnorix began to 
 take his departure from the camp homeward with the cavalry 
 of the ^Edui, Caesar being ignorant of it. Caesar, on this 
 matter being reported to him, ceasing from his expedition and 
 deferring all other affairs, sends a great part of the cavalry to 
 pursue him, and commands that he be brought back ; he orders 
 that if he use violence and do not submit, that he be slain ; 
 considering that Dumnorix would do nothing as a rational man 
 while he himself was absent, since he had disregarded his com- 
 mand even when present. He, however, when recalled, began 
 to resist and defend himself with his hand, 2 and implore the 
 support of his people, often exclaiming that " he was free and 
 the subject of a free state." 3 They surround and kill the man 
 as they had been commanded ; but the ^Eduan horsemen all 
 return to Caesar. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. When these things were done [and] Labienus, 
 left on the continent with three legions and 2,000 horse, to 
 defend the harbors and provide corn, and discover what was 
 going on in Gaul, and take measures according to the occasion 
 and a according to the circumstance ; he himself, with five 
 legions and a number of horse, equal to that which he was 
 leaving on the continent, set sail at sun-set, and [though for a 
 time] borne forward by a gentle south-west wind, he did not 
 maintain his course, in consequence of the wind dying away 
 about midnight, and being carried on too far by the tide, when 
 the sun rose, espied Britain passed on his left. Then, again, 
 following the change of tide, he urged on with the oars that he 
 might make that part of the island in which he had discovered 
 the preceding summer, that there was the best landing-place, 
 and in this affair the spirit of our soldiers was very much to be 
 extolled; for they with the transports and heavy ships, the 
 labor of rowing not being [for a moment] discontinued, equaled 
 the speed of the ships of war. All the ships reached Britain 
 
 1 " Milites." A Roman army was composed principally of infantry. 
 Hence, tnilites was used to denote, by way of eminence, that larger and 
 more important division of their service. 
 
 2 "Manu;" with active and determined resistance. 
 
 3 The JEduan state had not been reduced into the form of province.
 
 110 CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK v. 
 
 nearly at mid-day ; nor -was there seen a [single] enemy in that 
 place, but, as Caesar afterward found from some prisoners, 
 though large bodies of troops had assembled there, yet being 
 alarmed by the great number of our ships, more than eight 
 hundred of which, including the ships of the preceding year, 1 
 and those private vessels which each had built for his own con- 
 venience, had appeared at one time, they had quitted the 
 coast and concealed themselves among the higher points. 
 
 CHAP. IX. Caesar, having disembarked his army and chosen 
 a convenient place for the camp, when he discovered from the 
 prisoners in what part the forces of the enemy had lodged 
 themselves, having left ten cohorts and 300 horse at the sea, to 
 be a guard to the ships, hastens to the enemy, at the third 
 watch, 2 fearing the less for the ships, for this reason because he 
 was leaving them fastened at anchor upon an even and open 
 shore ; and he placed Q. Atrius over the guard of the ships. 
 He himself, having advanced by night about twelve miles, 
 espied the forces of the enemy. They, advancing to the river 
 with their cavalry and chariots from the higher ground, began 
 to annoy our men and give battle. Being repulsed by our 
 cavalry, they concealed themselves in woods, as they had 
 secured a place admirably fortified by nature and by art, whjch, 
 as it seemed, they had before prepared on account of a civil 
 war ; for all entrances to it were shut up by a great number of 
 felled trees. They themselves rushed out of the woods to fight 
 here and there, 3 and prevented our men from entering their 
 fortifications. But the soldiers of the seventh legion, having 
 formed a testudo and thrown up a rampart against the fortifi- 
 cation, took the place and drove them out of the woods, 
 receiving only a few wounds. But Caesar forbade his men to 
 pursue them in ther flight any great distance ; 4 both because 
 he was ignorant of the nature of the ground, and because, as a 
 great part of the day was spent, he wished time to be left for 
 the fortification of the camp. 
 
 1 "Cum annotinis." Some copies have annonariis, provision-ships, 
 from annona. The correct reading seems to be that of Oudendorp and 
 others, as quoted and translated above. The Greek paraphrast has ovv 
 ralf TOV irpoodev erovf. 
 
 2 See the note, book i., ch. xxi. 
 
 3 "Here and there:" rari, in small detached parties. 
 "Longius." The comparative degree has often this sense.
 
 CHAP. XIL (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. HI 
 
 CHAP. X. The next day, early in the morning, he sent 
 both foot-soldiers and horse in three divisions on an expe- 
 dition to pursue those who had fled. These having advanced a 
 little way, when already the rear [of the enemy] was in sight, 
 some horse came to Caesar from Quintus Atrius, to report that 
 the preceding night, a very great storm having arisen, almost 
 all the ships were dashed to pieces and cast upon the shore, 
 because neither the anchors and cables could resist, nor could 
 the sailors and pilots sustain the violence of the storm ; and 
 thus great damage was received by that collision of the ships. 
 
 CHAP. XI. These things being known [to him], Caesar 
 orders the legions and cavalry to be recalled and to cease from 
 their march ; he himself returns to the ships : he sees clearly 
 before him almost the same things which he had heard of from 
 the messengers and by letter, so that, about forty ships being 
 lost, the remainder seemed capable of being repaired with 
 much labor. Therefore he selects workmen from the legions, 
 and orders others to be sent for from the continent ; he writes 
 to Labienus to build as many ships as he could with those 
 legions which were with him. He himself, though the matter 
 was one of great difficulty and labor, yet thought it to be 
 most expedient for all the ships to be brought up on shore and 
 joined with the camp by one fortification. In these matters 
 he employed about ten days, the labor of the soldiers being 
 unremitting even during the hours of night. The ships having 
 been brought up on shore and the camp strongly 1 fortified, he 
 left the same forces as he did before as a guard for the ships ; 
 he sets out in person for the same place that he had returned 
 from. When he had come thither, greater forces of the Britons 
 had already assembled at that place, the chief command and 
 management of the war having been intrusted to Cassivel- 
 launus, whose territories a river, which is called the Thames, 
 separates, from the maritime states at about eighty miles from 
 the sea. At an earlier period perpetual wars had taken place 
 between him and the other states ; but, greatly alarmed by our 
 arrival, the Britons had placed him over the whole war and the 
 conduct of it. 
 
 CHAP. XII. The interior portion of Britain is inhabited 
 by those of whom they say that it is handed down by tradition 
 
 1 " Egregie," here does not mean eminently, or peculiarly ; but simply, 
 with great attention, admirably.
 
 112 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK v. 
 
 that they were born in the island itself: 1 the maritime portion 
 by those who had passed over from the country of the Belgae for 
 the purpose of plunder and making war ; almost all of whom are 
 called by the names of those states from which being sprung 
 they went thither, and having waged war, continued there and 
 began to cultivate the lands. The number of the people is 
 countless, and their buildings exceedingly numerous, for the 
 most part very like those of the Gauls : the number of cattle 
 is great. They use either brass 2 or iron rings, determined at 
 a certain weight, as their money. Tin is produced in the 
 midland regions ; in the maritime, iron ; but the quantity of it 
 is small : they employ brass, which is imported. There, as in 
 Gaul, is timber of every description, except beech and fir. 
 They do not regard it lawful 3 to eat the hare, and the cock, and 
 the goose ; they, however, breed them for amusement and 
 pleasure. The climate is more temperate than in Gaul, the 
 colds being less severe. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. The island is triangular in its form, and one 
 of its sides is opposite to Gaul. One angle of this side, which 
 is in Kent, whither almost all ships fi;om Gaul are directed, 
 [looks] to the east ; the lower looks to the south. This side 
 extends about 500 miles. Another side lies toward Spain* 
 and the west, on which part is Ireland, less, as is reckoned, 
 than Britain, by one half: but the passage [from it] into 
 Britain is of equal distance with that from Gaul. In 
 the middle of this voyage, is an island, which is called 
 Mona : 5 many smaller islands besides are supposed to lie 
 [there], of which islands some have written that at the time of 
 the winter solstice it is night there for thirty consecutive days. 
 We, in our inquiries about that matter, ascertained nothing, 
 except that, by accurate measurements with water, 6 we per- 
 
 1 "Quos natos in insula ipsa memoria proditum dicunt ;" i. c. that they 
 were those whom the Greek writers call avroxQoves ; aborigines ; de- 
 scendants from the first inhabitants. Memoria denotes either written 
 record, or traditionary report. Here it denotes the latter. 
 
 2 Tacitus, in his life of Agricola, mentions silver and gold as the pro- 
 ductions of Britain. 
 
 3 The nefas, or impiety of eating those animals does not appear, how- 
 ever, to arise from their having been victims offered in sacrifice. 
 
 4 This statement of Cassar's is incorrect, as Spain lies to the south, not 
 to the west of Britain. 
 
 5 " Mona," the isle of Man. Tacitus applies this name to Anglesey. 
 Annal. xiv. 29. 
 
 * The instrument used for this purpose was called clepsydra. Vegetius
 
 CHAP. XV. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 113 
 
 ceived the nights to be shorter there than on the continent. 
 The length of this side, as their account states, is 700 miles. 
 The third side is toward the north, to which portion of the 
 island no land is opposite ; but an angle of that side looks 
 principally toward Germany. This side is considered to be 
 800 miles in length. Thus the whole island is [about] 2,000 
 miles in circumference. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. The most civilized of all these nations are 
 they who inhabit Kent, which is entirely a maritime district, 
 nor do they differ much from the Gallic customs. Most 
 of the inland inhabitants do not sow corn, but live on 
 milk and flesh, and are clad with skins. All the Britains, 
 indeed, dye themselves 1 with wood, which occasions a bluish 
 color, and thereby have a more terrible appearance in fight. 
 They wear their hair long, and have every part of their body 
 shaved except their head and upper lip. Ten and even twelve 
 have wives common to them, and particularly brothers among 
 brothers, and parents among their children ; but if there be 
 any issue by these wives, they are reputed to be the children 
 of those by whom respectively each was first espoused when a 
 virgin. 
 
 CHAP. XV. The horse and charioteers of the enemy con- 
 tended vigorously in a skirmish with our cavalry on the march ; 
 yet so that our men were conquerors in all parts, and drove 
 them to their woods and hills ; but, having slain a great many, 
 they pursued too eagerly, and lost some of their men. But 
 the enemy, after some time had elapsed, when our men were 
 off their guard, and occupied in the fortification of the camp, 
 rushed out of the woods, and making an attack upon those who 
 were placed on duty before the camp, fought in a determined 
 manner; and two cohorts being sent by Caesar to their relief, 
 and these severally the first of two legions, when these had 
 taken up their position at a very small distance from each 
 other, as our men were disconcerted by the unusual mode of 
 battle, the enemy broke through the middle of them most 
 
 tells us that they were commonly used in the army. They were also 
 used at the bar to measure the time allowed to the several advocates for 
 speaking. Sand-glasses (which resemble them in form), were once used 
 in England to limit the time which public speakers designed to allow 
 themselves. 
 1 Pomponius Mela and Pliny have related the same thing.
 
 114 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK v. 
 
 courageously, and retreated thence in safety. That day, 
 Q. Laberius Durus, a tribune of the soldiers, was slain. The 
 enemy, since more cohorts were sent against them, were 
 repulsed. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. In the whole of this method of fighting since 
 the engagement took place under the eyes of all and before 
 the camp, it was perceived that our men, on account of 
 the weight of their arms, inasmuch as they could neither 
 pursue [the enemy when] retreating, nor dare quit their 
 standards, were little suited to this kind of enemy ; that the 
 horse also fought with great danger, because they [the Britons] 
 generally retreated even designedly, and, when they had drawn 
 oft' our men a short distance from the legions, leaped from their 
 chariots aad fought on foot in unequal [and to them advan- 
 tageous] battle. But the system of cavalry engagement is 
 wont to produce equal danger, and indeed the same, both to 
 those who retreat and to those who pursue. To this was added, 
 that they never fought in close order, but in small parties and 
 at great distances, and had detachments placed [in different 
 parts], and then the one relieved the other, and the vigorous 
 and fresh succeeded the wearied. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. The following day the enemy halted on the 
 hills, a distance from our camp, and presented themselves in 
 small parties, and began to challenge our horse to battle with 
 less spirit than the day before. But at noon, when Caesar had 
 sent three legions, and all the cavalry, with C. Trebonius, the 
 lieutenant, for the purpose of foraging, they flew upon the 
 foragers suddenly from all quarters, so that they did not keep 
 off [even] from the standards and the legions. Our men 
 making an attack on them vigorously, repulsed them ; nor 
 did they cease to pursue them until the horse, relying on 
 relief, as they saw the legions behind them-, drove the enemy 
 precipitately before them, and slaying a great number of 
 them, did not give them the opportunity either of rallying, or 
 halting, or leaping from their chariots. Immediately after this 
 retreat, the auxiliaries who had assembled from all sides, de- 
 parted ; nor after that time did the enemy ever engage with us 
 in very large numbers. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. Caesar, discovering their design, leads his 
 army into the territories of Cassivellaunus to the river Thames ; 
 which river can be forded in one place only, and that with
 
 CHAP. XT. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 115 
 
 difficulty. When he had arrived there, he perceives that 
 numerous forces of the enemy were marshaled on the other 
 bank of the river ; the bank also was defended by sharp stakes' 
 fixed in front, and stakes of the same kind fixed under the 
 water were covered by the river. These things being dis- 
 covered from [some] prisoners and deserters, Caesar, sending 
 forward the cavalry, ordered the legions to follow them 
 immediately. But the soldiers advanced with such speed and 
 such ardor, though they stood above the water by their heads 
 only, that the enemy could not sustain the attack of the legions 
 and of the horse, and quitted the banks, and committed 
 themselves to flight. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. Cassivellaunus, as we have stated above, all 
 hope [rising out] of battle being laid aside, the greater part of 
 his forces being dismissed, and about 4,000 charioteers only 
 being left, used to observe our marches and retire a little 
 from the road, and conceal himself in intricate and woody 
 places, and in those neighborhoods in which he had dis- 
 covered we were about to march, he used to drive the cattle 
 and the inhabitants from the fields into the woods ; and, 
 when our cavalry, for the sake of plundering and ravaging the 
 more freely, scattered themselves among the fields, he used 
 to send out charioteers from the woods by all the well-known 
 roads and paths, and to the great danger of our horse, engage 
 with them ; and this source of fear hindered them from 
 straggling very extensively. The result was* that Caesar 
 did not allow excursions to be made to a great distance 
 from the main body of the legions, and ordered that damage 
 should be done to the enemy in ravaging their lands, and 
 kindling fires only so far as the legionary soldiers could, by 
 their own exertion and marching, accomplish it. 
 
 CHAP. XX. In the mean time, the Trinobantes, 3 almost 
 the most powerful state of those parts, from which the young 
 man, Mandubratius embracing the protection of Caesar had 
 come to the continent of Gaul to [meet] him (whose father, 
 Imanuentius, had possessed the sovereignty in that state, and 
 
 1 Bede, the learned and devout monk of the noble Benedictine monas- 
 tery of Yarrow (8th century), so deservedly called li the venerable Bede," 
 states that the remains of these stakes existed in his tune. 
 
 2 " Relinquebatur." Literally, "it remained." 
 
 3 The territories of the Trinobantes comprehended Essex and Middlesex.
 
 116 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK v. 
 
 had been killed by Cassivellaunus ; he himself had escaped 
 death by flight), send embassadors to Caesar, and promise that 
 they will surrender themselves to him and perform his com- 
 mands; they entreat him to protect Mandubratius from the 
 violence of Cassivellaunus, and send to their state some one 
 to preside over it, and possess the government. Caesar 
 demands forty hostages from them, and corn for his army, and 
 sends Mandubratius to them. They speedily performed the 
 things demanded, and sent hostages to the number appointed, 
 and the corn. 
 
 CHAP. XXI. The Trinobantes being protected and secured 
 from any violence of the soldiers, the Cenimagni, the Segon- 
 tiaci, the Ancalites, the Bibroci, and the Cassi, sending 
 embassies, surrendered themselves to Caesar. 1 From them he 
 
 1 Tacitus says that Britain -was rather surveyed than reduced, by 
 Caesar ; claiming for his father-in-law, Agricola, the honor of the conquest. 
 The Roman arms, it need scarcely be remarked, owe much to the milita- 
 ry virtues of Agricola, as displayed here ; but Cscsar did what no one 
 had done before him, he levied a tribute upon the Britons, and effectu- 
 ally paved the way for all that Rome subsequently accomplished in this 
 island. 
 
 The following may bo given as a very brief and general account of tho 
 condition of Britain in relation to the Romans during the period of the 
 twelve Caesars. Augustus and Tiberius, from motives of policy, rested 
 satisfied with the achievements of their predecessor, Julius, there. Nor 
 did it suffer any thing at the hands of Caligula, who merely proposed, but 
 did not attempt to execute, a design upon it. Legions and auxiliaries 
 were introduced by Claudius, who, after absurdly arrogating to himself 
 the honors of victory, sent thither, first Aulius Plautus, and afterward 
 Ostorius, as propraetor or governor. This latter overthrew Caractacus, 
 and led him in triumph at Rome a spectacle, says Tacitus, Annal. book 
 xii. 38, which the senators pronounced to be no less glorious than when 
 P. Scipio exhibited Syphax, or L. Paulus paraded the Macedonian Perseus 
 in the streets of that city. Britain was next under the governorship of 
 Didius Gallus, who, infirm by age and contented with his present glory, 
 left matters as he received them from his predecessors in the command. 
 It was next governed by Veranus, a man of a stern and, it would seem, 
 boastful temper. He died after holding his office about one year. Under 
 the propraetorship of Suetonius Paulinus, who succeeded Veranus, An- 
 glesey was invaded, and the Iceni, under the conduct of their renowned 
 queen, Boadicea, were signally defeated. His discipline in Britain gave 
 offense, and Petronius Turpilianus was appointed to succeed him. His 
 sway was very mild. Many, also, were the indulgences of the Britons 
 Under his successor, Trebellius Maximus. Nor had they any reason to 
 complain of the severity of their next governor, Vectius Bolanus. Peti- 
 lius Caerealis, who succeeded him, sought to remedy the evils which tho
 
 CHAP. xxn. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 117 
 
 learns that the capital town of Cassivellaunus was not far from 
 that place, and was defended by woods and morasses, and a 
 very large number of men and of cattle had been collected in 
 it. (Now the Britons, when they have fortified the intricate 
 woods, in which they are wont to assemble for the purpose of 
 avoiding the incursion of an enemy, with an intrenchment 
 and a rampart, call them a town.) Thither he proceeds with 
 his legions : he finds the place admirably fortified by nature 
 and art ; he, however, undertakes to attack it in two directions. 
 The enemy, having remained only a short time, did not 
 sustain the attack of our soldiers, and hurried away on the 
 other side of the town. A great amount of cattle was 
 found there, and many of the enemy were taken and slain in 
 their flight. 
 
 CHAP. XXH. While these things are going forward in 
 those places, Cassivellaunus sends messengers into Kent, 
 which, we have observed above, is on the sea, over which 
 districts four several kings reigned, Cingetorix, Carvilius, Taxi- 
 magulus and Segonax, and commands them to collect all 
 their forces, and unexpectedly assail and storm the naval 
 camp. When they had come to the camp, our men, after 
 making a sally, slaying many of their men, and also capturing a 
 distinguished leader named Lugotorix, brought back their own 
 men in safety. Cassivellaunus, when this battle was reported 
 to him as so many losses had been sustained, and his ter- 
 ritories laid waste, being alarmed most of all by the desertion 
 of the states, sends embassadors to Caesar [to treat] about 
 a surrender through the mediation of Commius the Atreba- 
 tiaru Caesar, since he had determined to pass the winter on 
 the continent, on account of the sudden revolts- of Gaul, 
 and as much of the summer did not remain, and he perceived 
 that even that could be easily protracted, demands hostages, 
 and prescribes what tribute Britain should pay each year to the 
 Roman people ; he forbids and commands Cassivellaunus that 
 he wage not war against Mandubratius or the Trinobantes. 
 
 laxity of the last three had induced ; and under him the Brigantes were 
 subdued. Britain was next governed by Julius Frontinus, who conquered 
 the Silures. Then came Agricola of whom it has been said that " he was as 
 fortunate in many battles against the Britons, as he was unhappy in hia 
 reward ;" for Domitian, having become envious of his fame, recalled him 
 from his propraetorship, and, as is reported, afterward procured his death 
 by poison.
 
 118 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK v. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. When he had received the hostages, he 
 leads back the army to the sea, and finds the ships repaired. 
 After launching these, because he had a large number of 
 prisoners, and some of the ships had been lost in the storm, 
 he determines to convey back his army at two embarka- 
 tions. And it so happened, that out of so large a number of 
 ships, in so many voyages, neither in this nor in the previous 
 year was any ship missing which conveyed soldiers ; but 
 very few out of those which were sent back to him from the 
 continent empty, as the soldiers of the former convoy had been 
 disembarked, and out of those (sixty in number) which Labi- 
 enus had taken care to have built, reached their destination ; 
 almost all the rest were driven back, and when Caesar had 
 waited for them for some time in vain, lest he should be 
 debarred from a voyage by the season of the year, inasmuch 
 as the equinox was at hand, he of necessity stowed his soldiers 
 the more closely, and, a very great calm coming on, after he 
 had weighed anchor at the beginning of the second watch, he 
 reached land at break of day and brought in all the ships in 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. The ships having been drawn up and a 
 general assembly of the Gauls held at Samarobriva, because 
 the corn that year had not prospered in Gaul by reason of 
 the droughts, he was compelled to station his army in its win- 
 ter-quarters differently from the former years, and to distribute 
 the legions among several states : one of them he gave to C. 
 Fabius, his lieutenant, to be marched into the territories of the 
 Morini ; a second to Q. Cicero, into those of the Nervii ; a 
 third to L. Roscius, into those of the Essui ; a fourth he ordered 
 to winter with T. Labienus among the Remi in the confines 
 of the Treviri ; he stationed three in Belgium ; over these he 
 appointed M. Crassus, his questor, and L. Munatius Plancus 
 and C. Trebonius, his lieutenants. One legion which he had 
 raised last on the other side of the Po, and five cohorts, 
 he sent among the Eburones, the greatest portion of whom 
 lie between the Meuse and the Rhine, [and] who were 
 under the government of Ambiorix and Cativolcus. He 
 ordered Q. Titurius Sabinus and L. Aurunculeius Cotta, his 
 lieutenants, to take command of these soldiers. The legions 
 being distributed in this manner, he thought he could 
 most easily remedy the scarcity of corn ; and yet the winter-
 
 CHAP. xnn. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 119 
 
 quarters of all these legions (except that which he had given to 
 L. Roscius, to be led into the most peaceful and tranquil neigh- 
 borhood) were comprehended within [about] 100 miles. 1 He 
 himself in the mean while, until he had stationed the legions 
 and knew that the several winter-quarters were fortified, deter- 
 mined to stay in Gaul. 
 
 CHAP. XXV. There was among the Carnutes a man 
 named Tasgetius, born of very high rank, whose ancestors 
 had held the sovereignty in his state. To him Caesar had 
 restored the position of his ancestors, in consideration of his 
 prowess and attachment toward him, because in all his wars 
 he had availed himself of his valuable services. His personal 
 enemies had killed him when in the third year of his reign, 
 many even of his own state being openly promoters [of that 
 act]. This event is related to Caesar. He fearing, because 
 several were involved in the act, that the state might revolt 
 at their instigation, orders Lucius Plancus, with a legion, to 
 proceed quickly from Belgium to the Carnutes, and winter 
 there, and arrest and send to him the persons by whose instru- 
 mentality he should discover that Tasgetius was slain. In the 
 mean time, he was apprised by all the lieutenants and ques- 
 tors to whom he had assigned the legions, that they had 
 arrived in winter-quarters, and that the place for the quarters 
 was fortified. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. About fifteen days after they had come into 
 winter-quarters, the beginning of a sudden insurrection and 
 revolt arose from Ambiorix and Cativolcus, who, though they 
 had met with Sabinus and Cotta at the borders of their king- 
 dom, and had conveyed corn into our winter-quarters, induced 
 by the messages of Indutiomarus, one of the Treviri, excited 
 their people, and after having suddenly assailed the soldiers en- 
 gaged in procuring wood, came with a large body to attack 
 the camp. When our men had speedily taken up arms and 
 had ascended the rampart, and sending out some Spanish 
 horse on one side, had proved conquerors in a cavalry action, 
 the enemy, despairing of success, drew off their troops from 
 the assault. Then they shouted, according to their custom, 
 
 1 There must be an error (whatever be the occasion of it), in this state- 
 ment of the space intervening between the two extreme encampments. 
 The distance from that among the Eburones to that spoken of as being 
 in Belgium, would bo about 1 80 miles.
 
 120 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK v. 
 
 that some of our men should go forward to a conference, 
 [alleging] that they had some things which they desired to say 
 respecting the common interest, by which they trusted their 
 disputes could be removed. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. C. Arpineius, a Roman knight, the intimate 
 friend of Q. Titurius, and with him, Q. Junius, a certain per- 
 son from Spain, who already on previous occasions, had been 
 accustomed to go to Ambiorix, at Caesar's mission, is sent to 
 them for the purpose of a conference : before them Ambiorix 
 spoke to this effect : " That he confessed, that for Caesar's kind- 
 ness toward him, he was very much indebted to him, inasmuch as 
 by his aid he had been freed from a tribute which he had been 
 accustomed to pay to the Aduatuci, his neighbors ; and be- 
 cause his own son and the son of his brother had been sent 
 back to him, whom, when sent in the number of hostages, 
 the Aduatuci had detained among them in slavery and in 
 chains ; and that he had not done that which he had done in 
 regard to the attacking of the camp, either by his own judg- 
 ment or desire, but by the compulsion of his state ; and that 
 his government was of that nature, that the people had as 
 much authority over him as he over the people. To the 
 state moreover the occasion of the war was this that it could 
 not withstand the sudden combination of the Gauls ; that he 
 could easily prove this from his own weakness, since he was 
 not so little versed in affairs as to presume that with his forces 
 he could conquer the Roman people ; but that it was the com- 
 mon resolution of Gaul ; that that day was appointed for the 
 storming of all Caesar's winter-quarters, in order that no legion 
 should be able to come to the relief of another legion, that Gauls 
 could not easily deny Gauls, especially when a measure seemed 
 entered into for recovering their common freedom. Since he 
 had performed his duty to them on the score of patriotism [he 
 said], he has now regard to gratitude for the kindness of Caesar ; 
 that he warned, that he prayed Titurius by the claims of hos- 
 pitality, to consult for his and his soldiers' safety ; that a large 
 force of the Germans had been hired and had passed the 
 Rhine ; that it would arrive in two days : that it was for them 
 to consider whether they thought fit, before the nearest people 
 perceived it, to lead off their soldiers when drawn out of winter- 
 quarters, either to Cicero or to Labienus ; one of whom was 
 about fifty miles distant from them, the other rather more;
 
 CHAP. xxix. CLESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 121 
 
 that this ho promised and confirmed by oath, that he would 
 give them a safe passage through his territories; and when 
 he did that, he was both consulting for his own state, because 
 it would be relieved from the winter-quarters, and also making 
 a requital to Caesar for his obligations." 
 
 CHAP. XXVm. Arpineius and Junius relate to the lieu- 
 tenants what they had heard. They, greatly alarmed by the 
 unexpected affair, though those things were spoken by an 
 enemy, still thought they were not to be disregarded ; and they 
 were especially influenced by this consideration, that it was 
 scarcely credible that the obscure and humble state of the 
 Eburones had dared to make war upon the Roman people of 
 their own accord. Accordingly, they refer the matter to a coun- 
 cil, and a great controversy arises among them. L. Aurun- 
 culeius, and several tribunes of the soldiers and the centurions 
 of the first rank, were of opinion " that nothing should be done 
 hastily, and that they should not depart from the camp with- 
 out Caesar's orders;" they declared, "that any forces of the 
 Germans, however great, might be encountered by fortified 
 winter-quarters ; that this fact was a proof [of it] ; that they 
 had sustained the first assault of the Germans most valiantly, 
 inflicting many wounds upon them ; that they were not dis- 
 tressed for oorn ; that in the mean time relief would come both 
 from the nearest winter-quarters and from Caesar ; lastly, they 
 put the query, " what could be more undetermined, more un- 
 dignified, than to adopt measures respecting the most important 
 affairs on the authority of an enemy ? w 
 
 CHAP. XXIX. In opposition to those things, Titurius ex- 
 claimed, " That they would do this too late, when greater 
 forces of the enemy, after a junction with the Germans, 
 should have assembled ; or when some disaster had been re- 
 ceived in the neighboring winter-quarters; that the opportu- 
 nity for deliberating was short ; that he believed that Csesar had 
 set forth into Italy, as the Carnutes would not otherwise have 
 taken the measure of slaying Tasgetius, nor would the Eburones, 
 if he had been present, have come to the camp with so great de- 
 fiance of us ; that he did not regard the enemy, but the fact, 
 as the authority ; that the Rhine was near ; that the death of 
 Ariovistus and our previous victories were subjects of great in- 
 dignation to the Germans ; that Gaul was inflamed, that after 
 having received so many defeats she was reduced under the 
 
 6
 
 122 CLESAK'S COMMENTARIES. BOOKV. 
 
 sway of the Roman people, her pristine glory in military matters 
 being extinguished." Lastly, "who would persuade himself 
 of this, that Ambiorix had resorted to a design of that nature 
 without sure grounds ? That his own opinion was safe on 
 either side ; if there be nothing very formidable, they would 
 go without danger to the nearest legion ; if all Gaul conspir- 
 ed with the Germans, their only safety lay in dispatch. 
 What issue would the advice of Cotta and of those who 
 differed from him, have ? from which, if immediate danger was 
 not to be dreaded, yet certainly famine, by a protracted siege, 
 was." 
 
 CHAP. XXX. This discussion having been held on the two 
 sides, when opposition was offered strenuously by Cotta and 
 the principal officers, "Prevail," said Sabinus, "if so you 
 wish it ;" and he said it with a louder voice, that a great 
 portion of the soldiers might hear him ; " nor am I the person 
 among you," he said, " who is most powerfully alarmed by the 
 danger of death ; these will be aware of it, and then, if any 
 thing disastrous shall have occurred, they will demand a 
 reckoning at your hands ; these, who, if it were permitted by 
 you, united three days hence with the nearest winter-quarters, 
 may encounter the common condition of war with the rest, and 
 not, as if forced away and separated far from the rest, perish 
 either by the sword or by famine." 
 
 CHAP. XXXL They rise from the council, detain both, 
 and entreat, that " they do not bring the matter into the 
 greatest jeopardy by their dissension and obstinacy ; the affair 
 was an easy one, if only they all thought and approved of the 
 same thing, whether they remain or depart; on the other 
 hand, they saw no security in dissension." The matter is pro- 
 longed by debate till midnight. At last Cotta, being overruled, 
 yields his assent; 1 the opinion of Sabinus prevails. It is 
 proclaimed that they will march at day-break ; the remainder 
 of the night is spent without sleep, since every soldier was in- 
 specting his property, [to see] what he could carry with him, 
 and what, out of the appurtenances of the winter-quarters, he 
 
 1 " Dat manus," lit. gives his "hands ; an expression derived from the 
 attitude of the vanquished when holding out their hands in the form of 
 supplication (more generally, however, tendens than dans manus), or to 
 receive their chains, which, at once, sealed their Bubmission and preserv- 
 ed their lives.
 
 CHAP, xxxiii. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 123 
 
 would be compelled to leave; every reason is suggested to 
 show why they could not stay without danger, and how that 
 danger would be increased by the fatigue of the soldiers and 
 their want of sleep. At break of day they quit the camp, in a 
 very extended line and with a very large amount of baggage, in 
 such a maner as men who were convinced that the advice was 
 given by Ambiorix, not as an enemy, but as most friendly 
 [toward them]. 
 
 CHAP. XXXII. But the enemy, after they had made the 
 discovery of their intended departure by the noise during the 
 night and their not retiring lo rest, having placed an ambuscade 
 in two divisions in the woods, in a suitable and concealed place, 
 two miles from the camp, waited for the arrival of the Romans : 
 and when the greater part of the line of march had descended 
 into a considerable valley, they suddenly presented themselves 
 on either side of that valley, and began both to harass the rear 
 and hinder the van from ascending, and to give battle in a place 
 exceedingly disadvantageous to our men. ^ 
 
 CHAP. XXXTTT. Then at length Titurius, as one who had 
 provided nothing beforehand, was confused, ran to and fro, and 
 set about arranging his troops ; these very things, however, he 
 did timidly and in such a manner that all resources seemed to 
 fail him : which generally happens to those who are compelled 
 to take council in the action itself. But Cotta, who had re- 
 flected that these things might occur on the march, and on that 
 account had not been an adviser of the departure, was wanting 
 to the common safety in no respect ; both in addressing and 
 encouraging the soldiers, he performed the duties of a general, 
 and in the battle those of a soldier. . And since they [Titurius 
 and Cotta] could less easily perform every thing by themselves, 
 and provide what was to be done in each place, by reason of the 
 length of the line of march, they ordered [the officers] to give 
 the command that they should leave the baggage and form them- 
 selves into an orb, 1 which measure, though in a contingency 
 of that nature it was not to be condemned, still turned out un- 
 fortunately ; for it both diminished the hope of our soldiers and 
 
 1 When surrounded by an enemy, they threw themselves in an order 
 called orbis,OT globus, from its form. This is further referred to in ch. xxxvii. 
 of book iv. of the Gallic peace, and the fifteenth chapter of the African 
 "War. The phrases are, orbem facere, or, volvere ; in orbem se tutari, or, 
 eonglobare ; in orbem pugnant ; and, upon halting, in orbem consistent.
 
 124 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK r. 
 
 rendered the enemy more eager for the fight, because it ap- 
 peared that this was not done without the greatest fear and 
 despair. Besides that happened, which would necessarily be 
 the case, that the soldiers for the most part quitted their en- 
 signs and hurried to seek and carry off from the baggage 
 whatever each thought valuable, and all parts were filled with 
 uproar and lamentation. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIV. But judgment was not wanting to the 
 barbarians ; for their leaders ordered [the officers] to proclaim 
 through the ranks " that no man should quit his place ; that 
 the booty was theirs, and for them was reserved whatever the 
 Romans should leave ; therefore let them consider that all 
 things depended on their victory. 1 Our men were equal to 
 them in fighting, both in courage and in number, and though 
 they were deserted by their leader and by fortune, yet they 
 still placed all hope of safety in their valor, and as often as any 
 cohort sallied forth on that side, a great number of the enemy 
 usually fell. Ambiorix, when he observed this, orders the 
 command to be issued that they throw their weapons from a 
 distance and do not approach too near, and in whatever direc- 
 tion the Romans should make an attack, there give way (from 
 the lightness of their appointments and from their daily practice 
 no damage could be done them) ; [but] pursue them when 
 betaking themselves to their standards again. 
 
 CHAP. XXXV. Which command having been most care- 
 fully obeyed, when any cohort had quitted the circle and made 
 a charge, the enemy fled very precipitately. In the mean time, 
 that part of the Roman army, of necessity, was left unprotected, 
 and the weapons received on their open flank. Again, when 
 they had begun to return to that place from which they had ad- 
 vanced, they were surrounded both by those who had retreated 
 and by those who stood next them ; but if, on the other hand, 
 they wish to keep their place, neither was an opportunity left 
 for valor, nor could they, being crowded together, escape the 
 weapons cast by so large a body of men. Yet, though assailed 
 by so many disadvantages, [and] having received many wounds, 
 they withstood the enemy, and, a great portion of the day 
 being spent, though they fought from day-break till the eighth 
 hour, they did nothing which was unworthy of them. At 
 length, each thigh of T. Balventius, who the year before had 
 
 1 " Posita," etc., lit. lay in, etc.
 
 CHAP, xxxvn. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 126 
 
 been chief centurion, 1 a brave man and one of great authority, is 
 pierced with a javelin ; Q. Lucanius, of the same rank, fighting 
 most valiantly, is slain while he assists his son when surrounded 
 by the enemy ; L. Cotta, the lieutenant, when encouraging all 
 the cohorts and companies, is wounded full in the mouth by a 
 sling. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVI. Much troubled by these events, Q. Titu- 
 rius, when he had perceived Ambiorix in the distance encourag- 
 ing his men, sends to him his interpreter, Cn. Pompey, to beg 
 that he would spare him and his soldiers. He, when addressed, 
 replied, " If he wishes to confer with him, it was permitted ; 
 that he hoped what pertained to the safety of the soldiers could 
 be obtained from the people ; that to him however certainly no 
 injury would be done, and that he pledged his faith to that 
 eftect." He consults with Cotta, who had been wounded, 
 whether it would appear right to retire from battle, and confer 
 with Ambiorix; [saying] that he hoped to be able to suc- 
 ceed respecting his own and the soldiers' safety. Cotta 
 says he will not go to an armed enemy, and in that per- 
 severes. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVIE. Sabinus orders those tribunes of the 
 soldiers whom he had at the time around him, and the cen- 
 turions of the first ranks, to follow him, and when he had ap- 
 proached near to Ambiorix, being ordered to throw down his 
 arms, he obeys the order and commands his men to do the 
 same. In the mean time, while they treat upon the terms, 
 and a longer debate than necessary is designedly entered 
 into by Ambiorix, being surrounded by degrees, he is slain. 
 Then they, according to their custom, shout out " Victory," and 
 raise their war-cry, and, making an attack on our men, break 
 their ranks. There L. Cotta, while figting, is slain, together 
 with the greater part of the soldiers ; the rest betake themselves 
 to the camp, from which they had marched forth, and one of them, 
 L. Petrosidius, the standard bearer, when he was operpowered 
 by the great number of the enemy, threw the eagle within the 
 intrenchments and is himself slain while figting with the 
 greatest courage before the camp. They with difficulty sus- 
 tain the attack till night ; despairing of safety, they all to a 
 man destroy themselves in the night. A few escaping from 
 
 1 " Qui primum pilum duxerat." See the note, book ii., ch. xxv. ; or 
 book iii., ch. v.
 
 126 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK v. 
 
 the battle, made their way to Labienus at winter-quarters, 
 after wandering at random through the woods, and inform 
 him of these events. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVIII. Elated by this victory, Ambiowx marches 
 immediately with his cavalry to the Aduatuci, who bordered 
 on his kingdom ; he halts neither day nor night, and orders the 
 infantry to follow him closely. Having related the exploit 
 and roused the Aduatuci, the next day he arrived among the 
 Nervii, and entreats " that they should not throw away the op- 
 portunity of liberating themselves, forever and of punishing 
 the Romans for those wrongs which they had received from 
 them;" 1 [he tells them] "that two lieutenants have been slain, 
 and that a large portion of the army has perished ; that it was 
 not a matter of difficulty for the legion which was wintering 
 with Cicero to be cut off, when suddenly assaulted; he declares 
 himself ready to co-operate in that design. He easily gains 
 over the Nervii by this speech. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIX. Accordingly, messengers having been forth- 
 with dispatched to the Centrones, the Grudii, the Levaci, the 
 Pleumoxii, and the Geiduni, all of whom are under their gov- 
 ernment, they assemble as large bodies as they can, and rush 
 unexpectedly to the winter-quarters of Cicero, the report of the 
 death of Titurius not having as yet been conveyed to him. 
 That also occurred to him, which was the consequence of a 
 necessary work that some soldiers who had gone off into the 
 woods for the purpose of procuring timber and therewith con- 
 structing fortifications, were intercepted by the sudden arrival 
 of [the enemy's] horse. These having been entrapped, the 
 Eburones, the Nervii, and the Aduatici and all their allies and 
 dependants, begin to attack the legion : our men quickly run 
 together to arms and mount the rampart ; they sustained the 
 attack that day with great difficulty, since the enemy placed all 
 their hope in dispatch, and felt assured that, if they obtained 
 this victory, they would be conquerors forever. 
 
 CHAP. XL. Letters are immediately sent to Caesar by 
 Cicero, great rewards being offered [to the messengers] if they 
 carried them through. All these passes having been beset, those 
 Tfho were sent are intercepted. During the night as many as 
 
 1 See a statement of the calamity of the Nervii, made by themselves, 
 book ii. ch. xxviii. For a signal defeat of the Aduatuci, see ch, xxxiii. 
 of the same book.
 
 CHAP. ILL C-dESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 127 
 
 120 towers are raised with incredible dispatch out of the timber 
 which they had collected for the purpose of fortification : the 
 things which seemed necessary to the work are completed. 
 The following day the enemy, having collected far greater 
 forces, attack the camp [and] fill up the ditch. Resistance is 
 made by our men in the same manner as the day before; this 
 same thing is done afterward during the remaining days. The 
 work is carried on incessantly in the night : l not even to the 
 sick, or wounded, is opportunity given for rest : whatever things 
 are required for resisting the assault of the next day are pro- 
 vided during the night : many stakes burned at the end, and a 
 large number of mural pikes are procured : towers are built up, 
 battlements and parapets are formed of interwoven hurdles. 
 Cicero himself, though he was in very weak health, did not 
 leave himself the night-time for repose, so that he was forced 
 to spare himself by the spontaneous movement and entreaties 
 of the soldiers. 
 
 CHAP. XLL Then these leaders and chiefs of the Nervii, 
 who had any intimacy and grounds of friendship with Cicero, 
 say they desire to confer with him. When permission was 
 granted, they recount the same things which Ambiorix had 
 related to Titurius, namely, " that all Gaul was in arms, that 
 the Germans had passed the Rhine, that the winter-quarters of 
 Caesar and of the others were attacked." They report in addi- 
 tion also, about the death of Sabinus. They point to Ambiorix 
 for the purpose of obtaining credence ; " they are mistaken," 
 say they, " if they hoped for any relief from those who distrust 
 their own affairs ; that they bear such feelings toward Cicero 
 and the Roman people that they deny them nothing but winter- 
 quarters, and are unwilling that the practice* should become 
 constant ; that through their [the Nervii's] means it is possible 
 for them [the Romans] to depart from their winter-quarters 
 safely and to proceed without fear into whatever parts they 
 desire." To these Cicero made only one reply : " that it is not 
 the custom of the Roman people to accept any condition from 
 an armed enemy : if they are willing to lay down their arms, 
 they may employ him as their advocate and send embassadors 
 to Caesar: that he believed, from his [Caesar's] justice, they 
 would obtain the things which they might request." 
 
 1 Literally, "No portion of the night-time is intermitted to the work. 
 
 2 The practice of occupying winter-quarters in GauL
 
 128 CLESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK V. 
 
 CHAP. XLII. Disappointed in this hope, the Nervii sur- 
 round the winter-quarters with a rampart eleven feet high, and 
 a ditch thirteen feet in depth. These military Avorks they had 
 learned from our men in the intercourse of former years, and, 
 having taken some of our army prisoners, were instructed by 
 them : but, as they had no supply of iron tools which are 
 requisite for this service, they were forced to cut the turf with 
 their swords, and to empty out the earth with their hands and 
 cloaks, from which circumstance, the vast number of the men 
 could be inferred ; for in less than three hours they completed a 
 fortification of ten miles in circumference ; and during 1 the rest 
 of the days they began to prepare and construct towers of the 
 height of the ramparts, and grappling irons, and mantelets, 
 which the same prisoners had taught them. 
 
 CHAP. XLIII. On the seventh day of the attack, a very 
 high wind having sprung up, they began to discharge by their 
 slings hot balls made of burned or hardened clay, and heated 
 javelins, upon the huts, which, after the Gallic custom, were 
 thatched with straw. These quickly took fire, and by the vio- 
 lence of the wind, scattered their flames in every part of the 
 camp. The energy following up their success with a very loud 
 shout, as if victory were already obtained and secured, began 
 to advance their towers and mantelets, and climb the rampart 
 with ladders. But so great was the courage of our soldiers, 
 and such their presence of mind, that though they were 
 scorched on all sides, and harassed by a vast number of wea- 
 pons, and were aware that their baggage and their possessions 
 were burning, not only did no one quit the rampart for the 
 purpose of withdrawing from the scene, but scarcely did any 
 one even then look behind ; and they all fought most vigor- 
 ously and most valiantly. This day was by far the most 
 calamitous to our men ; it had this result, however, that on that 
 day the largest number of the enemy Avas wounded and slain, 
 since they had crowded beneath the very rampart, and the 
 hindmost did not afford the foremost a retreat. The flame 
 having abated a little, and a tower having been brought up in 
 a particular place and touching the rampart, the centurions of 
 the third cohort retired from the place in which they were 
 standing, and drew off all their men : they began to call on the 
 enemy by gestures and by words, to enter if they wished ; but 
 none of them dared to advance. Then stones having been
 
 CHAP. XLTV. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 129 
 
 cast from every quarter, the enemy were dislodged, and their 
 tower set on fire. 
 
 CHAP. XLIV. In that legion there were two very brave 
 men, centurions, -who were now approaching the first ranks, T. 
 Pulfio, 1 and L. Varenus. These used to have continual disputes 
 between them which of them should be preferred, and every 
 year used to contend for promotion with the utmost animosity. 
 When the fight was going on most vigorously before the forti- 
 fications, Pulfio, one of them, says, " Why do you hesitate, Vare- 
 nus ? or what [better] opportunity of signalizing your valor do 
 you seek ? This very day shall decide our disputes." When 
 he had uttered these words, he proceeds beyond the fortifica- 
 tions, and rushes on that part of the enemy which appeared the 
 thickest. Nor does Varenus remain within the rampart, but 
 respecting the high opinion of all, follows close after. Then, 
 when an inconsiderable space intervened, Pulfio throws his 
 javelin at the enemy, and pierces one of the multitude who was 
 running up, and while the latter was wounded and slain, the 
 enemy cover him with their shields, and all throw their weapons 
 at the other and afford him no opportunity of retreating. The 
 shield of Pulfio is pierced and a javelin is fastened in his 
 belt. This circumstance turns aside his scabbard and obstructs 
 his right hand when attempting to draw/ his sword : the 
 enemy crowd around him when [thus] embarrassed. His 
 rival runs up to him and succors him in this emergency. 
 Immediately the whole host turn from Pulfio to him, 
 supposing the other to be pierced through by the javelin. 
 Varenus rushes on briskly with his sword and carries on 
 the combat hand to hand, and having skin one man, for 
 a short time drove back the rest: while he urges on too 
 eagerly, slipping into a hollow, 2 he fell. To him, in his turn, 
 when surrounded, Pjdfio brings relief; and both having slain 
 
 1 The Delpbin annotator here remarks, that, from the circumstances 
 of this Pulfio's having been a strenuous partisan of Pompey, in the civil 
 war, either Caesar had not leisure to read over his Commentaries and blot 
 out this incident, so favorable to Pulfio ; or that having published them 
 before that person's espousal of Pompey's cause, he could not retract it ; 
 or, that he was too noble-minded to withhold such a well deserved tribute 
 of praise, even from one who had become his opponent. The annotator, 
 however, does not favor this third supposition. 
 
 2 "In locum dejectus inferiorem concidit." 
 
 6*
 
 130 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK v. 
 
 a great number, retreat into the fortifications amid the highest 
 applause. Fortune so dealt with both in this rivalry and con- 
 flict, that the one competitor was a succor and a safeguard to 
 the other, nor could it be determined which of the two ap- 
 peared worthy of being preferred to the other. 
 
 CHAP. XLV. In proportion as the attack became daily 
 more formidable and violent, and particularly, because, as 
 a great number of the soldiers were exhausted with wounds, 
 the matter had come to a small number of defenders, more 
 frequent letters and messages were sent to Caesar; a part 
 of which messengers were taken and tortured to death in the 
 sight of our soldiers. There was within our camp a certain 
 Nervian, by name Vertico, born in a distinguished posi- 
 tion, who in the beginning of the blockade had deserted to 
 Cicero, and had exhibited his fidelity to him. He persuades 
 his slave, by the hope of freedom, and by great rewards, 
 to convey a letter to Caesar. This he carries out bound 
 about his javelin ; and mixing among the Gauls without any 
 suspicion by being a Gaul, he reaches Cassar. From him 
 they received information of the imminent danger of Cicero 
 and the legion. 
 
 CHAP. XL VI. Caesar having received the letter about the 
 eleventh hour of the day, immediately sends a messenger to 
 the Bellovaci, to M. Crassus, questor there, whose winter- 
 quarters were twenty-five miles distant from him. He orders 
 the legion to set forward in the middle of the night, and come 
 to him with dispatch. Crassus sets out with the messenger. 
 He sends another to C. Fabius, the lieutenant, ordering him 
 to lead forth his legion into the territories of the Atrebates, 
 to which he knew his march must be made. He writes to La- 
 bienus to come with his legion to the frontiers of the Nervii, 
 if he could do so to the advantage of the commonwealth : he 
 does not consider that the remaining portion of the army, 
 because it was somewhat further distant, should be waited for ; 
 but assembles about 400 horse from the nearest winter- 
 quarters. 
 
 CHAP. XLVH. Having been apprised of the arrival of 
 Crassus by the scouts at about the third hour, he advances 
 twenty miles that day. He appoints Crassus over Samaro- 
 briva and assigns him a legion, because he was leaving there 
 the baggage of the army, the hostages of the states, the public
 
 CHAP. XLvm. CLESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 131 
 
 documents, and all the corn, which he had conveyed thither 
 for passing the winter. Fabius, without delaying a moment, 
 meets him on the march with his legion, as he had been 
 commanded. Labienua, having learned the death of Sabinus 
 and the destruction of the cohorts, as all the forces of the 
 Treviri had come against him, beginning to fear lest, if he 
 made a departure from his winter-quarters, resembling a flight, 
 he should not be able to support the attack of the enemy, par- 
 ticularly since he knew them to be elated by their recent 
 victory, sends back a letter to Caesar, informing him with what 
 great hazard he would lead out his legion from winter-quarters ; 
 he relates at large the affairs which had taken place among the 
 Eburones ; he informs him that all the infantry and cavalry of 
 the Treviri had encamped at a distance of only three miles 
 from his own camp. 
 
 CHAP. XLVIII. Caesar, approving of his motives, although 
 he was disappointed in his expectation of three legions, and 
 reduced to two, yet plafted his only hopes of the common 
 safety in dispatch. He goes into the territories of th^ 
 Nervii by long marches. There he learns from some prisoners 
 what things are going on in the camp of Cicero, and in how 
 great jeopardy the affair is. Then with great rewards he induces 
 a certain man of the Gallic horse to convey a letter to Cicerd. 
 This he sends written in Greek characters, 1 lest the letter being 
 intercepted, our measures should be discovered by the enemy. 
 He directs him, if he should be unable to enter, to throw his 
 spear with the letter fastened to the thong, inside the fortifica- 
 
 1 In the twenty-fifth chapter of the first book of these Commentaries, 
 Caesar is said to have found in the camp of the Helvetii (left there upon 
 their departure), an account of their forces, written in Greek characters. 
 ID the fourteenth chapter of the sixth book, we are told that the Gauls 
 used those characters both in their public and then* private matters. 
 Here we have it assigned as a reason for Caesar's using them in this let- 
 ter, that if it were intercepted by the Gauls, it might be unintelligible to 
 them. Some have attempted to reconcile these apparent discrepancies, 
 by supposing that, though the Gauls used the letters of the Greek alpha- 
 bet, they only applied them to their own language. But Caesar is not 
 here said to have written this letter in Greek ; he is only said to have 
 done so in Greek characters, which leaves this passage still seemingly 
 opposed to the other two. It has, therefore, been conjectured that he 
 wrote not only, as the original would imply, in the Greek characters, 
 with which he seems twice to represent that the Gauls were acquainted, 
 but also in the Greek language, of which they were ignorant.
 
 132 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK r. 
 
 tions of the camp. He writes in the letter, that he having 
 set out with his legions, will quickly be there : he entreats 
 him to maintain his ancient valor. The Gaul apprehending 
 danger, throws his spear as he has been directed. Is by chance 
 stuck in a tower, and, not being observed by our men for two days, 
 was seen by a certain soldier on the third day : when taken down, 
 it was carried to Cicero. He, after perusing it, reads it out in 
 an assembly of the soldiers, and fills all with the greatest joy. 
 Then the smoke of the fires was seen in the distance, a circum- 
 stance which banished all doubt of the arrival of the legions. 
 
 CHAP. XLIX. The Gauls, having discovered the matter 
 through their scouts, abandon the blockade, and march toward 
 CaBsar with all their forces ; these were about 60,000 armed 
 men. Cicero, an opportunity being now afforded, again begs of 
 that Vertico, the Gaul, whom we mentioned above, to convey 
 back a letter to Caesar ; he advises him to perform his journey 
 warily ; he writes in the letter that the enemy had departed 
 and had turned their entire force against him. When this 
 letter was brought to him about the middle of the night, 
 Caesar apprises his soldiers of its contents, and inspires them 
 with courage for fighting: the following day, at the dawn, 
 he moves his camp, and, having proceeded four miles, he 
 espies the forces of the enemy on the other side of a consider- 
 able valley and rivulet. It was an affair of great danger to 
 fight with such large forces in a disadvantageous situation. 
 For the present, therefore, inasmuch as he knew that Cicero 
 was released from the blockade, and thought that he might, on 
 that account, relax his speed, he halted there and fortifies a 
 camp in the most favorable position he can. And this, 
 though it was small in itself, [there being] scarcely "7,000 
 men, and these too without baggage, still by the narrowness 
 of the passages, 1 he contracts as much as he can, with this 
 object, that he may come into the greatest contempt with the 
 enemy. In the mean while scouts having been sent in all di- 
 rections, he examines by what most convenient path he might 
 cross the valley. 
 
 1 " Augustiis viarum." The spaces between the different divisions of 
 the Roman camp were called vice. Of these, besides several subordinate 
 ones, there were eight of considerable width ; five of which ran from the 
 Decuman tp the Praetorian side of the camp, and three from the one to 
 the other of the two remaining sides. These Caesar on this occasion very 
 ' much contracted, with the design stated in the text.
 
 CHAP. LIL (LESAR'S COMMENTARIE& 133 
 
 CHAP. L. That day, slight skirmishes of cavalry having 
 taken place near the river, both armies kept in their own posi- 
 tions : the Gauls, because they were awaiting larger forces which 
 had not then arrived ; Caesar, [to see] if perchance by pretense 
 of fear he could allure the enemy toward his position, so that 
 he might engage in battle, in front of his camp, on this side 
 of the valley ; if he could not accomplish this, that, having in- 
 quired about the passes, he might cross the valley and the river 
 with the less hazard. At daybreak the cavalry of the enemy 
 approaches to the camp and joins battle with our horse. Caesar 
 orders the horse to give way purposely, and retreat to the 
 camp : at the same time he orders the camp to be fortified with 
 a higher rampart in all directions, the gates to be barricaded, 
 and in executing these things as much confusion to be shown 
 as possible,' and to perform them under the pretense of fear. 
 
 CHAP. LI. Induced by all these things, the enemy lead 
 over their forces and draw up their line in a disadvantageous 
 position ; and as our men also had been led down from the 
 ramparts, they approach nearer, and throw their weapons into 
 the fortification from all sides, and sending heralds round, 
 order it to be proclaimed that, if " any, either Gaul or Roman, 
 was willing to go over to them before the third hour, it was 
 permitted ; after that time there would not be permission ;'" 
 and so much did they disregard our men, that the gates having 
 been blocked up with single rows of turf as a mere appearance, 
 because they did not seem able to burst in that way, some 
 began to pull down the rampart with their hands, others to fill 
 up the trenches. Then Caesar, making a sally from all the 
 gates, and sending out the cavalry, soon puts the enemy to 
 flight, so that no one at all stood his ground with the intention 
 of fighting ; and he slew a great number of them, and deprived 
 all of their arms. 
 
 CHAP. LH.^-Caesar, fearing to pursue them very far, because 
 woods and morasses intervened, and also [because] he saw that 
 they suffered no small loss in abandoning their position, reaches 
 Cicero the same day with all his forces safe. He witnesses with 
 surprise the towers, mantelets, and [other] fortifications belong- 
 ing to the enemy : the legion having been- drawn out, he finds 
 that even every tenth soldier had not escaped without wounds. 
 From all these things he judges with what danger and with 
 
 1 " Non fore potestatem," lit. there would not le the power. <
 
 134 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK v. 
 
 what great courage matters had been conducted ; he commends 
 Cicero according to his desert, and likewise the legion ; he 
 addresses individually the centurions and the tribunes of the 
 soldiers, whose valor he had discovered to have been signal. 
 He receives information of the death of Sabinus and Cotta 
 from the prisoners. An assembly being held the following 
 day, he states the occurrence ; he consoles and encourages the 
 soldiers ; he suggests, that the disaster, which had been occa- 
 sioned by the misconduct and rashness of his lieutenant, should 
 be borne with a patient mind, because by the favor of the im- 
 mortal gods and their own valor, neither was lasting joy left to 
 the enemy, nor very lasting grief to them. 
 
 CHAP. LIIL In the mean while the report respecting the 
 victory of Caesar is conveyed to Labienus through the country 
 of the Remi with incredible speed, so that, though he was 
 about sixty miles distant from the winter-quarter of Cicero, and 
 Csesar had arrived there after the ninth hour, before midnight 
 a shout arose at the gates of the camp, by which shout an in- 
 dication of the victory and a congratulation on the part of the 
 Remi were given to Labienus. This report having been carried 
 to the Treviri, Indutiomarus, who had resolved to attack the 
 camp of Labienus the following day, flies by night and leads 
 back all his forces into the country of the Treviri. Caesar sends 
 back Fabius with his legion to his winter-quarters ; he himself 
 determines to winter with three legions near Samarobriva in 
 three different quarters, and, because such great commotions 
 had arisen in Gaul, he resolved to remain during the whole 
 winter with the army himself. For the disaster respecting the 
 death of Sabinus having been circulated among them, almost 
 all the states of Gaul were deliberating about war, sending 
 messengers and embassies into all quarters, inquiring what 
 further measure they should take, and holding councils by 
 night in secluded places. Nor did any period of the whole 
 winter pass over without fresh anxiety to Caesar, or, 1 without 
 his receiving some intelligence respecting the meetings and 
 commotions of the Gauls. Among these, he is informed by 
 L. Roscius, the lieutenant whom he had placed over the 
 thirteenth legion, that large forces of those states of the 
 Gauls, which are called the Armoricae, had assembled for the 
 purpose of attacking him and were not more than eight 
 
 l Literally, " but that he received."
 
 CHAP.I.V. CAESAR'S COMMENTAEIES. 135 
 
 miles distant ; but intelligence respecting the victory of 
 Caesar being carried [to them], had retreated in such a manner 
 that their departure appeared like a flight. 
 
 CHAP. LIV. But Caesar, having summoned to him the 
 principal persons of each state, in one case by alarming 
 them, since he declared that he knew what was going on, 
 and in another case by encouraging them, retained a great 
 part of Gaul in its allegiance. The Senones, however, which 
 is a state eminently powerful and one of great influence 
 among the Gauls, attempting by general design to slay Ca- 
 varinus, whom Caesar had created king among them (whose 
 brother, Moritasgus, had held the sovereignty at the period 
 of the arrival of Caesar in Gaul, and whose ancestors had 
 also previously held it), when he discovered their plot and 
 fled, pursued him even to the frontiers [of the state], and 
 drove him from his kingdom and his home ; and, after having 
 sent embassadors to Caesar for the purpose of concluding a 
 peace, when he ordered all their senate to come to him, did 
 not obey that command. So far did it operate among 
 those barbarian people, that there were found some to be the 
 first to wage war ; and so great a change of inclinations did 
 it produce in all, that, except the ^Edui and the Remi, whom 
 Caesar had always held in especial honor, the one people for 
 their long standing and uniform fidelity toward the Roman 
 people, the other for their late service in the Gallic war, there 
 was scarcely a state which was not suspected by us. And I do 
 not know whether that ought much to be wondered at, as well 
 for several other reasons, as particularly because they who ranked 
 above all nations for prowess in war, 1 most keenly regretted 
 that they had lost so much of that reputation as to submit to 
 commands from the Roman people. 
 
 CHAP. LV. But the Triviri and Indutiomarus let no 
 part of the entire winter pass without sending embassadors 
 across the Rhine, importuning the states, promising money, 
 and asserting that, as a large portion of our army had been cut 
 off, a much smaller portion remained. However, none of the 
 German States could be induced to cross the Rhine, since 
 " they had twice essayed it," they said, " in the war with Ariovis- 
 tus and in the passage of the Tenchtheri there ; that fortune was 
 
 1 When they thought of their national glory in deeds of arms, doubtless 
 they did not pass over their exploits in Italy and their sacking of Rome.
 
 136 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK v. 
 
 not to be tempted any more." Indutiomarus disappointed in 
 this expectation, ^nevertheless began to raise troops, and dis- 
 cipline them,*and procure horses from the neighboring people, 
 and allure to him by great rewards the outlaws and convicts 
 throughout Gaul. And such great influence had lie already 
 acquired for himself in Gaul by these means, that embassies 
 were flocking to him in all directions, and seeking, publicly and 
 privately, his favor and friendship. 
 
 CHAP. LVI. When he perceived that they were coming to 
 him voluntarily ; that on the one side the Senones and the 
 Carnutes were stimulated by their consciousness of guilt, on 
 the other side the Nervii and the Aduatuci were preparing war 
 against the Romans, and that forces of volunteers would not be 
 wanting to him if he began to advance from his own ter- 
 ritories, lie proclaims an armed council (this according to the 
 custom of the Gauls in the commencement of war) at which, 
 by a common law, all the youth were wont to asssemble in 
 arms , whoever of them comes last is killed in the sight of the 
 Avhole assembly after being racked with every torture. 1 In that 
 council he declares Cingetorix, the leader of the other faction, 
 his own son-in-law (whom we have above mentioned, as hav- 
 ing embraced the protection of Ca3sar, and never having 
 deserted him) an enemy and confiscates his property. When 
 these things were finished, he asserts in the council that he, 
 invited by the Senones and the Carnutes, and several other 
 states of Gaul, was about to march thither through the terri- 
 tories of the Remi, devastate their lands, and attack the camp 
 of Labienus : before he does that, he informs them of what he 
 desires to be done. 
 
 CHAP. LVII. Labienus, since he was confining himself 
 within a camp strongly fortified by the nature of the ground 
 and by art, had no apprehensions as to his own and the legion's 
 danger, but was devising that he might throw away no oppor- 
 tunity of conducting the war successfully. Accordingly, the 
 speech of Indutiomarus, which he had delivered in the council, 
 having been made known [to him] by Cingetorix and his allies, 
 he sends messengers to the neighboring states and summons 
 horse from all quarters : he appoints to them a fixed day for 
 
 1 Tacitus, then, when he tells us, in his Germania, that " even three days 
 out of the space appointed for their assemblies were wasted by the delay 
 of those who were to meet," must refer to councils of minor importanca
 
 CHAP. Lvra. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 137 
 
 assembling. In the mean time, IndutiomSrus, with all his 
 cavalry, nearly every day used to parade close to his [Labienus'] 
 camp ; at one time, that he might inform himself of the situ- 
 ation of the camp ; at another time, for the purpose of confer- 
 ring with or of intimidating him. Labienus confined his men 
 within the fortifications, and promoted the enemy's belief of 
 his fear by whatever methods he could. 
 
 CHAP. LVIII. Since Indutiomarus was daily advancing 
 up to the camp with greater defiance, all the cavalry of the 
 neighboring states which he [Labienus] had" taken care to 
 have sent for, having been admitted in one night, he confined 
 all his men within the camp by guards with such great strict- 
 ness, that that fact could by no means be reported or carried 
 to the Treviri. In the mean while, Indutiomarus, according to 
 his daily practice, advances up to the camp and spends a great 
 part of the day there : his horse cast their weapons, and with 
 very insulting language call out our men to battle. No reply 
 being given by our men, the enemy, when they thought proper, 
 depart toward evening in a disorderly and scattered manner, 
 Labienus unexpectedly sends out all the cavalry by two gates ; 
 he gives this command and prohibition, that, when the enemy 
 should be terrified and put to flight (which he foresaw would 
 happen, as it did), they should all make for Indutiomarus, and 
 no one Avound any man before he should have seen him slain, 
 because he was unwilling that he should escape, in consequence 
 of gaining time by the delay [occasioned by the pursuit] of 
 the rest. He offers great rewards for those who should kill 
 him : he sends up the cohorts as a relief to the horse. The 
 issue justifies 1 the policy of the man, and since all aimed at 
 one, Indutiomarus is slain, having been overtaken at the very 
 ford of the river, and his head is carried to the camp, the horse, 
 when returning, pursue and slay all whom they can. This af- 
 fair having been known, all the forces of the Eburones and 
 the Nervii which had assembled, depart ; and for a short time 
 after this action, Caesar* was less harassed in the government 
 of Gaul. 
 
 1 " Comprobat fortuna." One sense of comprobo, is, to make good. 
 
 2 Literallj, " Caesar held Gaul more tranquil"
 
 138 OJESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK VI. 
 
 BOOK VI. 
 
 THE ARGUMENT. 
 
 Caesar, apprehending commotions in Gaul, levies additional forces. II. -VT. 
 Defeats the Nervii, Senones, Carnutes, and Menapii. VII., VIII. 
 Labienus defeats the Treviri. IX. Caesar again crosses the Rhine ; the 
 Ubii send embassadors to plead the defense of their state. XI.-XX. 
 The political factions of the Gallic states. The Druids, the second or- 
 der or knights, the third order or commonalty, and the mythology of 
 the Gauls. XXI.-XXVIII. The Germans : their customs ; account of 
 some remarkable animals found in the Hercinian forest. XXIX.- 
 XXXI. Caesar returns to Gaul ; Ambiorix is worsted ; death of Cati- 
 volcus. XXXII.-XXXIV. The territories of the Eburones arc plun- 
 dered. XXXV.-XLII. The Sigambri attack the Roman camp ; some 
 extraordinary incidents connected therewith. Caesar arrives and 
 restores confidence. XLIII., XLIV. Caesar holds an investigation 
 respecting the conspiracy of the Senones ; Acco suffers capital punish- 
 ment ; the appointment of winter-quarters ; Caesar departs for Italy. 
 
 CHAP. I. Caesar, expecting for many reasons 1 a greater 
 commotion in Gaul, resolves to hold a levy by the means of M. 
 Silanus C. Antistius Reginus, and T. Sextius, his lieutenants : 
 at the same time he requested Cn. Pompey, the proconsul, 
 that since he was remaining near the city invested with mili- 
 tary command for the interests of the commonwealth, 3 he 
 
 1 "For many reasons:" one of these may bo inferred from the close 
 of chap. 54, of book v. 
 
 2 When Pompey was consul (which was the year 699 A.U.C.), Spain 
 was decreed him, as his proconsular province, for a period of five years ; 
 and permission was given him to raise what forces, and in what parts, 
 he chose. He consequently raised one legion in Cisalpine Gaul. While, 
 however, upon the expiration of his consulate, he was preparing to pro- 
 ceed into the province which the senate had decreed him, an opposition 
 was successfully made to the realization of his hopes by some of the tri- 
 bunes of the commons, and Petreius and Afranius were sent to Spain in 
 his stead. Pompey remained at Rome, and sought to diminish the un- 
 pleasant nature of his position by giving out that he remained in the city 
 for the purpose of procuring corn. Caesar requested that he would send 
 him that legion which he had raised in Gaul. With this request Pompey
 
 CHAP. n. (LESAK'S COMMENTARIES. 139 
 
 would command those men whom when consul he had levied 
 by the military oath in Cisalpine Gaul, to join their respective 
 corps, 1 and to proceed to him ; thinking it of great importance, 
 as far as regarded the opinion which the Gauls would entertain 
 for the future, that that the resources of Italy should appear so 
 great that if any loss should be sustained in war, not only could 
 it be repaired in a short time, but likewise be further supplied 
 by still larger forces. And when Pompey had granted this to 
 the interests of the commonwealth and the claims of friendship, 
 Caesar having quickly completed the levy by means of his lieu- 
 tenants, after three regiments had been both formed and brought 
 to him before the winter [had] expired, and the number of 
 those cohorts which he had lost under Q. Titurius had been 
 doubled, taught the Gauls, both by his dispatch and by his 
 forces what the discipline and the power of the Roman people 
 could accomplish. 
 
 CHAP. II. Indutiomarus having been slain, as we have 
 stated, the government was conferred upon his relatives by the 
 Treviri. They cease not to importune the neighboring Ger- 
 mans and to promise them money : when they could not obtain 
 [their object] from those nearest them, they try those more 
 remote. Having found some states willing to accede to their 
 wishes, they enter into a compact with them by a mutual oath, 
 and give hostages as a security for the money : they attach Am- 
 biorix to them by an alliance and confederacy. Caesar, on being 
 informed of their acts, since he saw that war was being pre- 
 pared on all sides, that the Nervii, Aduatuci, and Menapii, 
 with the addition of all the Germans on this side of the Rhine 
 were under arms, that the Senones did not assemble according 
 to his command, and were concerting measures with the Car- 
 
 comolied, as an act of duty to the state and a tribute of friendship toward 
 Caesar. Pompey, however, afterward demanded his legion again. The 
 circumstances which attended its return to him performed, as Plutarch 
 relates, their part in the civil war. 
 
 With regard to the original of the rest of this sentence, it may bo re- 
 marked, first, that some copies have "quos . . . consul is," etc., and others 
 "quos .... consulis." Davis and Clark defend the latter reading as, 
 agreeably with the genius and usage of the Latin language, denoting, 
 after his consulate, an act performed during it Secondly, that Livy, iii. 
 20, gives the substance of the military oath in his time ; and, thirdly, that 
 Vegetius, has left it as it was used under the Christian emperors, includ- 
 ing these words, " per Deum et per Christum et per Spiritum Sanctum." 
 
 i Literally, " to assemble at their standards."
 
 140 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK TL 
 
 nutes and the neighboring states, that the Germans were im- 
 portuned by the Treviri in frequent embassies, thought that he 
 ought to take measures for the war earlier [than usual]. 
 
 CHAP. III. Accordingly, while the winter was not yet 
 ended, having concentrated the four nearest legions, he 
 marched unexpectedly into the territories of the Nervii, and 
 before they could either assemble or retreat, after capturing a 
 large number of cattle and of men, and wasting their lands 
 and giving up that booty to the soldiers, compelled them to 
 enter into a surrender and give him hostages. That business 
 having been speedily executed, he again led his legions back 
 into winter-quarters. Having proclaimed a council of Gaul in 
 the beginning of the spring, as he had been accustomed [to do], 
 when the deputies from the rest, except the Senones, the Car- 
 nutes, and the Treviri, had come, judging this 1 to be the com- 
 mencement of war and revolt, that he might appear to consider 
 all things of less consequence [than that war], he transfers the 
 council to Lutetia of the Parisii. These were adjacent to the 
 Senones, and had united their state to them during the mem- 
 ory of their fathers, but were thought to have no part in the 
 present plot. Having proclaimed this from the tribunal, he 
 advances the same day toward the Senones with his legions, 
 and arrives among them by long marches. 
 
 CHAP. IV. Acco, who had been the author of that enter- 
 prise, on being informed of his arrival, orders the people to 
 assemble in the towns ; to them, while attempting this, and 
 before it could be accomplished, news is brought that the 
 Romans are close at hand : through necessity they give over 
 their design and send embassadors to Cassar for the purpose of 
 imploring pardon ; they make advances to him through the 
 JEdui, whose state was from ancient times under the protection 
 of Rome. Caesar readily grants them pardon, and receives their 
 excuse, at the request of the ^Edui, because he thought 
 that the summer season 2 was one for an impending war, not for 
 an investigation. Having imposed one hundred hostages, 
 he delivers these to the ^Edui to be held in charge by them. 
 
 1 Namely, the absence of the representatives of three fore-mentioned 
 states. 
 
 2 " The summer season, investigation ;" i. e. it was to be employed in 
 the war with the Treviri and Ambiorix, and not in an examination as to 
 the merits of the defense set up in behalf of the Sonones.
 
 CHAP. TL CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 141 
 
 To the same place the Carnutes send embassadors and hostages, 
 employing as their mediators the Remi, under whose protection 
 they were : they receive the same answers. Caesar concludes 
 the council and imposes a levy of cavalry on the states. 
 
 CHAP. V. This part of Gaul having been tranquilized, he 
 applies himself entirely both in mind and soul to the war 
 with the Treviri and Ambiorix. He orders Cavarmus to 
 march with him with the cavalry of the Senones, lest any com- 
 motion should arise either out of his hot temper, or out of 
 the hatred of the state which he had incurred. 1 After arranging 
 these things, as he considered it certain that Ambiorix would 
 not contend in battle, he watched his other plans attentively. 
 The Menapii bordered on the territories of tho Eburones, and 
 were protected by one continued extent of morasses and woods ; 
 and they alone out of Gaul had never sent embassadors to 
 Caesar on the subject of peace. Caesar knew that a tie of 
 hospitality subsisted between them and Ambiorix : he also 
 discovered that the latter had entered into an alliance with the 
 Germans by means of the Treviri. He thought that these 
 auxiliaries ought to be detached from him before he provoked 
 him to war ; lest he, despairing of safety, should either proceed 
 to conceal himself in the territories of the Menapii,* or 
 should be driven to coalesce 8 , with the Germans beyond the 
 Rhine. Having entered upon this resolution, he sends the 
 baggage of the whole army to Labienus, in the territories of 
 the Treviri and orders two legions to proceed to him: he 
 himself proceeds against the Menapii with five lightly-equipped 
 legions. They, having assembled no troops, as they relied on 
 the defense of their position, retreat into the woods and mo- 
 rasses, and convey thither all their property. 
 
 CHAP. VI. Caesar, having divided his forces with C. Fabius, 
 his lieutenant, and M. Crassus his questor, and having hastily 
 constructed some bridges, enters their country in three divisions, 
 burns their houses and villages, and gets possession of a large 
 
 1 In the original, " ex eo, quod meruerat, odio ;" mereo referring as well 
 to the unfavorable, as to the favorable effects of conduct, and results of 
 fortune. Some copies have metuerat, a reading obviously erroneous. 
 
 2 The "territories," etc., "in Menapios abderet" the proposition here 
 including the idea of his going to do so. 
 
 3 In the original, "congredi." The Greek paraphrast has 
 voieTcdai.
 
 142 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK vi. 
 
 number of cattle and men. Constrained by these circumstances 
 the Menapii send embassadors to him for the purpose of suing 
 for peace. He, after receiving hostages, assures them that he 
 will consider them in the number of his enemies if they shall 
 receive within their territories either Ambiorix or his embassa- 
 dors. Having determinately settled these things, he left among 
 the Menapii, Commius the Atrebatian, with some cavalry as a 
 guard ; l he himself proceeds toward the Treviri. 
 
 CHAP. VII. While these things are being performed by 
 Caesar, the Treviri, having drawn together large forces of in- 
 fantry and cavalry, were preparing to attack Labienus and 
 the legion which was wintering in their territories, and were 
 already not further distant from him than a journey of two 
 days, when they learn that two legions had arrived by the 
 order of Ca3sar. Having pitched their camp fifteen miles 
 off, they resolve to await the support of the Germans. La- 
 bienus, having learned the design of the enemy, hoping that 
 through their rashness there would be some opportunity of en- 
 gaging, after leaving a guard of five cohorts for the baggage, 
 advances against the enemy with twenty-five cohorts and a 
 large body of cavalry, and, leaving the space of a mile between 
 them, fortifies his camp. There was between Labienus and 
 the enemy a river diflicult to cross, and with steep banks : this 
 neither did he himself design to cross, nor did he suppose the 
 enemy would cross it. Their hope of auxiliaries was daily in- 
 creasing. He [Labienus] openly says in a council that "'since 
 the Germans are said to be approaching, he would not bring into 
 uncertainty his own and the army's fortunes, and the next day 
 would move his camp at early dawn." These words are quickly 
 carried to the enemy, since out of so large a number of 
 cavalry composed of Gauls, nature compelled some to favor 
 the Gallic interests. Labienus, having assembled the tribunes 
 of the soldiers and principal centurions by night, states what 
 his design is, and, that he may the more easily give the 
 enemy a belief of his fears, he orders the camp to be moved 
 with greater noise and confusion than was usual with the 
 Roman people. 3 By these means he makes his departure 
 
 1 "Custodis loco." "Id est, observatoris, speculatoris." Holomam. 
 One appointed to observe and report proceedings. 
 
 2 "Quam populi Romani fert consuetude:" not than the discipline of 
 the Roman army allowed, but, than was customary with, or usually at-
 
 CHAP. vni. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 143 
 
 [appear] like a retreat. These things, also, since the camps were 
 so near, are reported to the enemy by scouts before day- 
 light. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. Scarcely had the rear advanced beyond the 
 fortifications when the Gauls, encouraging one another " not to 
 cast from their hands the anticipated booty, that it was a 
 tedious thing, while the Romans were panic-stricken, to be 
 waiting for the aid of the Germans, and that their dignity did 
 not suSer them to fear to attack with such great forces so small 
 a band, particularly when retreating and encumbered," do not 
 hesitate to cross the river aud give battle in a disadvantageous 
 position. Labienus suspecting that these things would happen, 
 was proceeding quietly, and using the same pretense of a 
 march, in order that he might entice them across the river. 
 Then, having sent forward the baggage some short distance and 
 placed it on a certain eminence, he says, " Soldiers, you have tho 
 opportunity you have sought : you hold the enemy in an encum- 
 bered and disadvantageous position : display to us, your leaders, 
 the same valor you have ofttimes displayed to your general : 
 imagine that he is present and actually sees these exploits." 
 At the same tune he orders the troops to face about to- 
 ward the enemy and form in line of battle, and, dispatching 
 a few troops of cavalry as a guard for the baggage, he places 
 the rest of the horse on the wings. Our men, raising a shout, 
 quickly throw their javelins at the enemy. They, when, 
 contrary to their expectation, they saw those whom they 
 believed to be retreating, advance toward them with threaten- 
 ing banners, were not able to sustain even the charge, and, 
 being put to flight at the first onslaught, sought the nearest 
 woods ; Labienus pursuing them with the cavalry, upon a large 
 number being slain, and several taken prisoners, got posses- 
 sion of the state a few days after ; for the Germans, who were 
 coming to the aid of the Treviri, having been informed of their 
 flight, retreated to their homes. The relations of Indutiomarus. 
 who had been the promoters of the revolt, accompanying them, 
 quitted their own state with them. The supreme power and 
 government were delivered to Cingetorix, whom we have stated 
 to have remained firm in his allegiance from the commence- 
 ment. 
 
 tended it. Pert consuetudo is an expression employed in this way. Thus, 
 book iv. ch. xxxii. we read that it was reported to Caesar "pulverem 
 majorem, quam consuetudo ferret videri."
 
 144 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOKVI. 
 
 CHAP. IX. Caesar, after ho came from the territories of the 
 Menapii into those of the Treviri, resolved for two reasons 
 to cross the Rhine; one of which was, because they 1 had sent 
 assistance to the Treviri against him ; the other, that Arn- 
 biorix might not have a retreat among them. Having deter- 
 mined on these matters, he began to build a bridge a little 
 above that place where he had before conveyed over his 
 army. The plan having been known and laid down, the work 
 is accomplished in a few days by the great exertion of the 
 soldiers. Having left a strong guard at the bridge on the 
 side of the Treviri, lest any commotion should suddenly arise 
 among them, he leads over the rest of the forces and the cavalry. 
 The Ubii, who before had sent hostages and come to a capitu- 
 lation, send embassadors to him, for the purpose of vindicat- 
 ing themselves, to assure him that "neither had auxiliaries 
 been sent to the Treviri from their state, nor had they violated 
 their allegiance ;" they entreat and beseech him " to spare 
 them, lest, in his common hatred of the Germans, the innocent 
 should suffer the penalty of the guilty : they promise to give 
 more hostages, if he desire them." Having investigated the 
 case, Caesar finds that the auxiliaries had been sent by the 
 Suevi ; he accepts the apology of the Ubii, and makes the minute 
 inquiries concerning the approaches and the routes to the terri- 
 tories of the Suevi. 
 
 CHAP. X. In the mean time he is informed by the Ubii, a 
 few days after, that the Suevi are drawing all their forces into 
 one place, and are giving orders to those nations which are 
 under their government to send auxiliaries of infantry and of 
 cavalry. Having learned these things, he provides a supply of 
 corn, selects a proper place for his camp, and commands the 
 Ubii to drive off their cattle and carry away all their posses- 
 sions from the country parts into the towns, hoping that they, 
 being a barbarous and ignorant people, when harassed by the 
 want of provisions, might be brought to an engagement on dis- 
 advantageous terms : he orders them to send numerous scouts 
 among the Suevi, and learn what things are going on among them. 
 They execute the orders^ and, a few days having intervened, 
 report that all the Suevi, after certain intelligence concerning 
 the army of the Romans had come, retreated with all their 
 
 1 The Germans.
 
 CHAP. Hi. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 145 
 
 own forces and those of their allies, which they had assembled, 
 to the utmost extremities of their territories : that there is a 
 wood there of very great extent, which is called Bace"nis ; that 
 this stretches a great way into the interior, and, being opposed 
 as a natural barrier, defends from injuries and incursions the 
 Cherusci against the Suevi, and the Suevi against the Chemsci : 
 that at the entrance of that forest the Suevi had determined to 
 await the coming up of the Romans. 
 
 CHAP. XI. Since we have come to the place, it does not 
 appear to be foreign to our subject to lay before the reader an 
 account of the manners of Gaul and Germany, and wherein 
 these nations differ from each other. In Gaul there are factions 
 not only in all the states, and in all the cantons and their di- 
 visions, but almost in each family, and of these factions those 
 are the leaders who are considered according to their judgment 
 to possess the greatest influence, upon whose will and deter- 
 mination the management of all affairs and measures depends. 
 And that seems to have been instituted in ancient times with 
 this view, that no one of the common people should be in want 
 of support against one more powerful ; for, none [of those 
 leaders] suffers his party to be oppressed and defrauded, and if 
 he do otherwise, he has no influence among his party. This same 
 policy exists throughout the whole of Gaul ; for all the states 
 are divided into two factions. 
 
 CHAP. XII. When Caesar arrived in Gaul, the JSdui were 
 the leaders of one faction, the Sequani of the other. Since the 
 latter were less powerful by themselves, inasmuch as the chief 
 influence was from of old among the JEdm, and their depend- 
 dencies were great, they had united to themselves the Germans 
 and Ariovistus, and had brought them over to their party by 
 great sacrifices and promises. And having fought several 
 successful battles and slain all the nobility of the ^Edui, they 
 had so far surpassed them in power, that they brought over, 
 from the ^Edui to themselves, a large portion of their depend- 
 ents and received from them the sons of their leading men as 
 hostages, and compelled them to swear in their public charac- 
 ter that they would enter into no design against them ; and 
 held a portion of the neighboring land, seized on by force, and 
 possessed the sovereignty of the whole of Gaul. Divitiacus 
 urged by this necessity, had proceeded to Rome to the senate, 
 for the purpose of entreating assistance, and had returned
 
 146 CJSSAR'S COMMENT ABIES. BOOK vi. 
 
 without accomplishing his object. A change of affairs ensued 
 on the arrival of Caesar, the hostages were returned to the 
 .^Edui, their old dependencies restored, and new acquired 
 through Caesar (because those who had attached themselves to 
 their alliance saw that they enjoyed a better state and a milder 
 government), their other interests, their influence, their reputa- 
 tion were likewise increased, and in consequence, the Sequani 
 lost the sovereignty. The Remi succeeded to their place, and, 
 as it was perceived that they equaled the .^Edui in favor with 
 Caesar, 1 those, who on account of their old animosities could by 
 no means coalesce with the JEdui, consigned themselves in 
 clientship to the Remi. The latter carefully protected them. 
 Thus they possessed both a new and suddenly acquired in- 
 fluence. Affairs were then in that position that the ^Edui were 
 considered by far the leading people, and the Remi held the 
 second post of honor. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. Throughout all Gaul there, are two orders of 
 those men who are of any rank and dignity : for the common- 
 ality is held almost in the condition of slaves, and dares to 
 undertake nothing of itself, and is admitted to no deliberation. 
 The greater part, when they are pressed either by debt, or the 
 large amount of their tributes, or the oppression of the more 
 powerful, give themselves up in vassalage to the nobles, who 
 possess over them the same rights without exception as masters 
 over their slaves.* But of these two orders, one is that of the 
 Druids, the other that of the knights. The former are engaged 
 in things sacred, conduct the public and the private sacri- 
 fices, and interpret all matters of religion. To these a large 
 number of the young men resort for the purpose of instruction, 
 and they [the Druids] are in great honor among them. For 
 they determine respecting almost all controversies, public 
 and private ; .and if any crime has been perpetrated, if murder 
 has been committed, if there be any dispute about an inherit- 
 ance, if any about boundaries, these same persons decide it ; 
 they decree rewards and punishments ; if any one, either in a 
 private or public capacity, has not submitted to their decision, 
 
 1 i. e., that the Remi stood as high in Caesar's favor as did 
 
 2 As far as we can discover from remaining testimonies, the condition 
 of vassalage, or the state of the feudal retainer, among the ancient Gauls 
 was not so hard as that of a corresponding relation among some more 
 polished people.
 
 CHAP. xiv. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 147 
 
 they interdict him from the sacrifices. 1 This among them is 
 the most heavy punishment. Those who have been thus inter- 
 dicted are esteemed in the number of the impious and the crimi- 
 nal : all shun them, and avoid their society and conversation, 
 lest they receive some evil from their contact ; nor is justice ad- 
 ministered to them when seeking it, nor is any dignity bestowed 
 on them. Over all these Druids one presides, who possesses 
 supreme authority among them. Upon his death, if any indi- 
 vidual among the rest is pre-eminent in dignity, he succeeds ; 
 but, if there are many, equal, the election is made by the 
 suffrages of the Druids ; sometimes they even contend for the 
 presidency with arms. These assemble at a fixed period of the 
 year in a consecrated place in the territories of the Carnutes, 
 which is reckoned the central region of the whole of Gaul. 
 Hither all, who have disputes, assemble from every part, and 
 submit to their decrees and determinations. This institution is 
 supposed to have been devised in Britain, and to have been 
 brought over from it into Gaul ; and now those who desire to 
 gain a more accurate knowledge of that system generally pro- 
 ceed thither for the purpose of studying it. 1 
 
 CHAP. XTV. The Druids do not go to war, nor pay 
 tribute together with the rest ; they have an exemption 
 from military service and a dispensation in all matters. In- 
 duced by such great advantages, many embrace this pro- 
 fession of their own accord, and [many] are sent to it by 
 their parents and relations. They are said there to learn by 
 
 1 As judges not only in the most important civil causes, but, further, 
 invested with the administration of capital justice ; as priests among a 
 people given, as all allow the Gauls were in a remarkable degree, to re- 
 ligious rites and ceremonies ; as those who had the instructions of the 
 sons of the great not only in the mysteries of religion, but also in the 
 theories of government and the physical sciences, the Druids possessed 
 unbounded influence. " They," says Chrysostom, " in truth, reigned; for 
 kings, though sitting on thrones of gold, and dwelling in gorgeous pal- 
 aces, and partaking of sumptuous banquets, were subservient to them." 
 
 2 The Delphin commentator thinks this improbable. He supposes it 
 more likely that this institution passed into Britain from Gaul. "When it 
 declined in Gaul it flourished in Britain. He illustrates his position by 
 saying, that, though Judea was the fountain of Christianity, the faith is 
 nearly extinct there while it shines in those regions which derived it 
 thence ; and asks who would go to Jerusalem rather than to Rome or 
 Paris to study Christian divinity. He also observes that Csesar does not 
 assert it on his own authority.
 
 148 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK vi. 
 
 heart a great number of verses; accordingly some remain 
 in the course of training twenty years. Nor do they regard it 
 lawful to commit these to writing, though in almost all 
 other matters, in their public and private transactions, they 
 use Greek characters. That practice they seem to me to have 
 adopted for two reasons ; because they neither desire their 
 doctrines to be divulged among the mass of the people, nor 
 those who learn, to devote themselves the less to the ef- 
 forts of memory, relying on writing ; since it generally occurs to 
 most men, that, in their dependence, on writing, they relax 
 their diligence in learning thoroughly, and their employ- 
 ment of the memory. They wish to inculcate this as one of 
 their leading tenets, that souls do not become extinct, 1 but pass 
 after death from one body to another, and they think that men 
 by this tenet are in a great degree excited to valor, the fear of 
 death being disregarded. They likewise discuss and impart to 
 the youth many things respecting the stars and their motion, 
 respecting the extent of the world and of our earth, respecting 
 the nature of things, respecting the power and the majesty of 
 the immortal gods. 3 
 
 CHAP. XV. The other order is that of the knights. 3 These, 
 when there is occasion and any war occurs (which before Cae- 
 sar's arrival was for the most part wont to happen every year, 
 as either they on their part were inflicting injuries or repelling 
 those which others inflicted on them), are all engaged in war. 
 And those of them most distinguished by birth and resources, 
 have the greatest number of vassals and dependents about them. 
 They acknowledge this sort of influence and power only. 
 
 1 Because Pythagoras is said by Diogenes Laertius to have visited not 
 only the Greek, but likewise the Barbarian schools in pursuing his study 
 of Sacred Mysteries, it has been thought that he derived his Metempsy- 
 chosis from the Druids. But, though there is in another writer the addi- 
 tional record that Pythagoras had heard the Druids, the conjecture above 
 stated will not be readily received. 
 
 Between the Druidical and the Pythagorean Metemspychosis there 
 was this difference, that the latter maintained the migration of the soul 
 into irrational animals, while the former restricted the dogma to the 
 passage of the soul from man to man. 
 
 2 Other ancient writers have referred to the sciences of the Druids. 
 
 3 As Caesar at the time of writing probably had in his mind the three 
 Roman orders, "patricii" " equites" and "plels," and " equites" there 
 is commonly rendered "knights," we have thought fit (though that trans- 
 lation is not free from objections) to call this second order among tho 
 Gauls by that name.
 
 CHAP. xvii. OESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 149 
 
 CHAP. XVI. The nation of all the Gauls is extremely 
 devoted to superstitious rites ; and on that account they who 
 are troubled with unusually severe diseases, and they who 
 are engaged in battles and dangers, either sacrifice men as 
 victims, 1 or vow that they will sacrifice them, and employ the 
 Druids as the performers of those sacrifices; because they 
 think that unless the life of a man be offered for the life of a 
 man, the mind of the immortal gods can not be rendered pro- 
 pitious, and they have sacrifices of that kind ordained for na- 
 tional purposes. Others have figures of vast size, the limbs of 
 which formed of osiers they fill with living men, which being 
 set on fire, the men perish enveloped in the flames. They con- 
 sider that the oblation of such as have been taken in theft, or in 
 robbery, or any other offense, is more acceptable to the immor- 
 tal gods ; but when a supply of that class is wanting, they have 
 recourse to the oblation of even the innocent. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. They worship as their divinity, Mercury 2 in 
 particular, and have many images of him, and regard him as the 
 inventor of all arts, they consider him the guide of their jour- 
 neys and marches, and believe him to have great influence over 
 the acquisition of gain and mercantile transactions. Next to 
 him they worship Apollo, and Mars, and Jupiter, and Minerva ; 
 respecting these deities they have for the most part the same 
 belief as other nations : that Apollo averts diseases, that 
 Minerva imparts the invention of manufactures, that Jupiter 
 possesses the sovereignty of the heavenly powers; that Mars pre- 
 sides over wars. To him, when they have determined to engage 
 in battle, they commonly vow those things which they shall 
 take 3 in war. When they have conquered, they sacrifice what- 
 ever captured animals may have survived the conflict, 4 and col- 
 
 1 To this Cicero refers in his Oration for Fonteius as to a well-known 
 fact. 
 
 2 The student must not imagine that Csesar found the names Mercurius, 
 Apollo, etc., existing among the Gauls, as those of their deities here spoken 
 of. Whether the names assigned by commentators (as Woda, Mercury, 
 Batenus, Apollo, etc.), were, or were not, the Gallic, must remain a ques- 
 tion ; but it is to be understood that Csesar applied to the divinities of the 
 Gauls the names of those in the Roman mythology, whose attributes 
 generally corresponded with them severally. 
 
 3 " Ceperint" not, as some copies, ceperunt, as the vow necessarily 
 requires the former reading. The Greek paraphrast accordingly has T& 
 
 Athenseus remarks " that the Gauls sacrifice their captives to the gods."
 
 150 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK vi. 
 
 lect the other things into one place. In many states you may 
 see piles of these things heaped up iu their consecrated spots ; 
 nor does it often happen that any one, disregarding the sanctity 
 of the case, 1 dares either to secrete in his house things captured, 
 or take away those deposited ; and the most severe punishment, 
 with torture, has been established for such a deed. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. All the Gauls assert that they are descended 
 from the god Dis, and say that this tradition has been handed 
 down by the Druids. For that reason they compute the divisions 
 of every season, not by the number of days, but of nights ; they 
 keep birth-days and the beginnings of months and years in such 
 an order that the day follows the night. Among the other 
 usages of their life, they differ in this from almost all other na- 
 tions, that they do not permit their children to approach them 
 openly until they are grown up so as to be able to bear the serv- 
 ice of war ; and they regard it as indecorous for a son of 
 boyish age to stand in public in the presence of his father. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. Whatever sums of money the husbands have 
 received in the name of dowry from their wives, making an 
 estimate of it, they add the same amount out of their own 
 estates. An account is kept of all this money conjointly, and 
 the profits are laid by : whichever of them shall have survived 
 [the other], to that one the portion of both reverts together 
 with the profits of the previous time. Husband.s have power of 
 life and death over their wives as well as over their children : 
 and when the father of a family, born in a more than commonly 
 distinguished rank, has died, his relations assemble, and, if 
 the circumstances of his death are suspicious, hold an investi- 
 gation upon the wives in the manner adopted toward slaves ; 
 and, if proof be obtained, put them to severe torture, and kill 
 them. Their funerals, considering the state of . civilization 
 among the Gauls, are magnificent and costly ; and they cast 
 into the fire all things, including living creatures, which they 
 suppose to have been dear to them when alive ; and, a little 
 before this period, slaves and dependents, who 3 were ascer- 
 
 1 " Neglecta religione :" there are four general senses of the word religio. 
 1. Religion, devotion. 2. (in the plural) Religious ceremonies and mys- 
 teries. 3. Superstition. And, 4. The sanctity of any particular matter, or 
 reverential feelings entertained with regard to a certain case. This last, not 
 religion in its general acceptation, is the sense of the word in this passage. 
 
 2 Literally " who, it was ascertained, was beloved by them."
 
 CHAP. xxn. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 151 
 
 tained to have been beloved by them, were, 1 after the regular 
 funeral rites were completed, burnt together with them. 
 
 CHAP. XX. Those states which are considered to conduct 
 their commonwealth more judiciously, have it ordained by their 
 laws, that, if any person shall have heard by rumor and 
 report from his neighbors any thing concerning the common- 
 wealth, he shall convey it to the magistrate, and not impart it 
 to any other ; because it has been discovered that inconsiderate 
 and inexperienced men were often alarmed by false reports, 
 and driven to some rash act, or else took hasty measures in 
 affairs of the highest importance. The magistrates conceal 
 those things which require to be kept unknown ; and they 
 disclose to the people whatever they determine to be expedient. 
 It is not lawful to speak of the commonwealth, except in 
 council. 
 
 CHAP. XXI. The Germans differ much from these usages, 
 for they have neither Druids to preside over sacred offices, 
 nor do they pay great regard to sacrifices. They rank in the 
 number of the gods those alone whom they behold, and by 
 whose instrumentality they are obviously benefited, namely, the 
 sun, fire, and the moon; they have not heard of the other 
 deities even by report. Their whole life is occupied in hunt- 
 ing and in the pursuits of the military art ; from childhood 
 they devote themselves to fatigue and hardships. Those who 
 have remained chaste for the longest time, receive the greatest 
 commendation among their people ; they think that by this the 
 growth is promoted, by this the physical powers are increased 
 and the sinews are strengthened. And to have had knowledge 
 of a woman before the twentieth year they reckon among the 
 most disgraceful acts ; of which matter there is no concealment, 
 because they bathe promiscuously in the rivers and [only] use 
 skins or small cloaks of deers' hides, a large portion of the body 
 being in consequence naked. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. They do not pay much attention to agricul- 
 ture, and a large portion of their food consists in milk, cheese, 
 and flesh ; nor has any one a fixed quantity of land or his own 
 individual limits ; but the magistrates and the leading men 
 each year apportion to the tribes and families, who have united 
 together, as much land as, and in the place in which, they think 
 
 1 Otherwise thus, " when the funeral rites were rendered complete."
 
 152 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK VI. 
 
 proper, and the year after compel them to remove elsewhere. 
 For this enactment 1 they advance many reasons lest seduced 
 by long-continued custom, they may exchange their ardor in 
 the -waging of war for agriculture ; lest they may be anxious to 
 acquire extensive estates, and the more powerful drive the 
 weaker from their possessions ; lest they construct their houses 
 with too great a desire to avoid cold and heat ; lest the desire 
 of wealth spring up, from which cause divisions and discords 
 arise ; and that they may keep the common people in a con- 
 tented state of mind, when each sees his own means placed on 
 an equality with [those of] the most powerful. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. It is the greatest glory to the several states 
 to have as wide deserts as possible around them, their fron- 
 tiers having been laid waste. They consider this the real evi- 
 dence of their prowess, that their neighbors shall be driven 
 out of their lands and abandon them, and that no one dare 
 settle near them ; at the same time they think that they shall 
 be on that account the more secure, because they have removed 
 the apprehension of a sudden incursion. When a state either 
 repels war waged against it, or wages it against' anoth-'-r, mag- 
 istrates are chose a to preside over lli.it war with such authority, 
 that they have power of life and death. In peace there is no 
 common magistrate, but the chiefs of provinces and cantons 
 administer justice and determine controversies among their 
 own people. Robberies which are committed beyond the bound- 
 aries of each state bear no infamy, and they avow that these 
 are committed for the purpose of disciplining their youth and 
 of preventing sloth. And when any of their chiefs has said in 
 an assembly " that he will be their leader, let those who are 
 willing to follow, give in their names ;" they who approve of 
 both the enterprise and the man arise and promise their assist- 
 ance and are applauded by the people ; such of them as have 
 not followed him are accounted in the number of deserters and 
 traitors, and confidence in all matters is afterward refused them. 
 To injure guests they regard as impious ; they defend from 
 wrong those who have come to them for any purpose whatever, 
 and esteem them inviolable ; to them the houses of all are 
 open and maintenance is freely supplied. 2 
 
 1 "Ejusrei." 
 
 2 " No nation," says Tacitus, speaking of them in his G-ermania, " more 
 freely exercises entertainment and hospitality. To drive any one whom- 
 soever from their houses, they consider a crime."
 
 CHAP. xrv. CLESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 153 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. And there was formerly a time when the 
 Gauls excelled the Germans in prowess, and waged war on them 
 offensively, and, on account of the great number of their people 
 and the insufficiency of their land, sent colonies over the Rhine. 
 Accordingly, the Volcae Teotos&ges, 1 seized on those parts of 
 Germany which are the most fruitful [and lie] around the Her- 
 cynian forest" (which, I perceive, was. known by report to Era- 
 tosthenes* and some other Greeks, and which they call Orcynia), 
 and settled there. Which nation to this time retains its po- 
 sition in those settlements, and has a very high character for 
 justice and military merit ; now also they continue in the same 
 scarcity, indigence, hardihood, as the Germans, and use the 
 same food and dress ; but their proximity to the Province and 
 knowledge of commodities from countries beyond the sea sup- 
 plies to the Gauls 4 many things tending to luxury as well as 
 civilization. Accustomed by degrees to be overmatched and 
 worsted in many engagements, they do not even compare them- 
 . selves to the Germans in prowess. 
 
 CHAP. XXV. The breadth of this Hercynian forest, which 
 has been referred to above, is 6 to a quick traveler, a journey 
 of nine days. For it can not be otherwise computed, nor are 
 they acquainted with the measures of roads. It begins at 
 the frontiers of the Helvetii, Nemetes, and Rauraei, and ex- 
 tends in a right line along the river Danube to the terri- 
 tories of the Daci and the Anartes ; it bends thence to the 
 left in a different direction from the river, and owing to its 
 
 1 The Yolcae were a large and powerful nation in the south-west of Gaul, 
 and were divided into two great tribes. First, the Volcae Arecomici, who 
 inhabited the eastern part of the Province, whose chief city was Nimausus, 
 Nismes. Second, the Volcae Tectosages, who inhabited the western part 
 of the Province, whose chief city was Narbo, Narbonne. It is highly proba- 
 ble that the migration to which Caesar alludes here, is the same recorded by 
 Livy, in the 34th chapter of the 5th book, and that theVolcse Tectosages were 
 the Gauls that followed Sigovesus into the wilds of the Hercynian forest. 
 
 2 The Hercynian forest is supposed to have derived its name from the 
 German word, hartz " resin." Traces of the name are still preserved in 
 the Harz and Erz mountains. 
 
 3 A famous mathematician and astronomer born in Africa. He was 
 intrusted by the Egyptians with the care of the famous Alexandrian 
 library, and was the second person who discharged that honorable office. 
 He died 194 B.C. 
 
 4 Gallis meaning such of the Voleae Tectosagea as had not migrated 
 into Germany. 
 
 s Literally, "extends." 
 
 7*
 
 154 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK vi. 
 
 extent touches the confines of many nations ; nor is there any 
 person belonging to this part of Germany who says that he 
 either has gone to the extremity of that forest, though he had 
 advanced a journey of sixty days, or has heard in what place it 
 begins. It is certain that many kinds of wild beast are pro- 
 duced in it which have not heen seen in other parts ; of which 
 the following are such as differ principally from other animals, 
 and appear worthy of being committed to record. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. There is an ox of the shape of a stag, between 
 whose ears a horn rises from the middle of the forehead, higher 
 and straighter than those horns which are known to us. From 
 the top of this, branches, like palms, stretch out a considerable 
 distance. The shape of the female and of the male is the same ; 
 the appearance and the size of the horns is the same. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. There are also [animals] which are called 
 elks. The shape of these, and the varied color of their skins, 
 is much like roes, but in size they surpass them a little and 
 are destitute of horns, and have legs without joints and liga- 
 tures ; nor do they lie down for the purpose of rest, nor, if 
 they have been thrown down by any accident, can they raise 
 or lift themselves up. Trees serve as beds to them ; they lean 
 themselves against them, and thus reclining only slightly, they 
 take their rest ; when the huntsmen have discovered from the 
 footsteps of these animals whither they are accustomed to betake 
 themselves, they either undermine all the trees at the roots, or 
 cut into them so far that the upper part of the trees may appear 
 to be left standing. 1 AVhen they have leant upon them, accord- 
 ing to their habit, they knock down by their weight the unsup- 
 ported trees, and fall down themselves along with them. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII. There is a third kind, consisting of those 
 animals which are called uri. These are a little below the 
 elephant in size, and of the appearance, color, and shape of a 
 bull. Their strength and speed are extraordinary ; they spare 
 neither man nor wild beast which they have espied. These the 
 Germans take with much pains in pits and kill them. The young 
 men harden themselves with this exercise, and practice them- 
 selves in this kind of hunting, and those who have slain the 
 greatest number of them, having produced the horns in public, 
 to serve as evidence, receive great praise. But not even when 
 taken very young can they be rendered familiar to men and 
 
 1 Literally, "that the appearance alone of them standing may be left."
 
 CHAP. xxx. (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 155 
 
 tamed. The size, shape, and appearance of their horns differ 
 much from the horns of our oxen. These they anxiously eeek 
 after, and bind at the tips with silver, and use as cups at their 
 most sumptuous entertainments. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX. Caesar, after he discovered through the 
 Ubian scouts that the Suevi had retired into their woods, ap- 
 prehending a scarcity of corn, because, as we have observed 
 above, all the Germans pay very little attention to agriculture, 
 resolved not to proceed any further ; but, that he might not 
 altogether relieve the barbarians from the fear of his return, 
 and that he might delay their succors, having led back his 
 army, he breaks down, to the length of 200 feet, the further 
 end of the bridge, which joinedthe banks of the Ubii, and 
 at the extremity of the bridge raises towers of four stories, 
 and stations a guard of twelve cohorts for the purpose of de- 
 fending the bridge, and strengthens the- place with consider- 
 able fortifications. Over that fort and guard he appointed 
 C. Volcatius Tullus, a young man ; he himself, when the corn 
 began to ripen, having set forth- for the war with Ambiorix 
 (through the forest Arduenna, 1 which is the largest of all Gaul, 
 and reaches from the banks of the Rhine and the frontiers 
 of the Treviri to those of the Nervii, and extends over more 
 than 500 miles), he sends forward L. Minucius Basilus with 
 all the cavalry, to try if he might gain any advantage by rapid 
 marches and the advantage of time, he warns him to forbid 
 fires being made in the camp, lest any indication of his ap- 
 proach be given at a distance : he tells him that he will follow 
 immediately. 
 
 CHAP. XXX. Basilus does as he was commanded ; having 
 performed his march rapidly, and even surpassed 8 the expecta- 
 tions of all, he surprises in the fields many not expecting him ; 
 through their information he advances toward Ambiorix him- 
 self, to the place in which he was said to be with a few horse. 
 
 1 Arduenna, the largest forest in ancient GauL The name is supposed 
 to be derived from ar derm, "the deep" [forest]. Ar is the article, while 
 denn in the Kymric, don in the Bas-Breton, and domhainn in Gaelic, de- 
 note respectively, "deep," "thick." Thiery Histoire de Gaulois, voL ii. 
 p. 41. The name is still preserved in the "forest of Ardennes," on the 
 frontiers of France and Belgium, which is, however, but a small portion 
 of the noble forest that extended from the bank of the Rhine, and the 
 frontiers of the Treviri to those of the Nervii. 
 
 2 Literally, " contrary to."
 
 156 CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK iv. 
 
 Fortune accomplishes much, not only in other matters, but also 
 in the art of war. For as it happened by a remarkable chance, 
 that he fell upon [Ambiorix] himself unguarded and unpre- 
 pared, and that his arrival was seen by the people before the 
 report or information of his arrival was carried thither ; so it 
 was an incident of extraordinary fortune that, although every 
 implement of war which he was accustomed to have about him 
 was seized, and his chariots and horses surprised, yet he him- 
 self escaped death. But it was effected owing to this circum- 
 stance, that his house being surrounded by a wood (as are 
 generally the dwellings of the Gauls, who, for the purpose of 
 avoiding heat, mostly seek the neighborhood of woods and 
 rivers), his attendants and friends in a narrow spot sustained for 
 a short time the attack of our horse. While they were fight- 
 ing, one of his followers mounted him on a horse ; the woods 
 sheltered him as he fled. Thus fortune tended much 1 both 
 toward his encountering and his escaping danger. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI. Whether Ambiorix did not collect his forces 
 from cool deliberation, because he considered he ought not to 
 engage in a battle, or [whether] he was debarred by time and 
 prevented by the sudden arrival of our horse, when he sup- 
 posed the rest of the army was closely following, is doubtful : 
 but certainly, dispatching messengers through the country, he 
 ordered every one to provide for himself; and a part of them fled 
 into the forest Arduenna, a part into the extensive morasses ; 
 those who were nearest the ocean concealed themselves in the 
 islands which the tides usually form ; many, departing from 
 their territories, committed themselves and all their possess- 
 ions to perfect strangers. Cativolcus, king of one half of the 
 Eburones, who had entered into the design together with Ambio- 
 rix, since, being now worn out by age, he was unable to endure 
 the fatigue either of war or flight, having cursed Ambiorix with 
 every imprecation, as the person who had been the contriver 
 of that measure, destroyed himself with the juice of the yew- 
 tree, of which there is a great abundance in Gaul and Germany. 
 
 CHAP. XXXII. The Segui and Condrusi, of the nation 
 and number of the Germans, and who are between the Ebu- 
 rones and the Treviri, sent embassadors to Csesar to entreat 
 that he would not regard them in the number of his ene- 
 mies, nor consider that the cause of all the Germans on 
 
 1 "Multum valuit:" had much avail.
 
 CHAP. TTTTV. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 157 
 
 this side the Rhine was one and the same ; that they had 
 formed no plans of war, and had sent no auxiliaries to Am- 
 biorix. Caesar, having ascertained this fact by an examination 
 of his prisoners, commanded that if any of the Eburones in 
 their flight had repaired to them, they should be sent back to 
 him ; he assures them that if they did that, he will not injure 
 their territories. Then, having divided his forces into three 
 parts, he sent the baggage of all the legions to Aduatuca. 
 That is the name of a fort. This is nearly in the middle of 
 the Eburones, where Titurius and Aurunculeius had been quar- 
 tered for the purpose of wintering. This place he selected as 
 well on other accounts as because the fortifications of the pre- 
 vious year remained, in order that he might relieve the labor of 
 the soldiers. He left the fourteenth legion as a guard for the 
 baggage, one of those three which he had lately raised in Italy 
 and brought over. Over that legion and camp he places Q. Tul- 
 lius Cicero and gives him 200 horse. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIII. Having divided the army, he orders T. 
 Labienus to proceed with three legions toward the ocean into 
 those parts which border on the Menapii ; he sends C. Trebo- 
 nius with a like number of legions to lay waste that dis- 
 trict which lies contiguous to the Aduatuci ; he himself de- 
 termines to go with the remaining three to the river Sambre, 1 
 which flows into the Meuse, and to the most remote parts of 
 Arduenna, whither he heard that Ambiorix had gone with a 
 few horse. When departing, he promises that he will return 
 before the end of the seventh day, on which day he was aware 
 corn was due to that legion which was being left in garrison. 
 He directs Labienus and Trebonius to return by the same day, 
 if they can do so agreeably to the interests of the republic ; so 
 that their measures having been mutually imparted, and the 
 plans of the enemy having been discovered, they might be able 
 to commence a different line of operations. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIV. There was, as we have above observed, 2 
 no regular army, nor a town, nor a garrison which could 
 defend itself by arms ; but the people were scattered in all 
 
 1 I have here, without the least hesitation, adopted Anthon's reading, 
 which is supported by the authority of the Greek paraphrase. The 
 common reading is Scaldis, "the Scheldt;" but the Scheldt and Meuse 
 do not form a junction, nor have we any reason to suppose that they did, 
 either in Caesar'a time, or at any other time. 
 
 8 Chapter
 
 158 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES BOOK vi. 
 
 directions. Where either a hidden valley, or a woody spot, 
 or a difficult morass furnished any hope of protection or of 
 security to any one, there he had fixed himself. These places 
 were known to those who dwelt in the neighborhood, and the 
 matter demanded great attention, not so much in protecting 
 the main body of the army (for no peril could occur to them 
 altogether from those alarmed and scattered troops), as in 
 preserving individual soldiers ; which in some measure tended 
 to the safety of the army. For both the desire of booty was 
 leading many too far, and the woods with their unknown and 
 hidden routes would not allow them to go in large bodies. If 
 he desired the business to be completed and the race of those 
 infamous people to be cut off, more bodies of men must be 
 sent in several directions and the soldiers must be detached 
 on all sides ; if he were disposed to keep the companies at 
 their standards, as the established discipline and practice 
 of the Roman army required, the situation itself was a safe- 
 guard to the barbarians, nor was there wanting to indivi- 
 duals the daring to lay secret ambuscades and beset scattered 
 soldiers. But amid difficulties of this nature as far as pre- 
 cautions could be taken by vigilance, such precautions were 
 taken ; so that some opportunities of injuring the enemy were 
 neglected, though the minds of all were burning to take re- 
 venge, rather than that injury should be effected with any 
 loss to our soldiers. Caesar dispatches messengers to the 
 neighboring states ; by the hope of booty he invites all to him, 
 for the purpose of plundering the Eburones, in order that the 
 life of the Gauls might be hazarded in the woods rather than 
 the legionary soldiers ; at the same time, in order that a large 
 force being drawn around them, the race and name of that state 
 may be annihilated for such a crime. A large number from all 
 quarters speedily assembles. 
 
 CHAP. XXXV. These things were going on in all parts 
 of the territories of the Eburones, and the seventh day was 
 drawing near, by which day Caesar had purposed to return to 
 the baggage and the legion. Here it might be learned how 
 much fortune achieves in war, and how great casualties she 
 produces. The enemy having been scattered and alarmed, as 
 we related above, there was no force which might produce even 
 a slight occasion of fear. The report extends beyond the 
 Rhine to the Germans that the Eburones are being pillaged,
 
 CHAP, xxxvi (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 159 
 
 and that all were without distinction 1 invited to the plunder. 
 The Sigambri, who are nearest to the Rhine, by whom, we have 
 mentioned above, the Tenchtheri and Usipetes were received 
 after their retreat, collect 2,000 horse ; they cross the Rhine 
 in ships and barks thirty miles below that place where the 
 bridge was entire and the garrison left by Caesar ; they arrive 
 at the frontiers of the Eburones, surprise many who were 
 scattered in flight, and get possession of a large amount of 
 cattle, of which barbarians are extremely covetous. Allured 
 by booty, they advance further ; neither morass nor forest ob- 
 structs these men, born amid war and depredations ; they 
 inquire of their prisoners in what part Caesar is ; they find 
 that he has advanced further, and learn that all the army has 
 removed. Thereon one of the prisoners says, " Why do you 
 pursue such wretched and trifling spoil ; you, to whom it is 
 granted to become even now most richly endowed by fortune ? 
 In three hours you can reach Aduatuca ; there the Roman 
 army has deposited all its fortunes ; there is so little of a gar* 
 rison that not even the wall can be manned, nor dare any one 
 go beyond the fortifications." A hope having been presented 
 them, the Germans leave in concealment the plunder they had 
 acquired ; they themselves hasten to Aduatuca, employing as 
 their guide the same man by whose information they had be- 
 come informed of these things. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVI. Cicero, who during all the foregoing days 
 had kept his soldiers in camp with the greatest exactness, and 
 agreeable to the injunctions of Caesar, had not permitted 
 even any of the camp-followers to go beyond the fortification, 
 distrusting on the seventh day that Caesar would keep his prom- 
 ise as to the number of days, because he heard that he had 
 proceeded further, and no report as to his return was brought 
 to him, and being urged at the same time by the expressions of 
 those who called his tolerance almost a siege, if, forsooth, it was 
 not permitted them to go out of the camp, since he might ex- 
 pect no disaster, whereby he could be injured, within three 
 miles of the camp, while nine legions and all the cavalry 
 were under arms, and the enemy scattered and almost 
 annihilated, sent five cohorts into the neighboring corn- 
 lands, between which and the camp only one hill intervened, 
 
 " Ultro," or, such as chose ; freely.
 
 160 (LESAR'8 COMMENTARIES. BOOK vi. 
 
 for the purpose of foraging. Many soldiers of the legions had 
 been left invalided in the camp, of whom those who had. 
 recovered in this space of time, being about 300, are sent 
 together under one standard; a large number of soldiers' 
 attendants besides, with a great number of beasts of burden, 
 which had remained in the camp, permission being granted, 
 follow them. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVII. At this very time, the German horse by 
 chance came up, and immediately, with the same speed with 
 which they had advanced, attempt to force the camp at the De- 
 cuman gate, nor were they seen, in consequence of woods lying 
 in the way on that side, before they were just reaching the camp : 
 so much so, that the sutlers who had their booths under the 
 rampart had not an opportunity of retreating within the camp. 
 Our men, not anticipating it, are perplexed by the sudden 
 affair, and the cohort on the outpost scarcely sustains the 
 first attack. The enemy spread themselves on the other sides 
 to ascertain if they could find any access. Our men with diffi- 
 culty defend the gates ; the very position of itself and the forti- 
 fication secures the other accesses. There is a panic in the 
 entire camp, and one inquires of another the cause of the con- 
 fusion, nor do they readily determine whither the standards 
 should be borne, nor into what quarter each should betake him- 
 self. Orie avows " that the camp is already taken, another 
 maintains that, the enemy having destroyed the army and 
 commander-in-chief, are come hither as conquerors ; most form 
 strange superstitious fancies from the spot, and place before 
 their eyes the catastrophe of Cotta and Titurius, who had fallen 
 in the same fort. All being greatly disconcerted by this alarm, 
 the belief of the barbarians is strengthened that there is no 
 garrison within, as they had heard from their prisoner. They 
 endeavor to force an entrance and encourage one another not 
 to cast from their hands so valuable a prize. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVIII. P. Sextius Baculus, who had led a 
 principal century under Caesar (of whom we have made men- 
 tion in previous engagements), had been left an invalid in the 
 garrison, and had now been five days without food. He, 
 distrusting his own safety and that of all, goes forth fronj his 
 tent unarmed ; he sees that the enemy are close at hand and 
 that the matter is in the utmost danger ; he snatches arms
 
 CHAP. XL. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 161 
 
 from those nearest, and stations himself at the gate. The cen- 
 turions of that cohort which was on guard follow him ; for a 
 short time they sustain the fight together. Sextius faints, after 
 receiving many wounds ; he is with difficulty saved, drawn 
 away by the hands of the soldiers. This space having inter- 
 vened, the others resume courage so far as to venture to take 
 their place on the fortifications and present the aspect of de- 
 fenders. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIX. The foraging having in the mean time 
 been completed, our soldiers distinctly hear the shout ; the 
 horse hasten on before and discover in what danger the 
 affair is. But here there is no fortification to receive them, 
 in their alarm : those last enlisted, and unskilled in military 
 discipline turn their faces to the military tribune and the 
 centurions ; they wait to find what orders may be given by 
 them. No one is so courageous as not to be disconcerted 
 by the suddenness of the affair. The barbarians, espying our 
 standard in the distance, desist from the attack ; at first they 
 suppose that the legions, which they had learned from their 
 prisoners had removed further off, had returned ; afterward, 
 despising their small number, they make an attack on them at 
 all sides. 
 
 CHAP. XL. The camp-followers run forward to the nearest 
 rising ground; being speedily driven from this they throw 
 themselves among the standards and companies : they thus 
 so much the more alarm the soldiers already affrighted. Some 
 propose that, forming a wedge, 1 they suddenly break through, 
 since the camp was so near ; and if any part should be sur- 
 rounded and slain, they fully trust that at least the rest may 
 be saved ; others, that they take their stand on an eminence, 
 and all undergo the same destiny. The veteran soldiers, whom 
 we stated to have set out together [with the others] under 
 a standard, do not approve of this. Therefore encouraging each 
 other, under the conduct of Caius Trebonius, a Roman knight, 
 
 1 " Cuneo facto." The cuneus, in its strict and proper sense, was a tri- 
 angular figure. It was not peculiar to the Romans. Tacitus seems to 
 speak of it as the ordinary battle array of the Germans. The Romans 
 adopted it only under particular circumstances. They sometimes received 
 the cuneus of their enemy by forming a figure called " forceps," from its 
 resemblance to a pair of (opened) scissors or shears.
 
 162 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK vi. 
 
 who had been appointed over them, they break through the 
 midst of the enemy, and arrive in the camp safe to a man. The 
 camp attendants and the horse following close upon them with 
 the same impetuosity, are saved by the courage of the soldiers. 
 But those who had taken their stand upon the eminence, 
 having even now acquired no experience of military matters, 
 neither could persevere in that resolution which they approved 
 of, namely, to defend themselves from their higher position, nor 
 imitate that vigor and speed which they had observed to have 
 availed others ; but, attempting to reach the camp, had descend- 
 ed into an unfavorable situation. The centurions, some of 
 whom had been promoted for their valor from the lower ranks 
 of other legions to higher ranks in this legion, in order that they 
 might not forfeit their glory for military exploits previously ac- 
 quired, fell together fighting most valiantly. The enemy hav- 
 ing been dislodged by their valor, a part of the soldiers arrived 
 safe in camp contrary to their expectations ; a part perished, 
 surrounded by the barbarians. 
 
 CHAP. XLI. The Germans, despairing of taking the camp 
 by storm, because they saw that our men had taken up their 
 position on the fortifications, retreated beyond the Rhine with 
 that plunder \vhich they had deposited in the woods. And so 
 great was the alarm-, even after the departure of the enemy, that 
 when C. Volusenus, who had been sent with the cavalry, arrived 
 that night, he could not gain credence that Cassar was close at 
 hand with his army safe. Fear had so pre-occupied the minds 
 of all, that their reason being almost estranged, they said that all 
 the other forces having been cut off, the cavalry alone had arriv- 
 ed there by flight, and asserted that, if the army were safe, the 
 Germans would not have attacked the camp ; which fear the 
 arrival of Ca3sar removed. 
 
 CHAP. XLII. He, on his return, being well aware of the 
 casualties of war, complained of one thing [only], namely, that 
 the cohorts had been sent away from the outposts and garrison 
 [duty], and pointed out that room ought not to have been left 
 for even the most trivial casualty ; that fortune had exercised 
 great influence in the sudden arrival of their enemy ; much 
 greater, in that she had turned the barbarians away from the 
 very rampart and gates of the camp. Of all which events, 
 it seemed the most surprising, that the Germans, who had
 
 CHAP. XLIT. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 163 
 
 crossed the Rhine with this object, that they might plunder the 
 territories of Ambiorix, being led to the camp of the Romans, 
 rendered Ambiorix a most acceptable service. 
 
 CHAP. XLin. Caesar, having again marched to harass 
 the enemy, after collecting a large number [of auxiliaries] 
 from the neighboring states, dispatches them in all direc- 
 tions. All the villages and all the buildings, which each 
 beheld, were on fire : spoil was being driven off from all 
 parts; the corn not only was being consumed by so great 
 numbers of cattlo and men, but. also had fallen to the 
 earth, owing to the time of the year and the storms; so 
 that if any had concealed themselves for the present, still, 
 it appeared likely that they must perish through want of 
 all things, when the army should be drawn off. And fre- 
 quently it came to that point, as so large a body of cavalry 
 had been sent abroad in all directions, that the prisoners 
 declared Ambiorix had just then been seen by them in 
 flight, and had not even passed out of sight, so that the 
 hope of overtaking him being raised, and unbounded ex- 
 ertions having been resorted to, those who thought they 
 should acquire the highest favor with Caesar, nearly over- 
 came nature by their ardor, and continually, a little only 
 seemed wanting to complete success ; but he rescued himself 
 by [means of] lurking-places and forests, and, concealed by 
 the night made for other districts and quarters, with no 
 greater guard than that of four horsemen, to whom alone he 
 ventured to confide his life. 
 
 CHAP. XLIV. Having devastated the country in such 
 a manner, Caesar leads back his army with the loss of two 
 cohorts to Durocortorum 1 of the Remi, and, having summoned 
 a council of Gaul to assemble at that place, he resolved to hold 
 an investigation respecting the conspiracy of the Senones and 
 Carnutes, and having pronounced a most severe sentence upon 
 Acco, who had been the contriver of that plot, he punished him 
 after the custom of our ancestors. 2 Some fearing a trial, 
 
 1 "Durocortorum:" Eheims. 
 
 2 " The custom of our ancestors :" more majorum. "WTiat that was may 
 be shown by a quotation from Suetonius's Life of Kero. " In the mean 
 time he snatched some letters from the hands of a servant of Phaon, and, 
 upon reading them discovers that he has been declared by the senate an 
 enemy of the state, and was sought for, that he might be punished more
 
 164 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK YI. 
 
 fled; when he had forbidden these fire and water, 1 he sta- 
 tioned in winter quarters two legions at the frontiers of the 
 Treviri, two among the Lingones, the remaining six at Agen- 
 dicum, 3 in the territories of the Senones ; and, having provided 
 corn for the army, he set out for Italy, as he had determined, 
 to hold the asssizes. 
 
 majorum. Upon which he inquired what kind of punishment that was, and 
 was told it consisted in the criminal being stripped naked and lashed to 
 death, with his neck fastened within a cross-bar (furea)." The question, 
 however, may arise, how could Nero require such information ? 
 
 1 "Ignis et aquae interdictio," the penalty here spoken of, as it applied 
 to a Roman citizen, involved the necessity of seeking an abode beyond 
 Italy. We may suppose the sentence was severely felt by these revolu- 
 tionary Senones ; at least for a time. 
 
 * "Agendlcum:" Sens.
 
 CHAP. L CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 165 
 
 BOOK VII. 
 
 THE ARGUMENT. 
 
 I.-III. Many of the Gallic nations conspire to assert their freedom, IV.- 
 VII. And select Vercingetorix the Arvernian as Commander-in-chief. 
 VIII., IX. Caesar suddenly invades the country of the Arverni. X. 
 Succors the Boii, XL Takes Vellaunodunum and Genabum, XII.- 
 XIV. And Noviodunnm. XV.-XIX. The Gauls burn all the towns of 
 the Bituriges, except Avaricum, into which they throw a strong garrison, 
 as Cajsar was then besieging it. XX., XXI. In the mean time Vercin- 
 getorix, being accused ot treachery by his countrymen, completely vin- 
 dicates himself. XXII.-XXVII. Avaricum is for some time ably de- 
 fended, XXVIII.-XXXI. But it is at length taken by storm. XXXII., 
 XXXIII. Commotions among the JMui divert Caesar from the war. 
 XXX1V.-XXXVI. After quelling them, he marches at the head of his 
 army to Gergovia. XXXVII.-XLV. While he is carrying on the war 
 there, disturbances break out a second time among the jEdni. XLVI. 
 The Romans take possession of three dift'erent camps belonging to the 
 enemy, XLVII.-LU. But attacking the town too impetuously, are re- 
 pulsed with great loss. LIII.-LVII. Caesar, despairing of being able to 
 take the town, removes his camp into the country of the ^Edui. LVIIL- 
 LXI. Labienus, after carrying on the war successfully against the Parisii, 
 LXII. Joins him. LXIII.-LXV. All the Gauls, with very few excep- 
 tions, follow the example of the ^Edui, and revolt. LXVI., LXVII. Un- 
 der the command of Vercingetorix, they attack Caesar while marching 
 into the country of the Sequani, and are completely defeated. LXVIIL- 
 LXXIV. He pursues them as far as Alesia, and surrounds both the 
 town and themselves, with a line of circumvallation. LXXV.-LXXXVI. 
 The Gauls select the bravest men in their respective states, and endeavor 
 to relieve their besieged countrymen. LXXXVII. They sustain a total 
 defeat. LXXXIX. Alesia and Vercingetorix surrender, likewise the 
 Mdui and several other states. 
 
 CHAP. I. Gaul being tranquil, Caesar, as he had determined, 
 sets out for Italy to hold the provincial assizes. There he 
 receives intelligence of the death of Clodius ; l and, being 
 
 1 Clodius, a noble but licentious Roman, who acted a prominent part 
 in the scenes of anarchy and violence which disgraced, at this time, the 
 Roman republic. He bore a bitter hatred to Cicero and became a ready 
 tool in the hands of Pompey and others, who beheld, in the eloquence of 
 Cicero, the greatest bulwark of the constitution. He succeeded in ex- 
 pelling the father of his country, who was, however, speedily recalled.
 
 166 CJESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK vn. 
 
 informed of the decree of the senate, [to the effect] that all 
 the youth of Italy shonld take the military oath, he de- 
 termined to hold a levy throughout the entire poovince. 
 Report of these events is rapidly borne into Transalpine 
 Gaul. The Gauls themselves add to the report, and invent, 
 what the case seemed to require, [namely] that 1 Caesar was 
 detained by commotions in the city, and could not, amid so 
 violent dissensions, come to his army. Animated by this 
 opportunity, they who already, previously to this occurrence, 
 were indignant that they were reduced beneath the dominion 
 of Rome, begin to organize their plans for war more openly 
 and daringly. The leading men of Gaul, having convened 
 councils among themselves in the woods, and retired places, 
 complain of the death of Acco : they point out that this 
 fate may fall in turn on themselves : they bewail the un- 
 happy fate of Gaul ; and by every sort of promises and re- 
 wards, they earnestly solicit some to begin the war, and 
 assert the freedom of Gaul at the hazard of their lives. 
 They say that special care should be paid to this, that Caesar 
 should be cut off from his army before their secret plans 
 should be divulged. That this was easy, because neither 
 would the legions, in the absence of their general, dare to 
 leave their winter quarters, nor could the general reach his 
 army without a guard : finally, that it was better to be slain 
 in battle, than not to recover their ancient glory in war, and 
 that freedom which they had received from their forefathers. 
 
 CHAP. II. While these things are in agitation, the Car- 
 nutes declare " that they Avould decline no danger for the sake 
 of the general safety, ' and promise " that they would be the 
 first of all to begin the war ; and since they can not at present 
 take precautions, by giving and receiving hostages, that the af- 
 fair shall not be divulged, they require that a solemn assurance 
 be given them by oath and plighted honor, their military 
 
 Clodius met a death worthy of his life, being slain by a gladiator in the 
 service of Milo, one of his most hated political opponents. It was on the 
 occasion of Milo's trial for the death of Clodius that Cicero pronounced 
 his famous oration, "Pro Milone," which has attracted the admiration of 
 all ages for the eloquence of the language and beauty of the diction. 
 
 1 Plutarch well remarks, that had Vercingetorix waited a little longer 
 until Caesar had actually engaged in the civil war, the rising of the Gauls 
 would have appeared as formidable to the Romans as the inroad of the 
 Cimbri and Teutones.
 
 CHAP. iv. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 167 
 
 standards being brougkt together (in which manner their 
 most sacred obligations are made binding), that they should not 
 be deserted by the rest of the Gauls on commencing the war. 
 
 CHAP. III. When the appointed day came, the Oarnutes, 
 under the command of Cotuatus and Conetodunus, desperate 
 men, meet together at Genabum, and slay the Roman citizens 
 who had settled there for the purpose of trading (among the 
 rest, Caius Fusius Cita, a distinguished Roman knight, who by 
 Caesar's orders had presided over the provision department), 
 and plunder their property. The report is quickly spread 
 among all the states of Gaul; for, whenever a more im- 
 portant and remarkable event takes place, they transmit 
 the intelligence through their lands and districts by a 
 shout; 1 the others take it up in succession, and pass it 
 to their neighbors, as happened on this occasion ; for the things 
 which were done at Genabum at sunrise, were heard in the 
 territories of the Arverni before the end of the first watch, 
 which is an extent of more than a hundred and sixty miles. 
 
 CHAP. IV. There in like manner, Vercingetorix* the son of 
 Celtillus the Arvernian, a young man of the highest power 
 (whose father had held the supremacy of entire Gaul, and had 
 been put to death by his fellow-citizens, for this reason, 
 because he aimed at sovereign power), summoned together his 
 dependents, and easily excited them. On his design being 
 made known, they rush to arms : he is expelled from the town 
 of Gergovia, 3 by his uncle Gobanitio and the rest of the nobles, 
 who were of opinion, that such an enterprise ought not to be 
 hazarded : he did not however desist, but held in the country a 
 
 1 Men were posted on heights to convey the intelligence from one to 
 the other by shouts. This practice was adopted in Persia. The Spaniards, 
 on their invasion of Peru, found that runners were stationed at short 
 regular distances to convey any important intelligence to the government. 
 
 2 Vercingetorix appears to have been by far the most talented of the 
 Gallic chieftains that ever entered the lists against Caesar ; he certainly 
 raised the most powerful combination against Rome which has been yet 
 mentioned; and it was under him that the warrior Gauls made their last 
 great effort to crush the overwhelming power of Rome, which is detailed 
 in the present book. Celtic scholars derive the name Vercingetorix from 
 Ver-cim-cedo-righ, which means, "chieftain of a hundred heads," or, in 
 other words, " a great captain." 
 
 3 Gergovia, a very strong town and fortress of the Arverni, built on a 
 very high mountain, which was almost inaccessible: it lay to the west of 
 the Albi, and is remarkable as being the only place in Gaul that foiled 
 the arms of Cassar. It is considered to be the modern Mount Gergoie.
 
 168 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK TIL 
 
 levy of the needy and desperate. Haviag collected such a body 
 of troops, he brings over to his sentiments such of his fellow- 
 citizens as he has access to : he exhorts them to take up arms 
 in behalf of the general freedom, and having assembled great 
 forces he drives from the state his opponents, by whom he had 
 been expelled a short time previously. He is saluted king by 
 his partisans ; he sends embassadors in every direction, he 
 conjures them to adhere firmly to their promise. He quickly 
 attaches to his interests the Senones, Parisii, Pictones, Cadurci, 
 Turones, Aulerci, Lemovice, and all the others who border on 
 the ocean; the supreme command is conferred on him by 
 unanimous consent. On obtaining this authority, he demands 
 hostages from all these states, he orders a fixed number of 
 soldiers to be sent to him immediately ; he determines what 
 quantity of arms each state shall prepare at home, and before 
 what time ; he pays particular attention to the cavalry. To 
 the utmost vigilance he adds the utmost rigor of authority; 
 and by the severity of his punishments brings over the 
 wavering : for on the commission of a greater crime 1 he puts 
 the perpetrators to death by fire and every sort of tortures ; for 
 a slighter cause, he sends home the offenders with their ears 
 cut off, or one of their eyes put out, that they may be an 
 example to the rest, and frighten others by the severity of 
 their punishment. 
 
 CHAP. V. Having quickly collected an army by their 
 punishments, he sends Lucterius, one of the Cadnrci, a man 
 of the utmost daring, with part of his forces, into the territory 
 of the Ruteni ; and marches in person into the country of the 
 Bituriges. On his arrival, the Bituriges send embassadors to 
 the ^Edui, under whose protection they were, to solicit aid in 
 order that they might more easily resist the forces of the 
 enemy. The JEdui, by the advice of the lieutenants whom 
 Caesar had left with the army, send supplies of horse and foot 
 to succor the Bituriges. When they came to the river Loire, 
 which separates the Bituriges from the ^Edui, they delayed a 
 few days there, and, not daring to pass the river, return home, 
 and send back word to the lieutenants that they had returned 
 through fear of the treachery of the Bituriges, who, they 
 ascertained, had formed this design, that if the ^Edui should 
 cross the river, the Bituriges on the one side, and the Arverni 
 
 1 Than being lukewarm in the Gallic cause.
 
 CHAP. vin. CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 169 
 
 on the other, should surround them. Whether they did this 
 for the reason which they alleged to the lieutenants, or in- 
 fluenced by treachery, we think that we ought not to state as 
 certain, because we have no proof. Ou their departure, the 
 Bituriges immediately unite themselves to the Arverni. 
 
 CHAP. VI. These affairs being announced to Caesar in 
 Italy, at the time when he understood that matters in the city 
 had been reduced to a more tranquil state by the energy of 
 Cneius Pompey, he set out for Transalpine Gaul. After he 
 had arrived there, he 1 was greatly at a loss to know by what 
 means he could reach his army. For if he should summon 
 the legions into the province, he was aware that on their march, 
 they would have to fight in his absence ; he foresaw too, that if 
 he himself should endeavor to reach the army, he would act 
 injudiciously, in trusting his safety even to those who seemed 
 to be tranquilized. 
 
 CHAP. VII. In the mean time Lucterius the Cadurcan, 
 having been sent into the country of the Ruteni, gains over 
 that state to the Arverni. Having advanced into the country 
 of the Nitiobriges, and Gabali, he receives hostages from both 
 nations, and, assembling a numerous force, marches to make a 
 descent on the province in the direction of Narbo. Caesar, 
 when this circumstance was announced to him, thought that 
 the inarch to Narbo ought to take the precedence of all his 
 other plans. When he arrived there, he encourages the timid, 
 and stations garrisons among the Ruteni, a in the province of the 
 Volcae Arecomici, and the country around Narbo which was in 
 the vicinity of the enemy ; he orders a portion of the forces 
 from the province, and the recruits which he had brought from 
 Italy, to rendezvous among the Helvii who border on the terri- 
 tories of the Arverni. 
 
 CHAP. Vin. These matters being arranged, and Lucterius 
 now checked and forced to retreat, because he thought it 
 dangerous to enter the line of Roman garrisons, Caesar 
 marches into the country of the Helvii ; although mount 
 Cevennes, 8 which separates the Arverni from the Helvii, 
 
 1 Literally, " he was affected with great difficulty." 
 
 2 Caesar calls them the Ruteni of the province, to distinguish them 
 from the Ruteni of Aquitania. 
 
 3 Mount Cevenna, or Cebenna, the Cevennes, a lofty chain of mountains 
 which separated Aquitania from Gallia Narbonensis, and joins Mount Jura,
 
 170 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK TII. 
 
 blocked up the way with very deep snow, as it was the 
 severest season of the year ; yet having cleared away the snow 
 to the depth of six feet, and having opened the roads, he 
 reaches the territories of the Arverni, with infinite labor to his 
 soldiers. This people being surprised, because they considered 
 themselves defended by the Cevennes as by a wall, and the 
 paths at this season of the year had never before been passable 
 even to individuals, he orders the cavalry to extend themselves 
 as far as they could, and strike as great a panic as possible into 
 the enemy. These proceedings are speedily announced to 
 Vercingetorix by rumor and his messengers. Around him all 
 the Arverni crowd in alarm, and solemnly entreat him to pro- 
 tect tKeir property, and not to suffer them to be plundered by the 
 enemy, especially as he saw that all the war was transferred into 
 their country. Being prevailed upon by their entreaties he 
 moves his camp from the country of the Bituriges in the direc- 
 tion of the Arverni. 
 
 CHAP. IX. Caesar, having delayed two days in that place, 
 because he had anticipated that, in the natural course of events, 
 such would be the conduct of Vercingetorix, leaves the army 
 under pretense of raising recruits and cavalry : he places 
 Brutus, a young man, in command of these forces ; he gives 
 him instructions that the cavalry should range as extensively 
 as possible in all directions ; that he would exert himself not 
 to be absent from the camp longer than three days. Having 
 arranged these matters, he marches to Vienna 1 by as long 
 journeys as he can, when his own soldiers did not expect him. 
 Finding there a fresh body of cavalry, which he had sent on to 
 that place several days before, marching incessantly night and 
 day, he advanced rapidly through the territory of the ^Edui 
 into that of the Lingones, in which two legions were wintering, 
 that, if any plan affecting his own safety should have been 
 organized by the jEdui, he might defeat it by the rapidity of 
 his movements. When he arrived there, he sends information 
 to the rest of the legions, and gathers all his army into one 
 place before intelligence of his arrival could be announced to 
 the Arverni. 
 
 Vercingetorix, on hearing this circumstance, leads back his 
 
 1 Vienna, now Vienne, the chief town of the AUobroges, situated on 
 the eastern bank of the Rhone.
 
 CHAP. xi. CLESAK'S COMMENTARIES. 171 
 
 army into the country of the Bituriges ; and after marching 
 from it to Gergovia, a town of the Boii, whom Caesar had 
 settled there after defeating them in the Helvetian war, and 
 had rendered tributary to the ^Edui, he determined to at- 
 tack it, 
 
 CHAP. X. This action caused great perplexity to Csar in 
 the selection of his plans ; [he feared] lest, if he should con- 
 fine his legions in one place for the remaining portion of the 
 winter, all Gaul should revolt when the tributaries 6f the ^Edui 
 were subdued, because it would appear that there was in him 
 no protection for his friends ; but if he should draw them too 
 soon out of their winter quarters, he might be distressed by the 
 want of provisions, in consequence of the difficulty of convey- 
 ance. It seemed better, however, to endure every hardship 
 than to alienate the affections of all his allies, by submitting to 
 such an insult. Having, therefore, impressed on the ^Edui the 
 necessity of supplying him with provisions, he sends forward 
 messengers to the Boii to inform them of his arrival, and en- 
 courage them to remain firm in their allegiance, and resist the 
 attack of the enemy with great resolution. Having left two 
 legions and the luggage of the, entire army at Agendicum, 1 he 
 marches to the Boii. 
 
 CHAP. XI. On the second day, when he came to Vellauno- 
 dunum," a town of the Senones, he determined to attack it, in 
 order that he might not leave an enemy in his rear, and might 
 the more easily procure supplies of provisions, and draw a line 
 of circumvallation around it in two days : on the third day, 
 embassadors being sent from the town to treat of a capitulation, 
 he orders their arms to be brought together, their cattle to be 
 brought forth, and six hundred hostages to be given. He 
 leaves Caius Trebonius his lieutenant, to complete these arrange- 
 ments ; he himself sets out with the intention of marching as 
 soon as possible, to Genabum, a town of the Carnutes, who 
 having then for the first time received information of the siege 
 of Vellaunodunum, as they thought that it would be protracted 
 to a longer time, were preparing a garrison to send to Genabum 
 
 1 Agendicum, now Sens, the chief city of the Senones. It stood be- 
 low the confluence of the Vanne and the Tonne, a southern branch of 
 the Seine. 
 
 2 Vellaunodunum, now-Beawws, a town of the Senones, about fifty-five 
 ruilea south of Paris.
 
 172 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK vi 
 
 for the defense of that town. Caesar arrived here in two days ; 
 after pitching his camp before the town, being prevented by 
 the time of the day, he defers the attack to the next day, and 
 orders his soldiers to prepare whatever was necessary for that 
 enterprise ; and as a bridge over the Loire connected the town 
 of Genabum 1 with the opposite bank, fearing lest the inhabit- 
 ants should escape by night from the town, he orders two 
 legions to keep watch under arms. The people of Genabum 
 came forth silently from the city before midnight, and began 
 to cross the river. When this circumstance was announced by 
 scouts, Caesar, having set fire to the gates, sends in the legions 
 which he had ordered to be ready, and obtains possession of 
 the town so completely, that very few of the whole number of 
 the enemy escaped being taken alive, because the narrowness 
 of the bridge and the roads prevented the multitude from 
 escaping. He pillages and burns the town, gives the booty to 
 the soldiers, then leads his army over the Loire, and marches 
 into the territories of the Bituriges. 
 
 CHAP. XII. Vercingetorix, when he ascertained the arrival 
 of Csesar, desisted from the siege [of Gergovia], and marched 
 to meet Csesar. The latter had commenced to besiege Novio- 
 dunum ; and when embassadors came from this town to beg 
 that he would pardon them and spare their lives, in order that 
 he might execute the rest of his designs with the rapidity by 
 which he had accomplished most of them, he orders their arms 
 to be collected, their horses to be brought forth, and hostages 
 to be given. A part of the hostages being now delivered up, 
 when the rest of the terms were being performed, a few cen- 
 turions and soldiers being sent into the town to collect the arms 
 and horses, the enemy's cavaly which had outstripped the main 
 body of Vercingetorix's army, was seen at a distance ; as soon 
 as the townsmen beheld them, and entertained hopes of assist- 
 ance, raising a shout, they began to take up arms, shut the 
 gates, and line the walls. When the centurions in the town un- 
 derstood from the signal-making of the Gauls that they were 
 forming some new design, they drew their swords and seized the 
 gates, and recovered all their men safe. 
 
 CHAP. XIIL Csesar orders the horse to be drawn out of 
 
 1 Genabum, a town of the Areliani, situated on the Loire, which ran 
 through it. It was subsequently called by the inhabitants Aurelianum, 
 which by a slight change became the modern Orleans.
 
 CHAP. zrv. CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 173 
 
 the camp, and commences a cavalry action. His men being now 
 distressed, Caesar sends to their aid about four hundred German 
 horse, which he had determined, at the beginning, to keep with 
 himself. The Gauls could not withstand their attack, but were 
 put to flight, and retreated to their main body, after losing a 
 great number of men. When they were routed, the townsmen, 
 again intimidated, arrested those persons by whose exertions 
 they thought that the mob had been roused, and brought them 
 to Caesar, and surrendered themselves to" him. When these 
 affairs were accomplished, Caesar marched to the Avaricum, 1 
 which was the largest and best fortified town in the territories 
 of the Bituriges, and situated in a most fertile tract of 
 country ; because he confidently expected that on taking that 
 town, he would reduce beneath his dominion the state of the 
 Bituriges. 
 
 CHAP. XFV. Vercingetorix, after sustaining such a series of 
 losses at Vellaunodunum, Genabum, and Noviodunum, sum- 
 mons his men to a council. He impresses on them "that the war 
 must be prosecuted on a very different system from that which 
 had been previously adopted ; but they should by all means 
 aim at this object, that the Romans should be prevented from 
 foraging and procuring provisions ; that this was easy, because 
 they themselves were well supplied with cavalry, and were like- 
 wise assisted by the season of the year ; that forage could not be 
 cut ; that the enemy must necessarily disperse, and look for it in 
 the houses, that all these might be daily destroyed by the horse. 
 Besides that the interests of private property must be neglected 
 for the sake of the general safety ; that the villages and houses 
 ought to be fired, over such an extent of country in every direc- 
 tion from Boia, as the Romans appeared capable of scouring in 
 their search for forage. That an abundance of these necessaries 
 could be supplied to them, because they would be assisted by 
 the resources of those in whose territories the war would be 
 waged : that the Romans either would not bear the privation, 
 or else would advance to any distance from the camp with con- 
 siderable danger ; and that it made no difference whether they 
 slew them or stripped them of their baggage, since, if it was 
 
 1 Avaricum, the modern Bourges, the largest and best fortified town 
 of the Bituriges, whose name it subsequently bore. It derived its ancient 
 appellation from the river Avara, the Euse, one of the southern branches 
 of the Loire.
 
 174 OESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK vn. 
 
 lost, they could not carry on the Avar. Besides that, the towns 
 ought to be burned which were not secured against every danger 
 by their fortifications or natural advantages ; that there should 
 not be places of retreat for their own countrymen for declining 
 military service, nor be exposed to the Romans as induce- 
 ments to carry off abundance of provisions and plunder. If 
 these sacrifices should appear heavy or galling, that they ought 
 to consider it much more distressing that their wives and chil- 
 dren should be dragged off to slavery, and themselves slain; 
 the evils which must necessarily befall the conquered. 
 
 CHAP. XV. This opinion having been approved of by 
 unanimous consent, more than twenty towns of the Bituriges 
 are burned in one day. Conflagrations are beheld in every 
 quarter ; and although all bore this with great regret, yet they 
 laid before themselves this consolation, that, as the victory was 
 certain, they could quickly recover their losses. There is a 
 debate concerning Avaricum in the general council, whether 
 they should decide, that it should be burned or defended. The 
 Bituriges threw themselves at the feet of all the Gauls, and 
 entreat that they should not be compelled to set fire with their 
 own hands to the fairest city of almost the whole of Gaul, which 
 was both a protection and ornament to the state ; they say that 
 " they could easily defend it, owing to the nature of the ground, 
 for, being inclosed almost on every side by a river and a marsh, 
 it had only one entrance, and that very narrow." Permission 
 being granted to them at their earnest request, Vercingetorix at 
 first dissuades them from it, but afterward concedes the point, 
 owing to their entreaties and the compassion of the soldiers. 
 A proper garrison is selected for the town. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. Vercingetorix follows closely upon Caesar by 
 shorter marches, and selects for his camp a place defended by 
 woods and marshes, at the distance of fifteen miles from 
 Avaricum. There he received intelligence by trusty scouts, 
 every hour in the day, of what was going on at Avaricum, and 
 ordered whatever he wished to be done ; he closely watched all 
 our expeditions for corn and forage, and whenever they were 
 compelled to go to a greater distance, he attacked them when 
 dispersed, and inflicted severe loss upon them ; although the 
 evil was remedied by our men, as far as precautions could 
 be taken, by going forth at irregular times, and by different 
 ways.
 
 CHAP. xvm. OESAR'S COMMENTARIES. 175 
 
 CHAP. XVII. Caesar pitching his camp at that side of the 
 town which was not defended by the river and marsh, and had 
 a very narrow approach, as we have mentioned, began to raise 
 the vineae and erect two towers : for the nature of the place 
 prevented him from drawing a line of circumvallation. He 
 never ceased to importune the Boii and ^Edui for supplies of 
 corn ; of whom the one [the yEdui], because they were acting 
 with no zeal, did not aid him much ; the others [the Boii], as 
 their resources were not great, quickly consumed what they 
 had. Although the army was distressed by the greatest want 
 of corn, through the poverty of the Boii, the apathy of the 
 ^Edui, and the burning of the houses, to such a degree, that for 
 several days the soldiers were without corn, and satisfied their 
 extreme hunger with cattle driven from the remote villages ; 
 yet no language was heard from them unworthy of the majesty 
 of the Roman people and their former victories. Moreover, 
 when Caesar addressed the legions, one by one, when at work, 
 and said that he would raise the siege, if they felt the scarcity 
 too severely, they unanimously begged him "not to do so; 
 that they had served for several years under his command in 
 such a manner that they never submitted to insult, and never 
 abandoned an enterprise without accomplishing it ; that they 
 should consider it a disgrace if they abandoned the siege after 
 commencing it ; that it was better to endure every hardship 
 than to not avenge 1 the manes of the Roman citizens who 
 perished at Genabum by the perfidy of the Gauls." They in- 
 trusted the same declarations to the centurions and military 
 tribunes, that through them they might be communicated to 
 Caesar. . 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. When the towers had now approached the 
 walls, Cassar ascertained from the captives that Vercingetorix, 
 after destroying the forage, had pitched his camp nearer 
 Avaricum, and that he himself with the cavalry and light- 
 armed infantry, who generally fought among the horse, had 
 gone to lay an ambuscade in that quarter, to which he thought 
 that our troops would come the next day to forage. On learn- 
 ing these facts, he set out from the camp secretly at midnight, 
 and reached the camp of the enemy early in the morning. 
 
 1 Parento means, properly, to celebrate the funeral obsequies of a 
 parent or friend ; hence, by an easy transition, it came to signify " to 
 avenge the death of any one."
 
 176 CLESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK vn. 
 
 They having quickly learned the arrival of Caesar by scouts, 
 hid their cars and baggage in the thickest parts of the woods, 
 and drew up all their forces in a lofty and open space : which 
 circumstance being announced, Caesar immediately ordered the 
 baggage to be piled, and the arms to be got ready. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. There was a hill of a gentle ascent from the 
 bottom ; a dangerous and impassable marsh, not more than 
 fifty feet broad, begirt it on almost every side. The Gauls, 
 having broken down the bridges, posted themselves on this hill, 
 in confidence of their position, and being drawn up in tribes 
 according to their respective states, held all the fords and pass- 
 ages of that marsh with trusty guards, thus determined that 
 if the Romans should attempt to force the marsh, they would 
 overpower them from the higher ground while sticking in it, so 
 that whoever saw the nearness of the position, would imagine 
 that the two armies were prepared to fight on almost equal 
 terms ; but whoever should view accurately the disadvantage of 
 position, would discover that they were showing off an empty 
 affectation of courage. Caesar clearly points out to his soldiers, 
 who were indignant that the enemy could bear the eight of 
 them at the distance of so short u space, and were earnestly 
 demanding the signal for action, " with how great loss and the 
 death of how many gallant men the victory would necessarily 
 be purchased : and when he saw them so determined to decline 
 no danger for his renown, that he ought to be considered guilty 
 of the utmost injustice if he did not hold their life dearer than 
 his personal safety." Having thus consoled his soldiers, he 
 leads them back on the same day to the camp, and determined 
 to prepare the other things which were necessary for the siege 
 of the town. 
 
 CHAP. XX. Vercingetorix, when he had returned to his 
 men, was accused of treason, in that he had moved his camp 
 nearer the Romans, in that he had gone away with all the 
 cavalry, in that he had left so great forces without a com- 
 mander, in that, on his departure, the Romans had come at 
 such a favorable season, and with such dispatch; that all 
 these circumstances could not have happened accidentally or 
 without design ; that he preferred holding the sovereignty of 
 Gaul by the grant of Caesar to acquiring it by their favor. 
 Being accused in such a manner, he made the following reply 
 to these charges : " That his moving his camp had been
 
 CHAP. xx. THE GALLIC WAR. 177 
 
 caused by want of forage, and had been done even by their 
 advice ; that his approaching near the Romans had been a 
 measure dictated by the favorable nature of the ground, which 
 would defend him by its natural strength ; that the service 
 of the cavalry could not have been requisite in marshy ground, 
 and was useful in that place to which they had gone ; that he, 
 on his departure, had given the supreme command to no one 
 intentionally, lest he should be induced by the eagerness of 
 the multitude to hazard an engagement, to which he perceived 
 that all were" inclined, owing to their want of energy, because 
 they were unable to endure fatigue any longer. That, if the 
 Romans in the mean time came up by chance, they [the Gauls] 
 should feel grateful to fortune ; if invited by the information of 
 some one they should feel grateful to him, because they were 
 enabled to see distinctly from the higher ground the smallness 
 of the number of their enemy, and despise the courage of those 
 who, not daring to fight, retreated disgracefully into their camp. 
 That he desired no power from Ca3sar by treachery, since he 
 could have it by victory, which was now assured to himself and 
 to all the Gauls ; nay, that he would even give them back the 
 command, if they thought that they conferred honor on him, 
 rather than received safety from him. That you may be as- 
 sured," said he, " that I speak these words with truth ; listen 
 to these Roman soldiers !" He produces some camp-followers 
 whom he had surprised on a foraging expedition some days 
 before, and had tortured by famine and confinement. They 
 being previously instructed in what answers they should make 
 when examined, say, " That they were legionary soldiers, that, 
 urged by famine and want, they had recently gone forth from 
 the camp, [to see] if they could find any com or cattle in the 
 fields; that the whole army was distressed by a similar 
 scarcity, nor had any one now sufficient strength, nor could 
 bear the labor of the work; and therefore that the general 
 was determined, if he made no progress in the siege, to draw 
 off his army in three days." " These benefits," says Vercinge- 
 torix, " you receive from me, whom you accuse of treason me, 
 by whose exertions you see so powerful and victorious an army 
 almost destroyed by famine, without shedding one drop of your 
 blood ; and I have taken precautions that no state shall admit 
 within its territories this army in its ignominious flight from 
 this place." 
 
 8*
 
 178 CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK vn. 
 
 CHAP. XXL The whole multitude raise a shout and clash 
 their arms, according to their custom, as they usually do in the 
 case of him of whose speech they approve ; [they exclaim] that 
 Vercingetorix was a consummate general, and that they had 
 no doubt of his honor ; that the war could not be conducted 
 with greater prudence. They determine that ten thousand men 
 should be picked out of the entire army and sent into the town, 
 and decide that the general safety should not be intrusted to 
 the Bituriges alone, because they were aware that the glory of 
 the victory must rest with the Bituriges, if they made good the 
 defense of the town. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. To the extraordinary valor of our soldiers, 
 devices of every sort were opposed by the Gauls ; since they 
 are a nation of consummate ingenuity, and most skillful in 
 imitating and making those things which are imparted by any 
 one ; for they turned aside the hooks 1 with nooses, and when 
 they had caught hold of them firmly, drew them on by means 
 of engines, and undermined the mound the more skillfully on 
 this account, because there are in their territories extensive iron 
 mines, and consequently every description of mining operations 
 is known and practiced by them. They had furnished, more- 
 over, the whole wall on every side with turrets, and had covered 
 them with skins. Besides, in their frequent sallies by day and 
 night, they attempted either to set fire to the mound, or attack 
 our soldiers when engaged in the works ; and, moreover, by 
 splicing the upright timbers of their own towers, they equaled 
 the height of ours, as fast as the mound had daily raised them, 
 and countermined our mines, and impeded the working of them 
 by stakes bent and sharpened at the ends, and boiling pitch, 
 and stones of very great weight, and prevented them from ap- 
 proaching the walls. 
 
 CHAP. XXIIL But this is usually the form of all the Gallic 
 walls. Straight beams, connected lengthwise and two feet dis- 
 tant from each other at equal intervals, are placed together on 
 the ground ; these are mortised on the inside, and covered with 
 plenty of earth. But the intervals which we have mentioned, 
 
 1 These are the fakes murales. When they were struck against the 
 walls to tear out the stones, the Gauls standing on the top caught them 
 by a sort of snares and prevented their blows, and drew them over the 
 walls into the town. They also undermined the embankments of tho 
 Romans and rendered them useless.
 
 CHAP. XXV. " THE GALLIC WAR. 179 
 
 are closed up in front by large stones. These being thus laid 
 and cemented together, another row is added above, in such a 
 manner, that the same interval may be observed, and that the 
 beams may not touch one another, but equal spaces inter- 
 vening, each row of beams is kept firmly in its place by a row 
 of stones. In this manner the whole wall is consolidated, until 
 the regular height of the wall be completed. This work, with 
 respect to appearance and variety, is not unsightly, owing to the 
 alternate rows of beams and stones, which preserve their order 
 in right lines; and, besides, it possesses great advantages as 
 regards utility and the defense of cities ; for the stone protects 
 it from fire, and the wood from the battering ram, since it [the 
 wood] being mortised in the inside with rows of beams, gener- 
 ally forty feet each in length, can neither be broken through 
 nor torn asunder. 
 
 CHAP. XXTV. The siege having been impeded by so many 
 disadvantages, the soldiers, although they were retarded during 
 the whole time by the mud, cold, and constant showers, yet by 
 their incessant labor overcame all these obstacles, and in twenty- 
 five days raised a mound three hundred and thirty feet broad 
 and eighty feet high. When it almost touched the enemy's 
 walls, and Caesar, according to his usual custom, kept watch at 
 the wrk, and encouraged the soldiers not to discontinue the 
 work for a moment : a little before the third watch they dis- 
 covered that the mound was sinking, since the enemy had set 
 it on fire by a mine ; and at the same time a shout was raised 
 along the entire wall, and a sally was made from two gates on 
 each side of the turrets. Some at a distance were casting 
 torches and dry wood from the wall on the mound, others were 
 pouring on it pitch, and other materials, by which the flame 
 might be excited, so that a plan could hardly be formed, as to 
 where they should first run to the defense, or to what part aid 
 should be brought. However, as two legions always kept 
 guard before the camp by Caesar's orders, and several of them 
 were at stated times at the work, measures were promptly taken, 
 that some should oppose the sallying party, others draw back 
 the towers and make a cut in the rampart ; and moreover, that 
 the whole army should hasten from the camp to extinguish the 
 flames. 
 
 CHAP. XXV. When the battle was going on in every direc- 
 tion, the rest of the night being now spent, and fresh hopes of
 
 180 CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK vn. 
 
 victory always arose before the enemy : the more so on this 
 account because they saw the coverings of our towers burnt 
 away, and perceived, that we, being exposed, could not easily 
 go to give assistance, and they themselves were always relieving 
 the weary with fresh men, and considered that all the safety of 
 Gaul rested on this crisis ; there happened in my own view a 
 circumstance which, having appeared to be worthy of record, 
 we thought it ought not to be omitted. A certain Gaul before 
 the gate of the town, who was casting into the fire opposite 
 the turret balls of tallow and fire which were passed along to 
 him, was pierced with a dart on the right side and fell dead. 1 
 One of those next him stepped over him as he lay, and dis- 
 charged the same office : when the second man was slain in the 
 same manner by a wound from a cross-bow, a third succeeded 
 him, and a fourth succeeded the third : nor was this post left 
 vacant by the besieged, until, the fire of the mound having 
 been extinguished, and the enemy repulsed in every direction, 
 an end was put to the fighting. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. The Gauls having tried every expedient, as 
 nothing had succeeded, adopted the design of fleeing from the 
 town the next day, by the advice and order of Vercingetorix. 
 They hoped that, by attempting it at the dead of nigjit, they 
 would effect it without any great loss of men, because the camp 
 of Vercingetorix was not far distant from the town, and the 
 extensive marsh which intervened, was likely to retard the 
 Romans in the pursuit. And they were now preparing to exe- 
 cute this by night, when the matrons suddenly ran out into the 
 streets, and weeping cast themselves at the feet of their hus- 
 bands, and requested of them, with every entreaty, that they 
 should not abandon themselves and their common children to 
 the enemy for punishment, because the weakness of their nature 
 and physical powers prevented them from taking to flight. 
 "When they saw that they (as fear does not generally admit of 
 mercy in extreme danger) persisted in their resolution, they 
 began to shout aloud, and give intelligence of their flight to the 
 Romans. The Gauls being intimidated by fear of this, lest the 
 passes should be pre-occupid by the Roman cavalry, desisted 
 from their design. 
 
 1 These balls were passed from hand to hand until they came to him, 
 and he was in the act of throwing them into the fire when he was struck 
 by tho arrow from the cross-bow.
 
 CHAP. TXTX. THE GALLIC "WAR. 181 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. The next day Caesar, the tower being 
 advanced, and the works which he had determined to raise 
 being arranged, a violent storm arising, thought this no.bad 
 time for executing his designs, because he observed the guards 
 arranged on the walls a little too negligently, and therefore 
 ordered his own men to engage in their work more remissly, 
 and pointed out what he wished to be done. He drew up his 
 soldiers in a secret position within the vineae, and exhorts them 
 to reap, at least, the harvest of victory proportionate to their 
 exertions. He proposed a reward for those who should first 
 scale the walls, and gave the signal to the soldiers. They 
 suddenly flew out from all quarters and quickly filled the walls. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIH. The enemy being alarmed by the sud- 
 denness of the attack, were dislodged from the wall and 
 towers, and drew up, in form of a wedge, in the market place 
 and the open streets, with this intention that, if an attach 
 should be made on any side, they should fight with their line 
 drawn up to receive it. When they saw- no one descending 
 to the level ground, and the enemy extending themselves 
 along the entire wall in every direction, fearing lest every 
 hope of flight should be cut off, they cast away their arms, and 
 sought, without stopping, the most remote parts of the town. 
 A part was then slain by the infantry when they were crowd- 
 ing upon one another in the narrow passage of the gates ; and 
 a part having got without the gates, were cut to pieces by the 
 cavalry : nor was there one who was anxious for the plunder. 
 Thus, being excited by the massacre at Genabum and the 
 fatigue of the siege, they spared neither those worn out with 
 years, women, or children. Finally, out of all that number, 
 which amounted to about forty thousand, scarcely eight hundred, 
 who fled from the town when they heard the first alarm, 
 reached Vercingetorix in safety : and he, the night being now 
 far spent, received them in silence after their flight (fearing 
 that any sedition should arise in the camp from their entrance 
 in a body and the compassion of the soldiers), so that, having 
 arranged his friends and the chiefs of the states, at a distance 
 on the road, he took precautions that they should be separated 
 and conducted to their fellow countrymen, to whatever part of 
 the camp had been assigned to each state from the beginning. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX. Vercingetorix having convened an assem- 
 bly on the following day, consoled and encouraged his soldiers
 
 182 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK vn. 
 
 in the following words : " That they should not be too much 
 depressed in . spirit, nor alarmed at their loss ; that the 
 Romans did not conquer by valor nor in the field, but by 
 a kind of art and skill in assault, with which they themselves 
 were unacquainted ; that whoever expected every event in 
 the war to be favorable, erred ; that it never" was his opinion 
 that Avaricum should be defended, of the truth of which state- 
 ment he had themselves as witnesses, but that it was owing 
 to the imprudence of the Bituriges, and the too ready com- 
 pliance of the rest, that this loss was sustained ; that, how- 
 ever, he would soon compensate it by superior advantages ; for 
 that he would, by his exertions, bring over those states which 
 severed themselves from the rest of the Gauls, and would create 
 a general unanimity throughout the whole of Gaul, the union 
 of which not even the whole earth could withstand, and that he 
 had it already almost effected ; that in the mean time it was 
 reasonable that he should prevail on them, for the sake of the 
 general safety, to begin to fortify their camp, in order that they 
 might the more easily sustain the sudden attacks of the enemy." 
 
 CHAP. XXX. This speech was not disagreeable to the 
 Gauls, principally, because he himself was not disheartened 
 by receiving so severe a loss, and had not concealed himself, 
 nor shunned the eyes of the people : and he was believed to 
 possess greater foresight and sounder judgment than the rest, 
 because, when the affair was undecided, he had at first been of 
 opinion that Avaricum should be burnt, and afterward that it 
 should be abandoned. Accordingly, as ill success weakens the 
 authority of other generals, so, on the contrary, his dignity 
 increased daily, although a loss was sustained : at the same 
 time they began to entertain hopes, on his assertion, of unit- 
 ing the rest of the states to themselves, and on this occasion, 
 for the first time, the Gauls 1 began to fortify their camps, and 
 were so alarmed that although they were men unaccustomed 
 to toil, yet they were of opinion that they ought to endure and 
 suffer every thing which should be imposed upon them. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI. Nor did Vercingetorix use less efforts than 
 he had promised, to gain over the other states, and [in conse- 
 quence] endeavored to entice their leaders by gifts and promises. 
 For this object he selected fitting emissaries, by whose subtle 
 
 1 The Nervii did so in the war with Cicero, but it now became a gen- 
 eral custom.
 
 CHAP. Tenon. THE GALLIC WAR. - 183 
 
 pleading or private friendship, each of the nobles could be most 
 easily influenced. He takes care that those who fled to him on 
 the storming of Avaricum should be provided with arms and 
 clothes. At the same time that his diminished forces should 
 be recruited, he levies a fixed quota of soldiers from each state, 
 and defines the number and day before which he should wish 
 them brought to the camp, and orders all the archers, of whom 
 there was a very great number in Gaul, to be collected and 
 sent to him. By these means, the troops which were lost 
 at Avaricum are speedily replaced. La the mean time, 
 Teutomarus, the son of Ollovicon, the king of the Nitiobriges, 1 
 whose father had received the appellation of friend from our 
 senate, came to him with a great number of his own horse and 
 those whom he had hired from Aquitania. 
 
 CHAP. XXXII. ^Caesar, after delaying several days at 
 Avaricum, and, finding there the greatest plenty of corn and 
 other provisions, refreshed his army after their fatigue and pri- 
 vation. The winter being almost ended, when he was invited 
 by the favorable season of the year to prosecute the war and 
 march against the enemy, [and try] whether he could draw 
 them from the marshes and woods, or else press them by a 
 blockade ; some noblemen of the ^Edui came to him as embas- 
 sadors to entreat " that in an extreme emergency he should 
 succor their state; that their affairs were in the utmost 
 danger, because, whereas single magistrates had been usually 
 appointed in ancient times and held the power of king for a 
 single year, two persons now exercised this office, and each 
 asserted that he was appointed according to their laws. That 
 one of them was Convictolitanis, a powerful and illustrious 
 youth ; the other Cotus, sprung from a most ancient family, 
 and personally a man of very great influence and extensive 
 connections. His brother Valetiacus had borne the same 
 office during the last year : that the whole state was up in 
 arms ; the senate divided, the people divided ; that each of 
 them had his own adherents ; and that, if the animosity would 
 be fomented any longer, the -result would be that one part of 
 the state would come to a collision with the other; that it 
 rested with his activity and influence to prevent it." 
 
 CHAP. XXXHI. Although Caesar considered it ruinous to 
 leave the war and the enemy, yet, being well aware what great 
 
 1 The Nitiobriges were a people of Gallia, whose country was situated 
 on both sides of the Garrone, where it receives the Olt.
 
 184 CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK vn. 
 
 evils generally arise from internal dissensions, lest a state so 
 powerful and so closely connected with the Roman people, which 
 he himself had always fostered and honored in every respect, 
 should have recourse to violence and arms, and that the party 
 which had less confidence in its own p&wer should summon 
 aid from Vercingetorix, he determined to anticipate this 
 movement ; and ^because, by the laws of the ^Edui, it was not 
 permitted those who held the supreme authority to leave the 
 country, he determined to go in person to the ^Edui, lest he 
 should appear to infringe upon their government and laws, 
 and summoned all the senate, and those between whom the 
 dispute was, to meet him at Decetia. 1 When almost all the 
 state had assembled there, and he was informed that one 
 brother had been declared magistrate by the other, when 
 only a few persons were privately summoned for the purpose, 
 at a different time and place from what he ought, whereas the 
 laws not only forbade two belonging to one family to be elected 
 magistrates while each was alive, but even deterred them 
 from being in the senate, he compelled Cotus to resign his 
 office ; he ordered Convictolitanis, who had been elected by 
 the priests, according to the usage of the state, 3 in the presence 
 of the magistrates, to hold the supreme authority. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIV. Having pronounced this decree between 
 [the contending parties], he exhorted the JEdui to bury in 
 oblivion their disputes and dissensions, and, laying aside all 
 these things, devote themselves to the war, and expect from 
 him, on the conquest of Gaul, those rewards which they 
 should have earned, and send speedily to him all their cavalry 
 and ten thousand infantry, which he might place in different 
 garrisons to protect his convoys of provisions, and then divided 
 his army into two parts : he gave Labienus four legions to lead 
 into the country of the Senones and Parisii ; and led in person 
 six into the country of the Arverni, in the direction of the town 
 of Gergovia, along the banks of the Allier. 3 He gave part of 
 
 1 Decetia, now Decize, a town of the ./Edui, situated in a rockj island 
 in the Loire, about 153 miles south-east from Paris. 
 
 2 I have here adopted the reading, " intromissis magistratibus," which 
 is supported by the authority of the Greek paraphrases. Oberlins reads, 
 "intermissis magistratibus," which may be rendered, "when the magis- 
 tracy was vacant." 
 
 3 Elaver, the Allier, a river of Gaul, which rises at the foot of Mount 
 Lozere, runs nearly north, and, after a course of seventy-two leagues, falls 
 into the Loire about three miles above Nevers.
 
 CHAP. XXXYL THE GALLIC WAR. 185 
 
 the cavalry to Labienus and kept part to himself. Vercinge- 
 torix, on learning this circumstance, broke down all the bridges 
 over the river and began to march on the other bank of the Allier. 
 
 CHAP. XXXV. When each army was in sight of the other, 
 and was pitching their camp almost opposite that of the enemy, 
 scouts being distributed in every quarter, lest the Romans 
 should build a bridge and bring over their troops ; it was to 
 Caesar a matter attended with great' difficulties, lest he should 
 be hindered from passing the river during the greater part of 
 the summer, as the Allier can not generally be forded before 
 the autumn. Therefore, that this might not happen, having 
 pitched his camp in a woody place opposite to one of those 
 bridges which Vercingetorix had taken care should be broken 
 down, the next day he stopped behind with two legions in a 
 secret place ; he sent on the rest of the forces as usual, with 
 all the baggage, after having selected some cohorts, that the 
 number of the legions might appear to be complete. Having 
 ordered these to advance as far as they could, when now, from 
 the time of day, he conjectured they had come to an encamp- 
 ment, he began to rebuild the bridge on the same piles, the 
 lower part of which remained entire. Having quickly finished 
 the work and led his legions across, he selected a fit place for a 
 camp, and recalled the rest of his troops. Vercingetorix, 
 on ascertaining this fact, went before him by forced marches, in 
 order that he might not be compelled to come to an action 
 against his will. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVI. Caesar, in five days' march, went from that 
 place to Gergovia, and after engaging in a slight cavalry skir- 
 mish that day, on viewing the situation of the city, which, 
 being built on a very high mountain, was very difficult of 
 access, he despaired of taking it by storm, and determined to 
 take no measures with regard to besieging it before he should 
 secure a supply of provisions. But Vercingetorix, having 
 pitched his camp on the mountain near the town, placed the 
 forces of each state separately and at small intervals around 
 himself, and having occupied all the hills of that range as far 
 as they commanded a view [of the Roman encampment], he 
 presented a formidable appearance ; he ordered the rulers of 
 the states, whom he had selected as his council of war, to come 
 to him daily at the dawn, whether any measure seemed to 
 require deliberation or execution. Nor did he allow almost
 
 186 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES BOOK TIT. 
 
 any day to pnss without testing in a cavalry action, the archers 
 being intermixed, what spirit and valor there was in each of 
 his own men. There was a hill opposite the town, at the 
 very foot of that mountain, strongly fortified and precipitous on 
 every side (which if our men could gain, they seemed likely to 
 exclude the enemy from a great share of their supply of water, 
 and from free foraging ; but this place was occupied by them 
 with a weak garrison) : however, Caesar set out from the camp 
 in the silence of night, and dislodging the garrison before 
 succor could come from the town, he got possession of the 
 place and posted two legions there, and drew from the greater 
 camp to the less a double trench twelve feet broad, so that the 
 soldiers could even singly pass secure from any sudden attack 
 of the enemy. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVII. While these affairs were going on at Ger- 
 govia, Convictolanis, the JEduan, to whom we have observed 
 the magistracy was adjudged by Caesar, being bribed by the 
 Arverni, holds a conference with certain young men, the chief 
 of 'whom .were Litavicus and his brothers, who were born 
 of a most noble family. He shares the bribe with them, and 
 exhorts them to " remember that they were free and born for 
 empire ; that the state of the ^Edui was the only one which 
 retarded the most certain victory of the Gauls ; that the rest 
 were held in check by its authority ; and, if it was brought over, 
 the Romans would not have room to stand on in Gaul ; that 
 he had received some kindness from Caesar, only so far, however, 
 as gaining a most just cause by his decision; but that he 
 assigned more weight to the general freedom ; for, why should 
 the ^Edui go to Caesar to decide concerning their rights and 
 laws, rather than the Romans come to the ydui ?" The young 
 men being easily won over by the speech of the magistrate and 
 the bribe, when they declared that they would even be leaders 
 in the plot, a plan for accomplishing it was considered, because 
 they were confident their state could not be induced to under- 
 take the war on slight grounds. It was resolved that Litavicus 
 should have the command of the ten thousand, which were be- 
 ing sent to Caesar for the war, and should have charge of them 
 on their march, and that his brothers should go before him to 
 Caesar. They arrange the other measures, and the manner in 
 which they should have them done. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVIII. Litavicus, having received the com-
 
 CHAP. zzux. THE GALLIC "WAR 187 
 
 mand -of the army, suddenly convened the soldiers, when he 
 was about thirty miles distant from Gergovia, and, weeping, 
 said, " Soldiers, whither are we going ? All our knights and 
 all our nobles have perished. Eporedirix and Viridomarus, 
 the principal men of the state, being accused of treason, have 
 been slain by the Romans without any permission to plead 
 their cause. Learn this intelligence from those who have 
 escaped from the massacre ; for I, since my brothers and all 
 my relations have been slain, am prevented by grief from 
 declaring what has taken place. Persons are brought forward 
 whom he had instructed in what he would have them say, and 
 make the same statements to the soldiery as Litavicus had 
 made : that all the knights of the ./Edui were slain because 
 they were said to have held conferences with the Arverni; 
 that they had concealed themselves among the multitude of 
 soldiers, and had escaped from the midst of the slaughter. 
 The JEidui shout aloud and conjure Litavicus to provide for 
 their safety. As if, said he, it we're a matter of deliberation, 
 and not of necessity, for us to go to Gergovia and unite our- 
 selves to the Arverni. Or have we any reasons to doubt that 
 the Romans, after perpetrating the atrocious crime, are now 
 hastening to slay us ? Therefore, if there be any spirit in us, 
 let us avenge the death of those who have perished in a most 
 unworthy manner, and let us slay these robbers." He points to 
 the Roman citizens, who had accompanied them, in reliance on 
 his protection. He immediately seizes a great quantity of corn 
 and provisions, cruelly tortures them, and then puts them to 
 death, sends messengers throughout the entire state of the vEdui, 
 and rouses them completely by the same falsehood concerning 
 the slaughter of their knights and nobles ; he earnestly advises 
 them to avenge, in the same manner as he did, the wrongs, 
 which they had received. 
 
 CHAP. XXXTX. Eporedirix, the ./Eduan, a young man 
 born in the highest rank and possessing very great influence 
 at home, and, along with Viridomarus, of equal age and 
 influence, but of inferior birth, whom Caesar had raised from 
 a humble position to the highest rank, on being recommended 
 to him by Divitiacus, had come in the number of horse, being 
 summoned by Caesar by name. These had a dispute with 
 each other for precedence, and in the struggle between the 
 magistrates they had contended with their utmost efforts, the
 
 188 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK Til. 
 
 one for Convictolitanis, the other for Cotus. Of these Epore- 
 dirix, on learning tlic design of Litavicus, lays the matter 
 before Caesar almost at midnight; he entreats that Caesar 
 should not suffer their state to swerve from the alliance with 
 the Roman people, owing to the depraved counsels of a few 
 young men, which he foresaw would be the consequence if so 
 many thousand men should unite themselves to the enemy, as 
 their relations could not neglect their safety, nor the state regard 
 it as a matter of slight importance. 
 
 CHAP. XL. Caesar felt great anxiety on this intelligence, 
 because he had always especially indulged the state of the 
 -^Edui, and, without any hesitation, draws out from the camp 
 four light-armed legions and all the cavalry : nor had he time, 
 at such a crisis, to contract the camp, because the affair 
 seemed to depend upon dispatch. He leaves Caius Fabius, 
 his lieutenant, with two legions to guard the camp. When 
 he ordered the brothers of Litavicus to be arrested, he discovers 
 that they had fled a short time before to the camp of the 
 enemy. He encouraged his soldiers " not to be disheartened 
 by the labor of the journey on such a necessary occasion," and, 
 after advancing twenty-five miles, all being most eager, he came 
 in sight of the army of the JEdui, and, by sending on his 
 cavalry, retards and impedes their march ; he then issues strict 
 orders to all his soldiers to kill no one. He commands Epore- 
 dirix and Viridomarus, Avho they thought were killed, to move 
 among the cavalry and address their friends. When they were 
 recognized and the treachery of Litavicus discovered, the ^Edui 
 began to extend their hands to intimate submission, and, laying 
 down their arms, to deprecate death. Litavicus, with his clans- 
 men, who after the custom of the Gauls consider it a crime to 
 desert their patrons, even in extreme misfortune, flees forth to 
 Gergovia. 
 
 CHAP. XLI. Cfesar, after sending messengers to the state 
 of the ^Edui, to inform them that they whom he could have 
 put to death by the right of war were spared through his 
 kindness, and after giving three hours of the night to his 
 army for his repose, directed his march to Gergovia. Almost 
 in the middle of the journey, a party of horse that were sent 
 by Fabius stated in how great danger matters were ; they 
 inform him that the camp was attacked by a very powerful 
 army, while fresh men were frequently relieving the wearied,
 
 CHAP. num. THE GALLIC "WAR. 189 
 
 and exhausting our soldiers by the incessant toil, since on account 
 of the size of the camp, they had constantly to remain on the 
 rumpart ; that many had been wounded by the immense number 
 of arrows and all kinds of missiles ; that the engines were of 
 great service in withstanding them ; that Fabius, at their depart- 
 ure, leaving only two gates open, was blocking up the rest, and 
 was adding breast-works to the ramparts, and was preparing 
 himself for a similar casualty on the following day. Caesar, after 
 receiving this information, reached the camp before sunrise 
 owing to the very great zeal of his soldiers. 
 
 CHAP. XLIL While these things are going on at Gergovia, 
 the .JEdui, on receiving the first announcements from Litavicus, 
 leave themselves no time to ascertain the truth of those state- 
 ments. Some are stimulated by avarice, others by revenge and 
 credulity, which is an innate propensity in that race of men to 
 such a degree that they consider a slight rumor as an ascertained 
 fact. They plunder the property of the Roman cilizens, and 
 either massacre them or drag them away to slavery. Convicto- 
 litanis increases the evil state of affairs, and goads on the people 
 to fury, that by the commission of some outrage they may be 
 ashamed to return to propriety. They entice from the town of 
 Cabillonus, by a promise of safety, Marcus Aristius, a military 
 tribune, who was on his march to his legion ; they compel those 
 who had settled there for the purpose of trading to do the 
 same. By constantly attacking them on their march they strip 
 them of all their baggage ; they besiege day and night those 
 that resisted ; when many were slain on both sides, they excite 
 a great number to arms. 
 
 CHAP. XLIII. In the mean time, when intelligence was 
 brought that all their soldiers were in Caesar's power, they run 
 in a body to Aristius ; they assure him that nothing had been 
 done by public authority ; they order an inquiry to be made 
 about the plundered property ; they confiscate the property of 
 Litavicus and his brothers ; they send embassaders to Caasar 
 for the purpose of clearing themselves. They do all this with 
 a view to recover their soldiers ; but being contaminated by 
 guilt, and charmed by the gains arising from the plundered 
 property, as that act was shared in by many, and being 
 tempted by the fear of punishment, they began to form plans 
 of war and stir up the other states by embassies. Although 
 Cassar was aware of this proceeding, yet he addresses the
 
 190 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. uooa fii. 
 
 embassadors with as much mildness as ho can : " That he did 
 not think worse of the state on account of the ignorance and 
 fickleness of the mob, nor would diminish his regard for the 
 ^Elui." He himself, fearing a greater commotion in Gaul, in 
 order to prevent his being surrounded by all the states, began to 
 form plans as to the manner in which ho should return from 
 Gergovia and again concentrate his forces, lest a departure 
 arising from the fear of a revolt should seem like a flight. 
 
 CHAP. XLIV. While he was considering these things an 
 opportunity of acting successfully seemed to offer. For, when 
 he had come into the smaller camp for the purpose of securing 
 the works, he noticed that the hill in the possession of the 
 enemy was stripped of men, although, on the former days, it 
 could scarcely be seen on account of the numbers on it. Being 
 astonished, ho inquires the reason of it from the deserters, a 
 great number of whom flocked to him daily. They all concur- 
 red in asserting, what Csesar himself had already "ascertained by 
 his scouts, that the back of that hill was almost level ; but like- 
 wise woody and narrow, by which there was a pass to the other 
 side of the town ; that they had serious apprehensions for this 
 place, and had no other idea, on the occupation of one hill by 
 the Romans, than that, if they should lose the other, they would 
 be almost surrounded, and cut off from all egress and foraging ; 
 that they were all summoned by Vercingetorix to fortify this 
 place. 
 
 CHAP. XLV. Csesar, on being informed of this circum- 
 stance, sends several troops of horse to the place immediately 
 after midnight ; he orders them to range in every quarter with 
 more tumult than usual. At dawn he orders a large quantity 
 of baggage to be drawn out of the camp, and the muleteers 
 with helmets, in the appearance and guise of horsemen, to 
 ride round the hills. To these he adds a few cavalry, with 
 instructions to range more widely to make a show. He orders 
 them all to seek the same quarter by a long circuit; these 
 proceedings were seen at a distance from the town, as Gergovia 
 commanded a view of the camp, nor could the Gauls ascertain 
 at so great a distance, what certainty there was in the ma- 
 neuver. He sends one legion to the same hill, and after it 
 had marched a little, stations it in the lower ground, and 
 conceals it in the woods. The suspicion of the Gauls are 
 increased, and all their forces are marched to that place to
 
 CHAP. XLvn. THE GALLIC WAR. 191 
 
 defend it. Caesar, having perceived the camp of the enemy 
 deserted, covers the military insignia of his men, conceals the 
 standards, and transfers his soldiers in small bodies from the 
 greater to the less camp, and points out to the lieutenants whom 
 he had placed in command over the respective legions, what 
 he should wish to be done; he particularly advises them to 
 restrain their men from advancing too far, through their 
 desire of fighting, or their hope of plunder; he sets before 
 them what disadvantages the unfavorable nature of the ground 
 carries with it ; that they could be assisted by dispatch alone : 
 that success depended on a surprise, and not on a battle. After 
 stating these particulars, he gives the signal for action, and 
 detaches the jEdui at- the same time by another ascent on. the 
 right. 
 
 CHAP. XL VI. The town wall was 1200 -spaces distant from 
 the plain and foot of the ascent, in a straight line, if no gap 
 intervened ; whatever circuit was added to this ascent, to make 
 the hill easy, increased the length of the route. But almost 
 in the middle of the hill, the Gauls had previously built a wall 
 six feet high, made of large stones, and extending in length as 
 far as the nature of the g*>und permitted, as a barrier to retard 
 the advance of our men ; and leaving all the lower space empty, 
 they had filled the upper part of the hill, as far as the wall of 
 the town, with their camps very close to one .another. The 
 soldiers, on the signal being given, quickly advance to this for- 
 tification, and passing over it, make themselves masters of the 
 separate camps. And so great was their activity in taking the 
 camps, that Teutomarus, the king of the Nitiobriges, being sud- 
 denly surprised in his tent, as he had gone to rest at noon, with 
 difficulty escaped from the hands of the plunderers, with the 
 upper part of his person naked, and his horse wounded. 
 
 CHAP. XLVTI. Caesar, having .accomplished the object 
 which he had in view, ordered the signal to be sounded for 
 a retreat ; and the soldiers of the tenth legion, by which he 
 was then accompanied, halted. But the soldiers of the other 
 legions, not hearing the sound of the trumpet, because there 
 was a very large valley between them, were however kept back 
 by the tribunes of the soldiers and the lieutenants, according 
 to Caesar's orders ; but being animated by the prospect of speedy 
 victory, and the flight of the enemy, and the favorable battles 
 of former periods, they thought nothing so difficult that their
 
 192 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK vn. 
 
 bravery could not accomplish it ; nor did they put an end to 
 the pursuit, until they drew nigh to the wall of the town and 
 the gates. But then, when a shout arose in every quarter of 
 the city, those who were at a distance being alarmed by the 
 sudden tumult, fled hastily from the town, since they thought 
 that the enemy were within the gates. The matrons begin to 
 cast their clothes and silver over the wall, and bending over 
 as far as the lower part of the bosom, with outstretched hands 
 beseech the Romans to spare them, and not to sacrifice to 
 their resentment even women and children, as they had done 
 at Avaricum. Some of them let themselves down from the 
 walls by their hands, and surrendered to our soldiers. Lucius 
 Fabius, a centurion of the eighth legion, who, it was ascertained, 
 had said that day among his fellow soldiers that he was excited 
 by the plunder of Avaricum, and would not allow any one to 
 mount the wall before him, finding three men of his own com- 
 pany, and being raised up by them, scaled the wall. He him- 
 self, in turn, taking hold of them one by one drew them up to 
 th wall. 
 
 CHAP. XLVin. In the mean time those who had gone to 
 the other part of the town to defend it, as we have mentioned 
 above, at first, aroused by hearing he shouts, and, afterward, 
 by frequent accounts, that the town was in possession of the 
 Romans, sent forward their cavalry, and hastened in larger 
 numbers to that quarter. As each first came he stood beneath 
 the wall, and increased the number of his countrymen engaged 
 in action. When a great multitude of them had assembled, 
 the matrons, who a little before were stretching their hands 
 from the Avails to the Romans, began to beseech their country- 
 men, and after the Gallic fashion to show their disheveled hair, 
 and bring their children into public view. Neither in position 
 nor in numbers was the contest an equal one to the Romans ; 
 at the same time, being exhausted by running and the long 
 continuation of the fight, they could not easily withstand fresh 
 and vigorous troops. 
 
 CHAP. XLIX. Csesar, when he perceived that his soldiers 
 were fighting on unfavorable ground, and that the enemy's 
 forces were increasing, being alarmed for the safety of his 
 troops, sent orders to Titus Sextius, one of his lieutenants, 
 whom he had left to guard the smaller camp, to lead out his 
 cohorts quickly from the camp, and post them at the foot of the
 
 CHAP. LL THE GALLIC "WAR. 193 
 
 hill, on the right wing of the enemy ; that if he should see our 
 men driven from the ground, he "should deter the enemy 
 from following too closely. He himself, advancing with the 
 legion a little from that place where he had taken his post, 
 awaited the issue of the battle. 
 
 CHAP. L. While the fight was going on most vigorously, 
 hand to hand, and the enemy depended on their position and 
 numbers, our men on their bravery, the ^Edui suddenly 
 appeared on our exposed flank, as Caesar had sent them by 
 another ascent on the right, for the sake of creating a 
 diversion. These, from the similarity of their arms, greatly 
 terrified our men ; and although they were discovered to have 
 their right shoulders bare, 1 which was usually the sign of those 
 reduced to peace, yet the soldiers suspected that this very 
 thing was done by the enemy to deceive them.* At the same 
 time Lucius Fabius the centurion, and those who had scaled 
 the wall with him, being surrounded and slain, were cast from 
 the wall. Marcus Petreius, a centurion of the same legion, 
 after attempting to hew down the gates, was overpowered by 
 numbers, and, despairing of his safety, having already re- 
 ceived many wounds, said to the soldiers of his own company 
 who followed him : " Since I can not save you as well as my- 
 self, I shall at least provide for your safety, since I, allured by 
 the love of glory, led you into this danger, do you gave your- 
 selves when an opportunity is given." At the same time he 
 rushed into the midst of the enemy, and slaying two of them, 
 drove back the rest a little from the gate. When his men 
 attempted to aid him, " In vain," he says, " you endeavor to 
 procure me safety, since blood and strength are now failing me, 
 therefore leave this, while you have the opportunity, and retreat 
 to the legion." Thus he fell fighting a few moments after, 
 and saved his men by his own death. 
 
 CHAP. LI. Our soldiers, being hard pressed on every 
 side, were dislodged from their position, with the loss of 
 forty-six centurions; but the tenth legion, which had been 
 posted in reserve on ground a little more level, checked the 
 
 1 It is more than probable that Caesar had entered into a compact with 
 such of the Gallic states as he had brought under the sway and alliance 
 of Rome, that when engaging in battle against their countrymen they 
 should leave their right shoulders bare, in order that the Roman soldiers 
 might be able to distinguish between friend and foe. 
 
 9
 
 194 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIEa BOOK vu. 
 
 Gauls in their eager pursuit. It was supported by the cohorts of 
 the thirteenth legion, which, being led from the smaller camp, 
 had, under the command of Titus Sextius, occupied the higher 
 ground. The legions, as soon as they reached the plain, 
 halted and faced the enemy. Vercingetorix led back his men 
 from the part of the hill within the fortifications. On that 
 day little less than seven hundred 1 of the soldiers were missing. 
 
 CHAP. LIT. On the next day, Caesar, having called a meet- 
 ing, censured the rashness and avarice of his soldiers, "In 
 that they had judged for themselves how far they ought to 
 proceed, or what they ought to do, and could not be kept back 
 by the tribunes of the soldiers and the lieutenants;" and 
 stated, "what the disadvantage of the ground could effect, 
 what opinion he himself had entertained at Avaricum, when 
 having surprised the enemy without either general or cavalry, 
 he had given up a certain victory, lest even a trifling loss should 
 occur in the contest owing to the disadvantage of position. 
 That as much as he admired the greatness of their courage, 
 since neither the fortifications of the camp, nor the height of 
 the mountain, nor the wall of the town could retard them ; in 
 the same degree he censured their licentiousness and arro- 
 gance, because they thought that they knew more than their 
 general concerning victory, and the issue of actions : and that 
 he required in his soldiers forbearance and self-command, not 
 less than valor and magnanimity." 
 
 CHAP. LIU. Having held this assembly, and having 
 encouraged the soldiers at the conclusion of his speech, " That 
 they should not be dispirited on this account, nor attribute 
 to the valor of the enemy, what the disadvantage of position 
 had caused;" entertaining the same views of his departure 
 that he had previously had, he led forth the legions from 
 the camp, and drew up his army in order of battle in a 
 suitable place. When Vercingetorix, nevertheless, would not 
 descend to the level ground, a slight cavalry action, and that a 
 successful one, having taken place, he led back his army into 
 the camp. When he had done this, the next day, thinking 
 
 1 Prendeville well remarks that we might naturally infer from .the 
 number of officers that perished a much greater loss among the soldiers ; 
 however, it is by no means improbable that, as the rashness of the cen- 
 turions contributed largely to the defeat of the troops, so they endeavored, 
 by the reckless exposure of their lives, to atone for their misconduct.
 
 CHAP. LT. THE GALLIC WAR. 195 
 
 that he had done enough to lower the pride of the Gauls, and 
 to encourage the minds of his soldiers, he moved his camp in 
 the direction of the JEdui. The enemy not even then 
 pursuing us, on the third day he repaired the bridge over the 
 river Allier, and led over his whole army. 
 
 CHAP. LIV. Having then held an interview with Viri- 
 domarus and Eporedorix the JEduans, he learns that Litavicus 
 had set out with all the cavalry to raise the ^Edui ; that it 
 was necessary that they too should go before him to confirm 
 the state in their allegiance. Although he now saw distinctly 
 the treachery of the jEdui in many things, and was of opinion 
 that the revolt of the entire state would be hastened by their 
 departure ; yet he thought that they should not be detained, 
 lest he should appear either to offer an insult, or betray some 
 suspicion of fear. He briefly states to them when departing his 
 services toward the ^Edui : in what a state and bofr humbled 
 he had found them, driven into their towns, deprived of their 
 lands, stripped of all their forces, a tribute imposed on them, 
 and hostages wrested from them with the utmost insult ; and 
 to what condition and to what greatness 1 he had raised them, 
 [so much so] that they had not only recovered their former 
 position, but seemed to surpass the dignity and influence of 
 all the previous eras of their history. After giving these 
 admonitions he dismissed them. 
 
 CHAP. LV. Noviodunum was a town of the ^Edui, advan- 
 tageously situated on the banks of the Loire. Caesar had con- 
 veyed hither all the hostages of Gaul, the corn, public money, 
 a great part of his own baggage and that of his army ; he had 
 sent hither a great number of horses, which he had purchased 
 in Italy and Spain on account of this war. When Eporedorix 
 and Viridomarus came to this place, and received information 
 of the disposition of the state, that Litavicus had been 
 admitted by the ^Edui into Bibracte, which is a town of the 
 greatest importance among them, that Convictolitanis the 
 chief magistrate and a great part of the senate had gone to 
 meet him, that embassadors had been publicly sent to Ver- 
 cingetorix to negotiate a peace and alliance ; they thought that 
 so great an opportunity ought not to be neglected. Therefore, 
 having put to the sword the garrison of Noviodunum, and those 
 
 1 The JEdui at this time numbered among their dependents the Segu- 
 siani, Ambirareti, Boii, and Aulerci Brannovices.
 
 196 OESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK vn. 
 
 who had assembled there for the purpose of trading or were 
 on their march, they divided the money and horses among 
 themselves ; they took care that the hostages of the [different] 
 states should be brought to Bibracte, to the chief magistrate ; 
 they burned the town to prevent its being of any service to the 
 Romans, as they were of opinion that they could not hold it ; 
 they carried away in their vessels whatever corn they could in 
 the hurry, they destroyed the remainder, by [throwing it] 
 into the river or setting it on fire, they themselves began to 
 collect forces from the neighboring country, to place guards and 
 garrisons in different positions along the banks of the Loire, 
 and to display the cavalry on all sides to strike terror into the 
 Romans, [to try] if they could cut them off from a supply of 
 provisions. In which expectation they were much aided, from 
 the circumstance that the Loire had swollen to such a degree 
 from the melting of the snows, that it did not seem capable of 
 being forded at all. 
 
 CHAP. LVI. Cassar on being informed of these movements 
 was of opinion that he ought to make haste, even if he should 
 run some risk in completing the bridges, in order that he 
 might engage before greater forces of the enemy should be 
 collected in that place. For no one even then considered it 
 an absolutely necessary act, that changing his design he 
 should direct his march into the Province, both because the 
 infamy and disgrace of the thing, and the intervening mount 
 Cevennes, and the difficulty of the roads prevented him ; and 
 especially because he had serious apprehensions for the safety 
 of Labienus whom he had detached, and those legions whom 
 he had sent with him. Therefore, having made very long 
 marches by day and night, he came to the river Loire, 
 contrary to the expectation of all ; and having by means of 
 the cavalry, found out a ford, suitable enough considering 
 the emergency, of such depth that their arms and shoulders 
 could be above water for supporting their accoutrements, 
 he dispersed his cavalry in such a manner as to break the 
 force of the current, and having confounded the enemy at 
 the first sight, led his army across the river in safety ; and 
 finding corn and cattle in the fields, after refreshing his army 
 with them, he determined to march into the country of the 
 Senones. 
 
 CHAP. LVII. While these things are being done by
 
 CHAP. LIX. THE GALLIC WAR. 197 
 
 Caesar, Labienus, leaving at Agendicum the recruits who had 
 lately arrived from Italy, to guard the baggage, marches with 
 four legions to Lutetia (which is a town of the Parisii, situated 
 on an island on the river Seine), whose arrival being discovered 
 by the enemy, numerous forces arrived from the neighboring 
 states. The supreme command is intrusted to Camalugenus 
 one of the Aulerci, who, although almost worn out with age, 
 was called to that honor on account of his extraordinary 
 knowledge of military tactics. He, when he observed that 
 there was a large marsh 1 which communicated 1 with the Seine, 
 and rendered all that country impassable, encamped there, 
 and determined to prevent our troops from passing it. 
 
 CHAP. LVHL Labienus at first attempted to raise Vineae, 
 fill up the marsh with hurdles and clay, and secure a road. 
 After he perceived that this was too difficult to accomplish, he 
 issued in silence from his camp at the third watch, and 
 reached Melodunum by the same route by which he came. 
 This is a town of the Senones, situated on an island in the Seine, 
 as we have just before observed of Lutetia. Having seized 
 upon about fifty ships and quickly joined them together, 
 and having placed soldiers in them, he intimidated by his un- 
 expected arrival the inhabitants, of whom a great number had 
 been called out to the war, and obtains possession of the 
 town without a contest. Having repaired the bridge, which 
 the enemy had broken down during the preceding days, he 
 led over his army, and began to march along the banks 
 of the river to Lutetia. The enemy, on learning the circum- 
 stance from those who had escaped from Melodunum, set fire 
 to Lutetia, and order the bridges of that town to be broken 
 down : they themselves set out from the marsh, and take their 
 position on the banks of the Seine, over against Lutetia and 
 opposite the camp of Labienus. 
 
 CHAP. LIX. ^Caesar was now reported to have departed 
 from Gergovia ; intelligence was likewise brought to them 
 concerning the revolt of the ^Edui, and a successful rising in 
 Gaul ; and that Caesar, having been prevented from prosecut- 
 ing his journey and crossing the Loire, and having been com- 
 pelled by the want of corn, had marched hastily to the province. 
 
 1 This, according to Achaintre, is the part of Paris known by the 
 name of Le Marais. A. 
 
 2 Literally, " flowed into."
 
 198 OESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK Tir. 
 
 But the Bellovaci, who had been previously disaffected of 
 themselves, on learning the revolt of the JEdui, began to 
 assemble forces and openly tcr prepare for war. Then 
 Labienus, as the change in affairs was so great, thought that 
 he must adopt a very different system from what he had 
 previously intended, and he did not now think of making any 
 new acquisitions, or of provoking the enemy to an action ; but 
 that he might bring back his army safe to Agendicum. For, 
 on one side, the Bellovaci, a state which held the highest 
 reputation for prowess in Gaul, were pressing on him ; 
 and Camulogenus, with a disciplined and well-equipped army, 
 held the other side ; moreover, a very great river separated 
 and cut off the legions from 1 the garrison and baggage. He 
 saw that, in consequence of such great difficulties being thrown 
 in his way, he must seek aid from his own energy of disposition. 
 
 CHAP. LX. Having, therefore, called a council of war a 
 little before evening, he exhorted his soldiers to execute with 
 diligence and energy such commands as he should give ; he 
 assigns the ships which he had brought from Melodunum to 
 Roman knights, one to each, and orders them to fall down 
 the river silently for four miles, at the end of the fourth watch, 
 and there wait for him. He leaves the five cohorts, which he 
 considered to be the most steady in action, to guard the camp ; 
 he orders the five remaining cohorts of the same legion to 
 proceed a little after midnight up the river with all their 
 baggage, in a great tumult. He collects also some small boats ; 
 and sends them in the same direction, with orders to make a 
 loud noise in rowing. He himself, a little after, marched out 
 in silence, and, at the head of three legions, seeks that place 
 to which he had ordered the ships to be brought. 
 
 CHAP. LXI. When he had arrived there, the enemy's 
 scouts, as they were stationed along every part of the river, 
 not expecting an attack, because a great storm had suddenly 
 arisen, were surprised by our soldiers : the infantry and 
 cavalry are quickly transported, under the superintendence of 
 the Roman knights, whom he had appointed to that office. 
 Almost at the same time, a little before daylight, intel- 
 ligence was given to the enemy that there was an unusual 
 tumult in the camp of the Romans, and that a strong force was 
 
 1 He refers to the garrison which he left at Agendicum to guard the 
 baggage.
 
 CHAP. tun. THE GALLIC WAR. 199 
 
 inarching up the river, and that the sound of oars was dis- 
 tinctly heard in the same quarter, and that soldiers were being 
 conveyed across in ships a little below. On hearing these 
 things, because they were of opinion that the legions were 
 passing in three different places, and that the entire army, 
 being terrified by the revolt of the ^Edui, were preparing for 
 flight, they divided their forces also into three divisions. For 
 leaving a guard opposite to the camp and sending a small body 
 in the direction of Metiosedum, 1 with orders to advance as far 
 as the ships would proceed, they led the rest of their troops 
 against Labienus. 
 
 CHAP. LXTL By day-break all our soldiers were brought 
 across, and the army of the enemy was in sight. Labienus, 
 having encouraged his soldiers " to retain the memory of their 
 ancient valor, and so many most successful actions, and 
 imagine Caesar himself, under whose command they had so often 
 routed the enemy, to be present," gives the signal for action. 
 At the first onset the enemy are beaten and put to flight 
 in the right wing, where the seventh legion stood : on the left 
 wing, which position the twelfth legion held, although the first 
 ranks fell transfixed by the javelins of the Romans, yet the 
 rest resisted most bravely ; nor did any one of them show the 
 slightest intention of flying. Camulogenus, the general of the 
 enemy, was present and encouraged his troops. But when the 
 issue of the victory was still uncertain, and the circumstances 
 which were taking place on the left wing were announced to 
 the tribunes of the seventh legion, they faced about their legion 
 to the enemy's rear and attacked it : not even then did any 
 one retreat, but all were surrounded and slain. Camulogenus 
 met the same fate. But those who were left as a guard 
 opposite the camp of Labienus, when they heard that the 
 battle was commenced, marched to aid their countrymen and 
 take possession of a hill, but were unable to withstand the 
 attack of the victorious soldiers. In this manner, mixed with 
 their own fugitives, such as the woods and mountains did not 
 shelter were cut to pieces by our cavalry. When this battle 
 was finished, Labienus returns to Agendicum, where the bag- 
 gage of the whole army had been left : from it he marched 
 with all his forces to Caesar. 
 
 CHAP. LXHL The revolt of the JEdui being known, the war 
 
 1 Metiosedum now Meudon, situated on the Seine, below Paris.
 
 200 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK vn. 
 
 grows more dangerous. Embassies are sent by them in all 
 directions : as far as they can prevail by influence, authority, 
 or money, they strive to excite the state [to revolt]. Having 
 got possession of the hostages whom Caesar had deposited with 
 them, they terrify the hesitating by putting them to death. The 
 ^Edui request Vercingetorix to come to them and communicate 
 his plans of conducting the war. On obtaining this request they 
 insist that the chief command should be assigned to them ; 
 and when the affair became a disputed question, a council of 
 all Gual is summoned to Bibracte. They came together in 
 great numbers and from every quarter to the same place. The 
 decision is left to the votes of the mass ; all to a man ap- 
 prove of Vercingetorix as their general. The Remi, Lingones, 
 and Treviri were absent from this meeting ; the two former 
 because they attached themselves to the alliance of Rome ; the 
 Treviri because they were very remote and were hard pressed 
 by the Germans ; which was also the reason of their being 
 absent during the whole war, and their sending auxiliaries to 
 neither party. The JEdui are highly indignant at being 
 deprived of the chief command; they lament the change of 
 fortune, and mi^s Caesar's indulgence toward them ; how- 
 ever, after engaging in the war, they do not dare to pursue 
 their own measures apart from the rest. Eporedorix and 
 Viridomarus, youths of the greatest promise, submit reluctantly 
 to Vercingetorix. 
 
 CHAP. LXIV.- The latter demands hostages from the re- 
 maining states ; nay, more, appointed a day for this proceeding ; 
 he orders all the cavalry, fifteen thousand in number, to quickly 
 assemble here ; he says that he will be content with the 
 infantry which he had before, and would not tempt fortune 
 nor come to a regular engagement ; but since he had abund- 
 ance of cavalry,' it would be very easy for him to prevent the 
 Romans from obtaining forage or corn, provided that they them- 
 selves should resolutely destroy their corn and set fire to their 
 houses; by which sacrifice of private property they would 
 evidently obtain perpetual dominion and freedom. After 
 arranging these matters, he levies ten thousand infantry on 
 the JEdui and Segusiani, 1 who border on our province : to 
 these he adds eight hundred horse. He sets over them the 
 
 1 Segusiani, a people of Gallia Celtica, to the west of the Rhine. 
 Their country was traversed by the Loire, near the source of that river.
 
 CHAP. LXVI. THE GALLIC WAR. 201 
 
 brother of Eporedirix, and orders him to wage war against the 
 Allobroges. On the other side he sends the Gabali and the 
 nearest cantons of the Arverni against the Helvii ; he likewise 
 sends the Ruteni and Cadurci to lay waste the territories of the 
 Volcae Arecomici. Besides, by secret messages and embassies, 
 he tampers with the Allobroges, whose minds, he hopes, had 
 not yet settled down after the excitement of the late war. To 
 their nobles he promises money, and to their state the dominion 
 of the whole province. 
 
 CHAP. LXV. The only guards provided against all these 
 contingencies were twenty-two cohorts, which were collected 
 from the entire province by Lucius Caesar, the lieutenant, and 
 opposed to the enemy in every quarter. The Helvii, volun- 
 tarily engaging in battle with their neighbors, are defeated, and 
 Caius Valerius Donotaurus, the son of Caburus, the principal 
 man of the state, and several others, being slain, they are forced 
 to retire within their towns and fortifications. The Allobroges, 
 placing guards along the course of the Rhine, defend their 
 frontiers with great vigilance and energy. Caesar, as he per- 
 ceived that the enemy were superior in cavalry, and he himself 
 could receive no aid from the Province or Italy, while all com- 
 munication was cut off, sends across the Rhine into Germany 
 to those states which he had subdued in the preceding cam- 
 paigns, and summons from them cavalry and the light-armed 
 infantry, who were accustomed to engage among them. On 
 their arrival, as they were mounted on unserviceable horses, he 
 takes horses from the military tribunes and the rest, nay, even 
 from the Roman knights and veterans, and distributes them 
 among the Germans. 
 
 CHAP. LXVL In the mean time, whilst these things are 
 going on, the forces of the enemy from the Arverni, and the 
 cavalry which had been demanded from all Gaul, meet 
 together. A great number of these having been collected, 
 when Caesar was marching into the country of the Sequani, 
 through the confines of the Lingones, in order that he might 
 the more easily render aid to the province, Vercingetorix en- 
 camped in three camps, about ten miles from the Romans: 
 and having summoned the commanders of the cavalry to a 
 council, he shows that the time of victory was come ; that the 
 Romans were fleeing into the Province and leaving Gaul ; that 
 this was sufficient for obtaining immediate freedom ; but was of 
 
 9*
 
 202 CJESAB'S COMMENTARIES. BOOKVII. 
 
 little moment in acquiring peace and tranquillity for the future ; 
 for the Romans would return after assembling greafer forces, 
 and would not put an end to the war. Therefore they should 
 attack them on their march, when encumbered. If the infantry 
 should [bo obliged to] relieve their cavalry, and be retarded 
 by doing so, the march could not be accomplished : if, aban- 
 doning their baggage they should provide for their safety 
 (a result which, he trusted, was more like to ensue), they 
 would lose both property and character. For as to the enemy's 
 horse, they ought not to entertain a doubt that none of them 
 would dare to advance beyond the main body. In order that 
 they [the Gauls] may do so with greater spirit, he would 
 marshal all their forces before the camp, and intimidate the 
 enemy. The cavalry unanimously shout out, " That they ought 
 to bind themselves by a most sacred oath, that he should not be 
 received under a roof, nor have access to his children, parents, 
 or wife, who shall not twice have ridden through the enemy's 
 army." 
 
 CHAP. LXVII. This proposal receiving general appro- 
 bation, and all being forced to take the oath, on the next day 
 the cavalry were divided into three parts, and two of these 
 divisions made a demonstration on our two flanks ; while one 
 in front began to obstruct our march. On this circumstance 
 being announced, Caesar orders his cavalry also to form three 
 divisions and charge the enemy. Then the action commences 
 simultaneously in every part : the main body halts ; the bag- 
 gage is received within the ranks of the legions. If our men 
 seemed to be distressed, or hard pressed in any quarter, 
 Caesar usually ordered the troops to advance, and the army to 
 wheel round in that quarter; which conduct retarded the 
 enemy in the pursuit, and encouraged our men by the hope of 
 support. At length the Germans, on the right wing, having 
 gained the top of the hill, dislodge the enemy from their 
 position and pursue them even as far as the river at which 
 Vercingetorix with the infantry was stationed, and slay several 
 of them. The rest, on observing this action, fearing lest 
 they shonld be surrounded, betake themselves to flight. A 
 slaughter ensues in every direction, and three of the noblest 
 of the JEdui are taken and brought to Caesar: Cotus, the 
 commander of the cavalry, who had been engaged in the 
 contest with Convictolitanis the last election, Cavarillus,
 
 CHAP. LUX. THE GALLIC WAR. 203 
 
 who had held the command of the infantry after the revolt of 
 Litavicus, and Eporedorix, under whose command the ^Edui 
 had engaged in war against the Sequani, before the arrival of 
 Caesar. 
 
 CHAP. LXY11I. All his cavalry being routed, Vercingetorix 
 led back his troops in the same order as he had arranged them 
 before the camp, and immediately began to march to Alesia, 
 which is a town of the Mandubii, and ordered the baggage 
 to be speedily brought forth from the camp, and follow him 
 closely. Caesar, having conveyed his baggage to the nearest hill, 
 and having left two legions to guard it, pursued as far as the 
 time of day would permit, and after slaying about three thou- 
 sand of the rear of the enemy, encamped at Alesia 1 on the next 
 day. On reconnoitering the situation of the city, finding that 
 the enemy were panic-stricken, because the cavalry in which 
 they placed their chief reliance, were beaten, he encouraged his 
 men to endure the toil, and began to draw a line of circumval- 
 lation round Alesia. 
 
 CHAP. LXIX. The town itself was situated on the top of a 
 hill, in a very lofty position, so that it did not appear likely to 
 be taken, except by a regular siege. Two rivers, on two different 
 sides, washed the foot of the hill. Before the town lay a plain 
 of about three miles in length ; on every other side hills at 
 a moderate distance, and of an equal degree of height, sur- 
 rounded the town. The army of the Gauls had filled all the 
 space under the wall, comprising a part of the hill which 
 looked to the rising sun, and had drawn in front a trench 
 and a stone wall six feet high. The circuit of that for- 
 tification, which was commenced by the Romans, comprised 
 eleven miles. The camp was pitched in a strong position, 
 and twenty-three redoubts were raised in it, in which sentinels 
 
 1 Alesia, a strongly fortified town of the Mandubii, near the sources 
 of the Seine, and situated on the summit of a mountain now Mount 
 Auxois. It was washed on two sides by the small rivers Lutosa and 
 Osera, now Oze and Ozerain. Alesia is famous for the siege it stood 
 against Caesar. It was taken and destroyed by him, but was afterward 
 rebuilt and became a place of considerable consequence under the Roman 
 emperors. At the foot of Mount Auxois is a village still called Alisa 
 According to tradition, Alesia was founded by Sercules, which would 
 imply that the place had been originally a Phcenican stronghold for 
 purposes of inland traffic. The Greek writers, however, say that it took 
 its name from the wanderings of that hero on his expedition into Spain, 
 uTrd rye Kara rrjv arpareiav (i7/f. A.
 
 204 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOKVU. 
 
 were placed by day, lest any sally should be made suddenly ; 
 and by night the same were occupied by watches and strong 
 guards. 
 
 CHAP. LXX. The work having been begun, a cavalry 
 action ensues in that plain, which we have already described 
 as broken by hills, and extending three miles in length. The 
 contest is maintained on both sides w,ith the utmost vigor ; 
 Caesar sends the Germans to aid our troops when distressed, 
 and draws up the legions in front of the camp, lest any sally 
 should be suddenly made by the enemy's infantry. The 
 courage of our men is increased by the additional support of 
 the legions ; the enemy being put to flight, hinder one another 
 by their numbers, and as only the narrower gates were left open, 
 are crowded together in them ; then the Germans pursue them 
 with vigor even to the fortifications. A great slaughter ensues ; 
 some leave their horses, and endeavor to cross the ditch and 
 climb the wall. Caesar orders the legions which he had drawn 
 up in front of the rampart to advance a little. The Gauls, who 
 were within the fortifications, were no less panic-stricken, think- 
 ing that the enemy were coming that moment against them, 
 and unanimously shout " to arms ;" some in their alarm rush 
 into the town ; Vercingetorix orders the gates to be shut, lest 
 the camp should be left undefended. The Germans retreat, 
 after slaying many and taking several horses. 
 
 CHAP. LXXI. Vercingetorix adopts the design of sending 
 away all his cavalry by night, before the fortifications should 
 be completed by the Romans. He charges them when 
 departing "that each of them should go to his respective 
 state, and press for the war all who were old enough to bear 
 arms ; he states his own merits, and conjures them to consider 
 his safety, and not surrender him who had deserved so well 
 of the general freedom, to the enemy for torture ; he points 
 out to them that, if they should be remiss, eighty thousand 
 chosen men would perish with him ; that upon making a 
 calculation, he had barely corn for thirty days, but could 
 hold out a little longer by economy." After giving these 
 instructions he silently dismisses the cavalry in the second 
 watch, [on that side] where our works were not completed ; 
 he orders all the corn to be brought to himself; he ordains 
 capital punishment to such as should not obey; he dis- 
 tributes among them, man by man, the cattle, great quan-
 
 CHAP. T.TTTTT. THE GALLIC WAR. 205 
 
 titles of -which had been driven there by the Mandubii ; he 
 began to measure out the corn sparingly, and by little and 
 little ; he receives into the town all the forces which he had 
 posted in front of it. In this manner he prepares to await the 
 succors from Gaul, and carry on the war. 
 
 CHAP. LXXII. Caesar, on learning these proceedings from 
 the deserters and captives, adopted the following system of 
 fortification ; he dug a trench twenty feet deep, with perpen- 
 dicular sides, in such a manner that the base of this trench 
 should extend so far as the edges were apart at the top. He 
 raised all his other works at a distance of four hundred feet 
 from that ditch ; [he did] that with this intention, lest (since he 
 necessarily embraced so extensive an area, and the whole works 
 could not be easily surrounded by a line of soldiers) a large 
 number of the enemy should suddenly, or by night, sally against 
 the fortifications; or lest they should by day cast weapons 
 against our men while occupied with the works. Having left 
 this interval, he drew two trenches fifteen feet broad, and of the 
 same depth ; the innermost of them, being in low and level 
 ground, he filled with water conveyed from the river. Behind 
 these he raised a rampart and wall twelve feet high ; to this he 
 added a parapet and battlements, with large stakes cut like 
 stags' horns, projecting from the junction of the parapet and 
 battlements, to prevent the enemy from scaling it, and surround- 
 ed the entire work with turrets, which were eighty feet distant 
 from one another. 
 
 CHAP. LXXMI. It was necessary, at one and the same time, 
 to procure timber [for the rampart], lay in supplies of corn, and 
 raise also extensive fortifications, and the available troops were 
 in consequence of this reduced in number, since they used to 
 advance to some distance from the camp, and sometimes the 
 Gauls endeavored to attack our works, and to make a sally 
 from the town by several gates and in great force. On which 
 Caesar thought that further additions should be made to these 
 works, in order that the fortifications might be defensible by a 
 small number of soldiers. Having, therefore, cut down the 
 trunks of trees or very thick branches, and having stripped their 
 tops of the bark, and sharpened them into a point, he drew a 
 continued trench every where five feet deep. These stakes 
 being sunk into this trench, and fastened firmly at the bottom, 
 to prevent the possibility of their being torn up, had then:
 
 206 CJESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOKVH. 
 
 branches only projecting from the ground. There were five 
 rows in connection with, and intersecting each other; and 
 whoever entered within them were likely to impale themselves 
 on very sharp stakes. The soldiers called these " cippi." Before 
 these, which were arranged in oblique rows in the form of a 
 quincunx, pits three feet deep were dug, which gradually 
 diminished in depth to the bottom. In these pits tapering 
 stakes, of the thickness of a man's thigh, sharpened at the top 
 and hardened in the fire, were sunk in such a manner as to pro- 
 ject from the ground not more than four inches ; at the same 
 time for the purpose of giving them strength and stability, they 
 were each filled with trampled clay to the height of one foot 
 from the bottom : the rest of the pit was covered over with 
 osiers and twigs, to conceal the deceit. Eight rows of this kind 
 were dug, and were three feet distant from each other. They 
 called this a lily from its resemblance to that flower. Stakes a 
 foot long, with iron hooks attached to them, were entirely sunk 
 in the ground before these, and were planted in every place at 
 small intervals ; these they called spurs. 
 
 CHAP. LXXIV. After completing these works, having 
 selected as level ground as he could, considering the nature of 
 the country, and having inclosed an area of fourteen miles, he 
 constructed, against an external enemy, fortifications of the 
 same kind in every respect, and separate from these, so that the 
 guards of the fortifications could not be surrounded even by 
 immense numbers, if such a circumstance should take place 
 owing to the departure of the enemy's cavalry ; and in order 
 that the Roman soldiers might not be compelled to go out of 
 the camp with great risk, he orders all to provide forage and 
 corn for thirty days. 
 
 CHAP. LXXV. While those things are carried on at Alesia, 
 the Gauls, having convened a council of their chief nobility, 
 determine that all who could bear arms should not be called 
 out, which was the opinion of Vercingetorix, but that a fixed 
 number should be levied from each state ; lest, when so great 
 a multitude assembled together, they could neither govern nor 
 distinguish their men, nor have the means of supplying them 
 with corn. They demand thirty-five thousand men from the 
 ./Edui and their dependents, the Segusiani, Ambivareti, and 
 Aulerci Brannovices ; an equal number from the Arverni in con- 
 junction with the Eleuteti Cadurci, Gabali, and Velauni, who
 
 CHAP. Lirvi. THE GALLIC WAR 207 
 
 were accustomed to be under the command of the Arverni ; 
 twelve thousand each from the Senones, Sequani, Bituriges, 
 Sentones, Ruteni, and Carnutes ; ten thousand from the Bello- 
 vaci ; the same number from the Lemovici ; eight thousand 
 each from the Pictones, and Turoni, and Parisii, and Helvii ; 
 five thousand each from the Suessiones, Ambiani, Mediomatrici, 
 Petrocorii, Nervii, Morini, and Nitiobriges ; the same number 
 from the Aulerci Cenomani ; four thousand from the Atrebates ; 
 three thousand each from the Bellocassi, Lexovii, and Aulerci 
 Eburovices ; thirty thousand from the Rauraci, and Boii ; six 
 thousand from all the states together, which border on the 
 Atlantic, and which in their dialect are called Armories 1 (in 
 which number are comprehended the Curisolites, Rhedones, 
 Ambibari, Caltes, Osismii, Lemovices, Veneti, and Unelli). Of 
 these the Bellovaci did not contribute their number, as they 
 said that they would wage war against the Romans on their 
 own account, and at their own discretion, and would not obey 
 the order of any one : however, at the request of Commius, they 
 sent two thousand, in consideration of a tie of hospitality which 
 subsisted between him and them. 
 
 CHAP. LXXVI. Csesar had, as we have previously narrated, 
 availed himself of the faithful and valuable services of this 
 Commius, in Britain, in former years : in consideration of which 
 merits he had exempted from taxes his [Commius's] state, 
 and had conferred on Commius himself the country of the 
 Morini. Yet such was the unanimity of the Gauls in asserting 
 their freedom, and recovering their ancient renown in war, 
 that they were influenced neither by favors, nor by the rec- 
 ollection of private friendship ; and all earnestly directed their 
 energies and resources to that war, and collected eight 
 thousand cavalry, and about two hundred and forty thou- 
 sand infantry. These were reviewed in the country of the 
 ^Edui, and a calculation was made of their numbers: com- 
 manders were appointed : the supreme command is intrusted 
 to Commius the Atrebatian, Viridomarus and Eporedorix the 
 and Vergasillaunus the Arvernan, the cousin-german 
 
 1 Armorica, or Aremorica, a Celtic term applied in strictness to all 
 parts of Gaul lying along the ocean. Caesar, however, confines the ap- 
 pellation merely to the tract of country which corresponds to Normandy 
 and Brittany. The name is derived from the Celtic Ar Moer, that is, Am 
 Mur, " on the sea." A.
 
 208 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK VIL 
 
 of Vercingetorix. To them are assigned men selected from 
 each state, by whose advice the war should be conducted. All 
 march to Alesia, sanguine and full of confidence : nor was there 
 a single individual who imagined that the Romans could 
 withstand the sight of such an immense host : especially in an 
 action carried on both in front and rear, when [on the inside] 
 the besieged would sally from the town and attack the enemy, 
 and on the outside so great forces of cavalry and infantry would 
 be seen. 
 
 CHAP. LXXVII. But those who were blockaded at Alesia, 
 the day being past, on which they had expected auxiliaries 
 from their countrymen, and all their corn being consumed 
 ignorant of what was going on among the _<Edui, convened 
 an assembly and deliberated on the exigency of their situa- 
 tion. After various opinions had been expressed among 
 them, some of which proposed a surrender, others a sally, 
 while their strength would support it, the speech of Cri- 
 tognatus ought not to be omitted for its singular and de- 
 testable cruelty. He sprung from the noblest family among 
 the Arverni, and possessing great influence, says, "I shall 
 pay no attention to the opinion of those who call a most 
 disgraceful surrender by the name of a capitulation ; nor do I 
 think that they ought to be considered as citizens, or summoned 
 to the council. My business is with those who approve of a 
 sally : in whose advice the memory of our ancient prowess 
 seems to dwell in the opinion of you all. To be unable 
 to bear privation for a short time is disgraceful cowardice, 
 not true valor. Those who voluntarily offer themselves to 
 death are more easily found than those who would calmly 
 endure distress. And I would approve of this opinion (for 
 honor is a powerful motive with me), could I foresee no 
 other loss, save that of life ; but let us, in adopting our design, 
 look back on all Gaul, which we have stirred up to our aid. 
 What courage do you think would our relatives and friends 
 have, if eighty thousand men were butchered in one spot, 
 supposing that they should be forced to come to an action 
 almost over our corpses ? Do not utterly deprive them of your 
 aid, for they have spurned all thoughts of personal danger on 
 account of your safety ; nor by your folly, rashness, and 
 cowardice, crush all Gaul and doom it to an eternal slavery. 
 Do you doubt their fidelity and firmness because they have not
 
 CHAP. Lxxvm. THE GALLIC "WAR. 209 
 
 come at the appointed day ? What then ? Do you suppose 
 that the Romans are employed every day in the outer fortifica- 
 tions for mere amusement? If you can not be assured by 
 their dispatches, since every avenue is blocked up, take the 
 Romans as evidence that there approach is drawing near ; 
 since they, intimidated by alarm at this, labor night and 
 day at their works. What, therefore, is my design ? To 
 do as our ancestors did in the war against the Cimbri and 
 Teutones, which was by no means equally momentous who, 
 when driven into their towns, and oppressed by similar 
 privations, supported life by the corpses of those who appeared 
 useless for war on account of their age, and did not sur- 
 render to the enemy : and even if we had not a precedent for 
 such cruel conduct, still I should consider it most glorious 
 that one should be established, and delivered to posterity. 
 For in what was that war like this ? The Cimbri, after laying 
 Gaul waste, and inflicting great calamities, at length departed 
 from our country, and sought other lands ; they left us our 
 rights, laws, lands, and liberty. But what other motive or 
 wish have the Romans, than, induced by envy, to settle in the 
 lands and states of those whom they have learned by fame to 
 be noble and powerful in war, and impose on them perpetual 
 slavery ? For they never have carried on wars on any other 
 terms. But if you know not these things which are going on 
 in distant countries, look to the neighboring Gaul, which be- 
 ing reduced to the form of a province, stripped of its rights and 
 laws, and subjected to Roman despotism, 1 is oppressed by per- 
 petual slavery." 
 
 CHAP. LXXVllI. When different opinions were expressed, 
 they determined that those who, owing to age or ill health, 
 were unserviceable for war, should depart from the town, 
 and that themselves should try every expedient before they 
 had recourse to the advice of Critognatus: however, that 
 they would rather adopt that design, if circumstances 
 should compel them and their allies should delay, than 
 accept any terms of a surrender or peace. The Mandubii, 
 who had admitted them into the town, are compelled to go 
 forth with their wives and children. When these came to the 
 Roman fortifications, weeping, they begged of the soldiers by 
 every entreaty to receive them as slaves and relieve them with 
 
 1 Literally, " axes," alluding to the secures carried by the Eoman lictors.
 
 210 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK Tir. 
 
 food. But Caesar, placing guards on the rampart, forbade them 
 to be admitted. 
 
 CHAP. LXXIX. In the mean time, Commius and the rest 
 of the leaders, to whom the supreme command had been 
 intrusted, came with all their forces to Alesia, and having 
 occupied the entire hill, encamped not more than a mile from 
 our fortifications. The following day, having led forth their 
 cavalry from the camp, they fill all that plain, which, we have 
 related, extended three miles in length, and drew out their 
 infantry a little from that place, and post them on the higher 
 ground. The town Alesia commanded a view of the whole plain. 
 The besieged run together when these auxiliaries were seen ; 
 mutual congratulations ensue, and the minds of all are elated 
 with joy. Accordingly, drawing out their troops, they encamp 
 before the town, and cover the nearest trench with hurdles 
 and fill it up with earth, and make ready for a sally and every 
 casualty. 
 
 CHAP. LXXX. Caesar, having stationed his army on both 
 sides of the fortifications, in order that, if occasion should 
 arise, each should hold and know his own post, orders the 
 cavalry to issue forth from the camp and commence action. 
 There was a commanding view from the entire camp, which 
 occupied a ridge of hills ; and the minds of all the soldiers 
 anxiously awaited the issue of the battle. The Gauls had 
 scattered archers and light-armed infantiy here and there, 
 among their cavalry, to give relief to their retreating troops, and 
 sustain the impetuosity of our cavalry. Several of our soldiers 
 were unexpectedly wounded by these, and left the battle. 
 When the Gauls were confident that their countrymen were 
 the conquerors in the action, and beheld our men hard pressed 
 by numbers, both those who were hemmed in by the line of 
 circumvallation and those who had come to aid them, sup- 
 ported the spirits of their men by shouts and yells from every 
 quarter. As the action was carried on in sight of all, neither 
 a brave nor cowardly act could be concealed ; both the desire 
 of praise and the fear of ignominy, urged on each party to 
 valor. After fighting from noon almost to sunset, without 
 victory inclining in favor of either, the Germans, on one side, 
 made a charge against the enemy in a compact body, and 
 drove them back; and, when they were put to flight, the 
 archers were surrounded and cut to pieces. In other parts,
 
 CHAP. LXXZH. THE GALLIC WAR 211 
 
 likewise, our men pursued to the camp the retreating enemy, 
 and did not give them an opportunity of rallying. But those 
 who had come forth from Alesia returned into the town dejected 
 and almost despairing of success. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXI. The Gauls, after the interval of a day, 
 and after making, during that time, an immense number of 
 hurdles, scaling-ladders, and iron hooks, silently went forth 
 from the camp at midnight and approached the fortifications 
 in the plain. Raising a shout suddenly, that by this intima- 
 tion those who were beseiged in the town might learn their 
 arrival, they began to cast down hurdles and dislodge our 
 men from the rampart by slings, arrows, and stones, and 
 executed the other movements which are requisite in storming. 
 At the same time, Vercingetorix, having heard the shout, 
 gives the signal to his troops by a trumpet, and leads them 
 forth from the town. Our troops, as each man's post had 
 been assigned him some days before, man the fortifications; 
 they intimidate the Gauls by slings, large stones, stakes which 
 they had placed along the works, and bullets. All view 
 being prevented by the darkness, many wounds are received 
 on both sides ; several missiles, are thrown from the engines. 
 But Marcus Antonius, and Caius Trebonius, the lieutenants, to 
 whom the defense of these parts had been allotted, draughted 
 troops from the redoubts which were more remote, and sent 
 them to aid our troops, in whatever direction they understood 
 that they were hard pressed. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXII. While the Gauls were at a distance 
 from the fortification, they did more execution, owing to the 
 immense number of their weapons : after they came nearer, 
 they either unawares empaled themselves on the spurs, 1 or 
 were pierced by the mural darts from the ramparts and towers, 
 and thus perished. After receiving many wounds on all sides, 
 and having forced no part of the works, when day drew nigh, 
 fearing lest they should be surrounded by a sally made from 
 the higher camp on the exposed flank, they retreated to their 
 countrymen. But those within, while they bring forward 
 those things which had been prepared by Vercingetorix for a 
 sally, fill up the nearest trenches ; having delayed a long time 
 in executing these movements, they learned the retreat 
 
 1 Csesar, at the end of the seventy-third chapter, explains "what these 
 were.
 
 212 CJSSAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK vn. 
 
 of their countrymen before they drew nigh, to the fortifications. 
 Thus they returned to the town without accomplishing their 
 object. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXIIt. The Gauls, having been twice repulsed 
 with great loss, consult what they should do ; they avail them- 
 selves of the information of those who were well acquainted 
 with the country ; from them they ascertain the position and 
 fortification of the upper camp. There was, on the north side, 
 a hill, which our men could not include in their works, on 
 account of the extent of the circuit, and had necessarily made 
 their camp in ground almost disadvantageous, and pretty steep. 
 Caius Antistius Reginus, and Caius Caninius Rebilus, two of 
 the lieutenants, with two legions, were in possession of this camp. 
 The leaders of the enemy, having reconnoitered the country by 
 their scouts, select from the entire army sixty thousand men, 
 belonging to those states, which bear the highest character 
 for courage ; they privately arrange among themselves what 
 they wished to be done, and in what manner ; they decide that 
 the attack should take place when it should seem to be noon. 
 They appoint over their forces Vergasillaunus, the Arvernian, 
 one of the four generals, and a near relative of Vercingetorix. 
 He, having issued from the camp at the first watch, and having 
 almost completed his march a little before the dawn, hid him- 
 self behind the mountain, and ordered his soldiers to refresh 
 themselves after their labor during the night. When noon 
 now seemed to draw nigh, he marched hastily against that 
 camp which we have mentioned before ; and, at the same 
 time, the cavalry began to approach the fortifications in the 
 plain, and the rest of the forces to make a demonstrationf in front 
 of the camp. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXIV. Vercingetorix, having beheld his country- 
 men from the citadel of Alesia, issues forth from the town ; he 
 brings forth from the camp long hooks, movable pent-houses, 
 mural hooks, and other things, which he had prepared for the 
 purpose of making a sally. They engage on all sides at once 
 and every expedient is adopted. They flocked to whatever part 
 of the works seemed weakest. The army of the Romans is dis- 
 tributed along their extensive lines, and with difficulty meets 
 the enemy in every quarter. The shouts which were raised by 
 the combatants in their rear, had a great tendency to intimidate 
 our men, because they perceived that their danger rested on tho
 
 CHAP. T.TTTVTT. THE GALLIC "WAB. 213 
 
 valor of others : for generally all evils which are distant most 
 powerfully alarm men's minds. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXV. Caesar, having selected a commanding 
 situation, sees distinctly whatever is going on in every quarter, 
 and sends assistance to his troops when hard pressed. The idea 
 uppermost in the minds of both parties is, that the present is 
 the time in which they would have the fairest opportunity of 
 making a struggle ; the Gauls despairing of all safety, unless 
 they should succeed in forcing the lines : the Romans expecting 
 an end to all their labors if they should gain the day. The 
 principal struggle is at the upper lines, to which as we have said 
 Vergasillaunus was sent. The least elevation of ground, 
 added to a declivity, exercises a momentous influence. Some 
 are casting missiles, others, forming a testudo, advance to the 
 attack ; fresh men - by turns relieve the wearied. The earth, 
 heaped up by all against the fortifications, gives the means 
 of ascent to the Gauls, and covers those works which the 
 Romans had concealed in the ground. Our men have no longer 
 arms or strength. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXVI. Caesar, on observing these movements, 
 sends Labienus with six cohorts to relieve his distressed 
 soldiers : he orders him, if he should be unable to withstand 
 them, to draw off the cohorts and make a sally ; but not to do 
 this except through necessity. He himself goes to the rest, 
 and exhorts them not to succumb to the toil ; he shows them 
 that the fruits of all former engagements depend on that day 
 and hour. The Gauls within, despairing of forcing the fortifi- 
 cations in the plains on account of the greatness of the works, 
 attempt the places precipitous in ascent : hither %ey bring 
 the engines which they had prepared; by the immense 
 number of their missiles they dislodge the defenders from the 
 turrets : they fill the ditches with clay and hurdles, then clear 
 the way ; they tear down the rampart and breast-work with 
 hooks. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXVII. Caesar sends at first young Brutus, 
 with six cohorts, and afterward Caius Fabius, his lieutenant, 
 with seven others : finally, as they fought more obstinately, he 
 leads up fresh men to the assistance of his soldiers. After re- 
 newing the action, and repulsing the enemy, he marches in the 
 direction in which he had sent Labienus, drafts four cohorts 
 from the nearest redoubt, and orders part of the cavalry to fol-
 
 214 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK vn. 
 
 low him, and part to make the circuit of the external fortifica- 
 tions and attack the enemy in the rear. Labienus, when neither 
 the ramparts or ditches could check the onset of the enemy, in- 
 forms Caesar by messengers of what he intended to do. Caesar 
 hastens to share in the action. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXVIII. His arrival being known from the 
 color of his robe, 1 and the troops of cavalry, and the cohorts 
 which he had ordered to follow him being seen, as these low 
 and sloping grounds were plainly visible from the eminences, 
 the enemy join battle. A shout being raised by both sides, it was 
 succeeded by a general shout along the ramparts and whole line 
 of fortifications. Our troops, laying aside their javelins, carry 
 on the engagement with their swords. The cavalry is sud- 
 denly seen in the rear of the Gauls; the other cohorts advance 
 rapidly ; the enemy turn their backs ; the cavalry intercept 
 them in their flight, and a great slaughter ensues. Sedulius the 
 general and chief of the Lemovices is slain ; Vergasillaunus, the 
 Arvernian, is taken alive in the flight, seventy-four military 
 standards are brought to Caesar, and few out of so great a num- 
 ber return safe to their camp. The besieged, beholding from the 
 town the slaughter and flight of their countrymen, despairing of 
 safety, lead back their troops from the fortifications.' A flight 
 of the Gauls from their camp immediately ensues on hearing 
 of this disaster, and had not the soldiers been wearied by send- 
 ing frequent reinforcements, and the labor of the entire day, 
 all the enemy's forces could have been destroyed. Immediately 
 after midnight, the cavalry are sent out and overtake the rear, 
 a great number are taken or cut to pieces, the rest by flight 
 escape in different directions to their respective states. Vercin- 
 getorix, having convened a council the following day, declares, 
 " That he had undertaken that war, not on account of his own 
 exigences, but on account of the general freedom ; and since he 
 must yield to fortune, he offered himself to them for either pur- 
 pose, whether they should wish to atone to the Romans by his 
 death, or surrender him alive. Embassadors are sent to Caesar 
 
 1 The Roman generals usually wore a white or purple robe (paluda- 
 mentum) over their armor. "We find in Valerius Maximua the following 
 allusion to the color of the robe: "Crassus was about to lead his army 
 from Carras against the Parthians. A dark-colored military robe was 
 given him, although a white or purple robe was usually given to the 
 generals going forth to tho field of battle."
 
 CHAP. xo. THE GALLIC WAR. 215 
 
 on this subject. He orders their arms to be surrendered, and 
 their chieftains delivered up. He seated himself at the head of 
 the lines in front of the camp, the Gallic chieftains are brought 
 before him. They surrender Vercingetorix, 1 and lay down their 
 arms. Reserving the ^Edui and Arverni, [to try] if he could 
 gain over, through their influence, their respective states, he dis- 
 tributes one of the remaining captives to each soldier, through- 
 out the entire army, as plunder. 
 
 CHAP. XC. After making these arrangements, he marches 
 into the [country of the] ^Edui, and recovers that state. To 
 this place embassadors are sent by the Arveni, who promise 
 that they will execute his commands. He demands a great 
 number of hostages. He sends the legions to winter-quarters ; 
 he restores about twenty thousand captives to the JEdui and 
 Arverni ; he orders Titus Labienus to march into the [country 
 of the] Sequani with two legions and the cavalry, and to him he 
 attaches Marcus Sempronius Rutilus; he places Caius Fabius, 
 and Lucius Minucius Basilus, with two legions in the country 
 of the Remi, lest they should sustain any loss from the Bellovaci 
 in their neighborhood. He sends Caius Antistius Reginus into 
 the [country of the] Ambivareti, Titus Sextius into the territories 
 of the Bituriges, and Caius Caninius Rebilus into those of the 
 Ruteni, with one legion each. He stations Quintus Tullius 
 Cicero, and Publius Sulpicius among the ^Edui at Cabillo and 
 Matisco on the Saone, to procure supplies of corn. He himself 
 determines to winter at Bibracte. A supplication of twenty days 
 is decreed by the senate at Rome, on learning these successes 
 from Caesar's dispatches. 
 
 1 According to Plutarch the Gallic chief arrayed himself in his most 
 splendid armor, and having caparisoned his horse, sallied out from the 
 gates of the town. After he had taken some circuits around Caesar, as 
 the latter was sitting in his tribunal, he dismounted, put off his armor, and 
 seated himself at the feet of the Roman general. There he remained in 
 silence until Caesar ordered him to be taken away and reserved for his 
 triumph. Dion Cassius states that he relied on Caesar's former friendship 
 for forgiveness. This reliance, however, proved unavailing ; since, after 
 having been led in triumph at Borne, he was put to death in prison.
 
 BOOK VIII. 
 
 WRITTEN BY AULUS HIKTIUS. 1 
 
 THE ARGUMENT. 
 
 I. Disturbances in Gaul. III. The Biturigea compelled to give hostages. 
 IV. The Carnutes obliged to disperse. VII. Caesar marches against 
 the Bellovaci, XV. And compels them to retreat. XVIII. They lie 
 in ambush for the Romans ; but are defeated with great loss. XXIII. 
 And give hostages. XXVI. Dumnacus besieges Limonum, XXIX. 
 But is obliged to raise the siege, and loses his baggage. XXXI. The 
 Carnutes and states called Armoricae submit to Fabius. XXXVI. 
 Drapes is taken prisoner by Caninius. XL. Caesar ajad Caninius invest 
 Uxellodunum. XLIV. The town is taken, and the inhabitants treated 
 with extraordinary severity. XLV. Labienus's success against tho 
 Treviri. XLVIII. Comius surrenders to Antony. L. Caesar goes to 
 Italy, and is most honorably received. LII. He discovers the designs 
 of his enemies. LV. And sets out again for Italy. 
 
 AULUS HIRTIUS S PREFACE. 
 
 PREVAILED "on by your continued solicitations, Balbus, I 
 have engaged in a most difficult task, as my daily refusals 
 appear to plead not my inability, but indolence, as an ex- 
 cuse. I have compiled a continuation of the Commentaries 
 of our Caesar's Wars in Gaul, not indeed to be compared to his 
 writings, which either precede or follow them ; and recently, I 
 have completed what he left imperfect after the transactions in 
 Alexandria, to the end, not indeed of the civil broils, to which 
 
 1 "We learn from Suetonius, in the life of Caesar, that there was even 
 in his time a doubt about the writer of this book: his words are, "For 
 the author of the Alexandrian, African, and Spanish wars, has not been 
 ascertained, since some think it was Oppius, others Hirtius, who also 
 wrote a supplement to the last and unfinished book of the Gallic war." 
 Many editors have attributed it to a certain Hirtius Pansa: but there 
 can be no doubt that Hirtius and Pansa were quite different individuals. 
 The mistake appears to have originated in the error of some of the libra- 
 rians (a class of men whose services to Belles Lettres have been repaid 
 by charging them with the corruption of the different texts which they 
 transcribed), who from the circumstance of Aulus Hirtius and Caius 
 Vibius Pansa being associated in the consulate, A.U.C. 710, fell into the 
 error of supposing them the same individual.
 
 CHAP? i. THE GALLIC WAR. 217 
 
 we see no issue, but of Caesar's life. I wish that those who may 
 read them could know how unwillingly I undertook to write 
 them, as then I might the more readily escape the imputation 
 of folly and arrogance, in presuming to intrude among Caesar's 
 writings. For it is agreed on all hands, that no composition 
 was ever executed with so great care, that it is not exceeded 
 in elegance by these Commentaries, which were published for 
 the use of historians, that they might not want memoirs of 
 such achievements ; and they stand so high in the esteem of 
 all men, that historians seem rather deprived of, than fur- 
 nished with material. At which we have more reason to be 
 surprised than other men ; for they can only appreciate the 
 elegance and correctness with which he finished them, while 
 we know with what ease and expediton. Caesar possessed 
 not only an uncommon flow of language and elegance of 
 style, but also a thorough knowledge of the method of con- 
 veying his ideas. But I had not even the good fortune to 
 share in the Alexandrian or African war ; and though these 
 were partly communicated to me by Caesar himself, in con- 
 versation, yet we listen with a different degree of attention to 
 those things which strike us with admiration by their novelty, 
 and those which we design to attest to posterity. But, in truth, 
 while I urge every apology, that I may not be compared to 
 Caesar, I incur the charge of vanity, by thinking it possible that 
 I can in the judgment of any one be put in competition with 
 him. Farewell. 
 
 CHAP. I. Gaul being entirely reduced, when Caesar having 
 waged war incessantly during the former summer, wished to 
 recruit his soldiers after so much fatigue, by repose in winter 
 quarters, news was brought him that several states were simul- 
 taneously renewing their hostile intention, and forming com- 
 binations. For which a probable reason was assigned : namely, 
 that the Gauls were convinced that they were not able to 
 resist the Romans, with any force they could collect in one 
 place ; and hoped that if several states made war in different 
 places at the same time, the Roman army would neither have 
 aid, nor time, nor forces, to prosecute them all : nor ought any 
 single state to decline any inconveniences that might befall 
 them, provided that by such delay, the rest should be enabled 
 to assert their liberty. 
 
 10
 
 218 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOKVIH. 
 
 CHAP. II. That this notion might not bo confirmed among 
 the Gauls, Caesar left Marcus Antonius, 1 his quaestor, in charge 
 of his quarters, and set out himself with a guard of horse, 2 the 
 day before the kalends of January, from the town Bibracte, 
 to the thirteenth legion, which he had stationed in the country 
 of the Bituriges, not far from the territories of the .JSdui, and 
 joined to it the eleventh legion which was next it. Leaving 
 two cohorts to guard the baggage, he leads the rest of his army 
 into the most plentiful part of the country of the Bituriges ; 
 who, possessing an extensive territory and several towns, were 
 not to be deterred, by a single legion quartered among them, 
 from making warlike preparation, and forming combinations. 
 
 CHAP. III. By Caesar's sudden arrival, it happened, as it 
 necessarily must, to an unprovided and dispersed people, that 
 they were surprised by our horse, while cultivating the fields 
 without any apprehensions, before they had time to fly to their 
 towns. For the usual sign of an enemy's invasion, which is 
 generally intimated by the burning of their towns, was forbid- 
 den by Caesar's orders ; lest if he advanced far, forage and corn 
 should become scarce, or the enemy be warned by the fires to 
 make their escape. Many thousands being taken, as many of 
 the Bituriges as were able to escape the first coming of the 
 Romans, fled to the neighboring states, relying either on private 
 friendship, or public alliance. In vain ; for Caesar, by hasty 
 marches, anticipated them in every place, nor did he allow any 
 state leisure to consider the safety of others, in preference to 
 their own. By this activity, he both retained his friends in 
 their loyalty, and by fear, obliged the wavering to accept offers 
 of peace. Such offers being made to the Bituriges, when they 
 perceived that through Caesar's clemency, an avenue was open 
 to his friendship, and that the neighboring states had given 
 hostages, without incurring any punishment, and had been 
 received under his protection, they did the same. 
 
 CHAP. IV. Caesar promises his soldiers, as a reward for 
 their labor and patience, in cheerfully submitting to hardships 
 from the severity of the winter, the difficulty of the roads, and 
 the intolerable cold, two hundred sestertii each, and to every cen- 
 turian two thousand, to be given instead of plunder ; and send 
 
 1 So familiar to the reader of Shakespeare as Mark Antony. 
 The 30th of December.
 
 CHAP. VL THE GALLIC WAR. 219 
 
 ing his legions back to quarters, he himself returned on the 
 fortieth day to Bibracte. While he was dispensing justice 
 there, the Biturgies send embassadors to him, to entreat his aid 
 against the Carnutes, who they complained had made war against 
 them. Upon this intelligence, though he had not remained 
 more than eighteen days in winter quarters, he draws the 
 fourteenth and sixth legion out of quarters on the Saone, where 
 ho had posted them as mentioned in a former Commentary, 
 to procure supplies of corn. With these two legions he 
 marches in pursuit of the Carnutes. 
 
 CHAP. V. When the news of the approach of our army 
 reached the enemy, the Carnutes, terrified by the suffering of 
 other states, deserted their villages and towns (which were 
 small buildings, raised in a hurry, to meet the immediate 
 necessity, in which they lived to shelter themselves against the 
 winter, for, being lately conquered, they had lost several 
 towns), and dispersed and fled. Cffisar, unwilling to expose 
 his soldiers to the violent storms that break out, especially 
 at that season, took up his quarters at Genabum, a town 
 of the Carnutes ; and lodged his men in houses, partly belong- 
 ing to the Gauls, and partly built to shelter the tents, and 
 hastily covered with thatch. But the horse and auxiliaries 
 he sends to all parts to which he was told the enemy had 
 marched ; and not without effect, as our men generally 
 returned loaded with booty. The Carnutes, overpowered by 
 the severity of the winter, and the fear of danger, and not 
 daring to continue long in any place, as they were driven 
 from their houses, and not finding sufficient protection in 
 the woods, from the violence of the storms, after losing a 
 considerable number of their men, disperse, and take refuge 
 among the neighboring states. 
 
 CHAP. VI. Caesar, being contented, at so severe a season, 
 to t disperse the gathering foes, and prevent any new war from 
 breaking out, and being convinced, as /ar as reason could 
 foresee, that no war of consequence could be set on foot in the 
 summer campaign, stationed Caius Trebonius, with the two 
 legions which he had with him, in quarters at Genabum : and 
 being informed by frequent embassies from the Remi, that the 
 Bellovaci (who exceed all the Gauls and Belgae in military 
 prowess), and the neighboring states, headed by Correus, one 
 of the Bellovaci, and Comius, the Atrebatian, were raising an
 
 220 (LESAB'S COMMENTARIES. BOOKVIIL 
 
 army, and assembling at a general rendezvous, designing with 
 their united forces to invade the territories of the Suessiones, 
 who were put under the patronage of the Remi : and moreover, 
 considering that not only his honor, but his interest was con- 
 cerned, that such of his allies, as deserved well of the republic, 
 should suffer no calamity ; he again draws the eleventh legion 
 out of quarters, and writes besides to Caius Fabius, to march 
 with his two legions to the country of the Suessiones ; and he 
 sends to Trebonius for one of his two legions. Thus, as far as 
 the convenience of the quarters, and the management of the 
 war admitted, he laid the burden of the expedition on the 
 legions by turns, without any intermission to his own toils. 
 
 CHAP. VII. As soon as his troops were collected, he 
 marched against the Bellovaci : and pitching his camp in their 
 territories, detached troops of horse all round the country, 
 to take prisoners, from whom he might learn the enemy's 
 plan. The horse, having executed his orders, bring him 
 back word, that but few were found in the houses : and that 
 even these had not stayed at home to cultivate their lands (for 
 the emigration was general from all parts) but had been sent 
 back to watch our motions. Upon Caesar's inquiring from 
 them, where the main body of the Bellovaci were posted, and 
 what was their design : they made answer, " that all the 
 Bellovaci, fit for carrying arms, had assembled in one place, 
 and along with them the Ambiani, Aulerci, Caletes, Velo 
 casses, and Atrebates, and that they had chosen for their camp, 
 an elevated position, surrounded by a dangerous morass : 
 that they had conveyed all their baggage into the most remote 
 woods : that several noblemen were united in the management 
 of the war; but that the people were most inclined to be 
 governed by Correus, because they knew that he had the 
 strongest aversion to the name of the Roman people : that a 
 few days before Comius had left the camp to engage the 
 Germans to their aid whose nation bordered on theirs, and 
 whose numbers were countless : that the Bellovaci had come to 
 a resolution, with the consent of all the generals and the 
 earnest desire of the people, if Caesar should come with only 
 three legions, as was reported, to give him battle, that they 
 might not be obliged to encounter his whole army on a future 
 occasion, when they should be in a more wretched and 
 distressed condition ; but if he brought a stronger force, they
 
 CHAP. ix. THE GALLIC WAR. 221 
 
 intended to remain in the position they had chosen, and by 
 ambuscade to prevent the Romans from getting forage (which 
 at that season was both scarce and much scattered), corn, 
 ami other necessaries." 
 
 CHAP. Vm. When Caesar was convinced of the truth of 
 this account from the concurring testimony of several persons, 
 and perceived that the plans which were proposed were full of 
 prudence, and very unlike the rash resolves of a barbarous people, 
 he considered it incumbent on him to use every exertion, in 
 order that the enemy might despise his small force and come 
 to an action. For he had three veteran legions of distinguished 
 valor, the seventh, eighth and ninth. The eleventh consisted 
 of chosen youth of great hopes, who had served eight campaigns, 
 but who, compared with the others, had not yet acquired any 
 great reputation for experience and valor. Calling therefore 
 a council, and laying before it the intelligence which he had 
 received, he encouraged his soldiers. In order if possible to 
 entice the enemy to an engagement by the appearance of only 
 three legions, he ranged his army in the following manner, 
 that the seventh, eighth, and ninth legions should march 
 before all the baggage; that then the eleventh should bring 
 up the rear of the whole train of baggage .(which however 
 was but small, as is usual on such expeditions), so that the 
 enemy could not get a sight of a greater number than they 
 themselves were willing to encounter. By this disposition he 
 formed his army almost into a square, and brought them 
 within sight of the enemy sooner than was anticipated. 
 
 CHAP. IX. When the Gauls, whose bold resolutions had 
 been reported to Caesar, saw the legions advance with a regular 
 motion, drawn up in battle array; either from the danger 
 of an engagement, or our sudden approach, or with the design 
 of watching our movements, they drew up their forces before 
 the camp, and did not quit the rising ground. Though Caesar 
 wished to bring them to battle, yet being surprised to see so 
 vast a host of the enemy, he encamped opposite to them, with 
 a valley between them, deep rather than extensive. He 
 ordered his camp to be fortified with a rampart twelve feet 
 high, with breastworks built on it proportioned to its height ; 
 and two trenches, each fifteen feet broad, with perpendicular 
 sides to be sunk : likewise several turrets, three stories high, to 
 be raised, with a communication to each other by galleries laid
 
 222 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK Tin. 
 
 across and covered over ; which should be guarded in front by 
 small parapets of osiers ; that the enemy might be repulsed 
 by two rows of soldiers. The one of whom, being more secure 
 from danger by their height might throw their darts with more 
 daring and to a greater distance ; the other which was nearer 
 the enemy, being stationed on the rampart, would-be protected 
 by their galleries from darts falling on their heads. At the 
 entrance he erected gates and turrets of a considerable height. 
 
 CHAP. X. Caesar had a double design in this fortification ; for 
 he both hoped that the strength of his works, and his [apparent] 
 fears would raise confidence in the barbarians ; and when there 
 should be occasion to make a distant excursion to get forage 
 or corn, he saw that his camp would be secured by the works 
 with a very small force. In the mean time there were frequent 
 skirmishes across the marsh, a few on both sides sallying out 
 between the two camps. Sometimes, however, our Gallic or 
 German auxiliaries crossed the marsh, and furiously pursued 
 the enemy ; or on the other hand the enemy passed it and beat 
 back our men. Moreover there happened in the course of our 
 daily foraging, what must of necessity happen, when corn is to 
 be collected by a few scattered men out of private houses, that 
 our foragers dispersing in an intricate country were surrounded 
 by the enemy ; by which, though we suffered but an incon- 
 siderable loss of cattle and servants, yet it raised foolish hopes 
 in the barbarians ; but more especially, because Comius, who 
 I said had gone to get aid from the Germans, returned with 
 some cavalry, and though the Germans were only 500, yet the 
 barbarians were elated by their arrival. 
 
 CHAP. XI. Cassar, observing that the enemy kept for several 
 days within their camp, which was well secured by a morass 
 and its natural situation, and that it could not be assaulted 
 without a dangerous engagement, nor the place inclosed with 
 lines without an addition to his army, wrote to Trebonius to 
 send with all dispatch for the thirteenth legion which was in 
 winter quarters among the Bituriges under Titus Sextius, one of 
 his lieutenants ; and then to come to him by forced marches with 
 the three legions. He himself sent the cavalry of the Remi, 
 and langones, and other states, from whom he had required 
 a vast number, to guard his foraging parties, and to support 
 them in case of any sudden attack of the enemy. 
 
 CHAP. XIT. As this continued for several days, and their
 
 CHAP. HT. THE GALLIC WAR. 223 
 
 vigilance was relaxed by custom (an effect which is generally 
 produced by time), the Bellovaci, having made themselves 
 acquainted with the daily stations of our horse, lie in ambush 
 with a select body of foot in a place covered with woods ; to it 
 they sent their horse the next day, who were first to decoy our 
 men into the ambuscade, and then when they were surrounded, 
 to attack them. It was the lot of the Remi to fell into this 
 snare, to whom that day had been allotted to perform this duty ; 
 for, having suddenly got sight of the enemy's cavalry, and des- 
 pising their weakness, in consequence of their superior num- 
 bers, they pursued them too eagerly, and were surrounded on 
 every side by the foot Being by this means thrown into dis- 
 order they returned with more precipitation than is usual in 
 cavalry actions, with the loss of Vertiscus the governor of their 
 state, and the general of their horse, who, though scarcely able 
 to sit on horseback through years, neither, in accordance with 
 the custom of the Gauls, pleaded his age in excuse for not ac- 
 cepting the command, nor would he suffer them to fight without 
 him. The spirits of the barbarians were puffed up, and inflated 
 at the success of this battle, in killing the prince, and general 
 of the Remi ; and our men were taught by this loss, to examine 
 the country, and post their guards with more caution, and to 
 be more moderate in pursuing a retreating enemy. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. In the mean time daily skirmishes take place 
 continually in view of both camps ; these were fought at the 
 ford and pass of the morass. In one of these contests the 
 Germans, whom Caesar had brought over the Rhine, to fight, 
 intermixed with the horse, having resolutely crossed the marsh, 
 and slain the few who made resistance, and boldly pursued 
 the rest, so terrified them, that not^ only those who were 
 attacked hand to hand, or wounded at a distance, but even 
 those who were stationed at a greater distance to support 
 them, fled disgracefully; and being often beaten from the 
 rising grounds, did not stop till they had retired into their 
 camp, or some, impelled by fear, had fled further. Their 
 danger threw their whole army into such confusion, that it was 
 difficult to judge whether they were more insolent after a slight 
 advantage, or more dejected by a trifling calamity. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. After spending several days in the same camp, 
 the guards of the Bellovaci, learning that Caius Trebonius was 
 advancing nearer with his legions, and fearing a siege like
 
 224 OESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK VIIL 
 
 that of Alesia, send off by night all who were disabled by age or 
 infirmity, or unarmed, and along with them their whole 
 baggage. While they are preparing their disorderly and 
 confused troop for march (for the Gauls are always attended 
 by a vast multitude of wagons, even when they have very 
 light baggage), being overtaken by day-light, they drew 
 their forces out before their camp, to prevent the Romans 
 attempting a pursuit before the line of their baggage had 
 advanced to a considerable distance. But CaBsar did not 
 think it prudent to attack them when standing on their 
 defense, with such a steep hill in their favor, nor keep his 
 legions at such a distance that they could quit their post 
 without danger: but, perceiving that his camp was divided 
 from the enemy's by a deep morass, so difficult to cross that 
 he could not pursue with expedition, and that the hill beyond 
 the morass, which extended almost to the enemy's camp, was 
 separated from it only by a small valley, he laid a bridge over 
 the morass and led his army across, and soon reached the plain 
 on the top of the hill, which was fortified on either side by a 
 steep ascent. Having there drawn up his army in order of 
 battle, he marched to the furthest hill, from which he could, 
 with his engines, shower darts upon the thickest of the enemy. 
 CHAP. XV. The Gauls, confiding in the natural strength of 
 their position, though they would not decline an engagement if 
 the Romans attempted to ascend the hill, yet dared not divide 
 their forces into small parties, lest they should be thrown into 
 disorder by being dispersed, and therefore remained in order 
 of battle. CaBsar, perceiving that they persisted in their resolu- 
 tion, kept twenty cohorts in battle array, and, measuring out 
 ground there for a camp, ordered it to be fortified. Having 
 completed his works, he drew up his legions before the rampart 
 and stationed the cavalry in certain positions, with their horses 
 bridled. When the Bellovaci saw the Romans prepared to 
 pursue them, and that they could not wait the whole night, 
 or continue longer in the same place without provisions, they 
 formed the following plan to secure a retreat. They handed 
 to one another the bundles of straw and sticks on which 
 they sat (for it is the custom of the Gauls to sit when drawn 
 up in order of battle, as has been asserted in former com- 
 mentaries), of which they had great plenty in their camp, 
 and piled them in the front of their line ; and at the close of
 
 CHAP. xvm. THE GALLIC WAR. 225 
 
 the day, on a certain signal, set them all on fire at one and the 
 same time. The continued blaze soon screened all their forces 
 from the sight of the Romans, which no sooner happened than 
 the barbarians fled with the greatest precipitation. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. Though Caesar could not perceive the retreat 
 - of the enemy for the intervention of the fire, yet, suspecting 
 that they had adopted that method to favor their escape, he 
 made his legions advance, and sent a party of horse to pursue 
 them ; but, apprehensive of an ambuscade, and that the enemy 
 might remain 'in the same .place and endeavor to draw our 
 men into a disadvantageous situation, he advances himself but 
 slowly. The horse, being afraid to venture into the smoke 
 and dense line of flame, and those who were bold enough to 
 attempt it being scarcely able to see their horse's heads, gave 
 the enemy free liberty to retreat, through fear of an ambuscade. 
 Thus by a flight, full at once of cowardice and address, they 
 advanced without any loss about ten miles, and encamped in 
 a very strong position. From which, laying numerous ambus- 
 cades, both of norse and foot, they did considerable damage to 
 the Roman foragers. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. After this had happened several times, Caesar 
 discovered from a certain prisoner, that Correus, the general 
 of the Bellovaci, had selected six thousand of his bravest foot 
 and a thousand horse, with which he designed to lie in ambush 
 in a place to which he suspected the Romans would send to 
 look for forage, on account of the abundance of corn and grass. 
 Upon receiving information of their design Caesar drew out 
 more legions than he usually did, and sent forward his cavalry 
 as usual, to protect the foragers. With these he intermixed a 
 guard of light infantry, and himself advanced with the legions 
 as fast as he could. 
 
 CHAP. XVin. The Gauls, placed in ambush, had chosen 
 for the seat of action a level piece of ground, not more than a 
 mile in extent, inclosed on every side by a thick wood or a 
 very deep river, as by a toil, and this they surrounded. Our 
 men, apprised of the enemy's design, marched in good order to 
 the ground, ready both in heart and hand to give battle, and 
 willing to hazard any engagement when the legions were at 
 their back. On their approach, as Correus supposed that he 
 had got an opportunity of effecting his purpose, he at first 
 shows himself with a small party and attacks the foremost 
 
 10*
 
 226 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BoOKvm. 
 
 troops. Our men resolutely stood the charge, and did not 
 crowd together in one place,. as commonly happens from sur- 
 prise in engagements between the horse, whose numbers prove 
 injurious to themselves. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. When by the judicious arrangement of our 
 forces only a few of OUT men fought by turns, and did not suffer 
 themselves to be surrounded, the rest of the enemy broke out 
 from the woods while Correus was engaged. The battle was 
 maintained in different parts with great vigor, and continued 
 for a long time undecided, till at length a body of foot gradually 
 advanced from the woods in order of battle and forced our horse 
 to give ground : the light infantry, which were sent before the 
 legions to the assistance of the cavalry, soon came up, and, 
 mixing with the horse, fought with great courage. The battle 
 was for some time doubtful, but, as usually happens, our men, 
 who stood the enemy's first charge, became superior from this 
 very circumstance that, though suddenly attacked from an am- 
 buscade, they had sustained no loss. In the mean time the legions 
 were approaching, and several messengers arrived with notice 
 to our men and the enemy that the [Roman] general was near 
 at hand, with his forces in battle array. Upon this intelligence, 
 our men, confiding in the support of the cohorts, fought most 
 resolutely, fearing, lest if they should be slow in their opera- 
 tions they should let the legions participate in the glory of the 
 conquest. The enemy lose courage and attempt to escape by 
 different ways. In vain ; for they were themselves entangled 
 in that labyrinth in which they thought to entrap the Romans. 
 Being defeated and put to the rout, and having lost the greater 
 part of their men, they fled in consternation whithersoever 
 chance carried them ; some sought the woods, others the river, 
 but were vigorously pursued by our men and put to the sword. 
 Yet, in the mean time, Correus, unconquered by calamity, could 
 not be prevailed on to quit the field and take refuge in the 
 woods, or accept our offers of quarter, but, fighting courageously 
 and wounding several, provoked our men, elated with victory, 
 to discharge their weapons against him. 
 
 CHAP. XX. After this transaction, Caesar, having come up 
 immediately after the battle, and imagining that the enemy, 
 upon receiving the news of so great a defeat, would be so 
 depressed that they would abandon their camp, which was not 
 above eight miles distant from the scene of action, though he
 
 CHAP. xxra. THE GALLIC WAR. 227 
 
 saw his passage obstructed by the river, yet he marched his 
 army over and advanced. But the Bellovaci and the other 
 states, being informed of the loss they had sustained by a few 
 wounded men who having escaped by the shelter of the woods, 
 had returned to them after the defeat, and learning that every 
 tiling had turned out unfavorable, that Correus was slain, and 
 the horse and most valiant of their foot cut off, imagined that 
 the Romans were marching against them, and calling a council 
 in haste by sound of trumpet, unanimously cry out to send em- 
 bassadors and hostages to Caesar. 
 
 CHAP. XXI. This proposal having met with general 
 approbation, Comius the Atrebatian fled to those Germans 
 from whom he had borrowed auxiliaries for that war. The rest 
 instantly send embassadors to Caesar; and requested that he 
 would be contented with that punishment of his enemy, which 
 if he had possessed the power to inflict on them before the en- 
 gagement, when they were yet uninjured, they were persuaded 
 from his usual clemency and mercy, he never would have in- 
 flicted ; that the power of the Bellovaci was crushed by the 
 cavalry action ; that many thousand of their choicest foot had 
 falln, that scarce a man had escaped to bring the fatal news. 
 That, however, the Bellovaci had derived from the battle one 
 advantage, of some importance, considering their loss ; that 
 Correus, the author of the rebellion, and agitator of the people, 
 was slain : for that while he li ved the senate had never equal 
 influence in the state with the giddy populace. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. Caesar reminded the embassadors who made 
 these supplications, that the Bellovaci had at the same season 
 the year before, in conjunction with other states of Gaul, 
 undertaken a war, and that they had persevered the most 
 obstinately of all in their purpose, and were not brought to a 
 proper way of thinking by the submission of the rest : that he 
 knew and was aware that the guilt of a crime was easily trans- 
 ferred to the dead ; but that no one person could have such in- 
 fluence, as to be able by the feeble support of the multitude to 
 raise a war and carry it on without the consent of the nobles, 
 in opposition to the senate, and in despite of every virtuous 
 man ; however he was satisfied with the punishment, which they 
 had drawn upon themselves. 
 
 CHAP. XXTTT. The night following llio embassadors bring 
 back his answer to their countrymen, and prepare the hostages.
 
 228 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK mi. 
 
 Embassadors flock in from the other states, which were wait- 
 ing for the issue of the [war with the] Bellovaci : they give 
 hostages, and receive his orders; all except Comius, whose 
 fears restrained him from intrusting his safety to any person's 
 honor. For the year before, while Caesar was holding the 
 assizes in Hither Gaul, Titus Labienus, having discovered that 
 Comius was tampering with the state, and raising a conspiracy 
 against Caesar, thought he might punish his infidelity without 
 perfidy ; but judging that he would hot come to his camp at 
 his invitation, and unwilling to put him on his guard by the 
 attempt, he sent Caius Volusenus Quadratus, with orders to 
 have him put to death under pretense of conference. To 
 effect his purpose, he sent with him some chosen centurions. 
 When they came to the conference, and Volusenus, as had 
 been agreed on, had taken hold of Comius- by the hand, and 
 one of the centurions, as if surprised at so uncommon an 
 incident, attempted to kill him, he was prevented by the friends 
 of Comius, but wounded him severely in the head by the first 
 blow. Swords were drawn on both sides, not so much with a 
 design to fight as to effect an escape, our men believing that 
 Comius had received a mortal stroke ; and the Gauls, from the 
 treachery which they had seen, dreading that a deeper design 
 lay concealed. Upon this transaction, it was said that Co- 
 mius made a resolution never to come within sight of any 
 Roman. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. When Caesar, having completely conquered 
 the most warlike nations, perceived that there was now no state 
 which could make preparations for war to oppose him, but that 
 some were removing and fleeing from their country to avoid 
 present subjection, he resolved to detach his army into different 
 parts of the country. He kept with himself Marcus Antonius 
 the quaestor, with the eleventh legion ; Caius Fabius was 
 detached with twenty-five cohorts into the remotest part of 
 Gaul, because it was rumored that some states had risen in 
 arms, and he did not think that Caius Caninius Rebilus, who 
 had the charge of that country, was strong enough to protect 
 it with two legions. He ordered Titus Labienus to attend 
 himself, and sent the twelfth legion which had been under him 
 in winter quarters, to Hither Gaul, to protect the Roman 
 colonies, and prevent any loss by the inroads of barbarians 
 similar to that which had happened the year before to tho
 
 CHAP, xxvi THE GALLIC "WAB. 229 
 
 Tergestines, 1 who were cut off by a sudden depredation and 
 attack. He himself marched to depopulate the country of 
 Ambiorix, whom he had terrified and forced to fly, but despaired 
 of being able to reduce under his power ; but he thought it 
 most consistent with his honor to waste his country both of 
 inhabitants, cattle, and buildings, so that from the abhorrence 
 of his countrymen, if fortune suffered any to survive, he might 
 be excluded from a return to his state for the calamities which 
 he had brought on it. 
 
 CHAP. XXV. After he had sent either his legions or aux- 
 iliaries through every part of Ambiorix's dominions, and wasted 
 the whole country by sword, fire, and rapine, and had killed or 
 taken prodigious numbers, he sent Labienus with two legions 
 against the Treviri, whose state, from its vicinity to Germany, 
 being engaged in constant war, differed but little from the 
 Germans, in civilization and savage barbarity ; and never 
 continued in its allegiance, except when awed by the presence 
 of his army. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. In the mean time Caius Caninius, a lieu- 
 tenant, having received information by letters and messages 
 from Duracius, who had always continued in friendship to the 
 Roman people, though a part of his state had revolted, that a 
 great multitude of the enemy were in arms in the country of 
 the Pictones, marched to the town Limonum. 1 When he was 
 approaching it, he was informed by some prisoners, that 
 Duracius was shut up by several thousand men, under the com- 
 mand of Dumnacus, general of the Andes, and that Limonum 
 was besieged, but not daring to face the enemy with his weak 
 legions, he encamped in a strong position : Dumnacus, having 
 notice of Caninius's approach, turned his whole force against 
 the legions, and prepared to assault the Roman camp. But 
 after spending several days in the attempt, and losing a 
 considerable number of men, without being able to make a 
 breach in any part of the works, he returned again to the siege 
 of Limonum. 
 
 1 The inhabitants of Tergeste, Trieste, a Roman colony on the confines 
 of Istria and the Carni. 
 
 2 Limonum, called also Pictavi, modern Poictiers, the chief city of the 
 Pictones, or Pictavi, a peaceful and extensive tribe, hi the north of Aqui- 
 tania Secunda, lying close to the mouth and along the south bank of the 
 Loire.
 
 230 OESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK vin, 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. At the same time, Caius Fabius, a lieuten- 
 ant, Brings back many states to their allegiance, and confirms 
 their submission by taking hostages ; he was then informed by 
 letters from Caninius, of the proceedings among the Pictones. 
 Upon which he set off to bring assistance to Duracius. But 
 Dumnacus, hearing of the approch of Fabius, and despairing 
 of safety, if at the same time he should be forced to withstand 
 the Roman army without, and observe, and be under appre- 
 hension from the town's people, made a precipitate retreat 
 from that place with all his forces. Nor did he think that ho 
 should be sufficiently secure from danger, unless he led his 
 army across the Loire, which was too deep a river to pass 
 except by a bridge. Though Fabius had not yet come within 
 sight of the enemy, nor joined Caninius ; yet being informed 
 of the nature of the country, by persons acquainted with it, he 
 judged it most likely that the enemy would take that way, 
 which he found they did take. He therefore marched to that 
 bridge with his army, and ordered his cavalry to advance no 
 farther before the legions than that they could return to the 
 same camp at night, without fatiguing their horses. Our horse 
 pursued according to orders, and fell upon Dumnacus's rear 
 and attacking them on their march, while fleeing, dismayed, 
 and laden with baggage, they slew a great number, and took a 
 rich booty. Having executed the affair so successfully, they 
 retired to the camp. 
 
 CHAP. XXVni. The night following, Fabius sent his 
 horse before him, with orders to engage the enemy, and delay 
 their march till he himself should come up. That his orders 
 might be faithfully performed, Quintus Atius Varus, general of 
 the horse, a man of uncommon spirit and skill, encouraged 
 his men, and pursuing the enemy, disposed some of his troops 
 in convenient places, and with the rest gave battle to the 
 enemy. The enemy's cavalry made a bold stand, the foot 
 relieving each other, and making a general halt, to assist their 
 horse against ours. The battle was warmly contested. For 
 our men, despising the enemy whom they had conquered the 
 day before, and knowing that the legions were following them, 
 animated both by the disgrace of retreating, and a desire of con- 
 cluding the battle expeditiously by their own courage, fought 
 most valiantly against the foot : and the enemy, imagining 
 that no more forces would come against them, as they had
 
 CHAP. TOTT. THE GALLIC WAR. 231 
 
 experienced the day before, thought they had got a favorable 
 opportunity of destroying our whole cavalry. 
 
 CHAP. XXTX. After the conflict had continued for some 
 time "with great violence, Dumnacus drew out his army in such 
 a manner, that the foot should by turns assist the horse. 
 Then the legions, marching in close order, came suddenly in 
 sight of the enemy. At this sight, the barbarian horse were 
 so astonished, and the foot so terrified, that breaking through 
 the line of baggage, they betook themselves to flight with a 
 loud shout, and in great disorder. But our horse, who a little 
 before had vigorously engaged them, while they made resist- 
 ance, being elated with joy at their victory, raising a shout on 
 every side, poured round them as they ran, and as long as their 
 horses had strength to pursue, or their arms to give a blow, so 
 long did they continue the slaughter of the enemy in that 
 battle, and having killed above twelve thousand men in arms, 
 or such as threw away their arms through fear, they took their 
 whole train of baggage. 
 
 CHAP. XXX. After this defeat, when it was ascertained 
 that Drapes, a Senonian (who in the beginning of the revolt of 
 Gaul had collected from all quarters men of desperate fortunes, 
 invited the slaves to liberty, called in the exiles of the whole 
 kingdom, given an asylum to robbers, and intercepted the 
 Roman baggage and provisions), was marching to the province 
 with five thousand men, being all he could collect after the 
 defeat, and that Luterius a Cadurcian who, as it has been 
 observed in a former commentary, had designed to make an 
 attack on the Province in the first revolt of Gaul, had formed 
 a junction with him, Caius Caninius went in pursuit of them 
 with two legions, lest great disgrace might be incurred from the 
 fears or injuries done to the Province by the depredations of a 
 band of desperate men. 
 
 CHAP. XXXT. Caius Fabius set off with the rest of the 
 army to the Carnutes and those other states, whose force he was 
 informed, had served as auxiliaries in that battle, which he 
 fought against Dumnacus. For he had no doubt that they 
 would be more submissive after their recent sufferings, but if 
 respite and time were given them, they might be easily excited 
 by the earnest solicitations of the same Dumnacus. On this 
 occasion Fabius was extremely fortunate and expeditious in 
 recovering the states. For the Carnutes, who, though often
 
 232 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK vni. 
 
 harassed had never mentioned peace, submitted and gave 
 hostages : and the other states, which lie in the remotest parts 
 of Gaul, adjoining the ocean, and which are called Armoricae, 
 influenced by the example of the Carnutes, as soon as Fabius 
 arrived with his legions, without delay comply with his com- 
 mand. Dumnacus, expelled from his own territories, wander- 
 ing and skulking about, was forced to seek refuge by himself 
 in the most remote parts of Gaul. 
 
 CHAK, XXXII. But Drapes in conjunction with Luterius, 
 knowing that Caninius was at hand with the legions, and that 
 they themselves could not without certain destruction enter 
 the boundaries of the province, while an army was in pursuit 
 of them, and being no longer at liberty to roam up and down 
 and pillage, halt in the country of the Cadurci, as Luterius had 
 once in his prosperity possessed a powerful influence over the 
 inhabitants, who were his countrymen, and being always the 
 author of new projects, had considerable authority among the 
 barbarians ; with his own and Drapes' troops he seized Uxello- 
 dunum, 1 a town formerly in vassalage to him, and strongly for- 
 tified by its natural situation ; and prevailed on the inhabitants 
 to join him. 
 
 CHAP. XXXm. After Caninius had rapidly marched to 
 this place, and perceived that all parts of the town were secured 
 by very craggy rocks, which it would be difficult for men in arms 
 to climb even -if they met with no resistance ; and moreover, 
 observing that the town's people were possessed of effects, to 
 a considerable amount, and that if they attempted to convey 
 them away in a clandestine manner, they could not escape our 
 horse, or even our legions ; he divided his forces into three 
 parts, and pitched three camps on very high ground, with the 
 intention of drawing lines round the town by degrees, as his 
 forces could bear the fatigue. 
 
 CHAP. XXXTV. When the townsmen perceived his design, 
 being terrified by the recollection of the distress at Alesia, they 
 began to dread similar consequences from a siege ; and above 
 all Luterius, who had experienced that fatal event, cautioned 
 
 1 Uxellodunum, Le Puyd' Issolu, one of the principal towns of the 
 Cadurci : it was situated on the river Duranius, Dordogne, which enters 
 the Garonne below Bourdeaux, and was remarkable for the siege which 
 it sustained against Caesar, being the last place in Gaul, which held out 
 against him. Arrowsmith's Ancient Geography.
 
 CHAP, ixzvi. THE GALLIC WAR 233 
 
 them to make provisions of corn ; they therefore resolve by 
 general consent to leave part of their troops behind, and set out 
 with their light troops to bring in corn. The scheme having 
 met with approbation, the following night Drapes and Luterius 
 leaving two thousand men in the garrison, marched out of the 
 town with the rest. After a few days' stay in the country of the 
 Cadurci (some of whom were disposed to assist them with corn, 
 and others were unable to prevent their taking it) they collected. 
 a great store. Sometimes also attacks were made on our little 
 forts by sallies at night. For this reason Caninius deferred draw- 
 ing his works round the whole town, lest he should be unable 
 to protect them when completed, or by disposing his garrisons 
 in several places, should make them too weak. 
 
 CHAP. XXXV. Drapes and Luterius, having laid in a large 
 supply of corn, occupying a position at about ten miles distance 
 from the town, intending from it to convey the corn into the 
 town by degrees. They chose each his respective department. 
 Drapes stayed behind in the camp with part of the army to 
 protect it ; Luterius conveys the train with provisions into the 
 town. Accordingly, having disposed guards here and there 
 along the road, about the tenth hour of the night, he set out 
 by narrow paths through the woods, to fetch the corn into 
 the town. But their noise being heard by the sentinels of our 
 camp, and the scouts which we had sent out, having brought 
 an account of what was going on, Caninius instantly with the 
 ready-armed cohorts from the nearest turrets made an attack 
 on the convoy at the break of day. They, alarmed at so unex- 
 pected an evil, fled by different ways to their guard : which as 
 soon as our men perceived, they fell with great fury on the es- 
 cort, and did not allow a single man to be taken alive. Lute- 
 rius escaped thence with a few followers, but did not return to 
 the camp. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVI. After this success, Caninius learned from 
 some prisoners, that a part of the forces was encamped with 
 Drapes, not more than ten miles off": which being confirmed 
 by several, supposing that after the defeat of one general, the 
 rest would be terrified, and might be easily conquered, he 
 thought it a most fortunate event that none of the enemy had 
 fled back from the slaughter to the camp, to give Drapes 
 notice of the calamity which had befallen him. And as he 
 could see no danger in making the attempt, he sent forward
 
 234 CLESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK vm. 
 
 all his cav.alry and tho German foot, men of great activity, to 
 the enemy's camp. He divides one legion among the three 
 camps, and takes tho other without baggage along with him. 
 When he had advanced near the enemy, ho was informed by 
 scouts, which ho had sent before him, that the enemy's camp, 
 as is the custom of barbarians, was pitched low, near the banks of 
 a river, and that the higher grounds were unoccupied : but that 
 the German horse had made a sudden attack on them, and 
 had begun the battle. Upon this intelligence, he marched up 
 with his legion, armed and in order of battle. Then, on a signal 
 being suddenly given on every side, our men took possession of 
 the higher grounds. Upon this the German horse observing 
 the Roman colors, fought with great vigor. Immediately all 
 the cohorts attack them on every side ; and having either killed 
 or made prisoners of them all, gained great booty. In that bat- 
 tle, Drapes himself was taken prisoner. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVIL Caninius, having accomplished the busi- 
 ness so successfully, without having scarcely a man wounded, re- 
 turned to besiege the town ; and, having destroyed the enemy 
 without, for fear of whom he had been prevented from strength- 
 ening his redoubts, and surrounding the enemy with his lines, 
 he orders the work to be completed on every side. The next 
 day, Caius Fabius came to join him with his forces, and took 
 upon him the siege of one side. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVHL In the mean time, Csesar left Caius An- 
 tonius in the country of the Bellovaci, with fifteen cohorts, that 
 the Belgse might have no opportunity of forming new plans in 
 future. He himself visits the other states, demands a great 
 number of hostages, and by his encouraging language allays 
 the apprehensions of all. When he came to the Carnutes, in 
 whose state he has in a former commentary mentioned that 
 the war first broke out ; observing, that from a consciousness 
 of their guilt, they seemed to be in the greatest terror : to 
 relieve the state the sooner from its fear, he demanded that 
 Guturvatus, the promoter of that treason, and the instigator of 
 that rebellion, should be delivered up to punishment. And 
 though the latter did not dare to trust his life even to his own 
 countrymen, yet such diligent search was made by them" all, 
 that he was soon brought to our camp. Caesar was forced to 
 punish him, by tho clamors of the soldiers, contrary to his 
 natural humanity, for they alleged that all the dangers and
 
 CHAP. ILL THE GALLIC "WAR. 235 
 
 losses incurred in that war, ought to be imputed to Guturvatus. 
 Accordingly, he was whipped to death, and his head cut off. 
 
 CHAP. XXXTX. Here Caesar was informed by numerous 
 letters from Caninius of what had happened to Drapes and 
 Luterius, and in "what conduct the town's people persisted : 
 and though he despised the smallness of their numbers, yet he 
 thought their obstinacy deserving a severe punishment, lest 
 Gaul in general should adopt an idea that she did not want 
 strength but perseverance to oppose the Romans ; and lest the 
 other states, relying on the advantage of situation, should 
 follow their example and assert their liberty ; especially as ho 
 knew that all the Gauls understood that his command was to 
 continue but one summer longer, and if they could hold out 
 for that time, that they would have no further danger to appre- 
 hend. He therefore left Quintus Calenus, one of his lieutenants, 
 behind him, with two legions, and instructions to follow him by 
 regular marches. He hastened as much at he could with all 
 the cavalry to Caninius. 
 
 CHAP. XL. Having arrived at Uxellodunum, contrary to the 
 general expectation, and perceiving that the town was sur- 
 rounded by the works, and that the enemy had no possible 
 means of retiring from the assault, and being likewise informed 
 by the deserters that the townsmen h^d abundance of com, 
 he endeavoured to prevent their getting water. A river divided 
 the valley below, which almost surrounded the steep craggy 
 mountain on which Uxellodunum was built. The nature of 
 the ground prevented his turning the current : for it ran so 
 low down at the foot of the mountain, that no drains could be 
 sunk deep enough to draw it off in any direction. But the 
 descent to it was so difficult, that if we made opposition, the 
 besieged could neither come to the river nor retire up the 
 precipice without hazard of their lives. Caesar perceiving the 
 difficulty, disposed archers and slingers, and in some places, 
 opposite to the easiest descents, placed engines, and attempted 
 to hinder the townsmen from getting water at the river, which 
 obliged them afterward to go all to one place to procure water. 
 
 CHAP. XLI. Close under the walls of the town, a copious 
 spring gushed out on that part, which for the space of nearly 
 three hundred feet, 1 was not surrounded by the river. While 
 every other person wished that the besieged could be debarred 
 
 1 Literally "wanted the circuit of the river."
 
 236 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES, BOOK vm. 
 
 from this spring, Caesar alone saw that it could be effected, 
 though not without great danger. Opposite to it he began 
 to advance the vineae toward the mountain, and to throw up 
 a mound, with great labor and continual skirmishing. For 
 the townsmen ran down from the high ground, and fought 
 without any risk, and wounded several of our men, yet they 
 obstinately pushed on and were not deterred from moving 
 forward the vineae, and from surmounting by their assiduity the 
 difficulties of situation. At the same time they work mines, 
 and move the crates and vineae to the source of the fountain. 
 This was the only work which, they could do without danger 
 or suspicion. A mound sixty feet high was raised ; on it was 
 erected a turret of ten stories, not with the intention that it 
 should be on a level with the wall (for that could not be effected 
 by any works), but to rise above the top of the spring. When 
 our engines began to play from it upon the paths that led to 
 the fountain, and the townsmen could not go for water without 
 danger, not only the cattle designed for food and the work- 
 ing cattle, but a great number of men also died of thirst. 
 
 CHA.P. XLII. Alarmed at this calamity, the townsmen fill 
 barrels with tallow, pitch, and dried wood : these they set on 
 fire, and roll down on our works. At the same time, they 
 fight most furiously, to deter the Romans, by the engagement 
 and danger, from extinguishing the flames. Instantly a great 
 blaze arose in the works. For whatever they threw down the 
 precipice, striking against the vineae and agger, communicated 
 the fire to whatever was in the way. Our soldiers on the 
 other hand, though they were engaged in a perilous sort of en- 
 counter, and laboring under the disadvantages of position, yet 
 supported all with very great presence of mind. For the 
 action happened in an elevated situation, and in sight of our 
 army ; and a great shout was raised on both sides ; therefore 
 every man faced the weapons of the enemy and the flames 
 in as conspicuous a manner as he could, that his valor might 
 be the better known and attested. 
 
 CHAP. XLIH. Caesar, observing that several of his men 
 were wounded, ordered the cohorts to ascend the mountain on 
 all sides, and, under pretense of assailing the walls, to raise a 
 shout : at which the besieged being frightened, and not know- 
 ing what was going on in other places, call off their armed 
 troops from attacking our works, and dispose them on the
 
 CHAP. XLV. THE GALLIC WAR. 237 
 
 walls. Thus our men without hazarding a battle, gained time 
 partly to extinguish the works which had caught fire, and 
 partly to cut oft' the communication. As the townsmen still 
 continued to make an obstinate resistance, and even, after losing 
 the greatest part of their forces by drought, persevered in their 
 resolution : at last the veins of the spring were cut across by 
 our mines, and turned from their course. By this their constant 
 spring was suddenly dried up, which reduced them to such 
 despair that they imagined that it was not done by the art of 
 man, but the will of the gods ; forced, therefore, by necessity, 
 they at length submitted. 
 
 CHAP. XLIV. Caesar, being convinced that his lenity was 
 known to all men, and being under no fears of being thought 
 to act severely from a natural cruelty, and perceiving that there 
 would be no end to his troubles if several states should attempt 
 to rebel in like manner and in different places, resolved to 
 deter others by inflicting an exemplary punishment on these. 
 Accordingly he cut off the hands of those who had borne 
 arms against him. Their lives he spared, that the punish- 
 ment of their rebellion might be the more conspicuous. Drapes, 
 who I have said was taken by Caninius, either through in- 
 dignation and grief arising from his captivity, or through fear of 
 severer punishments, abstained from food for several days, and 
 thus perished. At the same time, Luterius, who, I have related, 
 had escaped" from the battle, having fallen into the hands of 
 Epasnactus, an Arvernian (for he frequently changed his 
 quarters, and threw himself on the honor of several persons, 
 as he saw that he dare not remain long in one place, and was 
 conscious how great an enemy he deserved to have in Csesar), 
 was by this Epasnactus, the Arvernian, a sincere friend of 
 the Roman people, delivered without any hesitation, a prisoner 
 to Caesar. 
 
 CHAP. XLV. In the mean time, LabiBnus engages in a 
 successful cavalry action among the Treviri ; and, having killed 
 several of them and of the Germans, who never refused their 
 aid to any person against the Romans, he got their chiefs alive 
 into his power, and, among them, Sums, an .JSduan, who was 
 highly renowned both for his valor and birth, and was the only 
 ^Eduan that had continued in arms till that time. Caesar, 
 being informed of this, and perceiving that he had met with 
 good success in all parts of Gaul, and reflecting that, in former
 
 238 (LESAK'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK vm. 
 
 campaigns [Celtic] Gaul had been conquered and subdued ; but 
 that he had never gone in person to Aquitania, but had made a 
 conquest of it, in some degree, by Marcus Crassus, set out for 
 it with two legions, designing to spend the latter part of the 
 summer there. This affair he executed with his usual dispatch 
 and good fortune. For all the states of Aquitania sent 
 embassadors to him and delivered hostages. These affairs 
 being concluded, he marched with a guard of cavalry toward 
 Narbo, and drew off his army into winter quarters by his lieu- 
 tenants, lie posted four legions in the country of the Belgse, 
 under Marcus Antonius, Caius Trebom'us, Publius Vatinius, 
 and Quintus Tullius, his lieutenants. Two he detached to the 
 ^Edui, knowing them to have a very powerful influence through- 
 out all Gaul. Two he placed among the Turoni, near the con- 
 fines of the Carnutes, to keep in awe the entire tract of country 
 bordering on the ocean ; the other two he placed in the terri- 
 tories of the Lemovices, at a small distance from the Arverni, 
 that no part of Gaul might be without an army. Having spent 
 a few days in the province, he quickly ran through all the busi- 
 ness of the assizes, settled all public disputes, and distributed 
 rewards to the most deserving ; for he had a good opportunity of 
 learning how every person was disposed toward the republic 
 during the general revolt of Gaul, which he had withstood by 
 the fidelity and assistance of the Province. 
 
 CHAP. XLVII. Having finished these affairs, he returned 
 to his legions among the Belgae and wintered at Nemetocenna : 
 there he got intelligence that Comius, the Atrebatian had had 
 an engagement with his cavalry. For when Antonius had gone 
 into winter quarters, and the state of the Atrebates continued in 
 their allegiance, Comius, who, after that wound which I before 
 mentioned, was always ready to join his countrymen upon 
 every commotion, that they might not want a person to advise 
 and head them in the management of the war, when his state 
 submitted to the Romans, supported himself and his adherents 
 on plunder by means of his cavalry, infested the roads, and 
 intercepted several convoys which were bringing provisions to 
 the Roman quarters. 
 
 CHAP. XLVHL Caius Volusenus Quadratus was appointed 
 commander of the horse under Antonius, to winter with him : 
 Antonius sent him in pursuit of the enemy's cavalry; now 
 Volusenus added to that valor which was pre-eminent in
 
 CHAP. XLTHL THE GALLIC WAR 239 
 
 him, a great aversion to Comius, on which account ho executed 
 the more willingly the orders which he received. H^toing, 
 therefore, laid ambuscades, he had several encounters with his 
 cavalry and came off successful. At last, when a violent contest 
 ensued, and Volusenus, through eagerness to intercept Comius, 
 had obstinately pursued him with a small party ; and Comius 
 had, by the rapidity of his flight, drawn Volusenus to a con- 
 siderable distance from his troops, he, on a sudden, appealed 
 to the honor of all about him for assistance not to suffer the 
 wound, which he had perfidiously received, to go without 
 vengeance; and, wheeling his horse about, rode unguardedly 
 before the rest up to the commander. All his horse following 
 his example, made a few of our men turn their backs and 
 pursued them. Comius, clapping spurs to his horse, rode up 
 to Volusenus, and, pointing his lance, pierced him in the 
 thigh with great force. When their commander was wounded, 
 our men no longer hesitated to make resistance, and, facing 
 about, beat back the enemy. When this occurred, several of 
 the enemy, repulsed by the great impetuosity of our men, were 
 wounded, and some were trampled to death in striving to 
 escape, and some were made prisoners. Their general escaped 
 this misfortune by the swiftness of his horse. Our commander, 
 being severely wounded, so much so that he appeared to run 
 the risk of losing his life, was carried back to the camp. But 
 Comius, having either gratified his resentment, or, because he 
 had lost the greatest part of his followers, sent embassadors to 
 Antonius, and assured him that he would give hostages as a 
 security that he would go wherever Antonius should prescribe, 
 and would comply with his orders, and only entreated that this 
 concession should be made to his fears, that he should not be 
 obliged to go into the presence of any Roman. As Antonius 
 judged that his request originated in a just apprehension, he 
 indulged him in it and accepted his hostages. 
 
 Caesar, I know, has made a separate commentary of each 
 year's transactions, which I have not thought it necessary for me 
 to do, because the following year, in which Lucius Paulus and 
 Caius Marcellus were consuls, produced no remarkable occur- 
 rences in Gaul. But that no person may be left in ignorance 
 of the place where Caesar and his army were at that time, I 
 have thought proper to write a few words in addition to this 
 commentary.
 
 240 CJSSAR'S COMMENTARIES, BOOK TIIL 
 
 CHAP. XLIX. Caesar, while in -winter quarters in the 
 counfty of the Belgae, made it his only business to keep the 
 states in amity with him, and to give none either hopes of, or 
 pretext for a revolt. For nothing was further from his wishes 
 than to be under the necessity of engaging in another war at 
 his departure ; lest, when he was drawing his army out of 
 the country, any war should be left unfinished, which the Gauls 
 would cheerfully undertake, when there was no immediate 
 danger. Therefore, by treating the states with respect, making 
 rich presents to the leading men, imposing no new burdens, 
 and making the terms of their subjection lighter, he easily 
 kept Gaul (already exhausted by so many unsuccessful battles) 
 in obedience. 
 
 CHAP. L. When the winter quarters were broken up he 
 himself, contrary to his usual practice, proceeded to Italy, by 
 the longest possible stages, in order to visit the free towns 
 and colonies, that he might recommend to them the petition 
 of Marcus Antonius, his treasurer, for the priesthood. For 
 ]ie exerted his interest both cheerfully in favor of a man 
 strongly attached to him, whom he had sent home before 
 him to attend the election, and zealously to oppose the faction 
 and power of a few men, who, by rejecting Marcus Antonius, 
 wished to undermine Caesar's influence when going out of 
 office. Though Caesar heard on the road, before he reached 
 Italy that he was created augur, yet he thought himself in 
 honor bound to visit the free towns and colonies, to return 
 them thanks for rendering such service to Antonius by their 
 presence in such great numbers [at the election], and at the 
 same time to recommend to them himself, and his honor in 
 his suit for the consulate the ensuing year For his adversaries 
 arrogantly boasted that Lucius Lentulus and Caius Marcellus 
 had been appointed consuls, who would strip Caesar of all 
 honor and dignity : and that the consulate had been in- 
 juriously taken from Sergius Galba, though he had been much 
 superior in votes and interest, because he was united to Caesar, 
 both by friendship, and by serving as lieutenant under him. 
 
 CHAP. LL Caesar, on his arrival, was received by the 
 principal towns and colonies with incredible respect and affec- 
 tion ; for this was the first time he came since the war against 
 united Gaul. Nothing was omitted which could be thought 
 of for the ornament of the gates, roads, and every place 
 through which Caesar was to pass. All the people with their
 
 CHAP. Ltn. THE GALLIC WAR. 241 
 
 children went out to meet him. Sacrifices were offered up in 
 every quarter. The market places and temples were laid out 
 with entertainments, as if anticipating the joy of a most splen- 
 did triumph. So great was the magnificence of the richer 
 and zeal of the poorer ranks of the people. 
 
 CHAP. IH. When Caesar had gone through all the states 
 of Cisalpine Gaul, he refurned with the greatest haste to the 
 army at Nemetocenna ; and having ordered all his legions 
 to march from winter quarters to the territories of the Treviri, 
 he went thither and reviewed them. He made Titus Labienus 
 governor of Cisalpine Gaul, that he might be the more inclmed 
 to support him in his suit for the consulate. He himself made 
 such journeys as he thought would conduce to the health of 
 his men by change of air ; and though he was frequently told 
 that Labienus was solicited by his enemies, and was assured that 
 a scheme was in agitation by the contrivance of a few, that the 
 senate should interpose their authority to deprive him of a part 
 of his army ; yet he neither gave credit to any story concern- 
 ing Labienus, nor could be prevailed upon to do any thing in 
 opposition to the authority of the senate ; for he thought that his 
 cause would be easily gained by the free voice of the senators. 
 For Caius Curio, one of the tribunes of the people, having 
 undertaken to defend Caesar's cause and dignity, had often 
 proposed to the senate, " that if the dread of Caesar's arms 
 rendered any apprehensive, as Pompey's authority and arms 
 were no less formidable to the forum, both should resign 
 their command, and disband their armies. That then the 
 city would be free, and enjoy its due rights." And he not 
 only proposed this, but of himself called \\pon the senate to 
 divide on the question. But the consuls and Pompey's friends 
 interposed to prevent it ; and regulating matters as they desired, 
 they broke up the meeting. 
 
 CHAP. LIIL This testimony of the unanimous voice of 
 the senate was very great, and consistent with their former 
 conduct; for the preceding year, when Marcellus attacked 
 Caesar's dignity, he proposed to the senate, contrary to the 
 law of Pompey and Crassus, to dispose of Caesar's province, 
 before the expiration of his command, and when the votes were 
 called for, and Marcellus, who endeavored to advance his own 
 dignity, by raising envy against Caesar, wanted a division, the 
 full senate went over to the opposite side. The spirit of 
 
 11
 
 242 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK mi. 
 
 Caesar's foes was not broken by this, but it taught them, that 
 they 'ought to strengthen their interest by enlarging their 
 connections, so as to force the senate to comply with whatever 
 they had resolved on. 
 
 CHAP. LIV. After this a decree was passed by the senate, 
 that one legion should be sent by Pompey, and another by" 
 Csesar, to the Parthian war. But these two legions were 
 evidently drawn from Csesar alone. For the first legion which 
 Pompey sent to Caesar, he gave Caesar, as if it belonged to 
 himself, though it was levied in Caesar's province. Caesar, 
 however, though no one could doubt the design of his enemies, 
 sent the legion back to Cneius Pompey, and in compliance with 
 the decree of the senate, ordered the fifteenth, belonging to 
 himself, and which was quartered in Cisalpine Gaul, to be 
 delivered up. In its room he sent the thirteenth into Italy, to 
 protect the garrisons from which he had drafted the fifteenth. 
 He disposed his army in winter quarters, placed Caius Tre- 
 bonius, with four legions among the Belgae, and detached Caius 
 Fabius, with four more, to the ^Edui; for he thought that 
 Gaul would be most secure, if the Belgae, a people of the 
 greatest valor, and the ^Edui, who possessed the most 
 powerful influence, were kept in awe by his armies. 
 
 CHAP. LV. He himself set out for Italy ; whore he was 
 informed on his arrival, that the two legions sent home by 
 him, and which by the senate's decree, should have been sent 
 to the Parthian war, had been delivered over to Pompey, by 
 Caius Marcellus the consul, and were retained in Italy. 
 Although from this transaction it was evident to every one 
 that war was designed against Caesar, yet he resolved to submit 
 to any thing, as long as there were hopes left of deciding the 
 dispute in an equitable manner, rather than to have recourse to 
 arms.
 
 THE 
 
 COMMENTARIES OF C, JULIUS (LESAR 
 
 OX THE 
 
 C I Y I L WAR. 
 
 BOOK L 
 
 THE AEGUMENT. 
 
 I. The various causes and origin of the civil war. VIII. Caesar makes him- 
 self master of Italy with great ease, owing to the municipal towns 
 being devoted to his interests. XXV. He besieges Pompey at Brun- 
 dusium. XXVIH. The latter effects his escape, and the town sur- 
 renders. XXX. Caesar's partisans expel Cotta from Sardinia, And 
 Cato from Sicily. XXXII. Csesar sets out for Rome. XXXIII. But 
 the plans, which he had in contemplation, being immature, he proceeds 
 into Transalpine Gaul, XXXVI. With the intention of besieging Mas- 
 silia by land and sea. XXXVII. He previously sends Fabius, one of 
 Ms lieutenants, into Spain. XXXLX. He follows in person, leaving 
 Cains Trebonius, and Decimus Brutus, to besiege MassJia, XLI. Ana 
 carries on war against Afranius and Petreius, Pompey's lieutenants, in 
 the vicinity of Ilerda. XLVIH. Caesar is hemmed in between the 
 Segre and Cinca, in consequence of a violent storm, which sweeps 
 awav the bridges over these rivers. LIV. Nevertheless, he surmounts 
 all Ms difficulties. LVI. In the meantime, the inhabitants of Massilia 
 are conquered in a naval battle. LIX. Caesar henceforth is successful 
 in all his operations in Spain. LXIII. He follows the enemy closely in 
 all their marches and countermarches, and by his cavalry, prevents 
 them from foraging, LXXXI. And at length intercepts them, and 
 compels them to surrender. 
 
 VOSSIUS'S SUPPLEMENT TO THE FIRST BOOK. 
 
 I WILL now say nothing .concerning the absurd opinion of 
 those who assert that the following Commentaries on the Civil 
 War were not written by Csesar himself. Even without the 
 authority of Suetonius, the diction itself would be sufficient to 
 convince the most skeptical that Caesar and no other was the 
 author. I am of the opinion of those who think that the 
 beginning of these Commentaries is lost. For I can not be 
 convinced that Caesar commenced so abruptly ; and History 
 itself gives sufficient evidence that many circumstances 
 required to be previously stated. For which reason we
 
 244 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 thought that it would bo well worth our attention to compile 
 from Plutarch, Appian, and Dion, a narrative of such facts 
 as seemed necessary to fill up the chasm ; these facts are as 
 follows : 
 
 "When Caesar, after reducing all Transalpine Gaul, had 
 passed into Cisalpine Gaul, he determined for many reasons to 
 send embassadors to Rome to request for him the consulate, and 
 a proolongation of the command of his province. Pompey, 
 who was estranged from Caesar, although he was not as yet 
 at open enmity with him, determined neither to aid him by his 
 influence nor openly oppose him on this occasion. But 
 the consuls Lentulus and Marcellus, who had previously been 
 on unfriendly terms with Csesar, resolved to use all means in 
 their power to prevent him from gaining his object. Marcellus 
 in particular did not hesitate to offer Csesar other insults. 
 Ca3sar had lately planned the colony of Novumcomum in Gaul : 
 Marcellus, not content with taking from it the light of citizen- 
 ship, ordered the principal man of the colony to be arrested 
 and scourged at Rome, and sent him to make his complaints 
 to Caesar : an insult of this description had never before been 
 offered to a Roman citizen. WJiile these transactions are 
 taking place, Caius Curio, tribune of the commons, comes to 
 Caesar in his province. Curio had made many and energetic 
 struggles, in behalf of the republic and Caesar's cause : at 
 length when he perceived that all his efforts were vain, he fled 
 through fear of his adversaries, and informed Caesar of all the 
 transactions that had taken place, and of the efforts made by 
 his enemies to crush him. Ca?sar received Curio with great 
 kindness, as he was a man of the highest rank, and had great 
 claims on himself and the republic, and thanked him warmly 
 for his numerous personal favors. But Curio, as war was 
 being openly prepared against Cgesar, advised him to con- 
 centrate his troops, and rescue the republic now oppressed by 
 a few daring men. Caesar, although he was not ignorant of 
 the real state of affairs, was however of opinion that particular 
 regard should be paid to the tranquillity of the republic, lest 
 any one should suppose that he was the originator of the war. 
 Therefore, through his friends, he made this one request, that 
 two legions, and the province of Cisalpine Gaul, and Illy- 
 ricum, should be left him. All these acts were performed by 
 Caesar, with the hope that his enemies might be induced by
 
 CHAP. i. THE CIVIL WAR. 245 
 
 the justice of his demands, to preserve the peace of the re- 
 public. Even Pompey himself did not dare to oppose them. 
 But when Caesar could not obtain his request from the con- 
 suls, he wrote to the senate a letter, in which he briefly stated 
 his exploits and public services, and entreated that he should 
 not be deprived of the favor of the people, who had ordered, 
 that he, although absent, should be considered a candidate 
 at the next elections ; and he stated also that he would dis- 
 band his army, if the senate and people of Rome would pass 
 a resolution to that effect, provided that Pompey would do 
 the same. That, as long as the latter should retain the com- 
 mand of his army,' no just reason could exist that he [Caesar] 
 should disband his troops and expose himself to the insults of 
 his enemies. He intrusts this letter to Curio to bear to its 
 destination ; the latter traveled one hundred and sixty miles 
 with incredible dispatch, and reached the city in three days' 
 time, before the beginning of January, and before the 
 consuls could pass any decree concerning Caesar's command. 
 Curio, after accomplishing his journey, kept the letter, and did 
 not give it up, until there was a crowded meeting of the senate, 
 and the tribunes of the commons were present ; for he was 
 afraid, lest, if he gave it up previously, the consuls should sup- 
 press it." 
 
 CHAP. I. When Caesar's letter was delivered to -the 
 consuls, they were with great difficulty, and a hard struggle 
 of the tribunes, 1 prevailed on to suffer it to be read in the 
 senate ; but the tribunes could not prevail, that any questioq 
 should be put to the senate on the subject of the letter. The 
 consuls put the question on the regulation of the state, 
 Lucius Lentulus the consul promises that he will not fail 
 the senate and republic, " if they declared their sentiments 
 boldly and resolutely, but if they turned their regard to Caesar, 
 and courted his favor, as they did on former occasions, he 
 would adopt a plan for himself, and not submit to the authority 
 of the senate : that he too had a means of regaining Caesar's 
 favor and friendship." Scipio spoke to the same purport, 
 " that it was Pompey's intention not to abandon the republic, 
 
 1 Plutarch says that Mark Antony, who was then tribune, read the 
 letter to the people, which, says Cicero, made them very reluctant to en- 
 list, when Pompey ordered a levy. P.
 
 246 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 if the senate would support him ; but if they should hesitate 
 and act without energy, they would in vain implore his aid, if 
 they should require it hereafter." 
 
 CHAP. II. This speech of Scipio's, as the senate was 
 convened in the city, and Pompey 1 was near at hand, seemed 
 to have fallen from the lips of Pompey himself. Some 
 delivered their sentiments with more moderation, as Marcellus 
 first, who in the beginning of his speech, said, "that the 
 question ought not to be put to the senate on this matter, 
 till levies were made throughout all Italy, and armies raised 
 under whose protection the senate might freely and safely pass 
 such resolutions as they thought proper ;" as Marcus Calidius 
 afterward, who was of opinion, " that Pompey should set out 
 for his province, that there might be no cause for arms ; that 
 Csesar 2 was naturally apprehensive as two legions were forced 
 from him, that Pompey was retaining those troops, and keeping 
 them near the city to do him injury :" as Marcus Rums, who 
 followed Calidius almost word for word. They were all harshly 
 rebuked by Lentulus, who peremptorily refused to propose 
 Calidius's motion. Marcellus, overawed by his reproofs, re- 
 tracted his opinion. Thus most of the senate, intimidated by 
 the expressions of the consul, by the fears of a present army, 
 and the threats of Pompey's friends, unwillingly and reluc- 
 tantly adopted Scipio's opinion, that Caesar should disband 
 his . army by a certain day, and should he not do so, he 
 should be considered as acting against the state. Marcus 
 Antonius, and Quintus Cassius, tribunes of the people, inter- 
 posed. 3 The question was immediately put on their inter- 
 position. Violent opinions were expressed ; whoever spoke 
 with the greatest acrimony and cruelty, was most highly com- 
 mended by Caesar's enemies. 
 
 CHAP. HI. The senate having broken up in the evening, 
 
 1 As Pompey was at the head of an army (being appointed proconsul 
 of Spain and Africa) ho could not come within the city while invested 
 with power. P. 
 
 * A decre of the senate had been passed some time before, that 
 Caesar and Pompey should each contribute, out of their forces, a legion 
 to be sent against the Parthians. Pompey had previously lent Csesar 
 one legion, which he now returned, with the fifteenth legion belonging 
 to himself. Pompey kept both. P. 
 
 3 The tribunes by their intercession, were able to paralyze the measures 
 of the senate, and prevent any obnoxious measures from passing.
 
 CHAP. IT. THE CrvIL WAR. 247 
 
 all -who belonged to that order vrere summoned by Pompey. 
 He applauded the forward, and secured their votes for the next 
 day ; the more moderate he reproved and excited against Caesar. 
 Many veterans, from all parts, who had served in Pompey's 
 armies, were invited to his standard by the hopes of rewards 
 and promotions. Several officers belonging to the two legions, 
 which had been delivered up by Caesar, were sent for. The city 
 and the comitium were crowded with tribunes, centurions, and 
 veterans. All the consul's friends, all Pompey's connections, 
 all those who bore any 'ancient enmity to Caesar, were forced 
 into the senate house. By their concourse and declarations 
 the timid were awed, the irresolute confirmed, and the greater 
 part deprived of the power of speaking their sentiments with 
 freedom. Lucius Piso, the censor, offered to go to Caesar : as 
 did likewise Lucius Roscius, the praetor, to inform him of 
 these affairs, and require only six days' time to finish the 
 business. Opinions were expressed by some to the effect that 
 commissioners should be sent to Caesar to acquaint him with 
 the senate's pleasure. 
 
 CHAP. rV. All these proposals were rejected, and opposi- 
 tion made to them all, in the speeches of the consul, Scipio, 
 and Cato. An old grudge against Caesar and chagrin at a 
 defeat actuated Cato. Lentulus was wrought upon by the 
 magnitude of his debts, and the hopes of having the govern- 
 ment of an army and provinces, and by the presents 1 which 
 he expected from such princes as should receive the title of 
 friends of the Roman people, and boasted among his friends, 
 that he would be a second Sylla," to whom the supreme 
 authority should return. Similar hopes of a province and 
 armies, which he expected to share with Pompey on account of 
 his connection 3 with him, urged on Scipio ; and moreover [he 
 was influenced by] the fear of being called to trial, and the 
 
 1 The Roman commander often gave foreign princes the title of king 
 in the name of the Roman people ; and as this honor seemed to imply a 
 recognition of their authority, immense sums were occasionally given for it. 
 
 2 Alluding to the well-known prophecy of the Sybil, that three of the 
 Cornelii should have the supreme power at Rome. Lentulus, who played 
 such a prominent part in Catiline's conspiracy, frequently quoted the 
 same prophecy, which seems to have lured the Cornelii to their doom by 
 the bright vision of supreme power. 
 
 3 Pompey married Cornelia, Scipio's daughter, on the death of Julia, 
 whom her father Caesar had bestowed on Pompey, to attach him more 
 firmly to his interests.
 
 248 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 adulation and an ostentatious display of himself and his friends 
 in power, who at that time had great influence in the republic, 
 and courts of judicature. Pompey himself, incited by Caesar's 
 enemies, because he was unwilling that any person should 
 bear an equal degree of dignity, had wholly alienated himself 
 from Caesar's friendship, and procured a reconciliation with 
 their common enemies ; the greatest part of whom he had 
 himself brought upon Caesar during his affinity with him. At 
 the same time, chagrined at the disgrace which he had incurred 
 by converting the two legions from their expedition through 
 Asia and Syria, to [augment] his own power and authority, he 
 was anxious to bring matters to a war. 
 
 CHAP. V. For these reasons every thing was done in a 
 hasty and disorderly manner, and neither was time given to 
 Caesar's relations to inform him [of the state of affairs] nor 
 liberty to the tribunes of the people to deprecate their own 
 danger, nor even to retain the last privilege, which Sylla had left; 
 them, the interposing their authority ; but on the seventh day 
 they were obliged to think of their own safety, which the most 
 turbulent tribunes of the people were not accustomed to attend 
 to, nor to fear being called to an account for their actions, till 
 the eighth month. Recourse is had to that extreme and final 
 decree of the senate (which was never resorted to even by 
 daring proposers except when the city was in danger of being 
 set on fire, or when the public safety was despaired of). " That 
 the consuls, praetors, tribunes of the people, and proconsuls 
 in the city, should take care that the state received no 
 injury." These decrees are dated the eighth day before the 
 ides of January ;' therefore, in the first five days, on which the 
 senate could meet, from the day on which Lentulus entered 
 into his consulate, the two days of election excepted, the se- 
 verest and most virulent decrees were passed against Caesar's 
 government, and against those most illustrious characters, the 
 tribunes of the people. The latter immediately made their 
 escape from the city, and withdrew to Caesar, who was then at 
 Ravenna, awaiting an answer to his moderate demands ; [to see] 
 if matters could be brought to a peaceful termination by any 
 equitable act on the part of his enemies. 
 
 CHAP. VL During the succeeding days the senate is con- 
 vened outside the city. Pompey repeated the same things 
 1 The 8th of January.
 
 CHAP. vii. THE CIVIL WAR. 249 
 
 which he had declared through Scipio. He applauded the 
 courage and firmness of the senate, acquainted them with his 
 force, and told them that he had ten legions ready ; that he was 
 moreover informed and assured that Caesar's soldiers were dis- 
 affected, and that he could not persuade them to defend or even 
 follow him. Motions were made in the senate concerning 
 other matters.; that levies should be made through all Italy ; 
 that Faustus Sylla should be sent as propraetor into Maurita- 
 nia ; that money should be granted to Pompey from the public 
 treasury. It was also put to the vote that king Juba should 
 be [honored with the title of] friend and ally. But Marcellus 
 said that he would not allow this motion for the present. 
 Philip, one of the tribunes, stopped [the appointment of] Sylla ; 
 the resolutions respecting the other matters passed. The prov- 
 inces, two of which were consular, the remainder praetorian, 
 were decreed to private persons; Scipio got Syria, Lucius 
 Domitius Gaul : Philip and Marcellus were omitjed, from a 
 private motive, and their lots were not even admitted. To the 
 other provinces praetors were sent, nor was time granted as in 
 former years, to refer to the people on their appointment, nor to 
 make them take the usual oath, and march out of the city in a 
 public manner, robed in the military habit, after offering their 
 vows : a circumstance which had never before happened. Both 
 the consuls leave the city, and private men had lictors in the 
 city and capital, contrary to all precedents of former times. 
 Levies were made throughout Italy, arms demanded, and money 
 exacted from the municipal towns, and violently taken from the 
 temples. All distinctions between things human and divine, 
 are confounded. 
 
 CHAP. VII. These things being made known to Caesar, 
 he harangued his soldiers ; he reminded them " of the wrongs 
 done to him at* all times by his enemies, and complained that 
 Pompey had been alienated from him and led astray by them 
 through envy and a malicious opposition to his glory, though 
 he had always favored and promoted Pompey's honor and 
 dignity. He complained that an innovation had been intro- 
 duced into the republic, that the intercession of the tribunes, 
 which had been restored a few years before by Sylla, was 
 branded as a crime, and suppressed by force of arms ; that 
 Sylla, who had stripped the tribunes of every other power, had, 
 nevertheless, left the privilege of intercession unrestrained ; that 
 ' 11*
 
 250 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. ' 
 
 Pompey, who pretended to restore what they had lost, had 
 taken away the privileges which they formerly had ; that when- 
 ever the senate decreed, ' that the magistrates should take care 
 that the republic sustained no injury ' (by which words and 
 decree the Roman people were obliged to repair to arms), it 
 was only when pernicious laws were proposed ; when the 
 tribunes attempted violent measures ; when the people seceded, 1 
 and possessed themselves of the temples and eminences of the 
 city ; (and these instances of former times, he showed them 
 were expiated by the fate of Saturninus and the Gracchi) : that 
 nothing of this kind was attempted now, nor even thought of: 
 that no law was promulgated, no intrigue with the people going 
 forward, no secession made ; he exhorted them to defend from 
 the malice of his enemies the reputation and honor of that 
 general under whose command they had for nine years most 
 successfully supported the state ; fought many successful bat- 
 tles, and subdued all Gaul and Germany." The soldiers of the 
 thirteenth legion, which was present (for _ in the beginning of 
 the disturbances he had called it out, his other legions not 
 having yet arrived), all cry out that they are ready to defend 
 their general, and the tribunes of the commons, from all injuries. 
 CHAP. VIII. Having made himself acquainted with the 
 disposition of his soldiers, Caesar set off with that legion to 
 Ariminum, and there met the tribunes, who had fled to him for 
 protection ; he called his other legions from winter quarters, 
 and ordered them to follow him. Thither came Lucius Caesar, 
 a young man, whose father was a lieutenant-general under 
 Caesar. He, after concluding the rest of his speech, and stating 
 for what purpose he had come, told Caesar that he had com- 
 mands of a private nature for him from Pompey ; that Pompey 
 wished to clear himself to Caesar, lest he should impute those 
 actions which he did for the republic, to a design of affronting 
 
 1 Three secessions of the Commons are recorded in history. The first, 
 which was occasioned by the tyranny of the Patricians, led to the crea- 
 tion of the tribunes of the Commons. The second, which was occasioned 
 by the licentiousness of Appius Claudius, and the murder of Siccius Den- 
 tatus led to the expulsion of the decemvirs. The third and last, which, 
 according to some writers, was occasioned by the pressure of debt, ac- 
 cording to others, by the attempt of the Patricians to cancel the Ogulnian 
 law (which admitted the Plebians to the priesthood), occurred B. c. 286, 
 and led to the complete equalization of the orders, from which we may 
 date the brightest period of Rome's history.
 
 CHAP. EC THE CIVIL WAR 251 
 
 him ; that he had ever preferred the interest of the state to 
 his own private connections ; that Caesar, too, for his own 
 honor, ought to sacrifice his desires and resentment to the 
 public good, and not vent his anger so violently against his 
 enemies, lest in his hopes of injuring them, he should injure 
 the republic. He spoke a few words to the same purport from 
 himself, in addition to Pompey's apology. Roscius, the praetor, 
 conferre'd with Caesar almost in the same words, and on the 
 same subject, and declared that Pompey had empowered him to 
 do so. 
 
 CHAP. IX. Though these things seemed to have no ten- 
 dency toward redressing his injuries) yet having got proper 
 persons by whom he could communicate his wishes to Pompey ; 
 he required of them both, that, as they had conveyed Pompey's 
 demands to him, they should not refuse to convey his demands 
 to Pompey ; if by so little trouble they could terminate a great 
 dispute, and liberate all Italy from her fears. "That the honor 
 of the republic had ever been his first object, and dearer to him 
 than life ; that he was chagrined, that the favor of the Roman 
 people was wrested from him by the injurious reports of his 
 enemies ; that he was deprived of a half-year's command, and 
 dragged back to the city, though the people had ordered that 
 regard should be paid to his suit for the consulate at the next 
 election, though he was not present; that, however, he had 
 patiently submitted to this loss of honor, for the sake of the 
 republic ; that when he wrote letters to the senate, requiring 
 that all persons should resign the command of their armies, he 
 did not obtain even that request ; that levies were made 
 throughout Italy ; that the two legions which had been taken 
 from him, under the pretense of the Parthian war, were kept at 
 home, and that the state was in arms. To what did all these 
 things tend, unless to his ruin ? But, nevertheless, he was 
 ready to condescend to any terms, and to endure every thing 
 for the sake of the republic. Let Pompey 1 go to his own 
 province ; let them both disband their armies ; let all persons in 
 
 1 When Caesar and Pompey were reconciled, they and Crassus divided 
 the provinces between them. Caesar got Hither and Further Gaul; 
 Crassus, Parthia ; and Pompey, Spam and Africa. The .others set out 
 for their respective provinces. Pompey dispatched his lieutenants to 
 manage his provinces, and remained himself in Italy with an army, which 
 Caesar thought a great stretch of power, that he should command both 
 his own provinces and Italy at the same time. P.
 
 252 CJESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 Italy lay down their arms ; let all fears be removed from the 
 city ; let free elections, and the whole republic be resigned to 
 the direction of the penate and Roman people. That these 
 things might be the more easily performed, and conditions 
 secured and confirmed by oath, either let Pompey come to 
 Caesar, or allow Caesar to go to him ; it might be that all their 
 disputes would be settled by an interview." 
 
 CHAP. X. Roscius and Lucius Caesar, having received this 
 message, went to Capua, where they met the consuls and Pom- 
 pey, and declared to them Caesar's terms. Having deliberated 
 on the matter, they replied, and sent written proposals to him 
 by the same persons, the purport of which was, that Caesar 
 should return into Gaul, leave Ariminum, and disband his 
 army : if he complied with this, that Pompey would go to 
 Spain. In the mean time, until security was given that Caesar 
 would perform his promises, that the consuls and Pompey 
 would not give over their levies. 
 
 CHAP. XL It was not an equitable proposal, to require that 
 Caesar should quit Ariminum and return to his province ; but 
 that he [Pompey] should himself retain his province and the 
 legions that belonged to another, and desire that Caesar's army 
 should be disbanded, while he himself was making new levies : 
 and that he should merely promise to go to his province, with- 
 out naming the day on which he would set out ; so that if he 
 should not set out till after Caesar's consulate expired, yet he 
 would not appear bound by any religious scruples about assert- 
 ing a falsehood. But his not granting time for a conference, 
 nor promising to set out to meet him, made the expectation of 
 peace appear very hopeless. Caesar, therefore, sent Marcus 
 Antonius, with five cohorts from Ariminum to Arretium ; he 
 himself staid at Ariminum with two legions, with the inten- 
 tion of raising levies there. He secured Pisaurus, Fanum, and 
 Ancona, with a cohort each. 
 
 CHAP. XH. In the mean time, being informed that Thermus 
 the praetor was in possession of Iguvium, with five cohorts, and 
 was fortifying the town, but that the affections of all the 
 inhabitants were very well inclined toward himself, he de- 
 tached Curio with three cohorts, which he had at Ariminum 
 and Pisaurus. Upon notice of his approach, Thermus, dis- 
 trusting the affections of the townsmen, drew his cohorts out of 
 it, and made hia escape ; his soldiers deserted him on the road,
 
 CHAP. EV. THE CIVIL WAR. 253 
 
 and returned home. Curio recovered Iguvium, with the 
 cheerful concurrence of all the inhabitants. Caesar, having 
 received an account of this, and relying on the affections of the 
 municipal towns, drafted all the cohorts of the thirteenth 
 legion from the garrison, and set out for Auximum, a town 
 into which Attius had brought his cohorts, and of which he 
 had taken possession, and from which he had sent senators 
 round about the country of Picenum, to raise new levies. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. Upon news of Caesar's approach, the senate 
 of Auximum went in a body to Attius Varus ; and told him 
 that it was not a subject for them to determine upon : yet 
 neither they, nor the rest of the freemen would suffer Caius 
 Caesar, a general, who had merited so well of the republic, after 
 performing such great achievements, to be excluded from their 
 town and walls ; wherefore he ought to pay some regard to the 
 opinion of posterity, and his own danger. Alarmed at this 
 declaration, Attius Varus drew out of the town the garrison 
 which he had introduced, and fled. A few of Caesar's front 
 rank having pursued him, obliged him to halt, and when the 
 battle began, Varus is deserted by his troops : some of them 
 disperse to their homes, the rest come over to Caesar; and 
 along with them, Lucius Pupius, the chief centurion, is taken 
 prisoner and brought to Caesar. He had held the same rank 
 before in Cneius Pompey's army. But Caesar applauded the 
 soldiers of Attius, set Pupius at liberty, returned thanks to the 
 people of Auximum, and promised to be grateful for their 
 conduct. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. Intelligence of this being brought to Rome, 
 so great a panic spread on a sudden that when Lentulus, 
 the consul, came to open the treasury, to deliver money to 
 Pompey by the senate's decree, immediately on opening the 
 hallowed door he fled from the city. For it was falsely 
 rumored that Caesar was approaching, and that his cavalry 
 were already at the gates. Marcellus, his colleague, followed 
 him, and so did most of the magistrates. Cneius Pompey had 
 left the city the day before, and was on his march to those 
 legions which he had received from Caesar, and had disposed 
 in winter quarters in Apulia. The levies were stopped within 
 the city. No place on this side of Capua was thought secure. 
 At Capua they first began to take courage and to rally, 
 and determined to raise levies in the colonies, which had
 
 254 CAESAR'S COMMENT ARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 been sent thither by the Julian law : and Lentulus brought 
 into the public market place the gladiators which Caesar main- 
 tained there for the entertainment of the people, and confirmed 
 them in their liberty, and gave them horses and ordered them 
 to attend him ; but afterward, being warned by his friends that 
 this action was censured by the judgment of all, he distributed 
 them among the slaves of the district of Campania, to keep 
 guard there. 
 
 CHAP. XV. Caesar, having moved forward from Auximum, 
 traversed the whole country of Picenum. All the governors 
 in these countries most cheerfully received him, and aided 
 his army with every necessary. Embassadors came to him 
 even from Cingulum, a town which Labienus had laid out 
 and built at his own expense, and offered most earnestly to 
 comply with his orders. He demanded soldiers : they sent 
 them. In the mean time, the twelfth legion came to join Caesar ; 
 with these two he marched to Asculum, the chief town of Pi- 
 cenum. Lentulus Spinther occupied that town with ten cohorts ; 
 but, on being informed of Caesar's approach, he fled from the 
 town, and, in attempting to bring off his cohorts with him, was 
 deserted by a great part of his men. Being left on the road with 
 a small number, he fell in with Vibullius Rufus, who was sent 
 by Pompey into Picenum to confirm the people [in their alle- 
 giance]. Vibullius, being informed by him of the transactions 
 in Picenum, takes his soldiers from him and dismisses him. 
 He collects, likewise, from the neighboring countries, as 
 many cohorts as he can from Pompey's new levies. Among 
 them he meets with Ulcilles Hirrus fleeing from Camerinum, 
 with six cohorts, which he had in the garrison there ; by a 
 junction with which he made up thirteen cohorts. With them 
 he marched by hasty journeys to Corfinium, to Domitius ^Eno- 
 barbus, and informed him that Csesar was advancing with two 
 legions. Domitius had collected about twenty cohorts from 
 Alba, and the Marsians, Pelignians, and neighboring states. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. Caesar, having recovered Asculum and driven 
 out Lentulus, ordered the soldiers that had deserted from him 
 to be sought out and a muster to be made ; and, having 
 delayed for one day there to provide corn, he marched to 
 Corfinium. On his approach, five cohorts, sent by Domitius 
 from the town, were breaking down a bridge which was over 
 the river, at three miles' distance from it. An engagement
 
 CHAP. TIIL THE CIVIL WAR. 256 
 
 taking place there with Caesar's advanced-guard, Domitius's 
 men were quickly beaten off from the bridge and retreated 
 precipitately into the town. Caesar, having marched his 
 legions over, halted before the town and encamped close by 
 the walls. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. Domitius, upon observing this, sent messen- 
 gers well acquainted with the country, encouraged by a promise 
 of being amply rewarded, with dispatches to Pompey to Apulia, 
 to beg and entreat him to come to his assistance. That Caesar 
 could be easily inclosed by the two armies, through the narrow- 
 ness of the country, and prevented from obtaining supplies : 
 unless he did so, that he and upward of thirty cohorts, and a 
 great number of senators and Roman knights, would be in 
 extreme danger. In the mean time he encouraged his troops, 
 disposed engines on the walls, and assigned to each man a 
 particular part of the city to defend. In a speech to the soldiers 
 he promised them lands out of his own estate ; to every private 
 soldier four acres, and a corresponding share to the centurions 
 and veterans. 
 
 CHAP. XVHL In the mean time, word was brought to 
 Caesar that the people of Sulmo, a town about seven miles 
 distant from Corfinium, were ready to obey his orders, but were 
 prevented by Quintus Lucretius, a senator, and Attius, a 
 Pelignian, who were in possession of the town with a garrison 
 of seven cohorts. He sent Marcus Antonius thither, with five 
 cohorts of the eighth legion. The inhabitants, as soon as they 
 saw our standards, threw open their gates, and all the people, 
 both citizens and soldiers, went out to meet and welcome 
 Antonius. Lucretius and Attius leaped off the walls. Attius, 
 being brought before Antonius, begged that he might be sent 
 to Caesar. Antonius returned the same day on which he had 
 set out with the cohorts and Attius. Caesar added these cohorts 
 to his own army, and sent Attius away in safety. The three 
 first days Caesar employed in fortifying his camp with strong 
 works, in bringing in corn from the neighboring free towns, 
 and waiting for the rest of his forces. Within the three days 
 the eighth legion came to him, and twenty-two cohorts of the 
 new levies in Gaul, and about three hundred horse from the 
 king of Noricum. 1 On their arrival he made a second camp on 
 
 1 "We learn from the fifty-third chapter of the first book of the Gallic 
 war, that Vocio, brother-in-law of Ariovistus, was king of Noricum.
 
 256 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 another part of the town, and gave the command of it to 
 Curio. He determined to surround the town with a rampart 
 and turrets during the remainder of the time. Nearly at the 
 time when the greatest part of the work was completed, all the 
 messengers sent to Pompey returned. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. Having read Pompey's letter, Domitius, con- 
 cealing the truth, gave out in council that Pompey would 
 speedily come to their assistance ; and encouraged them not to 
 despond, but to provide every thing necessary for the defense 
 of the town. He held private conferences with a few of his 
 most intimate friends, and determined on the design of fleeing. 
 As Domitius's countenance did not agree with his words, and 
 he did every thing with more confusion and fear than he had 
 shown on the preceding days, and as he had several private 
 meetings with his friends, contrary to his usual practice, in 
 order to take their advice, and as he avoi.ded all public councils 
 and assemblies of the people, the truth could be no longer hid 
 nor dissembled ; for Pompey had written back in answer, 
 "That he would not put matters to the last hazard; that 
 Domitius had retreated into the town of Corfinium without 
 either his advice or consent. Therefore, if any opportunity 
 should offer, he [Domitius] should come to him with the whole 
 force." But the blockade and works round the town prevented 
 his escape. 
 
 CHAP. XX. Domitius's design being noised abroad, the 
 soldiers in Corfinium early in the evening began to mutiny, and 
 held a conference with each other by their tribunes and centu- 
 rions, and the most respectable among themselves : " that they 
 were besieged by Caesar ; that his works and fortifications 
 were almost finished ; that their general, Domitius, on whose 
 hopes and expectations they had confided, had thrown them 
 off, and was meditating his own escape ; that they ought to 
 provide for their own safety." At first the Marsians differed in 
 opinion, and possessed themselves of that part of the town 
 which they thought the strongest. And so violent a dispute 
 arose between them, that they attempted to fight and decide 
 it by arms. However, in a little time, by messengers sent 
 from one side to the other, they were informed of Domitius's 
 meditated flight, of which they were previously ignorant. 
 Therefore they all, with one consent brought Domitius into 
 public view, gathered round him, and guarded him ; and sent
 
 CHAP. xxii. THE CIVIL "WAIL 257 
 
 deputies, out of their number to Caesar, to say that they were 
 ready to throw open their gates, to do whatever he should 
 order, and deliver up Domitius alive into his hands." 
 
 CHAP. XXI. Upon intelligence of these matters, though 
 Caesar thought it of great consequence to become master of 
 the town as soon as possible, and to transfer the cohorts to his 
 own camp, lest any change should be wrought on their incli- 
 nations by bribes, encouragement, or ficticious messages, be- 
 cause in war great events are often brought about by trifling 
 circumstances ; yet, dreading lest the town should be plun- 
 dered by the soldiers entering into it, and taking advantage of 
 the darkness of the night, he commended the persons who 
 came to him, and sent them back to the town, and ordered 
 the gates and walls to be secured. He disposed his soldiers on 
 the works which he had begun, not at certain intervals, as 
 was his practice before, but in one continued range of senti- 
 nels and stations, so that they touched each other, and formed 
 a circle round the whole fortification ; he ordered the tribunes 
 and general officers to ride round; and exhorted them not 
 only to be on their guard against sallies from the town, but 
 also to watch that no single person should get out privately. 
 Nor was any man so negligent or drowsy as to sleep that night. 
 To so great height was then* expectation raised, that they were 
 carried away, heart and soul, each to different objects, what 
 would become of the Corfinians, what of Domitius, what of 
 Lentulus, what of the rest ; what event would be the con- 
 sequence of another. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. About the fourth watch, Lentulus Spinther 
 said to our sentinels and guards from the walls, that he de- 
 sired to have an interview with Caesar, if permission were 
 given him. Having obtained it, he was escorted out of town ; 
 nor did the soldiers of Domitius leave him till they brought 
 him into Caesar's presence. He pleaded with Caesar for his 
 life, and entreated him to spare him, and reminded him of their 
 former friendship ; and acknowledged that Caesar's favors 
 to him were very great; in that through his interest he 
 had been admitted into the college of priests ; in that after 
 his praetorship he had been appointed to the government 
 of Spain ; in that he had been assisted by him in his suit for 
 the consulate. Caesar interrupted him in his speech, and told 
 him, " that he had not left his province to do mischief [to any
 
 258 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 man], but to protect himself from the injuries of his enemies ; 
 to restore to their dignity* the tribunes of the people who 
 had been driven out of the city on his account, and to assert 
 his own liberty, and that of the Roman people, who were op- 
 pressed by a few factious men. Encouraged by this address, 
 Lentulus begged leave to return to the town, that the security 
 which he had obtained for himself might be an encourage- 
 ment to the rest to hope for theirs ; saying that some were so 
 terrified that they were induced to make desperate attempts on 
 their own lives. Leave being granted him, he departed. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. When day appeared, Caesar ordered all the 
 senators and their children, the tribunes of the soldiers, and 
 the Roman knights to be brought before him. Among the 
 persons of senatorial rank were Lucius Domitius, Publius 
 Lentulus Spinther, Lucius Vibullius Rufus, Sextus Quintilius 
 Varus, the quaestor, and Lucius Rubrius, besides the son of 
 Domitius, and several other young men, and a great number 
 of Roman knights and burgesses, whom Domitius had sum- 
 moned from the municipal towns. When they were brought 
 before him he protected them from the insolence and taunts 
 of the soldiers ; told them in few words that they had not 
 made him a grateful return, on their part, for his very extra- 
 ordinary kindness to them, and dismissed them all in safety. 
 Sixty sestertia, which Domitius had brought with him and 
 lodged in the public treasury, being brought to Caesar by the 
 magistrates of Corfinium, he gave them back to Domitius, that 
 he might not appear more moderate with respect to the life of 
 men than in money matters, though he knew that it was public 
 money, and had been given by Pompey to pay his army. He 
 ordered Domitius's soldiers to take the oath to himself, and 
 that day decamped and performed the regular march. 1 He 
 staid only seven days before ' Corfinium, and marched into 
 Apulia through the country of the Marrucinians, Frentanian's 
 and Larinates. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. Pompey, being informed of what had passed 
 at Corfinium, marches from Luceria to Canusium, and thence 
 to Brundusium. 2 He orders all the forces raised every 
 where by the new levies to repair to him. He gives arms to 
 
 1 The regular march was about twenty Roman miles. 
 
 2 Brundusium, modern Brindisi, a city of Calabria, in the south of 
 Italy.
 
 CHAP. xxv. THE CTVTE WAR 259 
 
 the slaves that attended the flocks, and appoints horses for 
 them. Of these he made up about three hundred horse. 
 Lucius, the praetor, fled from Alba, with six cohorts : Rutilus 
 Lupus, the praetor, from Tarracina, with three. These having 
 descried Caesar's cavalry at a distance, which were commanded 
 by Bivius Curius, and having deserted the praetor, carried their 
 colors to Curius and went over to him. In like manner, 
 during the rest of his march, several cohorts fell in with the 
 main body of Caesar's army, others with his horse. Cneius 
 Magius, from Cremona, engineer-general to Pompey, was taken 
 prisoner on the road and brought to Caesar, but sent back by 
 him to Pompey with this message : " As hitherto he had not 
 been allowed an interview, and was now on his march to him 
 at Brundusium, that it deeply concerned the commonwealth 
 and general safety that he should have an interview with 
 Pompey ; and that the same advantage could not be gained at 
 a great distance when the proposals were conveyed to them by 
 others, as if terms were argued by them both in person." 
 
 CHAP. XXV. Having delivered this message he marched 
 to Brundusium with six legions, four of them veterans : the 
 rest those which he had raised in the late levy and com- 
 pleted on his march, for he had sent all Domitius's cohorts 
 immediately from Corfinium to Sicily. He discovered that 
 the consuls were gone to Dyrrachium with a considerable part 
 of the army, and that Pompey remained at Brundusium with 
 twenty cohorts; but could not find out, for a certainty, 
 whether Pompey staid behind to keep possession of Brun- 
 dusium, that he might the more easily command the whole 
 Adriatic sea, with the extremities of Italy and the coast of 
 Greece, and be able to conduct the war on either side of it, or 
 whether he remained there for want of shipping; and, being 
 afraid that Pompey would come to the conclusion that he ought 
 not to relinquish Italy, he determined to deprive him of the 
 means of communication afforded by the harbor of Brundusium. 
 The plan of his work was as follows : Where the mouth of the 
 port was narrowest he threw up a mole of earth on either side, 
 because in these places the sea was shallow. Having gone out 
 so far that the mole could not be continued in the deep water, 
 he fixed double floats, thirty feet on either side, before the mole. 
 These he fastened with four anchors at the four corners, that 
 they might not be carried away by the waves. Having com-
 
 260 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK I. 
 
 pleted and secured them, he then joined to them other floats 
 of equal size. These he covered over with earth and mold, 
 that he might not be prevented from access to them to defend 
 them, and in the front and on both sides he protected them 
 with a parapet of wicker work ; and on every fourth one 
 raised a turret, two stories high, to secure them the better 
 from being attacked by the shipping and set on fire. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. To counteract this, Pompey fitted out large 
 merchant ships, which he found in the harbor of Brundusium : 
 . on them he erected turrets three stories high, and, having 
 furnished them with several engines and all sorts of weapons, 
 drove them among Caesar's works, to break through the floats 
 and interrupt the works ; thus there happened skirmishes 
 every day at a distance with slings, arrows, and other weapons. 
 Caesar conducted matters as if he thought that the hopes 
 of peace were not yet to be given up. And though he was 
 very much surprised that Magius, whom he had sent to Pompey 
 with a message, was not sent back to him ; and though his 
 attempting a reconciliation often retarded the vigorous prosecu- 
 tion of his plans, yet he thought that he ought by all means to 
 persevere in the same line of conduct. He therefore sent Cani- 
 nius Rebilus to have an interview with Scribonius Libo, his in- 
 timate friend and relation, lie charges him to exhort Libo to 
 effect a peace, but, above all things, requires that he should be 
 admitted to an interview with Pompey. He declared that he 
 had great hopes, if that were allowed him, that the consequence 
 would be that both parties would lay down their arms on equal 
 terms ; that a great share of the glory and reputation of that 
 event would redound to Libo, if, through his advice and 
 agency, hostilities should be ended. Libo, having parted from 
 the conference with Caninius, went to Pompey, and, shortly 
 after, returns with answer that, as the consuls were absent, no 
 treaty of composition could be engaged in without them. Caesar 
 therefore thought it time at length to give over the attempt which 
 he had often made in vain, and act with energy in the war. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. When Caesar's works were nearly half finish- 
 ed, and after nine days were spent in them, the ships which had 
 conveyed the first division of the army to Dyrrachium being 
 sent back by the consuls, returned to Brundusium. Pompey, 
 either frightened at Caesar's works or determined from the 
 beginning to quit Italy, began to prepare for his departure on
 
 CHAP. xxrx. THE CIVIL "WAR. 261 
 
 the arrival of the ships ; and the more effectually to retard 
 Caesar's attack, lest his soldiers should force their way into the 
 town at the moment of his departure, he stopped up the gates, 
 built walls across the streets and avenues, sunk trenches across 
 the ways, and in them fixed palisadoes and sharp stakes, which 
 he made level with the ground by means of hurdles and clay. 
 But he barricaded with large beams fastened in the ground and 
 sharpened at the ends two passages and roads without the 
 walls, which led to the port. After making these arrange- 
 ments, he ordered his soldiers to go on board without noise, 
 and disposed here and there, on the wall and turrets, some 
 light-armed veterans, archers and slingers. These he designed 
 to call off by a certain signal, when all the soldiers were em- 
 barked, and left row-galleys for them in a secure place. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII. The people of Brundusium, irritated by 
 the insolence of Pompey's soldiers, and the insults received 
 from Pompey himself, were in favor of Caesar's party. There- 
 fore, as soon as they were aware of Pompey's departure, 
 while his men were running up and down, and busied about 
 their voyage, they made signs from the tops of the houses : 
 Caesar, being apprised of the design by them, ordered scaling- 
 ladders to be got ready, and his mon to take arms, that 
 he might not lose any opportunity of coming to an action. 
 Pompey weighed anchor at nightfall. The soldiers who had 
 been posted on the wall to guard it, were called off by the 
 signal which had been agreed on, and knowing the roads, ran 
 down to the ships. Caesar's soldiers fixed their ladders and 
 scaled the walls : but being cautioned by the people to beware 
 of the hidden stakes and covered trenches, they halted, and 
 being conducted by the inhabitants by a long circuit, they 
 reached the port, and captured with their long boats and small 
 craft two of Pompey's ships, full of soldiers, which had struck 
 against Caesar's moles. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX. Though Caesar highly approved of col- 
 lecting a fleet, and crossing the sea, and pursuing Pompey 
 before he could strengthen himself with his transmarine 
 auxiliaries, with the hope of bringing the war to a conclusion, 
 yet he dreaded the delay and length of time necessary to effect 
 it : because Pompey, by collecting all his ships, had deprived 
 him of the means of pursuing him at present. The only 
 resource left to Caesar, was to wait for a fleet from the distant
 
 262 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 regions of Gaul, Piconum, and the straits of Gibraltar. But 
 this, on account of the season of the year, appeared tedious and 
 troublesome. lie was unwilling that, in the mean time, the 
 veteran army, and the two Spains, one of which was bound to 
 Pompey by the strongest obligations, should be confirmed in 
 his interest ; that auxiliaries and cavalry should be provided, 
 and Gaul and Italy reduced in his absence. 
 
 CHAP. XXX. Therefore, for the present, he relinquished 
 all intention of pursuing Pompey, and resolved to march to 
 Spain, and commanded the magistrates of the free towns to 
 procure him ships, and to have them conveyed to Brundusium. 
 He detached Valerius, his lieutenant, with one legion to 
 Sardinia ; Curio, the propraetor, to Sicily with three legions ; 
 and ordered him, when he had recoverd Sicily, to imme- 
 diately transport his army to Africa. Marcus Cotta was at this 
 time governor of Sardinia : Marcus Cato, 1 of Sicily : and 
 Tubero, by the lots, should have had the government of Africa. 
 The Caralitani, 2 as soon as they heard that Valerius was sent 
 against them, even before he left Italy, of their own accord 
 drove Cotta out of the town ; who, terrified because he under- 
 stood that the whole province was combined [against him], fled 
 from Sardinia to Africa. Cato was in Sicily, repairing the old 
 ships of war, and demanding new ones from the states, and these 
 things he performed with great zeal. He was raising levies of 
 Roman citizens, among the Lucani and Brutii, by his lieu- 
 tenants, and exacting a certain quota* of horse and foot from the 
 states of Sicily. When these things were nearly completed, 
 being informed of Curio's approach, he made a complaint that he 
 was abandoned and betrayed by Pompey, who had undertaken 
 an unnecessaiy war, without making any preparation, and 
 when questioned by him and other members in the senate, 
 
 1 Marcus Cato, better known by the name of Cato of Utica, was one 
 of the most determined enemies of Caesar. He continued the struggle 
 until affairs became desperate, and then committed suicide in Utica, a 
 town of Africa. Cato the elder, surnamed the Censor, was the first dis- 
 tinguished man of the name. Livy remarked of him, that his talents 
 were so great and so versatile, that he could have Braised himself to the 
 highest honors of any state in which he might have been born. He was 
 a most deadly foe to Carthage, and concluded every debate in the senate 
 with the well-known words, ' : delenda est Carthago." 
 
 2 The inhabitants of Carales, now Cagliari, the modern capital of Sar- 
 dinia, in the south of the island. It was built by the Carthaginians.
 
 THE CIVIL WAR. 263 
 
 had assured them that every thing was ready and provided for 
 the "war. After having made these complaints in a public 
 assembly, he fled from his province. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI. Valerius found Sardinia, and Curio, Sicily, 
 deserted by their governors when they arrived there with their 
 armies. When Tubero arrived in Africa, he found Attius 
 Varus in the government of the province, who, having lost his 
 cohorts, as already related, at Auximum, had straightway fled 
 to Africa, and finding it without a governor, had seized it of 
 his own accord, and making levies, had raised two legions. 
 From his acquaintance with the people and country, and his 
 knowledge of that province, he found the means of effecting this ; 
 because a few years before, at the expiration of his praetorship, 
 he had obtained that province. He, when Tubero came to 
 Utica with his fleet, prevented his entering the port or town, 
 and did not suffer his son, though laboring under sickness, to 
 set foot on shore ; but obliged him to weigh anchor and quit 
 the place. 
 
 CHAP. XXXTT. When these affairs were dispatched, 
 Caesar, that there might be an intermission from labor for the 
 rest of the season, drew off his soldiers to the nearest muni- 
 cipal towns, and set off in person for Rome. Having as- 
 sembled the senate, he reminded them of the injustice of his 
 enemies ; and told them, " That he aimed at no extraordinary 
 honor, but had waited for the time appointed by law, 1 for stand- 
 ing candidate for the consulate, being contented with what was 
 allowed to every citizen. That a bill had been carried by the 
 ten tribunes of the people (notwithstanding the resistance of 
 his enemies, and a very violent opposition from Cato, who in 
 his usual manner, consumed the day by a tedious harangue) that 
 he should be allowed to stand candidate, though absent, even in 
 the consulship of Pompey ; and if the latter disapproved of the 
 bill, why did he allow it to pass ? if he approved of it, why should 
 he debar him [Csesar] from the people's favor ? He made men- 
 tion of his own patience, in that he had freely proposed that all 
 armies should be disbanded, by which he himself would suflef 
 the loss both of dignity and honor x He urged the virulence of 
 his enemies, who refused to comply with what they required 
 from others, and had rather that all things should be thrown 
 
 1 Ten years had elapsed since his former consulate.
 
 264 CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 into confusion, than that they should lose their power and their 
 armies. He expatiated on their injustice, in taking away his 
 legions : their cruelty and insolence in abridging the privileges 
 of the tribunes ; the proposals he had made, and his entreaties of 
 an interview which had been refused him. For which reasons, 
 he begged and desired that they would undertake the manage- 
 ment of the republic, and unite with him in the administration 
 of it. But if through fear they declined it, he would not be a 
 burden to them, but take the management of it on himself. 
 That deputies ought to be sent to Pompey, to propose a 
 reconciliation ; as he did not regard what Pompey had lately 
 asserted in the senate, that authority was acknowledged to 
 be vested in those persons to whom embassadors were sent, 
 and fear implied in those that sent them. That these were 
 the sentiments of low, weak minds : that for his part, as he had 
 made it his study to surpass others in glory, so he was desirous 
 of excelling them in justice and equity." 
 
 CHAP. XXXIII. The senate approved of sending deputies, 
 but none could be found fit to execute the commission : for 
 every person, from his own private fears, declined the office. 
 For Pompey, on leaving the city, had declared in the open 
 senate, that he would hold in the same degree of estima- 
 tion, those who staid in Rome and those in Caesar's camp. 
 Thus three days were wasted in disputes and excuses. Besides, 
 Lucius Metellus, one of the tribunes, was suborned by Caesar's 
 enemies, to prevent this, and to embarrass 1 every thing else 
 which Caesar should propose. Caesar having discovered his 
 intention, after spending several days to no purpose, left the 
 city, in order that he might not lose any more time, 2 and went 
 to Transalpine Gaul, without effecting what he had intended. 
 
 1 Before Cassar left the city, he took out of the treasury a large sum 
 of money, deposited there as a fund to defray the expenses of any war 
 that might arise from the Gauls, of whom the Romans had a peculiar 
 horror, alleging that, as he conquered the Gauls, there was no use for it. 
 Metellus attempted to prevent him, but he drew his sword in an attitude 
 of menace, saying, " Toung man, it is as easy to do this as to say it." 
 The money was soon expended* as Csesar, not long after, was obliged to 
 borrow money from his officers to pay his soldiers. P. 
 
 2 Caasar intrusted Rome, on his departure, to the care of Marcus Le- 
 pidus: he gave the command of Italy to Mark Antony, of Sicily to Curio, 
 of Sardinia to Valerius, of Illyricum to Caius Antonius, and of Hither 
 GauL to Lucius Crassus.
 
 CHAP. xxxn. THE CIVIL WAB. 265 
 
 CHAP. XXXIV. On his arrival there, he was informed 
 that Vibullius Rufus, whom he had taken a few days before at 
 Corfmium, and set at liberty, was sent, by Pompey into Spain ; 
 and that Domitius also was gone to seize Massilia with seven 
 row-galleys, which were fitted up by some private persons at 
 Igilium and Cosa, and which he had manned with his own 
 slaves, freedmen, and colonists: and that some young noble- 
 men of Massilia had been sent before him ; whom Pompey, 
 when leaving Rome had exhorted, that the late services of 
 Caesar should not erase from their minds the memory of his 
 former favors. On receiving this message, the Massilians had 
 shut their gates against Caesar, and invited over to them the 
 Albici, who had formerly been in alliance with them, and who 
 inhabited the mountains that overhung Massilia : they had like- 
 wise conveyed the corn from the surrounding country, and from 
 all the forts into the city ; had opened armories in the city; and 
 were repairing the walls, the fleet, and the gates. 
 
 CHAP. XXXV. Caesar sent for fifteen of the principal 
 persons of Massilia to attend him. To prevent the war com- 
 mencing among them, he remonstrates [in the following lan- 
 guage] ; " that they ought to follow the precedent set by all 
 Italy, rather than submit to the will of any one man." He made 
 use of such arguments as he thought would tend to bring 
 them to reason. The deputies reported his speech to their 
 countrymen, and by the authority of the state bring him back 
 this answer : " That they understood that the Roman people 
 was divided into two factions : that they had neither judgment 
 nor abilities to decide which had the juster cause ; but that the 
 heads of these factions were Cneius Pompey and Caius Caesar, 
 the two patrons of the state : the former of whom had granted 
 to their state the lands of the Vocae Arecomici, and Helvii ; 
 the latter had assigned them a part of his conquests in Gaul, 
 and had augmented their revenue. Wherefore, having received 
 equal favors from both, they ought to show equal affection to 
 both, and assist neither against the other, nor admit either into 
 their city or harbors." 
 
 CHAP. XXXVI. While this treaty was going forward, 
 Domitius arrived at Massilia with his fleet, and was received 
 into the city, and made governor of it. The chief management 
 of the war was intrusted to him. At his command they send 
 the fleet to all parts ; they seize all the merchantmen they could 
 
 12
 
 266 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 meet with, and carry them into the harbor ; they apply the nails, 
 timber, and rigging, with which they were furnished to rig and 
 refit their other vessels. 1 They lay up in the public stores, all 
 the corn that was found in the ships, and reserve the rest of 
 their lading and convoy for the siege of the town, should such 
 an event take place. Provoked at such ill treatment, Caesar 
 led three legions against Massilia, and resolved to provide tur- 
 rets, and vinese to assault the town, and to build twelve ships at 
 Arelas, which being completed and rigged in thirty days (from 
 the time the timber was cut down), and being brought to 
 Massilia, he put under the command of Decimus Brutus ; and 
 left Caius Trebonius his lieutenant, to invest the city. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVII. While he was preparing and getting 
 these things in readiness, he sent Caius Fabius one of his 
 lieutenants into Spain with three legions, which he had dis- 
 posed to winter quarters in Narbo, and the neighboring coun- 
 try ; and ordered him immediately to seize the passes of the 
 Pyrenees, which were at that time occupied by detachments 
 from Lucius Afranius, one of Pompey's lieutenants. He desired 
 the other legions, which were passing the winter at a great dis- 
 tance, to follow close after him. Fabius, according to his orders, 
 by using expedition, dislodged the party from the hills, and by 
 hasty marches came up with the army of Afranius. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVIII. On the arrival of Vibullius Kufus, 
 whom, we have already mentioned, Pomp'ey had sent into 
 Spain, Afranius, Petreius, and Varro, his lieutenants (one of 
 whom had the command of Hither Spain, with three legions ; 
 the second of the country from the forest of Castulo to the 
 river 2 Guadiana with two legions ; the third from the river 
 Guadiana to the country of the Vettones and Lusitania, with the 
 like number of legions) divided among themselves their 
 respective departments. Petreius was to march from Lusitania 
 through the Vettones, and join Afranius with all his forces ; 
 
 1 1 have here adopted the reading "earum" the other reading is "parum :" 
 which translate as follows : " they take those that are badly supplied 
 with nails, timber and rigging, to equip and fit out their other vessels." 
 
 2 The Guadiana, the ancient name of which was Anas, is one of the 
 largest rivers in Spam. It has its source in some lakes or marshes in 
 New Castile, flows through the provinces of Estremadura, and entering 
 Lusitania, the modern Portugal, traverses part of Algarva, in which it 
 changes its direction, and running south, falls, after a course of 470 
 miles into Mare Gaditanum, or Bseticum, the gulf of Cadiz.
 
 OHAP. XL. THE CIYIL "WAR. 267 
 
 Varro was to guard all Further Spain with what legions he had. 
 These matters being settled, reinforcements of horse and foot 
 were demanded from Lusitania, by Petreius ; from the Celtiberi, 
 Cantabri, and all the barbarous nations which border on the 
 ocean, by Afranius. When they were raised, Petreius immedi- 
 ately marched through the Vettones to Afranius. They re- 
 solved by joint consent to carry on the war in the vicinity of 
 Ilerba, on account of the advantages of its situation. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIX. Afranius, as above mentioned, had three 
 legions, Petreius two. There were besides about eighty, cohorts 
 raised in Hither and Further Spain (of which, the troops be- 
 longing to the former province had shields, those of the latter 
 targets), 1 and about five thousand horse raised in both provinces. 
 Caesar had sent his legions into Spain, with about six thousand 
 auxiliary foot, and three thousand horse, which had served under 
 him in all his former wars, and the same number from Gaul, 
 which he himself had provided, having expressly called out all 
 the most noble and valiant men of each state. The bravest of 
 these were from the Aquitani and the mountaineers, who border 
 on the Province in Gaul. He had been informed that Pompey 
 was marching through Mauritania with his legions to Spain, and 
 would shortly arrive. He at the same time borrowed money 
 from the tribunes and centurions, which he distributed among 
 his soldiers. By this proceeding he gained two points ; he se- 
 cured the interest of the centurions by this pledge in his hands, 
 and by his liberality he purchased the affections of his army. 
 
 CHAP. XL. Fabius sounded the inclinations of the neigh- 
 boring states by letters and messengers. He had made two 
 bridges over the river Segre," at the distance of four miles 
 from each other. He sent foraging parties over these bridges, 
 because he had already consumed all the forage that was on 
 his side of the river. The generals of Pompey's army did 
 almost the same thing, and for the same reason : and the 
 horse had frequent skirmishes with each other. When two of 
 Fabius's legions had, as was their constant practice, gone forth 
 as the usual protection to the foragers, and had crossed the 
 
 1 Cetratae, armed with the Cetra, a light leather target, somewhat of a 
 circular form, used by the Spaniards (hence often called cetrati), ancient 
 Britons, and other barbarous nations. 
 
 2 The Segre, called in ancient times Sicoris, a river of Spain, which 
 rises in the Pyrenees, is joined by the Cinga, modern Cinca, near Lerida, 
 and empties itself into the Ebro.
 
 268 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 river, and the baggage, and all the horse were following them, 
 on a sudden, from the weight of the cattle, and the mass of 
 water, the bridge fell, and all the horse were cut off from the 
 main army, which being known to Petreius and Afranius, from 
 the timber and hurdles that were carried down the river, Afra- 
 nius immediately crossed his own bridge, which communicated 
 between his camp and the town, with four legions and all the 
 cavalry, and marched against Fabius's two legions. When his 
 approach was announced, Lucius Plancus, who had the com- 
 mand of those legions, compelled by the emergency, took post 
 on a rising ground ; and drew up his army with two fronts, that 
 it might not be surrounded by the cavalry. Thus, though en- 
 gaged with superior numbers, he sustained the furious charge 
 of the legions and the horse. When the battle was begun by 
 the horse, there were observed at a distance by both sides the 
 colors of two legions, which Caius Fabius had sent round by 
 the further bridge to reinforce our men, suspecting, as the 
 event verified, that the enemy's generals would take advantage 
 of the opportunity which fortune had put in their way, to attack 
 our men. Their approach put an end to the battle, and each 
 general led back his legions to their respective camps. 
 
 CHAP. XLI. In two days after Caesar came to the camp 
 with nine hundred horse, which he had retained for a body 
 guard. The bridge which had been broken down by the 
 storm was almost repaired, and he ordered it to be finished in 
 the night. Being acquainted with the nature of the country, he 
 left behind him six cohorts to guard the bridge, the camp, and 
 all his baggage, and the next day set off in person for Ilerda, 1 
 with all his forces drawn up in three lines, and halted just 
 before the camp of Afranius, and having remained there a 
 short time under arms, he offered him battle on equal terms. 
 When this affair was made, Afranius drew out his forces, and 
 posted them on the middle of a hill, near his camp. When 
 Caesar perceived that Afranius declined coming to an engage- 
 ment, he resolved to encamp at somewhat less than half a 
 mile's distance from the very foot of the mountain ; and that 
 his soldiers while engaged in their ^vorks, might not be terri- 
 fied by any sudden attack of the enemy, or disturbed in their 
 work, he ordered them not to fortify it with a wall, which must 
 
 1 Ilerda, now Lerida, a town of Hispania Tarraconensis, situated on 
 the Segre, about four miles above its junction with the Cinca.
 
 CHAP. xmi. THE CIVIL "WAB. 269 
 
 rise high, and be seen at a distance, but draw, on the front op- 
 posite the enemy, a trench fifteen feet broad. The first and 
 second lines contiued under arms, as was from the first ap- 
 pointed. Behind them the third line was carrying on the work 
 without being seen ; so that the whole was completed before 
 Afranius discovered that the camp was being fortified. 
 
 CHAP. XLIL In the evening Caesar drew his legions 
 within this trench, and rested them under arms the next night. 
 The day following he kept his whole army within it, and as 
 it was necessary to bring materials from a considerable dis- 
 tance, he for the present pursued the same plan in his work ; 
 and to each legion, one after the other, he assigned one side of 
 the camp to fortify, and ordered trenches of the same magni- 
 tude to be cut : he kept the rest of the legions under arms 
 without baggage to oppose the enemy. Afranius and Petreius, 
 to frighten us and obstruct the work, drew out their forces at 
 the very foot of the mountain, and challenged us to battle. 
 Caesar, however, did not interrupt his work, relying on the pro- 
 tection of the three legions, and the strength of the fosse. After 
 staying for a short time, and advancing no great distance from 
 the bottom of the hill, they led back their forces to their camp. 
 The third day Caesar fortified his camp with a rampart, and 
 ordered the other cohorts which he had left in the upper camp, 
 and his baggage to be removed to it. 
 
 CHAP. XLIII. Between the town of Berda and the next 
 hill, on which Afranius and Petreius were encamped, there was 
 a plain about three hundred paces broad, and near the middle of 
 it an eminence somewhat raised above the level : Caesar hoped 
 that if he could get possession of this and fortify it, he should 
 be able to cut off the enemy from the town, the bridge, and all 
 the stores which they had laid up in the town. In expectation 
 of this he led three legions out of the camp, and, drawing up 
 his army in an advantageous position, he ordered the advanced 
 men of one legion to hasten forward and seize the eminence. 
 Upon intelligence of this the cohorts which were on guard 
 before Afranius's camp were instantly sent a nearer way to 
 occupy the same post. The two parties engage, and as 
 Afranius's men had reached the eminence first, our men were 
 repulsed, and, on a reinforcement being sent, they were 
 obliged to turn their backs and retreat to the standards of 
 legions.
 
 270 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 CHAP. XLIV. The manner of fighting of those soldiers 
 was to run forward with great impetuosity and boldly take a 
 post, and not to keep their ranks strictly, but to fight in small 
 scattered parties : if hard pressed they thought it no disgrace 
 to retire and give up the post, being accustomed to this manner 
 of fighting among the Lusitanians and other barbarous nations ; 
 for at commonly happens that soldiers are strongly influenced by 
 the customs of those countries in which they have spent much 
 time. This method, however, alarmed our men, who were not 
 used to such a description of warfare. For they imagined that 
 they were about to be surrounded on their exposed flank by 
 the single men who ran forward from their ranks ; and they 
 thought it their duty to keep their ranks, and not to quit their 
 colors, nor, without good reason to give up the post which 
 they had taken. Accordingly, when the advanced guard gave 
 way, the legion which was stationed on that wing did not keep 
 its ground, but retreated to the next hill. 
 
 CHAP. XLV. Almost the whole army being daunted at 
 this, because it had occurred contrary to their expectations and 
 custom, Caesar encouraged his men and led the ninth legion to 
 their relief, and checked the insolent and eager pursuit of the 
 enemy, and obliged them, in their turn, to show their backs, 
 and retreat to Ilerda, and take post under the walls. But the 
 soldiers of the ninth legion, being over zealous to repair the 
 dishonor which had been sustained, having rashly pursued 
 the fleeing enemy, advanced into disadvantageous ground and 
 went up to the foot of the mountain on which the town Ilerda 
 was built. And when they wished to retire they were again 
 attacked by the enemy from the rising ground. The place 
 was craggy in the front and steep on either side, and was so 
 narrow that even three cohorts, drawn up in order of %attle, 
 would fill it ; but no relief could be sent on the flanks, and the 
 horse could be of no service to them when hard pressed. From 
 the town, indeed, the precipice inclined with a gentle slope for 
 near four hundred paces. Our men had to retreat this way, 
 as they had, through their eagerness, advanced too incon- 
 siderately. The greatest contest was in this place, which was 
 much to the disadvantage of our troops, both on account of its 
 narrowness, and because they were posted at the foot of the 
 mountain, so that no weapon was thrown at them without 
 effect ; yet they exerted their valor and patience, and bore
 
 CHAP. XLVHL THE CTVTL WAR. 27 1 
 
 every wound. The enemy's forces were increasing, and cohorts 
 were frequently sent to their aid from the camp through the 
 town, that fresh men might relieve the weary. Caesar was 
 obliged to do the same, and relieve the fatigued by sending 
 cohorts to that post. 
 
 CHAP. XLVL After the battle had in this manner con- 
 tinued incessantly fqr five hours, and our men had suffered 
 much from superior numbers, having spent all their javelins, 
 they drew their swords and charged the enemy up the hill, 
 and, having killed a few, obliged the rest to fly. The cohorts 
 being beaten back to the wall, and some being driven by their 
 fears into the town, an easy retreat was afforded to our men. 
 Our cavalry also, on either flank, though stationed on sloping 
 or low ground, yet bravely struggled up to the top of the hill, 
 and, riding between the two armies, made our retreat more 
 easy and secure. Such were the various turns of fortune in the 
 battle. In the first encounter about seventy of our men fell : 
 among them Quintus Fulgenius, first centurion of the second 
 line of the fourteenth legion, who, for his extraordinary valor, 
 had been promoted from the lower ranks to that post. About 
 six hundred were wounded. Of Afranius's party there were 
 killed Titus Csecilius, principal centurion, and four other cen- 
 turions, and above two hundred men. 
 
 CHAP XLVII. But this opinion is spread abroad con- 
 cerning this day, that each party thought that they came off 
 conquerors. Afranius's soldiers, because, though they were 
 esteemed inferior in the opinion of all, yet they had stood our 
 attack and sustained our charge, and, at first, had kept the 
 post on the hill which had been the occasion of the dispute ; 
 and, in the first encounter, had obliged our men to fly : but 
 ours, because, notwithstanding the disadvantage of the ground 
 and the disparity of numbers, they had maintained the battle 
 for five hours, had advanced up the hill sword in hand, and 
 had forced the enemy to fly from the higher ground and driven 
 them into the town. The enemy fortified the hill, about which 
 the contest had been, with strong works and posted a garrison 
 on it. 
 
 CHAP. XLVHL In two days after this transaction, there 
 happened an unexpected misfortune. For so great a storm 
 arose, that it was agreed that there were never seen higher 
 floods in those countries ; it swept down the snow from all the
 
 272 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK. 
 
 mountains, and broke over the banks of the river, and in one 
 day carried away both the bridges which Fabius had built a 
 circumstance which caused great difficulties to Caesar's army. 
 For as our 1 camp, as already mentioned, was pitched between 
 two rivers, the Segre and Cinca, and as neither of these could be 
 forded for the space of thirty miles, they were all of necessity 
 confined within these narrow limits. Neither could the 
 states, which had espoused Caesars cause, furnish him with 
 corn, nor the troops, which had gone far to forage, return, as 
 they were stopped by the waters : nor could the convoys, coming 
 from Italy and Gaul, make their way to the camp. Besides, it 
 was the most distressing season of the year, when there was no 
 corn in the blade, and it was nearly ripe : and the states were 
 exhausted, because Afranius had conveyed almost all the corn, 
 before Caesar's arrival, into Ilerda, and whatever he had left, had 
 been already consumed by Caesar. The cattle, which might have 
 served as a secondary resource against want, had been removed 
 by the states to a great distance on account of the war. They 
 who had gone out to get forage or corn, were chased by the 
 light troops of the Lusitanians, and the targeteers of Hither 
 Spain, who were well acquainted with the country, and could 
 readily swim across the river, because it is the custom of all 
 those people not to join their armies wiu;ont bladders. 
 
 CHAP. XLIX. But Afranius's army had abundance of every 
 thing ; a great stock of corn had been provided and laid iu 
 long before, a large quantity was coming in from the whole 
 province : they had a good store of forage. The bridge of 
 Ilerda afforded an opportunity of getting all these without 
 any danger, and the places beyond the bridge, to which Caesar 
 had no access, were as yet untouched. 
 
 CHAP. L. Those floods continued several days. Caesar 
 endeavored to repair the bridges, but the height of the water 
 did not allow him : and the cohorts disposed along the banks 
 did not suffer tham to be completed ; and it was easy for 
 them to prevent it, both from the nature of the river and the 
 height of the water, but especially because their darts were 
 thrown from the whole course of the bank on one confined 
 spot ; and it was no easy matter at one and the same time to 
 execute a work in a very rapid flood, and to avoid the darts. 
 
 1 Caesar has not alluded to this circumstance previously, so we must 
 conclude, either that he made an oversight, or that the Commentaries 
 have not reached us entire.
 
 CHAP. LIIL THE CIVIL "WAR. 273 
 
 CHAP. LI. Intelligence was brought to Afranius that the 
 great convoys, which were on their march to Caesar, had halted 
 at the river. Archers from the Kutheni, and horse from the 
 Gauls, with a long train of baggage, according to the Gallic 
 custom of traveling, had arrived there ; there were besides about 
 six thousand people of all descriptions, with slaves and freed 
 men. But there was no order, or regular discipline, as every 
 one followed his own humor, and all traveled without appre- 
 hension, taking the same liberty as on former marches. There 
 were several young noblemen, sons of senators, and of eques- 
 trian rank ; there were embassadors from several states ; there 
 were lieutenants of Caesar's. The river stopped them all. To 
 attack them by surprise, Afranius set out in the beginning of 
 the night, with all his cavalry and three legions, and sent the 
 horse on before, to fall on them unawares ; but the Gallic 
 horse soon got themselves in readiness, and attacked them. 
 Though but few, they withstood the vast number of the enemy, 
 as long as they fought on equal terms ; but when the legions 
 began to approach, having lost a few men, they retreated to the 
 next mountains. The delay occasioned by this battle was 
 of great importance to the security of our men ; for having 
 gained time, they retired to the higher grounds. There were 
 missing that day about two hundred bow-men, a few horse, 
 and an inconsiderable number of servants and baggage. 
 
 CHAP. LII. However, by all these things, the price of 
 provisions was raised, which is commonly a disaster attendant, 
 not only on a time of present scarcity, but on the apprehension 
 of future want. Provisions had now reached fifty denarii each 
 bushel ; and the want of corn had diminished the strength of 
 the soldiers ; and the inconveniences were increasing every 
 day ; and so great an alteration was wrought in a few days, 
 and fortune had so changed sides, that our men had to struggle 
 with the want of every necessary ; while the enemy had an 
 abundant supply of all things^and were considered to have the 
 advantage. Caesar demanded from those states which had 
 acceded to his alliance, a supply of cattle, as they had but little 
 corn. He sent away the camp followers to the more distant 
 states, and endeavored to remedy the present scarcity by 
 every resource in his power. 
 
 CHAP. LHI. Afranius and Petreius, and their friends, sent 
 fuller and more circumstantial accounts of these things to 
 
 12*
 
 ^ 274 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 Rome, to their acquaintances. Report exaggerated them so 
 that the war appeared to be almost at an end. When these 
 letters and dispatches were received at Rome, a great concourse 
 of people resorted to the house of Afranius, and congratulations 
 ran high ; several went out of Italy to Cneius Pompey ; some 
 of them, to be the first to bring him the intelligence ; others, 
 that they might not be thought to have waited the issue of 
 the war, and to have come last of all. 
 
 CHAP. LIV. When Caesar's affairs were in this unfavor- 
 able position, and all the passes were guarded by the soldiers 
 and horse of Afranius, and the bridges could not be prepared, 
 Caesar ordered his soldiers to make ships of the kind that his 
 knowledge of Britain a few years before had taught him. First, 
 the keels and ribs were made of light timber, then, the rest of 
 the hulk of the ships was wrought with wicker work, and covered 
 over with hides. When these were finished, he drew them down 
 to the river in wagons in one night, a distance of twenty-two 
 miles from his camp, and transported in them some soldiers 
 across the river, and on a sudden took possession of a hill ad- 
 joining the bank. This he immediately fortified, before he was 
 perceived by the enemy. To this he afterward transported a 
 legion : and having begun a bridge on both sides, he finished 
 it in two days. By this means, he brought safe to his camp, 
 the convoys, and those who had gone out to forage ; and began 
 to prepare a conveyance for the provisions. 
 
 CHAP. LV. The same day he made a great part of his 
 horse pass the river, who, falling on the foragers by surprise as 
 they were dispersed without any suspicions, intercepted an in- 
 credible number of cattle and people ; and when some Spanish 
 light-armed cohorts were sent to reinforce the enemy, our 
 men judiciously divided themselves into two parts, the one to 
 protect the spoil, the other to resist the advancing foe, and to 
 beat them back, and they cut off from the rest and surrounded 
 one cohort, which had rashly ventured out of the line before 
 the others, and after putting it to the sword, returned safe 
 with considerable booty to the camp over the same bridge. 
 
 CHAP. LVI. While these affairs are going forward at 
 Berda, the Massilians, adopting the advice of Domitius, pre- 
 pared seventeen ships of war, of which eleven were decked. 
 To these they add several smaller vessels, that our fleet might 
 be terrified by numbers ; they man them with a great number
 
 CHAP. Lvm. THE CIVIL WAR. 275 
 
 of archers and of the Albici, of whom mention has been 
 already made, and these they incited by rewards and promises. 
 Domitius required certain ships for his own use, which he 
 manned with colonists and shepherds, whom he had brought 
 along with him. A fleet being thus furnished with every 
 necessary, he advanced with great confidence against our ships, 
 commanded by Decimus Brutus. It was stationed at an island 
 opposite to Massilia. 
 
 CHAP. LVII. Brutus was much inferior in number of 
 ships ; but Caesar had appointed to that fleet the bravest men 
 selected from all his legions, antesignani 1 and centurions, 
 who had requested to be employed in that service. They had 
 provided iron hooks and harpoons, and had furnished them- 
 selves with a vast number of javelins, darts, and missiles. 
 Thus prepared, and being apprised of the enemy's approach, 
 they put out from the harbor, and engaged the Massilians. Both 
 sides fought with great courage and resolution; nor did the 
 Albici, a hardy people, bred on the highlands and inured to 
 arms, fall much short of our men in valor : and being lately 
 come from the Massilians, they retained in their minds their 
 recent promises : and the wild shepherds, encouraged by the 
 hope of liberty, wtfre eager to prove their zeal in the presence 
 of their masters. 
 
 CHAP. LVm. The Massilians themselves, confiding in the 
 quickness of their ships, and the skill of their pilots, eluded 
 ours, and evaded the shock, and as long as they were per- 
 mitted by clear space, lengthening their line they endeav- 
 ored to surround us, or to attack single ships with several 
 of theirs, or to run across our ships, and carry away our oars, if 
 
 Eossible ; but when necessity obliged them to come nearer, they 
 ad recourse, from the skill and art of the pilots, to the valor 
 of the mountaineers. But our men, not having such expert 
 seamen, or skillful pilots, for they had been hastily drafted from 
 the merchant ships, and were not yet acquainted even with the 
 names of the rigging, were moreover impeded by the heaviness 
 and slowness of our vessels, which having been built in a hurry 
 
 1 In the early ages of Rome the Hastati fought in front of the stand- 
 ards, and were thence denominated " Antesignani," to distinguish them 
 from the Principes and Triarii, who fought behind the standards. In 
 the time of Caesar, as the military organization of Rome had undergone 
 great changes, the Antesignani were the oldest and best soldiers, who at 
 this time formed the front line.
 
 276 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK L 
 
 and of green timber, were not so easily maneuvered. Therefore, 
 when Caesar's men had an opportunity of a close engagement, 
 they cheerfully opposed two of the enemy's ships with one of 
 theirs. And throwing in the grappling-irons, and holding both 
 ships fast, they fought on both sides of the deck, and boarded 
 the enemy's ; and having killed numbers of the Albici and 
 shepherds, they sank some of their ships, took others with the 
 men on board, and drove the rest into the harbor. That day 
 the Massilians lost nine ships, including those that were taken. 
 
 CHAP. LIX. When news of this battle was brought to Caesar 
 at Derda, the bridge being completed at the same time, fortune 
 soon took a turn. The enemy, daunted by the courage of our 
 horse, did not scour the country as freely or as boldly as before : 
 but sometimes advancing a small distance from the camp, that 
 they might have a ready retreat, they foraged within narrower 
 bounds : at other times, they took a longer circuit to avoid our 
 outposts and parties of horse ; or having sustained some loss, 
 or descried our horse at a distance, they fled in the midst of 
 their expedition, leaving their baggage behind them ; at length 
 they resolved to leave off foraging ibr several days, and, contrary 
 to the practice of all nations, to go out at night. 
 
 CHAP. LX. In the mean time the Oscenses and the Cala- 
 gurritani, who were under the government of the Oscenses, 
 send embassadors to Caesar, and offer to submit to his 
 orders. They are followed by the Tarraconenses, Jacetani, 
 and Ausetani, and in a few days more by the Illurgavonenses, 
 who dwell near the river Ebro. He requires of them all, to 
 assist him with corn, to which they agreed, and having 
 collected all the cattle in the country, they convey them into 
 his camp. One entire cohort of the Illurgavonenses, knowing 
 the design of their state, came over to Caesar, from the place 
 where they were stationed, and carried their colors with them. 
 A great change is shortly made in the face of affairs. The 
 bridge being finished, five powerful states being joined to 
 Caesar, a way opened for the receiving of corn, and the 
 rumors of the assistance of legions which were said to be on 
 their march, with Pompey at their head, through Mauritania, 
 having died away, several of the more distant states revolt 
 from Afranius, and enter into league with Caesar. 
 
 CHAP. LI. While the spirits of the enemy were dis- 
 mayed at these things, Caesar, that he might not be always
 
 CHAP. LXTTT. THE CIVIL WAR 277 
 
 obliged to send his horse a long circuit round by the bridge, 
 having found a convenient place, began to sink several drains, 
 thirty feet deep, by which he might draw off a part of the 
 river Segre, and make a ford over it. When these were 
 almost finished, Afranius and Petreius began to be greatly 
 alarmed, lest they should be altogether cut off from corn and 
 forage, because Caesar was very strong in cavalry. They 
 therefore resolved to quit their posts, and to transfer the war 
 to Celtiberia. There was, moreover, a circumstance that con- 
 firmed them in this resolution : for of the two adverse parties, 
 that, which had stood by Sertorius in the late war, being 
 conquered by Pompey, still trembled at his name and sway, 
 though absent : the other which had remained firm in Pom- 
 pey's interest, loved him for the favors which they had re- 
 ceived : but Gaesar's name was not known to the barbarians. 
 From these they expected considerable aid, both of horse and 
 foot, and hoped to protract the war till winter, in a friendly 
 country. Having come to this resolution, they gave orders to 
 collect all the ships in the river Ebro, and to bring them to 
 Octogesa, 1 a town situated on the river Ebro, about twenty 
 miles distant from their camp. At this part of the river, they 
 ordered a bridge to be made of boats fastened together, and 
 transported two legions over the river Segre, and fortified 
 their camp with a rampart, twelve feet high. 
 
 CHAP. LXIL Notice of this being given by the scouts, 
 Caesar continued his work day and night, with very great 
 fatigue to the soldiers, to drain the river, and so far effected 
 his purpose, that the horse were both able and bold enough, 
 though with some difficulty and danger, to pass the river ; but 
 the foot had only their shoulders and upper part of their breast 
 above the water, so that their fording it was retarded, not only 
 by the depth of the water, but also by the rapidity of the 
 current. However, almost at the same instant, news was 
 received of the bridge being nearly completed over the Ebro, 
 and a ford was found in the Segre. 
 
 CHAP. LXin. Now indeed the enemy began to think that 
 they ought to hasten their march. Accordingly, leaving two 
 auxiliary cohorts in the garrison at Herda, they crossed the 
 Segre with their whole force, and formed one camp with the 
 
 1 Octogesa, now Mequinensa, a town of Spain, situated on the north- 
 ern bank of the Ebro, at its confluence with the Segre.
 
 278 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 two legions which they had led across a few days before. 
 Caesar had no resource, but to annoy and cut down their rear ; 
 since with his cavalry to go by the bridge, required him to take 
 a long circuit ; so that they would arrive at the Ebro by a much 
 shorter route. The horse, which he had detached, crossed 
 the ford, and when Afranius and Petreius had broken up their 
 camp about the third watch, they suddenly appeared on their 
 rear, and spreading round them in great numbers, began to 
 retard and impede their march. 
 
 CHAP. LXIV. At break of day, it was perceived from the 
 rising grounds which joined Caesar's camp, that their rear was 
 vigorously pressed by our horse ; that the last line sometimes 
 halted and was broken ; at other times, that they joined battle 
 and that our men were beaten back by a general charge of their 
 cohorts, and, in their turn, pursued them Avhen they wheeled 
 about : but through the whole camp the soldiers gathered 
 in parties, and declared their chagrin that the enemy had been 
 suffered to escape from their hands and that the war had been 
 unnecessarily protracted. They applied to their tribunes and 
 centurions, and entreated them to inform Cassar that he need 
 not spare their labor or consider their danger ; that they were 
 ready and able, and would venture to ford the river where the 
 horse had crossed. Ca3sar, encouraged by their zeal and impor- 
 tunity, though he felt reluctant to expose his army to a river so 
 exceedingly large, yet judged it prudent to attempt it and make 
 a trial. Accordingly, he ordered all the weaker soldiers, whose 
 spirit or strength seemed unequal to the fatigue, to be selected 
 from each century, and left them, with one legion besides, to 
 guard the camp : the rest of the legions he drew out without 
 any baggage, and, having disposed a great number of horses in 
 the river, above and below the ford, he led his army over. A 
 few of his soldiers being carried away by the force of the 
 current, were stopped by the horse and taken up, and not a 
 man perished. His army being safe on the opposite bank, he 
 drew out his forces and resolved to lead them forward in three 
 battalions : and so great was the ardor of the soldiers that, 
 notwithstanding the addition of a circuit of six miles and a 
 considerable delay in fording the river, before the ninth hour 
 of the day they came up with those who had set out at the 
 third watch. 
 
 CHAP. LXV. When Afranius, who was in company with Pe-
 
 CHAP. Lxvn. THE CIVIL "WAR. 279 
 
 treius, saw them at a distance, being affrighted at so unexpected 
 a sight, he halted on a rising ground and drew up his army. 
 Caesar refreshed his army on the plain that he might not expose 
 them to battle while fatigued ; and when the enemy attempted 
 to renew their march, he pursued and stopped them. They were 
 obliged to pitch their camp sooner than they had intended, for 
 there were mountains at a small distance ; and difficult and 
 narrow roads awaited them about five miles off. They retired 
 behind these mountains that they might avoid Caesar's cavalry, 
 and, placing parties in the narrow roads, stop the progress of 
 his army and lead their own forces across the Ebro without 
 danger or apprehension. This it was their interest to attempt 
 and to effect by any means possible; but, fatigued by the 
 skirmishes all day, and by the labor of their march, they 
 deferred it till the following day ; Caesar likewise encamped on 
 the next hill. 
 
 CHAP. LXVI. About midnight a few of their men who had 
 gone some distance from the camp to fetch water, being taken 
 by our horse, Caesar is informed by them that the generals of 
 the enemy were drawing their troops out of the camp without 
 noise. Upon this information Caesar ordered the signal to be 
 given and the military shout to be raised for packing up the 
 baggage. When they heard the shout, being afraid lest they 
 should be stopped in the night and obliged to engage under 
 their baggage, or lest they should be confined in the narrow 
 roads by Caesar's horse, they put a stop to their march and 
 kept their forces in their camp. The next day Petreius went 
 out privately with a few horse to reconnoitre the country. A 
 similar movement was made from Caesar's camp. Lucius 
 Decidius Saxa, was detached with a small party to explore the 
 nature of the country. Each returned with the same account 
 to his camp, that there was a level road for the next five miles, 
 that there then succeeded a rough and mountainous country. 
 Whichever should first obtain possession of the defiles would 
 have no trouble in preventing the other's progress. 
 
 CHAP. LXVII. There was -a debate in the council between 
 Afranius and Petreius, and the time of marching was the sub- 
 ject. The majority were of opinion that they should begin 
 their march at night, " for they might reach the defiles before 
 they should be discovered." Others, because a shout had 
 been raised the night before in Caesar's camp, used this as an
 
 280 CJESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 argument that they could not leave the camp unnoticed : 
 "that Caesar's cavalry were patrolling the whole night, and 
 that all the ways and roads were beset; that battles at night 
 ought to be avoided, because, in civil dissension, a soldier once 
 daunted is more apt to consult . his fears than his oath ; that 
 the daylight raised a strong sense of shame in the eyes of all, 
 and that the presence of the tribunes and centurions had 
 the same effect: by these things the soldiers would be re- 
 strained and awed to their duty. Wherefore they should, by 
 all means, attempt to force their way by day; for, though a 
 trifling loss might be sustained, yet the post which they 
 desired might be secured with safety to the main body of the 
 army." This opinion prevailed in the council, and the next 
 day, at the dawn, they resolved to set forward. 
 
 CHAP. LXVIII. Caesar, having taken a view of the country, 
 the moment the sky began to grow white, led his forces from 
 the camp and marched at the head of his army by a long 
 circuit, keeping to no regular road ; for the road which led to 
 the Ebro and Octogesa was occupied by the enemy's camp, 
 which lay in Cassar's way. His soldiers were obliged to cross 
 extensive and difficult valleys. Craggy cliffs, in several places, 
 interrupted their march, insomuch that their arms had to be 
 handed to one another, and the soldiers were forced to perform 
 a great part of their march unarmed, and were lifted up the 
 rocks by each other. But not a man murmured at the fatigue, 
 because they imagined that there would be a period to all their 
 toils, if they could cut off the enemy from the Ebro and inter- 
 cept their convoys. 
 
 CHAP. LXIX. At first, Afranius's soldiers ran in high 
 spirits from their camp to look at us, and in contumelious 
 language upbraided us, " that we were forced, for want of neces- 
 sary subsistence, to run away, and return to Ilerda." For our 
 route was different fram what we proposed, and we appeared to 
 be going a contrary way. But their generals applauded their 
 own prudence in keeping within their camp, and it was a 
 strong confirmation of their opinion, that they saw we marched 
 without wagons or baggage, which made them confident that 
 we could not long endure want. But when they saw our army 
 gradually wheel to the right, and observed our van was already 
 passing the line of their camp, there was nobody so stupid, or 
 averse to fatigue, as not to think it necessary to march from
 
 CHAP. T.TTT. THE CIVIL WAIL 281 
 
 the camp immediately, and oppose us. The cry to arms was 
 raised, and all the army, except a few which were left to guard 
 the camp, set out and marched the direct road to the Ebro. 
 
 CHAP. LXX. The contest depended entirely on dispatch, 
 which should first get possession of the defile and the 
 mountains.* The difficulty of the roads delayed Caesar's army, 
 but his cavalry pursuing Afranius's forces, retarded their 
 march. However, the affair was necessarily reduced to this 
 point, with respect to Afranius's men, that if they first gained 
 the mountains, which they desired, they would themselves 
 avoid all danger, but could not save the baggage of their whole 
 army, nor the cohorts which they had left behind in the camps, 
 to which, being intercepted by Caesar's army, by no means 
 could assistance be given. Caesar first accomplished the march, 
 and having found a plain behind large rocks, drew up his army 
 there in order of battle and facing the enemy. Afranius, per- 
 ceiving that his rear was galled by our cavalry, and seeing the 
 enemy before him, having come to a hill, made a halt on it. 
 Thence he detached four cohorts of Spanish light infantry to 
 the highest mountain which was in view : to this he ordered 
 them to hasten with all expedition, and to take possession of 
 it, with the intention of going to the same place with all his 
 forces, then altering his route, and crossing the hills to Octogesa. 
 As the Spaniards were making toward it in an oblique direc- 
 tion, Caesar's horse espied them and attacked them, nor were 
 they able to withstand the charge of the cavalry even for a 
 moment, but were all surrounded and cut to pieces in the sight 
 of the two armies. 
 
 CHAP. LXXI. There was now an opportunity for managing 
 affairs successfully, nor did it escape Cassar, that an army 
 daunted at suffering such a loss before their eyes, could not 
 stand, especially as they were surrounded by our horse, and the 
 engagement would take place on even and open ground. To 
 this he was importuned on all sides. The lieutenants, centu- 
 rions, and tribunes, gathered round him, and begged " that he 
 would not hesitate to begin the battle : that the hearts of all 
 the soldiers were very anxious for it : that Afranius's men had 
 by several circumstances betrayed signs of fear ; in that they 
 had not assisted their party ; in that they had not quitted the 
 hill ; in that they did not sustain the charge of our cavalry, but 
 crowding their standards into one place, did not observe either
 
 282 CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 rank or order. But if lie had any apprehensions from the dis- 
 advantage of the ground, that an opportunity would be given 
 him of coming to battle in some other place : for that Afranius 
 must certainly come down, and would not be able to remain 
 there for want of water." 
 
 CHAP. LXXII. Csesar had conceived hopes of ending the 
 affair without an engagement, or without striking a blow, 
 because he had cut off the enemy's supplies. Why should he 
 hazard the loss of any of his men, even in a successful battle ? 
 Why should he expose soldiers to be wounded, who had 
 deserved so well of him ? Why, in short, should he tempt 
 fortune ? especially when it was as much a general's duty to 
 conquer by tactics as by the sword. Besides, he was moved 
 with compassion for those citizens, who, he foresaw, must fall : 
 and he had rather gain his object without any loss or injury to 
 them. This resolution of Csesar was not generally approved of; 
 but the soldiers openly declared to each other that since such 
 an opportunity of victory was let pass, they would not come to 
 an engagement, even when Csesar should wish it. He perse- 
 vered however in his resolution, and retired a little from that 
 place to abate the enemy's fears. Petreius and Afranius, hav- 
 ing got this opportunity, retired to their camp. Cassar, having 
 disposed parties on the mountains, and cut off all access to 
 the Ebro, fortified his camp as close to the enemy as he could. 
 
 CHAP. LXXIII. The day following, the generals of his 
 opponents, being alarmed that they had lost all prospect of sup- 
 plies, and of access to the Ebro, consulted as to what other course 
 they should take. There were two roads, one to Ilerda, if they 
 chose to return, the other to Tarraco, 1 if they should march to it. 
 While they were deliberating on these matters, intelligence 
 was brought them that their watering parties were attacked by 
 our horse : upon which information, they dispose several parties of 
 horse and auxiliary foot along the road, and intermix some 
 legionary cohorts, and begin to throw up a rampart from the 
 camp to the water, that they might be able to procure water 
 within their lines, both without fear, and without a guard. 
 Petreius and Afranius divided this task between themselves, 
 
 1 Tarraco, now Tarragona, a large city and sea-port of Spain, about 
 eighty miles north of the Ebro. During the Roman occupation of Spain, 
 it was a place of great strength, and gave name to the northern division 
 of Spain. Hispania Tarraconensis
 
 CHAP. LXXV. THE CIVIL WAR. 283 
 
 and went in person to some distance from their camp for the 
 purpose of seeing it accomplished. 
 
 CHAP. LXXIV. The soldiers having obtained by their 
 absence a free opportunity of conversing with each other, came 
 out in great numbers, and inquired each for whatever acquaint- 
 ance or fellow-citizen ho had in our camp, and invited him to 
 him. First they returned them general thanks for sparing 
 them the day before, when they were greatly terrified, and 
 acknowledged that they were alive through N their kindness ; 
 then they inquired about the honor of our general, and 
 whether they could with safety intrust themselves to him; 
 and declared their sorrow that they had not done so in the 
 beginning, and that they had taken up arms against their 
 relations and kinsmen. Encouraged by these conferences, 
 they desired the general's parole for the lives of Petreius and 
 Afranius, that they might not appear guilty of a crime, in 
 having betrayed their generals. When they were assured of 
 obtaining their demands, they promised that they would 
 immediately remove their standards, and sent centurions of 
 the first rank as deputies to treat with Caesar about a peace. 
 In the mean time some of them invite their acquaintances, 
 and bring them to their camp, others are brought away 
 by their friends, so that the two camps seemed to be united 
 into one, and several of the tribunes and centurions came to 
 Caesar, and paid their respects to him. The same was done 
 by some of the nobility of Spain, whom they summoned to 
 their assistance, and kept in their camp as hostages. They in- 
 quired after their acquaintance and friends, by whom each might 
 have the means of being recommended to Caesar. Even Afra- 
 nius's son, a young man, endeavored, by means of Sulpitius the 
 lieutenant, to make terms for his own and his father's lite. Every 
 place was filled with mirth and congratulations; in the one 
 army, because they thought they had escaped so impending 
 danger ; in the other, because they thought they had completed 
 so important a matter without blows; and Cassar, in every 
 man's judgment, reaped the advantage of his former lenity, and 
 his conduct was applauded by all. 
 
 CHAP. XXXV. When these circumstances were announced 
 to Afranius, he left the work which he had begun, and returned 
 to his camp, determined as it appeared, whatever should be the 
 ivent, to bear it with an even and steady mind. Petreius did
 
 284 (LESAR'S COMMENTAEIES. BOOK i. 
 
 not neglect himself; he armed his domestics ; with them and 
 the praetorian cohort of Spaniards, and a few foreign horse, his 
 dependents, whom he commonly kept near him to guard his 
 person, he suddenly flew to the rampart, interrupted the confer- 
 ences of the soldiers, drove our men from the camp, and put to 
 death as many as he caught. The rest formed into a body, and 
 being alarmed by the unexpected danger, wrapped their left 
 arms in their cloaks, and drew their swords, and in this manner, 
 depending on the nearness of their camp, defended themselves 
 against the Spaniards, and the horse, and made good their re- 
 treat to the camp, where they were protected by the cohorts 
 which were on guard. 
 
 CHAP. LXXVI. Petreius, after accomplishing this, went 
 round every maniple, calling the soldiers by their names, and 
 entreating with tears that they would not give up him and their 
 absent general Pompey, as a sacrifice to the vengeance of 
 their enemies. Immediately they ran in crowds to the general's 
 pavilion, when he required them all to take an oath that they 
 would not desert nor betray the army nor the generals, nor 
 form any design distinct from the general interest. He himself 
 swore first to the tenor of those words, and obliged Afranius to 
 take the same oath. The tribunes and centurions followed their 
 example ; the soldiers were brought out by centuries, and took 
 the same oath. They gave orders, 1 that whoever had any of 
 Caesar's soldiers should produce them ; as soon as they were 
 produced, they put them to death publicly in the praetorium, 
 but most of them concealed those that they had entertained, 
 and let them out at night over the rampart. Thus the terror 
 raised by the generals, the cruelty of the punishments, the new 
 obligation of an oath, removed all hopes of surrender for the 
 present, changed the soldiers' minds, and reduced matters to the 
 former state of war. 
 
 CHAP. LXXVII. Caesar ordered the enemy's soldiers, who 
 had come into his camp to hold a conference, to be searched 
 for with the strictest diligence, and sent back. But of the 
 tribunes and centurions, several voluntarily remained with him, 
 and he afterward treated them with great respect. The centur- 
 ions he promoted to higher ranks, and conferred on the Roman 
 knights the honor of tribunes. 
 
 1 Literally, "that with whomsoever any of Caesar's soldiers was. ho 
 should be brought forth."
 
 CHAP. T.TTT. THE CIYIL WAR 285 
 
 CHAP. LXXVJI1. Afranius's men were distressed in foraging, 
 and procured water with difficulty. The legionary soldiers 
 had a tolerable supply of corn, because they had been ordered 
 to bring from Herda sufficient to last twenty-two days; the 
 Spanish and auxiliary forces had none, for they had but few 
 opportunities of procuring any, and their bodies were not accus- 
 tomed to bear burdens ; and therefore a great number of them 
 came over to CaBsar every day. Their affairs were under these 
 difficulties; but of the two schemes proposed, the most ex- 
 pedient seemed to be to return to Ilerda, because they had left 
 some corn there ; and there they hoped to decide on a plan for 
 their future conduct. Tarraco lay at a greater distance ; and in 
 such a space they knew affairs might admit of many changes. 
 Their design having met with approbation, they set out from 
 their camp. Caesar having sent forward his cavalry, to annoy 
 and retard their rear, followed close after with his legions. 
 Not a moment passed in which their rear was not engaged with 
 our horse. 
 
 CHAP. LXXIX. Their manner of fighting was this : the 
 light cohorts closed their rear, and frequently made a stand on 
 the level grounds. If they had a mountain to ascend, the very 
 nature of the place readily secured them from any danger ; for 
 the advanced guards, from the rising grounds, protected the 
 rest in their ascent. When they approached a valley or decliv- 
 ity, and the advanced men could not impart assistance to the 
 tardy,, our horse threw their darts at them from the rising 
 grounds with advantage ; then their affairs' were in a perilous 
 situation; the only plan left was, that whenever they came 
 near such places, they should give orders to the legions to halt, 
 and by a violent effort repulse our horse ; and these being 
 forced to give way, they should suddenly, with the utmost speed, 
 run all together down to the valley, and having passed it, should 
 face about again on the next hill. For so far were they from 
 deriving any assistance from their horse (of which they had a 
 large number), that they were obliged to receive them into the 
 center of their army, and themselves protect them, as they 
 were daunted by former battles. And on their march no one 
 could quit the line without being taken by Caesar's horse. 
 
 CHAP. LXXX. While skirmishes were fought in this man- 
 ner, they advanced but slowly and gradually, and frequently 
 halted to help their rear, as then happened. For having
 
 286 OESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 advanced four miles, and being very much harassed by our 
 horse, they took post on a high mountain, and there in- 
 trenched themselves on the front only, facing the enemy ; and 
 did not take their baggage off their cattle. When they per- 
 ceived that Caesar's camp was pitched, and the tents fixed up, 
 and his horse sent out to forage, they suddenly rushed out about 
 twelve o'clock the same day, and, having hopes that AVC should 
 be delayed by the absence of our horse, they began to march, 
 Avhich Caesar perceiving, followed them with the legions that 
 remained. He left a few cohorts to guard his baggage, and 
 ordered the foragers to be called home at the tenth hour, 1 and 
 the horse to follow him. The horse shortly returned to their 
 daily duty on march, and charged the rear so vigorously, that 
 they almost forced them to fly ; and several privates and some 
 centurions were killed. The main body of Caesar's army was 
 at hand, and universal ruin threatened them. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXI. Then indeed, not having opportunity 
 either to choose a convenient position for their camp, or to 
 march forward, they were obliged to halt, and to encamp at a 
 distance from water, and on ground naturally unfavorable. 
 But for the reasons already given, Caesar did not attack them, 
 nor suffer a tent to be pitched that day, that his men might 
 be the readier to pursue them whether they attempted to run 
 off by night or by day. Observing the defect in their position, 
 they spent the whole night in extending their work, and turning 
 their camp to ours. The next day, at dawn, they do the same, 
 and spend the whole day in that manner, but in proportion as 
 they advanced their works, and extended their camp, they 
 were further distant from the water ; and one evil was remedied 
 by another. The first night, no one went out for water. The 
 next day, they left a guard in the camp, and led out all their 
 forces to water : but not a person was sent to look for forage. 
 Caesar was more desirous that they should be humbled by 
 these means, and forced to come to terms, than decide the 
 contest by battle. Yet he endeavored to surround them with 
 a wall and trench, that he might be able to check their most 
 sudden sally, to which he imagined that they must have 
 recourse. Hereupon, urged by want of fodder, that they might 
 be the readier for a march, they killed all their baereraere 
 
 OO O 
 
 cattle. 
 
 1 Four o'clock.
 
 CHAP. Lrxnv. THE CIVIL "WAR. 287 
 
 CHAP. LXXXII. In this work, and the deliberations on 
 it, two days were spent. By the third day a considerable part 
 of Caesar's work was finished. To interrupt his progress, 
 they drew out their legions about the eighth hour, 1 by a 
 certain signal, and placed them in order of battle before their 
 camp. Caesar calling his legions off from their work, and order- 
 ing the horse to hold themselves in readiness, marshaled 
 his army : for to appear to decline an engagement contrary to 
 the opinion of the soldiers and the general voice, would have 
 been attended with great disadvantage. But for the reasons 
 already known, he was dissuaded from wishing to engage, and 
 the more especially, because the short space between the 
 camps, even if the enemy were put to flight, would riot con- 
 tribute much to a decisive victory; for the two camps were 
 not distant from each other above two thousand feet. Two 
 parts of this were occupied by the armies, and one third left 
 for the soldiers to charge and make their attack. If a battle 
 should be begun, the nearness of the camps would afford a 
 ready retreat to the conquered party in the flight. For this 
 reason Caesar had resolved to make resistance if they attacked 
 him, but not to be the first to provoke the battle. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXIII. Afranius's five legions were drawn up 
 in two lines, the auxiliary cohorts formed the third line, and 
 acted as reserves. Caesar had three lines, four cohorts out of 
 each of the five legions formed the first line. Three more 
 from each legion followed them, as reserves : and three others 
 were behind these. The slingers and archers were stationed 
 in the center of the line ; the cavalry closed the flanks. The 
 hostile armies being arranged in this manner, each seemed 
 determined to adhere to his first intention : Caesar not to hazard 
 a battle, unless forced to it ; Afranius to interrupt Caesar's 
 works. However, the matter was deferred, and both armies 
 kept under arms till sunset ; when they both returned to their 
 camp. The next day Caesar prepared to finish the works 
 which he had begun. The enemy attempted to pass the 
 river Segre by a ford. Caesar, having perceived this, sent 
 some light armed Germans and a party of horse across the 
 river, and disposed several parties along the banks to guard 
 them. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXIV. At length, beset on all sides, their cattle 
 
 * About 2 o'clock.
 
 288 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK i. 
 
 having been four days without fodder, and having no water, 
 wood, or corn, they beg a conference; and that, if possible, 
 in a place remote from the soldiers. When this was refused by 
 Caesar, but a public interview offered if they chose it, Afra- 
 nius's son was given as a hostage to Caesar. They met in the 
 place appointed by Caesar. In the hearing of both armies, 
 Afranius spoke thus : " That Caesar ought not to be displeased 
 either with him or his soldiers, for wishing to preserve their 
 attachment to their general, Cneius Pompey. That they had 
 now sufficiently discharged their duty to him, and had suffered 
 punishment enough, in having endured the want of every 
 necessary : but now, pent up almost like wild beasts, they 
 were prevented from procuring water, and prevented from 
 walking abroad ; and were not able to bear the bodily pain or 
 the mental disgrace : but confessed themselves vanquished : 
 and begged and entreated, if there was any room left for 
 mercy, that they should not be necessitated to suffer the most 
 severe penalties." These sentiments were delivered in the 
 mort submissive and humble language. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXV. Caesar replied, " That either to complain 
 or sue for mercy became no man less than him : for that every 
 other person had done their duty : himself, in having declined 
 to engage on favorable terms, in an advantageous situation 
 and time, that all things tending to a peace might be totally 
 unembarrassed : his army, in having preserved and protected 
 the men whom they had in their power, notwithstanding the 
 injuries which they had received, and the murder of their 
 comrades ; and even Afranius's soldiers, who of themselves 
 treated about concluding a peace, by which they thought that 
 they would secure the lives of all. Thus, that the parties on 
 both sides inclined to mercy : that the generals only were 
 averse to peace : that they paid no regard to the laws either of 
 conference or truce ; and had most inhumanly put to death 
 ignorant persons, who were deceived by a conference : that 
 therefore, they had met that fate which usually befalls men 
 from excessive obstinacy and arrogance ; and were obliged to 
 have recourse, and most earnestly desire that which they had 
 shortly before disdained. That>for his part, he would not avail 
 himself of their present humiliation, or his present advantage, 
 to require terms by which his power might be increased, but 
 only that those armies, which they had maintained for so many
 
 CHAP. LXXXTL THE CIVIL "WAR. 289 
 
 years to oppose him, should be disbanded : for six legions had 
 been sent into Spain, and a seventh raised there, and many 
 and powerful fleets provided, and generals of great military 
 experience sent to command them, for no other purpose than 
 to oppose him : that none of these measures were adopted to 
 keep the Spains in peace, or for the use of the province, which, 
 from the length of the peace, stood in need of no such, aid ; that 
 all these things were long since designed against him ; that 
 against him a new sort of government was established, that 
 the same person should be at the gates of Rome, to direct the 
 affairs of the city ; and though absent, have the government of 
 two most warlike provinces for so many years : that against 
 him the laws of the magistrates had been altered ; that the late 
 praetors and consuls should not be sent to govern the provinces 
 as had been the constant custom, but persons approved of and 
 chosen by a faction. That against him the excuse of age was 
 not admitted ; but persons of tried experience in former wars 
 were called up to take the command of the armies : that with, 
 respect to him only, the routine was not observed which had 
 been allowed to all generals, that, after a successful war, they 
 should return home and disband their armies, if not with some 
 mark of honor, at least without disgrace ; that he had sub- 
 mitted to all these things patiently, and would still submit 
 to them ; nor did he now desire to take their army from them 
 and keep it to himself (which, however, would not be a diffi- 
 cult matter), but only that they should not have it to employ 
 against him : and therefore, as he said before, let them quit 
 the provinces, and disband their army. If this was complied 
 with, he would injure no person ; that these were the last and 
 only conditions of peace." 
 
 CHAP. LXXXVL It was very acceptable and agreeable 
 to Afranius's soldiers, as might be easily known from their 
 signs of joy, that they who expected some injury after this 
 defeat, should obtain without solicitation the reward of a 
 dismissal. For when a debate was introduced about the place 
 and time of their dismissal, they all began to express, both by 
 words and signs, from the rampart where they stood, that they 
 should be discharged immediately ; for although every security 
 might be given, that they would be disbanded, still the matter 
 would be uncertain, if it was deferred to a future day. After a 
 short debate on either side, it was brought to this issue : that 
 
 13
 
 290 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK L 
 
 those who had any settlement or possession in Spain, should 
 be immediately discharged : the rest at the river Var. 1 Caesar 
 gave security that they should receive no damage, and that no 
 person should he obliged against his inclination to take the 
 military oath under him. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXVII. Caesar promised to supply them with 
 corn from the present time till they arrived at the rive* Var. 
 He further adds, that whatever any. of them lost in the war, 
 which was in the possession of his soldiers, should be restored 
 to those that lost them. To his soldiers he made a recom- 
 pense in money for those things, a just valuation being 
 made. Whatever disputes Afranius's soldiers had afterward 
 among themselves, they voluntarily submitted to Caesar's de- 
 cision. Afranius and Petreius, when pay was demanded by 
 the legions, a sedition almost breaking out, asserted that the 
 time had not yet come, and required that Caesar should take 
 cognizance of it ; and both parties were content with his de- 
 cision. About a third part of their army being dismissed in 
 two days, Csesar ordered two of his legions, to go before, the 
 rest to follow the vanquished enemy ; that they should encamp 
 at a small distance from each o^her. The execution of this 
 business he gave in charge to Quintus Fufius Kalenus, one of 
 his lieutenants. According to his directions, they marched 
 from Spain to the river Var, and there the rest of the army was 
 disbanded. 
 
 1 The Varus, modern Var, a rapid river of Italy, which takes its rise 
 in the Alps, runs in a southerly direction, and falls into the Mediterrar 
 nean, a little to the west of Nice.
 
 CHAP. n. THE CIVIL WAR. 291 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 THE ARGUMENT. 
 
 I. Massilia is closely besieged on every side. HI. Lucius Nasidius bringa 
 a fleet to the relief of the town, and forms a junction with the fleet of 
 the Massilians. VII. He engages unsuccessfully with Caesar's fleet. 
 VIII. Trebonius constructs engines of extraordinary size against the 
 town. XII. The inhabitants grow terrified and seek a truce. XTV. 
 They succeed in obtaining it. out subsequently break it and destroy 
 Trebonius's works by a sudden sally. XV. The besiegers speedily 
 restore them, and the townsmen propose a surrender. XVII. In the 
 mean time, M. Varro prepares for war in Farther Spain. XX. But is 
 deserted by his followers, and falls into the power of Caesar. XXII. 
 The Massilians surrender. XXIII. Curio is at first successful iii Africa. 
 XL. But afterward, rashly engaging in action against a superior force, 
 is cut to pieces with his entire army. 
 
 
 
 CHAP. I. While these things were going forward in 
 Spain, Caius Trebonius, Caesar's lieutenant, who had been left 
 to conduct the assault of Massilia, began to raise a mound, 
 vinese, and turrets against the town, on two sides ; one of which 
 was next the harbor and docks, the other on that part where 
 there is a passage from Gaul and Spain to that sea which forces 
 itself up the mouth of the Rhone. For Massilia" is washed 
 almost on three sides by the sea, the remaining fourth part is 
 the only side which has access by land. A part even of this 
 space, which reaches to the fortress, being fortified by the nature 
 of the country, and a very deep valley, required a long and 
 difficult siege. To accomplish these works, Caius Trebonius 
 sends for a great quantity of carriages and men from the whole 
 Province, and orders hurdles and materials to be furnished. 
 These things being provided, he raised a mound eighty feet in 
 height. 
 
 Ca*.p. II. But so great a store of every thing necessary for 
 a war had been a long time before laid up in the town, and 
 so great a number of engines, that no vineae made of hurdles 
 could withstand their force. For poles twelve feet in length, 
 pointed with iron, and these too shot from very large engines,
 
 292 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK IL 
 
 sank into the ground through four rows of hurdles. Therefore 
 the arches of the vineae were covered over with beams a foot 
 thick, fastened together, and under this the materials of the 
 agger were handed from one to another. Before this was car- 
 ried a testudo sixty feet long, for leveling the ground, made 
 also of very strong timber, and covered over with every thing 
 that was capable of protecting it against the fire and stones 
 thrown by the enemy. But the greatness of the works, the 
 height of the wall and towers, and the multitude of engines 
 retarded the progress of our works. Besides, frequent sallies 
 were made from the town by the Albici, and fire was thrown on 
 our mound and turrets. These our men easily repulsed, and, 
 doing considerable damage to those who sallied, beat them back 
 into the town. 
 
 CHAP. III. In the mean time, Lucius Nasidius, being sent 
 by Cneius Pompey with a fleet of sixteen sail, a few of which 
 had beaks of brass, to the assistance of Lucius Domitius and the 
 Massilians, passed the straits of Sicily without the knowledge 
 or expectation of Curio, and, putting Avith his fleet into Mes- 
 sana, and making the nobles and senate take flight with the 
 sudden terror, carried off one of their ships out of dock. Hav- 
 ing joined this to his other ships, he made good his voyage to 
 Massilia, and having sent in a galley privately, acquaints Do- 
 mitius and the Massilians of his arrival, and earnestly encour- 
 ages them to hazard another battle with Brutus's fleet with the 
 addition of his aid. 
 
 CHAP. IV. The Massilians, since their former loss, had 
 brought the same number of old ships from the docks, and had 
 repaired and fitted them out with great industry : they had 
 a large supply of seamen and pilots. They had got several 
 fishing-smacks, and covered them over, that the seamen might 
 be secure against darts : these they filled with archers and 
 engines. With a fleet thus appointed, encouraged by the 
 entreaties and tears of all the old men, matrons, and virgins 
 to succor the state in this hour of distress, they went on board 
 with no less spirit and confidence than they had fought before. 
 For it happens, from a common infirmity of human nature, 
 that we are more flushed with confidence, or more vehemently 
 alarmed at things unseen, concealed, and unkown, as was the 
 case then. For the arrival of Lucius Nasidius had filled the 
 state with the most sanguine hopes and wishes. Having got a
 
 CHAP. vi. THE CIVIL WAR 293 
 
 fair wind, they sailed out of port and went to Nasidius to 
 Taurois, which is a fort belonging to the Massilians, and there 
 ranged their fleet and again encouraged each other to engage, 
 and communicated their plan of operation. The command of 
 the right division was given to the Massilians, that of the left 
 to Nasidius. 
 
 CHAP. V. Brutus sailed to the same place with an aug- 
 mented fleet; for to those made by Caesar at Arelas' were 
 added six ships taken from the Massilians, which he had 
 refitted since the last battle and had furnished with every 
 necessary. Accordingly, having encouraged his men to despise 
 a vanquished people whom they had conquered when yet 
 unbroken, he advanced against them full of confidence and 
 spirit. From Trebonius's camp and all the higher grounds it 
 was easy to see into the town how all the youth which 
 remained in it, and all persons of more advanced years, with 
 their wives and children, and the public guards, were either 
 extending their hands from the wall to the heavens, or were 
 repairing to the temples of the immortal gods, and prostrating 
 themselves before their images, were entreating them to grant 
 them victory. Nor was there a single person who did not 
 imagine that his future fortune depended on the issue of that 
 day ; for the choice of their youth and the most respectable of 
 every age, being expressly invited and solicited, had gone 
 on board the fleet, that if any adverse fate should befall them 
 they might see that nothing was left for them to attempt, 
 and, if they proved victorious, they might have hopes of 
 preserving the city, either by their internal resources or by 
 foreign assistance. 
 
 CHAP. VI. When the battle was begun, no effort of valor 
 was wanting to the Massilians, but, mindful of the instructions 
 which they had a little before received from their friends, they 
 fought with such spirit as if they supposed that they would 
 never have another opportunity to attempt a defense, and as 
 if they believed that those whose lives should be endangered 
 in the battle would not long precede the fate of the rest of the 
 citizens, who, if the city was taken, must undergo the same 
 fortune of war. Our ships being at some distance from each 
 
 1 Arelas, now Aries, a town of the Salyes, on the east side of the 
 Rhone, a short distance from its mouth,
 
 294 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK n. 
 
 other, room was allowed both for the skill of their pilots and 
 the maneuvering of their ships ; and if at any time ours, rain- 
 ing an advantage by casting the iron hooks on board uieir 
 ships, grappled with them, from all parts they assisted those 
 who were distressed. JSTor, after being joined by the Albici. 
 did they decline coming to close engagement, nor were they 
 much inferior to our men in valor. At the same time, showers 
 of darts, thrown from a distance from the lesser ships, suddenly 
 inflicted several wounds on our men when off their guard and 
 otherwise engaged ; and two of their three-decked galleys, hav- 
 ing descried the ship of Decimus Brutus, which could be easily 
 distinguished by its flag, rowed up against him with great 
 violence from opposite sides : but Brutus, seeing into their 
 designs, by the swiftness of his ship extricated himself with such 
 address as to get clear, though only by a moment. From the 
 velocity of their motion they struck against each other with such 
 violence that they were both excessively injured by the shock ; 
 the beak, indeed, of one of them being broken off, the whole 
 ship was ready to founder, which circumstance being observed, 
 the ships of Brutus's fleet, which were nearest that station, 
 attack them when in this disorder and sink them both. 
 
 CHAP. VII. But Nasidius's ships were of no use, and soon 
 left the fight ; for the sight of their country, or the entreaties 
 of their relations, did not urge them to run a desperate risk of 
 their lives. Therefore, of the number of the ships not one 
 was lost : of the fleet of the Massilians five were sunk, four 
 taken, and one ran off with Nasidius : all that escaped made 
 the best of their way to Hither Spain, but one of the rest was 
 sent forward to Massilia for the purpose of bearing this intelli- 
 gence, and when it came near the city, the whole people 
 crowded out to hear the tidings, and, on being informed of the 
 event, were so oppressed with grief, that one would have 
 imagined that the city had been taken by an enemy at the 
 same moment. The Massilians, however, began to make the 
 necessary preparations for the defense of their city with un- 
 wearied energy. 
 
 CHAP. Vltt. The legionary soldiers who had the manage- 
 ment of the works on the right side, observed, from the 
 frequent sallies of the enemy, that it might prove a great 
 protection to them to build a turret of brick under the wall for 
 a fort and place of refuge, which they at first built low and
 
 CHAP. ix. THE CIVIJi WAR 295 
 
 small, [to guard them] against sudden attacks. To it they 
 retreated, aud from it they made defense if any superior force 
 attacked them ; and from it they sallied out either to repel or 
 pursue the enemy. It extended thirty feet on every side, and 
 the thickness of the walls was five feet. But afterward, as 
 experience is the best master in every thing on which the wit 
 of man is employed, it was found that it might he of consider- 
 able service if it was raised to the usual height of turrets, 
 which was effected in the following manner. 
 
 CHAP. IX. When the turret was raised to the height for 
 flooring, they laid it on the walls in such a manner that the 
 ends of the joists were covered by the outer face of the wall, 
 that nothing should project to which the enemy's fire might 
 adhere. They, moreover, built over the joists with small 
 bricks as high as the protection of the plutei and vinese 
 permitted them; and on that place they laid two beams 
 across, angle-ways, at a small distance from the outer walls, to 
 support the rafters which were to cover the turret, and on the 
 beams they laid joists across in a direct line, and on these 
 they fastened down planks. These joists they made somewhat 
 longer, to project beyond the outside of the wall, that they 
 might serve to hang a curtain on them to defend and repel all 
 blows while they were building the walls between that and 
 the next floor, and the floor of this story they faced with bricks 
 and mortar, that the enemy's fire might do them no damage ; 
 and on this they spread mattrasses, lest the weapons thrown 
 from engines should break through the flooring, or stones 
 from catapults should batter the brick work. They, moreover, 
 made three mats of cable ropes, each of them the length of the 
 turret walls, and four feet broad, and, hanging them round the 
 turret on the three sides which faced the enemy, fastened 
 them to the projecting joists. For this was the only sort of 
 defense which, they had learned by experience in other places, 
 could not be pierced by darts or engines. But when that part 
 of the turret which was completed was protected and secured 
 against every attempt of the enemy, they removed the plutei 
 to other works. They began to suspend gradually, and raise 
 by screws from the first-floor, the entire roof of the turret, and 
 then they elevated it as high as the length of the mats allowed. 
 Hid and secured within these coverings, they built up the 
 walls with bricks, and again, by another turn of the screw,
 
 296 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK n. 
 
 cleared a place for themselves to proceed with the building ; 
 and, when they thought it time to lay another floor, they laid 
 the ends of the beams, covered in by the outer bricks in like 
 manner as in the first story, and from that story they again 
 raised the uppermost floor and the mat-work. In this manner, 
 securely and without a blow or danger, they raised it six stories 
 high, and in laying the materials left loop-holes in such places 
 as they thought proper for working their engines. 
 
 CHAP. X. When they were confident that they could pro- 
 tect the works which lay around from this turret, they resolved 
 to build a musculus, 1 sixty feet long, of timber, two feet square, 
 and to extend it from the brick tower to the enemy's tower and 
 wall. This was the form of it : first, two beams of equal length 
 were laid on the ground, at the distance of four feet from each 
 other ; and in them were fastened small pillars, five feet high, 
 which were joined together by braces, with a gentle slope, on 
 which the timber which they must place to support the roof of 
 the musculus should be laid : upon this were laid beams, two 
 feet square, bound with iron plates and nails. To the upper 
 covering of the musculus and the upper beams, they fastened 
 laths, four fingers square, to support the tiles which were to 
 cover the musculus. The roof being thus sloped and laid over 
 in rows in the same manner as the joists were laid'on the 
 braces, the musculus was covered with tiles and mortar, to 
 secure it against fire, whicli might be thrown from the wall. 
 Over the tiles hides are spread, to prevent the water let in on 
 them by spouts from dissolving the cement of the bricks. Again, 
 the hides were covered over with mattrasses, that they might 
 not be destroyed by fire or stones. The soldiers under the 
 protection of the vineae, finish this whole work to the very 
 tower ; and suddenly, before the enemy were aware of it, moved 
 it forward by naval machinery, by putting rollers under it, close 
 
 1 The musculus was, according to the description of Vegetius, one of 
 the smaller military machines, by which soldiers, besieging a town, were 
 protected while engaged in filling up the ditches round the besieged 
 places, so that the movable towers (turres ambulatorise) of the besiegers 
 might be able to approach the walls without obstacle. A minute des- 
 cription of a musculus is given by Caesar in the passage before us. The 
 musculus described by Caesar, was evidently designed for different pur- 
 poses than the one mentioned by Vegetius, and the former appears to have 
 been only a smaller, but a more indestructible kind of vinea than that 
 commonly used. Smyth's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities.
 
 OHAP. xm. THE CIVIL WAK. 297 
 
 up to the enemy's turret, so that it even touched the build- 
 ing. 
 
 CHAP. XI. The townsmen, affrighted at this unexpected 
 stroke, bring forward with levers the largest stones they can 
 procure, and pitching them from the wall, roll them down 
 on the musculus. The strength of the timber withstood the 
 shock; and whatever fell on it slid off, on account of the 
 sloping roof. When they perceived this, they altered their 
 plan, and set fire to barrels, filled with resin and tar, and rolled 
 them down from the wall on the musculus. As soon as they fell 
 on it, they slid off again, and were removed from its side by 
 long poles and forks. In the mean tune, the soldiers, under cover 
 of the musculus, were rooting out with crow-bars the lowest 
 stones of the enemy's turret, with which the foundation was 
 laid. The musculus was defended by darts, thrown from en- 
 gines by our men from the brick tower, and the enemy were 
 beaten off from the wall and turrets ; nor was a fair opportunity 
 of defending the walls given them. At length several stones 
 being picked away from the foundation of that turret next the 
 musculus, part of it fell down suddenly, and the rest, as if fol- 
 lowing it, leaned forward. 
 
 CHAP. XIL Hereupon, the enemy distressed at the sudden 
 fall of the turret, surprised at the unforeseen calamity, awed 
 by the wrath of the gods, and dreading the pillage of their 
 city, rush all together out of the gate unarmed, with their tem- 
 ples bound with fillets, and suppliantly stretch out their hands 
 to the officers and the army. At this uncommon occurrence, 
 the whole progress of the war was stopped, and the soldiers, 
 turning away from the battle, ran eagerly to hear and listen to 
 them. When the enemy came up to the commanders and the 
 army, they all fell down at their feet, and besought them " to 
 wait till Caesar's arrival ; they saw that their city was taken, 
 our works completed, and their tower undermined, therefore 
 they desisted from a defense ; that no obstacle could arise, to 
 prevent their being instantly plundered at a beck, as soon as 
 he arrived, if they refused to submit to his orders." They in- 
 form them that, " if the turret had entirely fallen down, the 
 soldiers could not be withheld from forcing into the town and 
 sacking it, in hopes of getting spoil." These and several other 
 arguments to the same effect were delivered, as they were a 
 people of great learning, with great pathos and lamentations. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. The lieutenants moved with compassion,
 
 298 CJESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK ir. 
 
 draw off the soldiers from the work, desist from the assault, and 
 leave" sentinels on the works. A sort of truce having been 
 made through compassion for the besieged, the arrival of Caesar 
 is anxiously awaited ; not a dart was thrown from the walls or 
 by our men, but all remit their care and diligence, as if the 
 busiaess was at an end. For Caesar had given Trebonius strict 
 charge not to suffer the town to be taken by storm, lest the 
 soldiers, too much irritated both by abhorrence of their revolt, 
 by the contempt shown to them, and by their long labor, 
 should put to the sword all the grown up inhabitants, as they 
 threatened to do. And it was with difficulty that they were 
 then restrained from breaking into the town, and they were 
 much displeased, because they imagined that they were pre- 
 vented by Trebonius from taking possession of it. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. But the enemy, destitute of all honor, only 
 waited a time and opportunity for fraud and treachery. And 
 after an interval of some days, when our men were careless 
 and negligent, on a sudden, at noon, when some were dis- 
 persed, and others indulging themselves in rest on the very 
 works, after the fatigue of the day, and their arms were all laid 
 by and covered up, they sallied out from the gates, and, the 
 wind being high and favorable to them, they set fire to our 
 works ; and the wind spread it in such a manner that, in the 
 same instant, the agger, plutei, testudo, tower, and engines all 
 caught the flames and were consumed before we could conceive 
 how it had occurred. Our men, alarmed at such an unexpected 
 turn of fortune, lay hold on such arms as they could find. 
 Some rush from the camp ; an attack is made on the enemy : 
 but they were prevented, by arrows and engines from the walls, 
 from pursuing them when they fled. They retired to their 
 walls, and there, without fear, set the musculus and brick 
 tower on fire. Thus, by the perfidy of the enemy and the 
 violence of the storm, the labor of many months was destroyed 
 in a moment. The Massilians made the same attempt the next 
 day, having got such another storm. They sallied out against 
 the other tower and agger, and fought with more confidence. 
 But as our men had on the former occasion given up all 
 thoughts of a contest, so, warned by the event of the preceding 
 day, they had made every preparation for a defense. Accord- 
 ingly, they slew several, and forced the rest to retreat into the 
 town without effecting their design. 
 
 CHAP. XV. Trebonius began to provide and repair what
 
 CHAP. xvi. THE CiYIL WAE. 299 
 
 had been destroyed, with much greater zeal on the part of the 
 soldiers ; for when they saw that their extraordinary pains and 
 preparations had an unfortunate issue, they were fired with 
 indignation that, in consequence of the impious violation of 
 the truce, their valor should be held in derision. There 
 was no place left them from which the materials for their 
 mound could be fetched, in consequence of all the timber, far 
 and wide, in the territories of the Massilians, having been cut 
 down and carried away ; they began therefore to make an agger 
 of a new construction, never heard of before, of two walls of 
 brick, each six feet thick, and to- lay floors over them of almost 
 the same breadth with the agger, made of timber. But wherever 
 the space between the walls, or the weakness of the timber, 
 seemed to require it, pillars were placed undertfeath and tra- 
 versed beams laid on to strengthen the work, and the space 
 which was floored was covered over with hurdles, and the 
 hurdles plastered over with mortar. The soldiers, covered over 
 head by the floor, on the right and left by the wall, and in the 
 front by the mantlets, carried whatever materials were neces- 
 sary for the building without danger : the business was soon 
 finished the loss of their laborious work was soon repaired by 
 the dexterity and fortitude of the soldiers. Gates for making sal- 
 lies were left in the wall in such places as they thought proper. 
 CHAP. XVI. But when the enemy perceived that those 
 works, which they had hoped could not be replaced without a 
 great length of time, were put into so thorough repair by a few 
 day's labor and dib'gence, that there was no room for perfidy or 
 sallies, and that no means were left them by which they could 
 either hurt the men by resistance or the works by fire, and 
 when they found by former examples that their town could be 
 surrounded with a wall and turrets on every part by which it 
 was accessible by land, in such a manner that they could not 
 have room to stand on their own fortifications, because our 
 works were built almost on the top of their walls by our army, 
 and darts could be thrown from our hands, and when they 
 perceived that all advantage arising from their engines, on 
 which they had built great hopes, was totally lost, and that 
 though they had an opportunity of fighting with us on equal 
 terms from walls and turrets, they could perceive that they 
 were not equal to our men in bravery, they had recourse to 
 the same proposals of surrender as before.
 
 300 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK n. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. In Further Spain, Marcus Varro, in the 
 beginning of the disturbances, when' he heard of the circum- 
 stances which took place in Italy, being diffident of Pompey's 
 success, used to speak in a very friendly manner of Caesar. 
 That though, being pre-engaged to Cneius Pompey in quality of 
 lieutenant, he was bound in honor to him, that, nevertheless, 
 there existed a very intimate tie between him and Caesar ; that 
 he was not ignorant of what was the duty of a lieutenant, who 
 bore an office of trust ; nor of his own strength, nor of the 
 disposition of the whole province to Caesar. These sentiments 
 he constantly expressed in hi ordinary conversation, and did 
 not attach himself to either party. But afterward, when he 
 found that Caesar was detained before Massilia, that the forces 
 of Petreius had effected a junction with the army of Afranius, 
 that considerable reinforcements had come to their assistance, 
 that there were great hopes and expectations, and heard that 
 the whole Hither province had entered into a confederacy, and 
 of the difficulties to which Caesar was reduced afterward at 
 Ilerda for want of provisions, and Afranius wrote to him a 
 fuller and more exaggerated account of these matters, he 
 began to regulate his movements by those of fortune. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. He made levies throughout the province ; 
 and, having completed his two legions, he added to them about 
 thirty auxiliary cohorts ; he collected a large quantity of corn to 
 send partly to the Masilians, partly to Afranius and Petreius. 
 He commanded the inhabitants of Gades to build ten ships of 
 war ; besides, he took care that several others should be built 
 in Spain. He removed all the money and ornaments from 
 the temple 1 of Hercules to the town of Gades, and sent six 
 cohorts thither from the province to guard them, and gave the 
 command of the town of Gades to Caius Gallonius, a Roman 
 knight, and friend of Domitius, who had come thither sent by 
 Domitius to recover an estate for him ; and he deposited all 
 the arms, both public and private, in Gallonius's house. He 
 himself [Varro] made severe harangues against Caesar. He 
 often pronounced from his tribunal that Caesar had fought 
 several unsuccessful battles, and that a great number of his 
 
 1 It was thought that the bonea of Hercules were buried here ; hence 
 great offerings were made at his shrine. It is recorded that Lucullus 
 offered the tenth of his property there, and that Hannibal, before he set 
 out for Italy, went there to make vows and offerings.
 
 CHAP. xrr. THE CIVIL WAR. 301 
 
 men had deserted to Afranius. That he had these accounts 
 from undoubted messengers, and authority on which he could 
 rely. By these means he terrified the Roman citizens of 
 that province, and obliged them to promise him for the service 
 of the state one hundred and ninety thousand sesterces, twenty 
 thousand pounds weight of silver, and a hundred and twenty 
 thousand bushels of wheat. He laid heavier burdens on those 
 states which he thought were friendly disposed to Caesar, and 
 billeted troops on them; he passed judgment against some 
 private persons, and condemned to confiscation the properties 
 of those who had spoken or made orations against the republic, 
 and forced the whole province to take an oath of allegiance to 
 him and Pompey. Being informed of all that happened in Hither 
 Spain, he prepared for war. This was his plan of operations. 
 He was to retire with his two legions to Gades, and to lay up 
 all the shipping and provisions there. For he had been inform- 
 ed that the whole province was inclined to favor Caesar's party. 
 He thought that the war might be easily protracted in an island, 
 if he was provided with corn and shipping. Caesar, although 
 called back to Italy by many and important matters, yet had 
 determined to leave no dregs of war behind him in Spain, 
 because he knew that Pompey had many dependents and clients 
 in the hither province. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. Having therefore sent two legions into Further 
 Spain under the command of Quintus Cassius, tribune of the 
 people ; he himself advances with six hundred horse by forced 
 marches, and issues a proclamation, appointing a day on which 
 the magistrates and nobility of all the states should attend him 
 at Corduba. This proclamation being published through the 
 whole province, there was not a state that did not send a part 
 of their senate to Corduba, at the appointed time ; and not a 
 Roman citizen of any note but appeared that day. At the same 
 time the senate at Corduba shut the gates of their own accord 
 against Varro, and posted guards and sentinels on the wall and 
 in the turrets, and detained two cohorts (called Colonicae, which 
 had come there accidentally), for the defense of the town. 
 About the same time the people of Carmona, which is by far 
 the strongest state in the whole province, of themselves drove 
 out of the town the cohorts, and shut the gates against them, 
 although three cohorts had been detached by Varro to garrison 
 the citadel.
 
 302 (LESAK'S COMMENTAKIES. BOOK n. 
 
 CHAP. XX. But Varro was in greater haste on this account 
 to reach Gades with his legion as soon as possible, lest 
 he should be stopped either on his march or on crossing over to 
 the island. The affection of the province to Caesar proved so 
 great and so favorable, that he received a letter from Gades, 
 before he was far advanced on his march : that as soon as the 
 nobility of Gades heard of Caesar's proclamation, they had 
 combined with the tribune of the cohorts, which were in 
 garrison there, to drive Gallonius out of the town, and to secure 
 the city and island for Caesar. That having agreed on the 
 design they had sent notice to Gallonius, to quit Gades of his 
 own accord while he could do it with safety ; if he did not, 
 they would take measures for themselves ; that for fear of this 
 Gallonius had been induced to quit the town. When this was 
 known, one of Varro's two legions, which was called Vernacula, 
 carried off the colors from Varro's camp, he himself standing 
 by and looking on, and retired to Hispalis, and took post in the 
 market and public places without doing any injury, and the 
 Roman citizens residing there approved so highly of this act, 
 that every one most earnestly offered to entertain them in 
 their houses. When Varro, terrified at these things, having 
 altered his route, proposed going to Italica, he was informed 
 by his friends that the gates were shut against him. Then 
 indeed, when intercepted from every road, he sends word to 
 Caesar, that he was ready to deliver up the legion which he 
 commanded. He sends to him Sextus Caesar, and orders him 
 to deliver it up to him. Varro, having delivered up the legion, 
 went to Caesar to Corduba, and having laid before him the 
 public accounts, handed over to him most faithfully whatever 
 money he had, and told him what quantity of corn and shipping 
 he had, and where. 
 
 CHAP. XXL Caesar made a public oration at Corduba, in 
 which he returned thanks to all severally: to the Roman 
 citizens, because they had been zealous to keep the town in 
 their own power ; to the Spaniards, for having driven out the 
 garrison ; to the Gaditani, for having defeated the attempts of 
 his enemies, and asserted their own liberty ; to the Tribunes 
 and Centurions who had gone there as a guard, for having 
 by their valor confirmed them in their purpose. He re- 
 mitted the tax which the Roman citizens had promised to 
 Varro for the public use : he restored their goods to those
 
 CHAP. nn. THE CIVIL WAR 303 
 
 who he- was informed had incurred that penalty by speaking 
 too freely, having given public and private rewards to some : 
 he filled the rest with nattering hopes of his future intentions ; 
 and having staid two days at Corduba, he set out for Gades ; 
 he ordered the money and ornaments which had been carried 
 away from the temple of Hercules, and lodged in the houses 
 of private persons, to be replaced in the temple. He made 
 Quintus Cassius governor of the province, and assigned him 
 four legions. He himself, with those ships which Marcus 
 Varro had built, and others which the Gaditani had built by 
 Varro's orders, arrived in a few days at Tarraco, where 
 embassadors from the greatest part of the nearer province 
 waited his arrival. Having in the same manner conferred 
 marks of honor both publicly and privately on some states, 
 he left Tarraco, and went thence by land to Narbo, and thence 
 to Massilia. There he was informed that a law was passed for 
 creating a dictator, and that he had been nominated dictator 
 by Marcus Lepidus 1 the praetor. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. The Massilians, wearied out by misfortunes 
 of every sort, reduced to the lowest ebb for want of corn, 
 conquered in two engagements at sea, defeated in their fre- 
 quent sallies, and struggling moreover with a fatal pestilence, 
 from their long confinement and change of victuals (for they 
 all subsisted on old millet and damaged barley, which they had 
 formerly provided and laid up in the public stores against 
 an emergency of this kind), their turret being demolished, 
 a great part of their wall having given way, and despair- 
 ing of any aid, either from the provinces or their armies, 
 for these they had heard had fallen into Caesar's power, 
 resolved to surrender now without dissimulation. But a few 
 days before, Lucius Domitius, having discovered the intention 
 of the Massilians, and having procured three ships, two of 
 which he gave up to his friends, went on board the third 
 himself, having got a brisk wind, put out to sea. Some ships, 
 which by Brutus's orders were constantly cruising near the 
 port, having espied him, weighed anchor, and pursued him. 
 But of these, the ship on board of which he was, persevered 
 itself, and continuing its flight, and by the aid of the wind 
 
 1 This was the Lepidus who subsequently, with Mark Antony and 
 Oc*avius Caesar, formed the second triumvirate.
 
 304 CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK n. 
 
 got out of sight : the other two, affrighted by the approach of 
 our galleys put back again into the harbor. The Massilians 
 conveyed their arras and engines out of the town, as they were 
 ordered : brought their ships out of the port and docks, and 
 delivered up the money in their treasury. When these affairs 
 were dispatched, Caesar, sparing the town more out of regard 
 to their renown and antiquity than to any claim they could lay 
 to his favor, left two legions in garrison there, sent the rest 
 to Italy, and set out himself for Rome. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. About the same time Cains Curio, having 
 sailed from Sicily to Africa, and from the first despising 
 the forces of Publius Attius Varus, transported only two 
 of the four legions which he had received from Caesar, and 
 five hundred horse, and having spent two days and three 
 nights on the voyage, arrived at a place called Aquilaria, 
 which is about twenty-two miles distant from Clupea, and in 
 the summer season has a convenient harbor, and is inclosed 
 by two projecting promontories. Lucius Caesar the son, who 
 was waiting his arrival near Clupea with ten ships which 
 had been taken near Utica in a war with the pirates, and 
 which Publius Attius had had repaired for this war, fright- 
 ened at the number of our ships, fled the sea, and running 
 his three-decked covered galley on the nearest shore, left 
 her there and made his escape by land to Adrumetum. Caius 
 Considius Longus, with a garrison of one legion, guarded this 
 town. The rest of Caesar's fleet, after his flight, retired to 
 Adrumetum. Marcus Rufus, the quaestor, pursued him with 
 twelve ships, which Curio had brought from Sicily as convoy 
 to the merchantmen, and seeing a ship le.ft on the shore, 
 he brought her off by a towing rope, and returned with his 
 fleet to Curio. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. Curio detached Marcus before with the 
 fleet to Utica, and marched thither with his army. Having 
 advanced two days, he came to the river Bagrada, and there 
 left Caius Caninius Rebilus, the lieutenant, with the legions ; 
 and went forward himself with the horse to view the Cornelian 
 camp, because- that was reckoned a very eligible position for 
 encamping. It is a straight ridge, projecting into the sea, 
 steep and rough on both sides, but the ascent is more gentle 
 on that part which lies opposite Utica. It is not more than a 
 mile distant from Utica in a direct line. But on this road
 
 CHAP. xxvi. THE CIVIL WAR. 305 
 
 there is a spring, to which the sea comes up, and overflows ; an 
 extensive morass is thereby formed ; and if a person would 
 avoid it, he must make a circuit of six miles to reach the town. 
 
 CHAP. XXV. Having examined this place, Curio got a view 
 of Varus's camp, joining the wall and town, at the gate called 
 Bellica, well fortified by its natural situation, on one side by 
 the town itself, on the other by a theater which is before 
 the town, the approaches to the town being rendered difficult 
 and narrow by the very extensive out-buildings of that struc- 
 ture. At the same time he observed the roads very full of 
 carriages and cattle, which they were conveying from the 
 country into the town on the sudden alarm. He sent his 
 cavalry after them to plunder them and get the spoil. And at 
 the same time Varus had detached as a guard for them six 
 hundred Numidian horse, and four hundred foot, which king 
 Juba had sent to Utica as auxiliaries a few days before. There 
 was a friendship subsisting between his [Juba's] father and 
 Pompey, and a feud between him and Curio, because he, when 
 a tribune of the people, had proposed a law, in which he^ en- 
 deavored to make public property of the kingdom of Juba. 
 The horse engaged ; but the Numidians were not able to stand 
 our first charge ; but a hundred and twenty being killed, the 
 rest retreated into their camp near the town. In the mean 
 time, on the arrival of his men of war, Curio ordered proclama- 
 tion to be made to the merchant ships, which lay at anchor 
 before Utica, in number about two hundred, that he would 
 treat as enemies all that did not set sail immediately for the 
 Cornelian camp. As soon as the proclamation was made, in an 
 instant they all weighed anchor and left Utica, and repaired to 
 the place commanded them. This circumstance furnished the 
 army with plenty of every thing. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. After these transactions, Curio returned to 
 his camp to Bragada ; and by a general shout of the whole 
 army was saluted imperator. 1 The next day he led his army 
 to Utica, and encamped near the town. Before the works of 
 the camp were finished, the horse upon guard brought him 
 word that a large supply of horse and foot sent by king Juba 
 were on their march to Utica, and at the same time a cloud of 
 
 1 This was merely an honorary title bestowed by the army on their 
 victorious general.
 
 306 CLESAB'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK 11. 
 
 dust was observed, and in a moment the front of the line was in 
 sight. Curio, surprised at the suddenness of the affair, sent on 
 the horse to receive their first charge, and detain them. He 
 immediately called off his legions from the work, and put them 
 in battle array. The horse began the battle : and before the 
 legions could be completely marshaled and take their ground, 
 the king's entire forces being thrown into disorder and confu- 
 sion, because they had marched without any order, and were 
 under no apprehensions, betake themselves to flight : almost 
 all the enemy's horse being safe, because they made a speedy 
 retreat into the town along the shore, Caesar's soldiers slay a 
 great number of their infantry. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. The next night two Marsian centurions, 
 with twenty-two men belonging to the companies, deserted 
 from Curio's camp to Attius Varus. They, whether they ut- 
 tered the sentiments which they really entertained, or wished to 
 gratify Varus (for what we wish we readily give credit to, and 
 what we think ourselves, we hope is the opinion of other men), 
 assured him, that the minds of the whole army were disaffected 
 to Curio, that it was very expedient that the armies should be 
 brought in view of each other, and an opportunity of a confer- 
 ence be given. Induced by their opinion, Varus the next day 
 led his troops out of the camp : Curio did so in like manner, 
 and with, only one small valley between them, each drew up his 
 forces. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII. In Varus's army there was one Sextus 
 Quintilius Varus who, as we have mentioned before, was at Cor- 
 finium. When Caesar gave him his liberty, he went over to 
 Africa ; now, Curio had transported to Africa those legions 
 which Caesar had received under his command a short time 
 before at Corfinium ; so that the officers and companies were 
 still the same, excepting the change of a few centurions. 
 Quintilius, making this a pretext for addressing them, began to 
 go round Curio's lines, and to entreat the soldiers " not to lose 
 all recollection of the oath which they took first to Domitius 
 and to him their quaestor, nor bear arms against those who had 
 shared the same fortune, and endured the same hardships in a 
 siege, nor fight for those by whom they had been opprobriously 
 called deserters." To this he added a few words by way of en- 
 couragement, what they might expect from his own liberality, 
 if they should follow him and Attius. On the delivery of this
 
 CHAP. ixxi. THE CIVIL "WAR. '-i -j 307 
 
 speech, no intimation of their future conduct is given by Curio's 
 army, and thus both generals led back their troops to their 
 camp. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX. However, a great and general fear spread 
 through Curio's camp, for it is soon increased by the various 
 discourses of men. For every one formed an opinion of his 
 own ; and to what he had heard from others, added his own 
 apprehensions. When this had spread from a single author to 
 several persons, and was handed from one another, there ap- 
 peared to be many authors for such sentiments as these : 
 [" That it was a civil war ; that they were men ; and therefore 
 that it was lawful for them to act freely, and follow which party 
 they pleased." These were the legions which a short time 
 before had belonged to the enemy ; for the custom of offering 
 free towns to those who joined the opposite party had changed 
 Caesar's kindness. For the harshest expressions of the soldiers 
 in general did not proceed from the Marsi and Peligni, as 
 those which passed in the tents the night before ; and some of 
 their fellow soldiers heard them with displeasure. Some addi- 
 tions were also made to them by those who wished to be 
 thought more zealous in their duty]. 1 
 
 CHAP. XXX. For these reasons, having called a council, 
 Curio began to deliberate on the general welfare. There were 
 some opinions, which advised by all means an attempt to be 
 made, and an attack on Varus's camp ; for when such sentiments 
 prevailed among the soldiers, they thought idleness was improp- 
 er. In short, they said " that it was better bravely to try the haz- 
 ard of war in a battle, than to be deserted and surrounded by 
 their own troops, and forced to submit to the greatest cruelties." 
 There were some who gave their opinion, that they ought to 
 withdraw at the third watch to the Cornelian camp ; that by a 
 longer interval of time the soldiers might be brought to a proper 
 way of thinking ; and also, that if any misfortune should befall 
 them, they might have a safer and readier retreat to Sicily, from 
 the great number of their ships. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI. Curio, censuring both measures, said, " that 
 the one was as deficient in spirit, as the other exceeded 
 in it : that the latter advised a shameful flight, and the 
 former recommended us to engage at a great disadvantage. 
 
 1 The text is here very corrupt, but I have given the probable meaning 
 of the passage.
 
 308 CLESAB'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK IL 
 
 For on what, says he, can we rely that we can storm a camp, 
 fortified both by nature and art ? Or, indeed, what advantage 
 do we gain if we give over the assault, after having suffered 
 considerable loss ; as if success did not acquire for a general 
 the affection of his army, and misfortune their hatred? But 
 what does a change of camp imply but a shameful flight, 
 and universal despair, and the alienation of the army ? For 
 neither ought the obedient to suspect that they are distrusted, 
 nor the insolent to know that we fear them ; because our fears 
 augment the licentiousness of the latter, and diminish the zeal 
 of the former. But if, says he, we were convinced of the 
 truth of the reports of the disaffection of the army (which 
 I indeed am confident are either altogether groundless, or at 
 least less than they are supposed to be), how much better to 
 conceal and hide our suspicions of it, than by our conduct con- 
 firm it ? Ought not the defects of an army to be as carefully 
 concealed as the wounds in our bodies, lest we should increase 
 the enemy's hopes ? but they moreover advise us to set out at 
 midnight, in order, I suppose, that those who attempt to do 
 wrong may have a fairer opportunity ; for conduct of this kind 
 is restrained either by shame or fear, to the display of which the 
 night is most averse. Wherefore, I am neither so rash as to 
 give my opinion that we ought to attack their camp without 
 hopes of succeeding ; nor so influenced by fear as to despond : 
 and I imagine that every expedient ought first to be tried ; and 
 I am in a great degree confident th^t I shall form the same 
 opinions as yourselves on this matter." 
 
 CHAP. XXXII. Having broken up the council, he called 
 the soldiers together, and reminded them "what advantage 
 Caesar had derived from their zeal at Corfinium ; how by their 
 good offices and influence he had brought over a great part of 
 Italy to his interest. For, says he, all the municipal towns 
 afterward imitated you and your conduct ; nor was it without 
 reason that Caesar judged so favorably, and the enemy so 
 harshly of you. For Pompey, though beaten in no engage- 
 ment, yet was obliged to shift his ground, and leave Italy, from 
 the precedent established by your conduct. Caesar commited 
 me, whom he considered his dearest friend, and the provinces 
 of Sicily and Africa, without which he was not able to protect 
 Home or Italy, to your protection. There are some here pres- 
 ent who encourage you to revolt from us ; for what can they
 
 CHAP. XXHL THE CIVIL "WAB. 309 
 
 wish for more, than at once to ruin us, and to involve you in 
 a heinous crime ? or what baser opinions could they in their 
 resentment entertain of you, than that, you would betray those 
 who acknowledged themselves indebted to you for every thing, 
 and put yourselves in the power of those who think they have 
 been ruined by you ? Have you not heard of Caesar's exploits 
 in Spain ? that he routed two armies, conquered two generals, 
 recovered two provinces, and effected all this within forty days 
 after he came in sight of the enemy ? Can those who were not 
 able to stand against him while they were uninjured, resist 
 him when they are ruined ? Will you, who took part with 
 Caesar while victory was uncertain, take part with the con- 
 quered enemy when the fortune of the war is decided, and 
 when you ought to reap the reward of your services J For they 
 say that they have been deserted and betrayed by you, and 
 remind you of a former oath. But did you desert Lucius 
 Domitius, or did Lucius Domitius desert you? Did he not, 
 when you were ready to submit to the greatest difficulties, 
 cast you off ? Did he not, without your privacy, endeavor to 
 effect his own escape ? When you were betrayed by him, were 
 you not preserved by Caesar's generosity ? And how could he 
 think you bound by your oath to him, when, after having thrown 
 up the ensigns of power, and abdicated his government, he be- 
 came a private person, and a captive in another's power ? A nevr 
 obligation is left upon you, that you should disregard the oath, 
 by which you are at present bound ; and have respect only to 
 that which was invalidated by the surrender of your general, 
 and his diminution of rank. But I suppose, although you are 
 pleased with Caesar, you are offended with me; however, I 
 shall not boast of my services to you, which still are inferior 
 to my own wishes or yaur expectations. But, however, soldiers 
 have ever looked for the rewards of labor at the conclusion of 
 a war ; and what the issue of it is likely to be, not even you 
 can doubt. But why should I omit to mention my own dili- 
 gence and good fortune, and to what a happy crisis affairs are 
 now arrived ? Are you sorry that I transported the army safe 
 and entire, without the loss of a single ship? That on my 
 arrival, in the very first attack, I routed the enemy's fleet? 
 That twice in two days I defeated the enemy's horse ? That 
 I carried out of the very harbor and bay two hundred cf the 
 enemy's victualers, and reduced them to that situation that
 
 310 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK n. 
 
 they can receive no supplies either by land or sea ? Will you 
 divorce yourselves from this fortune and these generals; and 
 prefer the disgrace of Corfinium, the defeat of Italy, the sur- 
 render of both Spains, and the prestige of the African war ? I, 
 for my part, wished to be called a soldier of Caesar's; you 
 honored me with the title of Imperator. If you repent your 
 bounty, I give it back to you ; restore to me my former name 
 that you may not appear to have conferred the honor on me as 
 a reproach." 
 
 CHAP. XXXin. The soldiers, being affected by this 
 oration, frequently attempted to interrupt him while he was 
 speaking, so that they appeared to bear with excessive anguish 
 the suspicion of treachery, and when he was leaving the 
 assembly they unanimously besought him to be of good spirits, 
 and not hesitate to engage the enemy and put their fidelity 
 and courage to a trial. As the wishes and opinions of all were 
 changed by this act, Curio, with the general consent, deter- 
 mined, whenever opportunity offered, to hazard a battle. The 
 next day he led out his forces and ranged them in order of 
 battle on the same ground where they had been posted the 
 preceding day ; nor did Attius Varus hesitate to draw out his 
 men, that, if any occasion should offer, either to tamper with 
 our men or to engage on equal terms, he might not miss the 
 opportunity. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIV. There lay between the two armies a 
 valley, as already mentioned, not very deep, but of a difficult 
 and steep ascent. Each was waiting till the enemy's forces 
 should attempt to pass it, that they might engage with the 
 advantage of the ground. At the same time on the left 
 wing, the entire cavalry of Publius Attius, and several light- 
 armed infantry intermixed with them, -were perceived descend- 
 ing into the valley. Against them Curio detached his cavalry 
 and two cohorts of the Marrucini, whose first charge the 
 enemy's horse were unable to stand, but, setting spurs to their 
 horses, fled back to their friends : the light-infantry being 
 deserted by those who had come out along with them, were 
 surrounded and cut to pieces by our men. Varus's whole army, 
 facing that way, saw their men flee and cut down. Upon 
 which Rebilus, one of Caesar's lieutenants, whom Curio had 
 br6ught with him from Sicily knowing that he had great 
 experience in military matters, cried out, " You see the enemy
 
 . 33XV. THE CIVIL "WAR. 311 
 
 are daunted, Corio ! why do you hesitate to take advantage 
 of the opportunity 1" Curio, having merely " expressed this, 
 that the soldiers should keep in mind the professions which 
 they had made to him the day before," then ordered them to 
 follow him, and ran far before them all. The valley was so 
 difficult of ascent that the foremost men could not struggle up 
 it unless assisted by those behind. But the minds of Attius's 
 soldiers being prepossessed with fear and the flight and slaughter 
 of their men, never thought of opposing us; and they all 
 imagined that they were already surrounded by our horse, and, 
 therefore, before a dart could be thrown, or our men come near 
 them, Varus's whole army turned their backs and retreated to 
 their camp. 
 
 CHAP. XXXV. In this flight one Fabius, a Pelignian and 
 common soldier in Curio's army, pursuing the enemy's rear, 
 with a loud voice shouted to Varus by his name, and often 
 called him, so that he seemed to be one of his soldiers, who 
 wished to speak to him and give him advice. When Varus, 
 after been repeatedly called, stopped and looked at him, and 
 inquired who he was and what he wanted, he made a blow with 
 his sword at his naked shoulder and was very near killing 
 Varus, but he escaped the danger by raising his shield to ward 
 off the blow. Fabius was surrounded by the soldiers near 
 him and cut to pieces ; and by the multitude and crowds of 
 those that fled, the gates of the camps were thronged and the 
 passage stopped, and a greater number perished in that place 
 without a stroke than in the battle and flight. Nor were we 
 far from driving them from this camp ; and some of them ran 
 straightway to the town without halting. But both the nature 
 of the ground and the strength of the fortifications prevented 
 our access to the camp ;. for Curio's soldiers, marching out to 
 battle, were without those things which were requisite for 
 storming a camp. Curio, therefore, led his army back to the 
 camp, with all his troops safe except Fabius. Of the enemy 
 about six hundred were killed and a thousand wounded, all of 
 whom, after Curio's return, and several more, under pretext of 
 their wounds, but in fact through fear, withdrew from the camp 
 into the town, which Varus perceiving and knowing the terror 
 of his army, leaving a trumpeter in his camp and a few tents 
 for show, at the third watch led back his army quietly into the 
 town.
 
 312 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK n. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVI. The next day Curio resolved to besiege 
 Utica, and to draw lines about it. In the town there was 
 a multitude of people, ignorant of war, owing to the length of 
 the peace ; some of them Uticans, very well inclined to Caesar, 
 for his favors to them ; the Roman population was composed 
 of persons differing widely in their sentiments. The terror 
 occasioned by former battles was very great ; and therefore, 
 they openly talked of surrendering, and argued with Attius 
 that he should not suffer the fortune of them all to be ruined 
 by his obstinacy. While these things were in agitation, 
 couriers, who had been sent forward, arrived from king Juba, 
 with the intelligence that he was on his march, with con- 
 siderable forces, and encouraged them to protect and defend 
 their city, a circumstance which greatly comforted their despond- 
 ing hearts. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVII. The same intelligence was brought to 
 Curio ; but for some time he could not give credit to it, because 
 he had so great confidence in his own good fortune. And at 
 this time Caesar's success in Spain was announced in Africa by 
 messages and letters. Being elated by all these things, he 
 imagined that the king would not dare to attempt any thing 
 against him. But when he found out, from undoubted authority, 
 that his forces were less than twenty miles distant from Utica, 
 abandoning his works, he retired to the Cornelian camp. Here 
 he began to lay in corn and wood, and to fortify his camp, and 
 immediately dispatched orders to Sicily, that his two legions 
 and the remainder of his cavalry should be sent to him. His 
 camp was well adapted for protracting a war, from the nature 
 and strength of the situation, from its proximity to the sea, 
 and the abundance of water and salt, of which a great quantity 
 had < been stored up from the neighboring salt-pits. Timber 
 could not fail him from the number of trees, nor corn, with 
 which the lands abounded. Wherefore, with the general con- 
 sent, Curio determined to wait for the rest of his forces, and 
 protract the war. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVUL This plan being settled, and his conduct 
 approved of, he is informed by some deserters from the town 
 that Juba had staid behind in his own kingdom, being called 
 home by a neighboring war, and a dispute with the people of 
 Leptis; and that Sabura, his commander-in-chief, who ha'd 
 been sent with a small force, was drawing near to Utica. Curio
 
 CHAP, xxxix. THE CIVIL WAR. 313 
 
 rashly believing this information, altered his design, and re- 
 solved to hazard a battle. His youth, his spirits, his former 
 good fortune and confidence of success, contributed much to 
 confirm this resolution. Induced by these motives, early in 
 the night he sent all his cavalry to the enemy's camp near the 
 river Bagrada, of which Sabura, of whom we have already 
 spoken, was the commander. But the king was coming after 
 them with all his forces, and was posted at a distance of six 
 miles behind Sabura. The horse that were sent perform their 
 march that night, and attack the enemy unawares and unex- 
 pectedly ; for the Numidians, after the usual barbarous custom, 
 encamped here and there without any regularity The cavalry 
 having attacked them, when sunk in sleep and dispersed, killed 
 a great number of them ; many were frightened and ran away. 
 After which the horse returned to Curio, and brought some 
 prisoners with them. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIX. Curio had set out at the fourth watch 
 with all his forces, except five cohorts which he left to guard 
 the camp. Having advanced six miles, he met the horse, 
 heard what had happened and inquired from the captives 
 who commanded the camp at Bagrada. They replied Sabura. 
 Through eagerness to perform his journey, he neglected to 
 make further inquiries, but looking back to the company next 
 him, " Don't you see, soldiers," says he, " that the answer of 
 the prisoners corresponds with the account of the deserters, 
 that the king is not with him, and that he sent only a small 
 force which was not able to withstand a few horse I Hasten 
 then to spoil, to glory ; that we may now begin to think of 
 rewarding you, and returning you thanks." The achievements 
 of the horse were great in themselves, especially if their small 
 number be compared with the vast host of Numidians. How- 
 ever, the account was enlarged by themselves, as men are 
 naturally inclined to boast of their own merit. Besides, many 
 spoils were produced ; the men and horses that were taken 
 were brought into their sight, that they might imagine that 
 every moment of time which intervened was a delay to their 
 conquest. By this means the hope of Curio were seconded by 
 the ardor of the soldiers. He ordered the horse to follow 
 him, and hastened his march, that he might attack them as 
 soon as possible, while in consternation after their flight. But 
 the horse, fatigued by the expedition of the preceding night, 
 
 14
 
 314 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK IL 
 
 were not able to keep up with him, but fell behind in different 
 places. Even this did not abate Curio's hopes. 
 
 CHAP. XL. Juba, being informed by Sabura of the battle in 
 the night, sent to his relief two thousand Spanish and Gallic 
 horse, which he was accustomed to keep near him to guard 
 his person, and that part of his infantry on which he had the 
 greatest dependence, and he himself followed slowly after with 
 the rest of his forces and forty elephants, suspecting that as 
 Curio had sent his horse before, he himself would follow them. 
 Sabura drew up his army, both horse and foot, and commanded 
 them to give way gradually and retreat through the pretense of 
 fear; that when it was necessary he would give them the 
 signal for battle, and such orders as he found circumstances 
 required. Curio, as his idea of their present behavior was 
 calculated to confirm his former hopes, imagined that the 
 enemy were running away, and led his army from the rising 
 grounds down to the plain. 
 
 CHAP. XLL And when he had advanced from this place 
 about sixteen miles, his army being exhausted with the fatigue, 
 he halted. Sabura gave his men the signal, marshaled his 
 army, and began to go around his ranks and encourage them. 
 But he made use of the foot only for show ; and sent the 
 horse to the charge : Curio was not deficient in skill, and 
 encouraged his men to rest all their hopes in their valor. 
 Neither were the soldiers, though wearied, nor the horse, 
 though few and exhausted with fatigue, deficient in ardor to 
 engage, and courage : but the latter were in number but two 
 hundred: the rest had dropped behind on the march. 
 Wherever they charged they forced the enemy to give ground, 
 but they were not able to pursue them far when they fled, or 
 to press their horses too severely. Besides, the enemy's 
 cavalry began to surround us on both wings and to trample 
 down our rear. When any cohorts ran forward out gf the 
 line, the Numidians, being fresh, by their speed avoided our 
 charge, and surrounded ours when they attempted to return to 
 their post, and cut them off from the main body. So that it 
 did not appear safe either to keep their ground and maintain 
 their ranks, or to issue from the line, and run the risk. The 
 enemy's troops were frequently reinforced by assistance sent 
 from Juba ; strength began to Ml our men through fatigue ;
 
 CHAP. TT.TTT. THE CIVIL WAR 315 
 
 and those who had been wounded could neither quit the field 
 nor retire to a place of safety, because the whole field was 
 surrounded by the enemy's cavalry. Therefore, despairing of 
 their own safety, as men usually do in the last moment of their 
 lives, they either lamented their unhappy deaths, or recom- 
 mended their parents to the survivors, if fortune should save 
 any from the impending danger. All were full of fear and 
 grief. 
 
 CHAP. XLII. When Curio perceived that in the general 
 consternation neither his exhortations nor entreaties were 
 attended to, imagining that the only hope of escaping in their 
 deplorable situation was to gain the nearest hills, he ordered 
 the colors to be borne that way. But a party of horse, that 
 had been sent by Sabura, had already got possession of them. 
 Now indeed our men were reduced to extreme despair : and 
 some of them were killed by the cavalry in attempting to 
 escape: some fell to the ground unhurt. Cneius Domitius, 
 commander of the cavalry, standing round Curio with a small 
 party of horse, urged Curio to endeavor to escape by flight, 
 and to hasten to his camp ; and assured him that he would not 
 forsake him. But Curio declared that he would never more 
 appear in Caesar's sight, after losing the army which had been 
 committed by Caesar, to his charge, and accordingly fought 
 till he was killed. Very few of the horse escaped from that 
 battle, but those who had staid behind to refresh their horses 
 having perceived at a distance the defeat of the whole army, 
 retired in safety to their camp. 
 
 CHAP. XLO. The soldiers were all killed to a man. 
 Marcus Rufus, the quaestor, who was left behind in the camp by 
 Curio, having got intelligence of these things, encouraged his 
 men not to be disheartened. They beg and ' entreat to be 
 transported to Sicily. He consented, and ordered the masters 
 of the ships to have all the boats brought close to the shore 
 early in the evening. But so great was the terror in general, 
 that some said that Juba's forces were marching up, others that 
 Varus was hastening with his legions, and that they already 
 saw the dust raised by their coming ; of which not one circum- 
 stance had happened : others suspected that the enemy's fleet 
 would immediately be upon them. Therefore in the general 
 consternation, every man consulted his own safety. Thosa
 
 316 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK n. 
 
 who were on board of the fleet, were in a hurry to set sail, 
 and their flight hastened the masters of the ships of burden. 
 A few small fishing boats attended their duty and his orders. 
 But as the shores were crowded, so great was the struggle to 
 determine who of such a vast number should first get on 
 board, that some of the vessels sank with the weight of the 
 multitude, and the fears of the rest delayed them from coming 
 to the shore. 
 
 CHAP. XLIV. From which circumstances it happened that 
 a few foot and aged men, that could prevail either through 
 interest or pity, or who were able to swim to the ships, were 
 taken on board, and landed safe in Sicily. The rest of the 
 troops sent their centurions as deputies to Varus at night, 
 and surrendered themselves to him. But Juba the next day 
 having spied their cohorts before the town, claimed them as his 
 booty, and ordered great part of them to be put to the 
 sword ; a few he selected and sent home to his own realm. 
 Although Varus complained that his honor was insulted by 
 Juba, yet he dare not oppose him : Juba rode on horseback 
 into the town, attended by several senators, among whom were 
 Servius Sulpicius and Licinius Damasippus, and in a few days 
 arranged and ordered what he would have done in Utica, and 
 in a few days more returned to his own kingdom, with all his 
 forces.
 
 CHAP. I. THE CIY1L WAR 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 THE ARGtfMENT. 
 
 I. Caesar arranges affaire in Borne, VI. Passes over to Epiras, VHI. 
 Occupies Salonse, XI. Oricum, XII. Apollonia, and other towns. 
 XIII. Pompey falls back on Dyrrachium. XVIII. Bibulus dies. 
 XIX. Caesar's reiterated attempts to coine to conference fail. XXII. 
 Commotions arise in the city, out are quelled. XXIII. Libo blocks 
 u the port of Brundusium, but in vain. XXVI. Antony and 
 Calenus arrive from Italy, with fresh forces, and form a junction with 
 Caesar. XXXI. The tyrannical conduct of Scipio in Syria. XXXVI. 
 The proceedings in Macedon and Thessaly. XL. Pompey hemmed in 
 by Caesar at Dyrrachium. XLIV. Frequent skirmishes without any 
 decided advantages to either party. LXIII. Caesar suffers severely on 
 two occasions, and abandons the blockade. LXXVHI. He induces 
 Pompey to follow him into Thessaly, LXXXV. Gains an opportunity 
 of coming to an action, XCI1I. And completely defeats him. In the 
 mean time, D. Lselius besieges the port of Brundusium ; CI. And Cas- 
 sius burns Caesar's fleet in Sicily. CIV. Pompey is slam in Egypt by 
 Achillas and Septimius. CVI. Caesar pursues him to Alexandria, and 
 there becomes involved in a new war. 
 
 CHAP. I. Julius Caesar, holding the election as dictator, 1 
 was himself appointed consul with Publius Servilius ; for this 
 was the year 2 in which it was permitted by the laws that he 
 should be chosen consul. This business being ended, as 
 credit was beginning to fail in Italy, and the debts could not 
 be paid, he determined that arbitrators should be appointed : 
 and that they should make an estimate of the possessions and 
 properties [of the debtors], how much they were worth before 
 the war, and that they should be handed over in payment to the 
 creditors. This he thought the most likely method to remove and 
 
 1 Caesar thought that his continuing to hold the dictatorship -was a 
 stretch of power likely to alienate several of his own party, and there- 
 fore caused himself to be appointed consul 
 
 2 The tenth after his last consulship ; however, this usage was not 
 always observed ; as, for instance, in the case of Scipio Africanus.
 
 318 CJESAR'S COMMENTAEIES. BOOK in. 
 
 abate the apprehension of an abolition of debt, 1 the usual con- 
 sequence of civil wars and dissensions, and to support the credit 
 of the debtors. lie likewise restored to their former condition 
 (the praetors and tribunes, 2 first submitting the question to the 
 people 3 ) some persons condemned for bribery at the elections, 
 by virtue of Pompey's law, at the time when Pompey kept his 
 legions quartered in the city (these trials were finished in a 
 single day, one judge hearing the merits, and another pro- 
 nouncing the sentences), because they had offered their service 
 to him in the beginning of the civil Avar, if he chose to accept 
 them ; setting the same value on them as if he had accepted 
 them, because they had put themselves in his power. For he 
 had determined that they ought to be restored rather by the 
 judgment of the people than appear admitted to it by his 
 bounty : that he might neither appear ungrateful in repaying 
 an obligation, nor arrogant in depriving the people of their pre- 
 rogative of exercising this bounty. 
 
 CHAP. II. In accomplishing these things, and celebrating 
 the Latin festival, 4 and holding all the elections, he spent eleven 
 
 1 " Novse tabulae," an abolition of debt, called by the Greeks, xpeiJv 
 UTTOKOTTJ). Plutarch calls it, " OEiaaxBeia," i. e,. a shaking off the burdens, 
 because the debtors were relieved from their old debts. 
 
 2 Caesar acted on the appeals made to the people, in behalf of those 
 who were condemned, by the praetors and the tribunes. 
 
 3 Bribery, or undue influence, at elections. Pompey, when invested 
 with the whole guardianship of the state on the death of Clodius. passed 
 a severe law against such practices, in consequence of the violent com- 
 petition between Hypsajus and Milo, for the consulship ; by this law, the 
 case was decided in one day, contrary to the usual practice. 
 
 4 Ferise Latinse, or simply Latinsc (the original name was Latiar), had, 
 according to the Roman legends, been instituted by the last Tarquin, in 
 commemoration of the alliance between the Romans and Latins. But 
 Niebuhr has shown that the festival, which was originally a panegyris 
 of the Lathis, is of much higher antiquity ; for we find it stated that the 
 town of the Priscans and Latins received their shows of the sacrifices on 
 the Alban mount which was the place of its celebration along with 
 the Albans, and the thirty towns of the Alban commonwealth. All that 
 the last Tarquin did was, to convert the original Latin festival into a 
 Roman one, and to make it the means of hallowing and cementing the 
 alliance between the two nations. The object of this panegyris on the 
 Alban mount was the worship of Jupiter Latiaris, and, at least as long 
 as the Latin republic existed, to deliberate and decide on matters of the 
 confederacy, and to settle any disputes which might have arisen between 
 its members. Respecting the duration of the Ferise Latina?, the com- 
 mon opinion formerly was that at first they only lasted for one day, to
 
 CHAP. iv. THE CIVIL WAR. 
 
 days ; and having resigned the dictatorship, set out from the 
 city, and went to Brundusium, where he had ordered twelve 
 legions and all his cavalry to meet him. But he scarcely found 
 as many ships as would be sufficient to transport fifteen thou- 
 sand legionary soldiers and five hundred horse. This [the scarci- 
 ty of shipping] was the only thing that prevented Caesar from 
 putting a speedy conclusion to the war. And even these troops 
 embarked very short of their number, because several had fallen 
 in so many wars in Gaul, and the long march from Spain had 
 lessened their number very much, and a severe autumn in, 
 Apulia and the district about Brundusium, after the very whole- 
 some countries of Spain and Gaul, had impaired the health, of 
 the whole army. 
 
 CHAP. HL PcJmpey having got a year'g respite to provide 
 forces, during which he was not engaged in war, nor employed 
 by an enemy, had collected a numerous fleet from Asia, and 
 the Cyclades, from Corcyra, Athens, Pontus, Bithynia, Syria, 
 Cilicia, Phoenicia, and Egypt, and had given directions that a 
 great number should be built in every other place. He had 
 exacted a large sum of money from Asia, Syria, and all the 
 kings, dynasts, tetrarchs, and free states of Achaia ; and had 
 obliged the corporations of those provinces, of which he him- 
 self had the government, to count down to him a large sum. 
 
 CHAP. IV. He had made up nine legions of Roman citi- 
 zens ; five from Italy, which he had brought with him ; one 
 veteran legion from Sicily, which being composed of two he 
 called the Gemella; one from Crete and Macedonia, of vete- 
 rans who had been discharged by their former generals and 
 had settled in those provinces ; two from Asia, which had been 
 levied by the activity of Lentulus. Besides, he had dis- 
 tributed among his legions a considerable number, by way of 
 recruits, from Thessaly, Bceotia, Achaia, and Epirus : with his 
 legions he also intermixed the soldiers 1 taken from Caius An- 
 tonius. Besides these, he expected two legions from Syria, 
 with Scipio ; from Crete, Lacedaemon, Pontus, Syria, and other 
 
 which subsequently a second, a third, and a fourth were added ; but it 
 ig clear that this supposition was founded on a confusion of the Feriae 
 Latinse with the Ludi Maximi, and that they lasted for six days ; one for 
 each decury of the Alban and Latin town. Abbreviated from the 
 article in Smyth's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. 
 
 1 He refers to the soldiers of C. Antonius, who were betrayed by L 
 Pulcio, and subsequently compelled to surrender.
 
 320 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK in. 
 
 states, he got about three thousand archers, six cohorts of 
 slingers, two thousand mercenary soldiers, and seven thousand 
 horse ; six hundred of which, Deiotarus had brought from Gaul ; 
 Ariobarzanes, five hundred from Cappadocia. Cotus had given 
 him about the same number from Thrace, and had sent his son 
 Sadalis with them. From Macedonia there were two hundred, 
 of extraordinary valor, commanded by Rascipolis ; five hundred 
 Gauls and Germans ; Gabinius's troops from Alexandria, whom 
 Aulus Gabinius had left with king Ptolemy, to guard his person. 
 Pompey, the son, had brought in his fleet eight hundred, whom 
 he had raised among his own and his shepherds' slaves. Tar- 
 cundarius, Castor and Donilaus, had given three hundred from 
 Gallogrsecia : one of these came himself, the other sent his son. 
 Two hundred were*sent from Syria by Comagenus Antiochus, 
 whom Pompey rewarded amply. The most of them were arch- 
 ers. To these were added Dardanians and Bessians, some of 
 them mercenaries ; others procured by power and influence : 
 also, Macedonians, Thessalians, and troops from other nations 
 and states, which completed the number winch we mentioned 
 before. 
 
 CHAP. V. Ho had laid in v.r,t quantities of corn from 
 Thessaly, Asia, Egypt, Crete, Gyrene, and other counlries. 
 He had resolved to fix his winter quarters at Dyrrachium, 
 Apollonia, and the other seaports, to hinder Caesar from pass- 
 ing the sea : and for this purpose had stationed his fleet along 
 the sea-coast. The Egyptian fleet was commanded by Pom- 
 pey, the son : the Asiatic, by Decimus Laelius, and Caius 
 Triarius : the Syrian, by Caius Cassius : the Rhodian, by Caius 
 Marcellus, in conjunction with Caius Coponius : and the Libur- 
 nian and Achaian, by Scribonius Libo, and Marcus Octavius. 
 But Marcus Bibulus was appointed commander-in-chief of the 
 whole maritime department, and regulated every matter. The 
 chief direction rested upon him. 
 
 CHAP. VL When Caasar came to Brundusium, he made a 
 speech to the soldiers : " That since they were now almost ar- 
 rived at the termination of their toils and dangers, they should 
 patiently submit to leave their slaves and baggage in Italy, 
 and to embark without luggage, that a greater number of men 
 might be put on board : that they might expect every thing 
 from victory and his liberality." They cried out with one 
 voice, " he might give what orders he pleased, that they would
 
 CHAP. rx. THE CIVIL "WAR. 321 
 
 cheerfully fulfill them." He accordingly set sail the fourth 
 day of January, with seven legions on board, as already re- 
 marked. The next day he reached land, between the Cerau- 
 nian rocks and other dangerous places ; meeting with a safe 
 road for his shipping to ride in, and dreading all other ports 
 which he imagined were in possession of the enemy, he landed 
 his men at a place called Pharsalus, without the loss of a 
 single vessel. 
 
 CHAP. VII. Lucretius Vespillo and Minutius Rufus were 
 at Oricum, with eighteen Asiatic ships, which were given into 
 their charge by the orders of Decimus Laelius : Marcus Bibu- 
 lus at Corcyra, with a hundred and ten ships. But they had 
 not the confidence to dare to move out of the harbor ; though 
 Caesar had brought only twelve ships as a convoy, only four of 
 which had decks ; nor did Bibulus, his fleet being disordered 
 and his seamen dispersed, come up in time : for Caesar was 
 seen at the continent, before any account whatsoever of his 
 approach had reached those regions. 
 
 CHAP. VIE. Caesar, having landed his soldiers, sent back 
 his ships the same night to Brundusium, to transport the rest 
 of his legions and cavalry. The charge of this business was 
 committed to lieutenant Fufius Kalenus, with orders to be 
 expeditious in transporting the legions. But the ships having 
 put to sea too late, and not having taken advantage of the 
 night breeze, fell a sacrifice on their return. For Bibulus, at 
 Corcyra, being informed of Caesar's approach, hoped to fall in 
 with some part of our ships, with their cargoes, but found 
 them empty ; and having taken about thirty, vented on them 
 his rage at his own remissness, and set them all on fire : and, 
 with the same flames, he destroyed the mariners and masters 
 of the vessels, .hoping by the severity of the punishment to de- 
 ter the rest. Having accomplished this affair, he filled all the 
 harbors and shores from Salona to Oricum with his fleets. 
 Having disposed his guard with great care, he lay on board 
 himself in the depth of winter, declining no fatigue or duty, 
 and not waiting for reinforcements, in hopes that he might 
 come within Caesar's reach. 
 
 CHAP. IX. But after the departure of the Liburnian fleet, 
 Marcus Octavius sailed from Ulyricum with what ships he had 
 to Salona ; and having spirited up the Dalmatians, and other 
 barbarous nations, he drew Issa off from its connection with 
 
 14*
 
 322 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK m. 
 
 Caesar; but not being able to prevail with the council of 
 Salona, either by promises or menaces, he resolved to storm 
 the town. But it was well fortified by its natural situation, 
 and a hill. The Roman citizens built wooden towers, the 
 better to secure it ; but when they were unable to resist, on ac- 
 count of the smallness of their numbers, being weakened by 
 several wounds, they stooped to the last resource, and set at 
 liberty all the slaves old enough to bear arms ; and cutting the 
 hair off the womens' heads, 1 made ropes for their engines. 
 Octavius, being informed of their determination, surrounded the 
 town with five encampments, and began to press them at once 
 with a siege and storm. They were determined to endure every 
 hardship, and their greatest distress was the want of corn. 
 They, therefore, sent deputies to Caesar, and begged a supply 
 from him ; all other inconveniences they bore by their own 
 resources, as well as they could : and after a long interval, when 
 the length of the siege had made Octavius's troops more remiss 
 than usual, having got an opportunity at noon, when the enemy 
 were dispersed, they disposed their wives and children on the 
 walls, to keep up the appearance of their usual attention; and 
 forming themselves into one body, with the slaves whom they 
 had lately enfranchised, they made an attack on Octavius's 
 nearest camp, and having forced that, attacked the second 
 with the same fury ; and then the third and the fourth, and 
 then the other, and beat them from them all : and having 
 killed a great number, obliged the rest and Octavius himself 
 to fly for refuge to their ships. This put an end to the blockade. 
 Winter was now approaching, and Octavius, despairing of cap- 
 turing the town, after sustaining such considerable losses, with- 
 drew to Pompey, to Dyrrachium. 
 
 CHAP. X. We have mentioned, that Vibullius Rums, an 
 officer of Pompey's had fallen twice into Caesar's power ; first 
 at Corfinium, and afterward in Spain. Caesar, thought him 
 a proper person, on account of his favors conferred on him, 
 to send with proposals to Pompey : and he knew that he had 
 an influence over Pompey. This was the substance of his 
 proposals : " That it was the duty of both, to put an end to 
 their obstinacy, and forbear hostilities, and not tempt fortune 
 any further; that sufficient loss had been suffered on both 
 
 1 "We find similar devotion displayed in the siege of Carthage.
 
 CHAP. XL THE CIVIL WAB. 823 
 
 sides, to serve as a lesson and instruction to them, to render 
 them apprehensive of future calamities, by Pompey, in having 
 been driven out of Italy, and having lost Sicily, Cardinia, and 
 the two Spains, and one hundred and thirty cohorts of Roman 
 citizens, in Italy and Spain : by himself, in the death of Curio, 
 and the loss of so great an army in Africa, and the surrender 
 of his soldiers in Corcyra. Wherefore, they should have pity 
 on themselves, and the republic : for, from their own misfor- 
 tunes, they had sufficient experience of what fortune can effect 
 in war. That this was the only time to treat for peace ; when 
 each had confidence in his own strength, and both seemed 
 on an equal footing. Since, if fortune showed ever so little 
 favor to either, he who thought himself superior, would not 
 submit to terms of accommodation ; nor would be content 
 with an equal division, when he might expect to obtain the 
 whole. That as they could not agree before, the terms of 
 peace ought to be submitted to the senate and people in 
 Home. That in the mean time, it ought to content the 
 republic and themselves, if they both immediately took oath in 
 a public assembly that they would disband their forces within 
 the three following days. That having divested themselves of 
 the arms and auxiliaries, on which they placed their present 
 confidence, they must both of necessity acquiesce in the decision 
 of the people and senate. To give Pompey the fuller assurance 
 of his intentions, he would dismiss all his forces on the land, 
 even his garrisons. 
 
 CHAP. XI. Vibullius, having received this commission 
 from Caesar, thought it no less necessary to give Pompey 
 notice of Caesar's sudden approach, that he might adopt such 
 plans as the circumstance required, than to inform him of 
 Caesar's message ; and therefore continuing his journey by night 
 as well as by day, and taking fresh horses for dispatch, he posted 
 away to Pompey, to inform him that Caesar was marching 
 toward him with all his forces. Pompey was at this time in 
 Candavia, 1 and was on his march from Macedonia to his winter 
 quarters in Apollonia and Dyrrachium ; but surprised at the 
 unexpected news, he determined to go to Apollonia by speedy 
 marches, to prevent Caesar from becoming master of all the 
 maritime states. But as soon as Caesar had landed his troops, 
 
 1 Candavia is supposed to have been a district of Macedonia.
 
 324 (LESAR'S COMMENT ABIES. BOOK in. 
 
 he set off the same day for Oricum : when he arrived there, 
 Lucius Torquatus, who was governor of the town by Pompey's 
 appointment, and had a garrison of Parthinians in it, endeav- 
 ored to shut the gates and defend the town, and ordered the 
 Greeks to man the walls, and to take arms. But as they 
 refused to fight against the power of the Roman people, and 
 as the citizens made a spontaneous attempt to admit Caesar, 
 despairing of any assistance, he threw open the gates, and sur- 
 rendered himself and the town to Csesar, and was preserved 
 safe from injury by him. 
 
 CHAP. XII. Having taken Oricum, Csesar marched with- 
 out making any delay to Apollonia. Staberius the governor, 
 hearing of his approach, began to bring water into the citadel, 
 and to fortify it, and to demand hostages of the town's people. 
 But they refuse to give any, or to shut their gates against the 
 consul, or to take upon them to judge contrary to what all 
 Italy and the Roman people had judged. As soon as he knew 
 their inclinations, he made his escape privately. The inhabit- 
 ants of Apollonia sent embassadors to Csesar, and gave him 
 admission into their town. Their example was followed by the 
 inhabitants of Bullis, 1 Amanda, 2 and the other neighboring 
 states, and all Epirus : and they sent embassadors to Csesar, and 
 promised to obey his commands. 
 
 CHAP. Xni. But Pompey having received information of 
 the transactions at Oricum and Apollonia, began to be alarmed 
 for Dyrrachium, and endeavored to reach it, marching day 
 and night. As soon as it was said that Caesar was approach- 
 ing, such a panic fell upon Pompey's army, because in his 
 haste he had made no distinction between night and day, and 
 had marched without intermission, that they almost every 
 man deserted their colors in Epirus and the neighboring 
 countries ; several threw down their arms, and their march 
 had the appearance of a flight. But when Pompey had halted 
 near Dyrrachium, and had given orders for measuring out the 
 ground for his camp, his army even yet continuing in their 
 fright, Labienus first stepped forward and swore that he 
 would never desert him, and would share whatever fate fortune 
 
 1 Bullis was a town of Macedonia, in the gulf of Venice, nearly oppo- 
 Bite to Hydras in Italy. 
 
 2 Amantia, modern Porto Raguseo, called formerly Abantia, from its 
 having been founded by the Abantes of Eubosa, on their return from Troy.
 
 CHAP. xv. THE CTftL WAR. 325 
 
 should assign to him. The other lieutenants toot the same 
 oath, and the tribunes and centurions followed their example : 
 and the whole army swore in like manner. Caesar, finding the 
 road to Dyrrachium already in the possession of Pompey, was 
 in no great haste, but encamped by the river Apsus, in the ter- 
 ritory of Apollonia, that the states which had deserved his sup- 
 port might be certain of protection from his out-guards and forts ; 
 and there he resolved to wait the arrival of his other legions 
 from Italy, and to winter in tents. Pompey did the same ; and 
 pitching his camp on the other side of the river Apsus, collected 
 there all his troops and auxiliaries. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. Kalenus, having put the legipns and cavalry 
 on board at Brundusium, as Caesar had directed him, as far as 
 the number of his ships allowed, weighed anchor : and having 
 sailed a little distance from port, received a letter from Caesar, 
 in which he was informed, that all the ports and the whole 
 shore was occupied by the enemy's fleet : on receiving tlm 
 information he returned into the harbor, and recalled all the 
 vessels. One of them, which continued the voyage and did 
 not obey Kalenus's command, because it carried no troops, but 
 was private property, bore away for Oricum, and was taken by 
 Bibulus, who spared neither slaves nor free men, nor even 
 children ; but put all to the sword. Thus the safety of the 
 whole army depended on a very short space of time and a great 
 casualty. 
 
 CHAP. XV. Bibulus, as has been observed before, lay with 
 his fleet near Oricum, and as he debarred Caesar of the liberty 
 of the sea and harbors, so he was deprived of all intercourse 
 with the country by land ; for the whole shore was occupied by 
 parties disposed in different places by Caesar. And he was not 
 allowed to get either wood or water, or even anchor near the 
 land. He was reduced to great difficulties, and distressed with 
 extreme scarcity of every necessary; insomuch that he was 
 obliged to bring, in transports from Corcyra, not only provi- 
 sions, but even wood and water ; and it once happened that, 
 meeting with violent storms, they were forced to catch the dew 
 by night which fell on the hides that covered their decks ; yet 
 all these difficulties they bore patiently and without repining, 
 and thought they ought not to leave the shores and harbors 
 free from blockade. But when they were suffering under the 
 distress which I have mentioned, and Libo had joined Bibulus,
 
 326 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK nj. 
 
 they both called from on ship-board, to Marcus Acilius audStatius 
 Marcus, the lieutenants, one of whom commanded the town, 
 the other the guards on the coast, that they wished to speak 
 to Caesar on affairs of importance, if permission should be 
 granted them. They add something further to strengthen the 
 impression that they intended to treat about an accommodation. 
 In the mean time they requested a truce, and obtained it from 
 them ; for what they proposed seemed to be of importance, and 
 it was well known that Caesar desired it above all things, and it 
 was imagined that some advantage would be derived from Bibu- 
 lus's proposals. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. Caesar having set out with one legion to gain 
 possession of the more remote states, and to provide corn, of 
 which he had but a small quantity, was at this time at Buthro- 
 turn, opposite to Corcyra. There receiving Acilius and Marcus's 
 letters, informing him of Libo's and Bibulus's demands, he left 
 his legion behind him, and returned himself to Oricum. When 
 he arrived, they were invited to a conference. Libo came and 
 made an apology for Bibulus, " that he was a man of strong 
 passion, and had a private quarrel against Caesar, contracted 
 when he was aedile and praetor ; that for this reason he had 
 avoided the conference, lest affairs of the utmost importance 
 and advantage might be impeded by the warmth of his temper. 
 That it now was and ever had been Pompey's most earnest wish, 
 that they should be reconciled and lay down their arms, but 
 they were not authorized to treat on that subject, because they 
 resigned the whole management of the war, and all other matters 
 to Pompey, by order of the council. But when they were ac- 
 quainted with Caesar's demands, they would transmit them to 
 Pompey, who would conclude all of himself by their persuasions. 
 In the mean time, let the truce be continued till the messengers 
 could return from him ; and let no injury be done on either side." 
 To this he added a few words of the cause for which they fought, 
 and of his own forces and resources. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. To this, Caesar did not then think proper to 
 make any reply, nor do we now think it worth recording. 
 But Caesar required " that he should be allowed to send com- 
 missioners to Pompey, who should suffer no personal injury ; 
 and that either they should grant it, or should take his com- 
 missioners in charge, and convey them to Pompey. That as 
 to the truce, the war in its present state was so divided, that
 
 CHAP. xiz. THE CIVIL WAR. 327 
 
 they by their fleet deprived him of his shipping and auxiliaries ; 
 while he prevented them from the use of the land and fresh 
 water ; and if they wished that this restraint should be removed 
 from them, they should relinquish their blockade of the seas, but 
 if they retained the one, he in like manner would retain the 
 other ; that nevertheless, the treaty of accommodation might 
 still be carried on, though these points were not conceded, and 
 that they need not be an impediment to it." They would neither 
 receive Caesar's commissioners, nor guarantee their safety, but 
 referred the whole to Pompey. They urged and struggled 
 eagerly to gain the one point respecting a truce. But when 
 Caesar perceived that they had proposed the conference merely 
 to avoid present danger and distress, but that they offered no 
 hopes or terms of peace, he applied 1 his thoughts to the prose- 
 cution of the war. 
 
 CHAP. XVHL Bibulus, being prevented from landing for 
 several days, and being seized with a violent distemper from 
 the cold and fatigue, as he could neither be cured on board, 
 nor was willing to desert the charge which he had taken upon 
 him, was unable to bear up against the violence of the' disease. 
 On his death, the sole command devolved on no single individual, 
 but each admiral managed his own division separately, and at 
 his own discretion. Vibullius, as soon as the alarm, which 
 Caesar's unexpected arrival had raised, was over, began again 
 to deliver Caesar's message in the presence of Ldbo, Lucius 
 Lucceius, and Theophanes, to whom Pompey used to communi- 
 cate his most confidential secrets. He had scarcely entered on 
 the subject when Pompey interrupted him, and forbade him to 
 proceed. " What need," says he, " have I of life or Rome, if 
 the world shall think I enjoy them by the bounty of Caesar : 
 an opinion which can never be removed while it shall be 
 thought that I have been brought back by him to Italy, from 
 which I set out." After the conclusion of the war, Caesar was 
 informed of these expressions by some persons who were present 
 at the conversation. He attempted, however, by other means 
 to bring about a negotiation of peace. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. Between Pompey's and Caesar's camp there 
 was only the river Apsus, and the soldiers frequently conversed 
 with each other ; and by a private arrangement among them- 
 
 1 Literally, " he betook himself to forming plans for the rest of the 
 war."
 
 328 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK in. 
 
 selves, no weapons were thrown during their conferences. 
 Caesar sent Publius Vntinius, one of his lieutenants, to the 
 bank of the river, to make such proposals as should appear most 
 conducive to peace ; and to cry out frequently with a loud 
 voice [asking], "Are citizens permitted to send deputies to 
 citizens to treat of peace ? a concession which had been made 
 even to fugitives on the Pyrenean mountains, and to robbers, 
 especially when by so doing they would prevent citizens from 
 fighting against citizens." Having spoken much in humble 
 language, as became a man pleading for his own and the 
 general safety and being listened to with silence by the soldiers 
 of both armies, he received an answer from the enemy's party 
 that Aulus Varro proposed coming the next day to a confer- 
 ence, and that deputies from both sides might come without 
 danger, and explain their wishes, and accordingly a fixed time 
 was appointed for the interview. When the deputies met the 
 next day, a great multitude from both sides assembled, and 
 the expectations of every person concerning this subject were 
 raised very high, and their minds seemed to be eagerly dis- 
 posed for peace. Titus Labienus walked forward from the 
 crowd, and in submissive terms began to speak of peace, and 
 to argue with Vatinius. But their conversation was suddenly 
 interrupted by darts thrown from all sides, from which Vatinius 
 escaped by being protected by the arms of the soldiers. How- 
 ever, several were wounded ; and among them Cornelius Balbus, 
 Marcus Plotius, and Lucius Tiburtius, centurions, and some pri- 
 vates ; hereupon Labienus exclaimed, " Forbear, then, to speak 
 any more about an accommodation, for we can have no peace 
 unless we carry Caesar's head back with us." 
 
 CHAP. XX. At the same time in Eome, Marcus Caelius 
 Rufus, one of the praetors, having undertaken the cause of the 
 debtors, on entering into his office, fixed his tribunal near the 
 bench of Caius Trebonius, the city praetor, and promised if 
 any person appealed to him in regard to the valuation and 
 payment of debts made by arbitration, as appointed by Caesar 
 when in Rome, that he would relieve them. But it happened, 
 from the justice of Trebonius's decrees and his humanity (for 
 he thought that in such dangerous times justice should be ad- 
 ministered with moderation and compassion), that not one 
 could be found who would offer himself the first to lodge an 
 appeal. For to plead poverty, to complain of his own private
 
 CHAP. mi. THE CIYIL WAR. 329 
 
 calamities, or the general distresses of the times, or to assert the 
 difficulty of setting the goods to sale, is the behavior of a man 
 even of a moderate temper ; but to retain their possessions en- 
 tire, and at the same time acknowledge themselves in debt, what 
 sort of spirit, and what impudence would it not have argued ! 
 Therefore nobody was found so unreasonable as to make such 
 demands. But Cselius proved more severe to those very per- 
 sons for whose advantage it had been designed ; and starting 
 from this beginning, in order that he might not appear to have 
 engaged in so dishonorable an affair without effecting some- 
 thing, he promulgated a law that all debts should be discharged 
 in six equal payments, of six months each, without interest. 
 
 CHAP. XXI. When Servilius, the consul, and the other 
 magistrates opposed him, and he himself effected less than he 
 expected, in order to raise the passions of the people, he 
 dropped it, and promulgated two others ; one, by which he 
 remitted the annual rents of the houses to the tenants, the 
 other, an act of insolvency: upon which the mob made an 
 assault on Caius Trebonius, and having wounded several persons, 
 drove him from his tribunal. The consul Servilius informed the 
 senate of his proceedings, who passed a decree that Caelius 
 should be removed from the management of the republic. 
 Upon this decree, the consul forbade him the senate ; and 
 when he was attempting to harangue the people, turned him 
 out of the rostrum. Stung with the ignominy and with re- 
 sentment, he pretended in public that he would go to Caesar, 
 but privately sent messengers to Milo, who had murdered 
 Clodius, and had been condemned for it ; and having invited 
 him into Italy, because he had engaged the remains of the 
 gladiators to his interest, by making them ample presents, he 
 joined him, and sent him to Thurinum to tamper with the shep- 
 herds. When he himself was on his road to Casilinum, at the 
 same time that his military standards and arms were seized at 
 Capua, his slaves seen at Naples, and the design of betraying 
 the town discovered : his plots being revealed, and Capua shut 
 against him, being apprehensive of danger, because the Roman 
 citizens residing there had armed themselves, and thought he 
 ought to be treated as an enemy to the state, he abandoned his 
 first design, and changed his route. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. Milo in the mean time dispatched letters to 
 the free towns, purporting that he acted as he did by the orders
 
 330 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK 111. 
 
 and commands of Pompey, conveyed to him by Bibulus : and 
 be endeavored to engage in his interest all persons whom he 
 imagined were under difficulties by reason of their debts. But 
 not being able to prevail with them, he set at liberty some 
 slaves from the work-houses, and begant to assault Cosa in the 
 district of Thuriuum. There having received a blow of a stone 
 thrown from the wall of the town which was commanded by 
 Quiutus Pedius with one legion, he died of it; and Caelius 
 having set out, as he pretended for Caasar, went to Thurii, where 
 he was put to death as he was tampering with some of the 
 freemen of the town, and was offering money to Caesar's Gallic 
 and Spanish horse, which he had sent there to strengthen the 
 garrison. And thus these mighty beginnings, which had em- 
 broiled Italy, and kept the magistrates employed, found a speedy 
 and happy issue. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. Libo having sailed from Oricum, 1 with a 
 fleet of fifty ships, which he commanded, came to Brundusium, 
 and seized an island, which lies opposite to the harbor ; judg- 
 ing it better to guard that place, which was our only pass to 
 sea, than to keep all the shores and ports blocked up by a fleet. 
 By his sudden arrival, he fell in with some of our transports, 
 and set them on fire, and carried off one laden with corn ; he 
 struck great terror into our men, and having in the night landed 
 a party of soldiers and archers, he beat our guard of horse from 
 their station, and gained so much by the advantage of situation, 
 that he dispatched letters to Pompey, and if he pleased he 
 might order the rest of the ships to be hauled upon shore and 
 repaired ; for that with his own fleet he could prevent Caesar 
 from receiving his auxiliaries. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. Antonius was at this time at Brundusium, 
 and relying on the valor of his troops, covered about sixty of 
 the long-boats belonging to the men-of-war with penthouses and 
 bulwarks of hurdles, and put on board them select soldiers ; 
 and disposed them separately along the shore : and under the 
 pretext of keeping the seamen in exercise, he ordered two 
 three-banked galleys, which he had built at Brundusium, to row 
 to the mouth of the port. When Libo saw them advancing 
 
 1 Oricum, modern Ericho, a town of Macedon, founded by the Abantcs, 
 and surnamed Dardania, because Helenas and Andromache reigned 
 there for some time after the fall of Trov.
 
 CHAP. xrvL THE CIVIL WAR 331 
 
 boldly toward him, he sent five four-banked galleys against 
 them, in hopes of intercepting them. When these came near 
 our ships, our veteran soldiers retreated within the harbor. 
 The enemy, urged by their eagerness to- capture them, pursued 
 them unguardedly : for instantly the boats of Antonius, on a 
 certain signal, rowed with great violence from all parts against 
 the enemy ; and at the first charge took one of the four-banked 
 galleys, with the seamen and marines, and forced the rest to 
 flee disgracefully. In addition to this loss, they were pre- 
 vented from getting water by the horse which Antonius had 
 disposed along the sea-coast. Libo, vexed at the distress and 
 disgrace, departed from Brundusium, and abandoned the 
 blockade. 
 
 CHAP. XXV. Several months had now elapsed, and winter 
 was almost gone, and Caesar's legions and shipping were not 
 coming to him from Brundusium, and he imagined that some 
 opportunities had been neglected, for the winds had at least 
 been often favorable, and he thought that he must trust to 
 them at last. And the longer it was deferred, the more eager 
 were those who commanded Pompey's fleet to guard the coast, 
 and were more confident of preventing our getting assistance : 
 they received frequent reproofs from Pompey by letter, that as 
 they had not prevented Caesar's arrival wit the first, they should 
 at least stop the remainder of his army : and they were expect- 
 ing that the season for transporting troops, would become more 
 unfavorable every Jay, as the winds grew calmer. 1 Caesar, 
 feeling some trouble on this account, wrote in severe terms to 
 his officers at Brundusium, [and gave them orders] that as soon 
 as they found the wind to answer, they should not let the 
 opportunity of setting sail pass by, if they were even to steer 
 their course to the shore of Apollonia: because there they 
 might run their ships on ground. That these parts principally 
 were left unguarded by the enemy's fleet, because they dare not 
 venture too far from the harbor. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. They [his officers], exerting boldness and 
 courage, aided by the instructions of Marcus Antonius, and 
 Fusius Kalenus, and animated by the soldiers strongly encourag- 
 
 1 Plutarch, Appian, Val. Maximus, and Suetonius, say that it was on 
 this occasion that Caesar in disguise went into a boat to cross over, and 
 when the rowers, in consequence of a storm wished to return, said, " be 
 bold, fear nothing, you cany Caesar and his fortunes."
 
 332 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK ni. 
 
 ing them, and declining no danger for Caesar's safety, having 
 got a southerly wind, weighed anchor, and the next day were 
 carried past Apollonia and Dyrrachium, and being seen from 
 the continent, Quintus Coponius, who commanded the Rhodian 
 fleet at Dyrrachium, put out of the port with his ships ; and 
 when they had almost come up with us, in consequence of the 
 breeze dying away, the south wind sprang up afresh, and rescued 
 us. However, he did not desist from his attempt, but hoped by 
 the labor and perseverance of his seamen to be able to bear up 
 against the violence of the storm ; and although we were carried 
 beyond Dyrrachium, by the violence of the wind, he neverthe- 
 less continued to chase us. Our men, taking advantage of for- 
 tune's kindness, for they were still afraid of being attacked by 
 the enemy's fleet, if the wind abated, having come near a port, 
 called Nymphseum, about three miles beyond Lissus, put into 
 it (this port is protected from a south-west wind, but is not 
 secure against a south wind) ; and thought less danger was to 
 be apprehended from the storm than from the enemy. But as 
 soon as they were within the port, the south wind, which had 
 blown for two days, by extraordinary good luck veered round to 
 the south-west. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. Here one might observe the sudden turns 
 of fortune. We who, a moment before, were alarmed for our- 
 selves, were safely lodged in a very secure harbor : and they 
 who had threatened ruin to our fleet, were^ forced to be uneasy 
 on their own account : and thus, by a change of circumstances, 
 the storm protected our ships, and damaged the Rhodian fleet 
 to such a degree that all their decked ships, sixteen in number, 
 foundered, without exception, and were wrecked : and of the 
 prodigious number of seamen and soldiers, some lost their lives 
 by being dashed against the rocks, others were taken, by our 
 men : but Caesar sent them all safe home. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII. Two of our ships, that had not kept up 
 with the rest, being overtaken by the night, and not knowing 
 what port the rest had made to, came to an anchor opposite 
 Lissus. 1 Otacilius Crassus, who commanded Pompey's fleet, 
 detached after them several barges and small craft, and at- 
 
 1 Lissus, modern Alessio, a city of Illyricum, situated near the mouth 
 of the Drino. It was the most southern city of Illyricum, and was de- 
 fended by strong fortifications, said to have been built by Dionysius, 
 tyrant of Syracuse.
 
 CHAP. 3UOL THE CIVIL WAE. 333 
 
 tempted to take them. At the same time, ho treated with 
 them about capitulating, and promised them their lives if they 
 would surrender. One of them carried two hundred and twenty 
 recruits, the other was manned with somewhat less than two 
 hundred veterans. Here it might be seen what security men 
 derive from a resolute spirit. For the recruits, frightened at 
 the number of vessels, and fatigued with the rolling of the sea, 
 and with sea-sickness, surrendered to Otacilius, after having 
 first received his oath, that the enemy would not injure them ; 
 but as soon as they were brought before him, contrary to the 
 obligation of his oath, they were inhumanly put to death in his 
 presence. But the soldiers of the veteran legion, who had 
 also struggled, not only with the inclemency of the weather, 
 but by laboring at the pump, thought it their duty to remit 
 nothing of their former valor : and having protracted the be- 
 ginning of the night in settling the terms, under pretense of 
 surrendering, they obliged the pilot to run the ship aground : 
 and having got a convenient place on the shore, they spent the 
 rest of the night there, and at day-break, when Otacilius had 
 sent against them a party of the horse, who guarded that part 
 of the coast, to the number of four hundred, beside some armed 
 men, who had followed them from the garrison, they made a 
 brave defense, and having killed some .of them, retreated in 
 safety to our army. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX. After this action, the Roman citizens, who 
 resided at Lissus, a town which Caesar had before assigned them, 
 and had carefully fortified, received Antony into their town, and 
 gave him every assistance. Otacilius, apprehensive for his own 
 safety, escaped out of the town, and went to Pompey. All his 
 forces, whose number amounted to three veteran legions, and 
 one of recruits, and about eight hundred horse being landed, 
 Antony sent most of his ships back to Italy, to transport the re- 
 mainder of the soldiers and horse. The pontons, which are a 
 sort of Gallic ships, he left at Lissus with this object, that if 
 Pompey, imagining Italy defenseless, should transport his army 
 thither (and this notion was spread among the common people), 
 Caesar might have some means of pursuing him ; and he sent 
 messengers to him with great dispatch, to inform him in what 
 part of the country he had landed his army, and what number 
 of troops he had brought over with him. 
 
 CHAP. XXX. Csesar and Pompey received this intelligence
 
 334 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK IIL 
 
 almost at the same time ; for they had seen the ships sail past 
 Apollonia and Dyrrachium. They directed their march after 
 them by land ; but at first they were ignorant to what part they 
 had been carried ; but when they were informed of it, they 
 each adopted a different plan ; Caesar, to form a junction with 
 Antonius as soon as possible ; Pompey, to oppose Antonius's 
 forces on their march to Caesar, and, if possible, to fall upon 
 them unexpectedly from ambush. And the same day they both 
 led out their armies from their winter encampment along the 
 river Apsus ; Pompey, privately by night ; Caesar, openly by 
 day. But Caesar had to march a longer circuit up the river to 
 find a ford. Pompey's route being easy, because he was not 
 obliged to cross the river, he advanced rapidly and by forced 
 marches against Antonius, and being informed of his approach, 
 chose a convenient situation, where he posted his forces ; and 
 kept his men close within camp, and forbade fires to be kindled, 
 that his arrival might be the more secret. An account of this 
 was immediately carried to Antouius by the Greeks. He dis- 
 patched messengers to Caesar, and confined himself in his camp 
 for one day. The next day Caesar, came up with him. On 
 learning his arrival, Pompey, to prevent his being hemmed in 
 between two armies, quitted his position, and went with all his 
 forces to Asparagium,i in the territory of Dyrrachium, and there 
 encamped, in a convenient situation. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI. During these times, Scipio, though he had 
 sustained some losses near mount .Amanus, 2 had assumed 
 to himself the title of imperator, after which he demanded 
 large sums of money from the states and princes. He had 
 also exacted from the tax-gatherers, two years' rents that they 
 owed ; and enjoined them to lend him the amount of the next 
 
 1 Asparagium, a town of Greece, situated on the southern bank of tho 
 river Apsus, the modern Crevesta. 
 
 2 Amanus Mons, Lockham, orAlmaDaghy, is a spur of Mount Taurus, 
 which quits the main ridge on the borders of Cilicia, and terminates on 
 the coast of the Mediterranean, a little above the mouth of the Orontes. 
 It forms the great passes leading into Asia Minor, one of which, between 
 it and the sea, was called Syrise Pylse, Sagged Doutan; the other leading 
 into the interior of the country, was known as the Amanidse Pylse, and 
 has left its name in the neighboring town of Bylan: they are ren- 
 dered very interesting from the maneuvers of Alexander and Darius, 
 previous to the fatal battle of Issus. Arrowsmith'a Ancient Geog- 
 raphy.
 
 CHAP. TJTTTI. THE CIYIL WAR. 335 
 
 year, and demanded a supply of horse from the whole province. 
 When they were collected, leaving behind him his neighboring 
 enemies, the Parthians (who shortly before had killed Marcus 
 Crassus, the imperator, and had kept Marcus Bibulus besieged), 
 he drew his legions and cavalry out of Syria ; and when he 
 came into the province, which was under great anxiety and fear 
 of the Parthian war, 1 and heard some declarations of the sol- 
 diers, " That they would march against an enemy, if he would 
 lead them on ; but would never bear arms against a country- 
 man and consul ;" he drew off his legions to winter quarters to 
 Pergamus, and the most wealthy cities, and made them rich 
 presents : and in order to attach them more firmly to his in- 
 terest, permitted them to plunder the cities. 
 
 CHAP. XXXII. In the mean time, the money which had 
 been demanded from the province at large, was most vigorously 
 exacted. Besides, many new imposts of different kinds were 
 
 1 On the formation of the first triumvirate, Syria and the Parthian war 
 were assigned to Crassus, Gaul and Germany to Caesar, Hither and Further 
 Spain to Pompey. (Livy, Epitome of the 105th book.) Crassus crossed 
 the Euphrates, and after a series of unfortunate maneuvers, was betrayed 
 by his allies, and completely defeated at the battle of Carrhse (A. u. c. 701). 
 Crassua, with such of his troops as escaped the slaughter, occupied a 
 hill ; the Parthians being apprehensive lest he should escape, enticed him 
 to a conference. Crassus perceiving their treachery when it was too late, 
 and spurning the idea of falling into the hands of the enemy, fought 
 bravely, and at length, after an obstinate struggle, fell sword in hand. 
 Livy mentions that the name of the Parthian general on this occasion 
 was Surena, while other writers state it was Monaeses ; these apparent 
 discrepnacies are reconciled by supposing that Surena was the honorary 
 title given by the Parthians to their commander-in-chief. The Parthians, 
 after the defeat of Crassus, invaded Syria, but were driven back with 
 great loss by Caius Cassius, Crassus's quaestor. We learn, from the Epi- 
 tome of the 127th book of Livy, that the Parthians took advantage of 
 the disastrous wars 'that occurred after the assassination of Caesar, and 
 invaded Syria. They were commanded on this occasion by Labienus, 
 the son of that Labienus of whom so frequent and so honorable mention 
 has been made in the Gallic war, who, when the civil war broke out 
 between Csesar and Pompey, espoused the party of the latter, and sur- 
 vived the defeat of Pharsah'a to fall on the plains of Munda. Toung 
 Labienus was an ardent supporter of Brutus and Cassius, and after the 
 decisive battle of Philippi, fled to the Parthians. The invading army 
 was at first successful, and after defeating Decidius Saxa, Mark Antony's 
 lieutenant, occupied the whole of Syria. Their triumph, however, was 
 of short duration ; they were subsequently defeated in a most signal 
 manner by Publius Ventidius, another of Antony's lieutenants (on which 
 occasion Labienus was slain), and driven out of Syria.
 
 336 CJESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOO? in. 
 
 devised to gratify his avarice. A tax of so much a head was 
 laid on every slave aud child. Columns, doors, corn, soldiers, 
 sailors, arms, engines, and carriages, were made subject to a 
 duty. Wherever a name could be found for any thing, it was 
 deemed a sufficient reason for levying money on it. Officers 
 were appointed to collect it, not only in the cities, but in almost 
 every village and fort : and whosoever of them acted with the 
 greatest rigor and inhumanity, was esteemed the best man, and 
 best citizen. The province was overrun with bailiffs and of- 
 ficers, and crowded with overseers and tax-gatherers ; who, 
 besides the duties imposed, exacted a gratuity for themselves ; 
 for they asserted, that being expelled from their own homes 
 and countries, they stood in need of every necessary ; endeavor- 
 ing by a plausible pretense, to color the most infamous con- 
 duct. To this was added the most exorbitant interest, as 
 usually happens in times of war ; the whole sums being called 
 in, on which occasion, they alleged that the delay of a single 
 day WP.S a donation. Therefore, in those two years, the debt 
 of the province was doubled : but notwithstanding, taxes were 
 exacted, not only from the Roman citizens, but from every cor- 
 poration and every state. And they said that these were loans, 
 exacted by the senate's decree. The taxes of the ensuing year 
 were demanded beforehand as a loan from the collectors, as on 
 their first appointment. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIII. Moreover, Scipio ordered the money for- 
 merly lodged in the temple of Diana at Ephesus, 1 to be taken 
 out with the statues of that goddess, which remained there. 
 When Scipio came to the temple, letters were delivered to him 
 from Pompey, in the presence of several senators, whom he had 
 called upon to attend him ; [informing him] that Caesar had 
 crossed the sea with his legions ; that Scipio should hasten to 
 him with his army, and postpone all other business. As soon 
 as he received the letter, he dismissed his attendants, and 
 began to prepare for his journey to 'Macedonia ; and a few 
 
 1 Ephesus, Aiosoluc, a famous city of Ionia, in Asia Minor, situated 
 near the mouth of the river Cayster, the Little Mendere. The temple of 
 Diana at Ephesus, 425 feet long and 220 feet broad, was distinguished 
 for its architectural beauties, as well as its vast size. The roof was sup- 
 ported by 127 marble pillars, sixty feet high. It was considered one of 
 the seven wonders of the world, and 220 years are said to have elapsed 
 between its foundation and completion. It was burned by Eratostratus 
 to immortalize his memory on tho night in which Alexander was born.
 
 CHAP. xxrvi. THE CIVIL WAR. 337 
 
 days after set out. This circumstance saved the money at 
 Ephesus. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIV. Caesar, having effected a junction with 
 Antonius's army, and having drawn his legion out of Oricum, 
 which he had left there to guard the coast, thought he ought 
 to sound the inclination of the provinces, and march further 
 into the country ; and when embassadors came to him from 
 Thessaly and JEtolia, to engage that the states in those 
 countries would obey his orders, if he sent a garrison to pro- 
 tect them, he dispatched Lucius Cassius Longinus, with the 
 twenty-seventh, a legion composed of young soldiers, and two 
 hundred horse, to Thessaly : and Caius Calvisius Sabinus, 
 with five cohorts, and a small party of horse, into ^Etolia. He 
 recommended them to be especially careful to provide corn, 
 because those regions were nearest to him. He ordered 
 Cneius Domitius Calvinus to march into Macedonia with two 
 legions, the eleventh and twelfth, and five hundred horse; 
 from which province, Menedemus, the principal man of those 
 regions, on that side which is called the Free, having come as 
 embassador, assured him of the most devoted affection of all 
 his subjects. 
 
 CHAP. XXXV. Of these Calvisius, on his first arrival in 
 ^Etolia, being very kindly received, dislodged the enemy's gar- 
 risons in Calydon and Naupactus, and made himself master of 
 the whole country. Cassius went to Thessaly with his legion. 
 As there were two factions there, he found the citizens divided 
 in their inclinations. Hegasaretus, a man of established power, 
 favored Pompey's interest. Petreius, a young man of a most 
 noble family, warmly supported Csesar with his own and his 
 friends' influence. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVI. At the same time, Domitius arrived in 
 Macedonia : and when numerous embassies had begun to wait 
 on him from many of the states, news was brought that Scipio 
 was approaching with his legions, which occasioned various 
 opinions and reports ; for in strange events, rumor generally 
 goes before. Without making any delay in any part of 
 Macedonia, he marched with great haste against Domitius ; 
 and when he was come within about twenty miles of him, 
 wheeled on a sudden toward Cassius Longinus in Thessaly. 
 He effected this with such celerity, that news of his march 
 and arrival came together ; for to render his inarch expeditious, 
 
 15
 
 338 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK in. 
 
 ho left tho baggage of bis legions bebind bim at tho river 
 Haliacmon, which divides Macedonia from Tbessaly, under the 
 care of Marcus Favonius, with a guard of eight cohorts, and 
 ordered him to build a strong fort there. At the same time, 
 Cotus's cavalry, which used to infest the neighborhood of Ma- 
 cedonia, flew to attack Cassius's camp, at which Cassius being 
 alarmed, and having received information of Scipio's approach, 
 and seen the horse, which be imagined to be Scipio's, he betook 
 himself to the mountains that environ Thessaly, and thence 
 began to make bis route toward Ambracia. 1 But when Scipio 
 was hastening to pursue him, dispatches overtook him from 
 Favonius, that Domitius was marching against bim with his 
 legions, and that he could not maintain the garrison over which 
 he was appointed, without Scipio's assistance. On receipt of 
 these dispatches, Scipio changed bis designs and bis. route, 
 desisted from his pursuit of Cassius, and hastened to relieve 
 Favonius. Accordingly, continuing his march day and night, 
 he came to him so opportunely, that the dust raised by Do- 
 mitius's army, and Scipio's advanced guard, were observed at 
 the same instant. Thus, the vigilance of Domitius saved Cas- 
 sius, and the expedition of Scipio, Favonius. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVII. Scipio, having staid for two days in his 
 camp, along the river Haliacmon, which ran between him and 
 Domitius's camp, on the third day, at dawn, led his army 
 across a ford, and having made a regular encampment the day 
 following, drew up his forces in front of his camp. Domitius 
 thought he ought not to show any reluctance, but should 
 draw out his forces and hazard a battle. But as there was a 
 plain six miles in breadth between the two camps, he posted 
 his army before Scipio's camp ; while the latter persevered in 
 not quitting his intrenchment. However, Domitius with dif- 
 ficulty restrained his men, and prevented their beginning a 
 battle ; the more so as a rivulet with steep banks, joining 
 Scipio's camp, retarded the progress of our men. When 
 Scipio perceived the eagerness and alacrity of our troops to 
 engage, suspecting that be should bo obliged the next day, 
 either to fight, against his inclination, or to incur great 
 disgrace by keeping within his camp, though he had come 
 
 1 Ambracia, a town of Epiras, founded by a Corinthian colony; it 
 gave a name to the Sinus Ambracius, Gulf of Aria.]
 
 CHAP. YS-TTT THE CIVIL WAB. 339 
 
 with high expectation, yet by advancing .rashly, made a 
 shameful end ; and at night crossed the river, without even 
 giving the signal for breaking up the camp, and returned to 
 the ground from which he came, and there encamped near the 
 river, on an elevated situation. After a few days, he placed a 
 party of horse in ambush in the night, where our men had 
 usually gone to forage for several days before. And when 
 Quintus Varus, commander of Domitius's horse, came there as 
 usual, they suddenly rushed from their ambush. But our men 
 bravely supported their charge, and returned quickly every man 
 to his own rank, and in their turn, made a general charge on 
 the enemy ; and having killed about eighty of them, and put 
 the rest to flight, retreated to their camp with the loss of only 
 two men. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVIII. After these transactions, Domitius, hop- 
 ing to allure Scipio to a battle, pretended to be obliged to 
 change his position through want of corn, and having given 
 the signal for decamping, advanced about three miles, and 
 posted his army and cavalry in a convenient place, concealed 
 from the enemy's view. Scipio being in readiness to pursue 
 him, detached his cavalry and a considerable number of light 
 infantry to explore Domitius's route. When they had marched 
 a short way, and their foremost troops were within reach of 
 our ambush, their suspicions being raised by the neighing of 
 the horses, they began to retreat : and the rest who followed 
 them, observing with what speed they retreated, made a halt. 
 Our men, perceiving that the enemy had discovered their plot, 
 and thinking it in vain to wait for any more, having got two 
 troops in their power, intercepted them. Among them was Mar- 
 cus Opimius, general of the horse, but he made his escape : they 
 either killed or took prisoners all the rest of these two troops, 
 and brought them to Domitius. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIX. Caesar, having drawn his garrisons out of 
 the sea-ports, as before mentioned, left three cohorts at Oricum 
 to protect the town, and committed to them the charge of his 
 ships of war, which he had transported from Italy. Acilius, 
 as lieutenant-general, had the charge of this duty and the com- 
 mand of the town ; he drew the ships into the inner part of 
 the harbor, behind the town, and fastened them to the shore, 
 and sank a merchant-ship in the mouth of the harbor to 
 block it up ; and near it he fixed another at anchor, on which
 
 340 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK m. 
 
 he raised a turret, and faced it to the entrance of the port, and 
 filled it with soldiers, and ordered them to keep guard against 
 any sudden attack. 
 
 CHAP. XL. Cneius, Pompey's son, who commanded the 
 Egyptian fleet, having got intelligence of these things, came to 
 Oricum, and weighed up the ship, that had been sunk, with a 
 windlass, and by straining at it with several ropes, and attacked 
 the other which had been placed by Acilius to watch the port 
 with several ships, on which he had raised very high turrets, so 
 that fighting as it were from an eminence, and sending fresh 
 men constantly to relieve the fatigued, and at the same time 
 attempting the town on all sides by land, with ladders and his 
 fleet, in order to divide the force of his enemies, he overpowered 
 our men by fatigue, and the immense number of darts, and took 
 the ship, having beat off the men that were put on board to de- 
 fend it, who, however, made their escape in small boats ; and 
 at the same time he seized a natural mole on the opposite side, 
 which almost formed an island over against the town. He 
 carried over land, into the inner part of the harbor, four 
 galleys, by putting rollers under them, and driving them on 
 with levers. Then attacking on both sides the ships of war 
 which were moored to the shore, and were not manned, he 
 carried off four of them, and set the rest on fire. After dis- 
 patching this business, he left Decimus Laelius, whom he had 
 taken away from the command of the Asiatic fleet, to hinder 
 provisions from being brought into the town from Biblis and 
 Amantia, and went himself to Lissus, where he attacked thirty 
 merchantmen, left within the port by Antonius, and set them 
 on fire. He attempted to storm Lissus, but being delayed three 
 days by the vigorous defense of the Roman citizens who belong- 
 ed to that district, and of the soldiers which Caesar had sent to 
 keep garrison there, and having lost a few men in the assault, 
 he returned without effecting his object. 
 
 CHAP. XLI. As soon as Caesar heard that Pompey was at 
 Asparagium, he set out for that place with his army, and 
 having taken the capital of the Parthinians on his march, 
 where there was a garrison of Pompey's, he reached Pompey in 
 Macedonia, on the third day, and encamped beside him ; and 
 the day following, having drawn out all his forces before his 
 camp, he offered Pompey battle. But perceiving that he kept 
 within his trenches, he led his army back to his camp, and
 
 CHAP. XLII. THE CIVIL WAR. 341 
 
 thought of pursuing some other plan. Accordingly, the day 
 following, he set out with all his forces by a long circuit, 
 through a difficult and narrow road to Dyrrachium ; hoping, 
 either that Pompey would be compelled to follow him to Dyrra- 
 chium, or that his communication with it might be cut off, 
 because he had deposited there all his provisions and material 
 of war. And so it happened ; for Pompey, at first not knowing 
 his design, because he imagined he had taken a route in a 
 different direction from that country, thought that the scarcity 
 of provisions had obliged him to shift his quarters ; but having 
 afterward got true intelligence from his scouts, he decamped 
 the day following, hoping to prevent him by taking a shorter 
 road ; which Caesar suspecting might happen, encouraged his 
 troops to submit cheerfully to the fatigue, and having halted 
 a very small part of the night, he arrived early in the morning 
 at Dyrrachium, when the van of Pompey's army was visible 
 at a distance, and there he encamped. 
 
 CHAP. XLII. Pompey, being cut off from Dyrrachium, as 
 he was unable to effect his purpose, took a new resolution, and 
 intrenched himself strongly on a rising ground, which is called 
 Petra, where ships of a small size can come in, and be shel- 
 tered from some winds. Here he ordered a part of his men 
 of war to attend him, and corn and provisions to be brought 
 from Asia, and from all the countries of which he kept pos- 
 session. Caesar, imagining that the war would be protracted 
 to too great a length, and despairing of his convoys from Italy, 
 because all the coasts were guarded with great diligence by 
 Pompey's adherents; and because his own fleets, which he 
 had built during the winter, in Sicily, Gaul, and Italy, were 
 detained ; sent Lucius Canuleius into Epirus to procure corn ; 
 and because these countries were too remote, he fixed granaries 
 in certain places, and regulated the carriage of the corn for the 
 neighboring states. He likewise gave directions that search 
 should be made for whatever corn was in Lissus, the country 
 of the Parthini, and all the places of strength. The quantity 
 was very small, both from the nature of the land (for the 
 country is rough and mountainous, and the people commonly 
 import what grain they use) ; and because Pompey had foreseen 
 what would happen, and some days before had plundered the 
 Parthini, and having ravaged and dug up their houses, carried 
 off all the corn, which he collected by means of his horse.
 
 342 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK m. 
 
 CHAP. XLIII. Caesar, on being informed of these trans- 
 actions, pursued measures suggested by the nature of the coun- 
 try. For round Pompey's camps there were several high and 
 rough hills. These he first of all occupied with guards, and 
 raised strong forts on them. Then drawing a fortification 
 from one fort to another, as the nature of each position al- 
 lowed, he began to draw a line of circumvallation round Pom- 
 pey, with these views ; as he had but a small quantity of corn, 
 and Pompey was strong in cavalry, that he might furnish his 
 army with corn and other necessaries from all sides with 
 less danger ; secondly, to prevent Pompey from foraging, and 
 thereby render his horse ineffectual in the operations of the 
 war ; and thirdly, to lessen his reputation, on which he saw ho 
 depended greatly, among foreign nations, when a report should 
 have spread throughout the world that he was blockaded by 
 Ca?sar, and dare not hazard a battle. 
 
 CHAP. XLIV. Neither was Pompey willing to leave the 
 sea and Dyrrachium, because he had lodged his material there, 
 his weapons, arms, and engines ; and supplied his army with 
 corn from it by his ships; nor was he able to put a stop 
 to Caesar's works without hazarding a battle, which at that 
 time he had determined not to do. Nothing was left but to 
 adopt the last resource, namely, to possess himself of as many 
 hills as he could, and cover as great an extent of country 
 as possible with his troops, and divide Caesar's forces as much 
 as possible ; and so it happened : for having raised twenty- 
 four forts, and taken in a compass of fifteen miles, he got 
 forage in this space, and within this circuit there were several 
 fields lately sown, in which the cattle might feed in the mean 
 time. And as our men, who had completed their works by 
 drawing lines of communication from one fort to another, were 
 afraid that Pompey's men would sally out from some part, and 
 attack us in the rear ; so the enemy were making a continued 
 fortification in a circuit within ours to prevent us from breaking 
 in on any side, or surrounding them on the rear. But they 
 completed their works first ; both because they had a greater 
 number of men, and because they had a smaller compass to 
 inclose. "When Cresar attempted to gain any place, though 
 Pompey had nesolved not to oppose him with his whole force, 
 or to come to a general engagement, yet he detached to par- 
 ticular places slingers and archers, with which his army
 
 CHAP. XLVL THE CIVIL WAR. 343 
 
 abounded, and several of our men were wounded, and filled 
 with great dread of the arrows ; and almost all the soldiers 
 made coats or coverings for themselves of hair cloths, tar- 
 paulins, or raw hides to defend them against the weapons. 
 
 CHAP. XLV. In seizing the posts, each exerted his ut- 
 most power. Caesar, to confine Pompey within as narrow a 
 compass as possible ; Pompey, to occupy as many hills as ho 
 could in as large a circuit as possible, and several skirmishes 
 were fought in consequence of it. In one of these, when 
 Caesar's ninth legion had gained a certain post, and had begun 
 to fortify it, Pompey possessed himself of a hill near to and 
 opposite the same place, and endeavored to annoy the men 
 while at work ; and as the approach on one side was almost 
 level, he first surrounded it with archers and slingers, and 
 afterward by detaching a strong party of light infantry, and 
 using his engines, he stopped our works ; and it was no easy 
 matter for our men at once to defend themselves, and to pro- 
 ceed with their fortifications. When Caesar perceived that his 
 troops were wounded from all sides, he determined to retreat 
 and give up the post ; his retreat was down a precipice, on 
 which account they pushed on with more spirit, and would 
 not allow us to retire, because they imagined that we resigned 
 the place through fear. It is reported that Pompey said that 
 day in triumph to his friends about him, "That he would 
 consent to be accounted a general of no experience, if Caesar's 
 legions effected a retreat without considerable loss from that 
 ground into which they had rashly advanced." 
 
 CHAP. XLVI. Caesar, being uneasy about the retreat of his 
 soldiers, ordered hurdles to be carried to the further side of 
 the hill, and to be placed opposite to the enemy, and behind 
 them a trench of a moderate breadth to be sunk by his soldiers 
 under shelter of the hurdles; and the ground to be made 
 as difficult as possible. He himself disposed slingers in con- 
 venient places to cover our men in their retreat. These 
 things being completed, he ordered his legions to file off. 
 Pompey's men insultingly and boldly pursued and chased us, 
 leveling the hurdles that were thrown up in the front of our 
 works, in order to pass over the trench. Which as soon .as 
 Caesar perceived, being afraid that his men would appear not 
 to retreat, but to be repulsed, and that greater loss might 
 be sustained, when his men were almost half way down the
 
 344 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK nr. 
 
 hill, he encouraged them by Antonius, who commanded that 
 legion, ordered the signal of battle to be sounded, and a 
 charge to be made on the enemy. The soldiers of the ninth 
 legion suddenly closing their files, threw their javelins, and 
 advancing impetuously from the low ground up the steep, 
 drove Pompey's men precipitately before them, and obliged 
 them to turn their backs ; but their retreat was greatly im- 
 peded by the hurdles that lay in a long line before them, and 
 the palisadoes which were in their way, and the trenches 
 that were sunk. But our men being contented to retreat with- 
 out injury, having killed several of the enemy, and lost but 
 five of their own, very quietly retired, and having seized some 
 other hills somewhat on this side of that place, completed their 
 fortifications. 
 
 CHAP. XLVIL This method of conducting a war was new 
 and unusual, as well on account of the number of forts, the 
 extent and greatness of the Avorks, and the manner of attack 
 and defense, as on account of other circumstances. For all 
 who have attempted to besiege any person, have attacked the 
 enemy when they were frightened or Aveak, or after a defeat ; 
 or have been kept in fear of some rutack, when they themselves 
 have had a superior force both of foot and horse. Besides, 
 the usual design of a siege is to cut off the enemy's supplies. 
 On the contrary, Caesar, Avith an inferior force, AVUS inclosing 
 troops sound and unhurt, and who had abundance of all things. 
 For there arrived every day a prodigious number of ships, 
 Avhich brought them provisions : nor could the \vind blow from 
 any point, that would not be favorable to some of them. 
 Whereas, Caesar, having consumed all the corn far and near, 
 was in very great distress, but his soldiers bore all Avith uncom- 
 mon patience. For they remembered that they lay under the 
 same difficulties last year 1 in Spain, and yet by labor and 
 patience had concluded a dangerous Avar. They recollected too 
 that they had suffered an alarming scarcity at Alesia, and a 
 much greater at Avaricum, and yet had returned victorious over 
 mighty nations. They refused neither barley nor pulse Avhen 
 offered them, and they held in great esteem cattle, of which 
 they got great quantities from Epirus. 
 
 CHAP. XL VIII. There was a sort of root, called chara, 
 
 1 When encamped near Tlerda.
 
 CHAP. L. THE CIVIL "WAE. 345 
 
 discovered by the troops which served under Valerius. This 
 they mixed up with milk, and it greatly contributed to relieve 
 their want. They made it into a sort of bread. They had 
 great plenty of it ; loaves made of this, when Pompey's men 
 upbraided ours with want, they frequently threw among them 
 to damp their hopes. 
 
 CHAP. XLIX. The corn was now beginning to ripen, and 
 their hope supported their want, as they were confident of 
 having abundance in a short time. And there were frequently 
 heard declarations of the soldiers on guard, in discourse with 
 each other, that they would rather live on the bark of the 
 trees, than let Pompey escape from their hands. For they 
 were often told by deserters, that they could scarcely maintain 
 their horses, and that their other cattle was dead : that they 
 themselves were not in good health from their confinement 
 within so narrow a compass, from the noisome smell, the 
 number of carcasses, and the constant fatigue to them, being 
 men unaccustomed to work, and laboring under a great want 
 of water. For Caesar had either turned the course of all the 
 rivers and streams which ran to the sea, or had dammed them 
 up with strong works. And as the country was mountainous, 
 and the valleys narrow at the bottom, he inclosed them with 
 piles sunk in the ground, and heaped up mold against them 
 to keep in the water. They were therefore obliged to search for 
 low and marshy grounds, and to sink wells, and they had this 
 labor in addition to their daily works. And even these springs 
 were at a considerable distance from some of their posts, and 
 soon dried up with the heat. But Caesar's army enjoyed per- 
 fect health and abundance of water, and had plenty of all 
 sorts of provisions except corn ; and they had a prospect of 
 better times approaching, and saw greater hopes laid before 
 them by the ripening of the grain. 
 
 CHAP. L. In this new kind of war, new methods of man- 
 aging it were invented by both generals. Pompey's men, per- 
 ceiving by our fires at night, at what part of the works our 
 cohorts were on guard, coming silently upon them discharged 
 their arrows at random among the whole multitude, and 
 instantly retired to their camp ; as a remedy against which our 
 men were taught by experience to light their fires in one 
 place, and keep guard in another. 1 
 
 1 The last two words, "alio excubarent," are wanting in all the manu- 
 15*
 
 346 OESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK in. 
 
 CHAP. LI. In the mean time, Puhlius Sjlla, whom Caesar 
 at his departure had left governor of his camp, came up with 
 two legions to assist the cohort ; upon whose arrival Pompey's 
 forces were easily repulsed. Nor did they stand the sight and 
 charge of our men, and the foremost falling, the rest turned 
 their backs and quitted the field. But Sylla called our men 
 in from the pursuit, lest their ardor should carry them too 
 far, but most people imagine that if he had consented to a 
 vigorous pursuit, the war might have been ended that day. 
 Ilis conduct however does not appear to deserve censure ; 
 for the duties of a lieutenant-general, and of a commander-in- 
 chief, are very different ; the one is bound to act entirely 
 according to his instructions, the other to regulate his conduct 
 without control, as occasion requires. Sylla, being deputed by 
 Caesar to take care of the camp, and having rescued his men, 
 was satisfied with that, and did not desire to hazard a battle 
 (although this circumstance might probably have had a suc- 
 cessful issue), that he might not be thought to have assumed 
 the part of the general. One circumstance laid the Pompeians 
 under great difficulty in making good a retreat : for they had 
 advanced from disadvantageous ground, and were posted on the 
 top of a hill. If they attempted to retire down the steep, they 
 dreaded the pursuit of our men from the rising ground, and 
 there was but a short time till sunset : for in hopes of com- 
 pleting the business, they had protracted the battle almost till 
 night. Taking therefore measures suited to their exigency, and 
 to the shortness of the time, Pompey possessed himself of an 
 eminence, at such a distance from our fort that no weapon dis- 
 charged from an engine could reach him. Here he took 
 up a position, and fortified it, and kept all his forces there. 
 
 CHAP. LIL At the same time, there were engagements in 
 two other places ; for Pompey had attacked several forts at 
 once, in order to divide our forces ; that no relief might bo 
 sent from the neighboring posts. In one place, Volcatius 
 Tullus sustained the charge of a legion with three cohorts, and 
 beat them on the field. In another, the Gennans, having 
 
 * ' O 
 
 scripts, and appeared to have been added by Aldus. There can be no 
 doubt that some of tho original is hero lost, as the cause of the unaccount- 
 able absence of Caesar and the commencement of the sally made by 
 Pompey's soldiers, are not recorded.
 
 CHAP. LV. THE CIVIL WAR. 347 
 
 sallied over our fortifications, slew several of the enemy, and 
 retreated safe to our camp. 
 
 CHAP. LIIL Thus six engagements having happened in 
 one day, three at Dyrrachium, and three at the fortifications, 
 when a computation was made of the number of slain, we found 
 that about two thousand fell on Pompey's side, several of them 
 volunteer veterans and centurions. Among them was Valerius, 
 the son of Lucius Flaccus, who as praetor had formerly had the 
 government of Asia, and six military standards were taken. 
 Of our men, not more than twenty were missing in all the 
 action. But in the fort, not a single soldier escaped without a 
 wound ; and in one cohort, four centurions lost their eyes. And 
 being desirous to produce testimony of the fatigue they under- 
 went, and the danger they sustained, they counted to Caesar 
 about thirty thousand arrows which had been thrown into the 
 fort; and in the shield of the centurion Scaeva, which was 
 brought to him, were found two hundred and thirty holes. In 
 reward for this man's services, both to himself and the public, 
 Caesar presented to him two hundred thousand pieces of copper 
 money, 1 and declared him promoted from the eighth to the first 
 centurion. For it appeared that the fort had been in a great 
 measure saved by his exertions ; and he afterward very amply 
 rewarded the cohorts with double pay, corn, clothing, and other 
 military honors. 
 
 CHAP. LIV. Pompey, having made great additions to his 
 works in the night, the following days built turrets, and having 
 carried his works fifteen feet high, faced that part of his camp 
 with mantelets ; and after an interval of five days, taking ad- 
 vantage of a second cloudy night, he barricaded all the gates 
 of his camp to hinder a pursuit, and about midnight, quietly 
 marched oft his army, and retreated to his old fortifications. 
 
 CHAP. LV. ^tolia, Acarnania, and Amphilochis, being re- 
 duced, as we have related, by Cassius Longinus, and Calvisius 
 Sabinus, Caesar thought he ought to attempt the conquest of 
 Achaia, and to advance further into the country. Accordingly, 
 he detached Fufius thither, and ordered Quintus Sabinus and 
 Cassius to join him with their cohorts. Upon notice of their 
 approach, Rutilius Lupus, who commanded in Achaia, under 
 Pompey, began to fortify the Isthmus, to prevent Fufius from 
 
 About 729 85. 4d
 
 348 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK in- 
 
 coming into Achaia. Kalenus recovered Delphi, Thebes, and 
 Orchomenus, by a voluntary submission of those states. Some 
 lie subdued by force, the rest he endeavored to \vin over to 
 Caesar's interest, by sending deputies round to them. In these 
 things, principally, Fusius was employed. 
 
 CHAP. LVI. Every day afterward, Caesar drew up his 
 army on a level ground, and offered Pompey battle, and led 
 his legions almost close to Pompey's camp ; and his front line 
 was at no greater distance from the rampart than that no 
 weapon from their engines could reach it. But Pompey, to 
 save his credit and reputation with the world, drew out his 
 legions, but so close to his camp, that his rear line might touch 
 the rampart, and that his whole army, when drawn up, might 
 be protected by the darts discharged from it. 
 
 CHAP. LVIL While these things were going forward in 
 Achaia and at Dyrrachium, and when it was certainly known 
 that Scipio was arrived in Macedonia, Caesar, never losing sight 
 of his first intention, sends Clodius to him, an intimate friend 
 to both, whom Caesar, on the introduction and recommendation 
 of Pompey, had admitted into the number of his acquaintance. 
 To this man he gave letters and instructions to Pompey, the 
 substance of which was as follows : " That he had made every 
 effort toward peace, and imputed the ill success of those efforts 
 to the fault of those whom he had employed to conduct those 
 negotiations ; because they were afraid to carry his proposals 
 to Pompey at an improper time. That Scipio had such autho- 
 rity, that he could not only freely explain what conduct met 
 his approbation, but even in some degree enforce his advice, 
 and govern him [Pompey] if he persisted in error ; that he com- 
 manded an army independent of Pompey, so that besides his 
 authority, he had strength to compel ; and if he did so, all 
 men would be indebted to him for the quiet of Italy, the peace 
 of the provinces, and the preservation of the empire." These 
 proposals Clodius made to him, and for some days at the first 
 appeared to have met with a favorable reception, but afterward 
 was not admitted to an audience ; for Scipio being reprimanded 
 by Favonius, as we found afterward when the war was ended, 
 and the negotiation having miscarried, Clodius returned to 
 Caesar. 
 
 CHAP. LVin. Caesar, that he might the more easily keep 
 Pompey's horse inclosed within Dyrrachium, and prevent them
 
 CHAP. LX. THE CIVIL WAR 349 
 
 from foraging, fortified the two narrow passes already men- 
 tioned with strong works, and erected forts at them. Pompey 
 perceiving that he derived no advantage from his cavalry, after 
 a few days had them conveyed hack to his camp by sea. Fodder 
 was so exceedingly scarce that he was obliged to feed his horses 
 upon leaves stripped off the trees, or the tender roots of reeds 
 pounded. For the corn which had been sown within the lines 
 was already consumed, and they would be obliged to supply 
 themselves with fodder from Corcyra and Acarnania, over a 
 long tract of sea ; and as the quantity of that fell short, to 
 increase it by mixing barley with it, and by these methods 
 support their cavalry. But when not only the barley and 
 fodder in these parts were consumed, and the herbs cut away, 
 when the leaves too were not to be found on the trees, the horses 
 being almost starved, Pompey thought he ought to make some 
 attempt by a sally. 
 
 CHAP. LIX. In the number of Caesar's cavalry were two 
 Allobrogians, brothers, named Roscillus and ^Egus, the sons 
 of Abducillus, who for several years possessed the chief power 
 in his own state ; men of singular valor, whose gallant services 
 Caesar had found very useful in all his wars in Gaul. To 
 them, for these reasons, he had committed the offices of great- 
 est honor in their own country, and took care to have them 
 chosen into the senate at an unusual age, and had bestowed on 
 them lands taken from the enemy, and large pecuniary rewards, 
 and from being needy had made them affluent. Their valor 
 had not only procured them Caesar's esteem, but they were 
 beloved by the whole army. But presuming on Caesar's friend- 
 ship, and elated with the arrogance natural to a foolish and 
 barbarous people, they despised their countrymen, defrauded 
 their cavalry of their pay, and applied all the plunder to their 
 own use. Displeased at this conduct, their soldiers went in a 
 body to Caesar, and openly complained of their ill usage ; and 
 to their other charges added, that false musters were given in 
 to Caesar, and the surcharged pay applied to their own use. 
 
 CHAP. LX. Caesar, not thinking it a proper time to call 
 them to account, and willing to pardon many faults, on account 
 of their valor, deferred the whole matter, and gave them a 
 private rebuke, for having made a traffic of their troops, and 
 advised them to expect every thing from his friendship, and 
 by his past favors to measure their future hopes. This how-
 
 350 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK nr. 
 
 ever, gave thorn groat offense, and made them contemptible in 
 the eyes of the whole army. Of this they became sensible, 
 as well from the reproaches of others, as from the judgment 
 of their own minds, and a consciousness of guilt. Prompted 
 then by shame, and perhaps imagining that they were not 
 liberated from trial, but reserved to a future day, they resolved 
 to break off from us, to put their fortune to a new hazard, and 
 to make trial of new connections. And having conferred with 
 a few of their clients, to whom they could venture to intrust 
 so base an action, they first attempted to assassinate Caius 
 Volusenus, general of the horse (as was discovered at the end 
 of the war), that they might appear to have fled to Pompey 
 after conferring an important service on him. But when that 
 appeared too difficult to put in execution, and no opportunity 
 offered to accomplish it, they borrowed all the money they 
 could, as if they designed to make satisfaction and restitution 
 for what they had defrauded : and having purchased a great 
 number of horses, they deserted to Pompey along with thoso 
 whom they had engaged in their plot. 
 
 CHAP. LXI. As they were persons nobly descended and 
 of liberal education, and had come with a great retinue, and 
 several cattle, and were reckoned men of courage, and had 
 been in great esteem with Caesar, and as it was a new and 
 uncommon event, Pompey carried them round all his works, 
 and made an ostentatious show of them, for till that day, not 
 a soldier, either horse or foot had deserted from Caesar to 
 Pompey, though there were desertions almost every day from 
 Pompey to Caesar : but more commonly among the soldiers levied 
 in Epirus and ^Etolia, and in those countries, which were in 
 Caesar's possession. But the brothers, having been acquainted 
 with all things, either what was incomplete in our works, or 
 what appeared to the best judges of military matters to be 
 deficient, the particular times, the distance of places, and the 
 various 1 attention of the guards, according to the different 
 temper and character of the officer who commanded the 
 different posts, gave an exact account of all to Pompey. 
 
 CHAP. LXII. Upon receiving this intelligence, Pompey, 
 who had already formed the design of attempting a sally, as 
 before mentioned, ordered the soldiers to make ozier coverings 
 
 1 This is the reading of Morus, Oberlin prefers viribus et diligentia, 
 " strength and attention."
 
 CHAP. T.TTTT. THE CIVIL WAR. 351 
 
 for their helmets, and to provide fascines. These things being 
 prepared, he embarked on board small boats and row galleys 
 by night, a considerable number of light infantry and archers, 
 with all their fascines, and immediately after midnight, he 
 marched sixty cohorts drafted from the greater camp and the 
 outposts, to that part of our works which extended toward 
 the sea, and were at the furthest distance from Caesar's 
 greater camp. To the same place he sent the ships, which he 
 had freighted with the fascines and light-armed troops ; and 
 all the ships of war that lay at Dyrrachium ; and to each ho 
 gave particular instructions : at this part of the lines Caesar 
 had posted Lentulus Marcellinus, the quaestor, with the ninth 
 legion, and as he was not in a good state of health, Fulvius 
 Costhumus was sent to assist him in the command. 
 
 CHAP. LXIII. At this place, fronting the enemy, there 
 was a ditch fifteen feet wide, and a rampart ten feet high, and 
 the top of the rampart was ten feet in breadth. At an 
 interval of six hundred feet from that there was another 
 rampart turned the contrary way, with the works lower. For 
 some days before, Caesar, apprehending that our men might bo 
 surrounded by sea, had made a double rampart there, that if 
 he should be attacked on both sides, he might have the means 
 of defending himself. But the extent of the lines, and the 
 incessant labor for so many days, because he had inclosed a 
 circuit of seventeen miles with his works, did not allow timo 
 to finish them. Therefore the transverse rampart which 
 should make a communication between the other two, was not 
 yet completed. This circumstance was known to Pompey, 
 being told to him by the Allobrogian deserters, and proved of 
 great disadvantage to us. For when our cohorts of the ninth 
 legion were on guard by the sea-side, Pompey's army arrived 
 suddenly by break of day, and their approach was a surprise 
 to our men, and at the same time, the soldiers that came by 
 sea, cast their darts on the front rampart ; and the ditches 
 were filled with fascines : and the legionary soldiers terrified 
 those that defended the inner rampart, by applying the scaling 
 ladders, and by engines and weapons of all sorts, and a vast 
 multitude of archers poured round upon them from every side. 
 Besides, the coverings of oziers, which they had laid over 
 their helmets, were a great security to them against the blows 
 of stones which were the only weapons that our soldiers had.
 
 352 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK nr. 
 
 And therefore, when our men were oppressed in every manner, 
 and were scarcely able to make resistance, the defect in our 
 works was observed, and Pompey's soldiers, landing between 
 the two ramparts, Avhere the work was unfinished, attacked 
 our men in the rear, and having beat them from both sides oi 
 the fortification, obliged them to flee. 
 
 CHAP. LXIV. Marcellinus, being informed of this disorder, 
 detached some cohorts to the relief of our men, who seeing 
 them flee from the camp, were neither able to persuade them 
 to rally at their approach, nor themselves to sustain the 
 enemy's charge. And in like manner, whatever additional as- 
 sistance was sent, was infected by the fears of the defeated, and 
 increased the terror and danger. For retreat was prevented 
 by the multitude of the fugitives. In that battle, when the 
 eagle-bearer was dangerously wounded, and began to grow weak, 
 having got sight of our horse, he said to them, " This eagle 
 have I defended with the greatest care for many years, at the 
 hazard of my life, and now in my last moments restore it to 
 Caesar with the same fidelity. Do not, I conjure you, suffer 
 a dishonor to be sustained in the field, which never before 
 happened to Cesar's army, but deliver it safe into his hands." 
 By this accident the eagle was preserved, but all the centurions 
 of the first cohorts were killed, except the principal. 
 
 CHAP. LXV. And now the Pompeians, after great havoc 
 of our troops, were approaching Marcellinus's camp, and 
 had struck no small terror into the rest of the cohorts, when 
 Marcus Antonius, who commanded the nearest fort, being 
 informed of what had happened, was observed descending from 
 the rising ground with twelve cohorts. His arrival checked 
 the Pompeians, and encouraged our men to recover from their 
 extreme affright. And shortly after, Csesar having got notice 
 by the smoke of all the forts, which was the usual signal on 
 such occasions, drafted off some cohorts from the outposts, 
 and went to the scene of action. And having there learned the 
 loss he had sustained, and perceiving that Pompey had forced 
 our works, and had encamped along the coast, so that he was at 
 liberty to forage, and had a communication with his shipping, 
 he altered his plan for conducting the war, as his design had 
 not succeeded, and ordered a strong encampment to be made 
 near Pompey. 
 
 CHAP. LXVI. When this work was finished, Caesar's
 
 CHAP. LXTTI. THE CIVIL WAR. 353 
 
 scouts observed that some cohorts, which to them appeared 
 like a legion, were retired behind the wood, and were on their 
 march to the old camp. The situation of the two camps was 
 as follows : a few days before, when Caesar's ninth legion had 
 opposed a party of Pompey's troops, and were endeavoring to 
 inclose them, Caesar's troops formed a camp in that place. This 
 camp joined a certain wood, and was not above four hundred 
 paces distant from the sea. Afterwardj changing his design for 
 certain reasons, Caesar removed his camp to a small distance 
 beyond that place ,- and after a few days, Pompey took posses- 
 ' sion of it, and added more extensive works, leaving the inner 
 rampart standing, as he intended to keep several legions there. 
 By this means, the lesser camp, included within the greater, 
 answered the purpose of a fort and citadel. He had also carried 
 an intrenchment from the left angle of the camp to the river, 
 about four hundred paces, that his soldiers might have more lib- 
 erty and less danger in fetching water. But he too, changing 
 his design for reasons not necessary to be mentioned, abandoned 
 the place. In this condition the camp remained for several days, 
 the works being all entire. 
 
 CHAP. LXVIL Caesar's scouts brought him word that the 
 standard of a legion was carried to this place. That the same 
 thing was seen he was assured by those in the higher forts. 
 This place was a half a mile distant from Pompey's new camp. 
 Caesar, hoping to surprise this legion, and anxious to repair the 
 loss sustained that day, left two cohorts employed in the works 
 to make an appearance of intrenching himself, and by a differ- 
 ent route, as privately as he could, with his other cohorts 
 amounting to thirty-three, among which was the ninth legion, 
 which had lost so many centurions, and whose privates were 
 greatly reduced in number, he marched in two lines against 
 Pompey's legion and his lesser camp. JSTor did this first 
 opinion deceive him. For he reached the place before Pom- 
 pey could have notice of it ; and though the works were 
 strong, yet having made the attack with the left wing which 
 he commanded in person, he obliged the Pompeians to quit the 
 rampart in disorder. A barricade l had been raised before the 
 gates, at which a short contest was maintained, our men endeav- 
 oring to force their way in, and the enemy to defend the 
 
 1 The ericius was a sort of military engine, full of sharp spikes, and 
 placed before the gate of a camp, to prevent the approach of an enemy.
 
 354 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK m. 
 
 camp ; Titus Fulcio, 1 by whose means we have related that Cains 
 Antonius's army was betrayed, defending them with singular 
 courage. But the valor of our men prevailed, and having cut 
 down the barricade, they first forced the greater camp, and after 
 that the fort which was inclosed within it ; and as the legion on 
 its repulse had retired to this, they slew several defending them- 
 selves there. 
 
 CHAP. LXVIII. But Fortune who exerts a powerful influ- 
 ence as well in other matters, as especially in war, effects great 
 changes from trifling causes, as happened at this time. For the 
 cohorts on Caesar's right wing, through ignorance of the place, 
 followed the direction of that rampart which ran along from 
 the camp to the river, while they were in search of a gate, and 
 imagined that it belonged to the camp. But when they found 
 that it led to the river, and that nobody opposed them, they 
 immediately climbed over the rampart, and were followed by all 
 our cavalry. 
 
 CHAP. LXIX. In the mean time Pompey, by the great delay 
 which this occasioned, being informed of what had happened, 
 marched with the fifth legion, which he called away from their 
 work to support his party ; and at the same time his cavalry 
 were advancing up to ours, and an army in order of battle, was 
 seen at a distance by our men who had taken possession of the 
 camp, and the face of affairs was suddenly changed. For 
 Pompey's legion, encouraged by the hope of speedy support, 
 attempted to make a stand at the Decuman gate, and made a 
 bold charge on our men. Cesar's cavalry, who had mounted 
 the rampart by a narrow breach, being apprehensive of their 
 retreat, were the first to flee. The right wing which had been 
 separated from the left, observing the terror of the cavalry, to 
 prevent their being overpowered within the lines, were en* 
 deavoring to retreat by the same way as they burst in ; and 
 most of them, lest they should be engaged in the narrow 
 passes, threw themselves down a rampart ten feet high into the 
 trenches ; and the first being trodden to death, the rest pro- 
 cured their safety, and escaped over their bodies. The soldiers 
 of the left wing, peceiving from the rampart that Pompey was 
 
 1 As Caesar ha3 not mentioned elsewhere the circumstance alluded to 
 here, we naturally infer that some of the Commentaries are wanting, a 
 supposition which is strengthened by the abrupt commencement of tho 
 first book, and the chasm at the end of tho fiftieth chapter of this one.
 
 CHAP. L33I. THE CIVIL "WAR. 355 
 
 advancing, and their own friends fleeing, being afraid that they 
 should be inclosed between the two ramparts, as they had an 
 enemy both within and without, strove to secure their retreat 
 the same way they came. All was disorder, consternation, and 
 flight ; insomuch that, when Caesar laid hold of the colors of 
 those who were running away, and desired them to stand, some 
 left their horses behind, and continued to run in the same 
 manner ; others through fear even threw away their colors, 
 nor did a single man face about. 
 
 CHAP. LXX. In this calamity, the following favorable cir- 
 cumstance occurred to prevent the ruin of our whole army, 
 viz., that Pompey suspecting an ambuscade (because, as I sup- 
 pose, the success had far exceeded his hopes, as ho had seen 
 his men a moment before fleeing from the camp), durst not for 
 some time approach the fortification ; and that his horse were 
 retarded from pursuing, because the passes and gates were in 
 possession of Cesar's soldiers. Thus a trifling circumstance 
 proved of great importance to each party; for the rampart 
 drawn from the camp to the river, interrupted the progress 
 and certainty of Caesar's victory, after he had forced Pompey's 
 camp. The same thing, by retarding the rapidity of the enemy's 
 pursuit, preserved our army. - 
 
 CHAP. LXXI. In the two actions of this day, Caesar lost 
 nine hundred and sixty rank and file, several Roman knights 
 of distinction, Felginas Tuticanus Gallus, a senator's son ; Caius 
 Felginas from Placentia ; Aulus Gravius from Puteoli ; Marcus 
 Sacrativir from Capua ; and thirty-two military tribunes and cen- 
 turions. But the greatest part of all these perished without a 
 wound, being trodden to death in the trenches, on the ramparts 
 and banks of the river by reason of the terror and flight of their 
 own men. Pompey, after this battle, was saluted Imperator; 
 this title he retained, and allowed himself to be addressed by 
 it afterward. But neither in his letters to the senate, nor in 
 the fasces, did he use the laurel as a mark of honor. But 
 Labienus, having obtained his consent that the prisoners 
 should be delivered up to him, had them all brought out, as 
 it appeared, to make a show of them, and that Pompey might 
 place a greater confidence in him who was a deserter ; and 
 calling them fellow soldiers, and asking them in the most in- 
 sulting manner whether it was usual with veterans to flee, 
 ordered them to be put to death in the sight of the whole army.
 
 356 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK m. 
 
 CHAP. LXXII. Pompey's party were so elated -with con- 
 fidence and spirit at this success, that they thought no more 
 of the method of conducting the war, but thought that they 
 were already conquerors. They did not consider that the small- 
 ness of our numbers, and the disadvantage of the place and the 
 confined nature of the ground occasioned by their having first 
 possessed themselves of the camp, and the double danger both 
 from within and without the fortifications, and the separation 
 of the army into two parts, so that the one could not give relief 
 to the other, were the causes of our defeat. They did not con- 
 sider, in addition, that the contest was not decided by a 
 vigorous attack, nor a regular battle ; and that our men had 
 suffered greater loss from their numbers and want of room, 
 than they had sustained from the enemy. In fine, they did 
 not reflect on the common casualties of war; how trifling 
 causes, either frem groundless suspicions, sudden affright, or 
 religious scruples, have oftentimes been productive of consid- 
 erable losses ; how often an army has been unsuccessful either 
 by the misconduct of the general, or the oversight of a tribune ; 
 but as if they had proved victorious by their valor, and as if 
 no change could ever take place, they published the success of 
 the day throughout the world by reports and letters. 
 
 CHAP. LXXIII. Caesar, disappointed in his first intentions, 
 resolved to change the Avhole plan of his operations. Accord- 
 ingly, he at once called in all outposts, gave over the siege, 
 and collecting his army into one place, addressed his soldiers 
 and encouraged them " not to be troubled at what had hap- 
 pened, nor to be dismayed at it, but to weigh their many 
 successful engagements against one disappointment, and that, 
 too, a trifling one. That they ought to be grateful to For- 
 tune, through whose favor they had recovered Italy without 
 the effusion of blood ; through whose favor they had subdued 
 the two Spains, though protected by a most warlike people under 
 the command of the most skillful and experienced generals ; 
 through whose favor they had reduced to submission the 
 neighboring states that abounded with corn ; in fine, that 
 they ought to remember with what success they had been all 
 transported safe through blockading fleets of the enemy, which 
 possessed not only the ports, but even the coasts; that if 
 all their attempts were not crowned with success, the de- 
 fects of Fortune must be supplied by industry ; and whatever
 
 CHAP. LXXV. THE CIVIL WAR. 357 
 
 loss had been sustained, ought to be attributed rather to her 
 caprices than to any faults in him : that he had chosen a 
 safe ground for the engagement, that he had possessed him- 
 self of the enemy's camp ; that he had beaten them out, and 
 overcome them when they offered resistance ; but whether their 
 own terror or some mistake, or whether Fortune herself had in- 
 terrupted a victory almost secured and certain, they ought all 
 now to use their utmost efforts to repair by their valor the loss 
 which had been incurred; if they did so, their misfortunes 
 would turn to their advantage, as it happened at Gergovia, and 
 those who feared to face the enemy would be the first to offer 
 themselves to battle. 
 
 CHAP. LXXIV. Having concluded his speech, he dis- 
 graced some standard-bearers, and reduced them to the ranks ; 
 for the whole army was seized with such grief at their loss, 
 and with such an ardent desire of repairing their disgrace, 
 that not a man required the command of his tribune or cen- 
 turion, but they imposed each on himself severer labors 
 than usual as a punishment, and at the same time were so 
 inflamed with eagerness to meet the enemy, that the officers 
 of the first rank, sensibly affected at their entreaties, were of 
 opinion that they ought to continue in their present posts, and 
 commit their fate to the hazard of a battle. But, on the other 
 hand, Caesar could not place sufficient confidence in men so 
 lately thrown into consternation, and thought he ought to 
 allow them time to recover their dejected spirits ; and having 
 abandoned his works, he was apprehensive of being distressed 
 for want of corn. 
 
 CHAP. LXXV. Accordingly, suffering no time to inter- 
 vene but what was necessary for a proper attention to be paid 
 to the sick and wounded, he sent on all his baggage privately 
 in the beginning of the night from his camp to Apollonia, and 
 ordered them not to halt till they had performed their jour- 
 ney ; and he detached one legion with them as a convoy. 
 This affair being concluded, having retained only two legions 
 in his camp, he marched the rest of his army out at three 
 o'clock in the morning by several gates, and sent them for- 
 ward by the same route; and in a short space after, that the 
 military practice might be preserved, and his march known as 
 late as possible, he ordered the signal for decamping to be given ; 
 and setting out immediately, and following the rear of his own
 
 358 C^ESAR'S^ COMMENTARIES. LOOK in. 
 
 army, ho was soon out of sight of the camp. Nor did Pompey, 
 as soon as lie had notice of his design, make any delay to pur- 
 sue him ; but with a view to surprise them while encumbered 
 with baggage on their march, and not yet recovered from 
 their fright, he led his army out of his carnp, and sent his 
 cavalry on to retard our rear ; but was not able to come up 
 with them, because Cocsar. had got far before him, and marched 
 without baggage. But when we reached the river Genusus, 
 the banks being steep, their horse overtook our rear, and de- 
 tained them by bringing them to action. To oppose whom, 
 Crcsar sent his horse, and intermixed with them about four 
 hundred of his advanced light troops, who attacked their horse 
 with such success, that having routed them all, and killed 
 several, they returned without any loss to the main body. 
 
 CHAP. LXXVL Having performed the exact march which 
 he had proposed that day, and having led his army over the river 
 Genusus, Cajsar posted himself in his old camp opposite Aspa^ 
 ragium ; and kept his soldiers close within the intrenchments ', 
 and ordered the horse, who had been sent out under pretenso 
 of foraging, to retire immediately into the camp, through the 
 Decuman gate. Pompey, in like manner, having completed 
 the same day's march, took post in his old camp at Aspara- 
 gium ; and his soldiers, as they had no work (the fortifications 
 being entire), made long excursions, some to collect wood and 
 forage ; others, invited by the nearness of the former camp, 
 laid up their arms in their tents, and quitted the intrench- 
 ments in order to bring what they had left behind them, 
 because the design of marching being adopted in a hurry, they 
 had left a considerable part of their wagons and luggage 
 behind. Being thus incapable of pursuing, as Caesar had fore- 
 seen, about noon he gave the signal for marching, led out his 
 army, and doubling that day's march, he advanced eight miles 
 beyond Pompey's camp ; who could not pursue him, because his 
 troops were dispersed. 
 
 CHAP. LXXVII. The next day Caesar sent his baggage 
 forward early in the night, and marched off himself immediately 
 after the fourth watch : l that if he should be under the neces- 
 sity of risking an engagement, he might meet a sudden 
 attack with an army free from incumbrance. lie did so for 
 
 1 About 3 o'clock.
 
 CHAP. LXIXX. THE CIVIL WAR. 359 
 
 several days successively, by which means he was enabled to 
 effect his march over the deepest rivers, and through the most 
 intricate roads without any loss. For Pompey, after the first 
 day's delay, and the fatigue which he endured for some days 
 in vain, though he exerted himself by forced marches, and was 
 anxious to overtake us, who had got the start of him, on the 
 fourth day desisted from the pursuit, and determined to follow 
 other measures. 
 
 CHAP. LXXVIIL Caesar was obliged to go to Apollonia, 
 to lodge his wounded, pay his army, confirm his friends, an4 
 leave garrisons in -the towns. But for these matters, he 
 allowed no more time than was necessary for a person in haste. 
 And being apprehensive for Domitius, lest he should be sur- 
 prised by Pompey's arrival, he hastened with all speed and ear- 
 nestness to join him ; for he planned the operations of the whole 
 campaign on these principles : that if Pompey should march 
 after him, he would be drawn off from the sea, and from those 
 forces which he had provided in Dyrrachium, and separated 
 from his corn and magazines, and be obliged to carry on the 
 war on equal terms ; but if he crossed over into Italy, Caesar, 
 having effected a junction with Domitius, would, march through 
 Elyricum to the relief of Italy; but if he endeavored to 
 storm Apollonia and Oricum, and exclude him from the 
 whole coast, he hoped, by besieging Scipio, to oblige him, of 
 necessity, to come to his assistance. Accordingly, Caesar dis- 
 patching couriers, writes to Domitius, and acquaints him with 
 his wishes on the subject : and having stationed a garrison of 
 four cohorts at Apollonia, one at Lissus, and three at Oricum, 
 besides those who were sick of their wounds, he set forward 
 on his march through Epirus and Acarnania. Pompey, also, 
 guessing at Caesar's design, determined to hasten to Scipio, 
 that if Caesar should march in that direction, he might be 
 ready to relieve him ; but that if Caesar should be unwilling to 
 quit the sea-coast and Corcyra, because he expected legions and 
 cavalry from Italy, he himself might fall on Domitius with all 
 his forces. 
 
 CHAP. LXXIX. For these reasons, each of them studied 
 dispatch, that he might succor his friends, and not miss an 
 opportunity of surprising his enemies. But Caesar's engage- 
 ments at Apolonia had carried him aside from the direct 
 road. Pompey had taken the short road to Macedonia,
 
 360 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK in. 
 
 through Candavia. To this was added another unexpected 
 disadvantage, that Domitius, who for several days had been 
 encamped opposite Scipio, had quitted that post for the sake 
 of provisions, and had marched to Heraclea Sentica, a city 
 subject to Candavia ; so that fortune herself seemed to throw 
 him in Pompey's way. Of this, Caesar was ignorant up to 
 this time. Letters likewise being sent by Pompey through all 
 the provinces and states, with an account of the action at 
 Dyrrachium, very much enlarged and exaggerated beyond the 
 real facts, a rumor had been circulated, that Caesar had been 
 defeated and forced to flee, and had lost almost all his forces. 
 These reports had made the roads dangerous, and drawn off 
 some states from his alliance : whence it happened, that the 
 messengers dispatched by Caesar, by several different roads 
 to Domitius, and by Domitius to Caesar, were not able by any 
 means to accomplish their journey. But the Allobroges, who 
 were in the retinue of ^Egus and Koscillus, and who had 
 deserted to Pompey, having met on the road a scouting party 
 of Domitius ; either from old acquaintance, because they had 
 served together in Gaul, or elated with vain glory, gave them 
 an account of all that had happened, and informed them of 
 Caesar's departure, and Pompey's arrival. Domitius, who was 
 scarce four hours' march distant, having got intelligence from 
 these, by the courtesy of the enemy, avoided the danger, and 
 met Caesar coming to join him at ^Eginium, a town on the con- 
 fines of and opposite to Thessaly. 
 
 CHAP. LXXX. The two armies being united, Caesar 
 marched to Gomphi, which is the first town of Thessaly on 
 the road from Epirus. Now, the Thessajians, a few months 
 before, had of themselves sent embassadors to Caesar, offering 
 him the free use of every thing in their power, and requesting 
 a garrison for their protection. But the report, already spoken 
 of, of the battle at Dyrrachium, which it had exaggerated in 
 many particulars, had arrived before him. In consequence of 
 which, Androsthenes, the praetor of Thessaly, as he preferred 
 to be the companion of Pompey's victory, rather than Caesar's 
 associate in his misfortunes, collected all the people, both 
 slaves and freemen from the country into the town and shut 
 the gates, and dispatched messengers to Scipio and Pompey 
 " to come to his relief, that he could depend on the strength of 
 the town, if succor was speedily sent ; but that it could not
 
 T.TTTTT THE CIVIL WAR. 361 
 
 withstand a long siege." Scipio, as soon as he received advice 
 of the departure of the armies from Dyrrachium, had marched 
 with his legions to Larissa : Pompey was not yet arrived near 
 Thessaly. Caesar having fortified his camp, ordered scaling- 
 ladders and pent-houses jto be made for a sudden assault, and 
 hurdles to be provided. As soon as they were ready, he ex- 
 horted his soldiers, and told them of what advantage it would 
 be to assist them with all sorts of necessaries, if they made 
 themselves masters of a rich and plentiful town : and, at the 
 same time to strike terror into other states by the example 
 of this, and to effect this with speed, before auxiliaries could 
 arrive. Accordingly, taking advantage of the unusual ardor of 
 the soldiers, he began his assault on the town at a little after 
 three o'clock on the very day on which he arrived, and took it, 
 though defended with very high walls, before sunset, and gave it 
 up to his army to plunder, and immediately decamped from be- 
 fore it, and marched to Metropolis, with such rapidity as to out- 
 strip any messenger or rumor of the taking of Gomphi. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXI. The inhabitants of Metropolis, at first 
 influenced b^the same rumors, followed the same measures, 
 shut the gates and manned their walls. But when they were 
 made acquainted with the fate of the city of Gomphi by some 
 prisoners, whom Caesar had ordered to be brought up to the 
 walls, they threw open their gates. As he preserved them 
 with the greatest care, there was not a state in Thessaly (ex- 
 cept Larissa, which was awed by a strong army of Scipio's), but 
 on comparing the fate of the inhabitants of Metropolis with the 
 severe treatment of Gomphi, gave admission to Caesar, and obeyed 
 his orders. Having chosen a position convenient for procuring 
 corn, which was now almost ripe on the ground, he determined 
 there to wait Pompey's arrival, and to make it the center of all 
 his warlike operations. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXII. Pompey arrived in Thessaly a few days 
 after, and having harangued the combined army, returned 
 thanks to his own men, and exhorted Scipio's soldiers, that as 
 the victory was now secured, they should endeavor to merit a 
 part of the rewards and booty. And receiving all the legions 
 into one camp, he shared his honors with Scipio, ordered the 
 trumpet to be sounded at his tent, and a pavilion to be erected 
 for him. The forces of Pompey being thus augmented, and 
 two such powerful armies united, their former expectations 
 
 16
 
 362 CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK in. 
 
 were confirmed, and their hopes of victory so much increased, 
 that whatever time intervened was considered as so much 
 delay to their return into Italy ; and whenever Pompey acted 
 with slowness and caution, they used to exclaim, that it was 
 the business only of a single day, but that he had a passion for 
 power, and was delighted in having persons of consular and 
 praetorian rank in the number of his slaves. And they now 
 began to dispute openly about rewards and priesthoods, and 
 disposed of the consulate for several years to come. Others" 
 put in their claims for the houses and properties of all who 
 were in Caesar's camp, and in that council there was a warm 
 debate, whether Lucius Hirtius, who had been sent by Pompey 
 against the Parthians, should be admitted a candidate for the 
 praetorship in his absence at the next election; his friends 
 imploring Pompey's honor to fulfill the engagements which he 
 had made to him at his departure, that he might not seem 
 deceived through his authority : while others, embarked in equal 
 labor and danger, pleaded that no individual ought to have a 
 preference before all the rest. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXIII. Already Domitius, Scipio % and Lentu- 
 lus Spiuther, in their daily quarrels about Caesar's priesthood, 
 openly abused each other in the most scurrilous language. 
 Lentulus urging the respect due to his age, Domitius boasting 
 his interest in the city and his dignity, and Scipio presuming 
 on his alliance with Pompey. Attius Rufus charged Lucius 
 Afranius before Pompey with betraying the army in the action 
 that happened in Spain, and Lucius Domitius declared in the 
 council that it was his wish that, when the war should be 
 ended, three billets should be given to all the senators, who 
 had taken part with them in the war, and that they should 
 pass sentence 1 on every single person who had staid behind 
 at Rome, or who had been within Pompey's garrisons and had 
 not contributed their assistance in the military operations ; that 
 by the first billet they should have power to acquit, by the 
 
 1 There is here an allusion to the Roman system of trial, according to 
 which the Praetor gave to each judge three tablets : on one of which was 
 written the letter C. for condemno, I condemn ; on another the letter A. 
 for absolve, I acquit ; and on a third N. L. non liquet SC. mihi, I am not 
 clear. Each of the judges threw which of these tablets he thought 
 proper into an urn, and the Praetor pronounced judgment according to
 
 CHAP. LXXXV. THE CIVIL WAR. 363 
 
 second to pass sentence of death, and by the third to impose a 
 pecuniary fine. In short, Pompey's whole army talked of 
 nothing but the honors or sums of money which were to be 
 their rewards, or of vengeance on their enemies ; and never 
 considered how they were to defeat their enemies, but in what 
 manner they should use their victory. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXIV. Corn being provided, and his soldiers 
 refreshed, and a sufficient time having elapsed since the 
 engagement at Dyrrachium, when Caesar thought he had suffi- 
 ciently sounded the disposition of his troops, he thought that he 
 ought to try whether Pompey had any intention or inclination to 
 come to a battle. Accordingly he led his troops out of the camp, 
 and ranged them in order of battle, at first on their own ground, 
 and at a small distance from Pompey's camp : but afterward 
 for several days in succession, he advanced from his own 
 camp, and led them up to the hills on which Pompey's troops 
 were posted, which conduct inspired his army every day with 
 fresh courage. However he adhered to his former purpose 
 respecting his cavalry, for as he was by many degrees inferior 
 in number, he selected the youngest and most active of the 
 advanced guard, and desired them to fight intermixed with 
 the horse, and they by constant practice acquired experience 
 in this kind of battle. By these means it was brought to pass 
 that a thousand of his horse would dare even on open ground, 
 to stand against seven thousand of Pompey's, if occasion 
 required, and would not be much terrified by their number. 
 For even on one of those days he was successful in a cavalry 
 action, and killed one of the two Allobrogians, who had de- 
 serted to Pompey, as we before observed, and several others. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXV. Pompey, because he was encamped on a 
 hill, drew up his army at the very foot of it, ever in expecta- 
 tion, as may be conjectured, that Caesar would expose himself 
 to this disadvantageous situation. Caesar, seeing no likelihood 
 of being able to. bring Pompey to an action, judged it the most 
 expedient method of conducting the war, to decamp from that 
 post and to be always in motion : with this hope, that by 
 shifting his camp and removing from place to place, he might 
 be more conveniently supplied with corn, and also, that by 
 being in motion he might get some opportunity of forcing them 
 to battle, and might by constant marches harass Pompey's 
 army, which was not accustomed to fatigue. These matters
 
 864 (LESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK in. 
 
 being settled, when the signal for marching was given, and 
 the tents struck, it was observed that shortly before, contrary 
 to his daily practice, Pompey's army had advanced further 
 than usual from his intrenchmcnts, so that it appeared 
 possible to come to an action on equal ground. Then Caesar 
 addressed himself to his soldiers, when they were at the gates 
 of the camp, ready to march out. " We must defer," says he, 
 " our march at present, and set our thoughts on battle, which 
 has been our constant wish ; let us then meet the foe with 
 resolute souls. We shall not hereafter easily find such an 
 opportunity." He immediately marched out at the head of his 
 troops. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXVI. Pompey also, as was afterward known, 
 at the unanimous solicitation of his friends, had determined to 
 try the fate of a battle. For he had even declared in council a 
 few days before that, before the battalions came to battle, 
 Caesar's army would be put to the .rout. When most people 
 expressed their surprise at it, " I know," says he, " that I 
 promise a thing almost incredible ; but hear the plan on which 
 I proceed, that you may march to battle with more confidence 
 and resolution. I have persuaded our cavalry, and they have 
 engaged to execute it, as soon as the two armies have met, 
 to attack Caesar's right wing on the flank, and inclosing their 
 army on the rear, throw them into disorder, and. put them 
 to the rout, before we shall throw a weapon against the 
 enemy. By this means we shall put an end to the war, with- 
 out endangering the legions, and almost without a blow. Nor 
 is this a difficult matter, as we far outnumber them in cavalry." 
 At the same time he gave them notice to be ready for battle 
 on the day following, and since the opportunity which they 
 had so often wished for was now arrived, not to disappoint 
 the opinion generally entertained of their experience and 
 valor. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXVII. After him Labienus spoke, as well to 
 express his contempt of Caesar's forces, as to extol Pompey's 
 scheme with the highest encomiums. " Think not, Pompey," 
 says he, " that this is the army which conquered Gaul and 
 Germany ; I was present at all those battles, and do not speak 
 at random on a subject to which I am a stranger : a very small 
 part of that army now remains, great numbers lost their lives, 
 as must necessarily happen in so many battles, many fell
 
 CHAP. LXXXIX. THE CIVIL WAR. 365 
 
 victims to the autumnal pestilence in Italy, many returned 
 home, and many were left behind on the continent. Have you 
 not heard that the cohorts at Brundusium are composed of 
 invalids? The forces which you now behold, have been 
 recruited by levies lately made in Hither Spain, and the greater 
 part from the colonies beyond the Po ; moreover, the flower of 
 the forces perished in the two engagements at Dyrrachium." 
 Having so said, he took an oath, never to return to his camp 
 unless victorious ; and he encouraged the rest to do the like. 
 Pompey applauded his proposal, and took the same oath ; nor 
 did any person present hesitate to take it. After this had 
 passed in the council they broke up full of hopes and joy, and 
 in imagination anticipated victory ; because they thought that 
 in a matter of such importance, no groundless assertion could 
 be made by a general of such experience. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXVHI. When Caesar had approached near 
 Pompey 's camp, he observed that his army was drawn up 
 in the following manner : On the left wing were the two 
 legions, delivered over by Caesar at the beginning of the dis- 
 putes in compliance with the senate's decree, one of which 
 was called the first, the other the third. Here Pompey com- 
 manded in person. Scipio with the Syrian legions commanded 
 the center. The Cilician legion in conjunction with the 
 Spanish cohorts, which we said were brought over by Afranius, 
 were disposed on the right wing. These Pompey considered his 
 steadiest troops. The rest he had interspersed between the 
 center and the wing, and he had a hundred and ten complete 
 cohorts ; these amounted to forty-five thousand men. He had 
 besides two cohorts "of volunteers, who having received favors 
 from him in former wars, flocked to his standard : these were 
 dispersed through his whole army. The seven remaining 
 cohorts he had disposed to protect his camp, and the neighbor- 
 ing forts. His right wing was secured by a river with steep 
 banks ; for which reason he placed all his cavalry, archers, and 
 slingers, on his left wing. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXTX. Caesar, observing his former custom, 
 had placed the tenth legion on the right, the ninth on the 
 left, although it was very much weakened by the battles at 
 Dyrrachium. He placed the eighth legion so close to the 
 ninth, as to almost make one of the two, and ordered 
 them to support one another. He drew up on the field eighty
 
 366 CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK in. 
 
 cohorts, making a total of twenty-two thousand men. He left 
 two cohorts to guard the camp. He gave the command of the 
 left wing to Antonius, of the right to P. Sulla, and of the 
 center to Cn. Domitius: he himself took his post opposite 
 Pompey. At the same time, fearing, from the disposition of 
 the enemy which we have previously mentioned, lest his right 
 wing might be surrounded by their numerous cavalry, he 
 rapidly drafted a single cohort from each of the legions com- 
 posing the third line, formed of them a fourth line, and 
 opposed them to Pompey's cavalry, and, acquainting them with 
 his wishes, admonished them that the success of that day 
 depended on their courage. At the same time he ordered the 
 third line, and the entire army not to charge without his com- 
 mand : that he would give the signal whenever he wished them 
 to do so. 
 
 CHAP. XC. When he was exhorting his army to battle, 
 according to the military custom, and spoke to them of the 
 favors that they had constantly received from him, he took 
 especial care to remind them " that he could call his soldiers 
 to witness the earnestness with which he had sought peace, 
 the efforts that he had made by Vatinius to gain a conference 
 [with Labienus], and likewise by Claudius to treat with Scipio, 
 in what manner he had exerted himself at Oricum, to gain 
 permission from Libo to send embassadors ; that he had been 
 always reluctant to shed the blood of his soldiers, and did not 
 wish to deprive the republic of one or other of her armies." 
 After delivering this speech, he gave by a trumpet the signal 
 to his soldiers, who were eagerly demanding it, and were very 
 impatient for the onset. 
 
 CHAP. XCL There was in Caesar's army, a volunteer of the 
 name of Crastinus, who the year before had been first centurion 
 of the tenth legion, a man of pre-eminent bravery. He, when 
 the signal was given, says, " Follow me, my old comrades, and 
 display such exertions in behalf of your general as you have 
 determined to do : this is our last battle, and when it shall be 
 won, he will recover his dignity, and we our liberty." At the 
 same time he looked back to Caesar, and said, " General, I will 
 act in such a manner to-day, that you will feel grateful to me 
 living or dead." After uttering these words he charged first 
 on the right wing, and about one hundred and twenty chosen 
 volunteers of the same century followed.
 
 CHAP. icra. THE CIVIL WAR. 367 
 
 CHAP. XCII. There was so much space left between the two 
 lines, as sufficed for the onset of the hostile armies : but Pom- 
 pey had ordered his soldiers to await Caesar's attack, and not to 
 advance from their position, or suffer their line to be put into 
 disorder. And he is said to have done this by the advice of 
 Caius Triarius, that the impetuosity of the charge of Caesar's 
 soldiers might be checked, and their line broken, and that 
 Pompey's troops remaining in their ranks, might attack them 
 while in disorder ; and he thought that the javelins would fall 
 with less force if the soldiers were kept in their ground, than if 
 they met them in their course ; at the same time he trusted that 
 Caesar's soldiers, after running over double the usual ground, 
 would become weary and exhausted by the fatigue. But 
 to me Pompey seems to have acted without sufficient reason : 
 for there is a certain impetuosity of spirit and an alacrity im- 
 planted by nature in the hearts of all men, which is inflamed 
 by a desire to meet the foe. This a general should endeav- 
 or not to repress, but to increase ; nor was it a vain insti- 
 tution of our ancestors, that the trumpets should sound on all 
 sides, and a general shout be raised ; by which they imagined 
 that the enemy were struck with terror, and their own army 
 inspired with courage. 
 
 CHAP. XCIII. But our men, when the signal was given, 
 rushed forward with their javelins ready to be launched, but 
 perceiving that Pompey's men did not run to meet their charge, 
 having acquired experience by custom, and being practiced 
 in former battles, they of their own accord repressed their 
 speed, and halted almost midway, that they might not come 
 up with the enemy when their strength was exhausted, and 
 after a short respite they again renewed their course, and 
 threw their javelins, and instantly drew their swords, as Caesar 
 had ordered them. Nor did Pompey's men fail in this crisis, 
 for they received our javelins, stood our charge, and main- 
 tained their ranks; and having launched their javelins, had 
 recourse to their swords. At the same time Pompey's horse, 
 according to their orders, rushed out at once from his left wing, 
 and his whole host of archers poured after them. Our cavalry 
 did not withstand their charge : but gave ground a little, upon 
 which Pompey's horse pressed them more vigorously, and 
 began to file off in troops, and flank our army. When Caesar 
 perceived this, he gave the signal to his fourth line, which he
 
 368 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOO* m. 
 
 had formed of the six cohorts. They instantly rushed forward 
 and charged Pompey's horse with such fury, that not a man of 
 them stood ; but all wheeling about, not only quitted their 
 post, but galloped forward to seek a refuge in the highest 
 mountains. By their retreat the archers and slingers, being 
 left destitute and defenseless, were all cut to pieces. The 
 cohorts, pursuing their success, wheeled about upon Pompey's 
 left wing, while his infantry still continued to make battle, 
 and attacked them in the rear. 
 
 CHAP. XCIV. At the same time Caesar ordered his third 
 line to advance, which till then had not been engaged, but had 
 kept their post. Thus, new and fresh troops having come to 
 the assistance of the fatigued, and others having made an 
 attack on their rear, Pompey's men were not able to maintain 
 their ground, but all fled, 1 nor was Caesar deceived in his 
 opinion, that the victory, as he had declared in his speech to 
 his soldiers, must have its beginning from those six cohorts, 
 which he had placed as a fourth line to oppose the horse. For 
 by them the cavalry were routed ; by them the archers and 
 slingers were cut to pieces ; by them the left wing of Pompey's 
 army was surromded, and obliged to be the first to flee. But 
 when Pompey saw his cavalry routed, and that part of his 
 army on which he reposed his greatest hopes thrown into 
 confusion, despairing of the rest, he quitted the field, and 
 retreated straightway on horseback to his camp, and calling to 
 the centurions, whom he had placed to guard the praetorian 
 gate, with a loud voice, that the soldiers might hear : " Secure 
 the camp," says he, " defend it with diligence, if any danger 
 should threaten it ; I will visit the other gates, and encourage 
 the guards of the camp." Having thus said, he retired into 
 his tent in utter despair, yet anxiously waiting the issue. 
 
 CHAP. XCV. Caesar having forced the Pompeians to flee 
 into their intrenchment, and thinking that he ought not to 
 allow them any respite to recover from their fright, exhorted 
 his soldiers to take advantage of fortune's kindness, and to attack 
 the camp. Though they were fatigued by the intense heat, 
 for the battle had continued till mid-day, yet, being prepared to 
 
 1 Historians state that Caesar on this occasion advised his soldiers to 
 aim at the faces of Pompey's cavalry, who, being composed principally of 
 the young noblemen of Rome, dreaded a scar in the face more than death 
 itselC
 
 CHAP. xcvn. THE CIVIL WAR. 369 
 
 
 
 undergo any labor, they cheerfully obeyed his command. The 
 camp was bravely defended by the cohorts which had been left 
 to guard it, but with much more spirit by the Thracians and 
 foreign auxiliaries. For the soldiers who had fled for refuge to 
 it from the field of battle, affrighted and exhausted by fatigue, 
 having thrown away their arms and military standards, had 
 their thoughts more engaged on their further escape than on the 
 defense of the camp. Nor could the troops who were posted 
 on the battlements, long withstand the immense number of our 
 darts, but fainting under their wounds, quitted the place, and 
 under the conduct of their centurions and tribunes, fled, with- 
 out stopping, to the high mountains which joined the camp. 
 
 CHAP. XCVI. In Pompey's camp you might see arbors in 
 which tables were laid, a large quantity of plate set out, the 
 floors of the tents covered with fresh sods, the tents of Lucius 
 Lentulus and others shaded with ivy, and many other things 
 which were proofs of excessive luxury, and a confidence of vic- 
 tory, so that it 'might readily be inferred that they had no ap- 
 prehensions of the issue of the day, as they indulged themselves 
 in unnecessary pleasures, and yet upbraided with luxury Caesar's 
 army, distressed and suffering troops, who had always been in 
 want of common necessaries. Pompey, as soon as our men 
 had forced the trenches, mounting his horse, and stripping off 
 his general's habit, went hastily out of the back gate of the 
 camp, and galloped with all speed to Larissa. Nor did he stop 
 there, but with the same dispatch, collecting a few of his flying 
 troops, and halting neither day nor night, he arrived at the sea- 
 side, attended by only thirty horse, and went on board a vict- 
 ualing barque, often complaining, as we have been told, that he 
 had been so deceived in his expectation, that he was almost 
 persuaded that he had been betrayed by those from whom he 
 had expected victory, as they began the fight. 
 
 CHAP. XC VII. Caesar having possessed himself of Pompey's 
 camp, urged his soldiers not to be too intent on plunder, and 
 lose the opportunity of completing their conquest. Having 
 obtained their consent, he began to draw lines round the mount- 
 ain. The Pompeians distrusting the position, as there was no 
 water on the mountain, abandoned it, and all began to retreat 
 toward Larissa; which Caesar perceiving, divided his troops, 
 and ordering part of his legions to remain in Pompey's camp, 
 sent back a part to his own camp, and taking four legions with 
 
 16*
 
 370 CLESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK in. 
 
 % 
 
 him, went by a shorter road to intercept the enemy : and 
 having marched six miles, drew up his army. But the Pom- 
 peians observing this, took post on a mountain, whose foot was 
 washed by a river. Caesar having encouraged his troops, though 
 they were greatly exhausted by incessant labor the whole day, 
 and night was now approaching, by throwing up works cut off 
 the communication between the river and the mountain, that 
 the enemy might not get water in the night. As soon as the 
 work was finished, they sent embassadors to treat about a 
 capitulation. A few senators who had espoused that party, 
 made their escape by night. 
 
 CHAP. XCVIII. At break of day, Caesar ordered all those 
 who had taken post on the mountain, to come down from the 
 higher grounds into the plain, and pile their arms: When 
 they did this without refusal, and with outstretched arms, 
 prostrating themselves on the ground, with tears, implored his 
 mercy : he comforted them and bade them rise, and having 
 spoken a few words of his own clemency to alleviate their fears, 
 he pardoned them all, and gave orders to his soldiers, that no 
 injury should be done to them, and nothing taken from them. 
 Having used this diligence, he ordered the legions in his camp 
 to come and meet him, and those which were with him to take 
 their turn of rest, and go back to the camp : and the same day 
 went to Larissa. 
 
 CHAP. XCIX. In that battle, no more than two hundred 
 privates were missing, but Caesar lost about thirty centurions, 
 valiant officers. Crastinus, also, of whom mention was made 
 before, fighting most courageously, lost his life by the wound 
 of a sword in the mouth ; nor was that false which he declared 
 when marching to battle : for Caesar entertained the highest 
 opinion of his behavior in that^ battle, and thought him 
 highly deserving of his approbation. Of Pompey's army, 
 there fell about fifteen thousand ; but upwards of twenty-four 
 thousand were made prisoners : for even the cohorts which 
 were stationed in the forts, surrendered to Sylla. Several 
 others took shelter in the neighboring states. One hundred 
 and eighty stands of colors, and nine eagles, were brought to 
 Caesar. Lucius Domitius, fleeing from the camp to the mount- 
 ains, his strength being exhausted by fatigue, was killed by the 
 horse. 
 
 CHAP. C. About this time, Decimus Laelius arrived with his
 
 CHAP. ci. THE CIVIL WAR. 371 
 
 fleet at Brundusium and in the same manner, as Libo had done 
 before, possessed himself of an island opposite the harbor of 
 Brundusium. In like manner, Valinius, who was then governor 
 of Brundusium, with a few decked barks, endeavored to 
 entice Laalius's fleet, and took one five-banked galley and 
 two smaller vessels that had ventured further than the rest 
 into a narrow part of the harbor : and likewise disposing the 
 horse along the shore, strove to prevent the enemy from pro- 
 curing fresh water. But Laelius having chosen a more con- 
 venient season of the year for his expedition, supplied himself 
 with water brought in transports from Corcyra and Dyrrachium, 
 and was not deterred from his purpose ; and till he had received 
 advice of the battle in Thessaly, he could not be forced either 
 by the di^race of losing his ships, or by the want of neces- 
 saries, to quit the port and islands. 
 
 CHAP. CI. Much about the same time, Cassius arrived 
 in Sicily with a fleet of Syrians, Phoenicians, and Cicilians : 
 and as Caesar's fleet was divided into two parts, Publius 
 Sulpicius the praetor commanding one division at Vibo near 
 the straits, Pomponius the other at Messana, Cassius got into 
 Messana with his fleet, before Pomponius had notice of his 
 arrival, and having found him in disorder, without guards or 
 discipline, and the wind being high and favorable, he filled 
 several transports with fir, pitch, and tow, and other com- 
 bustibles, and sent them against Pomponius's fleet, and set fire 
 to all his ships, thirty-five in number, twenty of which were 
 armed with beaks : and this action struck such terror that 
 though there was a legion in garrison at Messana, the town 
 with difficulty held out, and had not the news of Caesar's victory 
 been brought at that instant by the horse stationed along the 
 coast, it was generally imagined that it would have been lost, 
 but the town was maintained till the news arrived very oppor- 
 tunely : and Cassius set sail from thence to attack Sulpicius's 
 fleet at Vibo, and our ships being moored to the land, to strike 
 the same terror, he acted in the same manner as before. The 
 wind being favorable, he sent into the port about forty ships 
 provided with combustibles, and the flame catching on both 
 sides, five ships were burned to ashes. And when the fire began 
 to spread wider by the violence of the wind, the soldiers of 
 the veteran legions, who had been left to guard the fleet, being 
 considered as invalids, could not endure the disgrace, but of
 
 372 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIE& BOOK ra. 
 
 themselves went on board the ships and weighed anchor, and 
 having attacked Cassius's fleet, captured two five-banked 
 galleys, in one of which was Cassius himself; but he made his 
 escape by taking to a boat. Two three-banked galleys were 
 taken besides. Intelligence was shortly after received of the 
 action in Thessaly, so well authenticated, that the Pompeians 
 themselves gave credit to it ; for they had hitherto believed 
 it a fiction of Caesar's lieutenants and friends. Upon which 
 intelligence Cassius departed with his fleet from that coast. 
 
 CHAP. CII. Caesar thought he ought to postpone all busi- 
 ness and pursue Pompey, whithersoever he should retreat ; that 
 he might not be able to provide fresh forces, and renew the war ; 
 he therefore marched on every day, as far as his cavalry were 
 able to advance, and ordered one legion to follow him by shorter 
 journeys. A proclamation was issued by Pompey at Amphi- 
 polis, that all the young men of that province, Grecians and 
 Roman citizens, should take the military oath ; but whether he 
 issued it with an intention of preventing suspicion, and to 
 conceal as long as possible his design of fleeing further, or to 
 endeavor to keep possession of Macedonia by new levies, if 
 nobody pursued him, it is impossible to judge. He lay at 
 anchor one night, and calling together his friends in Amphi- 
 polis, and collecting a sum of money for his necessary 
 expenses, upon advice of Caesar's approach, set sail from 
 that place, and arrived in a few days at Mitylene. Here he 
 was detained two days, and having added a few galleys to his 
 fleet he went to Cilicia, and thence to Cyprus. There he is 
 informed that, by the consent of all the inhabitants of Antioch 1 
 
 1 Antiochia, or Antioch, now called Antakia, was founded by Seleucua 
 Nicanor, who named it after his father. It was not only the capital of 
 Syria, but of all Asia, and was once the third city in the world for beau- 
 ty, size, and population ; it was the royal seat of the Syrian kings, and 
 after the Roman conquest became the ordinary residence of the prefect, 
 or governor of the eastern provinces. It was here that the disciples of 
 Christ first received the name of Christiana, A.D. 39, having been before 
 commonly called Nazarenes and Galilseans ; it was the birth-place of St. 
 Luke, the evangelist, and was called in the middle ages, Theopolis ; it 
 was surnamed Antioch ad Orontem, from the river on which it stood, and 
 ad Daphnen, from the neighboring grove Daphne, Doueir. This grove, 
 which was of bay-trees, intermixed with cypress, was said, in the my- 
 thology of the Greeks, to be the scene of Daphne's metamorphosis, when 
 pursued by Apollo ; it was a delightful place, and was surrounded with 
 beautiful buildings, in the midst of which rose the famous temple of Apollo
 
 CHAP. om. THE CIVIL WAR. 373 
 
 and Roman citizens who traded there, the castle had been 
 seized to shut him out of the town ; and that messengers had 
 been dispatched to all those who were reported to have taken 
 refuge in the neighboring states, that they should not come 
 to Antioch ; that if they did, that it would be attended with 
 imminent danger to their lives. The same thing had hap- 
 pened to Lucius Lehtulus, who had been consul the year 
 before, and to Publius Lentulus a consular senator, and to 
 several others at Rhodes, 1 who having followed Pompey in his 
 flight, and arrived at the island, were not admitted into the 
 town or port ; and having received a message to leave that 
 neighborhood, set sail much against their will ; for the rumor 
 of Caesar's approach had now reached those states. 
 
 CHAP. GUI. Pompey, being informed of these proceedings, 
 laid asi4e his design of going to Syria, and having taken the public 
 money from the farmers of the revenue, and borrowed more from 
 some private friends, and having put on board his ships a large 
 quantity of brass for military purposes, and two thousand armed 
 men, whom he partly selected from the slaves of the tax farmers, . 
 and partly collected from the merchants, and such persons as 
 each of his friends thought fit on this occasion, he sailed for Pc- 
 lusium.' It happened that king Ptolemy, a minor, was there 
 
 and Diana. Pompey, who visited the grove, was so struck with its beauty, 
 that he gave it a piece of land for its enlargement, and many of the Ro- 
 man emperors are said to have indulged in its enjoyments, and here for a 
 time to have forgotten the cares of government ; it became, however, at 
 last devoted to voluptuousness and the most infamous dissipation ; hence 
 the proverb " Daphnici mores." Arrowsmith's Ancient Geography. 
 
 1 Off the southern coast of Caria lies Rhodus, Rhodes, the largest island 
 in the ^Egean Sea, after Crete and Eubcea, and containing 460 square 
 miles ; it anciently bore several other names, and is said to have derived 
 that of Rhodes, either from the beautiful nymph Rhode, a favorite of 
 Apollo or from the word f>66ov, rosa, owing to the profusion of roses 
 with which it abounded ; or, as others say, from f>66of, undarum strepitus, 
 from its shores being lashed by violent seas. It is presumed, however, 
 to have obtained its appellation from the Dodanim, otherwise called Rho- 
 danim, an opinion which seems to have been entertained by the seventy 
 interpreters, who render the Hebrew word by 'P66iot. Its capital was 
 Rhodus, Rhodes, near the northern point of the island, famous for its im- 
 mense brazen statue of the Sun, called the Colossus, and reckoned one of 
 the seven wonders of the world. Its three other principal cities were 
 Lindus, lalysus, and Camirus. 
 
 2 Pelusium, an ancient city of Egypt, situated at the eastern extremity 
 of the Delta. It was very strongly fortified, and was considered the key
 
 374 CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK ni. 
 
 with a considerable army, engaged in war with his sister Cleo- 
 patra, whom a few months before, by the assistance of his 
 relations and friends, he had expelled from the kingdom ; and 
 her camp lay at a small distance from his. To him Pompey 
 applied to be permitted to take refuge in Alexandria, 1 and to be 
 protected in his calamity by his powerful assistance, in consider- 
 ation of the friendship and amity which had subsisted between 
 his father and him. But Pompcy's deputies having executed 
 their commission, began to converse with less restraint with 
 the king's troops, and to advise them to act with friendship to 
 Pompey, and not to think meanly of his bad fortune. In 
 Ptolemy's army were several of Pompey's soldiers, of whom 
 Gabinius had received the command in Syria, and had brought 
 them over to Alexandria, and at the conclusion of the war had 
 left with Ptolemy the father of the young king. * 
 
 CHAP. CIV. The king's friends, who were regents of the 
 kingdom during the minority, being informed of these things, 
 either induced by fear, as they afterward declared, lest Pompey 
 should corrupt the king's army, and seize on Alexandria and 
 Egypt ; or despising his bad fortune, as in adversity friends 
 commonly change to enemies, in public gave a favorable 
 
 of Egypt, on its eastern frontier. It derived its name from the Greek 
 work 7n;Aof, clay, as it lay in the midst of marshes and morasses, formed 
 by the overflow of the Nile. "We find it frequently mentioned in the 
 Bible, under the name of Sin, which also- expresses its marshy situation. 
 Jt continued to preserve its importance in a military view, until the waters 
 of the Nile found then* way into the Damietta branch of that river. 
 
 1 Alexandria, still called Alexandria, or Iskenderieh, a city of lower 
 Egypt, situated on a narrow neck of land, washed on one side by the 
 Mediterranean, and on the other by the Lake Mareotis. It was founded 
 by Alexander the Great, 331 B.C., from whom it derived its name. The 
 breadth of the city did not exceed one third of a league, but its length 
 extended to one and a half. The principal street, 2000 feet broad, and 
 adorned with some of the most costly edifices and structures of marble, 
 which, perhaps, the world ever saw, was crossed in the middle by another 
 of the same breadth. Many of these ornaments were subsequently trans- 
 ferred to adorn Rome and Constantinople. Alexander's object in build- 
 ing this city, was to reap the profit of the whole trade between Asia and 
 Europe, which, from this city's natural advantages, he foresaw that it 
 could not fail to engross after the fall of Tyre. In consequence of a com- 
 munication with the Nile by a canal, and a junction of that river with 
 the Red Sea by another, it soon became the center of commerce for all 
 the merchandize passing between Europe and the East Indies. It was, 
 likewise, distinguished as a seat of learning, and possessed an extensive 
 library, yLich, at oae period, consisted of 700,000 volumes.
 
 CHAP. on. THE CIVIL "WAR. 3*75 
 
 answer to his deputies, and desired him to come to the king ; 
 but secretly laid a plot against him, and dispatched Achillas, 
 captain of the king's guards, a man of singular boldness, and 
 Lucius Septimius a military tribune to assassinate him. Being 
 kindly addressed by them, and deluded by an acquaintance 
 with Septimius, because in the war with the pirates the latter 
 had commanded a company under him, he embarked in a small 
 boat with a few attendants, and was there murdered by Achillas 
 and Septimius. In like manner, Lucius Lentulus was seized 
 by the king's order, and put to death in prison. 
 
 CHAP. CV. When Caesar arrived in Asia, he found that 
 Titus Ampius had attempted to remove the money from the 
 temple of Diana at Ephesus ; and for this purpose had con- 
 vened all the senators in the province that he might have them 
 to attest the sum, but was interrupted by Caesar's arrival, and 
 had made his escape. Thus, on two occasions, Caesar saved 
 the money of Ephesus. It was also remarked at Elis, in the 
 temple of Minerva, upon calculating and enumerating the days, 
 that on the very day on which Caesar had gained his battle, 
 the image of Victory which was placed before Minerva, and 
 faced her statue, turned about toward the portal and entrance 
 of the temple ; and the same day, at Antioch in Syria, such a 
 shout of an army and sound of trumpets was twice heard that 
 the citizens ran in arms to the walls. The same thing hap- 
 pened at Ptolemais ; a sound of drums too was heard at Perga- 
 mus, in the private and retired parts of the temple, into which 
 none but the priests are allowed admission, and which the 
 Greeks call Adyta (the inaccessible), and likewise at Tralles, in 
 the temple of Victory, in which there stood a statue consecrated 
 to Caesar ; a palm-tree at that time was shown that had sprouted 
 up from the pavement, through the joints of the stones, and 
 shot up above the roof. 
 
 CHAP. CVI. After a few days' delay in Asia, Caesar, hav- 
 ing heard that Pompey had been seen in Cyprus, and 
 conjecturing that he had directed his course into Egypt, on 
 account of his connection with that kingdom, 1 set out for 
 Alexandria with two legions (one of which he ordered to 
 follow him from Thessaly, the other he called in from Achaia, 
 from Fufius, the lieutenant general), and with eight hundred 
 
 1 He had been appointed by the senate, guardian to the young king.
 
 376 CAESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK III. 
 
 horse, ten ships of war from Rhodes, and a few from Asia. 
 These legions amounted but to three thousand two hundred 
 men ; the rest, disabled by wounds received in various battles, 
 by fatigue and the length of their march, could not follow 
 him. But Caesar, relying on the fame of his exploits, did not 
 hesitate to set forward with a feeble force, and thought that he 
 would be secure in any place. At Alexandria he was informed 
 of the death of Pompey : and at his landing there, heard a 
 cry among the soldiers whom the king had left to garrison the 
 town, and saw a crowd gathering toward him, because the 
 fasces were carried before him ; for this the whole multitude 
 thought an infringement of the king's dignity. Though this 
 tumult was appeased, frequent disturbances were raised for 
 several days successively, by crowds of the populace, and a 
 great many of his soldiers were killed in all parts of the city. 
 
 CHAP. CVII. Having observed this, he ordered other 
 legions to be brought to him from Asia, which he had made 
 up out of Pompey's soldiers ; for he was himself detained 
 against his will, by the etesian 1 winds, which are totally un- 
 favorable to persons on a voyage from Alexandria. In the 
 mean time, considering that the disputes of the princes 
 belonged to the jurisdiction of the Roman people, and of him 
 as consul, and that it was a duty more incumbent on h im, as 
 in his former consulate a league had been made with Ptolemy 
 the late king, under sanction both of a law and a decree of 
 the senate, he signified that it was his pleasure that king 
 Ptolemy, and his sister Cleopatra, should disband their 
 armies, and decide their disputes in his presence by justice, 
 rather than by the sword. 
 
 CHAP. CVm. A eunuch named Pothinus, the boy's tutor, 
 was regent of the kingdom on account of his youthfulness. 11 
 He at first began to complain among his friends, and to ex- 
 press his indignation, that the king should be summoned to 
 plead his cause : but afterward, having prevailed on some of 
 those whom he had made acquainted with his views to join him, 
 he secretly called the army away from Pelusium to Alexandria, 
 and appointed Achillas, already spoken of, commander-in-chief 
 
 1 The etesian or periodical winds so called from erof, a year. They 
 blow in different directions in different countries. 
 
 2 We learn from Appian that the young king was thirteen years old 
 at this time.
 
 CHAP. OX. THE CIVIL "WAR. 377 
 
 of the forces. Him he encouraged and animated by promises 
 both in his own and the king's name, and instructed him both 
 by letters and messages how he should act. By the will of 
 Ptolemy the father, the elder of his two sons and the more 
 advanced in years of his two daughters were declared his 
 heirs, and for th more effectual performance of his intention, 
 in the same will he conjured the Roman people by all the 
 gods, and by the league which he had entered into at Rome, 
 t<5 see his will executed. One of the copies of his will was 
 conveyed to Rome by his embassadors to be deposited in the 
 treasury, but the public troubles preventing it, it was lodged 
 with Pompey : another was left sealed up, and kept at Alex- 
 andria. 
 
 CHAP. CIX. While these things were debated before 
 Caesar, and he was very anxious to settle the royal disputes 
 as a common friend and arbitrator; news was brought on 
 a sudden that the king's army and all his cavalry, were on 
 their march to Alexandria. Caesar's forces were by no means 
 so strong that he could trust to them, if he had occasion to 
 hazard a battle without the town. His only resource was to 
 keep within the town in the most convenient places, and get 
 information of Achillas's designs. However he ordered his 
 soldiers to repair to their arms ; and advised the king to send 
 some of his friends, who had the greatest influence, as deputies 
 to Achillas, and to signify his royal pleasure. Dioscorides and 
 Serapion, the persons sent by him, who had both been em- 
 bassadors at Rome, and had been in great esteem with 
 Ptolemy the father, went to Achillas. But as soon as they 
 appeared in his presence, without hearing them, or learning 
 the occasion of their coming, he ordered them to be seized and 
 put to death. One of them, after receiving a wound, was 
 taken up and carried off by his attendants as dead : the other 
 was killed on the spot. Upon this, Caesar took care to secure 
 the king's person, both suppgsing that the king's name 
 would have a great influence with his subjects, and to give 
 the war the appearance of the scheme of a few desperate 
 men, rather than of having been begun by the king's con- 
 sent. 
 
 CHAP. CX. The forces under Achillas did not seem des- 
 picable, either for number, spirit, or military experience ; for 
 he had twenty thousand men under arms. They consisted
 
 878 CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK in. 
 
 partly of Gabinius's soldiers, who were now become habituated 
 to the licentious mode of living at Alexandria, and had forgot- 
 ten the name and discipline of the Roman people, and had 
 married wives there, by whom the greatest part of them had 
 children. To these was added a collection of highwaymen, 
 and freebooters, from Syria, and the province of Cilicia, aud 
 the adjacent countries. Besides several convicts and trans- 
 ports had been collected : for at Alexandria all our runaway 
 slaves were sure of finding protection for their persons on the 
 condition that they should give in their names, and enlist as 
 soldiers : and if any of them was apprehended by his master, 
 he was rescued by a crowd of his fellow soldiers, who being 
 involved in the same guilt, repelled, at the hazard of their 
 lives, every violence offered to any of their body. These by a 
 prescriptive privilege of the Alexandrian army, used to demand 
 the king's favorites to be put to death, pillage the properties 
 of the rich to increase their pay, invest the king's palace, 
 banish some from the kingdom, and recall others from exile. 
 Besides these, there were two thousand horse, who had 
 acquired the skill of veterans by being in several wars in 
 Alexandria. These had restored Ptolemy the father to his 
 kingdom, had killed Bibulus's two sons ; and had been 
 engaged in war with the Egyptians ; such was their experience 
 iu military affairs. 
 
 CHAP. CXI. Full of confidence in his troops, and despising 
 the small number of Caesar's soldiers, Achillas seized Alexan- 
 dria, except that part of the town which Caesar occupied with 
 his troops. At first he attempted to force the palace ; but 
 Caesar had disposed his cohorts through the streets, and 
 repelled his attack. At the same time there was an action at 
 the port : where the contest was maintained with the greatest 
 obstinacy. 1 For the forces were divided, and the fight 
 maintained in several streets at once, and the enemy endeav- 
 ored to seize with a strong .party the ships of war ; of which 
 fifty had been sent to Pompey's assistance, but after the battle 
 in Thessaly, had returned home. They were all of either three 
 or five banks of oars, well equipped and appointed with every 
 necessary for a voyage. Besides these, there Avere twenty-two 
 vessels with decks, which were usually kept at Alexandria, to 
 
 1 Otherwise thus, " and that action was productive of by far the greatest 
 danger."
 
 CHAP. OXL THE CIVIL "WAE. 379 
 
 guard the port. If they made themselves masters of these, 
 Caesar being deprived of his fleet, they would have the com- 
 mand of the port and whole sea, and could prevent him from 
 procuring provisions and auxiliaries. Accordingly that spirit 
 was displayed, which ought to be displayed when the one 
 party saw that a speedy victory depended on the issue, and 
 the other their safety. But Caesar gained the day, and set 
 fire to all those ships, and to others which were in the docks, 
 because .he could not guard so many places with so small a 
 force ; and immediately he conveyed some troops to the Pharos 
 by his ships. 
 
 CHAP. CXII. The Pharos is a tower on an island, of pro- 
 digious height, built with amazing works, and takes its name 
 from the island. This island lying over against Alexandria, 
 forms a harbor ; but on the upper side it is connected with 
 the town by a narrow way eight hundred paces in length, 
 made by piles sunk in the sea, and by a bridge. In this island 
 some of the Egyptians have houses, and a village as large as a 
 town; and whatever ships from any quarter, either through 
 mistaking the channel, or by the storm, have been driven 
 from their course upon the coast, they constantly plunder 
 h'ke pirates. And without the consent of those who are 
 masters of the Pharos, no vessels cau enter the harbor, on 
 account of its narrowness. Caesar being greatly alarmed 
 on this account, while the enemy were engaged in battle, 
 landed his soldiers, seized the Pharos, and placed a garrison 
 in it. By this means he gained this point, that he could be 
 supplied without danger with corn, and auxiliaries ; for he 
 sent to all the neighboring countries, to demand supplies. 
 In other parts of the town, they fought so obstinately, that 
 they quitted the field with equal advantage, and neither were 
 beaten (in consequence of the narrowness of the passes) ; and 
 a few being killed on both sides, Caesar secured the most ne- 
 cessary posts, and fortified them in the night. In this quarter 
 of the town was a wing of the king's palace, in which Caesar 
 was lodged on his first arrival, and a theater adjoining the 
 house which served as for citadel, and commanded an avenue 
 to the ports and other docks. These fortifications he increased 
 during the succeeding days, that he might have them before 
 him as a rampart, and not be obliged to fight against his will. 
 In the mean time Ptolemy's younger daughter, hoping the
 
 380 CESAR'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK in. 
 
 throne would become vacant, made her escape from the palace 
 to Achillas, and assisted him in prosecuting the War. But they 
 scon quareled about the command, which circumstance en- 
 larged the presents to the soldiers, for each endeavored by 
 great sacrifices to secure their affection. While the enemy was 
 thus employed, Pothinus, tutor to the young king, and regent 
 of the kingdom, who was in Caesar's part of the town, sent mes- 
 sengers to Achillas, and encouraged him not to desist from his 
 enterprise, nor to despair of success ; but his messengers being 
 discovered and apprehended, he was put to death by Csesar. 
 Such was the commencement of the Alexandrian war.
 
 THE 
 
 ALEXANDRIAN WAR. 
 
 THE ARGUMENT 
 
 I. Csesar begins to lay siege to Alexandria. II.-IH. The inhabitants make 
 a vigorous defense. IV.-VI. Csesar gets possession of the person of 
 King Ptolemy ; Arsinoe seizes the sovereign power, and puts Achillas 
 to death ; Ganymedes prepares to cut off the supply of water from 
 Caesar's troops. VII.-IX. Caesar relieves their anxiety by sinking wells, 
 which furnish a copious supply. X.-XVIII. Is successful in a naval 
 engagement, and makes himself master of the Pharos. XIX.-XXI. 
 He suffers severely in an attack on the bridge and mole. XXII.-XXV. 
 Eestores the young king to the Alexandrians at their earnest request, 
 who treacherously renews the war : Euphranor, the Ehodian, distin- 
 guished for his bravery and knowledge of naval tactics, falls in action. 
 XXVI.-XXXI. Mithridates of Pergamus brings assistance to Caesar, 
 takes Pelusiam by stornij and defeats the Egyptian troops ; whose king 
 is conquered by Csesar m a bloody battle, and drowned in the Nile. 
 XXXII., XXXIII. Caesar, on gaining possession of Alexandria, confers 
 the supreme authority on the younger Ptolemy and Cleopatra : he de- 
 thrones Arsinoe and proceeds to Syria. XXXI.-XLI. In the mean 
 timej Deiotarus, king of Armenia, requests assistance from Domitins 
 Calvmus against Pharnaces ; the .Roman army is defeated, and forced 
 to retreat into Asia : Pharnaces takes possession of Pontus, and treats 
 the Roman citizens with great cruelty. XLII.-XLVII. Galinius march- 
 es to support Cornificius, who commanded for Csesar in Illyricum, and 
 suffers severe loss : Vatinius, by defeating Octavius, Pompey's general, 
 restores Caesar's influence in that province. XLVIII.-LXIV. Cassius 
 Longinus propraetor in Spain, makes himself generally detested by his 
 avarice : a conspiracy is formed against him, from which he with diffi- 
 culty escapes : a mutiny breaks out among a division of the soldiers on 
 the march to Africa, and Cassius. being afraid to intrust his personal 
 safety to Marcellns, Lepidus, and Trebonius, flees from Spain, and is 
 drowned in the Ebro. LXV.-LXyiH. Csesar arranges the affairs of 
 Syria, Cilicia, Asia, and Cappadocia : he confers the guardianship of, 
 the temple of Bellona, in the latter country, on Lycomedes, the Bithy- 
 nian ; he pardons Deiotarus, the tetrarch of Gallogrsecia, who had es-
 
 382 HffiTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. n. 
 
 poused Pompey's party. LXIX.-LXXVIII. He speedily conquers 
 Pharnaces, who acted with great treachery, and recovers Pontus : he 
 creates Mithridates of Pergamus, king of Pontus, and tetrarch of Gallo- 
 grsecia : lie suddenly embarks 1'or Italy. 
 
 CHAP. I. When the war broke out at Alexandria, Caesar 
 sen* to Rhodes, Syria, and Cilicia, for all his fleet; and 
 summoned archers from Crete, and cavalry from Malchus, king 
 of the Nabatheans. 1 He likewise ordered military engines to 
 be provided, corn to be brought, and forces dispatched to him. 
 Meanwhile he daily strengthened his fortifications by new 
 works ; and such parts of the town as appeared less tenable 
 were strengthened with* testudos and mantelets Openings 
 were made in the walls, through which the battering-rams 
 might play ; and the fortifications were extended over what- 
 ever space was covered with ruins, or taken by force. For 
 Alexandria is in a manner secure from fire, because the houses 
 are all built without joists or wood, and are all vaulted, and 
 roofed with tile or pavement. Caesar's principal aim Avas, to 
 inclose with works the smallest part of the town, separated 
 from the rest by a morass toward the south : with these views, 
 first, that as the city was divided into two parts, the army 
 should be commanded by one general and one council ; in -the 
 second place, that he might be able to succor his troops when 
 hard pressed, and carry aid from the other part of the city. 
 Above all, he by this means made sure of water and forage, 
 as he was but ill provided with the one, and wholly destitute 
 of the other. The morass, on the contrary, served abundantly 
 to supply him with both. 
 
 CHAP. II. Nor were the Alexandrians remiss on their side, 
 or less active in the conduct of their affairs. For they had 
 sent deputies and commissioners into all parts, where the 
 powers and territories of Egypt extend, to levy troops. They 
 had carried vast quantities of darts and engines into the town, 
 and drawn together an innumerable multitude of soldiers. 
 Nevertheless workshops were established in every part of the 
 
 1 Strabo and Pliny give the name of Nabathaea to Arabia Petraea. 
 They are said to have derived their origin and name from Nabaioth, 
 the eldest son of Ismael. Malchus, their king, subsequently sent aux- 
 iliaries to Pacorua, the king of the Parthians, for which act he was com- 
 pelled by Ventidius, Mark Antony's lieutenant, to give a large sum of 
 money.
 
 CHAP. IT. THE ALEXANDRIAN WAR. 383 
 
 city, for the making of arms. They enlisted all the slaves that 
 were of age ; and the richer citizens supplied them with food 
 and pay. By a judicious disposition of this multitude, they 
 guarded the fortifications in the remoter parts of the town ; 
 while they quartered the veteran cohorts, which were exeirpted 
 from all other service, in the squares and open places; that 
 on whatever side an attack should be jnade, they might be at 
 hand to give relief, and march fresh to the charge. They shut 
 up all the avenues and passes by a triple wall built of square 
 stones, and carried to the height of forty feet. They defended 
 the lower parts of the town by very high towers of ten stories : 
 besides which, they had likewise contrived a kind of moving 
 towers, which consisted of the same number of stories, and 
 which being fitted with ropes and wheels, could, by means of 
 horses, as the streets of Alexandria were quite even and level, 
 be conveyed wherever their service was necessary. 
 
 CHAP. III. Th city abounding in every thing, and being 
 very rich, furnished ample materials for these several works ; 
 and as the people were extremely ingenious, and quick of ap- 
 prehension, they so well copied what they saw done by us that 
 our men seemed rather to imitate their works. They even in- 
 vented many things themselves, and attacked our works, at the 
 same time that they defended their own. Their chiefs every 
 where represented : " That the people of Rome were endeavor- 
 ing by degrees to assume the possession of Egypt ; that a few 
 years before Gabinius 1 had come thither with an army ; that 
 Pompey had retreated to the same place in his flight ; that Cae- 
 sar was now among them with a considerable body of troops, nor 
 had they gained any thing by Pompey's death ; that Caesar 
 should not prolong his stay ; that if they did not find means to 
 expel him, the kingdom would be reduced to a Roman prov- 
 ince : and that they ought to do it at once, for he, blockaded by 
 the storms on account of the season of the year, could receive 
 no supplies from beyond the sea." 
 
 CHAP. IV. Meanwhile, a division arising between Achillas, 
 who commanded the veteran army, and Arsinoe, the youngest 
 
 1 Ptolemy, king of Egypt, being driven from his throne by his subjects, 
 requested the Romans to re-instate him. The latter, in compliance with 
 his request, sent an army, and completely defeated Berenice and Arehe- 
 laus, who had usurped the sovereign power, A.u.0. 689, about seven years 
 before the present war.
 
 384 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES.. CHAP. n. 
 
 daughter of king Ptolemy, as has been mentioned above, 
 while they mutually endeavored to supplant one another, 
 each striving to engross the supreme authority, Arsinoe, by the 
 assistance of the eunuch Ganymed, her governor, at length 
 prevailed, and slew Achillas. After his death, she possessed 
 the whole power without a rival, and raised Ganymed to the 
 command of the army ; who, on his entrance upon that hi"-h 
 office, augmented the largesses of the troops, and with equal 
 diligence discharged all other parts of his duty. 
 
 CHAP. V. Alexandria is almost quite hollow underneath, 
 occasioned by the many aqueducts to the Nile,' that furnish 
 the private houses with water ; where being received in cisterns, 
 it settles by degrees, and becomes perfectly clear. The master 
 and his family are accustomed to use this : for the water of the 
 Nile being extremely thick and muddy, is apt to breed many 
 distempers. The common people, however, are forced to bo 
 contented with the latter, because there is npt a single spring 
 in the whole city. The river was in that part of the town which 
 Avas in the possession of the Alexandrians. By which circum- 
 stance Ganymed was reminded that our men might be de- 
 prived of water ; because being distributed into several streets, 
 for the more easy defense of the works, they made use of that 
 which was preserved in the aqueducts and the cisterns of 
 private huses. 
 
 CHAP. VI. With this view he began a great and difficult 
 
 1 The river Nile was the largest river in the world known to the an- 
 cients. It derived its name from the Hebrew word Nachal, or Nahal, 
 signifying merely "the river," and hence, in the book of Exodus it is 
 mentioned only under this appellation. It was also called Siris by the 
 ^Ethiopians ; and we find it mentioned by the prophet Jeremiah, as the 
 Sihor ; it was surnamed ^Egyptus, from its being the great fertilizer of 
 the country. The most interesting phenomenon connected with the Nile, 
 is its periodical inundation, upon which all the vaunted fertility of Egypt 
 entirely depends ; without it, the whole country, excepting such parts as 
 are immediately on the banks of the river or on the innumerable canals, 
 with which the natives have endeavored to supply the want of rain, 
 would be no better than the rest of the Libyan desert. The ancients, who 
 witnessed the inundation of this river, exhausted their imagination in con- 
 jectures as to its cause, and it is only of late years that it has been ascer- 
 tained to arise from the periodical rains, which fall in the tropical regions 
 from June to September, assisted by the etesian winds, which blow 
 violently from the north-east, and thus hinder the waters from throwing 
 themselves with their usual volume into the sea. Arrowsruith'a Ancient 
 Geography.
 
 CHAP. VIIL THE ALEXANDRIAN WAR. 385 
 
 work ; for having stopped up all the canals by which his own 
 cisterns were supplied, he drew vast quantities of water out of 
 the sea, by the help of wheels and other engines, pouring it 
 continually into the canals of Caesar's quarter. The cisterns 
 in the nearest houses soon began to taste salter than ordinary, 
 and occasioned great wonder among the men, who could not 
 think from what cause it proceeded. They were even ready to 
 disbelieve their senses when those who were quartered a little 
 lower in the town assured them that they found the water the 
 same as before. This put them upon comparing the cisterns 
 one with another, and by trial they easily perceived the differ- 
 ence. But in a little time the water in the nearest houses 
 became quite unfit for use, and that lower down grew daily 
 more tainted and brackish. 
 
 CHAP. VII. All doubt being removed by this circumstance, 
 such a terror ensued among the troops that they fancied them- 
 selves reduced to the last extremity. Some complained of Cae- 
 sar's delay, that he did not order them immediately to repair to 
 their ships. Others dreaded a yet greater misfortune, as it 
 would be impossible to conceal their design of retreating from 
 the Alexandrians, who were so near them ; and no less so to 
 embark in the face of a vigorous and pursuing enemy. There 
 were besides a groat number of the townsmen in Caesar's quar- 
 ter, whom he had not thought proper to force from their houses, 
 because they openly pretended to be in his interest, and to have 
 quitted the party of their fellow-citizens. But to offer here a 
 defense either of the sincerity or conduct of these Alexandrians, 
 would be only labor in vain, since all who know the genius and 
 temper of the people must be satisfied that they are the 'fittest 
 instruments in the world for treason. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. Caesar labored to remove his soldiers' fears by 
 encouraging and reasoning with them. For he affirmed " that 
 they might easily find fresh water by digging wells, as all sea- 
 coasts naturally abounded with fresh springs : that if Egypt was 
 singular in this respect, and differed from every other soil, yet 
 still, as the sea was open, and the enemy without a fleet, there 
 was nothing to hinder their fetching it at pleasure in their 
 ships, either from Paraetonium 1 on the left, or from the 
 
 1 A city and harbor of Egypt, situated ou the Gampic branch of the 
 Nilo, called at present Porto Rassa. 
 
 11
 
 386 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. x. 
 
 island 1 on the right ; and as their two voyages were in different 
 directions, they could not be prevented by adverse winds at the 
 same time ; that a retreat was on no account to be thought of, 
 not only by those that had a concern for their honor, but even 
 by such as regarded nothing but life ; that it was with the ut- 
 most difficulty they could defend themselves behind their 
 works ; but if they once quitted that advantage, neither in 
 number or situation would they be a match for the enemy : 
 that to embark would require much time, and be attended with 
 great danger, especially where it must be managed by little 
 boats : that the Alexandrians, on the contrary, were nimble and 
 active, and thoroughly acquainted with the streets and build- 
 ings ; that, moreover, when flushed with victory, they would 
 not fail to run before, seize all the advantageous posts, possess 
 themselves of the tops of the houses, and by annoying them in 
 their retreat, effectually prevent their getting on board ; that 
 they must therefore think no more of retreating, but place all 
 their hopes of safety in victory." 
 
 CHAP. IX. Having by this speech re-assured his men, he 
 ordered the centurions to lay aside all other works, and apply 
 themselves day and night to the digging of wells. The work 
 once begun, and the minds of all aroused to exertion, they 
 exerted themselves so vigorously that in the very first night 
 abundance of fresh water was found. Thus, with no great labor 
 on our side, the mighty projects and painful attempts of the 
 Alexandrians were entirely frustrated. Within these two days 
 the thirty-seventh legion, composed of Pompey's veterans that 
 had surrendered to Caesar, embarking by order of Domitius 
 Calvinus, with arms, darts, provisions, and military engines, 
 arrived upon the coast of Africa, a little above Alexandria. 
 These ships were hindered from gaining the port by an 
 easterly wind, which continued to blow for several days ; but 
 all along that coast it is very safe to ride at anchor. Being 
 detained, however, longer than they expected, and distressed 
 by want of water, they gave notice of it to Caesar, by a 
 dispatch sloop. 
 
 CHAP. X. Caesar, that he might himself be able to de- 
 termine what was best to be done, went on board one of the 
 
 1 This island is Pharos, of which Csesar gave a description at the end 
 of the last book.
 
 CHAP. xi. THE ALEXANDRIAN "WAR. 38Y 
 
 ships in the harbor, and ordered the whole fleet to follow. 
 He took none of the land forces with him, because he was 
 unwilling to leave the works unguarded during his absence. 
 Being arrived at that part of the coast known by the name of 
 Chersonesus, 1 he sent some mariners on shore to fetch water. 
 Some of these venturing too far into the country for the sake 
 of plunder, were intercepted by the enemy's horse. From 
 them the Egyptians learned that Caesar himself was on board, 
 without any soldiers. Upon this information, they thought for- 
 tune had thrown in their way a good opportunity of attempting 
 something with success. They therefore manned all the ships 
 that they had ready for sea, and met Caesar on his return. 
 He declined fighting that day, for two reasons, first, because 
 he had no soldiers on board, and secondly, because it was past 
 four in the afternoon. The night, he was sensible, must be 
 highly advantageous to his enemies, who depended on their 
 knowledge of the coast, while he would be deprived of the 
 benefit of encouraging his men, .which could not be done 
 with any effect in the dark, where courage and cowardice must 
 remain equally unknown. Csesar, therefore, drew all his ships 
 toward the shore, where he imagined the enemy would not fol- 
 low him. 
 
 CHAP. XI. There was one Rhodian galley in Caesar's right 
 wing, considerably distant from the rest. The enemy observ- 
 ing this, could not restrain themselves, but came forward with 
 four-decked ships, and several open barks, to attack her. Caesar 
 was obliged to advance to her relief, that he might not suffer 
 the disgrace of seeing one of his galleys sunk before his eyes ; 
 though, had he left her to perish, he judged that she deserved 
 it for her rashness. The attack was sustained with great 
 courage by the Rhodians, who, though at all times distin- 
 guished by their valor and experience in engagements at sea, 
 yet exerted themselves in a particular manner on this occasion, 
 that they might not draw upon themselves the charge of having 
 occasioned a misfortune to the fleet. Accordingly they ob- 
 tained a complete victory, took one four-banked galley, sunk 
 another, disabled a third, and slew all that were on board, be- 
 sides a great number of the combatants belonging to the other 
 ships. Nay, had not night interposed, Caesar would have made 
 
 1 This Chersonesus is placed by Ptolemy about seven leagues to the 
 west of Alexandria.
 
 388 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. xm. 
 
 himself master of their whole fleet. During the consternation 
 that followed upon this defeat, Caesar, finding the contrary 
 -winds to abate, took the transports in tow, and advanced with 
 the victorious fleet to Alexandria. 
 
 CHAP. XII. The Alexandrians, disheartened at this loss, 
 since they found themselves now worsted, not by the superior 
 valor of the soldiers, but by the skill and ability of the marin- 
 ers, retired to the tops of their houses, and blocked up the 
 entrances of their streets, as if they feared our fleet might at- 
 tack them even by land. But soon after, Ganymed assuring 
 them in council, that he would not only restore the vessels they 
 had lost, but even increase their number, they began to repair 
 their old ships with great expectation and confidence, and re- 
 solved to apply more than ever to the putting their fleet in a 
 good condition. And although they had lost above a hundred 
 and ten ships in the port and arsenal, yet they did not relinquish 
 the idea of repairing their fleet; because, by making them- 
 selves masters of the sea, they saw they would have it in their 
 power to hinder Caesar's receiving any reinforcements or sup- 
 plies. Besides, being mariners, born upon the sea-coast, and 
 exercised from their infancy in naval affairs, they were desirous 
 to return to that wherein their true and proper strength lay, re- 
 membering the advantages they had formerly gained, even with 
 their little ships. They therefore applied themselves with all 
 diligence to the equipping a fleet. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. Vessels were stationed at all the mouths of 
 the Nile, for receiving and gathering in the customs. Several 
 old ships were likewise lodged in the king's private arsenals, 
 which had not put to sea for many years. These last they 
 refitted, and recalled the former to Alexandria. Oars were 
 wanting ; they uncovered the porticos, academies, and public 
 buildings, and made use of the planks they furnished for oars. 
 Their natural ingenuity, and the abundance of all things to be 
 met with in the city, supplied every want. In fine, they had 
 no long navigation to provide for, and were only solicitous 
 about present exigences, foreseeing they would have no occa- 
 sion to fight but in the port. In a few days, therefore, contrary 
 to all expectation, they had fitted out twenty-two quadriremes, 
 and five quinqueremes. To these they added a great number of 
 small open barks ; and after testing the efficiency of each in 
 the harbor, put a sufficient number of soldiers on board, and
 
 CHAP. rv. THE ALEXANDRIAN WAR. 389 
 
 prepared every thing necessary for an engagement. Caesar had 
 nine Rhodian galleys (for of the ten which were sent, one was 
 shipwrecked on the coast of Egypt), eight from Pontus, five 
 from Lycia, and twelve from Asia. Of these, ten were quadri- 
 remes, and five quinquerimes ; the rest were smaller, and for 
 the most part without decks. Yet, trusting to the valor of 
 his soldiers, and being acquainted with the strength of the 
 enemy, he prepared for an engagement. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. When both sides were come to have sufficienr 
 confidence in their own strength, Caesar sailed round Pharos, 
 and formed in line of battle opposite to the enemy. He placed 
 the Rhodian galleys on his right wing, and those of Pontus 
 on his left. Between these he left a space of four hundred 
 paces, to allow for extending and working the vessels. This 
 disposition being made, he drew up the rest of the fleet as 
 a reserve, giving them the necessary orders, and distributing 
 them in such a manner that every ship followed that to which 
 she was appointed to give succor. The Alexandrians brought 
 out their fleet with great confidence, and drew it up, placing 
 their twenty-two quadriremes in front, and disposing the rest 
 behind them in a second line, by way of reserve. They had 
 besides a great number of boats and smaller vessels, which car- 
 ried fire and combustibles, with the intention of intimidating 
 us by their number, cries, and flaming darts. Between the 
 two fleets were certain flats, separated by very narrow channels, 
 and which are said to be on the African coast, as being in that 
 division of Alexandria which belongs to Africa. Both sides 
 waited which should first pass these shallows, because whoever 
 entered the narrow channels between them, in case of any mis- 
 fortune, would be impeded both in retreating and working their 
 ships to advantage. 
 
 CHAP. XV. Euphranor commanded the Rhodian fleet, who 
 for valor and greatness of mind deserved to be ranked among 
 our own men rather than the Grecians. The Rhodians had 
 raised him to the post of admiral, on account of his known 
 courage and experience. He, perceiving Caesar's design, ad- 
 dressed him to this effect : " You seem afraid of passing the 
 shallow first, lest you should be thereby forced to come to an 
 engagement, before you can bring up th rest of the fleet. 
 Leave the matter to us ; we will sustain the fight (and we will 
 not disappoint your expectations), until the whole fleet gets
 
 390 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. xvi. 
 
 clear of the shallows. It is both dishonorable and afflicting 
 that they should so long continue in our sight with an air of 
 triumph." Caesar, encouraging him in his design, and bestow- 
 ing many praises upon him, gave the signal for engaging. 
 Four Rhodian ships having passed the shallows, the Alexan- 
 drians gathered round and attacked them. They maintained 
 the fight with great courage, disengaging themselves by their 
 art and address, and working their ships with so much skill, 
 that notwithstanding the inequality of number, none of the 
 enemy were suffered to run alongside, or break their oars. 
 Meantime the rest of the fleet came up ; when, on account of 
 the narrowness of the place, art became useless, and the con- 
 test depended entirely upon valor. Nor was there at Alex- 
 andria a single Roman or citizen who remained engaged in 
 the attack or defense, but mounted the tops of the houses and 
 all the eminences that would give a view of the fight, address- 
 ing the gods by vows and prayers for victory. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. The event of the battle was by no means 
 equal ; a defeat would have deprived us of all resources either 
 by land or sea; and even if we were victorious, the future 
 would be uncertain. The Alexandrians, on the contrary, by a 
 victory gained every thing ; and if defeated, might yet again 
 have recourse to fortune. It was likewise a matter of the 
 highest concern to see the safety of all depend upon a few, of 
 whom, if any were deficient in resolution and energy, they 
 would expose their whole party to destruction. This Caesar 
 had often represented to his troops during the preceding days, 
 that they might be thereby induced to fight with the more 
 resolution, when they knew the common safety to depend upon 
 their bravery. Every man said the same to his comrade, com- 
 panion, and friend, beseeching him not to disappoint the ex- 
 pectation of those who had chosen him in preference to others 
 for the defense of the common interest. Accordingly, they 
 fought with so much resolution, that neither the art nor ad- 
 dress of the Egyptians, a maritime and seafaring people, could 
 avail them, nor the multitude of their ships be of service to 
 them ; nor the valor of those selected for this engagement be 
 compared to the determined courage of the Romans. In this 
 action a quinquereme was taken, and a bireme, with all the 
 soldiers and mariners on board, besides three sunk, without 
 any loss on our side. The rest fled toward the town, and
 
 CHAP. XYIIL THE ALEXANDRIAN WAR. 391 
 
 protecting their ships under the iqole and forte, prevented us 
 from approaching. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. To deprive the enemy of this resource for 
 the future, Caesar thought it by all means necessary to render 
 himself master of the mole and island ; for having already in 
 a great measure completed his works within the town, he was 
 in hopes of being able to defend himself both in the island and 
 city. This resolution being taken, he put into boats and 
 small vessels ten cohorts, a select body of light-armed infantry, 
 and such of the Gallic cavalry as he thought fittest for his 
 purpose, and sent them against the island ; while, at the same 
 time, to create a diversion, he attacked it on the other with 
 his fleet, promising great rewards to those who should first 
 render themselves masters of it. At first, the enemy firmly 
 withstood the impetuosity of our men ; for they both annoyed 
 them from the tops of the houses, and gallantly maintained 
 their ground along the shore ; to which being steep and 
 craggy, our men could find no way of approach ; the more 
 accessible avenues being skillfully defended by small boats, and 
 five galleys, prudently stationed for that purpose. But when 
 after examining the approaches, and sounding the shallows, a 
 few of our men got a footing upon the shore, and were fol- 
 lowed by others, who pushed the islanders, without intermis- 
 sion ; the Pharians at last betook themselves to flight. On 
 their defeat, the rest abandoning the defense of the port, quitted 
 their ships, and retired into the- town, to provide for the security 
 of their houses 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. But they could not long maintain their 
 ground there: though, to compare small things with great, 
 their buildings were not unlike those of Alexandria, and their 
 towers were high, and joined together so as to form a kind of 
 wall ; and our men had not come prepared with ladders, 
 fascines, or any weapons for assault. But fear often deprives 
 men of intellect and counsel, and weakens their strength, as 
 happened upon this occasion. Those who had ventured to 
 oppose us on even ground, terrified by the loss of a few men, 
 and the general rout, durst not face us from a height of thirty 
 feet ; but throwing themselves from the mole into the sea, en- 
 deavored to gain the town, though above eight hundred paces 
 distant. Many however were slain, and about six hundred 
 taken.
 
 392 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. xx. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. Caesar, giving up the plunder to the soldiers, 
 ordered the houses to be demolished, but fortified the castle 
 at the end of the bridge next the island, and placed a garri- 
 son in it. This the Pharians had abandoned ; but the other, 
 toward the town, which was considerably stronger, was still 
 held by the Alexandrians. Caesar attacked it next day ; 
 because by getting possession of these two forts, he would be 
 entirely master of the port, and prevent sudden excursions and 
 piracies. Already he had, by means of his arrows and engines, 
 forced the garrison to abandon the place, and retire toward 
 the town. He had also landed three cohorts which was all 
 the place would contain ; the rest of his troops were stationed 
 in their ships. This being done, he orders them to fortify 
 the bridge against the enemy, and to fill with stones and block 
 up the arch on which the bridge was built, through which 
 there was egress for the ships. When one of these works was 
 accomplished so effectually, that no boat could pass out at all, 
 and when the other was commenced, the Alexandrians sallied, 
 in crowds from the town, and drew up in an open place, over 
 against the intrenchment we had cast up at the head of the 
 bridge. At the same time they stationed at the mole the vessels 
 which they had been wont to make pass under the bridge, to set 
 fire to our ships of burden. Our men fought from the bridge 
 and the mole ; the enemy from the space, opposite to the bridge, 
 and from their ships, by the side of the mole. 
 
 CHAP. XX. While C<esar was engaged in these things, 
 and in exhorting his troops, a number of rowers and mariners, 
 quitting their ships, threw themselves upon the mole, partly 
 out of curiosity, partly to have a share in the action. At first, 
 with stones and slings, they forced the enemy's ships from the 
 mole ; and seemed to do still greater execution with their 
 darts. But when, some time after, a few Alexandrians found 
 means to land, and attack them in flank, as they had left their 
 ships without order or discipline, so they soon began to flee, 
 with precipitation. The Alexandrians, encouraged by this 
 success, landed in great numbers, and vigorously pressed upon 
 our men, who were, by this time, in great confusion. Those that 
 remained in the galleys perceiving this, drew up the ladders 
 and put off from the shore, to prevent the enemy's boarding 
 them. Our soldiers who belonged to the three cohorts, which 
 were at the head of the mole to guard the bridge, astonished
 
 CHAP. xxii. THE ALEXANDRIAN -WAR. 393 
 
 at this disorder, the cries they heard behind them, and the 
 general rout of their party, unable besides to bear up against 
 the great number of darts which came pouring upon them, and 
 fearing to be surrounded, and have their retreat cut off, by the 
 departure of then- ships, abandoned the fortifications which 
 they had commenced at the bridge, and ran, with all the speed 
 they could, toward the galleys : some getting on board the 
 nearest vessels, overloaded and sank them : part, resisting the 
 enemy, and uncertain what course to take, were cut to 
 pieces by the Alexandrians. Others, more fortunate, got to 
 the ships that rode at anchor ; and a few, supported by their 
 bucklers, making a determined struggle, swam to the nearest 
 vessels. 
 
 CHAP. XXI Caesar, endeavoring to re-animate his men, and 
 lead them back to the defense of the works, was exposed to the 
 same danger as the rest ; when, finding them universally to 
 give ground, he retreated to his own galley, whither such a 
 multitude followed and crowded after him, that it was impossi- 
 ble either to work or put her off. Foreseeing what must hap- 
 pen, he flung himself into the sea, and swam to the ships that 
 lay at some distance. Hence dispatching boats to succor his 
 men, he, by that means, preserved a small number. His own 
 ship, being sunk by the multitude that crowded into her, went 
 down with all that were on board. About four hundred legion- 
 ary soldiers, and somewhat above that number of sailors and 
 rowers, were lost in this action. The Alexandrians secured the 
 fort by strong works, and a great number of engines ; and hav- 
 ing cleared away the stones with which Caesar had blocked up 
 the port, enjoyed henceforward a free and open navigation. 
 
 CHAP. XXH. Our men were so far from being disheartened 
 at this loss, that they seemed rather roused and animated by 
 it. They made continual sallies upon the enemy, to destroy 
 or check the progress of their works ; fell upon them as often 
 as they had an opportunity ; and never failed to intercept them, 
 when they ventured to advance beyond their fortifications. In 
 short, the legions were so bent upon fighting, that they even 
 exceeded the orders and exhortations of Caesar. They were 
 inconsolable for their late disgrace, and impatient to come to 
 blows with the enemy ; insomuch, that he found it necessary 
 rather to restrain and check their ardor, than incite them to 
 action. 
 
 17*
 
 394 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. xxiv. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. The Alexandrians, perceiving that success 
 confirmed the Romans, and that adverse fortune only animated 
 them the more, as they knew of no medium between these on 
 which to ground any further hopes, resolved, as far as we can 
 conjecture, either by the advice of the friends of their king who 
 were in Caesar's quarter, or of their own previous design, inti- 
 mated to the king by secret emissaries, to send embassadors to 
 Caesar to request him, " To dismiss their king and suffer him 
 to rejoin his subjects ; that the people, weary of subjection 
 to a woman, of living under a precarious government, and 
 submitting to the cruel laws of the tyrant Granymed, were 
 ready to execute the orders of the king : and if by his sanction 
 they should embrace the alliance and protection of Caesar, the 
 multitude would not be deterred from surrendering by the fear 
 of danger." 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. Though Caesar knew the nation to be false 
 and perfidious, seldom speaking as they really thought, yet 
 he judged it best to comply with their desire. He even 
 flattered himself, that his condescension in sending back their 
 king at their request, would prevail on them to be faithful ; or, 
 as was more agreeable to their character, if they only wanted 
 the king to head their army, at least it would be more for his 
 honor 1 and credit to have to do with a monarch than with a 
 band of slaves and fugitives. Accordingly, he exhorted the 
 king, "To take the government into his own hands, and 
 consult the welfare of so fair and illustrious a kingdom, 
 defaced by hideous ruins and conflagrations. To make his 
 subjects sensible of their duty, preserve them from the destruc- 
 tion that threatened them, and act with fidelity toward him- 
 self and the Romans, who put so much confidence in him, as 
 
 1 Dion assigns a different motive for Caesar's conduct on this occasion ; 
 his words are as follows : " Caesar thought that the ^Egyptians had really 
 changed their minds (for he had heard that they were cowardly and 
 fickle), and imagined that they were intimidated by their losses. Being 
 unwilling to appear averse to peace, although they might have treache- 
 rous intentions, he said that he would comply with their wishes, and then 
 sent Ptolemy to them, from whom he thought that he had nothing to fear 
 on account of hia youth and neglected education. He was in hopes also 
 that the Egyptians would agree to a peace on his own terms, or if they 
 should not, that he could with more justice defeat and subject them, and 
 it would also furnish him with a plausible pretext for conferring the sove- 
 reign power on Cleopatra For he never suspected that he would be 
 conquered by them, especially after the late increase to his army."
 
 CHAP. xxv. THE ALEXANDRIAN WAR. 395 
 
 to send him among armed enemies." Then taking him by 
 the hand, he dismissed the young prince who was fast approach- 
 ing manhood. But his mind being thoroughly versed in the 
 art of dissimulation, and no way degenerating from the char- 
 acter of his nation, he entreated Caesar with tears not to send 
 him back ; for that his company was to him preferable to a 
 kingdom. Caesar, moved at his concern, dried up his tears ; 
 and telling him, if these were his real sentiments, they would 
 soon meet again, dismissed him. The king, like a wild beast 
 escaped out of confinement, carried on the war with such 
 acrimony against Caesar, that the tears he shed at parting 
 seemed to have been tears of joy. Caesar's lieutenants, friends, 
 centurions, and soldiers, were delighted that this had happened ; 
 because his easiness of temper had been, imposed upon by a 
 child : as if in truth Caesar's behavior on this occasion had 
 been the effect of easiness of temper, and not of the most con- 
 summate prudence. 
 
 CHAP. XXV. When the Alexandrians found that on the 
 recovery of their king, neither had they become stronger, nor 
 the Romans weaker ; that the troops despised the youth and 
 weakness of their king ; and that their affairs were in no way 
 bettered by his presence : they were greatly discouraged ; and 
 a report ran that a large body of troops was marching by land 
 from Syria and Cilicia to Caesar's assistance (of which he had 
 not as yet himself received information) ; still they determined 
 to intercept the convoys that came to him by sea. To this 
 end, having equipped some ships, they ordered them to cruise 
 before the Canopic branch of the Nile, by which they thought 
 it most likely our supplies would arrive. Caesar, who was 
 informed of it, ordered his fleet to get ready, and gave the 
 command of it to Tiberius Nero. 1 The Rhodian galleys made 
 part of this squadron, headed by Euphranor their admiral, 
 without whom there never was a successful engagement fought. 
 But fortune, which often reserves the heaviest disasters for 
 those who have been loaded with her highest favors, en- 
 countered Euphranor upon this occasion, with an aspect very 
 
 1 The Tiberius Nero mentioned here, was the father of the emperor 
 Tiberius, who succeeded Augustus. He served Caesar most zealously 
 throughout the whole of this war, and, on account of his meritorious con- 
 duct, was created Pontifex Maximus in room of Scipio, and commissioned 
 to conduct several colonies to Gaul, among other places to Narbo and 
 Arelate.
 
 396 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. xxvi. 
 
 different from what she had hitherto worn. For when our 
 ships were arrived at Canopus, and the fleets drawn up on each 
 side had begun the engagement, Euphranor, according to 
 custom, having made the first attack, and pierced and sunk one 
 of the enemy's ships ; as he pursued the next a considerable 
 way, without being sufficiently supported by those that followed 
 him, he was surrounded by the Alexandrians. None of the 
 fleet advanced to his relief, either out of fear for their own 
 safety, or because they imagined he would easily be able to 
 extricate himself by his courage and good fortune. Accord- 
 ingly he alone behaved well in this action, and perished with 
 his victorious galley. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. About the same time Mithridates 1 of 
 Pergamus, a man of illustrious descent, distinguished for his 
 bravery and knowledge of the art of war, and who held a very 
 high place in the friendship and confidence of Caesar, having 
 been sent in the beginning of the Alexandrian war, to raise 
 succors in Syria 3 and Cilicia, arrived by land at the head of a 
 great body of troops, which his diligence, and the affection of 
 these two provinces, had enabled him to draw together in a 
 very short time. He conducted them first to Pelusium, where 
 Egypt joins Syria. Achillas, who was perfectly well acquainted 
 with its importance, had seized and put a strong garrison into it- 
 For Egypt is considered as defended on all sides by strong bar- 
 riers ; on the side of the sea by the Pharos, and on the side of 
 Syria by Pelusium, which are accounted the two keys of that 
 kingdom. He attacked it so briskly with a large body of troops, 
 fresh men continually succeeding in the place of those that 
 were fatigued, and urged the assault with so much firmness and 
 perseverance, that he carried it the same day on which he 
 
 1 We learn from Strabo that this Mithridates was born at Pergamus, 
 and was descended from the tetrarchs of Galatia. "When Mithridates the 
 Great, king of Pontus, overran Asia, he took with him this man, who from 
 this circumstance derived his name. He attached himself to Caesar's party 
 in the civil war, and received as the reward of his services, the tetrarchy of 
 Galatia, and the sovereignty of the Cimmerian Bosphorus ; the possession 
 of the latter was disputed by Asander, who then held it. After the death 
 of Caesar, Mithridates of Pergamus endeavored to establish his claims by 
 an appeal to arms, but was defeated and put to death. 
 
 2 Josephus informs us that a large army was sent to the aid of Caesar 
 on this occasion, by Hyrcanus, the king of the Jews, under the command 
 of Antipater, the father of king Herod. These forces contributed largely 
 to the success of Caesar.
 
 CHAP, xxvra. THE ALEXANDRIAN WAR. 397 
 
 attacked it, and placed a garrison in it. Thence he pursued 
 his march to Alexandria, reducing all the provinces through 
 which he passed, and conciliating them to Caesar, by that au- 
 thority which always accompanies the conqueror. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. Not far from Alexandria lies Delta, the 
 most celebrated province of Egypt, which derives its name 
 from the Greek letter so called. For the Nile, dividing into 
 two channels, which gradually diverge as they approach the 
 sea, into which they at last discharge themselves, at a con- 
 siderable distance from one another, leaves an intermediate 
 space in form of a triangle. The king understanding that 
 Mithridates was approaching this place, and knowing he must 
 pass the river, sent a large body of troops against him, sufficient, 
 as he thought, if not to overwhelm and crush him, at least to 
 stop his march, for though he earnestly desired to see him 
 defeated, yet he thought it a great point gained, to hinder his 
 junction with Caesar. The troops that first passed the river, 
 and came up with Mithridates, attacked him immediately, 
 hastening to snatch the honor of victory from the troops that 
 were marching to their aid. Mithridates at first confined 
 himself to the defense of his camp, which he had with great 
 prudence fortified according to the custom of the Romans : 
 but observing that they advanced insolently and without 
 caution, he sallied upon them from all parts, and put a great 
 number of them to the sword ; J insomuch that, but for their 
 knowledge of the ground, and the neighborhood of the vessels 
 in which they had passed the river, they must have been all 
 destroyed. But recovering by degrees from their terror, and 
 joining the troops that followed them, they again prepared to 
 attack Mithridates. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII. A messenger was sent by Mithridates to 
 Caesar, to inform him of what had happened. The king learns 
 from his followers that the action had taken place. Thus, 
 much about the same time, Ptolemy set out to crush Mith- 
 
 1 Josephus mentions this engagement in the sixteenth chapter of the 
 fourteenth book of the Jewish War, and informs us that the Jews, under 
 the command of Antipater, made the first impression on the ^Egyptian 
 ranks,' and that the place where the action was fought, was called the 
 " Expedition of the Jews," and that the Jews, who dwelt in that country, 
 acted as guides to Mithridates and his army, on beholding the letters of 
 king Hyrcanus.
 
 398 HIETIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP, xxx 
 
 ridates, and Caesar to relievo him. The king made use of the 
 more expeditious conveyance of the Nile, where he had a large 
 fleet in readiness. Caesar declined the navigation of the river, 
 that he might not be obliged to engage the enemy's fleet ; and 
 coasting along the African shore, found means to join the vic- 
 torious troops of Mithridates, before Ptolemy could attack him. 
 The king had encamped in a place fortified by nature, being an 
 eminence surrounded on all sides by a plain. Three of its sides 
 were secured by various defenses. One was washed by the 
 river Nile, the other was steep and inaccessible, and the third 
 was defended by a morass. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX. Between Ptolemy's camp and Caesar's route 
 lay a narrow river with very steep banks, which discharged 
 itself into the Nile. This river was about seven miles from the 
 king's camp ; who, understanding that Caesar was directing his 
 march that way, sent all his cavalry, with a choice body of 
 light-armed foot, to prevent Caesar from crossing, and maintain 
 an unequal fight from the banks, where courage had no oppor- 
 tunity to exert itself, and cowardice ran no hazard. Our men, 
 both horse and foot, were extremely mortified, that the Alex- 
 andrians should so long maintain their ground against them. 
 Wherefore, some of the German cavalry, dispersing in quest 
 of a ford, found means to swim the river where the banks were 
 lowest ; and the legionaries at the same time cutting down 
 several large trees, that reached from one bank to another, and 
 constructing suddenly a mound, by their help got to the other 
 side. The enemy were so much in dread of their attack, that 
 they betook themselves to flight ; but in vain : for very few 
 returned to the king, almost all being cut to pieces in the 
 pursuit. 
 
 CHAP. XXX. Caesar, upon this success, judging that his 
 sudden approach must strike great terror into the Alex- 
 andrians, advanced toward their camp with his victorious 
 army. But finding it well intrenched, strongly fortified by 
 nature, and the ramparts covered with armed soldiers, he did 
 not think proper that his troops, who were very much fatigued 
 both by their march and the late battle, should attack it ; and 
 therefore encamped at a small distance from the enemy. Next 
 day he attacked a fort, in a village not far off, which the king 
 had fortified and joined to his camp by a line of communication, 
 with a view to keep possession of the village. He attacked
 
 CHAP. XXXL THE ALEXANDRIAN WAR. 399 
 
 it with his whole army, and took it by storm ; not because it 
 would have been difficult 'to cany it with a few forces ; but 
 with the design of falling immediately upon the enemy's camp, 
 during the alarm which the loss of this fort must give them. 
 Accordingly, the Romans, in continuing the pursuit of those 
 that fled from the fort, arrived at last before the Alexandrian 
 camp, and commenced a most furious action at a distance. 
 There were two approaches by which it might be attacked ; 
 one by the plain, of which we have spoken before, the other by 
 a narrow pass, between their camp and the Nile. The first, 
 which was much the easiest, was defended by a numerous body 
 of their best troops ; an 1 the access on the side of the Nile 
 gave the enemy great advantage in distressing and wounding 
 our men ; for they were exposed to a double shower of darts : 
 in front from the rampart, behind from the river ; where the 
 enemy had stationed a great number of ships, furnished with 
 archers and slingers, that kept up a continual discharge. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI. Caesar, observing that his troops fought 
 with the utmost ardor, and yet made no great progress, on 
 account of the disadvantage of the ground ; and perceiving they 
 had left the highest part of their camp unguarded, because, it 
 being sufficiently fortified by nature, they had all crowded to the 
 other attacks, partly to have a share in the action, partly to be 
 spectators of the issue ; he ordered some cohorts to wheel 
 round the camp, and gain that ascent : appointing Carfulenus 1 
 to command them, a man distinguished for bravery and 
 acquaintance with tha service. When they had reached the 
 place, as there were but very few to defend it, our men 
 attacked them so briskly that the Alexandrians, terrified by 
 the cries they heard behind them, and seeing themselves 
 attacked both in front and rear, fled in the utmost con- 
 sternation on all sides. Our men, animated by the confusion 
 of the enemy, entered the camp in several places at the same 
 time, and running down from the higher ground, put a great 
 number of them to the sword. The Alexandrians, endeavor- 
 ing to escape, threw themselves in crowds over the rampart in 
 the quarter next the river. The foremost tumbling into the 
 ditch, where they were crushed to death, furnished an easy 
 
 1 This Carfulenus, of whom Hirtius speaks so favorably, was subse- 
 quently killed in the battle of Mutina, while fighting against Mark An- 
 tony.
 
 400 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. xxxm. 
 
 passage for those that followed. It is ascertained that the king 
 escaped from the camp, and was received on board a ship ; but 
 by the crowd that followed him, the ship in which he fled was 
 overloaded and sunk. 
 
 CHAP. XXXII. After this speedy and successful action, 
 Caesar, in consequence of so great a victory, marched the nearest 
 way by land to Alexandria with his cavalry, and entered tri- 
 umphant into that part of the town which was possessed by the 
 enemy's guards. He was not mistaken in thinking that the 
 Alexandrians, upon hearing of the issue of the battle, would 
 give over all thoughts of war. Accordingly, as soon as he ar- 
 rived, he reaped the just fruit of his valor and magnanimity. 
 For all the multitude of the inhabitants, throwing down their 
 arms, abandoning their works, and assuming the habit of sup- 
 pliants, preceded by all those sacred symbols of religion with 
 which they were wont to mollify their offended kings, met 
 Caesar on his arrival and surrendered. Caesar, accepting their 
 submission, and encouraging them, advanced through the 
 enemy's works into his own quarter of the town, where he was 
 received with the universal congratulations of his party, who 
 were no less overjoyed at his arrival and presence, than at the 
 happy issue of the war. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIII. Caesar, having thus made himself master 
 of Alexandria and Egypt, lodged the government in the hands 
 of those to whom Ptolemy had bequeathed it by will, conjuring 
 the Roman people not to permit any change. For the eldest 
 of Ptolemy's two sons being dead, Caesar settled the kingdom 
 upon the youngest, in conjunction with Cleopatra, the elder 
 of the two sisters, who had always continued under his pro- 
 tection and guardianship. The younger, 1 Arsinoe, in whose name 
 Ganymed, as we have seeYi, tyrannically reigned for some time, 
 he thought proper to banish the kingdom, that she might not 
 raise any new disturbance, through the agency of seditious men, 
 before the king's authority should be firmly established. Taking 
 
 1 Caesar subsequently brought Arsinoo to Rome to grace his triumph, 
 but perceiving that the populace felt compassion for the youthful princess, 
 he did not imprison her or put her to death (the usual dark scene that 
 clouded the triumphs of the Roman generals), but restored her to freedom. 
 She was afterward slain by Cleopatra, who, being desirous of having tho 
 sovereignty of Cyprus, which she held in common with Arsinoe, prevail- 
 ed on Mark Antony to sacrifice her to her ambition.
 
 CHAP, xxxiv. THE ALEXANDRIAN WAR. 401 
 
 the sixth veteran legion with him into Syria, he left the rest in 
 Egypt to support the authority of the king and queen, neither 
 of whom stood well in the affections of their subjects, on account 
 of their attachment to Caesar, nor could be supposed to have 
 given any fixed foundation to their power, in an administration 
 of only a few days' continuance. It was also for the honor 
 and interest of the republic that if they continued faithful our 
 forces should protect them ; but if ungrateful that they should 
 be restrained by the same power. Having thus settled the 
 kingdom, he marched by land into Syria. 
 
 CHAP. XXXTV. While these things passed in Egypt, 
 king Deiotarus 1 applied to Domitius Calvinus, to whom Caesar 
 had intrusted the government of Asia and the neighboring 
 provinces, beseeching him '^not to suffer the Lesser Armenia 
 which was his kingdom, or Cappadocia, which belonged to 
 Ariobarzanes," to be seized and laid waste by Pharnaces, 
 because, unless they were delivered from these insults, it-would 
 be impossible for them to execute Caesar's orders, or raise the 
 money they stood engaged to pay." Domitius, who was not 
 only sensible of the necessity of money to defray the expenses 
 of the war, but likewise thought it dishonorable to the people of 
 Rome and the victorious Caesar, as well as infamous to himself, 
 to suffer the dominions of allies and friends to be usurped by a 
 foreign prince, sent embassadors to Pharnaces, to acquaint 
 him, " That he must withdraw immediately from Armenia and 
 Cappadocia, and no longer insult the majesty and right of the 
 Roman people, while engaged in a civil war." But believing 
 that his deputation would have greater weight, if he was ready 
 to second it himself at the head of an army ; he repaired to the 
 legions which were then in Asia, ordering two of them into 
 Egypt, at Caesar's desire, and carrying the thirty-sixth along 
 
 1 Deiotarus had been made tetrarch of Galatia by the assistance of 
 Pompey, and in return for this favor, aided him with all his forces in war 
 against Caesar. After the battle of Pharsalia, he was pardoned by Caesar, 
 who, however, deprived him of the tetrarchy of Galatia, and bestowed it 
 on Mithridates Pergamenus. Deiotarus was subsequently accused of 
 having planned the assassination of Caesar, and defended by Cicero in a 
 brilliant oration which is still extant. When a very old man, he sent 
 auxiliaries to Brutus. 
 
 2 Ariobarzanes, king of Cappadocia, on the breaking out of the civil 
 war between Pompey and Caesar, espoused the party of the former. Caesar 
 appears to have pardoned him after inflicting a pecuniary fine upon him.
 
 402 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. XXXVL 
 
 with him. To the thirty-sixth legion Deiotarus added two 
 more, which lie had trained up for several years, according to 
 our discipline ; and a hundred horse. The like number of 
 horse were furnished by Ariobarzanes. At the same time, 
 he sent P. Sextius to C. Plaetorius the questor, for the legion 
 which had been lately levied in Pontus ; and Quinctius 
 Partisius into Cilicia, to draw thence a body of auxiliary troops. 
 All these forces speedily assembled at Comana, 1 by orders of 
 Domitius. 
 
 CHAP. XXXV. Meanwhile his embassadors bring back the 
 following answer from Pharnaces : " That he had quitted Cap- 
 padocia ; but kept possession of the Lesser Armenia, as his own, 
 by right of inheritance : that he was willing, however, to submit 
 every thing to the decision of CeSsar, to whose commands he 
 would pay immediate obedience." C. Domitius, sensible that 
 he had quitted Cappadocia, not voluntarily, but out of necessity ; 
 because he could more easily defend Armenia, which lay con- 
 tiguous to his own kingdom, than Cappadocia, which was more 
 remote : and because believing, at first, that Domitius had 
 brought all the three legions along with him, upon hearing 
 that two were gone to Caesar, he seemed more determined to 
 keep possession ; and insisted " upon his quitting Armenia like- 
 wise, as the same right existed in both cases ; nor was it just to 
 demand that the matter should be postponed till Caesar's 
 return, unless things were put in the condition in which they 
 were at first." Having returned this answer, he advanced 
 toward Armenia, with the forces above-mentioned, directing his 
 march along the hills ; for from Pontus, by way of Comana, runs 
 a woody ridge of hills, that extends as far as Lesser Armenia, 
 dividing it from Cappadocia. The advantages he had in view, 
 by such a march, were, that he would thereby effectually pre- 
 vent all surprises, and be plentifully supplied with provisions 
 from Cappadocia. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVI. Meantime Pharnaces sends several em- 
 bassies to Domitius to treat of peace, bearing royal gifts. All 
 these he firmly rejected, telling the deputies : " That nothing 
 was more sacred with him, than the majesty of the Roman 
 people, and recovering the rights of their allies." After long 
 and continued marches, he reached Nicopolis (which is a city 
 
 1 Comana, a very celebrated city of Pontus, supposed to be the modern 
 Tabachza.
 
 CHAP. xxxviiL THE ALEXANDRIAN "WAR. 403 
 
 of Lesser Armenia, situated in a plain, having mountains, how- 
 ever, on its two sides, at a considerable distance), and encamped 
 about seven miles from the town. Between his camp and 
 Nicopolis, 1 lay a difficult and narrow pass, where Pharnaces 
 placed a chosen body of foot, and all his horse, in ambuscade. 
 He ordered a great number of cattle to be dispersed in the pass, 
 and the townsmen and peasants to show themselves, that if 
 Domitius entered the defile as a friend, he might have no sus- 
 picion of an ambuscade, when he saw the men and flocks dis- 
 persed, without apprehension, in the fields ; or if he should 
 come as an enemy, that the soldiers, quitting their ranks to 
 pillage, might be cut to pieces when dipersed. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVII. While this design was going forward, 
 he never ceased sending embassadors to Domitius, with proposals 
 of peace and amity, fancying, by this means, the more easy to 
 ensnare him. The expectation of peace kept Domitius in his 
 camp ; so that Pharnaces, having missed the opportunity, and 
 fearing the ambuscade might be discovered, drew off his troops. 
 Next day Domitius approached Nicopolis, and encamped near 
 the town. While our men were working at the trenches, 
 Pharnaces drew up his army in order of battle, forming his 
 front into one line, according to the custom of the country, and 
 securing his wings with a triple body of leserves. In the same 
 manner, the center was formed in single files, and two intervals 
 were left on the right and left. Domitius, ordering part of the 
 troops to continue under arms before the rampart, completed 
 the fortifications of his camp. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVIII. Next night, Pharnaces, having inter- 
 cepted the couriers who brought Domitius an account of the 
 posture of affairs at Alexandria, understood that Caesar was 
 in great danger, and requested Domitius to send him succors 
 speedily, and come himself to Alexandria by the way of Syria. 
 Pharnaces, upon this intelligence, imagined that protracting 
 the time would be equivalent to a victory, because Domitius, 
 he supposed, must very soon depart. He therefore dug two 
 ditches, four feet deep, at a moderate distance from each 
 other, on that side where lay the easiest access to the town, 
 and our forces might, most advantageously, attack him; re- 
 
 * We learn from Strabo, that this Nicopolis was built by Pompey. 
 Ptolemy places it in Lesser Armenia.
 
 404 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. XL. 
 
 solving not to advance beyond them. Between these, he con- 
 stantly drew up his army, placing all his cavalry upon the wings 
 without them, which greatly exceeded ours in number, and 
 would otherwise have been useless. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIX. Domitius, more concerned at Caesar's dan- 
 ger than his own, and believing he could not retire with safety, 
 should he now desire the conditions he had rejected, or march 
 away without any apparent cause, drew his forces out of the 
 camp, and ranged them in order of battle. He placed the 
 thirty-sixth legion on the right, that of Pontus on the left, and 
 those of Deiotarus in the main body ; drawing them up with a 
 very narrow front, and posting the rest of the cohorts to sustain 
 the wings. The armies being thus drawn up on each side, they 
 advanced to the battle. 
 
 CHAP. XL. The signal being given at the same time by 
 both parties, they engage. The conflict was sharp and various, 
 for the thirty-sixth legion falling upon the king's cavaly, that 
 was drawn up without the ditch, charged them so successfully, 
 that they drove them to the very walls of the town, passed the 
 ditch, and attacked their infantry in the rear. But on the other 
 side, the legion of Pontus having given way, the second line, 
 which advanced to sustain them, making a circuit round the 
 ditch, in order to attack the enemy in flank, was overwhelmed 
 and borne down by a shower of darts, in endeavoring to pass it. 
 The legions of Deiotarus made scarcely any resistance ; thus 
 the victorious forces of the king turned their right wing and 
 main body against the thirty-sixth legion, which yet made a 
 brave stand ; and though surrounded by the forces of the enemy, 
 formed themselves into a circle, with wonderful presence of 
 mind, and retired to the foot of a mountain, whither Pharnaces 
 did not think fit to pursue them, on account of the disadvantage 
 of the place. Thus the legion of Pontus being almost wholly 
 cut off, with great part of those of Deiotarus, the thirty-sixth 
 legion retreated to an eminence, with the loss of about two 
 hundred and fifty men. Several Roman knights, of illustrious 
 rank, fell in this battle. Domitius, after this defeat, rallied the 
 remains of his broken army, and retreated, by safe ways, through 
 Cappadocia, into Asia. 1 
 
 J Asia seems here to refer to that part of Asia Minor, under the dominion 
 of the Romans, which was subsequently called by them Asia Proconsularis.
 
 CHAP. XLH. THE ALEXANDRIAN WAR. 405 
 
 CHAP. XLI. Pharnaces, elated with this success, as he 
 expected that Caesar's difficulties would terminate as he 
 [Pharnaces] wished, entered Pontus with all his forces. There, 
 acting as conqueror and a most cruel king, and promising 
 himself a happier destiny than his father, he stormed many 
 towns, and seized the effects of the Roman and Pontic 
 citizens, inflicted punishments, worse than death, upon such 
 as were distinguished hy their age or beauty, and having made 
 himself master of all Pontus, as -there was no one to oppose 
 his progress, boasted that he had recovered his father's 
 kingdom. 
 
 CHAP. XLII. About the same time, we received a con- 
 siderable check in Illyricum ; which province, had been 
 defended the preceding months, not only without insult, but 
 even with honor. For Caesar's quaestor, Q. Cornificius, had 
 been sent there as propraetor, the summer before, with two 
 legions ; and though it was of itself little able to support an 
 army, and at that time in particular was almost totally ruined 
 by the war in the vicinity, and the civil dissensions ; yet, by 
 his prudence, and vigilance, being very careful not to under- 
 take any rash expedition, he defended and kept possession of 
 it. For he made, himself master of several forts, built on 
 eminences, whose advantageous situation tempted the in- 
 habitants to make descents and inroads upon the country; 
 and gave the plunder of them to his soldiers (and although this 
 was but inconsiderable, yet as they were no strangers to 'the 
 distress and ill condition of the province, they did not cease 
 to be grateful; the rather as it was the fruit of their own 
 valor). And when, after the battle of Pharsalia, Octavius had 
 retreated to that coast with a large fleet; Cornificius, with 
 some vessels of the inhabitants of Jadua, 1 who had always 
 continued faithful to the commonwealth, made himself master 
 of the greatest part of his ships, which, joined to those of 
 his allies, rendered him capable of sustaining even a naval 
 engagement. And while Caesar, victorious, was pursuing 
 Pompey to the remotest parts of the earth ; when he 
 [Cornificius] heard that the enemy had, for the most part, 
 retired into Illyricum, on account of its neighborhood to 
 Macedonia, and were there collecting such as survived the 
 
 1 Jadua was a maritime city of Blvria, traces of the name are still 
 preserved in the modern Zara,
 
 406 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. XLIV. 
 
 defeat [at Pharsalia], he wrote to Gabinius, " To repair directly 
 thither, with the new raised legions, and join Cornificius, that 
 if any danger should assail the province, he might ward it off, 
 but if less forces sufficed, to march into Macedonia, which he 
 foresaw would never be free from commotions, so long as 
 Pompey lived." 
 
 CHAP. XLin. Gabinius, whether he imagined the pro- 
 vince better provided than it really was, or depended much 
 upon the auspicious fortune of Caesar, or confided in his own 
 valor and abilities, he having often terminated with success 
 difficult and dangerous wars, marched into Illyricum, in the 
 middle of winter, and the most difficult season of the year ; 
 where, not finding sufficient subsistence in the province, 
 which was partly exhausted, partly disaffected, and having no 
 supplies by sea, because the season of the year had put a stop 
 to navigation, he found himself compelled to carry on the 
 war, not according to his own inclination, but as necessity 
 allowed. As he was therefore obliged to lay siege to forts and 
 castles, in a very rude season, he received many checks, and 
 fell under such contempt with the barbarians, that while retir- 
 ing to Salona, a maritime city, inhabited by a set of brave and 
 faithful Romans, he was compelled to come, to an engagement 
 on his march ; and after the loss of two thousand soldiers, 
 thirty-eight centurions, and four tribunes, got to Salona with 
 the rest ; where his wants continually increasing, he died a few 
 days after. His misfortunes and sudden death gave Octavius 
 great hopes of reducing the province. But fortune, whose 
 influence is so great in matters of war, joined to the diligence 
 of Cornificius, and the valor of Vatinius, soon put an end to 
 his triumphs. 
 
 CHAP. XLIV. Vatinius, who was then at Brundusium, 
 having intelligence of what passed in Illyricum, by letters 
 from Cornificius, who pressed him to come to the assistance of 
 the province, and informed him, that Octavius had leagued 
 with the barbarians, and in several places attacked our garri- 
 sons, partly by sea with his fleet, partly by land with the 
 troops of the barbarians ; Vatinius, I say, upon notice of these 
 things, though extremely weakened by sickness, insomuch 
 that his strength of body no way answered his resolution and 
 greatness of mind ; yet, by his valor, surmounted all oppo- 
 sition, the force of his distemper, the rigor of the winter,
 
 CHAP. XLVI. THE ALEXANDRIAN WAR 407 
 
 and the difficulties of a sudden preparation. For having 
 himself but a very few galleys, he wrote to Q. Kalenus, in 
 Achaia, to furnish him with a squadron of ships. But these 
 not coming with that dispatch which the danger our army was 
 in required, because Octavius pressed hard upon them, he 
 fastened beaks to all the barks and vessels that lay in the 
 port, whose number was considerable enough, though they 
 were not sufficiently large for an engagement. Joining these to 
 what galleys he had, and putting on board the veteran soldiers, 
 of whom he had a great number, belonging to all the legions, 
 who had been left sick at Brundusium, when the army went 
 over to Greece, he sailed for Illyricum ; where, having sub- 
 jected several maritime states that had declared for Octavius, 
 and neglecting such as continued obstinate in their revolt, 
 because he would suffer nothing to retard his design of meet- 
 ing the enemy, he came up with Octavius before Epidaurus ; 
 and obliging him to raise the siege, which he was carrying oq 
 with vigor, by sea and land, joined the garrison to his own 
 forces. 
 
 CHAP. XLV. Octavius, understanding that Vatinius's fleet 
 consisted mostly of small barks, and confiding in the strength 
 of his own, stopped at the Isle of Tauris. Vatinius followed 
 him thither, not imagining he would halt at that place, but 
 being determined to pursue him wherever he went. Vati- 
 nius, who had no suspicion of an enemy, and whose ships 
 were moreover dispersed by a tempest, perceived, as he ap- 
 proached the isle, a vessel filled with soldiers that advanced 
 toward him, in full sail. Upon this he gave orders for 
 furling the sails, lowering the sail-yards, and arming the 
 soldiers ; and hoisting a flag, as a signal for battle, intimated 
 to the ships that followed to do the same. Vatinius's men 
 prepared themselves in the best manner their sudden surprise 
 would allow, while Octavius advanced in good order, from 
 the port. The two fleets drew up Octavius had the advan- 
 tage in arrangement, and Vatinius in the bravery of his 
 troops. 
 
 CHAP. XLVL Vatinius, finding himself inferior to the 
 enemy, both in the number and largeness of his ships, resolved 
 to commit the affair to fortune, and therefore in his own quin- 
 quereme, attacked Octavius in his four-banked galley. This 
 he did with such violence, and the shock was so great, that the
 
 408 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTAEIES. CHAP. 
 
 beak of Octavius's galley was broken. The battle raged with 
 great fury likewise in other places, but chiefly around the two 
 admirals ; for as the ships on each side advanced to sustain 
 those that fought, a close and furious conflict ensued in a very 
 narrow sea, where the nearer the vessels approached the more 
 had Vatinius's soldiers the advantage. For, with admirable 
 courage, they leaped into the enemy's ships, and forcing them 
 by this means to an equal combat, soon mastered them by 
 their superior valor. Octavius's galley was sunk, and many 
 others were taken or suffered the same fate ; the soldies were 
 partly slain in the ships, partly thrown overboard into the sea. 
 Octavius got into a boat, which sinking under the multitude 
 that crowded after him, he himself, though wounded, swam to 
 his brigantine ; where, being taken up, and night having put 
 an end to the battle, as the wind blew very strong, he spread 
 all his sails and fled. A few of his ships, that had the good 
 fortune to escape, followed him. 
 
 CHAP. XLVII. But Vatinius, after his success, sounded a 
 retreat, and entered victorious the port whence Octavius had 
 sailed to fight him, without the loss of a single vessel. He 
 took, in this battle, one quinquereme, two triremes, eight two- 
 banked galleys, and a great number of rowers. The next 
 day was employed in repairing his own fleet, and the ships he 
 had taken from the enemy : after which, he sailed for the 
 island of Issa, imagining Octavius had retired thither after his 
 defeat. In this island was a flourishing city, well affected to 
 Octavius, which however, surrendered to Vatinius, upon the 
 first summons. Here he understood that Octavius, attended 
 by a few small barks, had sailed, with a fair wind, for Greece, 
 whence he intended to pass on to Sicily, and afterward to 
 Africa. Vatinius, having in so short a space successfully ter- 
 minated the affair, restored the province, in a peaceable con- 
 dition, to Cornificius, and. driven the enemy's fleet out of those 
 seas, returned victorious to Brundusium, with his army and 
 fleet in good condition. 
 
 CHAP. XLVIII. But during the time that Caesar besieged 
 Pompey at Dyrrachium, triumphed at Old Pharsalia, 1 and 
 
 1 Strabo informs us that there were two cities of this name, the Old 
 nnd New. "We learn from the passage before us, that the battle which 
 cjave the empire of the world to Caesar was fought at Old Pharsalus.
 
 CHAP. L. TEE ALEXANDRIAN WAR. 409 
 
 carried on the war, with so much danger, at Alexandria, Cas- 
 sius Longinus, 1 who had been left in Spain as propraetor of the 
 further province, either through his natural disposition, or out 
 of a hatred he had contracted to the province, on account of 
 a wound he had treacherously received there when quaestor, 
 drew upon himself the general dislike of the people. He dis- 
 cerned this temper among them, partly from a consciousness 
 that he deserved it, partly from the manifest indications they 
 gave of their discontent. To secure himself against their dis- 
 affection, he endeavored to gain the love of the soldiers ; and 
 having, for this purpose, assembled them together, promised 
 them a hundred sesterces each. Soon after, having made 
 himself master of Medobriga, a town in Lusitania, and of 
 Mount Herminius,* whither the Medobrigians had retired, and 
 being upon that occasion saluted imperator by the army, he 
 gave them another hundred sesterces each. These, accom- 
 panied by other considerable largesses, in great number, seemed, 
 for the present, to increase the good-will of the army, but 
 tended gradually and imperceptibly to the relaxation of military 
 discipline. ;* 
 
 CHAP. XLIX. Cassius, having sent his army into winter 
 quarters, fixed his residence at Corduba, for the administration 
 of justice. Being greatly in debt, he resolved to pay it by lay- 
 ing heavy burdens upon the province : and, according to 
 the custom of prodigals, made his liberalities a pretense to 
 justify the most exorbitant demands. He taxed the rich at 
 discretion, and compelled them to pay, without the least regard 
 to their remonstrances ; frequently making light and trifling 
 offenses the handle for all manner of extortions. All methods 
 of gain were pursued, whether great and reputable, or mean 
 and sordid. None that had any thing to lose could escape 
 accusation ; insomuch, that the plunder of their private fortunes 
 was aggravated by the dangers they were exposed to from pre- 
 tended crimes. 
 
 CHAP. L. For which reasons it happened that when 
 Longinus as proconsul did those same things which he had 
 
 1 This was the Cassius that, in conjunction with Mark Antony, served 
 Csesar so effectually at the commencement of the civil war. He "was at 
 that time tribune of the commons. 
 
 2 Herminius, a mountain of Lusitania^ whoso modern name is Arminia, 
 
 18
 
 410 HIETIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. LIL 
 
 done as quoestor, the provincials formed similar conspiracies 
 against his life. Even his own dependents concurred in the 
 general hatred ; who, though the ministers of his rapine, yet 
 hated the man by whose authority they committed those crimes. 
 The odium still increased upon his raising a fifth legion, which 
 added to the expense and burdens of the province. The cavalry 
 was augmented to three thousand, with costly ornaments and 
 equipage : nor was any respite given to the province. 
 
 CHAP. LI. Meanwhile he received orders from Caesar, to 
 transport his army into Africa, and march through Mauritania, 
 toward Numidia, because king Juba had sent considerable 
 succors to Pompey, and was thought likely to send more. 
 These letters filled him with an insolent joy, by the opportunity 
 they offered him of pillaging new provinces, and a wealthy 
 kingdom. He therefore hastened into Lusitania, to assemble 
 his legions, and draw together a body of auxiliaries ; appoint- 
 ing certain persons to provide corn, ships, and money, that 
 nothing might retard him at his return ; which was much 
 sooner than expected : for when interest called, Cassius wanted 
 neither industry nor vigilance. 
 
 CHAP. LIL Having got his army together, and encamped 
 near Corduba, he made a speech to the soldiers, wherein he 
 acquainted them with the orders he had received from Csesar, 
 and promised them a hundred sesterces each, when they should 
 arrive in Mauritania : the fifth legion, he told them, was to 
 remain in Spain. Having ended his speech, he returned to 
 Corduba. The same day, about noon, as he went to the hall 
 of justice, one Minutius Silo, a client of L. Racilius, presented 
 him with a paper, in a soldier's habit, as if he had some 
 request to make. Then retiring behind Racilius (who walked 
 beside Cassius), as if waiting for an answer, he gradually drew 
 near, and a favorable opportunity offering, seized Cassius with, 
 his left hand, and wounded him twice with a dagger in his 
 right. A shout was then raised and an attack made on him 
 by the rest of the conspirators, who all rushed upon him in a 
 body. Munatius Plancus killed the lictor, that was next 
 Longinus ; and wounded Q. Cassius his lieutenant. T. Vasius 
 and L. Mergilio seconded their countryman Plancus for they 
 were all natives of Italica. 1 L. Licinius Squillus flew upon 
 
 1 Italica, a town of Spain, situated on the banks of the Guadalquivir, 
 supposed to be the modern SeviUa la Vieja. It was built by Publiua
 
 CHAP. LV. THE ALEXANDRIAN WAR. 411 
 
 Longinus himself, and gave him several slight wounds as he 
 lay upon the ground. 
 
 CHAP. LIII. By this time, his guards came up to his 
 assistance (for he always had several beronians 1 and veterans, 
 armed with darts, to attend him), and surrounded the rest of 
 the conspirators, who were advancing to complete the assas- 
 sination. Of this number were Calphurnius Salvianus and 
 Manilius Tusculus. Cassius was carried home ; and Minutius 
 Silo, stumbling upon a stone, as he endeavored to make his 
 escape, was taken, and brought to him. Racilius retired to the 
 neighboring house of a friend, till he should have certain in- 
 formation of the fate of Cassius. L. Laterensis, not doubting 
 but he was dispatched, ran in a transport of joy to the camp, 
 to congratulate the second and the new-raised legions upon it, 
 who, he knew, bore a particular hatred to Cassius ; and who, 
 immediately upon this intelligence, placed him on the tribunal, 
 and proclaimed him praetor. For there was not a native of the 
 province, nor a soldier of the newly-raised legion, nor a person 
 who by long residence was naturalized in the province, of which 
 class the second legion consisted, who did not join in the 
 general hatred of Cassius. ^^t.v. 
 
 CHAP. LIV. Meantime Laterensis was informed that 
 Cassius was still alive ; at which, being rather grieved than 
 disconcerted, he immediately so far recovered himself, as to go 
 and wait upon him. By this time, the thirtieth legion having 
 notice of what had passed, had inarched to Corduba, to the 
 assistance of their general. The twenty-first and fifth followed 
 their example. As only two legions remained in the camp, the 
 second, fearing they should be left alone, and their sentiments 
 should be consequently manifested, did the same. But the 
 new-raised legion continued firm, nor could be induced by any 
 motives of fear to stir from its place. 
 
 CHAP. LV. Cassius ordered all the accomplices of the con- 
 spiracy to be seized, and sent back the fifth legion to the camp, 
 retaining the other three. By the confession of Minutius, he 
 learned, that L. Racilius, L. Laterensis, and Annius Scapula, 
 a man of great authority and credit in the province, and equally 
 
 Scipio, after hig successes in Spain, and had the honor of giving birth to 
 the emperors Trajan, Hadrian, and Theodosms. 
 
 1 Some think that Vettones, or Bigerones (two tribes of Spain), is the 
 true reading. Morus, however, thinks that the meaning of the word is lost.
 
 412 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. BOOK LVII. 
 
 in his confidence with Laterensis and Racilius, were concerned 
 in the plot : nor did he long defer his revenge, but ordered 
 them to be put to death. He delivered Minutius to be racked 
 by his freed-men ; likewise Calphurnius Salvianus ; who, turn- 
 ing evidence, increased the number of the conspirators ; justly, 
 as some think; but others pretend that he was forced. L. 
 Mergilio was likewise put to the torture. Squillus impeached 
 many others, who were all condemned to die, except such as 
 redeemed their lives by a fine ; for lie pardoned Calphurnius 
 for ten, and Q. Sextius for fifty thousand sesterces, who, though 
 deeply guilty, yet having, in this manner, escaped death, 
 showed Cassius to be no less covetous than cruel. 
 
 CHAP. LVI. Some days after, he received letters from 
 Csesar, by which he learned that Pompey was defeated, and 
 had fled with the loss of all his troops, which news equally 
 affected him with joy and sorrow. Caesar's success gave him 
 pleasure ; but the conclusion of the war would put an end to 
 his rapines : insomuch, that he was uncertain which to wish 
 for, victory or an unbounded licentiousness. When he was 
 cured of his wounds, he sent to all who were indebted to him, 
 in any sums, and insisted upon immediate payment. Such 
 as were taxed too low, had orders to furnish larger sums. 
 He likewise instituted a levy of Roman citizens, and as they were 
 enrolled from all the corporations and colonies, and were 
 terrified by service beyond the sea, he called upon them to 
 redeem themselves from the military oath. This brought in a 
 vast revenue, but greatly increased the general hatred. He 
 afterward reviewed the army, sent the legions and auxiliaries, 
 designed for Africa, toward the straits of Gibraltar, and went 
 himself to Seville, to examine the condition of the fleet. He 
 staid there some time, in consequence of an edict he had 
 published, ordering all who had not paid the sums in which 
 they were amerced, to repair to him thither ; which created a 
 universal murmuring and discontent. 
 
 CHAP. LVH. In the mean time, L. Titius, a military 
 tribune of the native legion, sent him notice of a report that 
 the thirteenth legion, which Q. Cassius his lieutenant was tak- 
 ing with him, when it was encamped at Ilurgis, had mutinied 
 and killed some of the centurions that opposed them, and were 
 gone over to the second legion, who marched another way 
 toward the Straits. Upon this intelligence he set out by
 
 CHAP. LYIII. THE ALEXANDRIAN" "WAR. 413 
 
 night with five cohorts of the twenty-first legion, and came up 
 with them in the morning, He staid there that day to con- 
 sult what was proper to be done, and then went to Carmona, 
 where he found the thirtieth and twenty-first legions, with four 
 cohorts of the fifth, and all the cavalry assembled. Here he 
 learned that the new-raised legion had surprised four cohorts, 
 near Obucula, and forced them along with them to the second 
 legion, where all joining, they had chosen T. Thorius, a native 
 of Italica, for their general. Having instantly called a council, 
 he sent Marcellus to Corduba to secure that town, and Q. 
 Cassius, his lieutenant, to Seville. A few days after, news 
 was brought that the Roman citizens at Corduba had revolted, 
 and that Marcellus, either voluntarily or through force (for the 
 reports were various), had joined them ; as likewise the two 
 cohorts of the fifth legion that were in garrison there. Cassius, 
 provoked at these mutinies, decamped, and the next day came 
 to Segovia, 1 upon the river Xenil. There, summoning an 
 assembly, to sound the disposition of the troops, he found that 
 it was not out of any regard to him, but to Caesar, though 
 absent, that they continued faithful, and were ready to undergo 
 any danger for the recovery of the province. 
 
 CHAP. LVIH. Meantime Thorius marched the veteran 
 legions to Corduba ; and, that the revolt might not appear to 
 spring from a seditious inclination in him or the soldiers, as 
 likewise to oppose an equal authority to that of Q. Cassius, 
 who was drawing together a great force in Caesar's name ; he 
 publicly gave out that his design was to recover the province 
 for Pompey ; and perhaps he did this through hatred of Caesar, 
 and lore of Pompey, whose name was very powerful among 
 those legions which M. Varro had commanded. Be this as 
 it will, Thorius at least made it his pretense ; and the sol- 
 diers were so infatuated with the thought, that they had 
 Pompey's name inscribed upon their bucklers. The citizens of 
 Corduba, men, women, and children, came out to meet 
 the legions, begging " they would not enter Corduba as 
 enemies, seeing they joined with them in their aversion to 
 Cassius, and only desired they might not be obliged to act against 
 Caasar." 
 
 1 The Segovia mentioned here was a town of Baetica: Hirtius calls it 
 Segovia upon the Xenil, to distinguish it from another town of that name, 
 in Hispania Tarraconesis, situated on the river Areva, modern Eresma.
 
 414 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. LXI. 
 
 CHAP. LIX. The soldiers, moved by the prayers and tears 
 of so great a multitude, and seeing they stood in no need of 
 Pompey's name and memory to spirit up a revolt against 
 Cassius, and that he was as much hated by Caesar's followers as 
 Pompey's ; neither being able to prevail with Marcellus or the 
 people of Corduba to declare against Caesar, they erased Pom- 
 pey's name from their bucklers, chose Marcellus their com- 
 mander, called him praetor, joined the citizens of Corduba, and 
 encamped near the town. Two days after, Cassius encamped 
 on an eminence, on this side the Guadalquivir, about four 
 miles from Corduba, and within view of the town ; whence he 
 sent letters to Bogud, in Mauritania, and M. Lepidus, pro- 
 consul of Hither Spain, to come to his assistance as soon as 
 possible, for Caesar's sake. Meanwhile he ravaged the country, 
 and set fire to the buildings around Corduba. 
 
 CHAP. LX. The legions under Marcellus, provoked at this 
 indignity, ran to him, and begged to be led against the enemy, 
 that they might have an opportunity of engaging with them 
 before they could have time to destroy with fire and sword, 
 the rich and noble possessions of the inhabitants of Corduba. 
 Marcellus, though averse to a battle, which, whoever was vic- 
 torious, must turn to Caesar's detriment, yet unable to restrain 
 the legions, led them across tjie Guadalquivir, and drew them 
 up. Cassius did the same upon a rising ground, but as he would 
 not quit his advantageous post, Marcellus persuaded his men 
 to return to their camp. He had already begun to retire, 
 when Cassius, knowing himself to be stronger in cavalry, fell 
 upon the legionaries with his horse, and made a considerable 
 slaughter in their rear upon the banks of the river. When it 
 was evident from this loss, that crossing the river was an error 
 and attended with great loss, Marcellus removed his camp to the 
 other side of the Guadalquivir, where both armies frequently 
 drew up, but did not engage, on account of the inequality of 
 the ground. 
 
 CHAP. LXI. Marcellus was stronger in foot, for he com- 
 manded veteran soldiers of great experience in war. Cassius 
 depended more on the fidelity than the courage of his troops. 
 The two camps being very near each other, Marcellus seized a 
 spot of ground, where he built a fort, very convenient for de- 
 priving the enemy of water. Longinus, apprehending he should 
 be besieged in a country where all were against him, quitted
 
 CHAP. LXin. THE ALEXANDRIAN WAR. 415 
 
 his camp silently in the night, and, by a quick march, reached 
 Ulia, a town on which he thought he could rely. There he 
 encamped so near the walls, that both by the situation of the 
 place (for Ulia stands on an eminence), and the defenses of the 
 town, he was on all sides secure from an attack. Marcellus fol- 
 lowed him and encamped as near the town as possible. 
 Having taken a view of the place he found himself reduced, by 
 necessity, to do what was most agreeable to his own inclination ; 
 namely, neither to engage Cassius, which the ardor of his sol- 
 diers would have forced him to, had it been possible, nor to 
 suffer him, by his excursions, to infest the territories of other 
 states, as he had done those of Corduba. He therefore raised 
 redoubts in proper places, and continued his works quite round 
 the town, inclosing both Ulia and Cassius within his lines. But 
 before they were finished, Cassius sent out all his cavalry, who 
 he imagined might do him great service by cutting off Marcel- 
 lus's provisions and forage, and could only be a useless 
 encumbrance to him, by consuming his provisions if he was 
 shut up in his camp. 
 
 CHAP. LXII. A few days after, king Bogud, having 
 received Cassius's letters, came and joined him with all his 
 forces, consisting of one legion, and several auxiliary cohorts. 
 For as commonly happens in civil dissensions, some of the 
 states of Spain at that time favored Cassius, but a yet greater 
 number, Marcellus. Bogud came up to the advanced works of 
 Marcellus, where , many sharp skirmishes happened with 
 various success : however, Marcellus still kept possession of 
 his works. 
 
 CHAP. LXIII. Meanwhile Lepidus 1 came to Ulia, from the 
 hither province, with thirty-five legionary cohorts, and a great 
 body of horse and auxiliaries, with the intention of adjusting 
 the differences between Cassius and Marcellus. Marcellus sub- 
 mitted without hesitation : but Cassius kept within his works, 
 either because he thought his cause the justest, or from an 
 apprehension that his adversary's submission had prepossessed 
 Lepidus in his favor. Lepidus encamped at Ulia, and forming 
 a complete junction with Marcellus, prevented a battle, invited 
 Cassius into his camp, and pledged his honor to act without 
 prejudice. Cassius hesitated long, but at last desired that the 
 
 1 "We learn from Dion that Caesar was so partial to Lepidus that he 
 conferred a triumph on him for this slight service.
 
 416 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. LXV. 
 
 circumvallation should be leveled, and free egress given him. 
 The truce was not only concluded, but the works demolished, 
 and the guards drawn off; when king Bogud attacked one of 
 Marcellus's forts, that lay nearest to his camp, unknown to 
 any (except perhaps Longinus, who was not exempt from sus- 
 picion on this occasion), and slew a great number of his men. 
 And had not Lepidus interposed, much mischief would have 
 been done. 
 
 CHAP. LXIV. A free passage being made for Cassius, 
 Marcellus joined camps with Lepidus ; and both together 
 marched for Corduba, while Cassius retired with his followers 
 to Carmona. At the same time, Trebonius, 1 the proconsul, 
 came to take possession of the province. Cassius having 
 notice of his arrival, sent his legions and cavalry into winter 
 quarters, and hastened, with all his effects, to Melaca, where 
 he embarked immediately, though it was the winter season, 
 that he might not, as he pretended, intrust his safety to 
 Marcellus, Lepidus, and Trebonius ; as his friends gave out, 
 to avoid passing through a province, great part of which had 
 revolted from him ; but as was more generally believed, to 
 secure the money he had amassed by his numberless extortions. 
 The wind favoiing him as far as could be expected at that 
 season of the year, he put into the Ebro, to avoid sailing in 
 the night : and thence continuing his voyage, which he thought 
 he might do with safety, though the wind blew considerably 
 fresher, he was encountered by such a storm, at the mouth of 
 the river, that being neither able to return on account of 
 the stream, nor stem the fury of the waves, the ship sank, and 
 he perished. 
 
 CHAP. LXV. When Caesar arrived in Syria, from Egypt, and 
 understood from those who attended him there from Rome, and 
 the letters he received at the same time, that the government at 
 Rome was badly and injudiciously conducted, and all the affairs 
 of the commonwealth managed indiscreetly ; 8 that the contests 
 
 1 The Spaniards had previously written to Caesar, requesting him to 
 send another person in the room of Cassius. Caesar complied with their 
 wishes, and sent Trebonius to succeed Cassius. 
 
 2 We learn from the Epitome of 113th book of Livy, that a serious se- 
 dition was at this time excited at Rome in consequence of Publius Dola- 
 bella, tribune of the commons, bringing forward a bill for an abolition of 
 debt. These disturbances were with great difficulty quelled by Mark
 
 CHAP. urn. THE ALEXANDRIAN WAR 417 
 
 of the tribunes were producing perpetual seditions, and that, by 
 the ambition and indulgence of the military tribunes, many 
 things were done contrary to military usage, which tend to 
 destroy all order and discipline, all which required his speedy 
 presence to redress them ; thought it was yet first incum- 
 bent upon him to settle the state of the provinces through 
 which he passed ; that, freeing them from domestic con- 
 tentions, and the fear of a foreign enemy, they might become 
 amenable to law and order. This he hoped soon to effect in 
 Syria, Cilicia, and Asia, because these provinces were not 
 involved in war. In Bithynia and Pontus indeed he expected 
 more trouble, because he understood Pharnaces still continued 
 in the latter, and was not likely to quit- it easily, being flushed 
 with the victory he had obtained over Domitius Calvinus. He 
 made a short Stay in most states of note, distributing rewards 
 both publicly and privately to such as deserved them, set- 
 tling old controversies, and receiving into his protection the 
 kings, princes, and potentates, as well of the provinces as of 
 the neighboring countries. And having settled the necessary 
 regulations for the defense and protection of the country, he 
 dismissed them, with most friendly feelings to himself and the 
 republic. 
 
 CHAP. LXVI. After a stay of some days in these parts, he 
 named Sextus Csesar, his friend and relation, to the command 
 of Syria and the legions appointed to guard it; and sailed 
 himself for Cilicia, with the fleet he had brought from Egypt. 
 He summoned the states to assemble at Tarsus, the strongest 
 and finest city of the province ; where, having settled every- 
 thing that regarded either that province or the neighboring 
 countries, through his eagerness to march to carry on the war 
 he delayed no longer, but advancing through Cappadocia with 
 the utmost expedition, where he stopped two days at Mazaca, 
 he arrived at Comana, renowned for the ancient and sacred 
 temple of Bellona, 1 where she is worshiped with so much 
 veneration, that her priest is accounted next in power and 
 
 Anthony, the master of the horse, who filled the city with soldiers, and 
 put eight hundred of the people to death. 
 
 1 We have the authority of Strabo for asserting, that in his time there 
 were 6000 slaves connected with this temple, subject to the authority of 
 the chief priest. Caesar took away the priesthood from Archelaus, who 
 had embraced Pompey's interests, and gave it to Lycomedes. 
 
 18*
 
 418 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. T.XIT. 
 
 dignity to the king. He conferred this dignity on Lycomedes 
 of Bithynia, who was descended from the ancient kings of 
 Cappadocia, and who demanded it in right of inheritance ; his 
 ancestors having lost it upon occasion of the scepter being 
 transferred to another line. As for Ariobarzanes, and his brother 
 Ariarates, who had both deserved well of the commonwealth, he 
 confirmed the first in his kingdom, and put the other under his 
 protection ; after which, he pursued his march with the same 
 dispatch. 
 
 CHAP. LXVII. Upon his approaching Pontus, and the fron- 
 tiers of Gallogrgecia, Deiotarus, tetrarch of that province (whose 
 title, however, was disputed by the neighboring tetrarchs) and 
 king of Lesser Armenia, laying aside the regal ornaments, and 
 assuming the habit not only of a private person, but even of 
 a criminal, came in a suppliant manner to Caesar, " to beg for- 
 giveness for assisting Pompey with his army, and obeying his 
 commands, at a time when Caesar could afford him no protec- 
 tion : urging, that it was his business to obey the governors 
 who were present, without pretending to judge of the disputes 
 of the people of Rome. 
 
 CHAP. LXVUL Caesar, after reminding him " of the many 
 services he had done him, and the decrees he had procured 
 in his favor when consul; that his defection could claim no 
 excuse for want of information, because one of his industry and 
 prudence could not but know who was master of Italy and Rome, 
 where the senate, the people, and the majesty of the republic 
 resided ; who, in fine, was consul after Marcellus and Lentulus ; 
 told him, that he would notwithstanding forgive his present 
 fault in consideration of his past services, the former friendship 
 that had subsisted between them, the respect due to his age, 
 and the solicitation of those connected with him by hospitality, 
 and his friends who interceded in his behalf: adding, that he 
 would defer the controversy relating to the tetrarchate to another 
 time." He restored him the royal habit, and commanded him 
 to join him with all his cavalry, and the legion he had trained 
 up after the Roman manner. 
 
 CHAP. LXIX. When he was arrived in Pontus, and had 
 drawn all his forces together, which were not very considerable 
 either for their number or discipline (for except the sixth 
 legion, composed of veteran soldiers, which he had brought 
 with him from Alexandria, and which, by its many labors and
 
 CHAP. Lrar. THE ALEXANDRIAN WAR. 419 
 
 dangers, the length of its marches and voyages, and the frequent 
 wars in which it had been engaged, was reduced to less than a 
 thousand men, he had only the legion of Deiotarus, and two 
 more that had been in the late battle between Domitius and 
 Pharnaces) embassadors arrived from Pharnaces, " to entreat 
 that Caesar would not come as an enemy, for he would submit 
 to all his commands." They represented particularly that 
 " Pharnaces had granted no aid to Pompey, as Deiotarus had 
 done, whom he had nevertheless pardoned." 
 
 CHAP. LXX. Caesar replied, " That Pharnaces should meet 
 with the utmost justice, if he performed his promises : but 
 at the same time he admonished the embassadors, in gentle 
 terms, to forbear mentioning Deiotarus, and not to overrate the 
 having refused aid to Pompey. He told them that he never 
 did any thing with greater pleasure than pardon a suppliant, 
 but that he would never look upon private services to himself 
 as an atonement for public injuries done the province ; that the 
 refusal of Pharnaces to aid Pompey had turned chiefly to his 
 own advantage, as he had thereby avoided all share in the dis- 
 aster of Pharsalia ; that he was however willing to forgive the 
 injuries done to the Roman citizens in Pontus, because it was 
 now too late to think of redressing them ; as he could neither 
 restore life to the dead, nor manhood to those he had deprived 
 of it, by a punishment more intolerable to the Romans than 
 death itself. But that he must quit Pontus immediately, send 
 back the farmers of the revenues, and restore to the Romans 
 and their allies what he unjustly detained from them. If he 
 should do this, he might then send the presents which success- 
 ful generals were wont to receive from their friends" (for Phar- 
 naces had sent him a golden crown). With this answer he 
 dismissed the embassadors. 
 
 CHAP. LXXI. Pharnaces promised every thing : but hop- 
 ing that Caesar, who was in haste to be gone, would readily give 
 credit to whatever he said, that he might the sooner set out 
 upon more urgent affairs (for every body knew that his presence 
 was much wanted at Rome), he performed but slowly, wanted 
 to protract the day of his departure, demanded other conditions, 
 and in fine endeavored to elude his engagements. Caesar, per- 
 ceiving his drift, did now, out of necessity, what he was usually 
 wont to do through inclination, and resolved to decide the affair 
 as soon as possible by a battle.
 
 420 IHRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES: CHAP. LXXTV. 
 
 CHAP. LXXII. Zela is a town of Pontus, well fortified, 
 though situated in a plain ; for a natural eminence, as if raised 
 by art, sustains the walls on all sides. All around is a great 
 number of large mountains, intersected by valleys. The highest 
 of these, which is celebrated for the victory of Mithridates, the 
 defeat of Triarius, 1 and the destruction of our army, is not above 
 three miles from Zela, and has a ridge that almost extends to 
 the town. Here Pharnaces encamped, with all his forces, re- 
 pairing the fortifications of a position which had proved so for- 
 tunate to his father. 
 
 CHAP. LXXIII. Caesar having encamped about five miles 
 from the enemy, and observing that the valleys which defended 
 the king's camp would likewise defend his own, at the same 
 distance, if the enemy, who were much nearer, did not seize 
 them before him ; ordered a great quantity of fascines to be 
 brought within the intrenchments. This being quickly per- 
 formed, next night, at the fourth watch, leaving the baggage in 
 the camp, he set out with the legions ; and arriving at day- 
 break unsuspected by the enemy, possessed himself of the same 
 post where Mithridates had defeated Triarius. Hither he com- 
 manded all the fascines to be brought, employing the servants 
 of the army for that purpose, that the soldiers might not be 
 called off from the works ; because the valley, which divided 
 the eminence, where he was intrenching himself from the enemy, 
 was not above a mile wide. 
 
 CHAP. LXXIV. Pharnaces perceiving this, next morning 
 ranged all his troops in order of battle before his camp. 
 Cassar, on account of the disadvantage of the ground, believed 
 that he was reviewing them according to military discipline ; 
 or with a view to retard his works, by keeping a great num- 
 ber of his men under arms ; or through the confidence of the 
 king, that he might not seem to defend his position by his 
 fortifications rather than by force. Therefore, keeping only 
 his first line in order of battle, he commanded the rest of the 
 army to go on with their works. But Pharnaces, either prompt- 
 
 1 Triarius was one of Lucullus's lieutenants : he was desirous of hav- 
 ing the honor of defeating Mithridates before the arrival of Lucullus, and 
 coming to an engagement on most disadvantageous ground, was defeated 
 with great loss. Seven thousand soldiers, one hundred and fifty centu- 
 rions, and more than twenty-four military tribunes, are said to have fallen 
 in this engagement
 
 CHAP. LXXVL THE ALEXANDRIAN WAR. 421 
 
 ed by the place itself, which had been so fortunate to his father ; 
 or induced by favorable omens, as we were afterward told ; 
 or discovering the small number of our men that were in arms 
 (for he took all that were employed in carrying materials to the 
 works to be soldiers) ; or confiding in his veteran army, who 
 valued themselves upon having defeated the twenty-second 
 legion ; and at the same time, despising our troops, whom 
 he knew he had worsted, under Domitius ; was determined 
 upon a battle, and to that end began to cross the valley. Caesar, 
 at first, laughed at his ostentation, in crowding his army into 
 so narrow a place, where no enemy, in his right senses, would 
 have ventured : while, in the mean time, Pharnaces continued 
 his march, and began to ascend the steep hill on which Caesar 
 was posted. 
 
 CHAP. LXXV. Caesar, astonished at his incredible rash- 
 ness and confidence, and finding himself suddenly and unex- 
 pectedly attacked, called off his soldiers from the works, order- 
 ed them to arms, opposed the legions to the enemy, and ranged 
 his troops in order of battle. The suddenness of the thing oc- 
 casioned some terror at first ; and our ranks not being yet 
 formed, the scythed chariots 1 disordered and confused the sol- 
 diers : however, the multitude of darts discharged against them, 
 soon put a stop to their career. The enemy's army followed 
 them close, and began the battle with a shout. Our advan- 
 tageous situation, but especially the assistance of the gods, who 
 preside over all the events of war, and more particularly those 
 where human conduct can be of no service, favored us greatly 
 on this occasion. 
 
 CHAP. LXXVI. After a sharp and obstinate conflict, 
 victory began to declare for us on the right wing, where the 
 sixth legion was posted. The enemy there were totally over- 
 thrown, but, in the center and left, the battle was long and 
 doubtful ; however, with the assistance of the gods, we at 
 last prevailed there also, and drove them with the utmost pre- 
 cipitation down the hill which they had so easily ascended 
 before. Great numbers being slain, and many crushed by the 
 flight of their own troops, such as had the good fortune to 
 escape were nevertheless obliged to throw away their arms ; so 
 
 1 For an accurate and complete description of the scythed chariots used 
 by the ancients, see my translation of Livy, book xxxvii. chap, xliii.
 
 422 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. Lxxvm. 
 
 that having crossed, and got upon the opposite ascent, they 
 could not, being unarmed, derive any benefit from the ad- 
 vantage of the ground. Our men flushed with victory, did 
 not hesitate to advance up the disadvantageous ground, and 
 attack their fortifications, which they soon forced, notwith- 
 standing the resistance made by the cohorts left by Pharnaces 
 to guard it. Almost the whole army was cut to pieces or made 
 prisoners. Pharnaces himself escaped, with a few horse ; and 
 had not the attack on the camp given him an opportunity of 
 fleeing without pursuit, he must certainly have fallen alive into 
 Caesar's hands. 
 
 CHAP. LXXVII. Though Caesar 1 was accustomed to victory, 
 yet he felt incredible joy at the present success ; because 
 he had so speedily put an end to a very great war. The 
 remembrance, too, of the danger to which he had been expos- 
 ed, enhanced the pleasure, as he had obtained an easy victory 
 in a very difficult conjuncture. Having thus recovered Pontus, 
 and abandoned the plunder of the enemy's camp to the soldiers, 
 lie set out next day with some light horse. He ordered the 
 sixth legion to return to Italy to receive the honors and rewards 
 they had merited ; and sent home the auxiliary troops of Deio- 
 tarus, and left two legions with Caelius Vincianus to protect the 
 kingdom of Pontus. --__^ t 
 
 CHAP. LXXVIII. Through Gallograecia and Bithynia he 
 marched into Asia, and examined and decided all the con- 
 troversies of the provinces as he passed, and established the 
 limits and jurisdictions of the several kings, states, and tetrarchs. 
 Mithridates of Pergamus, who had so actively and successfully 
 served him in Egypt, as we have related above, a man of royal 
 descent and education (for Mithridates, king of all Asia, out of 
 regard to his birth, had carried him along with him when very 
 young, and kept him in his camp several years), was appointed 
 king of Bosphorus, which had been under the command of 
 Pharnaces. And thus he guarded the provinces of the Roman 
 people against the attempts of barbarous and hostile kings, by 
 the interposition of a prince firmly attached to the interests 
 of the republic. He bestowed on him likewise the tetrarchy 
 of Gallograecia, which was his by the law of nations and family 
 
 1 It was on this occasion, that writing to the senate, he used the mem- 
 orable words, " Veni, vidi, vici."
 
 CHAP. LXXVIII. THE ALEXANDRIAN WAR. 423 
 
 claims, though it had been possessed for some years by Deio- 
 tarus. Thus Caesar, staying nowhere longer than the necessity 
 of the seditions in the city required, and having settled all 
 things relating to the provinces with the utmost success and 
 dispatch, returned to Italy much sooner than was generally 
 expected.
 
 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES 
 
 ON THE 
 
 AFRICAN WAR. 
 
 THE ARGUMENT. 
 
 I. Caesar sails for Africa, IV.-VI. And, after an unsuccessful effort to take 
 Adrumetum, encamps at Buspina. VII. Leptis surrenders to him, and 
 is made the rallying point for nis auxiliaries. IX.-XI. Caesar endeavors 
 to procure supplies of provisions, XII.-XIX. And skirmishes with La- 
 bienus. XXI. He increases his army while encamped before Euspina, 
 and procures arms and supplies. XXII., XXIII. Cato, who was in 
 command of Utica, urges young Pompey to invade the territory of 
 Bogud, king of Mauritania : Pompey complies with his wish, but is un- 
 successful at Ascurutn. XXIV. Scipio, Labienus, and Petreius, unite 
 their forces ; Caesar suffers severely from want of corn. XXV. Sitius 
 and King Bogud invade Juba's territories, and compel him to march to 
 the assistance of his subjects. Caesar assures the Africans of his arrival, 
 and draws together auxiliaries. XXVII. Scipio trains his elephants. 
 
 to come to an engagement with Scipio. A great number of Gaetulians 
 and Numidians desert to him. XXXIII. The state of Achilla surren- 
 ders to Messius, XXXIV. And the island of Cercina to Sallustius. 
 XXXV. Some Gaetulians are sent by Scipio ns spies to discover the 
 amount of Caesar's forces : they desert to Caesar. XXXVI. The inhabit- 
 ants of Tisdra send embassadors to Caesar, offering to surrender. Sitius 
 takes by storm one of Juba's strongest fortresses. XXXVII.-XLII. 
 The maneuvers of Caesar and Scipio. XLIII. Considius abandons the 
 blockade of Achillas; and retreats to Adrumetum. XLIV.-XLVI. 
 Caesar's ships are intercepted by the enemy. Some veterans are taken 
 prisoners, and put to death by Scipio's orders, because they refused to 
 desert. XLVn. Caesar's troops are much harassed by a violent storm. 
 XLVIII. Jnba brings auxiliaries to Scipio. XLIX.-LIT. Caaar defeats
 
 CHAP. I. THE AFRICA!* WAR. 425 
 
 the enemy near Uzita. LIII. The ninth and tenth legions arrive from 
 Sicily. LIV. Caesar breaks some of his officers, on account of their 
 disgraceful conduct LV. A revolt of the Gaetuuans compels Juba to 
 Bend back part of his army to defend his own kingdom. LVII. Caesar's 
 soldiers hold frequent conference with Scipio. Aquinius, when en- 
 gaged in conversation with Saserna, is ordered by Juba to cease. 
 LVIII.-LXIV. The hostile armies immediately come to an action be- 
 tween Uzita and Adrumetnm ; the victory is tor a long time doubtful, 
 but at length Caesar gains the day. LXV.-LXXIII. Caesar takes Zeta, 
 and trains his soldiers in the method of opposing elephants. LXXIV. 
 Vacca declares in favor of Caesar : it is sacked and demolished by Juba. 
 LXXV.-LXXVII. Caesar marches against Sarsura, and takes it: Tha- 
 bena shares the same fate. LX XVIII. The battle of Tegea. LXX1X.- 
 LXXXVIII. Caesar conquers the enemy at Thapsus and marches to 
 Utica ; Cato commits suicide, and Caesar obtains possession of the city. 
 LXXXIX., XC. Caesar pardons Quintus Legarius, enters Utica, and 
 fines many of the inhabitants. XCI.-XCII.~The inhabitants of Zama 
 shut their gates against Juba. XCIII. Considius flees from Tisdra ; 
 Virgilius surrenders. XCIV. The death of Juba and Petreius XCV 
 P. Sitius conquers Sabura ; the latter is slain in the action. Death of 
 Faustus and Afranius, XCVI. And likewise of Scipio. XCVII. Caesar 
 sells the properties of his enemies at Zampa and Utica. He reduces 
 Numidia to the state of being a province, and exacts heavy fines from 
 the inhabitants of Thapsus, Adrumetum, Leptis, and Tisdra. XCVIII. 
 He passes over to Carales in Sardinia, and subsequently repairs to Rome. 
 
 CHAP. I. CAESAR, advancing by moderate journeys, and 
 continuing his march without intermission, arrived at Lily- 
 bseum, 1 on the 14th day before the calends .of January. 
 Designing to embark immediately, though he had only one 
 legion of new levies, and not quite six hundred horse, he 
 ordered his tent to be pitched so near the sea-side that the 
 waves lashed the very foot of it. This he did with a view 
 that none should think he had time to delay, and that his 
 men might be kept in readiness at a day or an hour's warning. 
 Though the wind at that time was contrary, he nevertheless 
 detained the soldiers and mariners on board, that he might 
 lose no opportunity of sailing ; the rather, because the forces of 
 the enemy were announced by the inhabitants of the province, 
 to consist of innumberable cavalry not to be numbered ; four 
 legions headed by Juba, together with a great body of light- 
 armed troops; ten legions under the command of Scipio; a 
 hundred and twenty elephants, and fleets in abundance. Yet 
 he was not alarmed, nor lost his confident hopes and spirits. 
 Meantime the number of galleys and transports increased 
 daily ; the new-levied legions flocked in to him from all parts ; 
 
 1 A promontory and town in Sicily, opposite to Africa.
 
 426 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP, in 
 
 among the rost the fifth, a veteran legion, and about two 
 thousand horse. 
 
 CHAP. II. Having got together six legions and about two 
 thousand horse, he embarked the legions as fast as they 
 arrived, in the galleys, and the cavalry in the transports. 
 Then sending the greatest part of the fleet before, with orders 
 to sail for the island of Aponiana, not far from Lilybaeum ; he 
 himself continued a little longer in Sicily, and exposed to 
 public sale some confiscated estates. Leaving all other affairs 
 to the care of Allienus 1 the praetor, who then commanded in 
 the island ; and strictly charging him to use the utmost 
 expedition in embarking the remainder of the troops ; he set 
 sail the sixth day before the calends of January, and soon came 
 up with the rest of the fleet. As the wind was favorable, and 
 afforded a quick passage, he arrived the fourth day within 
 sight of Africa, attended by a few galleys : for the transports, 
 being mostly dispersed and scattered by the winds, with the 
 exception of a few were driven different ways. Passing 
 Clupea and Neapolis with the fleet, he continued for some 
 time to coast along the shore, leaving many towns and castles 
 behind him. 
 
 CHAP. III. After he came before Adrumetum, where the 
 enemy had a garrison, commanded by C. Considius, and where 
 Cn. Piso 2 appeared upon the shore toward Clupea, with the 
 cavalry of Adrumetum, and about three thousand Moors, he 
 stopped awhile, facing the port, till the rest of the fleet 
 should come up, and then landed his men, 3 though their 
 number at that time did not exceed three thousand foot and a 
 hundred and fifty horse. There, encamping before the town, 
 he continued quiet, without offering any act of hostility, and 
 restrained all from plunder. Meantime the inhabitants 
 manned the walls, and assembled in great numbers before the 
 gate, to defend themselves, their garrison within amounting to 
 two legions. Caesar, having ridden round the town, and 
 
 1 This is the Allienus to whom Cicero addresses his Eighteenth Epistle. 
 On the death of Caesar, he espoused the party of Brutus and Cassiys. 
 
 2 This was the father of Piso, who was accused, in the reign of Tibe- 
 rius, of having poisoned German icus. 
 
 3 When Csesar was leaving his ship, he accidentally fell ; perceiving 
 that the soldiers looked on it as an unfavorable omen, be dispelled their 
 superstitious fears by saying, " Africa, I embrace thee."
 
 CHAP, vi.- THE AFRICAN "WAR. 427 
 
 thoroughly examined its situation, returned to his camp. 
 Some blamed his conduct on this occasion, and charged him 
 with a considerable oversight, in not appointing a place of meet- 
 ing to the pilots and captains of the fleet, or delivering them 
 sealed instructions, according to his usual custom ; which being 
 opened at a certain time, might have directed them to assemble 
 at a specified place. But in this Caesar acted not without 
 design ; for as he knew of no port in Africa that was clear of 
 the enemy's forces, and where the fleet might rendezvous in 
 security, he chose to rely entirely upon fortune, and land where 
 occasion offered. ----- - 
 
 CHAP. IV. In the mean time, L. Plancus, one of Caesar's 
 lieutenants, desired leave to treat with Considius, and try, if pos- 
 sible, to bring him to reason. Leave being granted accord- 
 ingly, he wrote him a letter, and sent it into the town by a cap- 
 tive. When the captive arrived, and presented the letter, 
 Considius, before he received it, demanded whence it came, and 
 being told from Caesar, the Roman general, answered, " That he 
 knew no general of the Roman forces but Scipio." Then, com- 
 manding the messenger to be immediately slain in his presence, 
 he delivered the letter, unread and unopened, to a trusty par- 
 tisan, with orders to carry it directly to Scipio. 
 
 CHAP. V. Caesar had now continued, a day and a night 
 before the town, without receiving any answer from Considius ; 
 the rest of the forces were not yet arrived ; his cavalry was not 
 considerable ; he had not sufficient troops with him to invest 
 the place, and these were new levies : neither did he think it 
 advisable, upon his first landing, to expose the army to wounds 
 and fatigue ; more especially, as the town was strongly fortified, 
 and extremely difficult of access, and a great body of horse was 
 said to be upon the point of arrival to succor the inhabitants ; 
 he therefore thought it advisable not to remain and besiege the 
 town, lest while he pursued that design, the enemy's cavalry 
 should come behind and surround him. 
 
 CHAP. VI. But as he was drawing off his men, the garrison 
 made a sudden sally ; and the cavalry which had been sent by 
 Juba to receive their pay, happening just then to come up, they 
 took possession of the camp Caesar had left, and began to ha- 
 rass his rear. This being perceived, the legionaries imme- 
 diately halted ; and the cavalry, though few in. number, boldly 
 charged the vast multitude of the enemy. An incredible event
 
 428 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. TJHAP. Tin. 
 
 occurred, that less than thirty Gallic horse repulsed two thousand 
 Moors, aud drove them into the town. Having thus repulsed 
 the enemy and compelled them to retire behind their walls, 
 Caesar resumed his intended march : but observing that they 
 often repeated their sallies, renewing the pursuit from time to 
 time, and again fleeing when attacked by the horse, he posted 
 a few of the veteran cohorts which he had with him, with part 
 of the cavalry, in the rear, and so proceeded slowly on his march. 
 The further he advanced from the town, the less eager were the 
 JSTumidians to pursue. Meantime, deputies arrived from the 
 several towns and castles on the road, offering to furnish him 
 with corn, and to perform whatever he might command. To- 
 ward the evening of that day, which was the calends of January, 
 he fixed his camp at Ruspina; 
 
 CHAP. VII. Thence he removed and came before Leptis, a 
 free city and governed by its own laws. Here lie was met by 
 deputies from the town, who, in the name of the inhabitants, 
 offered their free submission. Whereupon, placing centurions 
 and a guard before the gates, to prevent the soldiers from en- 
 tering, or offering violence to any of the inhabitants, he himself 
 encamped toward the shore, not far distant from the town. 
 Hither by accident arrived some of the galleys and transports ; 
 by whom he was informed that the rest of the fleet, uncertain 
 what course to pursue, had been steering for Utica. 1 In the 
 mean time Caesar could not depart from the sea, nor seek the 
 inland provinces, on account of the error committed by the 
 fleet. He likewise sent the cavalry back to their ships, prob- 
 ably to hinder the country from being plundered, and ordered 
 fresh water to be carried to them on board. Meanwhile the 
 Moorish horse rose suddenly, Caesar's party not expecting it, 
 on the rowers who had been employed in carrying water, as 
 they came out of the ships, and wounded many with their darts 
 and killed some. For the manner of these barbarians is, to lie 
 in ambush with their horses among the valleys, and suddenly 
 launch upon an enemy ; they seldom choosing to engage hand 
 to hand in a plain. 
 
 CHAP. VHI. In the mean time, Caesar dispatched letters 
 and messengers into Sardinia and the neighboring provinces, 
 with orders, as soon as they read the letters, to send supplies 
 
 1 A town of Africa, which, after the destruction of Carthage, became 
 the principal city of that continent.
 
 CHAP. x. THE AFRICAN WAR. 429 
 
 of men, corn, and warlike stores ; and having unloaded part of 
 the fleet, detached it, with Rabirius Posthumus, 1 into Sicily, to 
 bring over the second embarkation. At the same time he 
 ordered out ten galleys, to get intelligence of the transports that 
 had missed their way, and to maintain the freedom of the sea. 
 He also ordered C. Sallustius Prispus, the praetor, 2 at the head 
 of a squadron, to sail to Percina, then iu the hands of the 
 enemy, because he heard there was great quantity of corn in 
 that island : he gave these orders and instructions in such a man- 
 ner as to leave no room for excuse or delay. Meanwhile, hav- 
 ing informed himself, from the deserters and natives, of the 
 condition of Scipio and his followers; and understanding that 
 they were at the whole charge of maintaining Juba's cavalry ; 
 he could not but pity the infatuation of men, who thus chose 
 to be tributaries to the king of Numidia, rather than securely 
 enjoy their fortunes at home with their fellow-citizens. 
 
 CHAP. IX. Caesar moved his camp on the third day before 
 the nones of January ; and leaving six cohorts at Leptis, under 
 the command of Saserna, returned with the rest of the forces 
 to Ruspina, whence he had come the day before. Here he 
 deposited the baggage of the army ; and marching out with a 
 light body of troops to forage, ordered the inhabitants to follow 
 with their horses and carriages. Having by this means got 
 together a great quantity of corn, he came back to Ruspina. 
 I think that he acted with this intention, that by keeping 
 possession of the maritime cities, and providing them with 
 garrisons, he might secure a retreat for his fleet. 
 
 CHAP. X. Leaving therefore P. Saserna, the brother of him 
 who commanded at Leptis, to take charge of the town, with 
 one legion, he orders all the wood that could be found to be 
 carried into the place ; and set out in person from Ruspina, 
 with seven cohorts, part of the veteran legions who had behaved 
 so well in the fleet under Sulpicius and Vatinius ; and march- 
 ing directly for the port, which lies at about two miles' distance, 
 embarked with them in the evening, without imparting his 
 intentions to the army, who were extremely inquisitive concern- 
 
 1 This is the Rabirius Posthumus for whom Cicero pleaded in a speech 
 which is still extant. 
 
 2 The famous historian ; he was expelled the senate by Appius Clau- 
 dius, the Censor, upon which he embraced the cause of Caesar, who sub- 
 sequently restored him.
 
 430 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. XIL 
 
 ing the general's design.. His departure occasioned the utmost 
 sadness and consternation among the troops; for being few in 
 number, mostly new levies, and those not all suffered to land, 
 they saw themselves exposed, upon a foreign coast, to the 
 mighty forces of a crafty nation, supported by an innumerable 
 cavalry. Nor had they any resource in their present circum- 
 stances, or expectation of safety in their own conduct ; but 
 derived all their hope from the alacrity, vigor, and wonderful 
 cheerfulness that appeared in their general's countenance ; for 
 he was of an intrepid spirit, and behaved with undaunted 
 resolution and confidence. On his conduct, therefore, they 
 entirely relied, and hoped to a man, that by his skill and 
 talents, all difficulties would vanish before them. 
 
 CHAP. XI. Csesar, having continued the whole night on 
 board, prepared to set sail about day-break ; when, all on a 
 sudden, the part of the fleet that had caused so much anxiety, 
 appeared unexpectedly in view. Wherefore, ordering his men 
 to quit their ships immediately, and receive the rest of the 
 troops in arms upon the shore, he made the new fleet enter 
 the port with the utmost diligence ; and landing all the forces, 
 horse and foot, returned again to Ruspina. Here he estab- 
 lished his camp ; and taking with him thirty cohorts, without 
 baggage, advanced into the country to forage. Thus was 
 Caesar's purpose at length discovered : that he meant, unknown 
 to the enemy, to have sailed to the assistance of the transports 
 that had missed their way, lest they should unexpectedly fall in 
 with the African fleet. And he did not wish his own soldiers 
 who were left behind in garrison to know this, lest they should 
 be intimidated by the smallness of their numbers, and the 
 multitude of the enemy. 
 
 CHAP. XII. Caesar had not marched above three miles 
 from his camp, when he was informed by his scouts, and some 
 advanced parties of horse, that the enemy's forces were in 
 view. As soon as this announcement was made, a great cloud 
 of dust began to appear. Upon this intelligence, Cassar ordered 
 all his horse, of which he had at that time but a very small 
 number, to advance, as likewise his archers, only a few of 
 whom had followed him from the camp ; and the legions to 
 march quietly after him in order of battle ; while he went for- 
 ward at the head of a small party. Soon after, having dis- 
 covered the enemy at some distance, he commanded the
 
 CHAP. xv. THE AFRICAN "WAR. 431 
 
 soldiers to repair to their arms, and prepare for battle. Their 
 number in all did not exceed thirty cohorts, with four hundred 
 horse, and one hundred and fifty archers. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. Meanwhile the enemy, under the command 
 of Labienus, and the two Pacidii, drew up, with a very large 
 front, consisting not so much of foot as of horse, whom they 
 intermixed with light-armed Numidians and archers ; forming 
 themselves in such close order, that Caesar's army, at a distance, 
 mistook them all for infantry ; and strengthening their right 
 and left with many squadrons of horse. Caesar drew up his 
 army in a single line, being obliged to do so by the smallness of 
 his numbers ; covering his front with his archers, and placing 
 his cavalry on the right and left wings, with particular instruc- 
 tions not to suffer themselves to be surrounded by the enemy's 
 numerous horse ; for he imagined that he would have to fight 
 only with infantry. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. As both sides stood in expectation of the sig- 
 nal, and Caesar would not stir from his post, as he saw that 
 with such few troops against so great a force he must depend 
 more on stratagem than strength, on a sudden the enemy's 
 horse began to extend themselves, and move in a lateral di- 
 rection, so as to encompass the hills and weaken Caesar's 
 horse, and at the same time to surround them. The latter 
 could scarcely keep their ground against their numbers. 
 Meanwhile, both the main bodies advancing to engage, the 
 enemy's cavalry, intermixed with some light-armed Numidians, 
 suddenly sprang forward, from their crowded troops, and 
 attacked the legions with a shower of darts. Our men, pre- 
 paring to return the charge, their horse retreated a little, 
 while the foot continued to maintain their ground, till the 
 others, having rallied, came on again, with fresh vigor, to sus- 
 tain them. 
 
 CHAP. XV Caesar perceived that his ranks were in dan- 
 ger of being broken by this new way of fighting, for our foot, 
 in pursuing the enemy's horse, having advanced a considerable 
 way beyond their colors, were wounded in the flank by the 
 nearest Numidian darts, while the enemy's horse easily 
 escaped our infantry's javelins by flight ; he therefore gave 
 express orders that no soldier should advance above four feet 
 beyond the ensigns. Meanwhile, Labienus's cavalry, confiding 
 in their numbers, endeavored to surround those of Caesar :
 
 432 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP, xvm. 
 
 who being few in number, and overpowered by the multitude 
 of the enemy, were forced to give ground a little, their 
 horses being much wounded. The enemy pressed on more 
 and more ; so that in an instant, the legions, being sur- 
 rounded on all sides by the enemy's cavalry, were obliged to 
 form themselves into a circle, and fight, as if inclosed with 
 barriers. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. Labienus, with his head uncovered, advanced 
 on horseback to the front of the battle, sometimes encourag- 
 ing his own men, sometimes addressing Caesar's legions thus : 
 " So ho ! you raw soldiers there !" says he, " why so fierce 1 
 Has he infatuated you too with his words? Truly he has 
 brought you into a fine condition ! I pity you sincerely." 
 Upon this, one of the soldiers said : " I am none of your raw 
 warriors, Labienus, but a veteran of the tenth legion." " Where's 
 your standard ?" replied Labienus. " I'll soon make you sen- 
 sible who I am," answered the soldier. Then pulling oft' his 
 helmet, to discover himself, he threw a javelin, with all his 
 rtrcngth at Labienus, which wounding his horse severely in the 
 breast " Know, Labienus," says he, " that this dart was thrown 
 by a soldier of the tenth legion." However, the whole army 
 was not a little daunted, especially the new levies ; and began 
 to cast their eyes upon Caesar, minding nothing, for the present, 
 but to defend themselves from the enemy's darts. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. Caesar meanwhile, perceiving the enemy's de- 
 sign, endeavored to extend his line of battle, as much as possible, 
 directing the cohorts to face about alternately to the right and 
 left. By this means, he broke the enemy's circle with his right 
 and left wings ; and attacking one part of them, thus separated 
 from the other, with his horse and foot, at last put them to 
 flight. He pursued them but a little way, fearing an ambus- 
 cade, and returned again to his own men. The same was done 
 by the other division of Caesar's horse and foot, so that the ene- 
 my being driven back, and severely wounded on all sides, he 
 retreated toward his camp, in order of battle. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. Meantime M. Petreius, and Cn. Piso, with 
 eleven hundred select Numidian horse, and a considerable 
 body of foot, arrived to the assistance of the enemy; who, 
 recovering from their terror, upon this reinforcement, and 
 again resuming courage, fell upon the rear of the legions, as 
 retreated, and endeavored to hinder them from reaching
 
 CHAP. xix. THE AFRICAN WAR. 433 
 
 their camp. Caesar, perceiving this, ordered his men to wheel 
 about, and renew the battle in the middle of the plain. As 
 the enemy still pursued their former plan, and avoided a 
 closing engagement, and the horses of Caesar's cavalry had not 
 yet recovered the fatigue of their late voyage, and were besides 
 weakened with thirst, weariness, wounds, and of course unfit for 
 a vigorous and long pursuit, which even the time of the day 
 would not allow, he ordered both horse and foot to fall at once 
 briskly upon the enemy, and not slacken the pursuit till they 
 had driven them quite beyond the furthest hills, and taken pos- 
 session of them themselves. Accordingly, upon a signal being 
 given, when the enemy were throwing their javelins in a faint 
 and careless manner, he suddenly charged them with his horse 
 and foot ; who in a moment driving them from the field, and 
 over the adjoining hill, kept possession of that post for some 
 time, and then retired slowly, in order of battle, to their camp. 
 The enemy, who, in this last attack, had been vary roughly 
 handled, then at length retreated to their fortifications. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. Meanwhile the action being over, a great 
 number of deserters, of all kinds, flocked to Caesar's camp, 
 besides multitudes of horse and foot that were made prisoners. 
 From them we learned that it was the design of the enemy to 
 have astonished our raw troops, with their new and uncommon 
 manner of fighting ; and after surrounding them with their 
 cavalry, to have cut them to pieces, as they had done Curio ; 
 and that they had marched against us expressly with that 
 intention. Labienus had even said, in the council of war, that 
 he would lead such a numerous body of auxiliaries against his 
 adversaries, as should fatigue us with the very slaughter, and 
 defeat us even in the bosom of victory ; for he relied more on 
 the number than the valor of his troops. He had heard of 
 the mutiny of the veteran legions at Rome, and their refusal 
 to go into Africa ; and was likewise well assured of the fidelity 
 of his troops, who had served three years under him in Africa. 
 He had a great number of Numidian cavalry and light-armed 
 troops, besides the Gallic and German horse, whom he had 
 drawn together out of the remains of Pompey's army, and car- 
 ried over with him from Brundusium : he had likewise the freed- 
 men raised in the country, and trained to use bridled horses; 
 and also the immense number of Juba's forces, his hundred and 
 twenty elephants, his innumerable cavalry and legionariea, 
 
 19
 
 434 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. xn. 
 
 amounting to above twelve thousand. Emboldened by the hope 
 such mighty forces raised in him, on the day before the nones 
 of January, three days after Caesar's arrival, he came against 
 him, with sixteen hundred Gallic and German horse, nine hun- 
 dred under Petrous, eight thousand Numidians, four times that 
 number of light-armed foot, with a multitude of archers and 
 slingers. The battle lasted from the fifth hour till sun set, dur- 
 ing which time Petreius, receiving a dangerous wound, was 
 obliged to quit the field. 
 
 CHAP. XX. Meantime Caesar fortified his camp with much 
 greater care, reinforced the guards, and threw up two intrench- 
 ments; one from Ruspina quite to the sea, the other from his 
 camp to the sea likewise, to secure the communication, and 
 receive supplies without danger. He landed a great number 
 of darts and military engines, armed part of the mariners, 
 Gauls, Khodians, and others, that after the example of the 
 enemy he might have a number of light-armed troops to inter- 
 mix with his cavalry. He likewise strengthened his army with 
 a great number of Syrian and Iturean archers whom he drew 
 from the fleet into his camp : for he understood that within 
 three days Scipio was expected to unite his forces to Labienus 
 and Petreius, and his army was said to consist of eight legions 
 and three thousand horse. At the same time he established 
 workshops, made a great number of darts and arrows, provided 
 himself with leaden bullets and palisades, wrote to Sicily for 
 hurdles and wood to make rams, because he had none in Africa, 
 and likewise gave orders for sending corn ; for the harvest in 
 that country was like to be inconsiderable, the enemy having 
 taken all the laborers into their service the year before, and 
 stored up the grain in a few fortified towns, after demolishing 
 the rest, forcing the inhabitants into the garrisoned places, and 
 exhausting the whole country. 
 
 CHAP. XXL In this necessity, by paying court to private 
 individuals, he obtained a small supply, and husbanded it with 
 care. In the mean time he went round the works in person 
 daily, and kept about four cohorts constantly on duty, on ac- 
 count of the multitude of the enemy. Labienus sent his sick 
 and wounded, of which the number was very considerable, in 
 wagons to Adrumetum. Meanwhile Caesar's transports, unac- 
 quainted with the. coast, or where their general had landed 
 wandered up and down in great uncertainty ; and being,
 
 CHAP, xxiii. THE AFRICAN "WAR. . 435 
 
 attacked, one after another, by the enemy's coasters, were, for the 
 most part, either taken or burned. Caesar, being informed of 
 this, stationed his fleet along the coast and islands for the secu- 
 rity of his convoys. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. Meanwhile M. Cato, 1 who commanded in 
 Utica, never ceased urging and exhorting young Pompey, in 
 words to this effect : " Your father, when he was at your age, 
 and observed the commonwealth oppressed by wicked and 
 daring men, and the party of order either slain or driven into 
 banishment from their country and relations, incited by the 
 greatness of his mind and the love of glory, though then very 
 young, and only a private man, had yet the courage to rally 
 the remains of his father's army, and assert the freedom of 
 Italy and Rome, which was almost crushed forever. He also 
 recovered Sicily, Africa, Numidia, Mauritania, with amazing 
 dispatch, and by that means gained an illustrious and exten- 
 sive reputation among all nations, and triumphed while very 
 young and only a Roman knight. Nor did he enter upon the 
 administration of public affairs, distinguished by the shining 
 exploits of his father, or the fame and reputation of his an- 
 cestors, or the honors and dignities of the state. Will you, on 
 the contrary, possessed of these honors, and the reputation 
 acquired by your father, sufficiently distinguished by your own 
 industry and greatness of mind, not bestir yourself, join your 
 father's friends, and give the earnestly required assistance to 
 yourself, the republic, and every man of worth ?" 
 
 CHAP. XXIIL The youth, roused by the remonstrances 
 of that grave and worthy senator, got together about thirty 
 sail, of all sorts, of which some few were ships of war, and sail- 
 ing from Utica to Mauritania, invaded the kingdom of Bogud. 
 And leaving his baggage behind him, with an army of two 
 
 1 After the battle of Pharsalia, Cato fled into Africa, where he still 
 possessed great influence among Pompey's party. When the command 
 of the army in Africa was offered him, he would not accept it, as he con- 
 sidered that it ought to be conferred on Scipio, who was then proconsul. 
 The appointment of Scipio to the supreme command was a fatal measure 
 for Pompey's partisans, and contributed in a great measure to their sub- 
 sequent defeat. Cato employed all his time and talents in fortifying 
 Utica, and earnestly advised Scipio and the other generals to avoid 
 coming to an action with Caesar. The neglect of his advice led to the 
 ruin and total overthrow of his party.
 
 436 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP, xir- 
 
 thousand men, partly freedmen, partly slaves, some armed, some 
 not, approached the town of Ascurum, in which the king had a 
 garrison. On the arrival of Pompey, the inhabitants suffered 
 him to advance to the very walls and gates ; when, suddenly 
 sallying out, they drove back his troops in confusion and dismay 
 to the sea and their ships. This ill-success determined him to 
 leave that coast, nor did he afterward land in any place, but 
 steered directly for the Balearean Isles. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. Meantime Scipio, leaving a strong garrison 
 at Utica, began his march, with the forces we have described 
 above, and encamped first at Adrumetum; and then, after a 
 stay of a few days, setting out in the night, he joined Petreius 
 and Labienus, lodging all the forces in one camp, about three 
 miles distant from Caesar's. Their cavalry made continual 
 excursions to our very works, and intercepted those who ven- 
 tured too far in quest of wood or water, and obliged us to keep 
 within our intrenchments. This soon occasioned a great 
 scarcity of provision among Caesar's men, because no supplies 
 had yet arrived from Sicily and Sardinia. The season, too, was 
 dangerous for navigation, and he did not possess above six 
 miles in each direction, in Africa, and was moreover greatly 
 distressed for want of forage. The veteran soldiers and cavalry, 
 who had been engaged in many wars both by sea and land, and 
 often struggled with wants and misfortunes of this kind, gather- 
 ing sea-weed, and washing it in fresh water, by that means sub- 
 sisted their horses and cattle. 
 
 CHAP. XXV. While things were in this situation, king 
 Juba, being informed of Caesar's difficulties, and the few troops 
 he had with him, resolved not to allow him time to remedy 
 his wants or increase his forces. Accordingly he left his 
 kingdom, at the head of a large body of horse and foot, and 
 marched to join his allies. Meantime P. Sitius, and king 
 Bogud, having intelligence of Juba's march, joined their forces, 
 entered Numidia, and laying siege to Cirta, the most opulent 
 city in the county, carried it in a few days, with two others 
 belonging to the Getulians. They had offered the inhabitants 
 leave to depart in safety, if they would peaceably deliver up 
 the town ; but these conditions being rejected, they were taken 
 by storm, and the citizens all put to the sword. They con- 
 tinued to advance, and incessantly harassed the cities and 
 country ; of which Juba having intelligence, though he was
 
 CHAP, xxvii. THE AFRICAN "WAR 43 ? 
 
 upon the point of joining Scipio and the other chiefs, deter- 
 mined that it was better to march to the relief of his own king- 
 dom, than run the hazard of being driven from it while he was 
 assisting others, and, perhaps, after all, miscarry too in his de- 
 signs against Caesar. He therefore retired, with his troops, 
 leaving only thirty elephants behind him, and marched to die 
 relief of his own cities and territories. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. Meanwhile Caesar, as there was a doubt in 
 the province concerning his arrival, and no one believed that he 
 had come in person, but that some of his lieutenants had come 
 over with the forces lately sent, dispatched letters to all the 
 several states, to inform them of his presense. Upon this, 
 many persons of rank fled to his camp, complaining of the 
 barbarity and cruelty of the enemy. Caesar deeply touched by 
 their tears and complaints, although before he had remained 
 inactive, resolved to take the field as soon as the weather would 
 permit, and he could draw his troops together. He immediately 
 dispatched letters into Sicily, to Allienus and Rabirius Postumus 
 the praetors [to tell them] that without delay or excuse, either 
 of the winter or the winds, they must send over the rest of the 
 troops, to save Africa from utter ruin ; because, without some 
 speedy remedy, not a single house would be left standing, nor 
 any thing escape the fury and ravages of the enemy. And he 
 himself was so anxious and impatient, that from the day the 
 letters were sent, he complained without ceasing of the delay 
 of the fleet, and had his eyes night and day turned toward the 
 sea. Nor was it wonderful ; for he saw the villages burned, 
 the country laid waste, the cattle destroyed, the towns plundered, 
 the principal citizens either slain or put in chains, and their 
 children dragged into servitude under the name of hostages ; 
 nor could he, amid all this scene of misery, afford any relief 
 to those who implored his protection, on account of the small 
 number of his forces. In the mean time he kept the soldiers, 
 incessantly at work upon the intrenchments, built forts and 
 redoubts, and carried on his lines quite to the sea. 
 
 CHAP. XXVH. Meanwhile Scipio made use of the following 
 contrivance for training and disciplining his elephants. He 
 drew up two parties in order of battle ; one of slingers, who 
 were to act as enemies, and discharge small stones against the 
 elephants : and fronting them, the elephants themselves, ip 
 one line, and his whole army behind him in battle-array ;
 
 438 HIRTTUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. xxix. 
 
 that when the enemy, by their discharge of stones, had 
 frightened the elephants, and forced them to turn upon their 
 own men, they might again be made to face the enemy, by the 
 volleys of stones from the army behind them. The work how- 
 ever, went on but slowly, because these animals, after many 
 years' training, are dangerous to both parties when brought into 
 the field. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII. While the two generals were thus employ- 
 ed near Ruspina, C. Virgilius, a man of praetorian rank, who 
 commanded in Thapsus, a maritime city, observing some of 
 Caesar's transports that had missed their way, uncertain where 
 Caesar had landed or held his camp ; and thinking that a fair 
 opportunity offered of destroying them, manned a galley that 
 was in the port with soldiers and archers, and joining with it 
 a few armed barks, began to pursue Caesar's ships. Though he 
 was repulsed on several occasions he still pursued his design, 
 and at last fell in with one, on board of which were two young 
 Spaniards, of the name of Titius, who were tribunes of the fifth 
 legion, and whose father had been made a senator by Caesar. 
 There was with them a centurion of the same legion, T. 
 Salienus by name, who had invested the house of M. Messala, 
 Caesar's lieutenant, at Messana, and made use of very seditious 
 language ; nay, had even seized the money and ornaments des- 
 tined for Caesar's triumph, and for that reason dreaded his 
 resentment. He, conscious of his demerits, persuaded the young 
 men to surrender themselves to Virgilius, by whom they were 
 sent under a strong guard to Scipio, and three days after put to 
 death. It is said, that the elder Titius begged of the centurions 
 who were charged with the execution, that he might be first 
 put to death ; which being easily granted, they both suffered 
 according to their sentence. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX. The cavalry that mounted guard in the two 
 camps were continually skirmishing with one another. Some- 
 times too the German and Gallic cavalry of Labienus entered 
 into discourse with those of Caesar, after promising not to injure 
 one another. Meantime Labienus, with a party of horse, 
 endeavored to surprise the town of Leptis, which Saserna 
 guarded with three cohorts; but was easily repulsed, because 
 the town was strongly fortified, and well provided with warlike 
 engines ; he however renewed the attempt several times. One 
 flay, as a strong squadron of the enemy had posted themselves
 
 CHAP. xxn. THE AFRICAN WAR. 439 
 
 before the gate, their officer being slain by an arrow discharged 
 from a cross-bow, and pinned to his own shield, the rest were 
 terrified and took to flight ; by which means the town was 
 delivered from any further attempts. 
 
 CHAP. XXX. At the same time Scipio daily drew up his 
 troops in order of battle, about three hundred paces from his 
 camp ; and after continuing in arms the greatest part of. the day, 
 retreated again to his camp in the evening. This he did several 
 times, no one mean while offering to stir out of Caesar's camp, 
 or approach his forces ; which forbearance and tranquillity gave 
 him such a contempt of Caesar and his army, that drawing out 
 all his forces, and his thirty elephants, with towers on their 
 backs, and extending his horse and foot as wide as possible, he 
 approached quite up to Caesar's intrenchments. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI. Upon perceiving this, Caesar, quietly, and 
 without noise or confusion, recalled to his camp all that were 
 gone out either in quest of forage, wood, or to work upon the 
 fortifications : he likewise ordered the cavalry that were upon 
 guard not to quit their post until the enemy were within reach 
 of dart ; and if they then persisted in advancing, to retire in 
 good order within the intrenchments. He ordered the rest of 
 the cavalry to be ready and armed, each in his own place. 
 These orders were not given by himself in person, or after 
 -dewing the disposition of the enemy from the rampart ; but 
 such was his consummate knowledge of the art of war, that he 
 gave all the necessary directibns by his officers, he himself sit- 
 ting in his tent, and informing himself of the motions of the 
 enemy by his scouts. He very well knew, that, whatever con- 
 fidence the enemy might have in their numbers, they would yet 
 never dare to attack the camp of a general who had so often re- 
 pulsed, terrified, and put them to flight; who had frequently 
 pardoned and granted them their lives ; and whose very name 
 had weight and authority enough to intimidate their army. He 
 was besides well intrenched with a high rampart and deep 
 ditch, the approaches to which were rendered so difficult by the 
 sharp spikes which he had disposed in a very skillful manner, that 
 they were even sufficient of themselves to keep off the enemy. 
 He had also a large supply of cross-bows, engines, and all sorts 
 of weapons necessary for a vigorous defense, which he had pre- 
 pared on account of the fewness of his troops, and the in- 
 experience of his new levies. It was not owing to being
 
 440 IIIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. xxxm. 
 
 influenced by the fear of the enemy or their numerical strength, 
 that he allowed himself to appear daunted in their estimation. 
 And it was not owing to his having any doubts of gaining the 
 victory that he did not lead his troops to action, although they 
 were raw and few, but he thought that it was a matter of great 
 importance, what sort the victory should be : for he thought 
 that it would disgrace him, if after so many noble exploits, and 
 defeating such powerful armies, and after gaining so many 
 glorious victories, he should appear to have gained a bloody 
 victory over the remnants who had rallied after their flight. 
 He determined, in consequence of this, to endure the pride and 
 exultation of his enemies, until some portion of his veteran 
 legion should arrive in the second embarkation. 
 
 CHAP. XXXII. Scipio, after a short stay before the 
 intrenchments, as if in contempt of Caesar, Avithdrew slowly 
 to his camp : and having called the soldiers together, enlarged 
 upon' the terror and despair of the enemy, when encouraging 
 his men, he assured them of a complete victory in a short 
 time. Caesar made his soldiers again return to the works, 
 and under pretense of fortifying his camp, inured the new 
 levies to labor and fatigue. Meantime the Numidians and 
 Getulians deserted daily from Scipio's camp. Part returned 
 home ; part came over to Caesar, becauso they understood he 
 was related to C. Marius, 1 from whom their ancestors had 
 received considerable favors. Of these he selected some of 
 distinguished rank, and sent them home, with letters to their 
 countrymen, exhorting them to levy troops for their own 
 defense, and not to listen to the suggestions of his enemies. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIII. While these things were passing near Rus- 
 pina, deputies from Acilla, a free town, and all the neighboring 
 towns, arrived in Caesar's camp, and promised " to be ready to 
 execute Caesar's commands, and to do so withal, and that they 
 only begged and requested of him to give them garrisons, that 
 they might do so in safety and Avithout danger to themselves, 
 that they would fnrnish them with corn and whatever supplies 
 they had, to secure the common safety. Caesar readily com- 
 plied with their demands, and having assigned a garrison, sent 
 C. Messius, who had been aedile, to command in Acilla. Upon 
 intelligence of this, Considius Longus, who was at Adrumetum 
 
 1 In fhe Jugurtban war.
 
 CHAP. XXXY. THE AFRICAN WAR. 441 
 
 with two legions and seven hundred horse, leaving a garrison 
 in that city, hastened to Acilla at the head of eight cohorts : 
 but Messius, having accomplished his march with great expe- 
 dition, arrived there before him. When Considius, therefore, 
 approached, and found Caesar's garrison in possession of the 
 town, not daring to make any attempt, he returned again to 
 Adrumetum. But some days after, Labienus having sent him 
 a reinforcement of horse, he began to besiege the town. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIV. Much about the same time, C. Sallustius 
 Crispus, who, as we have seen, had been sent a few days 
 before to Cercina with a fleet, arrived in that island. Upon 
 his arrival, C. Decimus the quaestor, who, with a strong party 
 of his own domestics, had charge of the magazines erected 
 there, went on board a small vessel and fled. Sallustius 
 meanwhile was well received by the Cercinates, and finding 
 great store of corn in the island, loaded all the ships then in 
 the port, whose number was very considerable, and dispatched 
 them to Caesar's camp. At the same time Allienus, the procon- 
 sul, put on board of the transports at Lilybaeum the thirteenth 
 and fourteenth legions, with eight hundred Gallic horse and a 
 thousand archers and slingers, and sent the second em- 
 barkation to Africa, to Caesar. This fleet meeting with a 
 favorable wind, arrived in four days at Ruspina, where Caesar 
 had his camp. Thus he experienced a double pleasure on this 
 occasion, receiving at one and the same time, both a supply of 
 provisions and a reinforcement of troops, which animated 
 the soldiers, and delivered them from the apprehensions of 
 want. Having landed the legions and cavalry, he allowed 
 them some time to recover from the fatigue and sickness of 
 their voyage, and then distributed them into the forts, and 
 along the works. 
 
 CHAP. XXXV. Scipio and the other generals were greatly 
 surprised at this conduct, and could not conceive why Caesar, 
 who had always been forward and active in war, should all of a 
 sudden change his measures ; which they therefore suspected 
 must proceed from some very powerful reasons. Uneasy and 
 disturbed to see him so patient, they made choice of two 
 Getulians, on whose fidelity they thought they could rely; 
 and promising them great rewards, sent them, under the name 
 of deserters, to get intelligence of Caesar's designs. When 
 they were brought before him, they begged they might have 
 
 19*
 
 442 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP, xxxvir. 
 
 leave to speak without personal danger, which being granted, 
 " It is now a long time, great general," said they, " since 
 many of us Getulians, clients of C. Marius, and almost all 
 Roman citizens of the fourth and sixth legions, have wished for 
 an opportunity to come over to you ; but have hitherto been 
 prevented by the guards of Numidian horse, from doing it 
 without great risk. Now we gladly embrace the occasion, 
 being sent by Scipio under the name of deserters, to discover 
 what ditches and traps you have prepared for his elephants, 
 how you intended to oppose these animals, and what dis- 
 positions you are making for battle." They were praised by 
 Caesar, and liberally rewarded, and sent to the other deserters. 
 We had soon a proof of the truth of what they had advanced ; 
 for the next day a great many soldiers of these legions, 
 mentioned by the Getulians, deserted to Caesar's camp. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVI. While affairs were in this posture at 
 Ruspina, M. Cato, who commanded in Utica, was daily 
 enlisting freed-men, Africans, slaves, and all that were of 
 age to bear arms, and sending them without intermission to 
 Scipio's camp. Meanwhile deputies from the town of Tisdra 
 came to Caesar to inform him, that some Italian merchants 
 had brought three hundred thousand bushels of corn into that 
 city, and to demand a garrison as well for their own defense 
 as to secure the corn. Caesar thanked the deputies, promised 
 to send the garrison they desired, and having encouraged 
 them, sent them back to their fellow-citizens. Meantime P. 
 Sitius entered Numidia with T his troops, and took by storm a 
 castle situated on a mountain, where Juba had laid up a great 
 quantity of provisions, and other things necessary for carrying 
 on the war. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVII. Caesar, having increased his forces with 
 two veteran legions, and all the cavalry and light-armed tro6ps 
 that had arrived in the second embarkation, detached six 
 transports to Lilybseum, to bring over the rest of the army. 
 He himself on the sixth day before the calends of February, 
 ordering the scouts and lictors to attend him at six in the 
 evening, drew out all the legions at midnight, and directed 
 his march toward Ruspina, where he had a garrison, and 
 which had first declared in his favor, no one knowing or 
 having the least suspicion of his design. Thence he continued 
 his route, by the left of the camp, along the sea, and passed a
 
 CHAP. TTXTX. THE AFRICAN WAR 443 
 
 little declivity, which opened into a fine plain, extending fifteen 
 miles, and bordering upon a chain of mountains of moderate 
 height, that formed a kind of theater. In this ridge were some 
 hills that rose higher than the rest, on which forts and watch- 
 towers had formerly been erected, and at the furthest of which, 
 Scipio's guards and out-posts were stationed. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVIII. After Caesar gained the ridge, which 
 I have just mentioned, and began to raise redoubts upon 
 the several eminences (which he executed in less than 
 half an hour '), and when he was not very far from the last, 
 which bordered on the enemy's camp, and where, as we have 
 said, Scipio had his out-guard of Numidians, he stopped a 
 moment ; and having taken a view of the ground, and posted 
 his cavalry in the most commodious situation, he ordered the 
 legions to throw up an intrenchment along the middle of the 
 ridge, from the place at which he was arrived to that whence 
 he set out. When Scipio and Labienus observed this, they 
 drew all their cavalry out of the camp, formed them in/>rder of 
 battle, and advancing about a mile, posted their infantry by 
 way of a second line, somewhat less than half a mile from their 
 camp. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIX. Caesar was unmoved by the appearance of 
 the enemy's forces, and encouraged his men to go on with the 
 work. But when he perceived that they were within fifteen 
 hundred paces of the intrenchment, and saw that the enemy 
 were coming nearer to interrupt and disturb the soldiers and 
 oblige him to draw off the legions from the work, he ordered 
 a squadron of Spanish cavalry, supported by some light-armed 
 infantry, to attack the Numidian guard upon the nearest emi- 
 nence, and drive them from that post. They accordingly, 
 advancing rapidly, attacked the Numidian cavalry : they took 
 some of them alive, severely wounded several in their flight, 
 and made themselves masters of the place. This being observed 
 by Labienus, he wheeled off almost the whole right wing of 
 the horse, that he might the more effectually succor the fugi- 
 
 1 It is incredible that the work could have been executed in so short 
 a space of time, not even though we should have recourse to the suppo- 
 sition that each redoubt was fortified in half an hour, or that the old re- 
 doubts were almost perfect. Guischard considers this passage spurious, 
 because the time assigned would not be sufficient for the men to reach 
 the hill, without considering the time requisite for fortifying.
 
 444 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. XLL 
 
 lives. Caesar waited till he was at a considerable distance from 
 his own men, and then detached his left wing to intercept the 
 enemy. 
 
 CHAP. XL. In the plain where this happened was a large 
 villa, 1 with four turrets, which prevented Labienus from seeing 
 that he was intercepted by Caesar's cavalry. He had therefore 
 no apprehension of the approach of Caesar's horse till he 
 found himself charged in the rear ; which struck such a sudden 
 terror into the Numidian cavalry that they immediately betook 
 themselves to flight. The Gauls and Germans who stood their 
 ground, being surrounded on all sides, were entirely cut off. 
 This being perceived by Scipio's legions, who were drawn up 
 in order of battle before the camp, they fled in the utmost 
 terror and confusion. Scipio and his forces being driven from 
 the plain and the hills, Caesar sounded a retreat, and ordered 
 all the cavalry to retire behind the works. When the field was 
 cleared, he could not forbear admiring the huge bodies of the 
 Gauls nd Germans, who had been partly induced by the 
 authority of Labienus to follow him out of Gaul, and partly 
 drawn over by promises and rewards. Some being made 
 prisoners in the battle with Curio, and having their lives 
 granted them, continued faithful out of gratitude. Their 
 bodies, of surprising symmetry and size, lay scattered all over 
 the plain. 
 
 CHAP. XLI. Next day, Caesar drew all his forces together, 
 and formed them in order of battle upon the plain. Scipio, 
 discouraged by so unexpected a check, and the number of his 
 wounded and slain, kept within his lines. Caesar, with his 
 army in battle array, marched along the roots of the hills, and 
 gradually approached his trenches. Caesar's legions were, by 
 this time, not more than a mile from Uzita, a town possessed by 
 Scipio, when the latter, fearing lest he should lose the town, 
 whence he procured water and other conveniences for his army, 
 resolved therefore to preserve it, at all hazards, and brought 
 forth his whole army, and drew them up in four lines, forming 
 the first of cavalry, supported by elephants with castles on their 
 backs. Caesar believing that Scipio approached with the inten- 
 tion of giving battle, continued where be was posted, not far from 
 the town. Scipio meanwhile, having the town in the center of 
 
 1 A house of this description in which one or more turrets were built 
 to command the view, was frequently called " turris."
 
 CHAP. xuv. THE AFRICAN WAR. 445 
 
 his front, extended his two wings, where were his elephants, in 
 full view of our army. 
 
 CHAP. XLIL When Caesar had waited till sunset, with- 
 out finding that Scipio stirred from his post, who seemed 
 rather disposed to defend himself by his advantageous situa- 
 tion, than hazard a battle in the open field, he did not think 
 proper to advance further that day, because the enemy had a 
 strong garrison of Numidians in the town, which besides 
 covered the center of their front : and he foresaw great diffi- 
 culty in forming, at the same time, an attack upon the town, 
 and opposing their right and left, with the advantage of the 
 ground ; especially as the soldiers had continued under arms 
 and fasted since morning. Having therefore led back his troops 
 to their camp, he resolved next day to extend his lines nearer 
 the town. 
 
 CHAP. XLIH. Meantime Considius, who was besieging 
 eight mercenary cohorts of Numidians and Getulians in Acilla, 
 where P. Messius commanded, after continuing long before the 
 place, and seeing all his works burned and destroyed by the en- 
 emy, upon the report of the late battle of the cavalry, set fire to 
 his corn, destroyed his wine, oil, and other stores, which were 
 necessary for the maintenance of his army ; and abandoning the 
 siege of Acilla, divided his forces with Scipio, and retired through 
 the kingdom of Juba, to Adrumetum. 
 
 CHAP. XLIV. Meanwhile one of the transports, belonging 
 to the second embarkation, which Allienus had sent from 
 Sicily, in which were Q. Cominius, and L. Ticida, a Roman 
 knight, being separated from the rest of the fleet, in a storm, 
 and driven to Thapsus, was taken by Virgilius, and all the 
 persons on board sent to Scipio. A three-banked galley like- 
 wise, belonging to the same fleet, being forced by the winds 
 to ^Egimurum, was intercepted by the squadron under Varus 
 and M. Octavius. In this vessel were some veteran soldiers, 
 with a centurion, and a few new levies, whom Varus treated 
 without insult, and sent under a guard to Scipio. When they 
 came into his presence, and appeared before his tribunal : " I 
 am satisfied," said he, " it is not by your own inclination, but 
 at the instigation of your wicked general, that you impiously 
 wage war on your fellow-citizens, and every man of worth. 
 If, therefore, now that fortune has put you in our power, 
 you will take this opportunity to unite with the good citizens,
 
 446 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. XLVI. 
 
 in the defense of the commonwealth, I am determined to 
 give you life and money : therefore speak openly your senti- 
 ments." 
 
 CHAP. XLV. Scipio having ended his speech, and expect- 
 ing a thankful return to so gracious an offer, pemitted them 
 to reply ; one of their number, a centurion of the fourteenth 
 legion, thus addressed him : " Scipio," says he (" for I can not 
 give you the appellation of general), I return you my hearty 
 thanks for the good treatment you are willing to show to pris- 
 oners of war ; and perhaps I might accept of your kindness 
 were it not to be purchased at the expense of a horrible crime. 
 What ! shall I carry arms, and fight against Caasar, my general, 
 under whom I have served as centurion ; and against his 
 victorious army, to whose renown I have for more than thirty- 
 six l years endeavored to contribute by my valor ? It is what 
 I will never do, and even advise you not to push the war any 
 further. You know not what troops you have to deal with, 
 nor the difference betwixt them and yours : of which, if you 
 please, I will give you an indisputable instance. Do you pick 
 out the best cohort you have in your army, and give me only 
 ten of my comrades, who are now your prisoners, to engage 
 them : you shall see by the success, what you are to expect from 
 your soldiers." 
 
 CHAP. XLVI. When the centurion had courageously made 
 this reply, Scipio, incensed at his boldness, and resenting the 
 affront, made a sign to some of his officers to kill him on the 
 spot, which was immediately put in execution At the same 
 time, ordering the other veteran soldiers to be separated from 
 the new levies, " Carry away," said he, " these men, contami- 
 nated by the pollution of crime, and pampered with the blood 
 of their fellow-citizens." Accordingly they were conducted 
 without the rampart, and cruelly massacred. The new-raised 
 soldiers were distributed among his legions, and Cominius and 
 Ticida forbade to appear in his presence. Caesar, concerned for 
 this misfortune, broke, with ignominy, the officers whose in- 
 structions were to secure the coast, and advance to a certain 
 distance into the main sea, to protect and facilitate the ap- 
 
 1 As Caesar had been engaged in war sixteen, and not thirty-six years, 
 we may naturally infer that this is one of the many corruptions of the 
 text. Some commentators, who defend the text, refer the time to the 
 duration of the services of the veteran army.
 
 CHAP. XLvm. THE AFRICAN WAR. 447 
 
 proach of the transports, but who had neglected their duty on 
 that important station. 
 
 CHAP. XL VII. About this time a most incredible accident 
 befell Caesar's army ; for the Pleiades being set, about the 
 second watch of the night, a terrible storm arose, attended 
 by hail of an uncommon size. But what contributed to 
 render this misfortune the greater was, that Caesar had not, 
 like other generals, put his troops into winter quarters, but 
 was every three or four days changing his camp, to gain ground 
 on the enemy ; which keeping the soldiers continually em- 
 ployed they were utterly unprovided with any conveniences to 
 protect them from the inclemency of the weather. Besides, 
 he had brought over his army from Sicily with such strictness, 
 that neither officer nor soldier had been permitted to take their 
 equipages or utensils with them, nor so much as a vessel or a 
 single slave ; and so far had they been from acquiring or pro- 
 viding themselves with any thing in Africa, that, on account of 
 the great scarcity of provisions, they had even consumed their 
 former stores. Impoverished by these accidents, very few of 
 them had tents ; the rest had made themselves a kind of cover- 
 ing, either by spreading their clothes, or with mats and rushes. 
 But these being soon penetrated by the storm and hail, the 
 soldiers had no resource left, but wandered up and down the 
 camp, covering their heads with their bucklers to shelter them 
 from the violence of the weather. In a short time the whole 
 camp was under water, the fires extinguished, and all their 
 provisions washed away or spoiled. The same night the shafts 
 of the javelins belonging to the fifth legion, of their own ac- 
 cord, took fire. 
 
 CHAP. XLV1H. In the mean time, king Juba, having been 
 informed of the cavalry actions with Scipio, and being earnest- 
 ly solicited, by letters from that general, to come to his assist- 
 ance, left Sabura at home with part of the army, to carry on 
 the war against Sitius, and that he might add the weight of 
 his authority to free Scipio's troops from the dread they had of 
 Caesar, began his march, with three legions, eight hundred 
 regular horse, a body of Numidian cavalry, great numbers of 
 light-armed infantry, and thirty elephants. When he arrived 
 he lodged himself, with those forces which I have described, in 
 a separate camp, at no great distance from that of Scipio. 
 (Great alarm had prevailed for some time previously in Caesar's
 
 448 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. OHAP. L. 
 
 camp, and the report of his approach had increased and pro- 
 duced a general suspense and expectation among the troops. 
 But his arrival, and the appearance of his camp, soon dispelled 
 all these apprehensions ; and they despised the king of Mauri- 
 tania, now that he was present, as much as they had feared 
 him when at a distance.) After this junction, any one might 
 easily perceive that Scipio's courage and confidence were in- 
 creased by the arrival of the king. For next day, drawing out 
 all his own and the royal forces, with sixty elephants, he ranged 
 them, in order of battle, with great ostentation advancing a lit- 
 tle beyond his intrenchments, and, after a short stay, retreated 
 to his camp. 
 
 CHAP. XLIX. Caesar, knowing that Scipio had received all 
 the supplies he expected, and judging he would no longer 
 decline coming to an engagement, began to advance along the 
 ridge with his forces, extend his lines, secure them with redoubts, 
 and possess himself of the eminences between him and Scipio. 
 The enemy, confiding in their numbers, seized a neighboring 
 hill, and thereby prevented the progress of our works. Labie- 
 nus had formed the design of securing this post, and as it lay 
 nearest his quarters, soon got thither. 
 
 CHAP. L. There was a broad and deep valley, of rugged 
 descent, broken with caves, which Caesar had to pass before he 
 could come to the hill which he wished to occupy, and beyond 
 which was a thick grove of old olives. Labienus, perceiving that 
 Caesar must march this way, and having a perfect knowledge 
 of the country, placed himself in ambush, with the light-armed 
 foot and part of the cavalry. At the same time he disposed 
 some horse behind the hills, that when he should fall unex- 
 pectedly upon Caesar's foot, they might suddenly advance from 
 behind the mountain. And thus Caesar and his army being at- 
 tacked in front and rear, surrounded with danger on all sides, 
 and unable either to retreat or advance, would, he imagined, 
 fall an easy prey to his victorious troops. Caesar, who had no 
 suspicion of the ambuscade, sent his cavalry before ; and 
 arriving at the place, Labienus's men, either forgetting or 
 neglecting the orders of their general, or fearing to be trampled 
 to death in the ditch by our cavalry, began to issue in small 
 parties from the rock, and ascend the hill. Caesar's horse pur- 
 suing them, slew some, and took others prisoners ; then making 
 toward the hill, drove thence Labienus's detachment, and im-
 
 CHAP. LH. THE AFRICAN WAR. 449 
 
 mediately took possession. Labienus, with a small party of 
 horse, escaped with great difficulty by flight. 
 
 CHAP. LI. The cavalry having thus cleared the mountain, 
 Caesar resolved to intrench himself there, and distributed the 
 work to the legions. He then ordered two Ijnes of communi- 
 cation to be drawn from the greater camp, across the plain on 
 the side of Uzita, which stood between him and the enemy, and 
 was garrisoned by a detachment of Scipio's army, and place 
 them in such a manner as to meet at the right and left angles 
 of the town. His design in this work was, that when he 
 approached the town with his troops, and began to attack it, 
 these lines might secure his flanks, and hinder the enemy's 
 horse from surrounding him, and compelling him to abandon 
 the siege. It likewise gave his men more frequent opportunities 
 of conversing with the enemy, and facilitated the means of de- 
 sertion to such as favored his cause ; many of whom had 
 already come over, though not without great danger to them- 
 selves. He wanted also, by drawing nearer the enemy, to see 
 if they really intended to come to an action, and in addition to 
 all these reasons, that the place itself being very low, he might 
 there sink some wells ; whereas before he had a long and troub- 
 lesome way to send for water. While the legions were em- 
 ployed in these works, part of the army stood ready drawn up 
 before the trenches, and had frequent skirmishes with the 
 Numidian horse and light-armed foot. 
 
 CHAP. LH. A little before evening, when Caesar was draw- 
 ing off his legions from the works, Juba, Scipio, and Labienus, 
 at the head of all their horse and light-armed foot, fell furiously 
 upon his cavalry ; who, being overwhelmed by the sudden 
 and general attack of so great a multitude, were forced to give 
 ground a little. But the event was very different from what 
 the enemy expected ; for Caesar, leading back his legions to the 
 assistance of his cavalry, they immediately rallied, turned upon 
 the Numidians, and charging them vigorously while they were 
 dispersed and disordered with the pursuit, drove them with 
 great loss to the king's camp, and slew several of them. And 
 had not night intervened, and the dust raised by the wind ob- 
 structed the prospect, Juba and Labienus would both have fallen 
 into Caesar's hands, and their whole cavalry and light-armed 
 infantry have been cut off. Meanwhile Scipio's men, of the 
 fourth and sixth legions, left him in crowds, some deserting to
 
 450 HIRTTUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. LIT. 
 
 Caesar's camp, others fleeing to such places as were most con- 
 venient for them. Curio's horse likewise, distrusting Scipio and 
 his troops, followed the same counsel. 
 
 CHAP. LIII. While these things were being carried on by 
 Caesar and his opponents around Uzita, two legions, the ninth 
 and tenth, sailing in transports from Sicily, when they came 
 before Ruspina, observing Caesar's ships that lay at anchor 
 about Thapsus, and fearing it might be the enemy's fleet sta- 
 tioned there to intercept them, imprudently stood out to sea ; 
 and after being long tossed by the winds, and harassed by 
 thirst and famine, at last arrived at Caesar's camp. 
 
 CHAP. LIV. Soon after these legions were landed, Csesar, 
 calling to mind their former licentious behaviour in Italy, and 
 the rapines of some of their officers, seized the slight pretext 
 furnished by C. Avienus, a military tribune of the tenth legion, 
 who, when he set out for Sicily, filled a ship entirely with his 
 own slaves and horses, without taking on board one single 
 soldier. Wherefore, summoning all the military tribunes and 
 centurions to appear before his tribunal next day, he addressed 
 them in these terms, " I could have wished that those, whoso 
 insolence and former licentious character have given me cause 
 of complaint, had been capable of amendment, and of making 
 a good use of my mildness, patience, and moderation. But since 
 they know not how to confine themselves within due bounds, 
 I intend to make an example of them, according to the law of 
 arms, in order that others may be taught a better conduct. 
 Because you, C. Avienus, when you were in Italy, instigated 
 the soldiers of the Roman people to revolt from the republic, 
 and have been guilty of rapines and plunders in the municipal 
 towns ; and because you have never been of any real service, 
 either to the commonwealth or to your general, and in lieu of 
 soldiers, have crowded the transports with your slaves and 
 equipage ; so that, through your fault, the republic is in want 
 of soldiers, who at this time are not only useful, but necessary ; 
 for all these causes, I break you with ignominy, and order 
 you to leave Africa this very day. In like manner I break 
 you, A. Fonteius, because you have behaved yourself as a 
 seditious officer, and as a bad citizen. . You, T. Saliemis, M. 
 Tiro, C. Clusinus, have attained the rank of centurions through 
 my indulgence, and not through your own merit ; and since 
 you have been invested with that rank, have neither shown
 
 CHAP. LVH. THE AFRICAN "WAR. 451 
 
 bravery in war, nor good conduct in peace, and have been more 
 Eealous in raising seditions, and exciting the soldiers against 
 your general than in observing forbearance and moderation. 
 I therefore think you unworthy of continuing centurions in my 
 army : I break you, and order you to quit Africa as soon as 
 possible." Having concluded this speech, he delivered them 
 over to some centurions, with orders to confine them separately 
 on board a ship, allowing each of them a single slave to wait 
 on him. 
 
 CHAP. LV. Meantime the Getulian deserters, whom Caesar 
 had sent home with letters and instructions, as we related 
 above, arrived among their countrymen : who, partly swayed 
 by their authority, partly by the name and reputation of Caesar, 
 revolted from Juba ; and speedily and unanimously taking up 
 arms, scrupled not to act in opposition to their king. Juba, 
 having thus three wars to sustain, was compelled to detach six 
 cohorts from the army destined to act against Caesar, and send 
 them to defend the frontiers of his kingdom against the 
 Getulians. 
 
 CHAP. LVI. Caesar, having finished his lines of com- 
 munication, and pushed them so near the town, as to be just 
 out of reach of dart, intrenched himself there. He caused 
 warlike engines in great numbers to bo placed in the front 
 of his works, wherewith he played perpetually against the 
 town ; and to increase the enemy's apprehensions, drew five 
 legions out of his other camp. When this opportunity was 
 presented, several persons of eminence and distinction earnestly 
 requested an interview with their friends, and held fre- 
 quent conferences, which Caesar foresaw would turn to his ad- 
 vantage. For the chief officers of the Getulian horse, with 
 other illustrious men of that nation (whose fathers had served 
 under C. Marius, and from his bounty obtained considerable 
 estates in their country, but after Sylla's victory had been 
 made tributaries to king Hiempsal), taking advantage of the 
 night, when the fires were lighted, came over to Caesar's camp 
 near Uzita, with their horses and servants, to the number of 
 about a thousand. 
 
 CHAP. LVIL When Scipio and his party learned this, and 
 were much annoyed at the disaster, they perceived, much about 
 the same time, M. Aquinius in discourse with C. Saserna. 
 Scipio sent him word that he did not do well to correspond
 
 452 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. LVin. 
 
 with the enemy. Aquinius, however, paid no attention to 
 this reprimand, but pursued his discourse. Soon after, one of 
 Juba's guards came to him and told him, ia the hearing of 
 Saserna, " The king forbids you to continue this conversation." 
 He, being terrified by this order, immediately retired, and 
 obeyed the command of the king. One can not wonder 
 enough at this step in a Roman citizen, who had already 
 attained to considerable honors in the commonwealth ; that 
 though neither banished his country, nor stripped of his pos- 
 sessions, he should pay a more ready obedience to the orders 
 of a foreign prince than those of Scipio ; and choose rather to 
 behold the destruction of his party than return into the bosom 
 of his country. And still greater insolence was shown by 
 Juba, not to M. Aquinius, a man of no family, and an inconsid- 
 erable senator, but even to Scipio 1 himself, a man of illustrious 
 birth, distinguished honors, and high dignity in the state. 
 For as Scipio, before the king's arrival, always wore a purple 
 coat of mail, Juba is reported to have told him, that he ought 
 not to wear the same habit as he did. Accordingly, Scipio 
 changed his purple robe for a white one, submitting to Juba, a 
 most haughty and insolent monarch. 
 
 CHAP. LVIII. Next day they drew out all their forces 
 from both camps ; and forming them on an eminence not far 
 from Caesar's camp, continued thus in order of battle. Caesar 
 likewise drew out his men, and disposed them in battle array 
 before his lines ; not doubting but the enemy, who exceeded 
 him in number of troops, and had been so considerably 
 reinforced by the arrival of king Juba, would advance to 
 attack him. Wherefore, having ridden through the ranks, 
 encouraged his men, and gave them the signal of battle, ho 
 stayed, expecting the enemy's charge. ' For he did not think 
 it advisable to remove far from his lines: because the enemy 
 having a strong garrison in Uzita, which was opposite to his 
 right wing, he could not advance beyond that place without 
 exposing his flank to a sally from the town. He was also 
 deterred by the following reason, because the ground before 
 
 1 Plutarch, in his life of Cato, gives the following instance of the pride 
 of Juba. On the occasion of a conference between Cato, Scipio, and 
 Juba, the" latter wished his chair to be placed in the middle (the seat of 
 honor among the Numidians), 'Cato, however, would not concede the 
 point, but insisted on conferring the honor on Scipio.
 
 CHAP. L3X THE AFRICAN WAR. 453 
 
 ScipicTs army was very rough, and lie thought it likely to dis- 
 order his men in the charge. 
 
 CHAP. LIX. And I think that I ought not to omit to 
 describe the order of battle of both armies. Scipio drew up 
 his troops in the following manner : he posted his own legions 
 and those of Juba in the front ; behind them the Numidians, 
 as a body of reserve : but in so very thin ranks, and so far 
 extended in length, that to see them at a distance you would 
 have taken the main body for a simple line of legionaries, 
 which was doubled only upon the wings. Ho placed elephants 
 at equal distances on the right and left, and supported them by 
 the light-armed troops and auxiliary Numidians. All the regu- 
 lar cavalry were on the right ; for the left was covered by the 
 town of Uzita, nor had the cavalry room to extend themselves 
 on that side. Accordingly, he stationed the Numidian horse, 
 with an incredible multitude of light-armed foot, about a thou- 
 sand paces from his right, toward the foot of a mountain, con- 
 siderably removed from his own and the enemy's troops. He 
 did so with this intention, that, when the two armies should 
 engage, his cavalry at the commencement of the action should 
 take a longer sweep, inclose Caesar's army and throw them into 
 confusion by their darts. Such was Scipio's disposition. 
 
 CHAP. LX. Caesar's order of battle, to describe it from left 
 to right, was arranged in the following manner : the ninth and 
 eighth legions formed the left wing : the thirteenth, fourteenth, 
 twenty-eighth, and twenty-sixth, the main body ; and the thir- 
 tieth and twenty-eighth the right. His second line on the right 
 consisted partly of the cohorts of those legions we have al- 
 ready mentioned, partly of the new levies. His third line 
 was posted to the left, extending as far as the middle legion of 
 the main body, and so disposed, that the left wing formed a 
 triple order of battle. The reason of this disposition was, 
 because his right wing being defended by the works, it be- 
 hooved him to make his left stronger, that they might be a 
 match for the numerous cavalry of the enemy ; for which reason 
 he had placed all his horse "there, intermixed with light-armed 
 foot ; and as he could not rely much upon them, had detached 
 the fifth legion to sustain them. He placed archers up and 
 down the field, but principally in the two wings. 
 
 CHAP. LXI. The two armies thus facing one another in 
 order of battle, with a space of no more than three hundred
 
 454 IHRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. LXIL 
 
 paces between, continued so posted from morning till night 
 without fighting, of which perhaps there was never an instance 
 before. But when Caesar began to retreat within his lines, 
 suddenly all the Numidian and Getulian horse without 
 bridles, who were posted behind the enemy's army, made a 
 motion to the right, and began to approach Caesar's camp on 
 the mountain ; while the regular cavalry under Labienus 
 continued in their post to keep our legions in check. Upon 
 this, part of Caesar's cavalry, with the light-armed foot, 
 advancing hastily, and without orders, against the Getulians, 
 and venturing to pass the morass, found themselves unable to 
 deal with the superior multitude of the enemy ; and being 
 abandoned by the light-armed troops, were forced to retreat in 
 great disorder, after the loss of one trooper, twenty-six light- 
 armed foot, and many of their horses wounded. Scipio, over- 
 joyed at this success, returned toward night to his camp. 
 But fortune determined not to give such unalloyed joy to those 
 engaged in war, for the day after, a party of horse sent by 
 Caesar to Leptis in quest of provisions, falling in unexpectedly 
 with some Numidian and Getulian stragglers, killed or made 
 prisoners about a hundred of them. Caesar, meanwhile, 
 omitted not every day to draw out his men and labor at the 
 works ; carrying a ditch and rampart quite across the plain, to 
 prevent the incursions of the enemy. Scipio likewise drew 
 lines opposite to Caesar's, and 4 used great exertions lest Caesar 
 should cut off his communication with the mountain. Thus 
 both generals were busied about their intrenchments, yet 
 a day seldom passed, without some skirmish between the 
 cavalry. 
 
 CHAP. LXII. In the mean time, Varus, upon notice that 
 the seventh and eighth legions had sailed from Sicily, speedily 
 equipped the fleet he had brought to winter at Utica ; and 
 manning it with Getulian rowers and mariners, went out a 
 cruising and came before Adrumetum with fifty-five ships. 
 Caesar, ignorant of his arrival, sent L. Cispius, with a squadron 
 of twenty-seven sail toward Thaps'us, to anchor there for the 
 security of his convoys ; and likewise dispatched Q. Aquila to 
 Adrumetum, with thirteen galleys, upon the same errand. 
 Cispius soon reached the station appointed to him : but Aquila 
 being attacked by a storm could not double the cape, which 
 obliged him to put into a creek at some distance, that afforded
 
 CHAP. Lirv. THE AFRICAN WAR. 455 
 
 conrenient shelter. The rest of the fleet which remained at sea 
 before Leptis, where the mariners having landed and wandered 
 here and there upon the shore, some having gone into the 
 town for the purpose of purchasing provisions, was left quite 
 defenseless. Varus, having notice of this from a deserter, and 
 resolving to take advantage of the enemy's negligence, left Ad- 
 rumetum in Cothon 1 at the commencement of the second watch, 
 and arriving early next morning with his whole fleet before 
 Leptis, burned all the transports that were out at sea, and took 
 without opposition two five-benched galleys, in which were none 
 to defend them. 
 
 CHAP. LXIII. Caesar had an account brought him of this 
 unlucky accident, as he was inspecting the works of his camp. 
 Whereupon he immediately took horse, and leaving every thing 
 else, went full speed to Leptis, which was but two leagues 
 distant, and going on board a brigantine, ordered all the ships 
 to follow him. He soon came up with Aquila, whom he found 
 dismayed and terrified at the number of ships he had to op- 
 pose ; and continuing his course, began to pursue the enemy's 
 fleet. Meantime Varus, astonished at Caesar's boldness and 
 dispatch, tacked about with his whole fleet, and made the best 
 of his way for Adrumetum. But Caesar, after four miles' sail, 
 recovered one of his galleys, with the crew and a hundred and 
 thirty of the enemy's men left to guard her ; and took a three- 
 benched galley belonging to the enemy which had fallen astern 
 during the engagement, with all the soldiers and mariners on 
 board. The rest of the fleet doubled the cape, and made the 
 port of Adrumetum in Cothont Caesar could not double the 
 cape with the same wind, but keeping the sea at anchor all 
 night, appeared early next morning before Adrumetum. He 
 S3t fire to all the transports without Cothon, and took what gal- 
 leys he found there, or forced them into the harbor ; and hav- 
 ing waited some time to offer -the enemy battle, returned again 
 to his camp. 
 
 CHAP. LXIV. On board the ship he had taken was P. 
 Vestrius, a Roman knight, and P. Ligarius, who had served in 
 Spain under Afranius, the same who had prosecuted the war 
 .against him in Spain, and who, instead of acknowledging the 
 conqueror's generosity, in granting him his libety, had joined 
 Poinpej in Greece ; and after the battle of Pharsalia, had gone 
 1 About nine at night.
 
 456 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. LXVIL 
 
 into Africa, to Varus, there to continue in the service of the 
 same cause. Czcsar, to punish his perfidy and breach of oath, 
 gave immediate orders for his execution. But he pardoned P. 
 Vestrius, because his brother had paid his ransom at Rome, 
 and because he himself proved, that being taken in Nasidius's 
 fleet and condemned to die, he had been saved by the kindness 
 of Varus, since which no opportunity had offered of making his 
 escape. 
 
 CHAP. LXV. It is the custom of the people of Africa to 
 deposit their corn privately in vaults, under ground, to secure 
 it in time of war, and guard it from the sudden incursions of 
 an enemy. Caesar, having intelligence of this from a spy, 
 drew out two legions, with a party of cavalry, at midnight, and 
 sent them about ten miles off; whence they returned, loaded 
 with corn to the camp. Labienus, being informed of it, 
 marched about seven miles, through the mountains Caesar had 
 passed the day before, and there encamped with two legions ; 
 where expecting that Caesar would often come the same way in 
 ouost of corn, he daily lay in ambush with a great body of horse 
 and light-armed foot. 
 
 CHAP. LXVI. Caesar, being informed of the ambuscade 
 of Labienus by deserters, delayed there a few days, till the 
 enemy, by repeating the practice often, had abated a little 
 of their circumspection. Then suddenly, one morning order- 
 ing eight veteran legions with part of the cavalry to follow 
 him by the Decuman gate, he sent forward the rest of the 
 cavalry ; who, coming suddenly upon the enemy's light-armed 
 foot, that lay in ambush among the valleys, slew about five 
 hundred, and put the rest to flight. Meantime Labienus ad- 
 vanced, with all his cavalry, to support the fugitives, and was 
 on the point of overpowering our small party with his numbers, 
 when suddenly Cassar appeared with the legions, in order of 
 battle. This sight checked the ardor of Labienus, who thought 
 proper to sound a retreat. The day after, Juba ordered all the 
 Numidians who had deserted their post and fled to their camp 
 to be crucified. 
 
 CHAP. LXVII. Meanwhile Caesar, being distressed by want 
 of corn, recalled all his forces to the camp ; and having 
 left garrisons at Leptis, Ruspina, and Acilla, ordered Cispius 
 and Aquila to blockade with their fleets, the one Adrumetum, 
 the other Thapsus, and sotting fire to his camp at Uzita, he
 
 CHAP. LUX. THE AFRICAN WAR. 457 
 
 set out, in order of battle, at the fourth watch, 1 disposed his 
 baggage on the left, and came to Agar, which had been often 
 vigorously attacked by the Getulians, and as valiantly defended 
 by the inhabitants. There encamping in the plain before the 
 town, he went with part of his army round the country in quest 
 of provisions ; and having found a large store of barley, oil, 
 wine, and figs, with a small quantity of wheat, after allowing 
 the troops some time to refresh themselves, he returned to his 
 camp. Scipio meanwhile hearing of Caesar's departure, fol- 
 lowed him along the hills, with all his, forces, and posted him- 
 self about six miles off, in three different camps. 
 
 CHAP. LXVIII. The town of Zeta,* lying on Scipio's side of 
 the country, was not above ten miles from his camp, but might 
 be about eighteen from that of Caesar. Scipio had sent two 
 legions thither to forage ; which Caesar having intelligence of 
 from a deserter, removed his camp from the plain to a hill, for 
 the greater security ; and leaving a garrison there, marched at 
 three in the morning with the rest of his forces, passed the ene- 
 my's camp, and possessed himself of the town. He found that 
 Scipio's legions were gone further into the country to forage : 
 against whom, setting out immediately, he found that the whole 
 army had come up to their assistance, which obliged him to 
 give over the pursuit. He took, on this occasion, C. Mutius Re- 
 ginus, a Roman knight, Scipio's intimate friend, and governor 
 .of the town; also P. Atrius, a Roman knight, of the province 
 of Utica, with twenty-two camels, belonging to king Juba. Then 
 leaving a garrison in the place, under the command of Oppius, 
 his lieutenant, he returned to his own camp. 
 
 CHAP. LXIX. As he drew near Scipio's camp, by which 
 he was obliged to pass, Labienus and Afranius, who lay in 
 ambuscade among the nearest hills, with all their cavalry 
 and light-armed infantry, started up and attacked his rear. 
 When Ceesar perceived this, he detached his cavalry to receive 
 their charge, ordered the legions to throw all their baggage 
 into a heap, and face about upon the enemy. No sooner was 
 this order executed than, upon the first charge of the legions, 
 the enemy's horse and light-armed foot began to give way, 
 and were with incredible ease driven from the higher ground. 
 But when Caesar, supposing them sufficiently deterred from 
 
 1 About three in the morning. 
 
 2 Zeta.a town of Africa, the name of which ia derived from Zeith,an olive, 
 
 20
 
 458 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. LXXL 
 
 any further attempts, began to pursue his march, they again 
 issued from the hills ; and the Numidians, Avith the light- 
 armed infantry, who are wonderfully nimble, and accustom 
 themselves to fight intermixed with the horse, with whom they 
 keep an equal pace, either in advancing or retiring, fell a 
 second time upon our foot. As they repeated this often, 
 pressing upon our troops when we marched, and retiring when 
 we endeavored to engage, always keeping at a certain distance, 
 and with singular care avoiding a close fight, and consider- 
 ing it enough to wound us with their darts, Caesar plainly 
 saw that their whole aim was to oblige him to encamp in that 
 place, where no water was to be had ; that his soldiers, who 
 had tasted nothing from three in the morning till four in the 
 afternoon, might perish with hunger, and the cattle with 
 thirst 
 
 CHAP. LXX. When sun-set now approached, and Caesar 
 found he had not gained a hundred paces in four hours, 
 and that by keeping his cavalry in the rear he lost many 
 horse, he ordered the legions to fall behind, and close the 
 march. Proceeding thus with a slow and gentle pace, he 
 found the legions fitter to sustain the enemy's charge. Mean- 
 time the Numidian horse, wheeling round the hills, to the 
 right and left, threatened to inclose Caesar's forces with their 
 numbers, while part continued to harass his rear : and if but 
 three or four veteran soldiers faced about, and darted their 
 javelins at the enemy, no less than two thousand of them 
 would take to flight : but suddenly rallying, returned to the 
 fight, and charged the legionaries with their darts. Thus 
 Caesar, at one time marching forward, at another halting, and 
 going on but slowly, reached the camp safe, about seven that 
 evening, having only ten men wounded. Labienus too re- 
 treated to his camp, after having thoroughly fatigued his 
 troops with the pursuit : in which, besides a great number 
 wounded, his loss amounted to about three hundred men. 
 And Scipio withdrew his legions and elephants, whom, for the 
 greater terror, he had ranged before his camp within view of 
 Caesar's army. 
 
 CHAP. LXXL Caesar, to meet enemies of this sort, was ne- 
 cessitated to instruct his soldiers, not like a general of a veteran 
 army which had been victorious in so many battles, but like 
 a fencing master training up his gladiators, with what foot
 
 CHAP. T.TTTTT THE AFRICAN WAR, 459 
 
 they must advance or retire ; when they were to oppose and 
 make good their ground ; when to counterfeit an attack ; at 
 what place, and in what manner to launch their javelins. 
 For the enemy's light-armed troops gave wonderful trouble 
 and annoyance to our army ; because they not only deterred 
 the cavalry from the encounter, by killing their horses with 
 their javelins, but likewise wearied out the legionary soldiers 
 by their swiftness : for as often as these heavy-armed troops 
 advanced to attack them, they evaded the danger by a quick 
 retreat. 
 
 CHAP. LXXII. Caesar was rendered very anxious by these 
 occurrences ; because as often as he engaged with his cavalry, 
 without being supported by the infantry, he found himself by 
 no means a match for the enemy's horse, supported by their 
 light-armed foot : and as he had no experience of the strength 
 of their legions, he foresaw still greater difficulties when these 
 should be united, as the shock must then be overwhelming. 
 In addition to this, the number and size of the elephants 
 greatly increased the terror of the soldiers ; for which, however, 
 he found a remedy, in causing some of those animals to be 
 brought over from Italy, that his men might be accustomed 
 to the sight of them, know their strength and courage, 
 and in what part of the body they were most vulnerable. 
 For as the elephants are covered with trappings and orna- 
 ments, it was necessary to inform them what parts of the body 
 remained naked, that they might direct their darts thither. It 
 was likewise needful to familiarize his horses to the cry, smell, 
 and figure of these animals ; in all of which he succeeded to a 
 wonder ; for the soldiers quickly came to touch them with their 
 hands, and to be sensible of their tardiness ; and the cavalry 
 attacked them with blunted darts, and, by degrees, brought 
 their horses to endure their presence. 
 
 CHAP. LXXm. For these reasons already mentioned, Cae- 
 sar was very anxious, and proceeded with more slowness 
 and circumspection than usual, abating considerably in his 
 wonted expedition and celerity. Nor ought we to wonder ; for 
 in Gaul he had under him troops accustomed to fight in a 
 champaign country, against an open undesigning enemy, who 
 despised artifice, and valued themselves only on their bravery. 
 But now he was to habituate his soldiers to the arts and con- 
 trivances of a crafty enemy, and teach them what to pursue,
 
 460 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. LXZV. 
 
 and what to avoid. The sooner therefore to instruct them in 
 these matters, he took care not to confine his legions to one 
 place, but under pretense of foraging, engaged them in fre- 
 quent marches, and counter-marches ; because he thought that 
 the enemy's troops would not lose his track. Three days after, 
 he drew up his forces with great skill, and marching past 
 Scipio's camp, waited for him in an open plain ; but seeing 
 that he still declined a battle, he retreated to his camp a little 
 before evening. 
 
 CHAP. LXXIV. Meantime embassadors arrived from the 
 town of Vacca, bordering upon Zeta, of which we have ob- 
 served Caesar had possessed himself. They requested and en- 
 treated that he would send them a garrison, promising to furnish 
 many of the necessaries of war. At the same time, by the will 
 of the gods, and their kindness to Caesar, a deserter informed him, 
 that Juba had, by a quick march, before Caesar's troops could 
 arrive, reached the town and surrounded it, and after taking 
 possession of it, massacred the inhabitants, and abandoned the 
 place itself to the plunder of his soldiers. 
 
 CHAP. LXXV. Caesar, having reviewed his army the twelfth 
 day before the calends of April, advanced next day, with 
 all his forces, five miles beyond his camp, and remained a 
 considerable time in order of battle, two miles from Scipio's. 
 "When he saw distinctly that the enemy, though frequently 
 and for a long time challenged to a battle, declined it, he led 
 back his troops. Next day he decamped, and directed his 
 march toward Sarsura, where Scipio had a garrison of Nu- 
 midians, and a magazine of corn. Labienus being informed 
 of this motion, began to harass his rear with the cavalry and 
 light-armed troops : and having made himself master of part of 
 the baggage, was encouraged to attack the legions themselves, 
 believing they would fall an easy prey, under the load and en- 
 cumbrance of a march. However, this circumstance had not 
 escaped Cassar's attention, for he had ordered three hundred 
 men out of each legion to hold themselves in readiness for 
 action. These being sent against Labienus, he was so terrified 
 at their approach, that he shamefully took to flight, great num- 
 bers of his men being killed or wounded. The legionaries re- 
 turned to their standards, and pursued their march. Labienus 
 continued to follow us at a distance along the summit of the 
 mountains on our right.
 
 CHAP. Lixvni. THE AFRICAN ,WAR 461 
 
 CHAP. LXXVI. Caesar, arriving before Sarsura, took it in 
 presence of the enemy, who durst not advance to its relief; and 
 put to the sword the garrison which had been left there by 
 Scipio, under the command of P. Cornelius, one of Scipio's 
 veterans, who, after a vigorous defense, was surrounded and 
 slain. Having given all the corn in the place to the army, 
 he marched next day to Tisdra, where Considius was, with a 
 strong garrison and his cohort of gladiators. Caesar, having 
 taken a view of the town, and being deterred from besieging 
 it by want of com, set out immediately, and after a march of 
 four miles, encamped near a river. He marched from it on 
 the fourth day, and then returned to his former camp at Agar. 
 Scipio did the same, and retreated to his old quarters. 
 
 CHAP. LXXVII. Meantime the inhabitants of Thabena, 
 a nation situated on the extreme confines of Juba's kingdom, 
 along the sea-cost, and who had been accustomed to live in 
 subjection to that monarch, having massacred the garrison left 
 there by the king, sent deputies to Caesar to inform him of 
 what they had done, and to beg he would take under his pro- 
 tection a city which deserved so well of the Roman people. 
 Caesar, approving their conduct, sent M. Crispus the tribune, 
 with a cohort, a party of archers, and a great number of en- 
 gines of war, to charge himself with the defense of Thabena. 
 At the same time the legionary soldiers, who, either on ac- 
 count of sickness or for other reasons, had not been able to 
 come over into Africa with the rest, to the number of four 
 thousand foot, four hundred horse, and a thousand archers and 
 slingers, reached Caesar by one embarkation. With these and 
 his former troops, he advanced into a plain eight miles distant 
 from his own camp, and four from that of Scipio, where he 
 awaited the enemy in order of battle. 
 
 CHAP. LXXVIII. There was a town below Scipio's camp, 
 of the name of Tegea, where he had a garrison of four hundred 
 horse. These he drew up on the right and left of the town ; 
 and bringing forth his legions, formed them in order of battle 
 upon a hill somewhat lower than his camp, and which was about 
 a thousand paces distant from it. After he had continued a 
 considerable time in one place, without offering to make any 
 attempt, Caesar sent some squadrons of horse, supported by his 
 light-armed infantry, archers, and slingers, to charge the 
 enemy's cavalry, who were on duty before the town. After
 
 462 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. 
 
 Caesar's troops advanced and came to the charge with their 
 horses at a gallop, Placidius began to extend his front, that he 
 might at once surround us and give us a warm reception. Upon 
 this Caesar detached three hundred legionaries to our assist- 
 ance, while at the same time Labienus was continually send- 
 ing fresh reinforcements, to replace those that were wounded 
 or fatigued. Our cavalry, who were only four hundred in 
 number, not being able to sustain the charge of four thousand, 
 and being besides greatly harassed by the light-armed Nu^ 
 midians, began at last to give ground : which Caesar observing, 
 detached the other wing to their assistance : who, joining" 
 those that were like to be overpowered, fell in a body 
 upon the enemy, put them to flight, slew or wounded great 
 numbers, pursued them three miles quite to the mountains, 
 and then returned to their own men. Caesar continued in 
 order of battle till four in the afternoon, and then retreated 
 to his camp without the loss of a man. In this action 
 Placidius received a dangerous wound in the head, and had 
 many of his best ofiicers either killed or wounded. 
 
 CHAP. LXXIX. After he found that he could not by any 
 means induce the enemy to come down to the plain and 
 make trial of the legions, and that he could not encamp 
 nearer them for want of water, in consideration of which 
 alone, and not from any confidence in their numbers, the 
 Africans had dared to despise him ; he decamped the day 
 before the nones of April at midnight, marched sixteen miles 
 beyond Agar to Thapsus, where Virgilius commanded with 
 a strong garrison, and there fixed his camp, and began to 
 surround the town the very day on which he arrived, and 
 raised redoubts in proper places, as well for his own security, 
 as to prevent any succors from entering the town. In the 
 mean time, Scipio, on learning Caesar's designs, was reduced to 
 the necessity of fighting, to avoid the disgrace of abandon- 
 ing Virgilius and the Thapsitani, who had all along re- 
 mained firm to his party; and therefore, following Caesar 
 without delay, he posted himself in two camps eight miles 
 from Thapsus. 
 
 CHAP.LXXX. Now there were some salt-pits, between which 
 and the sea was a narrow pass of about fifteen hundred paces, 
 by which Scipio endeavored to penetrate and carry suc- 
 cors to the inhabitants of Thapsus. But Caesar anticipating
 
 CHAP. Lxxm. THE AFRICAN WAR. 463 
 
 that this might happen, had the day before raised a very 
 strong fort at the entrance of it, in which he left a triple 
 garrison ; and encamping with the rest of his troops in the 
 form of a half moon, carried his works round the town. Scipio, 
 disappointed in his design, passed the day and night follow- 
 ing a little above the morass ; but early next morning ad- 
 vanced within a - small distance of the last mentioned camp 
 and fort, where he began to intrench himself about fifteen 
 hundred paces from the sea. Caesar being informed of this, 
 drew off his men from the works ; and leaving Asprenas the 
 proconsul, with two legions, at the camp, marched all the rest 
 of his forces with the utmost expedition to that place. He 
 left part of the fleet before Thapsus, and ordered the rest to 
 make as near the shore as possible toward the enemy's 
 rear, observing the signal he should give them, upon which 
 they were to raise a sudden shout, that the enemy, alarmed 
 and disturbed by the noise behind them, might be forced to 
 face about. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXI. When Caesar came to the place, he found 
 Scipio's army in order of battle before the intrenchments, the 
 elephants posted on the right and left wings, and part of the 
 soldiers busily employed in fortifying the camp. Upon sight of 
 this disposition, he drew up his army in three lines, placed the 
 tenth and second legions on the right wing, the eighth and ninth 
 on the left, five legions in the center, covered his flanks with 
 five cohorts, posted opposite the elephants, disposed the 
 archers and slingers in the two wings, and intermingled 
 the light-armed troops with his cavalry. He himself on foot 
 went from rank to rank, to rouse the courage of the veterans, 
 putting them in mind of their former victories, and animating 
 them by his kind expressions. He exhorted the new levies 
 who had never yet been in battle to emulate the bravery of the 
 veterans, and endeavor by a victory to attain the same degree 
 of fame, glory, and renown. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXII. As he ran from rank to rank, he ob- 
 served the enemy about the camp very uneasy, hurrying from 
 place to place, at one time retiring behind the rampart, another 
 coming out again in great tumult and confusion. As many 
 others in the army began to observe this, his lieutenants and 
 volunteers begged him to give the signal for battle, as the 
 immortal gods promised him a decisive victory. While he
 
 464 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. LXXXTP. 
 
 hesitated and strove to repress their eagerness and desires, ex- 
 claiming that it was not his wish to commence the battle by a 
 sudden sally, at the same time keeping back his army, on a sud- 
 den a trumpeter in the right wing, without Caesar's leave, but 
 compelled by the soldiers, sounded a charge. Upon this all 
 the cohorts began to rush toward the enemy, in spite of the en- 
 deavors of the centurions, who strove to restrain them by force, 
 lest they should charge withal the general's order, but to 
 no purpose. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXIII. Caesar perceiving that the ardor of 
 his soldiers would admit of no restraint, giving " good fortune " 
 for the word, spurred on his horse, and charged the enemy's 
 front. On the right wing the archers and slingers poured 
 their eager javelins without intermission upon the elephants, 
 and by the noise of their slings and stones, so terrified these 
 animals, that turning upon their own men, they trod them 
 down in heaps, and rushed through the half-finished gates of 
 the camp. At the same time the Mauritanian horse, who 
 were in the same wing with the elephants, seeing themselves 
 deprived of their assistance, betook themselves to flight. 
 Whereupon the legions wheeling round the elephants, soon 
 possessed themselves of the enemy's intrenchments, and 
 some few that made great resistance being slain, the rest fled 
 with all expedition to the camp they had quitted the day 
 before. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXIV. And here we must not omit to notice 
 the bravery of a veteran soldier of the fifth legion. For when 
 an elephant which had been wounded in the left wing, and, 
 roused to fury by the pain, ran against an xmarmed sutler, 
 threw him under his feet, and kneeling on him with his whole 
 weight, and brandishing his uplifted trunk, with hideous cries, 
 crushed him to death, the soldier could not refrain from 
 attacking the animal. The elephant, seeing him advance with 
 his javelin in his hand, quitted the dead body of the sutler, 
 and seizing him with his trunk, wheeled him round in the air. 
 But he, amid all the danger, preserving his presence of mind, 
 ceased not with his sword to strike at the elephant's trunk, 
 which enclasped him, and the animal, at last overcome with 
 the pain, quitted the soldier, and fled to the rest with hideous 
 cries.
 
 CHAP. T.TTTVT. THE AFRICAN WAR. 435 
 
 CHAP. LXXXV. Meanwhile the garrison of Thapsus, either 
 designing to assist their friends, or abandoning the town to 
 seek safety by flight, sallied out by the gate next the sea, and 
 wading navel deep in the water, endeavored to reach the 
 ' land. But the servants and attendants of the camp, attack- 
 ing them with darts and stones, obliged them to return to 
 the town. Scipio's forces meanwhile being beaten, and his 
 men fleeing on all sides, the legions instantly began the 
 pursuit, that they might have no time to rally. When they 
 arrived at the camp to which they fled, and where, having 
 repaired it, they hoped to defend themselves they began to 
 think of choosing a commander, 1 to whose, authority and 
 orders they might submit; but finding none on whom they 
 could rely, they threw down their arms, and fled to the 
 king's quarter. Finding this, on their arrival, occupied by 
 Caesar's forces, they retired to a hill, where, despairing of 
 safety, they cast down their arms, and saluted them in a 
 military manner. But this stood them in little stead, for 
 the veterans, transported with rage and anger, not only 
 could not be induced to spare the enemy, but even killed 
 or wounded several citizens of distinction in their own 
 army, whom they upbraided as authors of the war. Of this 
 number was Tullius Rufus the quaestor, whom a soldier 
 designedly ran through with a javehn ; and* Pompeius Rufus, 
 who was wounded with a sword in the arm, and would 
 doubtless have been slain, had he not speedily fled to Caesar 
 for protection. This made several Roman knights and 
 senators retire from the battle, lest the soldiers, who after so 
 signal a victory 3 assumed an unbounded license, should be 
 induced by the hopes of impunity to wreck their fury on them 
 likewise. In short all Scipio's soldiers, though they implored 
 the protection of Csesar, were in the very sight of that general, 
 and in spite of his entreaties to his men to spare them, without 
 exception put to the sword. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXVI. Caesar, having made himself master of 
 the enemy's three camps, killed ten thousand, and putting 
 
 1 For Afranius, Scipio, and the others had fled. 
 
 2 Plutarch relates that several writers assert that Caesar was not in 
 the action at all, being at the time attacked by a fit of epilepsy. 
 
 20*
 
 466 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP. 
 
 the rest to flight, retreated to his own quarters with the 
 loss of not more than fifty men and a few wounded. In his 
 way he appeared before the town of Thapsus, and ranged all 
 the elephants he had taken in the battle, amounting to sixty- 
 four, with their ornaments, trappings, and castles, in full view 
 of the place. This he did in hopes that possibly Virgilius 
 and those that were besieged with him might give over the 
 idea of resistance on learning the defeat of their friends. He 
 even called and invited him to submit, reminding him of his 
 clemency and mildness ; but no answer being given, he retired 
 from before the town. Next day, after returning thanks to 
 the gods, he assembled his army before Thapsus, praised his 
 soldiers in presence of the inhabitants, rewarded the victorious, 
 and from his tribunal extended his bounty to every one, 
 according to their merit and services. Setting out thence 
 immediately he left the proconsul C. Rebellius, with three 
 legions, to continue the siege, and sent On. Domitius with two 
 to invest Tisdra, where Considius commanded. Then ordering 
 M. Messala to go before with the cavalry, he began his march 
 to Utica. 1 
 
 CHAP. LXXXVII. Scipio's cavalry, who had escaped out 
 of the battle, taking the road to Utica, arrived at Parada ; but 
 being refused admittance by the inhabitants, who heard of 
 Caesar's victory, they forced the gates, lighted a great fire in 
 the middle of the forum, and threw all the inhabitants into it, 
 without distinction of age or sex, with their effects ; avenging 
 in this manner, by an unheard of cruelty, the affront they had 
 received. Thence they marched directly to Utica. M. Cato, 
 some time before, distrusting the inhabitants of that city, on 
 account of the privileges granted them by the Julian 2 law, had 
 disarmed and expelled the populace, obliging them to dwell 
 without the Warlike gate, in a small camp surrounded by a 
 slight intrenchment, around which he had planted guards, 
 while at the same time he put the senators under arrest. 
 The cavalry attacked their camp, knowing them to be favorers 
 of Caesar, and intending to wipe out by their destruction, the 
 
 1 Caesar was anxious to take Cato alive, and besides, several belonging 
 to Scipio's army had fled to Utica. 
 
 2 The object of the Julian law was the preservation of the freedom of 
 such of the provincials as had been free previously. It was termed by 
 Cicero, " lex justissima atque optima."
 
 CHAP. T.TYYVTTT, THE AFRICAN "WAR. 467 
 
 disgrace of their own defeat. But the people, animated by 
 Caesar's victory, repulsed them with >stones and clubs. They 
 therefore threw themselves into the town, killed many of 
 the inhabitants, and pillaged their houses. Cato, unable to 
 prevail with them to abstain from rapine and slaughter, and 
 undertake the defense of the town, as he was not ignorant of 
 what they aimed at, gave each a hundred sesterces to make 
 them quiet. Sylla Faustus did the same out of his own 
 money ; and marching with them from Utica, advanced into 
 the kingdom. 1 
 
 CHAP. LXXXVIII. A great many others that had escaped 
 out of the battle, fled to Utica. These Cato assembled, with 
 three hundred 2 more who had furnished Scipio with money for 
 carrying on the war, and exhorted them to set their slaves free, 
 and in conjunction with them defend the town. But finding 
 that though part assembled, the rest were terrified and deter- 
 mined to flee, he gave over the attempt, and furnished them 
 with ships to facilitate their escape. He himself, having settled 
 all his affairs with the utmost care, and commended his children 
 to L. Caesar his quaestor, without the least indication which might 
 give cause of suspicion, or any change in his countenance and 
 behavior, privately carried a sword into his chamber when he 
 retired to rest, and stabbed himself with it. When the wound 
 not proving mortal, he fell heavily to the ground, his physician 
 and friends suspecting what was going on, burst into the room 
 and began to stanch and bind up his wound, he himself most 
 resolutely tore it open, and met death with the greatest 
 determination. The Uticans, though they hated his party, 
 yet in consideration of his singular integrity, his behavior 
 so different from that of the other chiefs, and because he 
 had strengthened their town with wonderful fortifications, and 
 increased the towers, interred him honorably. L. Caesar, that 
 he might procure some advantage by his death, assembled 
 the people, and after haranguing them, exhorted them to open 
 their gates, and throw themselves upon Caesar's clemency, from 
 which they had the greatest reason to hope the best. This 
 
 1 The kingdom is here put for the kingdom of Juba, as in the ninety- 
 second and ninety -third chapters. 
 
 2 These were Roman citizens who were employed as merchants in 
 Africa, whom Cato had formed a senate of.
 
 468 HIRTIUS'S COMMENTAEIES. CHAP. xci. 
 
 advice being followed, he came forth to meet Caesar. Messala 
 having reached Utica, according to his orders, placed guards at 
 the gates. 
 
 CHAP. LXXXIX. Meanwhile Caesar, leaving Thapsus, 
 came to Usceta, where Scipio had laid up a great store of corn, 
 arms, darts, and other warlike provisions, under a small guard. 
 He soon made himself master of the place, and marched di- 
 rectly to Adrumetum, which he entered without opposition. 
 He took an account of the arms, provisions, and money in the 
 town ; pardoned Q. Ligarius, and C. Considius ; and leaving 
 Livineius Regulus there with one legion, set out the same day 
 for Utica. L. Caesar, meeting him by the way, threw himself 
 at his feet, and only begged for his life. Caesar, according to 
 his wonted clemency, easily pardoned him, as he did likewise 
 Coecina, C. Ateius, P. Atrius, L. Cella, father and son, M. 
 Eppius, M. Aquinius, Cato's son, and the children of Damasip- 
 pus. He arrived at Utica in the evening by torch-light, and 
 continued all that night without the town. 
 
 CHAP. XC. Early on the morning of the following day he 
 entered the place, summoned an assembly of the people, and 
 thanked them for the affection they had shown to his cause. 
 At the same time he censured severely, and enlarged upon the 
 crime of the Roman citizens and merchants, and the rest of the 
 three hundred, who had furnished Scipio and Varus with money ; 
 but concluded with telling them, that they might show them- 
 selves without fear, as he was resolved to grant them their 
 lives, and content himself with exposing their effects to sale; 
 but that he would give them notice when their goods were 
 to be sold, and the liberty of redeeming them upon payment 
 of a certain fine. The merchants, half dead with fear, and 
 conscious that they merited death, hearing upon what terms 
 life was offered them, greedily accepted the condition, and 
 entreated Caesar that he would impose a certain sum in gross 
 upon all the three hundred. Accordingly, he amerced them in 
 two hundred thousand sesterces, to be paid to the republic, at 
 six equal payments, within the space of three years. They all 
 accepted the condition, and considering that day as a second 
 nativity, joyfully returned thanks to Caesar. 
 
 CHAP. XCI. Meanwhile, king Juba, who had escaped from 
 the battle with Petreius, hiding himself all day in the villages, 
 and traveling only by night, arrived at last in Numidia.
 
 OHAP. xoni. THE AFRICAN WAR. 469 
 
 When he came to Zama, his ordinary place of residence, where 
 were his wives and children, with all his treasures, and what- 
 ever he held most valuable, and which he had strongly fortified 
 at the beginning of the war ; the inhabitants, having heard 
 of Caesar's victory, refused him admission, because, upon de- 
 claring war against the Romans, he had raised a mighty pile of 
 wood in the middle of the forum, designing, if unsuccessful, to 
 massacre all the citizens, fling their bodies and effects upon 
 the pile, then setting fire to the mass, and throwing himself 
 upon it, destroy all without exception, wives, children, citizens, 
 and treasures, in one general conflagration. After continu- 
 ing a considerable time before the gates, finding that neither 
 threats nor entreaties would avail, he at last desired them 
 to deliver up his wives and children, that he might carry 
 them along with him. But receiving no answer, and seeing 
 them determined to grant him nothing, he quitted the place, 
 and retired to one of his country-seats with Petreius and a few 
 horse. 
 
 CHAP. XCII. Meantime the Zamians sent embassadors to 
 Caesar at Utica, to inform him of what they had done, and to 
 request " that he should send them aid before the king could 
 collect an army and besiege them ; that they were determined 
 to defend the town for him as long as life remained." Caesar 
 commended the embassadors, and sent them back to acquaint 
 their fellow-citizens that he was coming himself to their relief. 
 Accordingly, setting out the next day from Utica with his 
 cavalry, he directed his march toward the kingdom. Many of 
 the king's generals met him on the way, and sued for pardon ; 
 to all of whom a favorable hearing was given, and they attended 
 him to Zama. The report of his clemency and mildness spread- 
 ing into all parts, the whole Numidian cavalry flocked to him 
 at Zama, and were there relieved from their fears. 
 
 CHAP. XCm. During these transactions, Considius, who 
 commanded at Tisdra, with his own retinue, a garrison of 
 Gtetulians, and a company of gladiators, hearing of the defeat 
 of his party, and terrified at the arrival of Domitius and his 
 legions, abandoned the town ; and privately withdrawing, with 
 a few of the barbarians, and all his money, fled hastily 
 toward the kingdom. The Getulians, to render themselves 
 masters of his treasure, murdered him by the way, and fled 
 every man where he could. Meantime, C. Virgilius, seeing
 
 470 HIRTKTS'S COMMENTAEIES. CHAP. XCYI. 
 
 himself shut up by sea and land, without the power of making 
 a defense ; his followers all slain or put to flight ; M. Cato 
 dead by his own hands at Utica ; Juba despised and deserted 
 by his own subjects ; Sabura and his forces defeated by Sitius ; 
 Caesar received without opposition at Utica ; and that of so 
 vast an army, nothing remained capable of screening him or 
 his children ; thought *it his most prudent course, to surrender 
 himself and the city to the proconsul Caninius, by whom he was 
 besieged. 
 
 CHAP. XCIV. At the same time king Juba, seeing him- 
 self excluded from all the cities of his kingdom, and that there 
 remained no hopes of safety ; having supped with Petreius, 
 proposed an engagement, sword in hand, that they might die 
 honorably. Juba, as being the stronger, easily got the better 
 of his adversary, and laid him dead at his feet : but endeavor- 
 ing afterward to run himself through the body, and wanting 
 strength to accomplish it, he was obliged to have recourse to 
 one of his slaves, and, by entreaties, prevailed upon him to put 
 him to death. 
 
 CHAP. XCV. In the mean time, P. Sitius, having defeated 
 the army of Sabura, Juba's lieutenant, and slain the general, 
 and marching with a few troops through Mauritania, to join 
 Caesar, chanced to fall in with Faustus and Afranius, who were 
 at the head of the party that had plundered Utica, amounting 
 in all to about fifteen hundred men, and designing to make 
 the best of their way to Spain. Having expeditiously placed 
 himself in ambuscade during the night, and attacking them by 
 day-break, he either killed or made them all prisoners, except a 
 few that escaped from the van. Afranius and Faustus were 
 taken among the rest, with their wives and children : but some 
 few days after, a mutiny arising among the soldiers, Faustus and 
 Afranius were slain. Caesar pardoned Pompeia, 1 the wife of 
 Faustus, with her children, and permitted her the free enjoy- 
 ment of all her effects. 
 
 CHAP. XCVI. Meanwhile Scipio, with Damasippus and 
 Torquatus, and Plsetorius Rustianus, having embarked on 
 board some galleys, with the intention of making for the coast 
 of Spain ; and being long and severely tossed by contrary winds, 
 
 1 Pompeia was the daughter of Pompey the Great, married to Faustus, 
 the son of Sulla the dictator.
 
 CHAP. xcvm. THE AFRICAN WAR. 471 
 
 were at last obliged to put into the port of Hippo, -where the 
 fleet commanded by P. Sitius chanced at that time to be. 
 Scipio's vessels, which were but small, and few in number, 
 were easily surrounded and sunk, by the larger and more 
 numerous ships of Sitius ; on which occasion Scipio, and all 
 those whom we have mentioned above, as having embarked 
 with him, perished. 
 
 CHAP. XCVII. Meanwhile Caesar, having exposed the 
 king's effects to public sale at Zama, and confiscated the 
 estates of those who, though Roman citizens, had borne 
 arms against the republic ; after conferring rewards upon such 
 of the Zamians as had adopted the design of excluding 
 the king, he abolished all the royal tribunes, converted the 
 kingdom into a province ; and apppointing Crispus Sallus- 
 tius to take charge of it, with the title of proconsul, returned 
 to Utica. There he sold the estates of the officers who had 
 served under Juba and Petreius, fined the people of Thapsus 
 twenty thousand sesterces, and the company of Roman mer- 
 chants there thirty thousand ; he likewise fined the inhabitants 
 of Adrumetum in thirty thousand, and their company fifty 
 thousand ; but preserved the cities and their territories from 
 insult and plunder. Those of Leptis, whom Juba had pillaged 
 some time before, and who, upon complaint made to the senate 
 by their deputies, had obtained arbitrators and restitution, 
 were enjoined to pay yearly three hundred thousand pounds of 
 oil ; because from the beginning of the war, in consequence of 
 a dissension among their chiefs, they had made an alliance with 
 the king of Numidia, and supplied him with arms, soldiers, 
 and money. The people of Tisdra, on account of their extreme 
 poverty, were only condemned to pay annually a certain quan- 
 tity of corn. 
 
 CHAP. XCVm. These things being settled, he embarked 
 at Utica on the ides of June, and three days after arrived at 
 Carales in Sardinia. Here he condemned the Sulcitani in a 
 fine of one hundred thousand sesterces, for receiving and aiding 
 Nasidius's fleet ; and instead of a tenth which was their former 
 assessment, ordered them now to pay an eighth to the public 
 treasury. He likewise confiscated the estates of some who 
 had been more active than the rest, and weighing from Carales 
 on the third day before the calends of July, coasted along
 
 472 HIRTITJS'S COMMENTARIES. CHAP, scvm 
 
 the shore, and after a voyage of twenty-eight days, during which 
 he was several times obliged by contrary winds to put into port, 
 arrived safe at Rome. 1 
 
 1 On his arrival at Rome he celebrated four different triumphs, over 
 the Gauls, Pharnaces, Egypt, and king Juba. It was a principle in the 
 Roman constitution, that no triumph could be gained in civil wars. Hence 
 Lucan : 
 
 " Bella geri placuit nullos habitura triumphos."
 
 COMMENTARIES ON THE SPANISH WAR. 
 
 AUTHOR UNKNOWN. 
 FORMERLY ATTRIBUTED TO HIRTIUS. 
 
 THE ARGUMENT. 
 
 I. The commencement of the Spanish war. II. Caesar marches to attack 
 Corduba. III. At the same time throws succors into Ulia, besieged by 
 Pompey. IV. The attempt upon Corduba obliges Pompey to raise the 
 siege of Ulia. V. Pompey advancing to the relief of Corduba, Caesar 
 attacks Ategua, whither he is followed by Pompey. VII. Both intrench 
 themselves in mountainous places, of difficult access. IX. Pompey, 
 attacking a fort belonging to Caesar, is repulsed. X. Caesar continues 
 the siege of Ategua, XI. And repulses a sally from the town. XII. 
 Various skirmishes between the two armies. XV. Cruelty of the towns- 
 men. XVI. Caesar repulses them in a second sally. XVII. Tnllius 
 treats with Caesar about a surrender. XVIII. Continuation of the siege. 
 XIX. The town surrenders. XX. Pompey removes his camp toward 
 Ucubis. XXII. Behavior of the Bursavolenses. XXIII. Caesar and 
 Pompey both encamp near UcubiSj where some skirmishes happen. 
 XXV. Single combat oetween Tnrpio and Niger. XXVI. Great num- 
 bers of the enemy desert to Caesar. Some of Pompey's letters inter- 
 cepted. XXVII. Both parties encamp in the plain of Munda. XXVIII. 
 A great battle ensues, XXXI. In which Pompey is totally defeated. 
 XXXII. Caesar besieges the fugitives in Mnnda. XXXIII. Attacksand 
 makes himself master of Corduba, XXXV. Likewise of Hispalis ; 
 whence he is expelled, but again recovers it. The inhabitants of Munda, 
 under pretense of a surrender, preparing to attack our men, are them- 
 selves put to the sword. XXXVII. Carteia surrenders to Caesar. Pom- 
 pey makes his escape, XXXIX. But is slain. XL. Some of Caesar's 
 ships burned. XLl. Caesar's troops take possession of Munda and 
 afterward invest Uraso. XLII. Caesar's speech to the people of His- 
 palis. 
 
 CHAP. L On the defeat of Pharnaces and reduction of 
 (Africa, 1 those who escaped from those battles fled to young 
 
 1 Africa had been lost on the death of Curio.
 
 474 THE SPANISH WAR. CHAP. n. 
 
 On. Pompey, 1 who had taken possession of Further Spain, 
 while Caesar was detained in Italy in exhibiting games/ 1 Pom- 
 pey began to throw himself on the protection of every state, 
 in order the more readily to establish the means of defense 
 against him. Accordingly, with a considerable force which had 
 been collected, partly by entreaty, partly by force, he began to 
 lay waste the province. Under these circumstances some states 
 voluntarily sent him supplies, others shut the gates of their 
 towns against him. If any of these chanced to fall into his 
 hands by assault, although some citizen in it had deserved well 
 of On. Pompey (his father), yet some cause was alleged against 
 him on account of the greatness of his wealth, 8 so that, he being 
 dispatched, his fortune might become the reward of the soldiers. 
 Thus the enemy, being encouraged by a few advantages, their 
 forces increased much, wherefore those states which were 
 opposed to Pompey, by continual messages dispatched to Italy, 
 sought protection for themselves. 
 
 CHAP. II. When Caesar, now a third time dictator, and 
 elected a fourth time, having already proceeded many marches 
 into Spain with prompt dispatch, 4 was coming to finish the 
 war, he was met on the way by embassadors from Corduba, 
 who had deserted Cn. Pompey ; these informed him that it 
 would be an easy matter to make himself master of the town 
 by night, because the enemy as yet knew nothing of his 
 
 1 He was scarcely twenty -four years of age. He left Africa in disgust 
 at his ill success, and repaired to the Balearic isles, with the intention of 
 going to Spain, in which he had many partisans, and in which active levies 
 were going on against Caesar. He was then attacked by a severe illness, 
 which detained him there for some time. On his arrival in Spain he met 
 With a most favorable reception, and was saluted imperator. 
 
 a Munera was the name given to the gladiatorial shows which the 
 Roman nobility displayed to the people to gain their favor and support. 
 The person who gave the exhibition was called editor, munerator, or 
 dominus, and if a private person, was honored during the day of exhibi- 
 tion with the official signs of a magistrate. Suetonius says that Cassar 
 exhibited many of these spectacles to the people, and that they were on 
 a very grand scale. 
 
 3 This is the accusation that Caesar urges with such vehemence against 
 the Spaniards at the end of this book, namely, that they had received 
 Pompey when a refugee, and' by this act had renewed the war. 
 
 4 Appian, Strabo, and Eutropius have recorded that Caesar came from 
 Rome to his camp which was pitched before Obulco, a town of Spain, in 
 twenty-seven days. Dion says that he was seen by his friends and 
 enemies before it was reported that he was in Spain at alL
 
 CHAP. m. THE SPANISH WAR. 475 
 
 arrival in the province, as the scouts sent out by Cn. Pompey 
 to inform him of Caesar's approach had been all made prisoners. 
 They alleged besides many other very plausible reasons. He, 
 therefore, immediately sent intelligence of his arrival to Q. 
 Pedius, and Q.' Fabius Maximus his lieutenants, to whom he 
 had left the command of the troops in the province, ordering 
 them to send him all the cavalry they had been able to raise. 
 He came up with them much sooner than they expected, and 
 had not the protection of the cavalry, according to his desire. 
 
 CHAP. III. Sextus Pompey, the brother of Cneius, com- 
 manded at this time at Corduba, which was accounted the 
 capital of the province. Young Cneius Pompey himself was 
 employed in the siege of Ulia, 1 which had now lasted some 
 months. Notice of Caesar's arrival having been received, 
 messengers having passed Pompey's guards came to him from 
 that town and besought him to send them relief as soon as 
 possible. Caesar, knowing that this people had deserved very 
 well oft he Romans, detached, about nine o'clock, at night eleven 
 cohorts, with a like number of horse, under the command of 
 L. Julius Paciecus, a man known in that province, and also 
 well acquainted with it. When he arrived at Pompey's 
 quarter, a dreadful tempest arising, attended with a violent 
 wind, so great a darkness ensued that you could scarcely have 
 distinguished even the person next you. This accident proved 
 of great advantage to Paciecus : for being arrived at Pompey's 
 camp, he ordered the cavalry to advance two by two, and march 
 directly through the enemy's quarters to the town ; one of 
 their guards calling to know who passed, one of our troopers 
 bade him be silent, for they were just then endeavoring by 
 stealth to approach the wall, in order to get possession of the 
 town ; and partly by this answer, partly by favor of the 
 tempest, the sentinels were prevented from examining things 
 diligently. When they reached the gates, upon a signal being 
 given, they were admitted ; and both horse and foot raising a 
 loud shout, after leaving some troops to guard the town, sallied 
 in a body upon the enemy's camp. This came upon them so 
 unexpectedly that the greater number of the men in the camps 
 thought that they were captured. * 
 
 1 This was the only town of Bcetica that Pompey had failed to make 
 himself master of.
 
 476 THE SPANISH WAR. CHAP. vi. 
 
 CHAP. IV. Ulia being relieved, Caesar, to draw Pompey 
 from the siege, marched toward Corduba ; sending the cavalry 
 before, with a select body of heavy-armed foot ; who, as soon as 
 they came within sight of the place, got up behind the troopers. 
 By this stratagem they could not possibly be perceived by those 
 of Corduba. Upon their approach to the walls, the enemy 
 sallied in great numbers to attack our cavalry; when the 
 infantry, whom we have mentioned above, leaping down, fell 
 upon them with such fury that out of an almost infinite multi- 
 tude of men, very few returned to the town. This so alarmed 
 Sextus Pompey that he immediately sent letters to his brother, 
 requesting him to come speedily to his relief, lest Caesar should 
 make himself master of Corduba before his arrival. Thus 
 Cn. Pompey, moved by his brother's letters, quitted the siege 
 of Ulia, which was upon the point of surrendering, and set out 
 toward Corduba. 
 
 CHAP. V. Caesar, arriving at the river Guadalquivir, which 
 he found too deep to be forded, sank several baskets of stones 
 in it. Thus having formed a bridge, he transported his troops 
 in three bodies to the camps. As I have just mentioned, the 
 beams of the bridge stretched over against the tower in two 
 rows. Pompey, arriving soon after with his troops, encamped 
 directly over against him. Caesar, to cut off his provisions and 
 communication with the town, ran a line from his camp to the 
 bridge. Pompey did the same ; so that a struggle arose 
 between the two generals, which should first get possession of 
 the bridge ; and this daily brought on skirmishes, in which 
 sometimes the one, sometimes the other party had the better. 
 When these merged into a serious engagement, both sides 
 fought hand to hand ; in the heat of the struggle for this posi- 
 tion, owing to the narrowness of the bridge, they were pressed 
 together, and in their efforts to extend themselves toward the 
 river-side, many fell headlong. Thus the loss was pretty equal ; 
 for on either side lay heaps of slain, and Caesar for many days 
 used all possible endeavors to bring the enemy to an engage- 
 ment on equal terms, that he might bring the war to a conclusion 
 as soon as possible. 
 
 CHAP. VI. But finding that they carefully avoided a battle, 
 with a view to which chiefly he had quitted the route of Ulia ; 
 he caused great fires to be lighted in the night, repassed the 
 river with all his forces, and marched toward Ategua, one of
 
 CHAP. Tin. THE SPANISH WAR. 477 
 
 their strongest garrisons. Pompey, being informed of this by 
 the deserters, on the same day brought back many carriages 
 and machines 1 by narrow paths, and betook himself to Corduba. 
 Caesar began his attack upon Ategua, and carried lines quite 
 round the town. Pompey, having intelligence of this, set out 
 upon his march the same day. In order to guard against his 
 arrival, Caesar possessed himself of many forts; partly to 
 shelter his cavalry, partly to post guards of infantry for the 
 defense of his camp. Pompey's arrival happened at a time 
 when the mist was very thick, so that he found means, with 
 some cohorts and troops of cavalry, to hem in a party of Caesar's 
 horse, and fell upon them in such manner that very few 
 escaped slaughter. 1 
 
 CHAP. VII. The following night Pompey set fire to his 
 camp, passed the river Rio Salado, and, marching through the 
 valleys, encamped on a rising ground, between the two towns 
 of Ategua and Ucubis. Caesar cast up a mound and brought 
 forward his machines, with other preparations which were 
 necessary for storming the town. The country all around is 
 mountainous, and seems formed for war, being separated from 
 the plain by the river Rio Salado, ascending on the side toward 
 Ategua, about two miles from the river. Pompey's camp was 
 upon these mountains, within view of both towns ; he could, 
 however, send no relief to his friends. He had the emblems 
 and standards of thirteen legions, but of those on whom he 
 trusted for support two were natives* which had deserted from 
 Trebonius ; one was formed out of the Roman colonies in 
 those parts; and a fourth, belonging to Afranius, he had 
 brought with him from Africa ; the rest were for the most part 
 made up of fugitives and deserters ; in light-armed foot and 
 cavalry we far exceeded him in both courage and numbers. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. Another reason why Pompey was enabled to 
 protract the war was that the country was full of mountains 
 
 1 Oberlin in this passage reads " lanistas," but the common reading 
 seems preferable. 
 
 * We can not infer clearly from the construction whether Pompey's 
 cavalry cut Caesar's to pieces, or the reverse. However, as Dion says 
 that Pompey succeeded in his attempt, I follow his authority in translat- 
 ing as in the text. 
 
 3 These native legions served at first under Varro. Pompey's lieutenant. 
 They then deserted to Caesar, who gave the command of them to Longinus, 
 and on his death to Trebonius, from whom they revolted, and declared in 
 favor of young Pompey.
 
 478 THE SPANISH WAR. CHAP. x. 
 
 and extremely well adapted to encampments. For almost 
 the whole province of Further Spain, though of an extremely 
 fertile soil, and abounding in springs, is nevertheless very 
 difficult of access. Here too, on account of the frequent 
 incursions of the natives, all the places remote from great 
 towns, are fortified with towers and castles, covered as in 
 Africa, not with tiles but with earth, on these they place 
 sentinels, and their high situation commands an extensive 
 view of the country on all sides. Nay, the greatest part of 
 the towns of this province are built on mountains, and places 
 exceedingly strong by nature, the approaches to which are 
 extremely difficult. Thus sieges are rare and hazardous in 
 Spain, since it is not easy to reduce their towns by force ; as 
 happened in the present war. For Pompey having established 
 his camp between Ategua and Ucubis, as related above, and 
 within view of both towns, Caesar possessed himself of an 
 eminence very conveniently situated, and only about four 
 miles from his own camp, on which he built a fortress. 
 
 CHAP. IX. Pompey, who, from the nature of the ground, 
 was covered by the same eminence, which was besides at a suffi- 
 cient distance from Caesar's quarters, became sensible of the 
 importance of this post ; and as Caasar was separated from it 
 by the river Rio Salado, he imagined that the difficulty of 
 sending relief would prevent his attempting any thing of that 
 kind in its defense. Influenced by this belief, he set out about 
 midnight and attacked the fort, that he might bring assistance 
 to the besieged. Our troops, upon their approach, setting up 
 a shout, discharged their javelins in great numbers, and 
 wounded multitudes of men. After this, when those in the 
 camp began to resist, and when tidings of it was conveyed 
 to the great camps to Caesar, he set out with three legions, 
 and when he approached them, many were killed, owing to 
 their trepidation and flight, and a great number made prisoners. 
 Among these two * * * ; and many others, having thrown down 
 their arms escaped, so that fourscore shields were found. 
 
 CHAP. X. The next day Arguetius arrived from Italy with 
 the cavalry, and five standards taken from the Saguntines ; ! 
 
 J The inhabitants of Saguntia or Sagunthus, a town of Hispania Bsetlca. 
 Wo must not confound it with Saguntum, Morviedro, originally founded 
 by colonists from Zacynthus, who were afterward joined by some Rutuli 
 from Ardoa. The inhabitants of the latter of these two towns are dis-
 
 CHAP. Hi. THE SPANISH WAE. 479 
 
 but -was forced to quit his post by Asprenas, who likewise 
 brought a reinforcement from Italy to Caesar. The same 
 night Pompey set fire to his camp, and drew toward Corduba. 
 A king, named Indus, who was bringing some troops to Caesar, 
 with a party of cavalry, following the pursuit of the enemy 
 too briskly, was made prisoner, and slain by the Spanish legion- 
 aries. 
 
 CHAP. XI. On the next day, our cavalry pursued those who 
 were employed in carrying provisions from the town to Pom- 
 pey's camp, almost to the very walls of Corduba, and took fifty 
 prisoners besides horses. On the same day, Q. Marcius, a mili- 
 tary tribune in Pompey's army, deserted to us. At midnight, 
 a keen encounter took place in the town, and they hurled fire, 
 and every means was resorted to by which fire could be cast. 
 When the attack was ended, C. Fundanius, a Roman knight, 
 quitted the enemy, and came over to us. 
 
 CHAP. XII. On the next day, two Spanish legionaries, who 
 pretended to be slaves, were made prisoners by a party of our 
 horse ; but being brought to the camp, they were known by 
 the soldiers, who had formerly served under Fabius and Pedeius, 
 and deserted from Trebonius. No pardon was extended to 
 them, and they were slaughtered by our troops. At the same 
 time, some couriers, sent from Corduba to Pompey, entering 
 our camp by mistake, were seized, had their hands cut off, and 
 then were dismissed. About nine at night, the besieged, ac- 
 cording to custom, spent a considerable time in casting fire 
 and darts upon our soldiers, and wounded a great number of 
 men. At day-break they sallied upon the sixth legion, while 
 we were busy at the works, and began a sharp contest, in which, 
 however, our men got the better, though the besieged had the 
 advantage of the higher ground. Those who had begun the 
 attack, being vigorously opposed on our side, notwithstanding 
 all the inconveniences we fought under, were at length obliged 
 to retire into the town, with many wounds. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. On the next day Pompey began a line from 
 the camp to the river Rio Salado ; and a small party of our horse, 
 
 tinguished for the memorable stand which they made against Hannibal, 
 who besieged them, 219 B.C. The siege lasted for eight months till at 
 length the Saguntines, who were pressed severely by famine, destroyed 
 themselves and their property by fire. This was the immediate cause 
 of the second Punic war.
 
 480 THE SPANISH WAR. CHAP. XIT. 
 
 being attacked by a much larger body of the enemy, were 
 driven from their post, and three of their number slain. On 
 the same day, A. Valgius, the son of a senator, whose brother 
 was in Pompey's camp, mounted his horse and went over to 
 the enemy, leaving all his baggage behind him. A spy, 
 belonging to Pompey's second legion, was taken and slain. 
 At the same time, a bullet was shot into the town, with this 
 inscription : " That he 1 should set up a shield on whatever 
 day they advanced to storm the town." This encouraging 
 some to hope that they might scale the walls, and possess 
 themselves of the town without danger, they fell the next 
 day to sapping them, and threw down a considerable part of 
 the outward wall. * * In this action, being captured and pro- 
 tected by the townsmen, as if they had been of their own 
 party, they requested Caesar to dismiss in armor even those 
 who were appointed over the city by Pompey to guard it. 
 To this Caesar answered, " That it was his custom to give, not 
 accept of conditions :" which being reported to the garrison, 
 thsy set up a shout, and began to pour their darts upon our 
 men from the whole circuit of the wall ; which gave reason to 
 believe that the garrison intended that day to make a vigorous 
 sally. Wherefore, surrounding the town with our troops, the 
 conflict was for some time maintained with great violence, and 
 one of our engines threw down a tower belonging to the enemy, 
 in which were five of their men, and a boy, whose office it was 
 to observe the engine. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. After this Pompey erected a fort on the other 
 side of the Rio Salado, in which he met with no interruption 
 from our men, and exulted not a little in the idea of having 
 possessed himself of a post so near us. Also the following day, 
 extending himself in like manner still further, he came up with 
 our out-post of cavalry ; and charging them briskly, obliged 
 several squadrons and the light-armed foot to give ground : 
 many of whom, owing to the smallness of their numbers and 
 their light armor, were trodden down by the enemy's horse. 
 This passed within view of both camps, and not a little ani- 
 mated the Pompeians, to see our men pushed so far : but the 
 latter, being afterward reinforced by a party from our camp, 
 faced about with the intention of renewing the fight. 
 
 CHAP. XV. It invariably happens in encounters of cavalry 
 
 1 Viz., he who wrote the inscription on the bullet.
 
 CHAP. xn. THE SPANISH "WAR. 481 
 
 that when the troopers dismount to charge the infantry, the 
 match proves unequal, as happened on the present occasion. 
 For a select body of the enemy's light-armed foot, coming 
 unexpectedly upon our horse, they alighted to sustain the 
 charge. Thus in a very little time, from a cavalry it be- 
 came an infantry engagement, and again from an infantry 
 changed to a cavalry engagement, in which our men were 
 driven back to their very lines; but being there reinforced, 
 about a hundred and twenty-three of the enemy were slain, 
 several forced to throw down their arms, many wounded, and 
 the rest pursued quite to their camp. On our side, three were 
 slain, besides twelve foot-soldiers and five troopers wounded. 
 Toward the evening of the same day, the fight, as usual, 
 was renewed before the walls : and the enemy having thrown 
 many darts, and a great quantity of fire from the battlements, 
 proceeded afterward to an action of unexampled cruelty and 
 barbarity : for in the very sight of our troops they fell to 
 murdering the citizens, and tumbling them headlong from the 
 walls, as is usual among barbarians : no parallel to this is to b 
 found in the memory of man. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. When night came on, Pompey sent a mes- 
 senger unknown to us, to exhort the garrison to set fire to our 
 towers and mound, and make a sally at midnight. Accordingly, 
 having poured upon us a great quantity of darts and fire, and 
 destroyed a considerable part of the rampart, they opened the 
 gate which lay over against and within view of Pompey's camp, 
 and sallied out with all their forces, carrying with them fas- 
 cines to fill up the ditch ; hooks and fire to destroy and reduce 
 to ashes the barracks, which the soldiers had built mostly of 
 reeds to defend them from the winter; and some silver and 
 rich apparel to scatter among the tents, that while our men 
 should be employed in securing the plunder, they might fight 
 their way through and escape to Pompey ; who, in expectation 
 that they would be able to effect their design, had crossed the 
 Kio Salado with his army, where he continued all night in order 
 of battle, to favor their retreat. But though our men had no 
 apprehension of this design, their valor enabled them to 
 frustrate the attempt, and repulse the enemy with many 
 wounds. They even made themselves masters of the spoil, 
 their arms, and some prisoners, who were put to death next 
 day. At the same time, a deserter from the town informed us 
 
 21
 
 482 THE SPANISH "WAR. CHAP. xvm. 
 
 that Junius, who was employed in the mine when the citizens 
 were massacred, exclaimed that it was a cruel and barbarous 
 action " that they had never deserved such treatment at their 
 h an( j s for that they had received them in their temples and 
 their homes that it was in violation of all hospitality." He 
 added many things besides, which made such an impression 
 upon the garrison that they desisted from the massacre. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. The next day, Tullius, a lieutenant-general, 
 accompanied by C. Antonius of Lusitania, came to Caesar, 
 and addressed him to this effect : " Would to Heaven I had 
 been one of your soldiers rather than a follower of C. Pompey, 
 and given those proofs of valor and constancy in obtaining vic- 
 tories for you, rather than in suffering for him. The only ad- 
 vantage we reap from following his banners are wretched 
 applauses ; being reduced to the condition of indigent citizens, 
 and by the melancholy fate of our country ranked among its 
 enemies ; we, who having never shared with Pompey his good 
 fortune, yet find ourselves involved in his disgrace ; and after 
 sustaining the attack of so many armed legions, employing our- 
 selves day and night in the works of defense, exposed to the darts 
 and swords of our fellow-citizens ; vanquished, deserted by 
 Pompey, and compelled to give way to the superior valor of 
 your troops, find ourselves at last obliged to have recourse to 
 your clemency, and implore that you will not show yourselves 
 less placable to fellow-citizens, than you have so often been to 
 foreign nations." l " I shall," said Caesar, " prove myself the 
 same to fellow-citizens, as I have been to conquered nations." 
 
 CHAP. XVIH. The embassadors being dismissed, when 
 Tiberius Tullius arrived at the gate of the town, and C. Antony 
 did not follow him, he returned to the gate and laid hold of 
 him, upon which drawing a poniard from his breast, he wounded 
 him in the hand, and in this condition they both fled to Caesar. 
 At the same time the standard-bearer of the first legion came 
 over to our camp, and reported that the day when the skirmish 
 happened between the horse, no less than thirty-five of his 
 company fell ; but it was not allowed to mention it in Pompey's 
 camp, or so much as own the loss of one man. A slave, whose 
 master was in Caesar's camp, and who had left his wife and 
 son in the city, cut his master's throat, and deceiving the 
 guards, escaped privately to Pompey's camp ; whence, bv means 
 1 Pontus, Egvpt, and Gallograecia.
 
 CHAP. xn. THE SPANISH WAR. 483 
 
 of a bullet, on which he inscribed his intelligence, Caesar was 
 informed of the preparations made for the defense of the place. 
 When we had read the inscription, those who were employed to 
 throw the bullet returning to the city, two Lusitanian brothers 
 deserted, and informed us that Pompey in a speech made to 
 his soldiers, had said : " That as he found it impossible to 
 relieve the town, he was resolved to withdraw in the night 
 from the sight of the enemy, and retire toward the sea ;" to 
 which one answered " that it was better to hazard a battle 
 than take refuge in flight," but he who said so was instantly 
 put to death. At the same time some of his couriers were 
 intercepted, who were endeavoring to get into the town. 
 Caesar sent the letters to the inhabitants, and ordered one of 
 the messengers begging his life, to set fire to the townsmen's 
 wooden -turret, promising that if he did this he would grant 
 him all. The enterprise was not without difficulty : he under- 
 took it, however, but was slain in the attempt. The same 
 night a deserter informed us that Pompey and Labienus were 
 greatly offended at the massacre of the citizens. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. About nine at night, one of our wooden 
 towers, which had been severely battered by the enemy's 
 engines, gave way as far as the third story. A sharp encounter 
 ensued under the walls, and the besieged, assisted by a favor- 
 able wind, burned the remaining part of that tower and another. 
 Next morning a matron threw herself from the wall, and came 
 over to the camp, reporting, " that the rest of her family had 
 intended the same, but were apprehended and put to death ;" 
 likewise, a letter was thrown over, in which was written " L. 
 Minatius 1 to Caesar ; Pompey has abandoned me ; if you will 
 grant me my life, I promise to serve you with the same fidelity 
 and attachment I have hitherto manifested toward him." At 
 the same time deputies who had been sent before to Caesar 
 by the garrison, now waited on him a second time, offering to 
 deliver up the town next day, upon a bare grant of their lives : 
 to which he replied, " That he was Caesar, and would perform 
 his word." Thus, having made himself master of the place, on 
 the nineteenth of February he was saluted imperator. 
 
 CHAP. XX. Pompey, being informed by some deserters 
 
 1 Pompey had given him the command of the garrison of the city. Dion 
 Cassius and Valerius Maximus accuse him of all the cruelty that was 
 displayed at Ategua.
 
 484 THE SPANISH WAS. CHAP. 
 
 that the town had surrendered, removed his camp toward 
 Ucubis, where he began to build redoubts, and secure himself 
 with lines. Caesar also decamped and drew near him. At the 
 same time a Spanish legionary soldier deserting to our camp, 
 informed us that Pompey had assembled the people of Ucubis, 
 and given them instructions to inquire diligently who favored 
 his party, who that of the enemy. Some time after in the 
 town which was taken, the slave, who, as we have related 
 above, had murdered his master, was apprehended in a mine 
 and burned alive. About the same time eight Spanish cen- 
 turions came over to Caesar, and in a skirmish between our 
 cavalry and that of the enemy, we were repulsed, and some of 
 our light-armed foot wounded. The same night we took of the 
 enemy's spies, three slaves and one Spanish soldier. The 
 slaves were crucified, 1 and the soldier was beheaded. 
 
 CHAP. XXI. The day following, some of the enemy's 
 cavalry and light-armed infantry deserted to us ; and about 
 eleven of their horse falling upon a party of our men that were 
 sent to fetch water, killed some and took others prisoners; 
 among which last were eight troopers. On the next day 
 Pompey beheaded seventy-four persons supposed to be favor- 
 ers of Caesar's cause, ordering the rest who lay under the same 
 suspicion to be carried back to the town, of whom a hundred 
 and twenty escaped to Csesar. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. Some time after, the deputies from Bursavola 
 (whom Csesar had taken prisoners at Ategua, and sent along 
 with his own embassadors to their city, to inform them of the 
 massacre of the Ateguans, and what they had to apprehend 
 from Pompey, who suffered his soldiers to murder their hosts, 
 and commit all manner of crimes with impunity), arriving in 
 the town, none of our deputies, except such as were natives of 
 the place, durst enter the city, though they were all Roman 
 knights and senators. But after many messages backward and 
 forward, when the deputies were upon their return, the garrison 
 pursued and put them all to the sword, except two who escaped 
 to Caesar, and informed him of what had happened. Some time 
 after, the inhabitants of Bursavola, sending spies to Ategua to 
 know the truth of what had happened, and finding the report of 
 our deputies confirmed, were for stoning to death him who had 
 been the cause of the murder of the deputies, and were with 
 
 1 The usual method, among the Romans, of putting slaves to death,
 
 CHAP, juaii. THE SPANISH WAR. 485 
 
 difficulty restrained from laying violent hands upon him, which 
 in the end proved the occasion of their own destruction. For 
 having obtained leave of the inhabitants to go in person to 
 Caesar and justify himself, he privately drew together some 
 troops, and when he thought himself strong enough, returned 
 in the night, and was treacherously admitted into the town, 
 where he made a dreadful massacre of the inhabitants, slew all 
 the leaders of the opposite party, and reduced the place to 
 subjection. Soon after, some slaves who had deserted in- 
 formed us that he had sold all the goods of the citizens, and 
 that Pompey suffered none of his soldiers to quit the camp but 
 unarmed, because, since the taking of Ategua, many despairing 
 of success fled into Baeturia, having given over all expectation 
 of victory ; and that if any deserted from our camp, they were 
 put among the light-armed infantry, whose pay was only six- 
 teen asses a day. 
 
 CHAP. XXTTT. The day following Caesar removed his camp 
 nearer to Pompey's, and began to draw a line to the river 
 Salado. While our men were employed in the work, some of 
 the enemy fell upon us from the higher ground, and as we 
 were in no condition to make resistance, wounded great num- 
 bers. Here, as Ennius says, " our men retreated a little." This 
 occurrence, so contrary to our usual custom, being perceived, 
 two centurions of the fifth legion passed the river, and restored 
 the battle ; when, pressing upon the enemy with astonishing 
 bravery, one of them fell overwhelmed by the multitude of 
 darts discharged from above. The other continued the combat 
 for some time, but seeing himself in danger of being sur- 
 rounded, endeavored to make good his retreatj but stumbled 
 and fell. His death being known, the enemy crowded to- 
 gether in still greater numbers, upon which our cavalry passed 
 the river, and drove them back to their intrenchments ; so 
 that, while they too eagerly desired to slay them within their 
 lines, they were surrounded by the cavalry and light-armed 
 troops. Many of these would have been captured alive, had 
 not their valor been pre-eminent, for they were so confined 
 by the space included in the fortress, that the cavalry could 
 not well defend itself. Many of our men were wounded in these 
 two encounters, and among the rest Clodius Aquitius, but, as 
 the fight was carried on mostly from a distance, none of our men 
 fell, except the two centurions who sacrificed themselves in tho 
 cause of glory.
 
 486 THE SPANISH WAR. CHAP. xxv. 
 
 CHAP. XXTV. Next day both parties withdrawing from 
 Soricaria, we continued our works. But Pompey, observing 
 that our fort had cut off his communication with Aspavia, 1 
 which is about five miles distant from Ucubis, judged it neces- 
 sary to come to a battle. Yet he did not offer it upon equal 
 terms, but chose to draw up his men upon a hill, that he might 
 have the advantage of the higher ground. In this respect, 
 when both parties were seeking the superior position, our men 
 anticipating them, drove them into the plain, which gave us 
 the advantage. The enemy yielded on all hands, and we made 
 immense havoc among them. The mountain and not their 
 valor protected them ; of which advantage, and of all relief, 
 our men, though few in number, would have deprived them had 
 not night intervened. Three hundred and twenty-four light- 
 armed foot, and about a hundred and thirty-eight legionary 
 soldiers of their number fell, besides those whose armor and 
 spoils we carried off. Thus the death of the two centurions, 
 which happened the day before, was fully revenged. 
 
 CHAP. XXV. The day after, Pompey's cavalry advanced, 
 according to their usual custom, to our lines ; for they only 
 dared venture to draw up on equal ground. They there- 
 fore began to skirmish with our men who were at work, the 
 legionaries calling out to us at the same time to choose our 
 field of battle, with a view to make us believe that they desired 
 nothing so much as to come to blows ; upon this our men 
 quitted the eminence where they were encamped, and advanced 
 a great way into the plain. But none of the enemy had the 
 boldness to present themselves, excepting Antistius Turpio ; 
 who, presuming on his strength, and fancying no one on our 
 side a match for him, offered us defiance. Upon this, as is 
 recorded of Memnon and Achilles, Q. Pompeius Niger, a 
 Roman knight, born in Italy, advanced from our ranks to the 
 encounter. The fierce air of Antistius having engaged the 
 attention of all, the two armies drew up to be spectators of the 
 issue of this challenge, and expressed as much impatience as 
 if the whole fortune of the war had depended upon it. The 
 wishes on both sides for success were equal to the anxiety and 
 concern each felt for his own combatant. They advanced into 
 the plain with great courage, having each a resplendent buckler 
 
 1 Aspavia, a town of Spain, situated on the Rio Salado, near Corduba. 
 Some suppose it to be Apea, others Cestro el Rio.
 
 CHAP. xxvn. THE SPANISH WAR. 48*7 
 
 of curious workmanship. And doubtless the combat would 
 have been soon decided, had not some light-armed foot drawn 
 up near the lines, to serve as a guard to the camp because of 
 the approach of the enemy's horse, which we have before 
 alluded to. * * * Our horse, in retreating to their camp, being 
 warmly pursued by the enemy, suddenly faced about with great 
 cries ; which so terrified the Pompeians, that they immediately 
 betook themselves to flight, and retreated to their camp with 
 the loss of many of their men. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. Caesar, to reward the valor of the Cassian 
 troop, presented them with thirteen thousand sesterces, dis- 
 tributed ten thousand more among the light-armed foot, and 
 gave to the commander of the cavalry five golden collars. The 
 same day, A. Bebius, C. Flavius, and A. Trebellius, Roman 
 knights of Asta, 1 with their horses richly caparisoned and 
 adorned with silver, came over to Caesar, and informed him, 
 that all the rest of the Roman knights in Pompey's camp, had 
 like them conspired to come and join him, that, on the inform- 
 ation of a slave they had all been seized and cast into custody ; 
 that out of this number they only had escaped. The same day 
 letters were intercepted, sent by Pompey to Ursao, with the 
 usual greeting, and stating, "That hitherto he had all the 
 success against the enemy he could desire, and would have 
 ended the war much sooner than was expected, could he have 
 brought them to engage him upon equal terms ; that he did not 
 think it advisable to venture new-levied troops on a plain ; that 
 the enemy, depending on our supplies, as yet protract the war, 
 for they storm city after city, theiice supplying themselves with 
 provisions: that he would therefore endeavor to protect the 
 towns of his party, and bring the war to as speedy an issue as 
 possible : that he would send them a reinforcement of some 
 cohorts, and that having deprived them of provisions he would 
 necessitate the enemy to come to an engagement. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. Some time after, as our men were care- 
 lessly dispersed about the works, a few horse were killed, who 
 had gone to a grove of olives to fetch wood. Several slaves 
 deserted at this time, and informed us that ever since the 
 action at Soritia on the 7th of March, the enemy had been 
 under continual alarms, and appointed Attius Varus to guard 
 
 1 Asta, which still retains its ancient name, was a town of Hispania 
 Baetica. A Roman colony w^s founded there.
 
 488 THE SPANISH WAR. CHAP. mr. 
 
 the lines. The same day Pompey decamped, and posted him- 
 self in an olive-wood over against Hispalis. Caesar, before he 
 removed, waited till midnight, when the moon began to appear. 
 At his departure he ordered them to set fire to the fort of 
 Ucubis, which Pompey had abandoned, and to assemble in 
 the greater camp. He afterward laid siege to Ventisponte, 
 which surrendered ; and marching thence to Carruca, encamped 
 over against Pompey, who had burned the city, because the 
 garrison refused to open the gates to him. A soldier who had 
 murdered his brother in the camp, being intercepted by our 
 men, was scourged to death. Caesar, still pursuing his march, 
 arrived in the plains of Munda, and pitched his camp opposite 
 to that of Pompey. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII. Next day as Caesar was preparing to set 
 out with the army, notice was sent him by his spies, that 
 Pompey had been in order of battle ever since midnight. 
 Upon this intelligence he ordered the standard to be raised. 
 Pompey had taken this resolution in consequence of his letter 
 to the inhabitants of Ursao, who were his firm adherents, in 
 which he told them that Caesar refused to come down into the 
 plain, because h: i army consisted mostly of new-levied troops. 
 This had greatly confirmed the city in its allegiance. Thus 
 relying on this opinion, he thought that he could effect the 
 whole, for he was defended by the nature of his situation, and 
 by the position for defense of the town, where he had his camp : 
 for, as we observed before, this country is full of hills which 
 run in a continued chain, without any plains intervening. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX. But we must by no means omit to mention 
 an accident which happened about this time. The two camps 
 were divided from one another by a plain about five miles in ex- 
 tent, so that Pompey, in consequence of the town's elevated 
 position, and the nature of the country, enjoyed a double 
 defense. Across this valley ran a rivulet, which rendered 
 the approach to the mountain extremely difficult, because 
 it formed a deep morass on the right. Caesar had no doubt 
 that the enemy would descend into the plain and come to 
 a battle, when he saw them in array. This appeared evi- 
 dent to all ; the rather because the plain would give their 
 cavalry full room to act, and the day was so serene and 
 clear that the gods seemed to have sent it on purpose to favor 
 the engagement. Our men rejoiced at the favorable op-
 
 CHAP. TTTT THE SPANISH WAR. 489 
 
 portunity: some however were not altogether exempt from 
 fear when they considered that their all was at stake, with the 
 uncertainty of what might be their fate an hour after. He ad- 
 vanced however to the field of battle, fully persuaded that the 
 enemy would do the same ; but they durst not venture above 
 a mile from the town, being determined to shelter themselves 
 under its walls. Our men still continued before them in order 
 of battle ; but although the equality of the ground sometimes 
 tempted them to come and dispute the victory, they neverthe- 
 less still kept their post on the mountain, in the neighborhood 
 of the town. We doubled our speed to reach the rivulet, with- 
 out their stirring from the place where they stood. 
 
 CHAP. XXX. Their army consisted of thirteen legions; 
 the cavalry was drawn up upon the wings, with six thousand 
 light-armed infantry and about the same number of auxiliaries. 
 We had only eighty heavy-armed cohorts, and eight thousand 
 horse. When we reached the extremity of the plain, the real 
 seat of disadvantage, the enemy were awaiting us above, so that 
 it would have been exceedingly dangerous to proceed. When 
 Caesar perceived this, he pointed out the locality, lest any disa- 
 greeable occurrence should result from the temerity of his troops. 
 The army murmured greatly, as if they had been kept back from 
 a certain victory, when this was told them. The delay, how- 
 ever, served to enliven the enemy, thinking that Caesar's troops 
 shrank from an encounter through fear : they therefore had 
 the boldness to advance a little way, yet without quitting the 
 advantage of their post, the approach to which was extremely 
 dangerous. The tenth legion, as usual, was on tlje right, the 
 third and fifth on the left, with the auxiliary troops and cavalry. 
 The battle began with a shout. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI. But though our men were superior to the 
 enemy in courage, the latter nevertheless defended themselves 
 so well by the advantage of the higher ground, and the shouts 
 were so loud, and the discharge of darts on both sides so great, 
 that we almost began to despair of victory. 1 For the first onset 
 
 1 Of Caesar's danger in this battle, Plutarch speaks in the following 
 manner : " The great battle which decided the war was fought under the 
 walls of Munda. Caesar at first saw his men so hard pressed, and making 
 so feeble a resistance, that he ran through the ranks, amid the swords 
 and spears, exclaiming, 'Are you not ashamed to deliver your general 
 into the handa of boys?' The great and vigorous effort this reproach 
 produced, at last made the enemy turn their backs, and there were more 
 
 21*
 
 490 THE SPANISH "WAR. CHAP. xxzn. 
 
 and shout, by which an enemy is most apt to be dismayed, were 
 pretty equal in the present encounter. All fought with equal 
 valor ; the place was covered with arrows and darts, and great 
 numbers of the enemy fell. We have already observed that 
 the tenth legion was on the right, which, though not consid- 
 erable for the number of men, was nevertheless formidable 
 for its courage ; and so pressed the enemy on that side that 
 they were obliged to draw a legion from the right wing to 
 reinforce the left, lest we should come upon their flank ; but 
 they fought so bravely that the reinforcement could not find 
 an opportunity of entering the ranks. Upon this motion, our 
 cavalry on the left fell upon Pompey's right wing. Meanwhile 
 the clashing of armor mingled with the shouts of combatants, 
 and the groans of the dying and the wounded, terrified the 
 new-raised soldiers. On this occasion, as Ennius says, "they 
 fought hand to hand, foot to foot, and shield to shield ;" but 
 though the enemy fought with the utmost vigor, they were 
 obliged to give ground, and retire toward the town. The 
 battle was fought on the feast of Bacchus, and the Pompeians 
 were entirely routed and put to flight ; insomuch that not a 
 man could have escaped, had they not sheltered themselves in 
 the place whence they advanced to the charge. The enemy 
 lost on this occasion upward of thirty thousand men, and 
 among the rest Labienus and Attius Varus, whose funeral ob- 
 sequies were performed upon the field of battle. They had 
 likewis/a three thousand Roman knights killed, partly Italian, 
 partly provincial. About a thousand were slain on our side, 
 partly foot, partly horse; and five hundred wounded. We 
 gained thirteen eagles, and several standards, and emblems of 
 authority, and made seventeen officers prisoners. Such was 
 the issue of this action. 
 
 CHAP. XXXII. The remains of Pompey's army retreating 
 to Munda, with the intention of defending themselves in that 
 town, it became necessary to invest it. The dead bodies of 
 the enemy, heaped together, served as a rampart, and their 
 javelins and darts were fixed up by way of palisades. Upon 
 4 
 
 than thirty thousand of them slain, whereas Caesar lost only a thousand, 
 but those were some of the best men he had. As he retired after the 
 battle, he told his friends, ' he had often fought for victory, but that was 
 the first time he had fought for hia life.' "
 
 CHAF. xxxm. THE SPANISH WAR. 491 
 
 these we hung their bucklers to supply the place of a breast- 
 work, and fixing the heads of the deceased upon swords and 
 lances, planted them all around the works, to strike the 
 greater terror into the besieged, and keep awake in them a 
 sense of our prowess. Amid these mournful objects did 
 they find themselves shut in, when our men began the attack, 
 which was conducted chiefly by the Gauls. Young Valerius, 
 who had escaped to Corduba with some horse, informed Sex- 
 tus Pompey of what had happened ; who, upon receipt of the 
 mournful news, distributing what money he had about him to 
 the troopers, left the town about nine at night, under pretense 
 of going to find out Caesar, to treat of an accommodation. On 
 the other side, Cn. Pompey, attended by a few horse and foot, 
 took the road to Carteia, where his fleet lay, and which was 
 about a hundred and seventy miles distant from Corduba. 
 When he was arrived within eight miles of the place, he 
 sent P. Calvitius his camp-marshal before, to procure a litter to 
 cany him to the town, as he found himself unwell. The 
 litter came, and when he entered the town, those of his party 
 waited on him privately, to receive his orders about the man- 
 agement of the war. As they assembled round the place in 
 great crowds, Pompey quitting his litter put himself under 
 their protection. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIII. After the encounter, Caesar seeing the 
 circumvallation of Munda completed, marched to Corduba. 
 Those of the enemy who had escaped the slaughter, possessing 
 themselves of a bridge, upon the approach of our men, called 
 out to them with an air of derision " What ! we who are no 
 more than a handful of men escaped from the battle, shall we 
 be allowed no place of retreat ?" They immediately prepared 
 to defend the bridge. Caesar passed- the river 1 and encamped. 
 Scapula, 2 who had stirred up the freedmen to a revolt, escaping 
 after the battle to Corduba, when he found himself besieged, 
 assembled all his followers, ordered a funeral pile to be erected 
 
 1 The Guadalquivir. 
 
 2 Scapula, even before the arrival of Cneiua Pompey in Spain, when 
 the news of the total defeat of Scipio at Thapsus reached him, was elect- 
 ed general by the soldiers. Apollonius was declared his colleague. 
 Scapula succeeded in debauching all Hispania Bsetica from its allegiance 
 to Csesar, and then formed a junction with Pompey. His subsequent 
 fate is related in the chapter before us.
 
 492 ^HE SPANISH WAR. CHAP. XXXVL 
 
 and a magnificent supper served up; when, putting on his 
 richest dress, he distributed his plate and money among his 
 domestics, supped cheerfully, anointed himself several times, 
 and, last of all, ordered one of his freedmen to dispatch him, 
 and another to set fire to the pile. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIV. Caesar had no sooner encamped before 
 the place than a division arose among the inhabitants, be- 
 Hween the parties of Caesar and Pompey, till the dispute almost 
 .reached to our camps. During the contest, some legions, 
 composed partly of deserters, partly of slaves made free by 
 Pompey, came and surrendered themselves to Caesar. But the 
 thirteenth legion prepared to defend the town, and with that 
 view possessed themselves of the walls and some towers, in 
 spite of all opposition, which obliged the other party to send 
 deputies to Caesar for aid. Upon this those who had escaped 
 out of the battle set fire to the place, and our men entering 
 at the same time, slew about twenty-two thousand of them, 
 besides those who were slain without the walls ; thus Caesar 
 obtained the town. While he was employed in this siege, 
 those who, as we have said, were blockaded at Munda made 
 a sally, but were driven back into the town with considerable 
 loss. 
 
 CHAP. XXXV. Thence Caesar marched to Hispalis, which 
 sent deputies to sue for pardon. Though the citizens assured 
 him that they were able to defend the town, he sent Caninius 
 his lieutenant thither with some troops, and encamped before the 
 place. There was in the town a strong party of Pompeians, 
 who, displeased to see Caesar's troops received within the walls, 
 secretly deputed one Philo, a zealous partisan of Pompey, and 
 well known in Lusitania, to beg assistance of Cecilius Niger, 
 one of the barbarians, who lay encamped near Lenius, with a 
 strong army of Lusitanians. He is received into the town of 
 Hispalis by night, surprises the sentinels and garrison, shuts the 
 gates, and begins to defend the place. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVI. During these transactions deputies arrived 
 from Carteia, with accounts of their having secured Pompey ; 
 hoping by this service to atone for their former fault of shut- 
 ting their gates against Caesar. Meantime, the Lusitanians in 
 Hispalis plundered the town, which, though known to Caesar, 
 did not yet detgrmine him to press it too hard, lest they 
 should in despair set fire to it, and destroy the walls. It was
 
 CHAP, xxxvm. THE SPANISH WAR. .493 
 
 resolved in council to suffer the Lusitanians to escape in the 
 night by a sally, yet so that the thing might not appear 
 designed. In this sally, they set fire to the ships that were in 
 the river Guadalquivir, and while our men were employed in 
 extinguishing the flames, endeavored to get off; but being 
 overtaken by the cavalry, were mostly cut to pieces. Thence 
 Caesar marched to Asta, which submitted. Munda having 
 been now a long while besieged, many of those who had escaped 
 out of the battle, despairing of safety, surrendered to us ; and 
 being formed into a legion, conspired among themselves, that 
 upon a signal being given, the garrison should sally out in the 
 night, while they at the same time should begin a massacre 
 in the camp. But the plot being discovered, they were next 
 night, at the changing of the third watch, all put to death out- 
 side the rampart. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVII. The Carteians, while Caesar was em- 
 ployed in reducing the other towns upon his route, began to 
 disagree about young Pompey. One party had sent the 
 deputies to Caesar, and another was in the Pompeian interest. 
 These last prevailing, seized the gates, and made a dreadful 
 slaughter of their adversaries. Pompey himself was wounded 
 in the fray, but escaping to his ships, fled with about twenty 
 galleys. Didius, who was at Gades with Caesar's fleet, hearing 
 of what had happened, immediately sailed in pursuit of them ; 
 stationing at the same time some cavalry and infantry along 
 the coast, to prevent his escaping by land. Pompey had left 
 Carteia with so much precipitation, that he took no time 
 to furnish himself with water, and this circumstance obliging 
 him to stop by the way, Didius came up with him after four 
 days' sailing, took some of his ships, and burned the rest. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVHL With a few friends, Pompey escaped to 
 a place strongly fortified by nature ; of which the troops sent 
 in pursuit of. him having certain intelligence by their scouts, 
 followed day and night. He was wounded in the shoulder and 
 left leg, and had besides sprained his ankle, all which greatly 
 retarded his flight, and obliged him to make use of a litter. 
 A Lusitanian having discovered the place of his retreat, he 
 was quickly surrounded by our cavalry and cohorts. Seeing 
 himself betrayed, he took refuge in a post fortified by nature, 
 and which could easily be defended by a few men, the ap- 
 proach to it being extremely difficult. We attempted to storm
 
 494 THE SPANISH "WAR. CHAP. XL. 
 
 it, but were repulsed, and pursued by the enemy ; and meeting 
 with no better success after several trials, we at length re- 
 solved to lay siege to the place, it seeming too hazardous to 
 force it. Accordingly, a terrace was raised, and lines drawn 
 round the place ; which the enemy perceiving, thought it best 
 to betake themselves to flight. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIX. Pompey as we have observed above being 
 lame and wounded, 1 was in no condition to make a speedy 
 retreat ; and the rather, because the place was such that he 
 could use neither horse nor litter. Slaughter Avas dealt on all 
 hands by our troops, his fortress having been stormed, and 
 his resources cut off. In this extremity he fled to a cave, 
 where he could not easily be discovered, unless by the in- 
 formation of the captives. Here he was slain, his head was 
 brought to Hispalis on the day before the ides of April, and 
 exhibited before the people when Caesar was at Gades. 
 
 CHAP. XL. After the death of young Pompey, Didius, 
 proud of his success, retired to the nearest fortress and hauled 
 some of his vessels on shore to be refitted. The Lusitanians, 
 who had escaped from the battle, rallying in great bodies, 
 advanced to Didius. Though the preservation of the fleet 
 principally engaged his attention, he was obliged to leave his 
 fort in order to restrain the frequent sallies of the enemy. 
 These daily skirmishes gave them an opportunity of projecting 
 an ambuscade ; for which purpose they divided their troops 
 into three bodies. Some were prepared to set fire to the fleet, 
 and in the mean time others were to come to their relief. These 
 were so arranged that they could advance to the battle without 
 any one seeing them. Didius sallied out according to custom ; 
 when upon a signal being given, one of the parties advanced 
 to set fire to the fleet ; and another, counterfeiting a retreat, 
 drew him insensibly into the ambuscade, where he was sur- 
 rounded and slain with most of his followers, fighting valiantly. 
 Some escaped in boats which they found upon the coast ; others 
 endeavored to reach the galleys by swimming ; and, weigh- 
 ing anchor, stood out to sea. A great many saved themselves 
 
 1 "We learn from Appian, that when Pompey saw those who were 
 carrying him despair of safety, he fled, lest they should give him up to 
 the enemy. As he hastily entered the boat, hia foot got entangled in a 
 rope, and, in his haste to extricate himself and cut the rope, he wounded 
 his foot.
 
 CHAP. xm. THE SPANISH WAR. 495 
 
 in this manner, but the Lusitanians got all the baggage. Caesar 
 meanwhile returned from Gades to Hispalis. 
 
 CHAP. XLL Fabius Maximus, whom he had left to con- 
 tinue the siege of Munda, conducted it with great zeal ; so that 
 the enemy, seeing themselves shut up on all sides, sallied out, 
 but were repulsed with great loss. Our men seized this oppor- 
 tunity to get possession of the town, and took the rest prisoners, 
 in number about fourteen thousand. Thence they retreated 
 toward Ursao, a town exceedingly strong both by nature and 
 art, and capable of resisting an enemy. Besides, there is not, 
 within eight miles of the place any spring but that which sup- 
 plies the town, which was a decided advantage to the besieged. 
 In addition to all this, the wood necessary for building towers 
 and other machines had to be fetched from a distance of six 
 miles. And Pompey, to render the siege more difficult, had 
 cut down all the timber round the place, and /collected it within 
 the walls, which obliged our men to bring all the materials for 
 carrying on the siege from Munda, the nearest town which they 
 had subdued. 
 
 CHAP. XLTT. During these transactions at Munda and 
 Ursao, Caesar, who had returned from Gades to Hispalis, as- 
 sembled the citizens, and made the following speech : " That 
 when he was advanced to the quaestorship, 1 he had chosen their 
 province in preference to all others, and during his continuance 
 in that office, had done them every service in his power ; that 
 during his praetorship^he had obtained for them from the senate 
 the abolition of the taxes imposed by Metellus," declared himself 
 their patron, procured their deputies a hearing at Rome, and 
 
 1 Suetonius says that when Cassar was quaestor, he obtained the prov- 
 ince of Further Spain. Plutarch's account is, that Cassar went to Spain as 
 quaestor with the praetor Tubero, and subsequently held the prastorship 
 there. 
 
 2 Q. Metellus Pius, the first Roman general who was successful against 
 Jugurtha. He failed in his attempt to crush the rising ambition of the 
 great Marius, through whose instrumentality he was subsequently ban- 
 ished. He was afterward recalled to Rome, and on the downfall of the 
 Marian faction, commanded against Sertorius in Spain. Metellus was 
 unable to cope with his vigorous and talented opponent, and, in conse- 
 quence, Pompey was sent to his aid. Sertorius, however, was equal to 
 the crisis, and proved himself more than a match for both ; and it was 
 not until he was assassinated by Perpenna that Spain was reduced. As 
 the Spaniards were much attached to Sertorius, we may suppose that the 
 severe impost to which Cassar here alludes was inflicted as a punishment 
 for their fidelity.
 
 496 THE SPANISH "WAR. CHAP. XLU. 
 
 made himself many enemies by undertaking the defense both 
 of their private and public rights. In fine, that when he was 
 consul, he had, though absent, rendered the province all the 
 services in his power ; that instead of making a suitable return 
 for so many favors, they had always discovered the utmost 
 ingratitude both toward him and the people of Rome ; as 
 well in this last war as the preceding. You," says he, " though 
 no strangers to the law of nations and the rights of Roman 
 citizens, have yet like barbarians often violated the sacred 
 persons of Roman magistrates. You attempted in open day, 
 in the public square, to assassinate Cassius. You have been 
 always such enemies to peace that the senate could never 
 suffer the province to be without legions. You take favors 
 for offenses, and insults for benefits, are insolent and restless 
 in peace, and cowardly and effeminate in war. Young Pompey, 
 though only a private citizen, nay a fugitive, was yet received 
 among you, and suffered to assume the ensigns of magistracy. 
 After putting many citizens to death, you still furnished him 
 with forces, and even urged him to lay waste the country and 
 province. Against whom do you hope to be victorious ? Can 
 you be ignorant that even if I should be destroyed, the people 
 of Rome have still ten legions, capable not only of opposing you, 
 but even of pulling down heaven ? l With whose praises and 
 virtues" * * * * 
 
 1 This boastful language is very foreign to Oiesar's natural disposition, 
 and the passage is evidently spurious. In like manner in some of the old 
 copies, we find the absurd addition to "with whose praises and virtues" 
 "the whole world exults." The end of this book is lost. "We learn 
 from Plutarch that this was the last war in which Caesar was engaged, 
 as he returned to Rome in the month of October, A.U.C. 709, and was 
 assassinated on the following ides of March, A.U.C. 710.
 
 A FRAGMENT 
 
 OF THE 
 
 HISTORY OF JULIUS C^SAR. 
 
 FROM THK VATICAN COPY. 
 
 All that we can ascertain of this fragment is that it was found in the copy 
 of Cujacius, without any name ; but in the Paduan copy with the name 
 of Petrarch ; as it seems to have some connection with the last book, I 
 translate it here. 
 
 FOR the length of the war called imperatively for peace, 
 their toils sought repose, and their victories deserved a tri- 
 umph ; not their victories over their fellow-citizens, but their 
 victories over the foreign enemy, of which we have previously 
 spoken. But in what manner could he triumph, or on what 
 principle could he rest, of whom it has been written that 
 he believed nothing done if any thing remained to be done ? 
 Cneius and Sextus, the sons of the great Pompey, had seized 
 the Spains, and were aided in doing so not by the heritage of 
 their father's virtues, but by his popularity and name. Thus 
 fortune had raised up two Pompeys instead of one. Cneius, 
 the elder, who had more energy and intellect than his brother, 
 had already effected the acquisition of great power, by throwing 
 himself on the protection and support of all the states of Spain. 
 The Spaniards could not resist his entreaties and earnest 
 appeal to their mercy, and the memory of his father's 
 kindnesses. In levying his army he resorted to violence when 
 entreaties were ineffectual, and began to ravage the province 
 in such a manner as gradually to alienate those who had been 
 at first warmly in his favor. Caesar thought that he ought 
 by no means to neglect this, the last of his wars, and therefore
 
 498 FRAGMENTS. 
 
 set out at once for the scene of action. On this occasion, two 
 almost incredible circumstances occurred. In the first place 
 he traversed so rapidly the distance between Rome and 
 Further Spain, that he arrived there in twenty-four days : a 
 degree of speed seldom obtained by a traveler, much less an 
 army. This was certainly a great feat, but the second was still 
 greater. Although there were so many things to distract his 
 attention, yet in this short time he wrote a poem, which he 
 called the " Journey," because he composed it on this occasion. 
 So completely had he learned the art of introducing refine- 
 ment and unceasing mental activity into the camp. Caesar's 
 arrival in Spain created great excitement among the different 
 states, and embassadors and deserters repaired to him from 
 every quarter. Pompey's sons had already begun to ex- 
 cite the hatred or disgust of their followers, and this was a 
 necessary result, even though there might have been no mis- 
 conduct on their part, for it has been an ancient practice 
 among states to be fond of new masters and change. Be- 
 sides the reputation of Caesar had very justly surpassed that 
 of all others, and consequently the world was dazzled by the 
 brilliancy of his exploits, and was desirous of seeing in person 
 the hero whose acts had excited their admiration. At the 
 very straits of Gibraltar, where the Atlantic dashes its waves 
 against the Spanish coast, even the extremity of the Mediter- 
 ranean becomes the scene of mutual embassies. Didius 
 representing one party, Varus the other, while the storm 
 proved the relentless foe of both. Nor had the contending 
 parties less danger to dread from the winds and waves than 
 from the cruelty of the foe. On one side was the merciless 
 enemy, on the other the fury of the combatants was lulled into 
 a passing repose by the violence of the storm : and during the 
 time that the hostile fleets had to struggle against war and 
 shipwreck, there weie two distinct factions, two seas, and a 
 mutual frenzy, the war of the elements and the rage of man 
 partaking alike of this two-fold character. About this period 
 two infantry soldiers were taken by Caesar's troops, and 
 alleged that they were slaves. Caesar was not permitted to 
 display his usual lenity toward them, for before they could be 
 brought into his presence, they were recognized by the 
 soldiers as deserters from Caesar's army, and were imme- 
 diately put to death. Some letter-carriers, who were on their
 
 FRAGMENTS. 499 
 
 way to Pompey at Corduba, were taken prisoners. Their 
 hands were cut off, and then they were sent away. In like 
 manner one of Pompey's spies was taken and slain. I am of 
 opinion that the soldiers were irritated at the war, and, being 
 aware of the character and mercy of their general, had 
 invented this method of frustrating him, to prevent any of 
 the prisoners from seeing his face, and thus insure their 
 destruction. The Pompeys occupied Corduba, while Caesar 
 laid siege to it In the absence of the generals many bloody 
 battles took place before the walls : and when on one occasion 
 the struggle was maintained, by fire and sword, with greater 
 spirit than usual, the anger of the besieged changed into mad- 
 ness, and, in the sight of Caesar's array, they cut the throats 
 of some guests who were staying with them, confiding in the 
 protection of the tie of hospitality -just as if victory was the 
 prize of cruelty and not of courage a wretched and horrid 
 spectacle. One of the besieged who was stationed in a mine 
 under ground to protect the wall, on learning this act from the 
 groans of the dying, shouted aloud : " You have committed a 
 dreadful and enormous crime, one that meets with the detesta- 
 tion of every nation, even the most barbarous, and justly too ; 
 for they deserved no evil who had done no evil, who with mis- 
 placed confidence threw themselves on you and on your altars 
 and homes for protection. You alone have despised the rights 
 of hospitality which are respected by all nations, and would 
 that you had been contented with despising them only. You 
 have violated them by an inhuman crime." When he uttered 
 many words of a similar tendency, the besieged began to feel 
 ashamed of their conduct, and left off the massacre of their 
 guests. Thus the voice of a single good man occasionally 
 prevails among many bad men, and even among enemies virtue 
 meets its reward. This circumstance was first made known in 
 Caesar's camp by "the narration of a deserter. On the next day, 
 a certain Tullius with Cato, a Lusitanian, came as an em- 
 bassador from the town to Caesar. The first part of Tullius's 
 speech was the expression of a wish that he had had the good 
 fortune to espouse Caesar's party, rather than be a suppliant 
 for his mercy. The end of it was, that the besieged, being 
 deserted by Pompey, and conquered by Caesar, surrendered 
 themselves and the town, and begged that he would not deny 
 to his fellow-citizens the mercy which he had shown to con-
 
 500 FRAGMENTS. 
 
 X 
 
 quered foreigners. lie used many other arguments which have 
 been so confused by the carelessness of transcribers that they 
 can not be understood. One thing, however, is plain enough, 
 that although many speeches were made on both sides, no pro- 
 gress was made to a surrender at the time. The blockade be- 
 came more close every day, as is generally the case, and Poin- 
 pey neither brought nor sent the promised succors. Further- 
 more he is reported to have said in an assembly, that as he could 
 not assist them they ought to avail themselves of the kindness 
 of night, and flee forth from the face of the enemy. When 
 he made this remark, one of the bystanders answered that he 
 ought to give the signal for fight rather than flight ; and the 
 person who used the expression was immediately put to death, 
 as his language seemed to them a sarcasm on the cowardice of 
 the general. We were informed of this circumstance also by 
 
 deserters In the mean time the calamities of 
 
 the besieged increased hourly. A matron jumped over the 
 wall, and said that she had concerted with her maid-servant to 
 flee ; that their intention happened to transpire, and the latter 
 was slain : that herself had escaped by a precipitate flight. 
 Letters also were found that had been cast from the wall, of 
 which the following is a transcript to the very letter : " Lucius 
 Munatius to Caesar. If you give me my life, since I am 
 deserted by Pompey, I promise that I will serve you with as 
 much zeal and energy as ever I served him." At the same 
 time the embassadors who came first, returned to Csesar. Their 
 language was simple, frank, and brief : " That they would sur- 
 render the town the next day if he would grant them their 
 li ves ;" to whom Csesar made this brief reply : " I am Csesar ; I 
 will not break my word." Thus it happened that Caesar ob- 
 tained possession of the town on the eleventh day before the 
 calends of March. When Pompey was acquainted with this, 
 relinquishing all hope and anxiety for the defense of Corduba 
 and decamping, he departed and repaired to the town of 
 Ucubis, and there assembling those whom he considered most 
 attached to him, he ordered them to find out with the great- 
 est diligence those .who favored his party, and those who 
 favored Caesar's. When information was laid before him, 
 he beheaded sixty-four of those who were said to have re- 
 joiced at Caesar's victory, just as if it were a great crime to 
 be attached to Csesar. He shut up the rest in the town
 
 FBAGMENTS. 501 
 
 . they burst through their guards with one hun- 
 dred and twenty horsemen, and fled to Caesar. Besides, 
 many cruel acts were performed by the Pompeians themselves 
 at the same time, as if they foresaw that their doom was at 
 hand, and were anxious (according to the custom of some 
 barbarous nations) to send before them an offering to the 
 infernal deities. Pompey at this time pretended that he was 
 confident of the result, and that Caesar was afraid. Letters of 
 his were found asserting that Caesar did not dare to lead his 
 forces into the field of battle, distrusting his raw levies ; 
 and that, if Caesar should at any time give him an oppor- 
 tunity of coming to action on level ground, he would finish the 
 business sooner than any one could expect, and that he was 
 waiting and even hoping for such an opportunity. Besides, he 
 went round the different states of Spain to canvass them ; or, 
 as he himself said, to keep them in their allegiance ; he 
 therefore went to Hispalis and pitched his camp in an olive 
 grove opposite to the city ; and afterward went from one state 
 to the other. At last he stopped at Munda, which fortune 
 had selected for the closing of his career. Caesar arrived there 
 also, and pitched his camp opposite to Pompey. The latter 
 had written to Faustus, who, as far as we can learn, was within 
 the town : " That Caesar was unwilling to descend into the midst 
 of the valley, because a great part of his army was composed 
 of raw soldiers." This letter exercised a strange influence in 
 raising the hopes of the besieged. For all men eagerly grasp 
 at hope, and even imagine those things which they feel neither 
 are nor can be. So sweet it is, I will not say to hope, but 
 even to think of a pleasing subject. I can not readily con- 
 ceive how a person will hope for impossibilities ; but we can 
 think of any thing. While Pompey was thus encouraging him- 
 self and the others, but was, in reality, tortured by intense 
 anxiety, as far as I can learn, he remained for a great portion 
 of the night with his army in battle array : Caesar came forth 
 from his camp with the intention of marching in some direc- 
 tion, but, as soon as he was informed of the posture of the 
 enemy, he halted and formed in line of battle. The hostile 
 armies engaged with loud shouts and still greater fury, pro- 
 ceeding from inexpressible and undying hatred, and fought 
 resolutely and obstinately, and (enough to make us blush 
 for human frailty) never was Caesar engaged in a more
 
 502 FRAGMENTS. 
 
 dubious struggle, either against foreign enemies or fellow- 
 citizens, and never was he nearer defeat. To such a degree 
 that (to borrow the eloquent words of Floras) fortune seemed 
 to be undecided in her deliberations, which were, I suppose, 
 whether she should attend on her favorite with a fidelity 
 rarely met with and quite unprecedented, or whether she 
 should desert him at the end of his career, and pass over to 
 another. And so long did she remain undecided, that in 
 the heat of the struggle, victory inclining to neither party, even 
 the veteran soldiers, the conquerors in a hundred fields, gradu- 
 ally retreated (a sight that never met Caesar's eyes before), 
 and were prevented by shame rather than courage from an 
 open flight. Caesar began to doubt and distrust, a thing which 
 he never did before, and even stood in front of his army with 
 a grief expressed in his features that never was witnessed be- 
 fore. Still he showed in that perilous hour all the qualities of 
 a consummate commander ; he sprang from his horse, and, 
 like a madman, rushed to the foremost ranks of the combatants, 
 shouting, reproaching, beseeching, and exhorting. Using not 
 only his voice and eyes, but also his hands and strength, to 
 stop the flight, he began at last to bring back by force to the 
 battle those that commenced to flee. Finally, so great was 
 the alarm, and so undecided the issue of the combat, that 
 several writers have recorded that Caesar thought of putting 
 an end to himself, and that his features bore the rigid im- 
 press of one who was meditating suicide ; and yet there is no 
 mention of this circumstance made by those who were on 
 the field. It is truly difficult, not only for the absent, but 
 even for the present, to divine a man's thoughts ; but I 
 have no hesitation in believing, that if Caesar once doubted 
 his success, he began to think of death at the same time. 
 For at what time or with what feelings could Caesar run 
 away from a youth ? Caesar, who had so often compelled so 
 distinguished an individual as the great Pompey, and so 
 many kings and generals, states and nations, to flee before 
 him. If, therefore, he was apprehensive of being conquered, 
 he must have wished to die, for he was the child of victory, 
 not of defeat. But who knows whether he was really afraid 
 of being conquered? Some, however, say that he was, and 
 others assert it as a positive fact. The battle remained 
 in this undecided state for some time, until five cohorts
 
 FRAGMENTS. 503 
 
 of the enemy, which were sent by Labienus to assist his 
 camp, which was attacked, hastening along the line, presented 
 the appearance of flight. Oh, fortune, powerful in every thing, 
 as is the general belief, but by far the most powerful in war ! 
 Caesar, either imagining that they were fleeing, or pretending 
 to think so, as he was a most skillful general, attacked them 
 as if they were running away, and thereby gave courage to his 
 . own men who supposed that they were pursuing a fleeing 
 enemy, and dispirited the enemy to such a degree that they 
 fled under the impression that their fellow soldiers were run- 
 ning away. Thus Labienus, who betrayed Caesar and deserted 
 from him, and was the implacable enemy of his old general, 
 was the means of procuring an unhoped-for victory for him 
 whose destruction he sought, and death for himself: for ho 
 fell in that battle, and along with him Attius Varus, and thirty 
 thousand men. A greater number would have perished, had 
 not the city been so near to shelter them. About three thou- 
 sand of the victors were slain, and a great number of the 
 cavalry and infantry were wounded. Therefore Caesar's troops 
 marched to storm the town over a dreadful and ghastly heap 
 of corpses, which were compacted by darts and swords, as if 
 imbedded in lime, and over this mound they mounted to scale 
 the city, the bodies of the slain serving as a wall. Go now, 
 misguided men, engage in civil wars, and while you envy 
 others, destroy yourselves. Behold the survivors are attacked 
 from your corpses. Do you seek any thing else, or is the 
 climax of your madness still wanting ? Or is Labienus with his 
 burning insults still restless ? Thousands have fallen the vic- 
 tims of your advice, Labienus ; though you lie among the dead 
 a single corpse, yet tombs were raised for you and Varus. And 
 as I am of opinion that your own party had not time to do this 
 while in such a wretched condition, I attribute them to the 
 generosity of Caesar, which you so little deserved : and I am 
 convinced that had it rested with you, you were so obstinate 
 that you would prefer to be left unburied. Cneius Pompey fled 
 from the battle through the midst of the carnage, wounded in 
 the shoulder and left leg. When he fled into the recesses of 
 the woods, in an abject and lowly plight (carried on a litter be- 
 cause he could not use either a horse or vehicle, and concealed 
 himself in the caves), Caesonius, one of Caesar's lieutenants, 
 followed him to Lauso (that is the name of the place), still
 
 504 FRAGMENTS. 
 
 resisting, and still cherishing the expiring embers of hope. His 
 head was brought to Caesar who was accustomed to gifts of this 
 nature, but by no means delighted with them. They say that 
 fortune concealed his brother Sextus Pompey in Celtiberia, lest 
 food for civil wars should ever be wanting. Munda was after- 
 ward taken by storm by Caesar, but not without great blood- 
 shed. At the same period Corduba was attacked a second 
 time : I do not find it stated in what manner it revolted. There 
 were then great commotions and great dissensions in the state, 
 one part inclining to Caesar, the other to the contrary faction ; 
 and when they had recourse to arms, the party which favored 
 Caesar conquered, and gave up the town to him. Twenty-two 
 thousand of the opposite party fell, a remarkable havoc for the 
 citizens of even the largest city. Caesar left Hispalis on the 
 ides of April and went to Gades. He went back again to His- 
 palis to finally arrange the affairs of Spain, as he did not intend 
 to return again. Then having convened a public assembly, he 
 recounted both his former and recent favors to that city. 
 Fin-illy, he accused them of returning evil for good in every 
 case, and of being seditious in peace and cowardly in war. Be- 
 cause Cneius Pompey who was a mere youth, supported by 
 their aid had slain his fellow-citizens, and laid waste their 
 country and the vicinity, and had assumed the fasces and 
 military authority there against him, or rather against the 
 Roman people, of whom he had the control. What! could 
 the inhabitants of Hispalis imagine that they could conquer the 
 Romans, because they laid waste their province ? Did they not 
 know that even if Caesar died, who was a mere mortal, still the 
 Romans were immortal, and had at present ten legions, which 
 were able not only to resist the inhabitants of Hispalis, but even 
 to pull down heaven itself. In which expression there is not 
 only the lofty diction evident to all, but also a latent meaning, 
 because, in enumerating the forces of Rome, he recounts not all, 
 but only his own legions, as if he considered the rest of no 
 value, and not even worth being mentioned. Many other cir- 
 cumstances are related in this part of the history, but they are 
 so confused by the carelessness of transcribers, that I pass them 
 by, as I am anxious to conclude the subject. This was the 
 termination of the civil wars. 1 
 
 1 Gerardus Johannes Vossius, in his treatise on Latin Historians, 
 attributes this fragment of the Spanish war to Julius Celsus, because it is 
 taken from his Commentaries on the life of Julius Caesar.
 
 THE FRAGMENTS 
 
 CAIUS JULIUS CAESAR. 
 
 THE FEAGMENTS CONTAINED IN HIS EPISTOLARY COR- 
 RESPONDENCE WITH M. T. CICERO. 
 
 CAESAR 1 IMPERATOR TO CICERO IMPERATOR, GREETING. 
 
 Although I merely saw our mutual friend Furnius, 2 and he 
 had not an opportunity of addressing me, or listening to my 
 instructions, as I was in a hurry, and was advancing to meet 
 my 3 legions whom I had sent on before me, yet I could not 
 neglect the opportunity of writing and sending him to you and 
 -returning my thanks :* although I have often before executed 
 the same duty, yet I think that I will do it oftener ; you have 
 laid me under so many obligations to you v , I particularly re- 
 quest of you, that 5 as I trust that I shall soon arrive in the city, 
 
 1 It is not at all strange that Caesar, after his many great exploits in 
 Gaul, should style himself Imperator, but few know the reason why Cice- 
 ro, whose military achievements are but little celebrated, should receive 
 that title from Caesar. This, however, is explained in one of Cicero's 
 epistles to Atticus, in which he writes that he was saluted Imperator on 
 the occasion of his slaying a great number of Cilician robbers who were 
 sheltered in the numerous fastnesses of Mount Amanus. Plutarch bears 
 testimony to the same circumstance in his life of Cicero. Caesar is not 
 the only one that called Cicero Imperator, but also Pompey, in his letter 
 to him. 
 
 2 As far as we can infer from the epistles to Atticus, Furnius appears 
 * to have espoused Caesar's party. After the assassination of Caesar, he 
 
 became the lieutenant-general of Plancus, and it was through him that 
 Cicero endeavored to win over Plancus to the republic. 
 
 3 In the direction of Brundusium, to which Pompey had retreated, as 
 Caesar was determined to pursue him wherever he went. 
 
 * Cicero remained in Italy, and this was the reason why Caesar was so 
 grateful to him. 
 
 5 Cicero, by his prudence and care, crushed Catiline's conspiracy in 
 his consulate, and thereby acquired vast influence, particularly among 
 the aristocracy. Caesar and Pompey made great efforts at the com- 
 
 22
 
 506 FRAGMENTS. 
 
 f may see you there ; that I may avail myself of your 1 advice, 
 influence, dignity, and assistance in every thing. I must re- 
 sume business : you will excuse my haste and the brevity of my 
 letter : you will learn the rest from Furnius. Farewell. Cicero 
 to Atticus, 9, 6. 
 
 CAESAR IMP. TO CICERO IMP. 
 
 You were right in the opinion you entertained of me (for you 
 know my character well), that nothing is more foreign to my 
 nature than cruelty, 2 and in addition to the pleasure that I de- 
 rive from that very circumstance, I am also highly delighted 
 that my conduct in this respect has earned your approbation : 
 nor has it any influence on me that those who have been 
 pardoned by me are reported to have departed, with a view to 
 
 mencement of the civil "War, to attach him to their different parties. 
 Cicero, in his seventh epistle to Atticus, tells us what his sentiments 
 really were in the following passage : " Both of them [Caesar and Pom- 
 pey] consider me their own, unless, perhaps Caesar is only pretending ; 
 for Pompey has no doubts (and he judges right) that his sentiments on 
 the state of the republic are highly approved of by me. I received let- 
 ters from both at the same time that I received yours, so that each of 
 them seems to value no man's support more highly than mine." Cicero 
 refers to the present letter. 
 
 1 No one can interpret this place better than Caesar, who, in his eleventh 
 epistle to Atticus, writes in the following manner : " The very base and 
 mean individual who asserts that the elections for appointing a consul 
 can be held by a praetor is the same as ever he was in matters connected 
 with the commonwealth. Therefore, what Cassar writes in the letter of 
 which I have sent you a copy is surprising, viz., that he wished to avail 
 himself of my advice. "Well, suppose this to be a general expression ;" 
 influence " this is rather absurd, but I suppose he refers to my getting 
 him the support of some of the senators." Dignity! "Perhaps my 
 opinion as a man of consular rank. The last expression is, assistance in 
 any thing. I began to suspect that this had the following meaning, or 
 something very like it. It is a matter of great importance that the 
 government should not come to an interregnum. Caesar gains his object 
 if consuls are appointed by praetors. But we have it stated in our 
 
 .books that praetors have not the right of appointing consuls, or even of 
 appointing one another. They have not the right of appointing consuls 
 because it is against the law that a higher magistrate should be appointed 
 by a less. But the praetors, because they are elected in such a manner 
 that they are considered colleagues of the consuls, whose magistracy is 
 a greater one. He will be very likely to refer this to me, and not to rest 
 satisfied with the opinion of Galba, Scaevbla, Cassius, and Antonius. 
 Then may the wide earth open to swallow me." 
 
 2 Caesar, on the capture of Corfinium, had shown great clemency to 
 such of Pompey's party as fell into his hands, and had spared Domitiua 
 and Vibullius, as wo read in the first book of tho civil wur.
 
 FRAGMENTS. 507 
 
 make war against me again. 1 For I would wish nothing more 
 than that I should be always like myself, and they like them- 
 selves. I should like your presence in Rome, that I might 
 avail myself of your advice and assistance in every thing as 
 usual. Be assured that nothing gives me greater delight than 
 the society of your friend Dolabella, I take so much pleasure in 
 it. Nor can he fail to he agreeable, so great is his natural 
 politeness, and such his feelings and good-will toward me. 
 Farewell. Cicero to Atticus, 9, 16. 
 
 CuESAR IMP. TO CICERO IMP. GREETING. 
 
 Although I was of opinion that you were not likely to do 
 any thing rashly or imprudently, yet being influenced by the re- 
 port 2 of these men, I thought that I ought to write to you and 
 request that you would concede to our friendship,* that you 
 would not go to any greater lengths in the declining state of 
 Pompey's affairs than you would have thought it necessary to 
 go to when his power was still unbroken. 4 For by doing so 
 you will err most grievously against our friendship, and you 
 will act with less judgment for your own interests, if you 
 should appear to be influenced not by the course of events j(for 
 all things seem to have turned out most favorable to us, 6 and 
 most adverse to our enemies), nor by attachment to the cause 
 (for it was the same then when you came to the determination 
 of absenting yourself from their councils), 9 but by condem- 
 nation of some act of mine: and no conduct on your part 
 toward me could be more distressing ; now I beseech you, by 
 the claims of friendship, not to do so. Lastly, what conduct is 
 more suitable to a good man, and a good and quiet citizen, 
 than to keep aloof from all civil broils ; although several ap- 
 proved of his conduct, yet they were prevented from adopting 
 it by personal danger ; you, after a careful examination of the 
 testimony of my life, and the esteem of friendship, will find no 
 
 1 Domitiua did this at Massilia and in Thessaly, and Vibullius in Spain. 
 9 A report spread at this time that Cicero was going over to Pompey. 
 8 For they were mutual friends, and Quintus Cicero, the orator'a 
 brother, had been one of Caesar's lieutenants in Gaul. 
 
 * Before the disastrous events of Corfinium and Brundusium. 
 
 5 Caesar, at this time, had driven Pompey from Italy, and was com- 
 pletely in possession of it. 
 
 6 For it was not until Corfinium was lost that Pompey acquainted 
 Cicero with his plans.
 
 508 FRAGMENTS. 
 
 course more safe or honorable than to keep aloof from all strife. 
 The 15th of the calends of May, on my journey. Farewell. 
 Cicero to Atticus, 10, 8. 
 
 I shall make your protege M. Orsius, either king of Gaul, or 
 lieutenant of Lepta : send another if you choose to me, and I 
 will likwise do him honor. Cicero Epist. ad Fam. 7, 5. 
 
 You ask what Caesar has written to me. What he has fre- 
 quently said ; that he was much pleased with my remaining 
 quiet, and he begs me to continue so. Cicero to Atticus, 8, 1 1. 
 
 With regard to what you write about the tribunate, I re- 
 quested it for Curtius, and mentioned his name, and Caesar sent 
 back to me that it was ready for Curtius. Cicero to his brother 
 Quintus, 3, 1, 3. 
 
 From Caesar's letter it appears that I might almost do this 
 with his consent ; for he says that I can do nothing more 
 honorable or more safe than to withdraw from all contention. 
 Cicero to Atticus, 10, 9. 
 
 Caesar by letter excuses me for not going up, and says that 
 he takes it in good part. I do not regard what he adds, that 
 Tullius and Servius have complained of his not granting the 
 same liberty to them as to me. Cicero to Atticus, 10, 3. 
 
 I have had Sestius with me ; and yesterday Theopompus 
 arrived. He reported that letters had been received from 
 Caesar, who said that he had determined to remain at Rome, 
 and added the same reason which was mentioned in my letter, 
 namely, lest in his absence his laws 1 should be disregarded, 
 as had been the case with the sumptuary law. Cicero to 
 Atticus, 13, 7. 
 
 On the sumptuary law see Suetonius, Julius Caesar, ch. 43, and Cicero 
 ad Fam. 9, 15. 
 
 But, my brother, I think that you are not aware what opinion 
 Caesar expressed about our verses. For he wrote to me that 
 he had formerly read the first book, and his opinion of the 
 first was, that he had never read better verses even in Greek. 
 He says that the rest in some places were rather careless, for 
 this is the word that he uses, etc. Cicero to Quintus his 
 brother, 2, 16. 
 
 From Britain Caesar wrote to me on the calends of Septem- 
 ber, and I received his letter the fourth day before the calends 
 
 1 The laws which Caesar enacted a short time before he went to Spain 
 to carry on war against the sons of Pompey.
 
 FRAGMENTS. 509 
 
 of October, it contained satisfactory information concerning 
 Britain ; in which letter he informed me that you were not with 
 him when he went down to the sea, to prevent my being sur- 
 prised at receiving no letter from you, etc. Cicero to his brother 
 Quintus, 3, 1. 
 
 When I was folding up this letter, carriers came from 
 you on the eleventh day before the calends of September, 
 after being twenty days on their journey. Oh ! my anxieties, 
 how deeply I sympathized with Caesar's misery on perusing 
 his feeling letter, but the more feeling it was the more grief 
 did his misfortune 1 cause. Cicero to his brother Quinttis, 
 3, 1, 5. 
 
 FROM THE LETTERS TO C. OPPIUS* AND BALBUS 
 CORNELIUS. 
 
 CAESAR TO OPPIUS AND CORNELIUS, GREETING. 
 
 I am truly delighted that you have declared to me by letter 
 how highly you approve of ^jfche transactions that took place at 
 Corfinium. I will gladly adopt your advice, and the more 
 cheerfully because I myself had determined to be as merciful 
 as possible, and to exert myself to reconcile Pompey. Let us 
 endeavor, iu this manner, to win the affections of all, and 
 make our victory a lasting one ; since others 3 could not escape 
 the hatred that arises after a time, nor continue in the pos- 
 session of victory, except Lucius Sulla 4 alone, whom I am very 
 
 1 It is probable that the misfortune here alluded to is the death of 
 Julia, Caesar's daughter, of which he was informed on his return from 
 Spain. Her death broke the ties between Pompey and Ca3sar, and was 
 followed by the civil war. 
 
 4 This Oppius was an intimate friend of Caesar's. Some attribute to 
 him the eighth book of the Gallic "War, and the others usually assigned to 
 Hirtius. We find mention of Balbus in the nineteenth chapter of the 
 third book of the Civil "War. He was wounded at a conference. 
 
 3 As, for instance, Marius and Cinna. 
 
 4 The following extract from Plutarch will well explain the reason why 
 Caesar was so unlikely to imitate Sylla : " When Sylla had made himself 
 roaster of Rome, he endeavored to bring Cassar to repudiate Cornelia, 
 daughter of Cinna, one of the late tyrants, and, finding he could not 
 effect it either by hopes or fears, he confiscated her dowry. Indeed, 
 Ca3sar, as a relation of Marius, was naturally an enemy to Sylla. Old
 
 510 FRAGMENTS. 
 
 unlikely to imitate. It would be a novel plan of conquest to 
 secure ourselves by mercy and liberality ; many suggestions 
 present themselves to my mind as to the best way of carrying 
 it into operation, and many plans can be devised. I ask you to 
 consider these things ; I took Cneius Magius, Pompey's prefect, 
 prisoner ; of course I acted on my previous resolution, and 
 released him immediately. Already two officers of Pompey's 
 engineers have fallen into my hands, and have been sent away 
 by me. If they should wish to prove their gratitude, they 
 ought to advise Pompey to prefer being my friend rather than 
 the friend of those who have always been most hostile, both 
 to him and me ; to whose machinations it is owing that the 
 commonwealth has come to such a state. Cicero to Atticus, 
 9,8. 
 
 C^SAR TO OPPIUS AND CORNELIUS, GREETING. 
 
 I reached Brundusium on the seventh day before the ides of 
 March, and encamped before the walls. Pompey is in Brun- 
 dusium, and sent 1 to me Cneius Magius to negotiate. I made 
 a fitting reply ; I wished you to know it at once. Whenever I 
 shall begin to entertain hopes that I have made some progress 
 toward a reconciliation, I will immediately acquaint you. 
 Cicero to Atticus, 9, 13. 
 
 I had forgotten to write to you about Caesar ; for I see the 
 letters which you expected. But he wrote to Balbus that the 
 packet of letters which contained my letter and that of Balbus, 
 was given to him completely soaked with water ; to such 
 
 Marius had marred Julia, Caesar's aunt, and, therefore, young Marius, the 
 son he had by her, was Caesar's cousin-german. At first Sylla, amid the 
 vast number of proscriptions that engaged his attention, overlooked this 
 enemy ; but Cassar, not contented with escaping so, presented himself 
 to the people as a candidate for the priesthood, though he had not yet 
 arrived to the age of manhood. Sylla, however, exerted his influence 
 against him, and prevented his obtaining it. The dictator afterward 
 thought of having him slain, and when some said there was no need to 
 put such a boy to death, he answered, ' Their sagacity was small if 
 they did not in that boy see many Mariuses.' " 
 
 1 Yet Caesar says, in the first book of the Civil War, that he was sent 
 by him, and not sent back by Pompey. These statements can be recon- 
 ciled in the following manner. Pompey first sent Cneius Magius to 
 Caesar. Caesar made a fitting reply, and sent the same Magius to Pom- 
 pey to bring back his answer, and thought he would return. But Pom- 
 pey, being displeased with Caesar's answer, did not allow him to do so.
 
 FRAGMENTS. 511 
 
 A degree that he did not even know that there was a letter of 
 mine there at all. But he understood a few words in Balbus's 
 letter, to which he replied in the following language : " I see 
 that you have written something concerning Cicero, which 
 I did not understand ; but as far as I could conjecture the 
 meaning, the communication was of such a nature as I would 
 consider the object of my wishes rather than my hopes." On 
 that account I subsequently sent to Caesar a copy of the same 
 letter. But that you may not despise his jest about his own 
 party, etc. Cicero to his brother Quintus, 2, 12. 
 
 There are the books of the epistles of Caius Caesar to Caius 
 Oppius and Balbus Cornelius, who managed his affairs in his 
 absence. In these epistles single letters are found in several 
 places without any connection in syllables, and such as you 
 would consider placed there without any arrangement ; for no 
 words can be formed from these letters. But there was a 
 secret understanding between them about changing the position 
 of the letters, so that one should occupy the name and import 
 of another ; but in reading the epistle, the proper arrange- 
 ment and meaning should be restored. There is in existence 
 rather an interesting treatise written by Probus the grammarian 
 concerning the secret meaning of the letters in the epistles of 
 Caesar. 1 Gellius, 17, 9. 
 
 FROM THE EPISTLE TO Q. PEDIUS. 
 CAESAR TO QUINTUS PEDIUS, GREETING. 
 
 Pompey confines himself within the town ; we are encamped 
 at the gate ; we are endeavoring to raise a difficult work, one 
 that will require some time, on account of the depth of the 
 water, but it is our grand object at present. We are building 
 moles on both sides of the harbor, to compel him to transfer, 
 as soon as possible, such forces as he has at Brundusium, or 
 else prevent him from leaving it. Cicero to Atticus, 9, 14. 
 
 1 This is a specimen of stenography, very different from the steno- 
 graphy, or short-hand, which we see in the notes of Tyro and Seneca. 
 "We must not confound the work of Probus the grammarian, to which 
 allusion is here made, with hia treatise " On the Notes of the Romans," 
 which is still extant
 
 512 FRAGMENTS. 
 
 FROM THE EPISTLE TO PISO. 
 
 I send you the little box sealed. 
 
 FROM THE BOOK OF THE EPISTLES TO ANTONIO'S. 
 
 For Antonius Las sent to me a copy of Caesar's letter to him, 
 in which was written that he had heard that Cato and L. 
 Metellus had arrived in Italy, and appeared in public at 
 Rome ; that this did not please him, lest any disturbance 
 should arise out of it ; and that all should be excluded from 
 Italy, except those whose case he had examined in person. 
 He wrote warmly on this subject. From Cicero to Atticus, 
 11,7. 
 
 FROM THE BOOK OF THE EPISTLE TO SERVILIUS. 
 
 P. Servilius, 1 the father, on perusing the letter which he said 
 was sent to him, intimated to me that you made him deeply 
 your debtor, because you spoke -of his kind feelings toward 
 Caesar, in a most polite and serious manner. From Cicero to 
 his brother Quintus, 3, 1, 6. 
 
 - 
 
 TESTIMONIES OF THE LETTERS OF CAIUS JULIUS C-fiSAR. 
 
 His letters to the senate are still extant, and he appears to 
 have been the first who reduced them to pages, and the form 
 of a regular memoir ; since, before his time, the consuls and 
 generals did not send any letters that were not written across 
 the whole length of the paper. His letters to Cicero are like- 
 wise extant, and likewise those to his intimate friends on private 
 matters. In these letters, if it was requisite to convey some 
 secret intelligence, he wrote it by signs ; that is, in such an ar- 
 rangement of the letters that no word could be formed out of 
 them ; but if any one should wish to investigate the subject 
 and prosecute the inquiry, he must change the fourth letter of 
 the alphabet ; that is, put D for A, and likewise the others. 
 Suetonius, Ccesar, c. 56. 
 
 1 This is the Servilius who is mentioned at the commencement of the 
 third book of the Cival "War, who was Caesar's colleague in his second 
 consulate, and had been his friend for a long time, as we infer from the 
 passage before us ; for this letter was written when Caesar was in Britain.
 
 FRAGMENTS. 513 
 
 We have heard that Caesar was accustomed to read, write, 
 dictate, and listen at the same time, and that he often dictated 
 four letters at one time on the most important subjects to his 
 secretaries, or even seven, if he had nothing else to do. Pliny, 
 7, 25. 
 
 I have no douhts but that on the receipt of your letter, of 
 which I have read a copy, that you gave to Blesamius at Tarraco 
 to carry to Deiotarus, the latter was more encouraged and re- 
 lieved from all anxiety ; for you bade him " hope for the best 
 and be of good spirits," which I know you do not usually write 
 in vain. Cicero's Oration for Deiotarus, c. 14. 
 
 Pompey ordered his infantry, etc. Appian, Civil War, 2, 72, 
 mentions the tactics of Pompey on that occasion, which you 
 will find in the Caesar, Civil War, 3, 92. He writes that Caesar 
 expressed his disapprobation of them in his letters. When Cae- 
 sar, the founder of your family, first entered Britain, he wrote 
 that he discovered a new world, thinking it so large, that in- 
 stead of being surrounded by the ocean, it embraced the ocean in 
 its bosom. From the Panegyric of Eumenius on Constantius, 
 Ccesar, c. 11. 
 
 In this expedition he also accustomed himself to dictate 
 letters as he rode on horseback, and found sufficient employ- 
 ment for two secretaries at once, or, according to Oppius, for 
 more. It is also said that Caesar was the first who contrived 
 to communicate his thoughts to his friends, by a -peculiar ar- 
 rangement of the letters. Plutarch, Cce$ar t c. 17. 
 
 BELONGING TO HIS ORATIONS PRONOUNCED AT THE OBSEQUIES 
 OF JULIA AND CORNELIA. 
 
 When quaestor, he pronounced the funeral orations, accord- 
 ing to the usual custom, 1 before the rostra, on his aunt, by the 
 father's side, Julia, and his wife Cornelia. In the eulogium on 
 his aunt, he speaks in the following manner of his own origin 
 and that of his father : " The family of my aunt Julia sprang 
 from the kings by the mother's side, on the father's it is united 
 
 1 This custom, according to Livy, originated in the following circum- 
 stance : when there was not sufficient gold in the public treasury to pay 
 the money which the Romans had stipulated to give the Gauls on the 
 evacuation of the citadel, the matrons made up the sum by voluntary con- 
 tributions. The right of having a funeral eulogium pronounced over 
 them was granted to them as a reward for their patriotism. 
 
 22*
 
 514 FRAGMENTS. 
 
 to the immortal gods ; for the Marcian kings 1 are descended 
 from Ancus Martius, which name my mother bore ; the Julians, 
 to whom our family belongs from Venus. We have, there- 
 fore, in our family the sacred regard due to kings, who are the 
 most powerful among men, and the religious worship of the 
 gods, under whose power the kings themselves are." Suetonius, 
 Julius Ccesar, c. 6. 
 
 When the wife of Marius died, Caesar, being her nepheAv, 
 pronounced a splendid funeral eulogium in the forum, and at 
 her obsequies had the daring to bring forth publicly the states 
 of Marius. Plutarch, Ccesar, c. 5, who adds : " It was a usual 
 custom among the Romans to pronounce funeral orations over 
 aged matrons, but it was not usual in the case of young women. 
 Caesar was the first to do so, and pronounced a eulogium over 
 the corpse of his wife. 
 
 FROM THE ORATIONS IN BEHALF OF THE BTTHINIANS. 
 
 Caius Caesar, when Pontifex Maximus, used the following 
 exordium in the speech which he pronounced in behalf of the 
 Bithynians : " Considering either my tie of hospitality with 
 king Nicomedes, 2 or my intimate connection with the individu- 
 als whose interests are at stake, I could not, Marcus Vinicius, 
 shrink from this duty ; for on the death of a man, his memory 
 is not altogether blotted out, but is preserved by his friends : 
 nor can we desert our clients without the greatest disgrace to 
 ourselves, since we are bound to protect them even against our 
 relations." Gellius, 5, 13. 
 
 What, then ? They are not promissory notes, but the matter 
 is foreign to our subject. Julius Rufinianus. 
 
 FROM THE ORATION IN FAVOR OF THE PLAUTIAN LAW. 3 
 
 However, I have found in the speech of Caius Caesar, which 
 he delivered in favor of the Plautian law, the word necessitas, 
 
 1 To this family belonged Q. Marcius Rex, who was made consul the 
 year before Cicero, with Lucius Metellus, and was sent by the senate 
 into Etruria against Manlius, the leader of Catiline's army. 
 
 2 When Cffisar was proscribed by Sylla he fled to Nicomedes, king of 
 Bithynia, for protection. 
 
 8 The Lex Plotia, or Plautia, was enacted against those who occupied 
 public places and carried arms. The lex proposed by the consul, Q.
 
 FRAGMENTS. 515 
 
 used instead of necessitudo, to express a tie of intimacy. Ho 
 uses the following words : " Indeed, I think that considering 
 our intimacy, I have not been deficient in labor, exertion, or 
 industry." Cfellii&s, 13, 3, and Nonius on the word Neces&itas, 
 4, 323. 
 
 FROM THE ORATION AGAINST CNEIUS DOLABEIiA. 1 
 
 Caesar, in his third speech against Dolabella says, " Then the 
 men whose statues were placed in the temples and shrines 
 conferred both honor and dignity." In his books on Analogy 
 he expresses his opinion that all words of the same kind as 
 ornatui, the dative of ornatus, should be written without the 
 letter t. From Qellius, 4, 16. 
 
 L. Crassus, in his nineteenth year brought an action against 
 C. Carbo; Caesar, in his twenty-first year, against Dolabella; 
 Asinius Pollio, in his twenty-third year, against Cato ; and 
 Calvus, Avhen not much older, against Vatinius : their speeches 
 are still extant, and we read them even now with admiration. 
 From the Dialogue on Orators, c. 34. 
 
 But after this civil commotion 2 was appeased, he impeached 
 for extortion Cornelius Dolabella, a man of consular and tri- 
 umphal rank, and when he was acquitted, he determined to 
 retire to Rhodes. Suetonius, Julius Ccesar, c. 4. 
 
 Also the deified Julius, a most perfect specimen as well of 
 the divinity of heaven as of the human intellect, used pecu- 
 liarly expressive language in speaking of Cneius Dolabella, 
 whom he accused, viz., that the best of causes was wrested 
 from him by the patronage of L. Gotta. Valerius Maximus, 
 8, 2. 
 
 Lest perhaps you might fall into the mistake of supposing 
 that this was the same Cneius Dolabella, against whom Caesar 
 delivered his oration, you must know that there were at that 
 
 Catulus, on this subject, and carried by the assistance of Plautius, the 
 tribune, appears to be the Lex Plautia. There was a Lex Julia, of the 
 dictator Caesar, on this subject, which imposed the penalty of "aquae et ignis 
 interdictis." See Smyth's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. 
 
 1 Suetonius and Plutarch inform us that he was a man of consular 
 rank, and had enjoyed the honor of a triumph. He was accused of ex- 
 tortion by the judges, but was acquitted. 
 
 3 The disturbances referred to were caused by Marcus Lepidus, who, 
 when consul, endeavored to annul the laws of Sylla, but was unsuccessful 
 in his attempt, and was driven from Italy by Quintus Catulus, his colleague.
 
 516 FRAGMENTS. 
 
 i 
 
 time two Dolabellas : Caesar brought an accusation against one 
 of them, but did not succeed in having him condemned. 
 Pedianus in the speech for Marcus Scaurus. 
 
 He informs us that Caesar, when a young man, accused 
 Dolabella, who, however, was not condemned, owing to the 
 influence of Hortensius. From Pedianus in Divin. 
 
 Upon his return to Rome, he impeached Dolabella for mis- 
 demeanors in his government; and many cities of Greece 
 supported the charge by their evidence. Dolabella however 
 was acquitted. Plutarch, Ccesar, c. 4. 
 
 FROM HIS SPEECH TO HIS SOLDIERS. 
 
 And when his soldiers were disheartened by reports of the 
 arrival of the enemy, he encouraged them not by denying the 
 truth of what was said and mincing the matter, but by en- 
 larging and exaggerating it. And, accordingly, when his army 
 were under terrible apprehensions about the arrival of king 
 Juba, he called them together and said : " You are given to 
 understand that the king will be here in a few days with ten 
 legions, thirty thousand horse, a hundred thousand light-armed 
 foot, and three hundred elephants : and therefore let none pre- 
 sume to trouble their heads with further inquiry, or declare 
 their sentiments on the matter, but take my word for what I 
 saw ; which I have upon very good authority ; otherwise I shall 
 put them on board a crazy old vessel, and leave them exposed 
 to the mercy of the winds." Suetonius, Julius Ccesar, c. 66. 
 
 Caius Caesar, when haranguing his troops about their suffer- 
 ings, says : " I will not deceive you, soldiers." Diomedes. 
 
 OK HIS SPEECH IN BEHALF OF DECIUS, 1 THE SAMNITE. 
 
 Neither the oration of Caesar in behalf of Decius the 
 Samnite, or that of Brutus in behalf of king Deiotarus, are 
 generally read; nor others of the same nerveless cast. Dia- 
 logue on Orators, c. 21. 
 
 ON THE ORATION FOR SEXTILIUS. 
 
 For with what stormy and violent language ought the 
 impious head of Sextilius to be overwhelmed for his conduct 
 to Caesar, who defended him so ably and successfully when 
 he was accused of a capital offense. Vol. Max., 5, 3, 3. 
 1 Who this Decius was has not been ascertained.
 
 FRAGMENTS. 51 7 
 
 ON HIS SPEECH ABOUT THE ACCOMPLICES OF CATILINE S 
 CONSPIRACY. 
 
 He supposes that Cato was the first to propose the sentence 
 of death on the members of Catiline's conspiracy, whereas 
 every body had proposed it before except Caesar ; and because 
 the sentence of Caesar himself, then speaking in the place of 
 praetor, was so severe. Cicero to Atticus, 12, 21. 
 
 But Caesar, when it came to his turn, being asked his 
 opinion by the consul, delivered a speech to the following 
 effect : " It becomes all men." Sallust, Cat., chap. 51. 
 
 Then Caesar rose up and, in a studied speech, represented, 
 " that it seemed neither agreeable to justice, nor to the customs 
 of the country, to put men of their birth and dignity to death 
 without public trial, except in a case of extreme necessity ; 
 but that they should rather be kept in prison, in any of the 
 cities of Italy that Cicero might select on, till Catiline was 
 subdued ; and then the senate might take cognizance of the 
 crimes of each conspirator at their leisure, when peace was 
 restored." As there appeared something humane in this 
 opinion, and as it was powerfully enforced by the orator, those 
 who gave their voices afterward, and even many who had 
 declared for the other side of the question, adopted it But 
 Cato and Catulus carried it for death. Plutarch, Caesar. 
 
 You may come to this conclusion, that since these miseries, 
 that is from the time that they have begun to contend with 
 arms concerning the rights of the republic, nothing has been 
 done with dignity. For Caesar himself, after blaming the 
 harshness of Marcellus 1 (as he termed it), and after com- 
 mending in terms of the highest praise, your justice 2 and pru- 
 dence, suddenly, contrary to the expectations of all, said that 
 he would not refuse the request of the senate concerning Mar- 
 cellus. Cicero's Epistles ad Fam., 4, 4. 
 
 1 Marcellus had been a most bitter opponent of Caesar. He had pro- 
 posed to the senate that Caesar should be deprived of hia consulship be- 
 fore the allotted period had expired, and that Caesar should not be" per- 
 mitted to stand for the consulate in his absence, and that the rights of 
 citizenship should be taken away from the colony which Caesar had 
 planted at Novocomum. 
 
 8 For Servius Sulpicius, to whom this letter is written, one of the con- 
 suls that year, was in favor of Csesar, and it was through him that Caesar 
 resisted Marcellus.
 
 518 FRAGMENTS. 
 
 DIFFERENT TESTIMONIES CONCERNING THE ORATIONS OF CAIT7S 
 JULIUS CAESAR. 
 
 Then Brutus says, Caesar's speeches are highly admired by 
 me ; and I have read several of them. Cicero, Brutus, c. 75. 
 
 He has left some speeches behind him ; among which 
 are inserted some that are not his, as that for Quintus 
 Metellus, 1 which Augustus supposes, and with reason, to 
 have been an incorrect copy, taken by short-hand writers, 
 that were not able to keep pace with him in the delivery, 
 rather than any thing published by himself: for I find in 
 some copies the title is not for Metellus, but what he wrote 
 for Metellus ; whereas the speech runs in the name of Caesar, 
 vindicating Metellus and himself against the aspersions cast 
 upon them by their common defamers. The speech to his 
 soldiers in Spain, the same Augustus too looks upon to be 
 not his. There are indeed two of them ; one made, as is 
 pretended, in the first battle ; and the other in the second ; 2 
 at which time, Asinius Pollio says, he had not time to speak to 
 the soldiers, by reason of the sudden assault of the enemy. 
 Suetonius, Julius Caesar, c. 55. 
 
 ON HIS TREATISES AGAINST CATO. 
 
 He has left behind him likewise two books of Analogy, and 
 as many under the title of Anti-Cato. Suetonius, c. 56. 
 
 Caesar in his first book against Cato, says : " For with the 
 exception of him whom nature has formed in a different man- 
 ner from all others, each considers his own relations dear." 
 Priscian. 
 
 There are certain duties which bring passengers into the 
 
 1 Metellus, tribune of the Commons, promulgated a law, in which he 
 proposed " that it should be assigned to Pompey to see that the com- 
 monwealth received no injury from the danger which threatened it from 
 Catiline, and that he should bring his army into Italy to defend Rome." 
 But the real object was that the commonwealth should be handed over 
 to Pompey, under the pretext of driving out Catiline. Caesar, who waa 
 then praetor, most actively supported this law. Cato firmly resisted the 
 multitude, who were urged on by the tribune, and prevented the law 
 from being passed, on the ground that it was likely to excite sedition 
 and civil war at Rome. 
 
 2 Caesar fought two battles in Spain against the sons of Pompey, one 
 at Corduba, the other at Munda. Appian says that in the last battle he 
 shouted to his soldiers, " Seize me, if you havo no shame in you, and give 
 me over to the hands of the boys."
 
 FRAGMENTS. 519 
 
 streets at midnight, and which Cato himself could not discharge 
 with propriety ; though I must confess that Julius Caesar, when 
 he reproaches him with that circumstance, exalts the character 
 he meant to expose ; for he describes those persons who met 
 this reeling patriot as blushing when they discovered who he 
 was ; and adds, you would have thought that Cato had de- 
 tected them, and not they Cato. Could he place the dignity 
 of Cato in a stronger light than represent him thus venerable, 
 even in his cups? As for ourselves, nevertheless, let tempe- 
 rance not only spread our table, but regulate our hours ; for 
 we are not arrived at so exalted a reputation that our enemies 
 can not censure our conduct without applauding it at the same 
 time. Pliny, Epistles, 3, 12. 
 
 Caius Caesar, also an important authority in the Latin 
 language, says in his treatise against Cato : " A man of un- 
 paralleled arrogance, pride and domineering temper." Gellius, 
 4, 16. 
 
 TESTIMONIES CONCERNING C. JULIUS CJSSAR's WETTINGS 
 AGAINST CATO. 
 
 What will be the nature of Caesar's censure in opposition to 
 my commendation I see from the book which Hirtius has 
 sent me, in which he collects together the faults of Cato, while 
 he speaks very highly of me. I have therefore sent the book 
 to Musca, that he might give it to your librarians ; for I wish 
 to have it made public. Cicero to Atticus, 12, 40. 
 
 If you have read Hirtius's letter, which I consider a speci- 
 men of the censure that Caesar has written upon Cato. Cicero 
 to Atticus, 12, 41. 
 
 Balbus lately told me in my farm at Lanuvium, that he 
 and Oppius had written to Caesar, and informed him of my 
 having read and greatly commended his book against Cato. 
 Cicero to Atticus, 13, SQ. 
 
 Caesar used all these methods with too great effrontery 
 against my friend Cato. Cicero, Topics, c. 25. 
 
 When Cicero wrote a book in which he lauded Cato to the 
 skies, what did Caesar do but reply to it, as if pleading his 
 cause before judges ? Tacitus, Annals, 4, 34. 
 
 Cicero has remarked that Caius Caesar used them while 
 abusing Cato. Quintilian, 3, 7, 28. 
 
 Like Tullius, eulogizing Cato, and Caesar accusing him in 
 two volumes. Mart. CapelL, lib. 5.
 
 520 FRAGMENTS. 
 
 But hearing that he [Cato] had made away with himself, he 
 was evidently chagrined, but the reason was not manifest: 
 however, he said at last, " Cato, I envy thee thy death, since 
 thou didst envy me the glory of giving thee thy life." Never- 
 theless, by the book which he wrote against Cato after his 
 death, it does not seem as if he had any favorable intentions 
 to him before ; for how can it be thought that he could have 
 spared the living enemy, when he poured so much venom 
 afterward on his grave ? Yet from his clemency to Cicero, to 
 Brutus, and others without number, who had borne arms 
 against him, it is conjectured that the book was not written 
 with a spirit of rancor, but of political ambition ; for it was 
 composed on the following occasion. Cicero had written an 
 encomium upon Cato, and to which he gave the name of Cato. 
 It was highly esteemed by several of the Romans, as might be 
 expected, as well from the superior eloquence of the author 
 as the dignity of the subject. This annoyed Caesar, as he 
 considered that the praise conferred on the dead implied 
 censure on his own conduct : he therefore wrote an answer to 
 it, which he called Anti-Cato, and which contained a variety of 
 charges against that great man. Both books have still their 
 admirers, as a regard to the memory of Caesar or Cato pre- 
 dominates. Plutarch, Caesar. 
 
 He himself afterward in his Anti-Cato, which he wrote in 
 answer to a book of Cicero's, desired his readers " not to ex- 
 pect in the performance of a military man, the style of a com- 
 plete orator, who had bestowed all his time on such studies." 
 Plutarch, Ccesar. 
 
 Caesar continued to treat him with great kindness and respect, 
 insomuch that when he [Cicero] had written an encomium on 
 Cato, which bore that name, Caesar in his answer, entitled 
 Anti-Cato, praised both the eloquence and conduct of Cicero ; 
 and said that he greatly resembled Pericles and Theramenes. 
 Plutarch, Cicero. 
 
 And when Cicero wrote an encomium on him [Cato], and 
 inscribed on it the name of Cato, Caesar wrote an accusation 
 in reply, and gave it the name of Anti-Cato. Appian, book 2. 
 
 For he admired Cicero so much that when he subsequently 
 wrote an encomium on Cato, he was not angry, although Cato 
 had made war against him, but wrote a treatise which he 
 called Anti-Cato. Dion Cassius, book 43.
 
 FRAGMENTS. 521 
 
 / 
 
 FROM HIS BOOKS ON ANALOGY DEDICATED TO MARCUS 
 TULLJUS CICEROr 
 
 He left also two books on Analogy, Suetonius, c. 56. 
 
 FROM BOOK I. 
 
 Nay, too, said Atticus, when Caesar was employed in most 
 important business, 1 and wrote to you, looking toward me 
 [Cicero], concerning the method of speaking Latin with the 
 utmost accuracy ; and said in his first book, that the selection 
 of words was the origin of eloquence, and bestowed the highest 
 praise, my Brutus, on this friend of ours who nevertheless 
 wishes that I [Atticus] should speak of him [Caesar] rather 
 than he himself (for he wrote in the following words when he 
 addressed him by name : " And if some have labored by 
 study and practice to attain to the faculty of clearly expressing 
 their ideas, we ought to consider that you who are the in- 
 ventor of this copious flow of language, in which you so much 
 excel, have deserved well of the name and dignity of the Roman 
 people)," that he disliked easy and common-place language, 
 must be considered as certain. Then Brutus said, by Her- 
 cules, my friend, I consider that you have been nobly praised, 
 since he styled you not only excelling in but also the inventor 
 of this copious flow of language (and this was great merit in 
 itself), and one who has deserved well of the name and dignity 
 of the Roman people. Cicero in Brutus, 72. 
 
 That Caius Caesar the perpetual dictator, the father-in-law 
 of Cneius Pompey, from whom the family and name of Caesar 
 was subsequently derived, a man of surpassing genius, whose 
 style was the chastest of the men of that day, delivered it as 
 his opinion in the book which he wrote to Marcus Cicero on 
 Analogy, that it was improper to use arena, because arena 
 can never be looked upon as a part of a multitude, and like- 
 wise neither coelum nor triticum ; and on the contrary, is of the 
 opinion, that quadrigae, even although a chariot drawn by four 
 horses is a single object, must always be used in the plural ; 
 and likewise arma, mcenia, comitia, and inimicitice, etc. * 
 * * * Then, when the work on analogy was published, 1 
 
 1 Caesar wrote the books on Analogy to Cicero while crossing the Alps, 
 after holding the provincial assizes in Hither Gaul, on his way to join fail 
 army in Further Gaul
 
 522 FRAGMENTS. 
 
 committed a few words out of it to memory, for when he as- 
 serted that neither coelum, or triticum, or arena included the 
 idea of multitude ; " Do you think," said he, " that it happened 
 l>y the nature of these -things, that we can say land in the 
 singular, and lands in the plural ; city and cities, empire and 
 empires, and yet can not reduce quadrigce to a singular noun, 
 nor arena to a plural." Gellius, 19, 8. 
 
 And always keep in mind and reflect on the advice given 
 by Caius Caesar, a man of surpassing talents and judgment, in 
 the first book of his Treatise on Analogy, " that you should 
 avoid as a rock an unusual or obsolete word." Gellius, 1, 10; 
 Macrob. Saturn, 1, 5. 
 
 BOOK n. 
 
 Caius Caesar, in his second book on Analogy, thinks that we 
 should use die and specie as the genitives of dies and species. 
 Gellius, 9, 14. 
 
 Caesar, in his second book on Analogy, says that we ought 
 to use panium as the genitive of pants, but Verrius, on the 
 contrary, says that we should cancel the i, and use panum. 
 Charisius, book 1. 
 
 Caesar, in his second book on Analogy, fagos, populos, 
 ulmos. Idem. 
 
 Caesar, in his second book on Analogy, says that we should 
 use turbonem, and not turbinem, as the accusative of turbo, 
 a storm, following the analogy of Cato Catonis, not homo 
 hominis. Idem. 
 
 Lacer, or laceris, etc., Caesar in his second book on Analogy. 
 Idem. 
 
 Is homo makes the compound idem, except that Caesar, in 
 his second book on Analogy, asserts that we should use idem 
 in the singular, iidem in the plural. But this practice is not 
 generally observed. Idem. 
 
 From the same writers, without distinguishing the book, 
 C. Caesar, a weighty authority in the Latin language, says that 
 we should write all words of this class (the datives of the fourth 
 declensions) without the letter i. Gellius, 4, 16. 
 
 Hie et hcec Samnis, hujus Samnitis. Priscian, book 6. 
 
 Caesar on Analogy, prefers partum to partium. Charisius, 
 book 1.
 
 FRAGMENTS. 523 
 
 PROBABLY CONCERNING THE SAME, BUT WITHOUT MENTIONING 
 THE WORK TO WHICH THEY REFER. 
 
 My opinion is, that we should follow the Latin declension, 
 as far as euphony permits. I would not use Calypsonem as 
 the accusative of Calypso, as we use Junonem as the accusa- 
 tive of Juno, although C. Caesar, following the ancients, 
 declines it in this manner. Quintilian, 4, 5, 63. 
 
 Marcus Tullius and Caius Caesar used mordeo memordi, 
 pungo pepugi, and spendeo spepondi. Gellius, 7, 9. 
 
 Caius Caesar says that neuter nouns ending in I, in the 
 nominative singular, assume the same form as nouns ending 
 in the letter e : for instance, animali and puteali, in the dative 
 and ablative. Ckarisius, book 1. 
 
 Aplustre. Pliny says that Caesar decided that all nouhs of 
 the neuter gender which end in e are the same in the ablative 
 as in the dative singular. Charisius, book 1. 
 
 Caesar says that neuter nouns in ar are the same in the 
 dative and the ablative, as we learn from Pliny. Idem. 
 
 Jubar. Pliny says that Caesar, among other precepts, gave 
 the following one, that neuter nouns, en ling in ar in the nomi- 
 native, make the dative and ablative singular in i ; but that 
 jubar and far are exceptions so this rule ; for we usejubari in 
 the dative, jubar e in the ablative, and farri in the dative, farre 
 in the ablative. Charisius, book 1. 
 
 The form has not been adopted which Caesar lays down for 
 the feminine ; for instance, puppis, restis, pelvis, and in like 
 manner cani and cane in the ablative. Idem. 
 
 What sort of a syllable can be made out of three Hi joined 
 together? The last must not be considered a vowel, which 
 was Caesar's opinion, who was well acquainted with grammar ; 
 it is also supported by Victor. Priscian, book 1. 
 
 V, placed as a consonant, has the same sound in all Latin 
 words as the Acolic digamma F, for which Caesar wished 
 to write this F ; although this appeared correct, yet the ancient 
 custom prevailed. Priscian, book 1. . 
 
 Hcec pollis, pollinis ; so, Charisius. But Probus and Caesar 
 declined it, hoc pollen, pollinis. Priscian, book 6. 
 
 Besides, Caesar declines pubis,puberis ; Probus pubes,puberis ; 
 others, puber, puberis, Idem.
 
 524 FRAGMENTS. 
 
 Although Caesar is favored by analogy in deriving ens from 
 the verb sum, es, est. Idem, book 18. 
 
 Remember that the termination in the singular is lutum and 
 macellum ; although Ennius says macella, and Caesar luta. 
 From Caper. 
 
 It is a question whether we ought to write lacrumce or 
 lacrimce, maxumus or maximus, and similar words. Teren- 
 tius Varro lias recorded that Caesar was accustomed both to 
 write and pronounce words of this sort with an i, and that it 
 became a general custom on account of the authority of so dis- 
 tinguished a man. Cassiodorus, from Annceus Cornutus on 
 Orthography. 
 
 For mancupium, aucupium, and manubice, have been differ- 
 ently spelled, since C. Csesar wrote these with the letter ', as 
 appears from his inscriptions. Velius on Orthography. 
 
 Was Marcus Tullius a less distinguished orator because ho 
 was also most strict in his grammar ; and in the case of his 
 son, as we learn from his letters, rigorously exacted from him 
 that he should speak with propriety ? Or did the books that 
 Caesar wrote on Analogy injure his power. Quintilian, 1, 
 Y, 34. 
 
 "WITTY SAYINGS. 
 
 N 
 
 Caesar himself has a very acute judgment ; and as Servius 
 your brother, whom I consider to have been very well versed in 
 literature, could easily say, " This verse belongs to Plautus, or it 
 does not," because his ears are familiarized to the different 
 styles of the different poets, and 'the habit of reading : so I 
 hear that Caesar while compiling his volumes of witty sayings, 
 if any thing was brought to him as mine, which really did not 
 belong to me, used to reject it : and he does so now the more 
 because some of his intimate friends almost live with me. 
 But in a conversation on different subjects many expressions 
 are used, which perhaps appeared to them with whom I was in 
 conversation devoid neither of learning or wit. These are 
 mentioned along with the rest of our proceedings. So he him- 
 self ordered. Thus it happens, that if he should hear any 
 thing else of me, he thinks that he ought not to pay attention 
 to it. Cicero ad Fam. 9, 16.
 
 FRAGMENTS. 525 
 
 A COLLECTION OF SAYINGS. 
 
 Some treatises likewise pass under his name said to have 
 been written by him when he was a boy, or a very young man, 
 as the Encomium of Hercules, a tragedy entitled (Edipus, 
 and a collection of sayings ; all of which Augustus forbade to 
 be published. Suetonius, c. 56. 
 
 THE JOURNALS. 
 
 When Julius Caesar was carrying on one of his campaigns 
 in Gaul, he was taken prisoner by the enemy and hurried 
 along, when one of them recognizing him ran up and 
 insultingly said, Cecos Caesar, 1 which signifies in the Gallic 
 language, let him go : and thus it occurred that he escaped. 
 Caesar himself says this in one of his journals where he records 
 his good fortune. Servius, Virgil, Ae. 11, 743. 
 
 We do not know the source from which Servius derived this story. 
 There was a learned debate concerning the meaning of the expression, 
 which is attributed to a GauL Le Brigant, in his Dissertation sur les Celtes 
 gives it as his opinion that we should read Cetos Caesar, for Cheto Caesar, 
 Chto Caesar, behold Caesar. On the contrary, De la Tour d'Auvergne Corret, 
 says that we ought to read sk6 Caesar, that is, slay Caesar. Le Brigant sub- 
 sequently in a letter to a friend, came to the conclusion that we ought to re- 
 turn to the meaning that Servius gives, and conjecture that Caesar did not 
 hear him distinctly, for the enemy must have said, losk Caesar, let Caesar go. 
 
 THE BOOKS OF THE AUSPICES. &~ K& 
 
 On the other hand, Julius Caesar, in the 16th book of the 
 Auspices, denies that an assembly can be convened on market- 
 days ; in other words, denies that business can be transacted 
 with the people, and therefore that the elections can not be 
 held on market-days. Macrobius, Sat. 1, 16. 
 
 AUGURALIA. 
 
 Csesar in the Auguralia : if the sheep was without blemish. 
 Pris. book 6. 
 
 1 Some read Cetos Caesar; others, Caesar Caesar.
 
 526 FRAGMENTS. 
 
 ON DIVINATION. 
 
 Caesar when he was young seems to have preferred Strabo as 
 his model, out "of whose oration for the Sardinians he has 
 transcribed some things word for word into his Divination. 
 Suetonius, c. 55. 
 
 ASTRONOMICA. 
 
 For as Julius Caesar borrowed from the Egyptian school the 
 motions of the stars, on which he left some learned treatises ; 
 so he borrowed from the same system the plan of prolonging 
 the time of the termination of the year according to the course 
 of the sun. Macrobius, Saturn. 1, 16. 
 
 Now there were of these astronomers three sects, namely, 
 the Chalcidians, the Egyptians, and the Greeks. To which 
 there may be added a fourth which, among us, Caesar the 
 dictator first instituted, who reduced each year to the course 
 of the sun, which was previously in advance of it. Pliny, 
 18, 25. 
 
 According to Caesar, these are the notable stars which are 
 significant, and do rule that quarter, which is between the 
 winter solstice, and the rising of the western wind, favonius. 
 Upon the third day before the calends of January, the dog- 
 star sets in the morning. According to Caesar's account, 
 the Dolphin rises in the morning the day before the ides 
 of January, and the next Fidicula, upon which day the star 
 Sagitta sets in the evening in Egypt. Now with regard 
 to the entrance of the new spring, which is from the rising 
 of the said wind to the equinox in March, Caesar sets down 
 for it the time which, for three days together, is variable and 
 inconstant weather, viz., fourteen days before the calends of 
 March, also eight days before the said calends upon the sight 
 of the first swallow, and the morrow, after, upon which day 
 the star Arcturus appears in the evening. In like manner 
 Caesar has observed, that the said wind begins to blow three 
 days before the nones of March, just with the rising of Cancer. 
 Caesar has observed, that -the star Scorpio rises upon the 
 ides of March, so fatal to himself. The spring equinox seems 
 to be always past the eighth day before the calends of April, 
 from which day forward, according to Caesar's calculation, the 
 calends of April are significant, as in them the star Vergiliw
 
 FRAGMENTS. 52Y 
 
 _ins to rise and appear in the morning; however, in 
 Attica, and the parts thereabouts, the said star seems to set 
 or be hidden in the evening upon the third day before the 
 nones of April ; and similarly in Boeotia the day after ; but, 
 according to Caesar and the Chaldeans, on the nones of April. 
 According to Caesar, the constellation Libra sets in Italy the 
 sixth day before the ides of April, and portends heavy rain. 
 The fourteenth day before the calends of May, the Hyades (a 
 violent constellation causing tempests both by land and sea) 
 set in the evening in Egypt, but in Attica two days before, 
 and in Italy, according to Caesar, the day before, and are signifi- 
 cant for three days together. According to Caesar, they rise in 
 the morning the sixth day before the nones of May, and also 
 the rainy Capella, the eighth .day before the ides of May. 
 Pliny, 18, 26. 
 
 According to Caesar, the day after the rising of Vergilice, the 
 setting of the star Arcturus, in the morning, becomes signifi- 
 cant ; and the rising of Fidicula the third day before the ides 
 of May, and the setting of Capella twelve days before the ca- 
 lends of June and the setting of the Dog-star in Attica ; the day 
 after Orion's Sword begins to set. The third day before the 
 nones of June, according to Caesar, Aquila begins to rise in As- 
 syria, and appear in the evening ; and on the eleventh day be- 
 fore the same calends, the Sword of Orion begins to set, accord- 
 ing to Caesar. Pliny, 18, 27. 
 
 Among other stars which rule the season from the solstice 
 to the setting of Fidicula, six days before the calends of June 
 (according to Caesar), Orion rises. On the thirteenth day 
 before the calends of August, Aquila sets in Egypt in the 
 morning, and then the forerunners of the Etesian winds begin, 
 which Caesar thought was felt in Italy the tenth day before the 
 calends : on which day Aquila is known to rest and go out of 
 sight in the region of Attica in the morning. The royal star 
 seated in the breast of Leo, according to Caesar, merges in the 
 morning, the third day before the calends of August. Pliny, 
 18, 28. 
 
 CONCERNING THE STABS. 
 
 He wrote a work in poetry. 
 
 Now none of the Latin writers wrote any book on this sub- 
 ject except Julius Caesar : and even this he borrowed from the
 
 528 FRAGMENTS. 
 
 work of another, Julius Firmicus. Aratus, 1 a most accomplished 
 poet, wrote a treatise in Greek on the number of the stars ; 2 
 Caesar did the same in Latin, as also Tullius, that glory of elo- 
 quence. These only gave their names and dates of their rising 
 but did not give the authority of their influences : so that they 
 appear to me to have shown merely their knowledge of language, 
 being inspired, not by any knowledge of astrology, but rather 
 by a poetic vein. Julius Firmicus. 8, 5. 
 
 POEMS. 
 
 He has left behind him likewise two books of 'Analogy, and 
 as many under the title of "Anti-Cato," and a poem, too, entitled 
 " The Journey." Of which he compiled the first two in the 
 passage of the Alps, as he was returning to his army from hold- 
 ing the Assizes in Hither Gaul ; and the other about the time 
 of the battle of Munda ; and the last, during the four and twenty 
 days he was upon the expedition from Borne to Further Spain, 
 Suetonius, c. 56. 
 
 The wild cabbage has also three leaves, and is celebrated in 
 the verses of the deified Julius and the military jokes ; as they 
 told him in reproach, while finding fault with the parsimony of 
 his rewards, that they lived on wild coleworts at Dyrrachium, 
 But this is the Cyma sylvestris. Pliny, 19, 18. 
 
 Donatus, in his Life of Terence, brings forward these verses under the 
 name of Julius Caesar. 
 
 Thou too, Meander I divided into two, art placed in the 
 first rank, and deservedly thou lover of pure language. Would 
 that the true spirit of a^comic poet were added to the gentle 
 flow of your writings ; that your merit might be as transcendent, 
 
 1 Aratus was a Greek poet, born at Sili, at Cilicia. At the request of 
 Antigonus Gonatus, son of Demetrius Poliorcetes, he composed an astro- 
 nomical poem, entitled, Phcenomena, treating of the heavenly bodies. 
 He wrote also another poem, named Diosemata. It is to Aratus that 
 St. Paul alludes in the twenty-eighth verse of the seventeenth chapter 
 of the Acts. He flourished about 270 years B.O. 
 
 * The Delphin Commentator asserts that the allusion is not here to 
 Julius Caesar, or Germanicus, the renowned conqueror of Arminius, which 
 is the generally received opinion, but to Domitian. In support of this 
 he quotes Statius, to prove that Domitian was addressed by the title of 
 Germanicus, and the following passage from Quintilian : " To them we 
 have given the title of poets, because the care of governing the world has 
 taken off Germanicus Augustus from the pursuit of his favorite studies, 
 the gods having thought it but little to make him the greatest of poets."
 
 FRAGMENTS. 529 
 
 and rank as high as that of the Greek poets ; and that you did 
 not fail in that. I am grieved, and I lament that this one thing 
 is \vanting to you, Terence. 
 
 Some attribute the following Epigram to Caius Julius Co3sar; others to 
 Germanicus. 
 
 While a Thracian boy was sporting on the Hebrus, bound with 
 ice, he by his weight broke the waters frozen with the cold. 
 While the lower part of his body was swept away by the rapid 
 river, the smooth ice cut off his tender head. When his bereaved 
 mother found it, and lodged it in an urn she said, " I brought 
 forth this for the flames, and the rest for the water." 
 
 And also this distich : " Feltria condemned to the rigor of 
 eternal snows, thou land in which I ne'er again must dwell. Fare- 
 well," was falsely ascribed to Caesar, although some say that it 
 is preserved on parchment, others on stone. They say also that 
 one of Caesar's decrees was found at Viterbium, in Etruria, of 
 which the following is a copy : We, Caius Julius Caesar, give 
 orders, that Marcus Tullius Cicero, on account of his surpassing 
 virtues and singular mental powers, shall be safe and uninjured 
 throughout the whole world which has been subjected by our 
 arms and prowess. C. Jabolenus. 
 
 ^AUTHENTICATED. 
 
 Ointments are named from the place in which they are pro- 
 duced, as Telinum of which Julius Caesar mentions, saying, " and 
 we anoint our body with the sweet ointment of Telinum." This 
 was made in the island of Telos, which is one of the Cyclades. 
 Isidorus Orig. 4, 12. 
 
 Strabo makes Teloa an island of the Sporades, therefore we ought to 
 read in Isidorus, either Delino, and Delo, or ex Sporadibua. 
 
 In Caesar, and Calvus, and Catullus we read, "When now 
 you shall be yellow ashes," (cinis fueris). Ifonius in voce 
 Cinis. 
 
 Hail ! thou that was first called Father of thy Country, that 
 first won in the garb of peace a triumph and the laurel for lan- 
 guage, then the parent of eloquence and Latin literature : and 
 (as Caesar, the Dictator, formerly your enemy described you) 
 thou that hast gained a laurel greater than all triumphs, in pro- 
 portion as it is a more noble achievement to advance so far the 
 
 23
 
 530 FRAGMENTS. 
 
 limits of the Roman genius, than those of the Roman empire. 
 Pliny, 7. 30. 
 
 Cicero says, " re vendita iterum empta" from which it is evi- 
 dent that we can not say " venita" but either " venundata" or 
 " vendita" like Cicero, C. Caesar : possessiones redimi, eas postea 
 pluris venditas. Diomedes, book 1. 
 
 The esseda was a sort of wagon or chariot, from which the 
 Gauls were accustomed to fight. Caesar in his third book to 
 Cicero is our authority ; " he has many thousand horse, and 
 men that fight from the war-chariot." 
 
 From this circumstance, those gladiators who fight on horse- 
 back are called " essedarii" Junius Phylargyrius on the Georg. 
 Virgil. 
 
 Augustus also, in the letters which he wrote to Caius Caesar, 
 blames him for preferring the use of calidum to caldum (per- 
 haps in his books on Analogy), not that the latter is bad Latin, but 
 because it is affected, and as he himself signified by a Greek 
 term "frivolous." Quintilian, 1, 6, 19. 
 
 The inhabitants of Castile also, are called by Csesar venales. 
 Pliny, If. N., iii. 3. 
 
 "Whatever new occurs (and I expect a great deal) I beg you 
 will not fail to write. Among other things, whether this is 
 true about Sextus ; l but above all about our friend Brutus ; 
 of whom Caesar used to say (as I heard from him with whom 
 I have been), that " it is of great importance what he writes : 
 for whatever he wishes he wishes ardently." He took notice 
 of this when he spoke for Deiotarus at Nice, " that he seemed 
 to speak with great vehemence and freedom." Likewise (for 
 I like to write every thing as it occurs), very lately, when I 
 was at his house by desire of Sextius, and sat down till I was 
 called, he said, " Can I doubt of my being greatly hated when 
 Marcus Cicero is obliged to wait, and can not get an audience 
 at his own convenience ? Yet, if any body is gracious it is he : 
 nevertheless, I doubt not that he hates me bitterly." Cicero to 
 Atticus, 14, 1. 
 
 He said that Caesar had observed to him, upon the occasion 
 of my being kept waiting, when I went to him at Sextius's re- 
 quest : Can I now be so foolish as to suppose that this good- 
 
 1 He alludes to Sextus, the surviving son of Pompey the Great, who 
 Was at that time preparing for war in Sicily.
 
 FRAGMENTS. 531 
 
 natured man \vill bo friendly to me, after be has been kept so 
 long waiting for my convenience ?" Cicero to Atticus. 
 
 Upon which being transported with joy he could not forbear 
 boasting in a full house a few days after, that he had, in spite of 
 his enemies, and to their great mortification, got all he desired, 
 and should for the future play upon them at pleasure, and some 
 one insultingly replying " that that would not be very easy for - 
 a woman to do," he answered as if in jest, " that Semiramis had 
 formerly reigned in Assyria, and the Amazons had formerly 
 held a great part of Asia." Suetonius, 22. 
 
 Asinius Pollio says, that Caesar, upon viewing the vanquished 
 and slaughtered enemy in the field of Pharsalia, used these very 
 words : " They would have it so ; I, Caius Caesar, after all my 
 noble exploits should have been condemned, if I had not appeal- 
 ed to the army for assistance." Suetonius, 30. 
 
 And coming up with his troops on the banks of the river 
 Rubicon, which was the boundary of his province, he stood 
 musing for some time on the greatness of his attempt ; and then 
 turning to those about him said : " We may still retreat, but 
 if we once pass this little bridge, we must make our way by 
 force of arms." Suetonius, 31. 
 
 While he was demurring upon the matter there happened 
 something very strange. A person of surpassing size and beauty. 
 * * Upon which Caesar cried out " Let us march whither divine 
 prodigies and the perverseness of our enemies call us. The die 
 is now cast," says he. Suetonius, 32. 
 
 He directed his march to Rome, and, after addressing the sen- 
 ate on the state of the republic, went to attack a very strong 
 army of Pompey, which was in Spain, under the command of 
 three lieutenants, M. Petreius, L. Afranius, and Marcus Varro, 
 declaring among his friends, before he set out, " that he was 
 going against an army without a general, and should return 
 from it against a general without an army." Suetonius, c. 34. 
 
 And chancing to fall upon his landing, he gave a lucky turn 
 to the omen by crying ont, " I hold thee fast, Africa." Sueto- 
 nius, c. 59. 
 
 Caesar used to say, that he adopted the same system against 
 an enemy that a majority of the physicians use against diseases 
 of the body, namely, conquering them by famine rather than 
 the sword. From Strat, 4, 7, 1. 
 
 He was accustomed to boast " that his soldiers could fight
 
 532 FRAGMENTS. 
 
 well even when perfumed ;" and he was accustomed to call them 
 in speeches, not by the name of soldiers, but the kinder name 
 of fellow-soldiers. Suetonius, c. 67. 
 
 They bore want and other hardships to such a degree that 
 Pompey, when blockaded in the neighborhood of Dyrrachium, 
 upon seeing a sort of bread made of a herb, upon which they 
 lived, said he had to do with wild beasts. Suetonius, chap. 68. 
 
 He advanced some of his friends, though of very mean ex- 
 traction, to the highest post in the government. And when he 
 was censured for it he openly declared, " That if he had availed 
 himself of the services of robbers and assassins, in the defense 
 of his honor, he would have made them the same requital. 
 Suetonius, c. 72. 
 
 And being asked why he had divorced his wife ? " Because," 
 says he, " I would have my family not only clear of all crime, 
 but suspicion too." Suetonius, c. 74. 
 
 On the field of Pharsalia he shouted out " to spare the citi- 
 zens." Suetonius, c. 75. 
 
 And to be convinced of the truth of the remark of Caesar the 
 Dictator, " that the recollection of cruelty was a miserable pro- 
 vision for old age." Amm. Marcel. 
 
 He was guilty of the late extravagance in his public con- 
 versation, as Titus Ampius informs us. He said, "The com- 
 monwealth was nothing but a name, without substance, or so 
 much as the appearance of any ; that Sylla was an illiterate 
 fellow to lay down the dictatorship." 
 
 That men ought to be more cautious in their conversation 
 with him, and look upon what he said as law. 
 
 And he proceeded to such a degree of arrogance, that when 
 a soothsayer brought him word that the entrails of a victim 
 opened for sacrifice were without a heart, he said that the en- 
 trails would be more favorable when he pleased, and that it 
 ought not to be looked upon as an ill omen if a beast did want 
 a heart. Suetonius, c. 77. 
 
 When Pontius Aquila, one of the tribunes of the commons, 
 did not rise up to him, as in his triumph he passed by the place 
 where he sat, he was so angry with him that he cried out, 
 " Wilt thou, tribune Aquila, take the commonwealth out of my 
 hands ?" And for some days he never promised any thing un- 
 less with this proviso, " If Pontius Aquila will allow me to do 
 it." Suetonius, c. 78.
 
 FRAGMENTS. 533 
 
 He replied to the people when saluting him by the title of 
 king, " that he was Caesar, not a king." Suetonius, c. 79. 
 
 Of which class we have heard that C. Caesar, while yet a 
 young man, made the following witty remark : " If you sing, 
 you sing badly; if you read, you sing." Quintilian, 1, 8. 
 
 There is a twofold method of depreciating, according as a 
 person would diminish favor or boasting. As Caius Caesar 
 said to Pomponius, when showing a wound which he had 
 received in the mouth in the Sulpician sedition, which he 
 boasted he had suffered while fighting for Caesar. You never 
 will look back again in your flight. Or an accusation urged 
 as Cicero. Quintilian, 6, 3. 
 
 There is also the fiction from irony, which Caius Caesar 
 used. For when a witness said that the accused had en- 
 deavored to wound the inside of his thigh, and it was easy 
 to refute him, from the circumstance of his attacking that 
 part of the body in particular. " What could he do," said 
 Caesar, " when he had a helmet and coat of mail on ?" Quinti- 
 lian, 91. 
 
 Dolabella, at my request, obtained the rights of citizenship 
 from Julius Caesar for Demetrius Mega, a Sicilian, in which 
 affair I bore a part. Therefore he is now called Publius 
 Cornelius. And when Caesar, on account of some mean per- 
 sons who sold his kindness, ordered the tablet to be torn 
 down, on which the names of those whom he had presented 
 with the rights of citizenship were engraved, Caesar said to 
 the same Dolabella, while I was listening, " That he had 
 nothing to fear for Mega; that his kindness would be con- 
 tinued to him." Cicero ad Fam. 13, 36. 
 
 And when the day of election was coming on, and Caesar's 
 mother attended him to the door with tears in her eyes, he 
 embraced" her and said, " To-day, mother, you will see your 
 son either chief priest or an exile." 
 
 But he said to them seriously, " I would rather be the first 
 among them, than the second among the Romans." 
 
 Do you not think that I have sufficient reason for grief, if 
 Alexander, at such an age, ruled over so many, but nothing 
 noble has been achieved by me. 
 
 It was enough, said Caesar, not to use it if you disliked it ; 
 he that finds fault with rusticity, is himself a rustic. 
 
 Caesar said, " Arms and laws do not flourish together ; if you
 
 534 FRAGMENTS. 
 
 are not pleased with my acts, now withdraw, for war does not 
 require much freedom of language. Whenever I may lay down 
 my arms, and a treaty may be made, then come forward and 
 harangue." 
 
 Go forward, my noble fellow, have courage and fear nothing, 
 for you have Caesar and his fortunes in the same galley with you. 
 
 And when a horse was brought to Cassar, he said, when I 
 shall conquer I will use it for the pursuit ; now let us march 
 against the enemy ; and rushing on he charged on foot. 
 
 To-day the victory would have been with the enemy, if they 
 had had a general who knew how to conquer. 
 
 Caesar is said to have observed " That Cassius urged the 
 juster claim, but he could not pass by Brutus." 
 
 Brutus will wait for this skin. 
 
 What think you are the intentions of Cassius ; for he does 
 not please me very much, being very pale ? 
 
 I do not fear at all those fat and luxurious men, but rather 
 these pale and slender men ; meaning Brutus and Cassius. 
 
 The ides of March are come ; but he replied in a low voice, 
 Yes, they are come, but they are not past yet. 
 
 When the subject was casually introduced what death was 
 the best, Caesar anticipated all and shouted out eagerly, " An 
 unexpected one." Plutarch. 
 
 They say that Caesar answered the person making the an- 
 nouncement by striking the hilt of his sword, and saying, 
 " This will give it to me." 
 
 He pardoned the Athenians at their request, and remarked : 
 " How often will the glory of your ancestors save you perishing 
 through your own conduct ?" 
 
 This will be the end of my life and of your campaigns . 
 
 They report that Caesar said " that he had often fought for 
 victory, but now for life." 
 
 Nothing is more wretched than constant apprehensions, for 
 they are always the mark of a coward. Appian. 
 
 CONCERNING CAIUS JULIUS CAESAR. 
 
 But, however, said Atticus, addressing Brutus ; I myself 
 really entertain this opinion of Caesar an opinion, too, that I 
 hear very often expressed of this connoisseur in this art, that 
 he speaks the Latin language with the greatest purity and
 
 FRAGMENTS. 535 
 
 elegance of all the orators that have yet appeared, and that not 
 merely for domestic habit, as we have lately heard it observed 
 of the families of the Laelii and Mucii (though even here I be- 
 lieve this might partly have been the case), but he chiefly ac- 
 quired it, and brought it to its present perfection, by a studious 
 application to the most intricate and refined branches of litera- 
 ture, and by a careful and constant attention to the purity of 
 his style. Cicero in Bruto, c. 75. 
 
 But proceed, my Pomponius, with Csesar, and give us the re- 
 mainder of his character. 
 
 We see then, said he, from what has just been mentioned, 
 that a pure and correct style is the ground-work and the very 
 basis and foundation upon which an orator must build his other 
 accomplishments, etc. But Caesar, summoning to his aid the 
 principles of the art, has corrected the imperfections of a vicious 
 custom, by adopting the rules and improvements of a good 
 one, as he found these occasionally displayed in the course of 
 polite conversation. Therefore when he adds to the elegance 
 of the Latin terms (which is necessary, although you may not 
 be an actor but a well-bred Roman citizen), all the varied or- 
 naments of elevation; then he seems to exhibit the finest 
 paintings in the most advantageous light. As he has such 
 extraordinary merit, even in the common run of his language, 
 I must confess that there is no person I know of to whom he 
 should yield the preference. Besides, his manner of speaking, 
 both as to his voice and gesture, is imposing and splendid, 
 without the least appearance of artifice or affectation ; his pres- 
 ence, too, is dignified and noble. Indeed, said Brutus, his ora- 
 tions please me highly, for I have had the satisfaction of reading 
 several of them. He has likewise some commentaries or short 
 memoirs of his own transactions, and such as merit the highest 
 approbation ; for they are simple, correct, and elegant, and di- 
 vested of all the ornaments of language, so as to appear (if I 
 may be allowed the expression) in a kind of undress. For while 
 he pretends to furnish only the loose materials for such as might 
 be inclined to furnish a regular history, he may perhaps have 
 gratified the vanity of a few literary coxcombs, who wish to set 
 off the incidents by a flourish of words ; but he has certainly 
 prevented all sensible men from an improvement on his plan. 
 Cicero in JBruto, c* 74. 
 
 What ? Which of the orators, who have made speaking the
 
 536 FRAGMENTS. 
 
 sole business of their lives could you prefer to him (Caesar) ? 
 Who is more pointed or brief in his sentences ? Cicero ad Car. 
 Nep. Suetonius, chap. 55. 
 
 Caius Julius Caesar can not be considered a writer of Roman 
 history. His commentaries on the Gallic war, the reputation 
 of which has spread far and wide, are his only compositions ex- 
 tant : nor did he write any other historic composition as far as 
 I can ascertain : for Hirtius his secretary undertook the task of 
 completing the sequel to his commentaries, comprising his 
 other achievements after Caesar, but imposed on him the burden 
 of deciding on the causes of almost the entire world. Lupi Ab- 
 batis Ferrariensis. 
 
 But the reputation of the Catuli 1 for eloquence was not in- 
 ferior ; but in wit and humor Caesar* surpassed them all. 
 Cicero, de Officiis. 
 
 He has likewise left memoirs of his own transactions both in 
 the Gallic and Civil War with Pompey ; for the author of the 
 Alexandrian, African, and Spanish war has not been ascer- 
 tained. Some think it was Oppius, others Hirtius, who also 
 wrote a suppliment to the last book of the Gallic v ar which 
 was left unfinished. Pollio Aslnius thinks that they were not 
 carefully compiled or with a due regard to truth ; for Caesar, 
 as he will have it, is a little too hasty in believing what was 
 done by others under him, and he has given no very just 
 account of what he himself transacted in person, either through 
 design, or a defect of memory, and he is of opinion that he 
 intended a new and more correct draught of them. Suetonius, 
 c. 56. 
 
 If Caesar had made the bar his principal object, no other of 
 our orators could have better disputed the prize of eloquence 
 with Cicero. So great is his energy, so sharp his wit, such his 
 power of exciting emotions, that he appears to have spoken with 
 the same power as he fought ; he embellished all the talents of 
 eloquence by a surprising elegance of language which he made 
 his particular study .-*-Quintilian, 10, 1. 
 
 What should hinder our occasionally adopting the energy of 
 
 1 There were two Catuli, father and son. The allusion here seems to 
 be to the father, for the son was not considered a great orator. 
 
 2 The reference here is not to Caesar the Dictator, but to another of 
 the same name, of whom Brutus says that he was deficient in fire, and 
 that many of his speeches were quite tame.
 
 FRAGMENTS. 537 
 
 Caesar, the asperity of Ccelius, 1 the accuracy of Pollio, and 
 the judgment of Calvus. Quintilian. 
 
 Calvus was more concise, Asinius more copious, Caesar 
 more brilliant, Ccelius more bitter, Brutus more dignified, 
 Cicero more vehement, rich and powerful. Dialogue on Ora- 
 tory, ch. 25. 
 
 Caesar is said to have possessed great natural gifts for 
 oratory, and he did not want ambition to cultivate them, 
 so that he was, undoubtedly, the second orator at Home. 
 Plutarch, Ccesar. 
 
 The eloquence Caesar displayed at Rome in defending persons 
 impeached, gained him considerable interest Ibid. 
 
 In answer to this he usually had recourse to authorities, 
 and produces Lysias among the Grecians, together with 
 Cato and the two Gracchi, among our own countrymen, as 
 instances in favor of the concise style. In return I name 
 Demosthenes, Machines, Hyperides, 2 and many others, in 
 oppositi<5h to Lysias, and I oppose Cato and the Gracchi, Pollio, 
 Caesar, Cselius, and above all Cicero, whose longest speech is 
 generally esteemed the best. Pliny, Epistle 1, 20. 
 
 Shall I fear that that would not become me which became 
 Marcus Tullius, Caius Calvus, Asinius Pollio, Marcus Messala, 
 etc., the deified Julius, the deified Augustus, the deified Nerva, 
 T. Caesar, etc. Pliny, Epistle 5, 3. 
 
 Caesar the Dictator was the rival of the most distinguished 
 orators. Tacitus Annales. 
 
 That most distinguished writer, the deified Julius. Tacitus, 
 de Moribus Germanorum. 
 
 Caius Caesar the Dictator was engaged alternately in the 
 
 1 None of the speeches of Coelius, Pollio, and Calvus, have descended 
 to us. 
 
 2 Hyperides was a celebrated Athenian orator cotemporary with De- 
 mosthenes. He embraced the same political party, and was sent along 
 with Ephialtes on a secret mission to the court of Persia, to procure aid 
 against Philip, King of Macedon. After the disastrous defeat at Chsero- 
 nea, Hyperides proposed that the Athenians should place their wives, 
 children, and valuable property in the Piraeus, recall their exiles, and 
 give liberty to their slaves, to enable them to make a desperate struggle 
 against Philip. By these measures Athens obtained an honorable peace. 
 Hyperides was put to death by the orders of Antipater, B.C. 322. His 
 body, which had been left without burial, was carried off by his relations 
 and interred in Attica. 
 
 13*
 
 538 FRAGMENTS. 
 
 pursuits of war, dictation, and reading. And although he was 
 the most distinguished man of the day, and was as celebrated 
 for his speeches in the camp as in the forum, yet he thought 
 that he had not a strong enough position in the citadel of 
 either art until he was preferred to other men by the decision 
 of the orator of Arpinum. Sidonius Apollonicus.
 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 N.B. The numerals refer to the book, the figures to the chapter. GK stands 
 for the Gallic War, C. for the Civil, A. for the Alexandrian, Af. for 
 the African, and H. for the Spanish "War. 
 
 ACARNANIA, a region of Greece, 
 Garnia. 
 
 Acco, prince of the Senones, his 
 conduct on Caesar's approach, G. 
 vL 4 ; condemned in a council of 
 the Gauls, vi. 44. 
 
 Achaia, sometimes taken for all 
 Greece, but most commonly for a 
 part of it only ; in Peloponnesus, 
 Romania alia,, 
 
 Achillas, captain of Ptolemy's guards, 
 sent to kill Pompey, C. iii. 104 ; 
 appointed byPothinus commander 
 of all the Egyptian forces, ibid. 
 108 ; heads an army of twenty 
 thousand veteran troops, ibid.HQ; 
 variance between him and Arsi- 
 noe, Ptolemy's sister, A. 4. 
 
 Aoilla, or Achilla, or Acholla, There 
 were two cities in Africa of this 
 name, one inland, the other on 
 the coast. The modern name of 
 the latter is Elalia. It demands 
 a garrison from Caesar, AC 33 ; 
 besieged in vain by Considius, 
 ibid. 43. 
 
 Acilius, Caesar's lieutenant, C. iii. 15. 
 
 Actlum, a promontory of Epirus, 
 now called the Cape of Tigalo, 
 famous for a naval victory gained 
 near it, by Augustus, over M. 
 Antony. 
 
 Actlus, a Pelignian, one of Pompey's 
 followers, taken by Caesar, and 
 dismissed in safety, C. i. 18. 
 
 Actius Rufus, accuses L. Apanius of 
 treachery, C. iii. 83. 
 
 Actlus Varus prevents Tubero from 
 landing in Africa, C. i. 31 ; his 
 forces, C. ii. 23 ; his camp, ibid. 
 26; engages Curio, ibid. 34; his 
 danger, defeat, and stratagem, 
 ibid. 35 ; his death, H. 31. 
 
 Adcantuannus, sallies upon Crassus 
 at the head of a chosen body of 
 troops, G. iii. 22. 
 
 Addua, the Adda,a river that rises in 
 the Alps, and, separating the duchy 
 of Milan from the state of Venice, 
 falls into the Po above Cremona. 
 
 Adriatic Sea, the Gulf of Venice, at 
 the extremity of which that city 
 is situated. 
 
 Adrumetum, a town in Africa, Ma- 
 hometta; held by Considius Lon- 
 gus with a garrison of one legion, 
 C. ii 23 ; Caesar makes himself 
 master of it, Af. 89. 
 
 Aduatuci (in some editions Atua- 
 tici), descendants of the Teutones 
 and Cimbri, G. ii. 29 ; they furnish 
 twenty-nine thousand men to the 
 general confederacy of Gaul, ibid. 
 4 ; Caesar obliges them to submit, 
 ibid. 29 ; 
 
 the Autunois, & people of 
 Gaul, near Auiun, in the country 
 now called Lower Burgundy ; 
 they complain to Caesar of the 
 ravages committed in their terri- 
 tories by the Helvetii, G. i. 11 ; 
 join in a petition against Ariovis- 
 tus, ibid. 33 ; at the head of one of 
 the two leading factions of Gaul,
 
 540 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 G. vi. 12 ; Caesar quiets an intes- 
 tine commotion among them, C. 
 viL 33 ; they revolt from the 
 Komans, G. vii. 64; their law 
 concerning magistrates, ibid. 33 ; 
 their clients, i. 31 ; vii. 75. 
 
 JEgean Sea, the Archipelago, a part 
 of the Mediterranean, which lies 
 - between Greece, Asia Minor, and 
 the Isle of Crete. 
 
 /Egimurus, an island in the African 
 Sea, Galletia; a trireme belonging 
 to Csesar, taken there by Varus 
 and Octavius, Af. 44. 
 
 m, a town of Thessaly; 
 Domitius joins Caasar near that 
 place, C. iii. 79. 
 
 ^Igus and Roscillus, their perfidious 
 behavior towards Csesar, C. iii. 
 59, 60. 
 
 JEgyptus, Egypt, an entensive coun- 
 try of Africa, bounded on the west 
 by part of Mannarica and the des- 
 erts of Lybia, on the north by the 
 Mediterranean, on the east by the 
 Sinus Arabicus, and a line drawn 
 from Arsinoe to Rhinocolura, and 
 on the south by ./Ethiopia. Egypt, 
 properly so called, may be de- 
 scribed as consisting of the long 
 and narrow valley which follows 
 the course of the Nile from Syene 
 (Assooari) to Cairo, near the site of 
 the ancient Memphis. The name 
 by which this country is known to 
 Europeans comes from the Greeks, 
 some of whose writers inform us 
 that it received this appellation 
 from ^Egyptus, son of Belus, it 
 having been previously called 
 JEria. In the Hebrew scriptures 
 it is called Mitsraim, and also 
 Matsor and Harets Cham; of these 
 names, however, the first is the 
 one most commonly employed. 
 
 Emilia Via, a Roman road in Italy, 
 from Rimini to Aquileia,and from 
 Pisa to Dertona. 
 
 ^Etolia, a country of Greece, Despo- 
 iaio ; recovered from Pompey by 
 the partisans of Csefiar, C. iii. 35. 
 
 Afrimius, Pompey'a lieutenant, his 
 
 exploits in conjunction with Pe- 
 treius, C. i. 38 ; resolves to carry 
 the war into Celtiberia, ibid. 61 ; 
 surrenders to Ca>sar, ibid. 84 ; Af- 
 ranius and Faustus are taken 
 alive by P. Sitius, Af. 95 ; and put 
 to death by Caesar's soldiers in a 
 sedition, ibid. 
 
 Africa, one of the four great conti- 
 nents into which the earth is di- 
 vided ; the name seems to have 
 been originally applied by the 
 Romans to the country around 
 Carthage, the first part of the 
 continent with which they be- 
 came acquainted, and is said to 
 have been derived from a small 
 Carthaginian district on the north- 
 ern coast, called Frigi. Hence, ' 
 even when the name had become 
 applied to the whole continent, 
 there still remained in Roman 
 geography the district of Africa 
 Proper, on the Mediterranean 
 coast, corresponding to the mod- 
 ern kingdom of Tunis, with part 
 of that of Tripoli. 
 
 Africans, a crafty warlike people, 
 Af. 10 ; their manner of conceal- 
 ing their corn, ibid. 65. 
 
 Agar, a town in Africa, unknown ; 
 it is defended with great bravery 
 against the Getulians, Af. 67, 76. 
 
 Agendicum, a city of the Senones, 
 Sens ; Cassar quarters four legions 
 there, G. vi 44 j Labienus leaves 
 his baggage in it under a guard 
 of new levies, and sets out for 
 Lutetia, G. vii. 57. 
 
 Alba, a town of Latium, in Italy, 
 Albano ; Domitius levies troops in 
 that neighborhood, C. L 15. 
 
 Alblci, a people of Gaul, unknown ; 
 some make them the same with 
 the Viv arois ; taken into the ser- 
 vice of the Marseillians, C. i. 34. 
 
 Albis, the Elbe, a large and noble 
 river in Germany, which has its 
 source in the Giant's Mountains, 
 in Silesia, on the confines of 
 Bohemia, and passing through 
 Bohemia, Upper and Lower Sax-
 
 INDEX. 
 
 541 
 
 ony, falls into the North Sea at 
 Ritzbuttel, about sixty miles be- 
 low Hamburgh. 
 
 Alces, a species of animals some- 
 what resembling an elk, to be 
 found in the Hercynian forests, 
 C. vi. 27. 
 
 Alemanni, or Alamanni, a name 
 assumed by a confederacy of Ger- 
 man tribes, situated between the 
 Neckar and the Upper Rhine, 
 who united to resist the encroach- 
 ments of the Roman power. Ac- 
 cording to Mannert, they derived 
 their origin from the shattered 
 remains of the army of Ariovistus, 
 retired, after the defeat and death 
 of their leader, to the mountainous 
 country of the Upper Rhine. 
 After their overthrow by Clovis, 
 king of the Salian Franks, they 
 ceased to exist as one nation, and 
 were dispersed o.ver Gaol, Switz- 
 erland, and Nether Italy. From 
 them L'AUemagne, the French 
 name for Germany, is derived. 
 
 Alemannia, the country inhabited 
 by the Alemanni. 
 
 Alesia, or Alexia, a town of the 
 Mandubians, Alise; Caesar shuts 
 up Vercingetorix there, C. vii. 68 ; 
 Burrounds it with lines of circum- 
 vallation and contravallation,tWrf. 
 69, 72 ; obliges it to surrender, 
 ibid. 89. 
 
 Alexandria, a city of Egypt, Scan- 
 deria. It was built by Alexander 
 the Great, 330 years before Christ; 
 Caesar pursues Pompey thither, 
 C. iii. 106 ; is unexpectedly en- 
 tangled in war there, ibid. 107 ; 
 difficulties Caesar had to encoun- 
 ter there for want of water, A. 7 ; 
 Caesar enters the town with his 
 victorious army, and receives it 
 into his protection, ibid. 32. 
 
 Alexandrians, an acute and inge- 
 nious people, A. 3 ; but treacher- 
 ous and without faith, ibid. 7 ; 
 they petition Caesar to send them 
 their king, ibid. 23. 
 
 Aliso, by some supposed to be the 
 
 town now called IseOmrg ; or, 
 according to Junius, Wesel, in the 
 duchy of Cloves, but more proba- 
 bly Eisen. 
 
 Allier (Efaver), Caesar eludes the 
 vigilance of Vercingetorix, .and 
 by an artifice passes that river, 
 G. vii. 35. 
 
 Allobroges, an ancient people of 
 Gallia Transalplna, who inhabited 
 the country which is now called 
 Dauphiny, Savoy, and Piedmont. 
 The name, Allobroges, means 
 highlanders, and is derived from 
 Al, "high," and Broga, "land." 
 They are supposed to be disaffect- 
 ed to the Romans, G. i. 6 ; com- 
 plain to Caesar of the ravages of 
 the Helvetians, ibid. 11. 
 
 Alps, a ridge of high mountains, 
 which separates France and Ger- 
 many from Italy. That part of 
 them which separates Dauphiny 
 from Piedmont was called the 
 Cottian Alps. Then- name is 
 derived from their height, Alp 
 being the old Celtic appellation 
 for "a lofty mountain;" Caesar 
 crosses them with five legions, G. 
 L 10 ; sends Galba to open a free 
 passage over them to the Roman 
 merchants, G. iii. 1. 
 
 Alsatia, a province of Germany, in 
 the upper circle of the Rhine, 
 Alsace. 
 
 Amagetobria, a city of Gaul, un- 
 known; iamous for a defeat of 
 the Gauls there by Ariovistus, G. 
 i. 31. 
 
 Amantia, a town in Macedonia, 
 Porto Baffuseo; it submits to 
 Caesar, and sends embassadors to 
 know his pleasure, C. iiL 12. 
 
 Amanus, a mountain of Syria, Alma 
 Daghy, near which Scipio sustains 
 some losses, C. iii 31. 
 
 Amani Pylae, or Amanicse Portse, 
 Straits of Scanderona. 
 
 Ambarri, a people of Gaul, uncer- 
 tain ; they complain to Caesar of 
 the ravages committed in their 
 territories by the Helvetii, G. L 11.
 
 $42 
 
 IXDEX. 
 
 Ambialitee, a people of Gaul, of 
 LambatteinBretagne. Others take 
 the word to be only a different 
 name for the Ambiani ; they join 
 in a confederacy with the Veneti 
 against Cffisar, G. iii. 9. 
 
 Ambiani, or Ambianenses, the peo- 
 ple of Amiens ; they furnish ten 
 thousand men to the general con- 
 federacy of the Belgians against 
 Caesar, G. ii. 4 ; sue for peace, and 
 submit themselves to Caesar's 
 pleasure, G. ii. 15. 
 
 Ambianum, a city of Belgium, 
 Amiens. 
 
 Ambibari, a people of Gaul, inhabit- 
 -ing Ambie, in Normandy. 
 
 Ambiorix, his artful speech to Sabi- 
 nus and Cotta, G. v. 27 ; Casssar 
 marches against him, G. vi. 29. 
 Eavages and lays waste his terri- 
 tories, ibid. 34; endeavors in 
 vain to get him into his hands, 
 ibid. 43 
 
 Ambivareti, a people of Gaul, the 
 Vivarais. They are ordered to 
 furnish their contingent for raising 
 the siege of Alesia, G. vii. 75. 
 
 Ambivariti, an ancient people of 
 Brabant, between the Rhine and 
 the Maese ; the German cavalry 
 sent to forage among them, G. 
 iv. 9. 
 
 Ambracia, a city of Epirus, Aria ; 
 Cassius directs his march thither, 
 C. iii. 36. 
 
 Ambrones, an ancient people, who 
 lived in the country, which is now 
 called the Canton of Bern, in 
 Switzerland. 
 
 Amphilochia, a region of Epirus, 
 AnJUocha. Its inhabitants reduced 
 by Cassiua Longinus, C. iii. 55. 
 
 Amphipolis, a city of Macedonia, 
 Cristopoli, or Emboli. An edict in 
 Pompey's name published there, 
 C. iii. 102. 
 
 Anartes, a people, of Germany, 
 Walachians, Servians, or Bulga- 
 rians, bordering upon the Hercy- 
 nian Forest, G. vi. 25. 
 
 Anas, a river of Spain, the Guadi- 
 
 ana, or Rio Roydera, bounding 
 that part of Spain under the gov- 
 ernment of Petreius, C. i. 38. 
 
 Ancalites, a people of Britain, of the 
 hundred of Henley, in Oxford- 
 shire ; they send embassadors to 
 Csesarwith an offer of submission. 
 G. y. 21. 
 
 Anchialos, a city of Thrace, near the 
 Euxino Sea, now called Kerikis. 
 
 Ancibarii, or Ansivarii, an ancient 
 people of Lower Germany, of and 
 about the town of Ansestaet, or 
 Amslim. 
 
 Ancona, Ancona, a city of Italy, on 
 the coast of Pisenum. It is sup- 
 posed to derive its name from the 
 Greek word d-yKuv, an angle or 
 elbow, on account of the angular 
 form of the promontory on which 
 it is built. The foundation of 
 Ancona is ascribed by Strabo to 
 some Syracusans, who were flee- 
 ing from the tyranny of Dionysius. 
 Livy speaks of it as a naval sta- 
 tion of great importance in the 
 wars of Rome with the Illyrians. 
 "We find it occupied by Caesar 
 (Civil "War, book 1, c. ii.), shortly 
 after crossing the Rubicon ; 
 Ca?sar takes possession of it with 
 a garrison of one cohort, C. i. 11. 
 
 Andes, Angers, in France, the capi- 
 tal of the duchy of Anjou. 
 
 Andes, a people of Gaul, the ancient 
 inhabitants of the duchy of Anjou; 
 Caesar puts his troops into whiter 
 quarters among them, G. ii. 35. 
 
 Andomadunum Lingonum, a large 
 and ancient city of Champagne, 
 at the source of the river Marne, 
 Langres. 
 
 Anglesey (Mona), an island situated 
 between Britain and Ireland, 
 where the night, during the win- 
 ter, is said to be a month long, 
 G. y. 13. 
 
 Angrivarii, an ancient people of 
 Lower Germany, who dwelt be- 
 tween the Ems and the "Weser, 
 below the Lippe. 
 
 Ansivarii, see Ancibarii.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 543 
 
 Antiochia, Antachia, an ancient and 
 famous city, once the capital of 
 Syria, or rather of the East. It 
 is situate on two rivers, the Oron- 
 tes and the Phaspar, not far from 
 the Mediterranean; refuses to 
 admit the fugitives after the battle 
 of Pharsalia, C. iii. 102. 
 
 Antonius (Mark Anthony), Caesar's 
 lieutenant, G. vii. 11; quaestor, 
 G-.viii. 2 ; governor of Brundisium, 
 G. iii. 24; his standing for that 
 priesthood, G. viL 50; obliges 
 Libo to raise the siege of Bruu- 
 dusium, C. iii. 24 ; and in conjunc- 
 tion with Kalenus transports 
 Caesar's troops to Greece, ibid. 26. 
 
 Apamea, Apami, a city of Bithynia, 
 built by Nicomedes, the son of 
 Prusias. 
 
 Apennine Mountains, a large chain 
 of mountains, branching off from 
 the Maritime Alps, in the neigh- 
 borhood of Genoa, running diag- 
 onally from the Ligurian Gulf to 
 the Adriatic, in the vicinity of 
 Ancona ; from which it continues 
 nearly parallel with the latter 
 gulf, as far as the promontory of 
 Garganus, and again inclines to 
 Mare Inferum, till it finally ter- 
 minates in the promontory of 
 Leucopetra, near Rhegium. The 
 etymology of the name given to 
 these mountains must be traced 
 to the Celtic, and appears to com- 
 bine two terms of that language 
 nearly synonymous, Alp, or Ap, 
 "a high mountain," and Penn, 
 " a summit." 
 
 Apollonia, a city of Macedonia, 
 Piergo. Pompey resolves to winter 
 there, C. iii. 6 ; Caesar makes him- 
 self master of it, ibid. 11, 12. 
 
 Aponiana, an island near the pro- 
 montory of Lilybaeum, in Sicily. 
 Caesar orders his fleet to rendez- 
 vous near that island, Af. 2. 
 
 Appia Via, the Appian road which 
 led from Rome into Campania, 
 and from the sea to Brundusium. 
 It was made, as Livy informs us, 
 
 by the censor, Appius Caecus, 
 A.tr.o. 442, and was, in the first 
 instance, only laid down as far as 
 Capua, a distance of about 125 
 miles. It was subsequently car- 
 ried on to Beneventum,and finally 
 to Brundusium. According to 
 Eustace (Classical Tour, vol. iii.), 
 such parts of the Appian way as 
 have escaped destruction, as at 
 Fondi and Mold, show few traces 
 of wear and decay after a duration 
 of two thousand years. 
 
 Apsus, a river of Macedonia, the 
 Aspro. Caesar and Pompey en- 
 camp over against each other on 
 the banks of that river, C. iii. 13. 
 
 Apulia, a region of Italy, la Puglia. 
 Pompey quarters there the legions 
 sent by Caesar, C. i. 14. 
 
 Aquilaria, a town of Africa, near 
 Clupea, Pompey quarters there 
 the legions sent by Caesar, C. i. 
 14 : Curio arrives there with the 
 troops designed against Africa, 
 C. ii. 23. 
 
 Aquileia, formerly a famous and 
 considerable city of Italy, not far 
 from the Adriatic, now little more 
 than a heap of ruins, Aquilegia. 
 Caesar draws together the troops 
 quartered there, G. i. 10. 
 
 Aquitania, a third part of ancient 
 Gaul, now containing Guienne, 
 Gascony, etc. 
 
 Aquitani, the Aquitanians reduced 
 under the power of the Romans 
 by Crassius, G.iii. 20-22 ; very ex- 
 pert in the art of mining, ibid. 21. 
 
 Arar, or Araris, a river of Gaul, the 
 Saone ; the Helvetians receive a 
 considerable check in passing this 
 river, G. i. 12. 
 
 Arduenna Silva, the forest of Ar- 
 denne, in France, reaching from 
 the Rhine to^he city of Tournay, 
 in the low countries ; Indutioma- 
 rus conceals in it the infirm and 
 aged, G. v. 3 ; Caesar crosses it in 
 quest of Ambiorix, G. vi. 29. 
 
 Arecomici Volcae, Caesar plants gar- 
 risons among them, G. vii. 7.
 
 544 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Arelate, or Arelatum, or Arelas, a 
 city of Gaul, Aries. Caesar orders 
 twelve galleys to be built there, 
 C. i. 36. 
 
 Ariminum, a city of Italy, Rimini; 
 Caesar having sounded the dispo- 
 sition of his troops, marches 
 thither, C. i. 8. 
 
 Arlovistus, king of the Germans, 
 his tyrannical conduct toward the 
 Gauls, G. i. 31 ; Caesar sends em- 
 bassadors to him demanding an 
 interview, ibid. 34 ; he is defeated 
 and driven entirely out of Gaul, 
 ibid. 52. 
 
 Aries, see Arelate. 
 
 Armenia, a*country of Asia, divided 
 into the greater or lesser, and now 
 called Turcomania. 
 
 Armorici, the ancient people of Ar- 
 morica, a part of Gallia Celtica, 
 now Bretagne; they assemble in 
 great numbers to attack L. Ros- 
 cius in his winter quarters, G. 
 r. 53. 
 
 Arretmm, a city of Etruria, in Italy, 
 Arezzo ; Antony sent thither with 
 five cohorts, C. i. 10. 
 
 Arslnoe, the daughter of Ptolemy, 
 at variance with Achillas, A. 4 ; 
 Caesar removes her from Egypt, 
 ibid. 33. 
 
 Arverni, an ancient people of 
 France, on the Loire, whose chief 
 city was Arvernum, now Cler- 
 mont, the capital of Auvergne; 
 suddenly invaded, and their terri- 
 tories ravaged by Caesar, G. vii. 8. 
 
 Asculum, a town of Italy, Ascoli; 
 Caesar takes possession of it, C. L 
 
 IB ,- 
 Ascurum, a maritime city of Mauri- 
 
 tania,unknown ; attacked without 
 success by young Pompey, Af 23. 
 
 Asparagium, a town in Macedonia, 
 unknown; Pompey encamps near 
 it wiQTall his forces, C. iii. 30. 
 
 Aspavia, a town in Hispania Baetica, 
 Espejo ; Pompey's communication 
 with that place cut off by Caesar's 
 works, H. 24. 
 
 Asta, a town in Hispania Baetica, 
 
 Massa de Asta ; sends embassa- 
 dors to Caesar with an offer of 
 submission, H. 36. 
 
 Astigi, or Astingi, a people of An- 
 dalusia, in Spain. 
 
 Ategua, a town in Hispania Bsetica, 
 Tebala Veja ; Caesar lays siege to 
 it, H. 8 ; compels it to surrender, 
 ibid. 22. 
 
 Athens, one of the most ancient and 
 noble cities of Greece, the capital 
 of Attica. It produced some of 
 the most distinguished statesmen, 
 orators, and poets that the world 
 ever saw, and its sculptors and 
 painters have been rarely rivalled, 
 never surpassed. No city on the 
 earth has ever exercised an equal 
 influence on the educated men of 
 all ages. It contributes to fit out 
 a fleet for Pompey, C. iii. 3. 
 
 Atrebates, an ancient people of 
 Gaul, who lived in that part of 
 the Netherlands which is now 
 called Artois ; they furnish fifteen 
 thousand men to the general con- 
 federacy of Gaul, G. ii. 4. 
 
 Attica, a country of Greece, between 
 Achaia and Macedonia, famous on 
 account of its capital, Athens. 
 
 Attuarii, a people of ancient Ger- 
 many, who inhabited between the 
 Maese and the Rhine, whose 
 country is now a part of the duchy 
 of Guddes, 
 
 Atuatuca, a strong castle, where 
 Caesar deposited all his baggage, 
 on setting out in pursuit of Am- 
 biorix, G. vi. 32 ; the Germans 
 unexpectedly attack it, ibid. 35. 
 
 Augustodunum, Autun, a very an- 
 cient city of Burgundy, on the 
 river Arroux. 
 
 Aulerci Eburovices, a people of 
 Gaul, in the country of Evreux, 
 in Normandy. 
 
 Aulerci Brannovices, a people of 
 Gaul, Morienne. 
 
 Aulerci Cenomanni, a people of 
 Gaul, the country of Maine. 
 
 Aulerci Diablintes, a people of Gaul, 
 k Perche.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 545 
 
 Aulerci reduced by P. Crassus, G. 
 ii. 34 ; massacre their senate, and 
 join Viridovix, G. iii. It ; Aulerci 
 Brannovicea ordered to furnish 
 their contingent to the relief of 
 Alesia, G. vii. 7 ; Aulerci Ceno- 
 mani furnish five thousand, ibid. ; 
 Aulerci Eburovicea three thou- 
 sand, ibid. 
 
 Ausci, a people of Gaul, those of 
 Auche, or Attx, in Gascony ; they 
 submit to Crassus and send hos- 
 tages, G. iii. 27. 
 
 Ausetani, a people of Spain, under 
 the Pyrenaean mountains: they 
 send embassadors to Caesar, with 
 an offer of submission, C. i. 60. 
 
 Auximum, a town in Italy, Osimo, 
 or Osmo; Caesar makes himself 
 master of it, C. i. 15. 
 
 Avaricum, a city of Aquitaine, the 
 capital of the Biturigians,.B0ar0es; 
 besieged by Caesar, G. vii. 13 ; and 
 at last taken by storm, ibid. 31. 
 
 Axona, the river Aisne, Caesar 
 crosses it in his march against 
 the Belgians, G. ii. 5, 6. 
 
 Baeenis,a forest of ancient Germany, 
 which parted the Suevi from the 
 Cherusci; by some supposed to 
 be the Forests of Thuringia, by 
 others the Slack Forest; the Sue- 
 vians encamp at the entrance of 
 that wood, resolving there to 
 await the approach of the Ro- 
 mans, G. vi. 10. 
 
 Baculus, P. Sextius, his remarkable 
 bravery, G. vi. 38. 
 
 Baetica, in the ancient geography, 
 about a third part of Spain, con- 
 taming Andalusia, and a part of 
 Granada. 
 
 Baetis, a river of Spain, now called 
 the Ghtadalquiver ; Cassius en- 
 camps on its banks, A. 46. 
 
 Bagradas, a river of Africa, near 
 Utica, the Begrada ; Curio arrives 
 with his army at that river, C. ii. 
 38. 
 
 Baleares Insulse, several islands in 
 the Mediterranean Sea, formerly 
 
 so called, of which Majorca and 
 Minorca are the chief; young 
 Pompey sails thither with his 
 fleet, Af. 23; the inhabitants 
 famous for their dexterity in the 
 use of the sling, G. ii. 7. 
 
 Batavi, the ancient inhabitants of 
 the island of Batavia. 
 
 Batavia, or Batavorum Insula, Hol- 
 land, a part of which still retains 
 the name of Betuwe ; formed by 
 the Meuse and the Wai, G. iv. 10. 
 
 Belgae, the inhabitants of Gallia 
 Belgica. The original Belgae were 
 supposed to be of German extrac- 
 tion ; but passing the Rhine, set- 
 tled themselves in Gaul. The 
 name Belgae belongs to the Cym- 
 ric language, in which, under the 
 form Belgiaid, the radical of which 
 is Belg, it signifies warlike ; they 
 are the most warlike people of 
 Gaul, G. i. 1 ; withstand the in- 
 vasion of the Teutones and Cim- 
 bri, G. ii. 4 ; originally of German 
 extraction, ibid.; Caesar obliges 
 them to decamp and return to 
 their several habitations, ibid. 11. 
 
 Belgia, Belgium, or Gallia Belgica, 
 the Low Countries, or Netherlands. 
 
 Bellocassi, or Velocasses, a people 
 of Gaul, inhabiting the country 
 of Bayeux, in Normandy; they 
 furnish three thousand men to 
 the relief of Alesia, G. vii. 75. 
 
 Bellona, a famous and ancient tem- 
 ple of this goddess in Cappadocia, 
 whose priest was next in author- 
 ity to the king, A. 66. 
 
 Bellovaci; an ancient renowned 
 people among the Belgae, inhabit- 
 ing the country now called Beau- 
 vais, in France ; they furnish a 
 hundred thousand men to the 
 general confederacy of Belgium, 
 G. ii. 4 ; join in the general defec- 
 tion under Vercingetorix, G. vii. 
 59 ; again take up arms against 
 Caesar, viii. 7 ; but are compelled 
 to submit and sue for pardon. 
 
 Bergea, a city of Macedonia, now 
 called Verio.
 
 546 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Beronejj ; ueo Retones. 
 
 Bessi, a people of Thrace, Bessara 
 bid ; they made part of Pompey's 
 army, C. iii. 4. 
 
 Bethuria, a region of Hispania Lu- 
 sitanica, Estremadura. 
 
 Betones, or Berones, a people of 
 Hispania Tarraconensis, Birones, 
 they fly to the rescue of Cassius, 
 when threatened with an assassi- 
 nation, A. 63; see note on the 
 passage. 
 
 Bibracte, a town of Burgundy, now 
 called Autun, the capital of the 
 dSdui ; Caesar, distressed for want 
 of corn, marches thither to obtain 
 a supply, G. i. 23. 
 
 Bibrax, a town of Rheims, Braine, 
 or Bresne; attacked with great 
 fury by the confederate Belgians, 
 G. ii. 6. 
 
 Bibroef, a people of Britain; accord- 
 ing to Camden, the hundred of 
 J3ray, in Berkshire; they send 
 embassadors to Caesar to sue for 
 peace, G-. v. 21. 
 
 Bibulus burns thirty of Caesar's 
 ships, C. iii. 8; his hatred of 
 Caesar, ibid. 8, 16; his cruelty 
 toward the prisoners that fell in- 
 to his hands, ibid. 14; his death, 
 ibid. 18 ; death of his two sons, 
 ibid. 110. 
 
 Bigerriones, a people of Gaul, in- 
 habiting the country now called 
 Bigorre, in Gascony; they sur- 
 render and give hostages to Cras- 
 sus, G. iii. 27. 
 
 Bithynia, a country of Asia Minor, 
 adjoining to Troas, over against 
 Thrace, Becsangial. 
 
 Bituriges, a people of Guienno, in 
 France, of the country of Berry ; 
 they join with the Arverni in the 
 general defection under Vercin- 
 getorix, G. viL 5. 
 
 Bceotia, a country in Greece, sepa- 
 rated from Attica by Mount Cith- 
 eron. It had formerly several 
 other names, and was famous for 
 its capital, Thebes ; it is now call- 
 ed Stramulipa, 
 
 Bogud, king of Mauritania, summon- 
 ed by Cassius to his aid, A. 59 ; 
 invades Juba's kingdom, in order 
 to create a diversion, Af. 25. 
 
 Boii, an ancient people of Germany, 
 who, passing the Rhine, settled 
 in Gaul, the Bourbonnois ; they 
 join with the Helvetians in their 
 expedition against Gaul, G. i. 5 ; 
 attack the Romans in flank, ibid. 
 25 ; Caesar allows them to settle 
 among the ^Eduans, ibid. 28. 
 
 Borani, an ancient people of Ger- 
 many, supposed by some to bo 
 the same as the Burii. 
 
 Bosphorani, a people bordering up- 
 on the Euxine Sea, the Tartars. 
 
 Bosphorus, Caesar invests Mithri- 
 dates with the sovereignty of that 
 country, A. 78. 
 
 Bosphorus, two straits of the sea so 
 called, one Bosphorus Thracius, 
 now the Straits of Constantinople ; 
 the other Bosphorus Climerius, 
 now the Straits of Gaffa. 
 
 Brundusium,a city of Italy, Brindisi. 
 By the Greeks it was called 
 EpevTKffiov, which in the Messa- 
 plan language signified a stag's 
 head, from the resemblance which 
 its different harbors and creeks 
 bore to that object ; Pompey re- 
 tires thither with his forces, C. i. 
 24; Caesar lays siege to it, 26; 
 Pompey escapes from it by sea, 
 upon which it immediately sur- 
 renders to Caesar, 28 ; Libo blocks 
 up the port with a fleet, C. iii. 24 ; 
 but by the valor of Antony, is 
 obliged to retire, ibid. 
 
 Brannovii furnished their contingent 
 to the relief of Alesia, C. vii. 75. 
 
 Brannovlces, the people ofMorienne, 
 in France. 
 
 Bratuspantlum, a city of Gaul, be- 
 longing to the ~Bellova,ci,Beauvais; 
 it submits, and obtains pardon 
 from Caasar, G. ii. 13. 
 
 Bridge built by Caesar over the 
 Rhine described, G. iv. 7. 
 
 Britannia, Caesar's expedition thith- 
 er, G. iv. 20 ; description of the
 
 INDEX. 
 
 547 
 
 coast, 23; the Romans land in 
 spite of the vigorous opposition 
 of the islanders, 26; the Britons 
 send ambassadors to Caesar to de- 
 sire a peace, which they obtain 
 on deli very of hostages, 27; they 
 break the peace on hearing that 
 Caesar's fleet was destroyed by a 
 storm, and set upon the Roman 
 foragers, 30 ; their manner of 
 fighting in chariots ; they fall up- 
 on the Roman camp, but are re- 
 pulsed, and petition again for 
 peace, which Caesar grants them, 
 33 35 ; Caesar passes over into 
 their island a second time, v. 8 ; 
 drives them from the woods 
 where they had taken refuge, 9 ; 
 describes their manners and way 
 of living, 12; defeats them in 
 several encounters, 15-21 ; grants 
 them a peace, on their giving 
 hostages, and agreeing to pay a 
 yearly tribute, 22. 
 
 Brutii, a people of Italy, the Cala- 
 brians. They were said to be 
 runaway slaves and shepherds of 
 the Lucanians, who, after con- 
 cealing themselves for a time, 
 became at last numerous enough 
 to attack their masters, and suc- 
 ceeded at length in gaining their 
 independence. Then* very name 
 is said to indicate that they were 
 revolted slaves : Bperrtovj yap 
 ~Kakovai uTToaTuraf, says Strabo, 
 speaking of the Lucanians. 
 
 Brutus, appointed to command the 
 fleet in the war against the people 
 of Vannes, G. iii. 11 ; engages and 
 defeats at sea the Venetians, 14 ; 
 and also the people of Marseilles, 
 C. i. 58 ; engages them a second 
 time with the same good fortune, 
 ii. 3. 
 
 Bullis, a town in Macedonia, un- 
 known ; it sends embassadors to 
 Caesar with an offer of submission, 
 C. iii. 12. 
 
 Bursavolenses, a people of Hispania 
 Baetica, thought to be the same 
 with the Ursaonenses ; their con- 
 
 duct toward Ca3sar and his fol- 
 lowers, H. 22. 
 
 Buthrotum, a city of Epirus, Bu- 
 trinto, or Botronto. 
 
 Byzantium, an ancient city of 
 Thrace, called at different times, 
 Ligos, Nova Roma, and now 
 Constantinopk. 
 
 Cabillonum, a city of ancient Gaul, 
 Chalons sur Saone. 
 
 Cadetes, a people of Gaul, unknown. 
 
 Cadurci, a people of Gaul, inhabiting 
 the country of Quercy. 
 
 Cseraesi, a people of Belgic Gaul, in- 
 habiting the country round Na- 
 mur; they join in the general 
 confederacy of Belgium against 
 Cassar, G. i. 4. 
 
 Caesar hastens toward Gaul, C. i. 7 ; 
 refuses the Helvetians a passage 
 through the Roman province, ib.; 
 his answer to their embassadors, 
 14 ; defeats and sends them back 
 into their own country, 25-27 ; 
 sends embassadors to Ariovistus, 
 34; cells a council of war, his 
 speech, 40; begins his march, 
 41 ; his speech to Ariovistus, 43 ; 
 totally routs the Germans, and 
 obliges them to repass the Rhine, 
 53 ; his war with the Belgians, 
 ii. 2 ; reduces the Suessiones and 
 Bellovaci, 12, 13 ; his prodigious 
 slaughter of the Nervians, 20-27 ; 
 obliges the Atuatici to submit, 
 32 ; prepares for the war against 
 the Venetians, iii. 9 ; defeats them 
 in a naval engagement, and totally 
 subdues them, 14, 15 ; is obliged 
 to put his army into wintefr quar- 
 ters, before he can complete the 
 reduction of the Menapians and 
 Morini, 29 ; marches to find out 
 the Germans; his answer to their 
 embassadors, iv. 8 ; attacks them 
 in their camp and routs them, 14, 
 15; crosses the Rhine, and re- 
 turns to Gaul, 17-19; his expe- 
 dition into Britain described, 22 ; 
 refits his navy, 31 ; comes to the 
 assistance of his foragers whom
 
 548 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 the Britons had attacked, 34; re- 
 turns to Gaul, 36 ; gives orders for 
 building a navy, v. 1 ; his prepara- 
 tions for a second expedition into 
 Britain, 2 ; marches into the country 
 of Treves to prevent a rebellion, 3 ; 
 marches to Port Itius, and invites 
 all the princes of Gaul to meet him 
 there, 5; sets sail for Britain, 8; 
 describes the country and customs 
 of the inhabitants, 1 2 ; fords the 
 river Thames, and puts Cassivellau- 
 nus, the leader of the Britons, to 
 flight, 18; imposes a tribute upon 
 the Britons and returns into Gaul, 
 23 ; routs the Nervians, and relieves 
 Cicero, 51; resolves to winter in 
 Gaul, 53 ; his second expedition in- 
 to Germany, vi. 9; his description 
 of the manners of the Gauls and 
 Germans, 13 ; his return into Gaul, 
 and vigorous prosecution of the war 
 against Ambiorix, 27 ; crosses the 
 mountains of the Cevennes in the 
 midst of winter, and arrives at Au- 
 vergne, which submits, vii. 8 ; takes 
 and sacks Genabum, 11 ; takes No- 
 viodunum, and marches from thence 
 to Avaricum, 12 ; his works before 
 Alesia, 69 ; withstands all the at- 
 tacks of the Gauls, and obliges the 
 place to surrender, 89 ; marches into 
 the country of the Biturigians, and 
 compels them to submit, viii. 2 ; de- 
 mands Guturvatus,who is delivered, 
 up and put to death, 38 ; marches 
 to besiege Uxellodunum, 39 ; cuts 
 off the hands of the besieged at Ux- 
 ellodunum, 44 ; marches to Corfini- 
 um, and besieges it, C. i. 16, which 
 in a short time surrenders, 22 ; he 
 marches through Abruzzo, and great 
 part of the kingdom of Naples, 23 ; 
 his arrival at Brundusium, and 
 blockade of the haven, 24 ; commits 
 the siege of Marseilles to the care 
 of Brutus and Trebonius, 36; his 
 expedition to Spam, 37 ; his speech 
 to Afranius, 85 ; comes to Marseilles, 
 which surrenders, C. ii. 22 ; takes 
 Oricum, iii. 8; marches to Dyrrha- 
 chium to cut off Pompey'a commu- 
 
 nication with that place, 41 ; 
 sends Canuleius into Epirus for 
 corn, 42 ; besieges Pompey in his 
 camp, his reasons for it, 43 ; in- 
 closes Pompey's works within his 
 fortifications : a skirmish between 
 them, 45 ; his army reduced to 
 great straits for want of provi- 
 sions, 47 ; offers Pompey battle, 
 which he declines, 56 ; sends 
 Clodius to Scipio, to treat about a 
 peace, whose endeavors prove in- 
 effectual, 57; joins Domitius, 
 storms and takes the town of 
 Gomphis in Thessalay, in four 
 hour's time, 30 ; gains a complete 
 victory over Pompey in the battle 
 of Pharsalia, 93 ; summons Pto- 
 lemy and Cleopatra to attend him, 
 107 ; burns the Alexandrian fleet, 
 111 ; conducts his transports safe 
 to Alexandria, A. 11 ; obtains a 
 victory, takes two ships, and sinks 
 three, 11 ; routs the Pharians, 
 gains the island and the town, 
 several taken and killed, then for- 
 tifies the castle, gains the shore, 
 stops up an arch under the bridge, 
 and begins to throw up a ram- 
 part, 16,17 ; marches to Ptolemy's 
 camp and defeats him, 2 9 ; returns 
 to Alexandria, and performs 
 Ptolemy the father's will, 33 ; de- 
 feats Pharnaces in a great battle, 
 76; passes over into Africa, Af. 
 1 ; has several skirmishes with 
 Labienus near Ruspina, 12; de- 
 feats in a most signal manner 
 Scipio in the battle of Thapsus, 
 and cats his whole army to pieces, 
 83 ; converts Juba's kingdom into 
 a province, and returns to Rome, 
 98 ; arrives in Spain, and lays 
 siege to Cordova, H. 2 ; defeats 
 young Pompey with great slaugh- 
 ter on the plains of Munda, 31. 
 
 Caesarea,the chief city of Cappadocia. 
 
 Cassia Sylva, the Ccesian Forest, 
 supposed to be a part of the Her- 
 cynian Forest, about the duchy 
 of Cleves and "Westphalia. 
 
 Calagurritani, a people of Hispania
 
 INDEX. 
 
 549 
 
 Tarraconensis, inhabiting the pro- 
 vince of Calahorra; send em- 
 bassadors to Ctesar with an offer 
 of submission, C. i. 60. 
 
 Caletes, an ancient people of Belgic 
 Gaul, inhabiting the country call- 
 ed Le Pais de <7<ZM&,in Normandy, 
 betwixt the Seine and the sea ; 
 they furnish ten thousand men in 
 the general revolt of Belgium, G. 
 ii. 4. 
 
 Calydon, a city of ^Etoh'a, Ayton, C. 
 iii. 35. 
 
 Camerinum, a city of Umbria, in 
 Italy, Camarino. 
 
 Campania, the most pleasant part of 
 Italy, in the kingdom of Naples, 
 now called Terra di Lavoro. 
 
 Campi Canini, a place in the Milan- 
 ese, in Italy, not far from Belizona. 
 
 Campi Catalaunici, supposed to be 
 the large plain, which begins 
 about two miles from Chalons sur 
 Marne. 
 
 Camulogenus appointed command- 
 er-in-chief by the Parisians, G. vii. 
 57 ; obliges Labienus to decamp 
 from before Paris, ibid. ; is slain, 
 62. 
 
 Candavia, a country of Macedonia, 
 Ganovia. 
 
 Caninefates, an ancient people of the 
 lower part of Germany, near 
 Batavia, occupying the country 
 in which Gorckum, on the Maese, 
 in South Holland, now is. 
 
 Camnius sets Duracius at liberty, 
 who had been shut up in Limo- 
 num by Dumnacus, G. viii. 26 ; 
 pursues Drapes, 30 ; lays siege 
 to Uxellodunum, 33. 
 
 CanSpus, Bochir, a famous city of 
 Egypt, whence the Canopic 
 branch of the Nile derived its 
 name; Euphranor perishes in a 
 sea-fight there, A. 25. 
 
 Cantabri, the Cantabrians, an an- 
 cient warlike people of Spain, 
 properly of the provinces of Gui- 
 puscoa and Biscay ; they are 
 obliged by Afranius to furnish a 
 supply of troops, C. L 38. 
 
 Cantmm, a part of England, ttie 
 
 county of Kent. 
 Canusium, a city of Apulia, in Italy, 
 
 Canosa. The splendid remains 
 
 of antiquity discovered among the 
 
 ruins of Canosa, together with its 
 
 coins, establish the Grecian origin 
 
 of the place. 
 Cappadocia, a large country in Asia 
 
 Minor, upon the Euxine Sea. 
 Caprea, Capri, an island on the 
 
 coast of Campania. 
 Capua, Capha, a city in the kingdom 
 
 of Naples, in the Provincia di 
 
 Lavoro. 
 
 Carales, a city of Sardinia, Cagliari. 
 Caratitani, the people of Cagliari, 
 
 in Sardinia; they declare against 
 
 Pompey, and expel Cotta with 
 
 his garrison, C. i. 30. 
 Carbillo, a city of Spain, near 
 
 Corduba 
 
 Carcaso, a city of Gaul, Garcassone. 
 Carfulenus detached to storm the 
 
 highest part of the enemy's camp, 
 
 which he does, A. 3 1. 
 Carmona, a town of Hispania Bae- 
 
 tica, Carmone ; declares for Caesar, 
 
 and expels the enemy's garrison, 
 
 C. ii. 19. 
 Garni, an ancient people, inhabiting 
 
 a part of Noricum, whose country 
 
 is still called Carniola. 
 Carnutes, an ancient people of 
 
 France, inhabiting the territory 
 
 now called Cliarires ; Caesar quar-. 
 
 ters some troops among them, G. 
 
 ii. 35; they openly assassinatq 
 
 Tasgetius, G. v. 25 ; send embasi 
 
 sadors to Cassar and submit, vi 4 ; 
 
 offer to be the first in taking up 
 
 arms against the Romans, vii. 2 ; 
 
 attack the Biturigians, but are 
 
 dispersed and put to flight by 
 
 Caasar, viii. 5. 
 Carpi, an ancient people near the 
 
 Danube. 
 
 Carrucca, a town in Spain, uncertain. 
 Certeia, a town in Spain, Algeviza, 
 
 or Tariffa. 
 Cassandrea, a city of Macedonia, 
 
 Cassandria.
 
 550 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Cassi, a people of ancient Britain, 
 the hundred of Caishow, in Hert- 
 fordshire ; they send embassadors 
 and submit to Caesar, G. v. 21. 
 
 Cassillnum, a town in Italy, Cas- 
 telluzzo. 
 
 Cassivellaunus, chosen commander- 
 in-chief of the confederate Britons, 
 Gr. v. 11; endeavors in vain to 
 stop the course of Caesar's con- 
 quests, 18 ; is obliged to submit, 
 and accept Cassar's terms, 22. 
 
 Cassius, Pompey's lieutenant, burns 
 Caesar's fleet in Sicily, C. iii. 101. 
 
 Cassius Longinus, his ill conduct in 
 Spain, A. 48 ; a plot formed to 
 assassinate him, 50 ; the conspira- 
 tors endeavor to put it in execu- 
 tion at Cordova, 52 ; wounded as 
 he lay on the ground by Squillus, 
 ibid.; upon his recovery, he or- 
 ders all the assassins to be seized, 
 puts several to death, and com- 
 pounds with the rest for money, 
 ibid. ; behaves more tyrannically 
 than ever, which occasions new 
 disturbances, 55 ; is drowned at 
 the mouth of the Ebro, 64. 
 
 Castellum Menapiorum, Kessel, a 
 town in Brabant, on the river 
 Neerse, not far from the Maese. 
 
 Casticus, the son of Catamantaledes, 
 solicited by Orgetorix to invade 
 the liberty of his country, G-. i. 3. 
 
 Castra Posthumiana, a town in 
 Hispania Baetica, Castro el Rio. 
 
 Castra Vetera, an ancient city in 
 Lower Germany, in the duchy of 
 Cleves ; some say where Santon, 
 others where Byrthen now is. 
 
 Castulonensis Saltus, a city of Hispa- 
 nia Tarraconensis, CastonalaVieja. 
 
 Cativulcus takes up arms against 
 the Romans at the instigation of 
 Indutiomarus, G-. v. 24; poisons 
 himself, vi. 31. 
 
 Cato of Utica, the source of his 
 hatred to Caesar, C. i. 4; made 
 praetor of Sicily, prepares for war, 
 and abdicates his province, 30 ; 
 excites young Pompey to war, 
 A 22 ; sends a reinforcement to 
 
 Scipio, 36 ; kills himself, and is 
 honorably buried by the Uticans, 
 88. 
 
 Caturiges, an ancient people of Gaul, 
 inhabiting the country ofEmbrun, 
 or Ambrun, or Ghagres; oppose 
 Cassar's passage over the Alps, G. 
 i. 10. 
 
 Cavalry, their institution and man- 
 ner of fighting among the Ger- 
 mans, G. i. 48. iv. 2 ; and among 
 the Spaniards, H. 15. 
 
 Cavarillus taken and brought before 
 Caesar, G. vii. 62. 
 
 Cavarinus, the Senones attempt to 
 assassinate him, G. v. 54 ; Caesar 
 orders him to attend him with the 
 cavalry of the Senones, vi. 5. 
 
 Gehenna Mons, the mountains of 
 the Cevennes, in Gaul, separating 
 the Helvians from Auvergne. 
 
 Celeja, a city of Noricum Mediter- 
 ranean, now Cilley. 
 
 Celtse, a people of Thrace, about 
 the mountains of Rhodope and 
 Haemus. 
 
 Celtae, an ancient people of Gaul, in 
 that part called Gallia Comata, 
 between the Garumna (Garonne) 
 and Sequana (Seine), from whom 
 that country was likewise called 
 Gallia Celtica. They were the 
 most powerful of the three great 
 nations that inhabited Gaul, and 
 are supposed to be the original 
 inhabitants of that extensive 
 country. It is generally supposed 
 that they called themselves Gail, 
 or Gael, out of which name the 
 Greeks formed their KeArat, and 
 the Romans Galli. Some, how- 
 ever, deduce the name from tho 
 Gaelic " Ceilt," an inhabitant of 
 the forest. 
 
 Celtiberi, an ancient people of 
 Spain, descended from the Celtee, 
 who settled about the River Ibe- 
 rus, or Ebro, from whom the 
 country was called Celtiberia,now 
 Arragon ; Afranius obliges them 
 to furnish a supply of troops, C. 
 i. 38.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 551 
 
 Celtillus, the father of Vercingetorix, 
 assassinated by the Arverni, G. 
 vii. 4. 
 
 Cenimagni, or Iceni, an ancient 
 people of Britain, inhabiting the 
 counties of Suffolk, Norfolk, Cam- 
 bridgeshire, and Huntingdonshire. 
 
 Cenis Mons, that part of the Alps 
 which separates Savoy from 
 Piedmont. 
 
 Cenni, an ancient people of Celtic 
 extraction. 
 
 Cenomani, a people of Gallia Celtica, 
 in the country now called Le 
 Manseau, adjoining to that of the 
 Insubres. 
 
 Centrones, an ancient people of 
 Flanders, about the city of Cour- 
 tray, dependent on the Nervians. 
 
 Centrones, an ancient people of Gaul, 
 inhabiting the country of Taran- 
 taise. 
 
 Cerauni Montes, Mountains of Epi- 
 rus, Monti di Chimera. 
 
 Cercina, an island on the coast of 
 Africa, Chercara, Cercare. 
 
 Cevennes, mountains ofj Caesar 
 passes them in the midst of win- 
 ter, though covered with snow 
 six feet deep, G. vii. 8. 
 
 Chara, a root which served to sup- 
 port Caesar's army in extreme 
 necessity, C. iii. 48; manner of 
 preparing it, ibid. 
 
 Chariots, manner of fighting with 
 them among the Britons, G. iv. 
 33; dexterity of the British 
 charioteers, ibid. ; chariots armed 
 with scythes in Pharnaces' army, 
 A. 75. 
 
 Cherronesus, a peninsula of Africa, 
 near Alexandria. 
 
 Chersonesus Cimbrica, a peninsula 
 on the Baltic, now Jutland, part of 
 ffolstein, Ditmarsh, and Sleswic. 
 
 Cherusci, a great and warlike people 
 of ancient Germany, between the 
 Elbe and the "Weser, about the 
 country now called Mansfield, 
 part of the duchy of Brunswick, 
 and the dioceses ofHildesheim and 
 ffalberstadt. The Cherusci, under 
 
 the command of Arminius (Her- 
 mann), lured the unfortunate 
 Varus into the wilds of the Saltus 
 Teutoburgiensis (Tutinger Wold), 
 where they massacred him and 
 his whole army. They were 
 afterward defeated by Germani- 
 cus, who, on his march through 
 the forest so fatal to his country- 
 men, found the bones of the 
 legions where they had been left 
 to blanch by their barbarian con- 
 queror. See Tacitus's account of 
 the march of the Roman Legions 
 through the German forests, 
 Annals, b. i. c. 71. 
 
 Cicero, Quintus, attacked in his 
 winter quarters by Ambiorix, G. 
 v. 39 ; informs Caesar of his dis- 
 tress, who marches to relieve him, 
 46; attacked unexpectedly by 
 the Sigambri, who are neverthe- 
 less obliged to retire, vi. 36. 
 
 Cimbri, the Juttanders, a very ancient 
 northern people, who inhabited 
 Chersonesus Cimbrica. 
 
 Cinga, a river of Spain, G+ica, of 
 Senga. 
 
 Cingetorix, the leader of one of the 
 factions among the Treviri, and 
 firmly attached to Cassar, G. v. 3 ; 
 declared a public enemy, and his 
 goods confiscated by Indutioma- 
 rus, 56. 
 
 Cingulum, a town of Picenum, in 
 Italy, Gingoli. 
 
 Cirta, a town in Africa, Oonstantina, 
 or Consantina, al. Tadel. 
 
 Cleopatra, engaged in a war with 
 her brother Ptolemy, C. iii. 103; 
 she and her younger brother made 
 king and queen of Egypt, A. 33. 
 
 Clodius.sent by Caesar to Scipio, to 
 treat about a peace, but without 
 effect, C. iii. 90. 
 
 Clupea, a maritime city of Africa, 
 
 Clusinas, a centurion, dismissed 
 from Caesar's army with ignominy, 
 Af. 54, 
 
 Cocasates, a people of Gaul, accord- 
 ing to some tho Bazadois.
 
 552 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Cselius Rufus raises a sedition in 
 Rome, C. iiL 20 ; is expelled that 
 city, then joins with Milo, 21 ; ho 
 is killed, 22. 
 
 Coimbra, an ancient city of Portu- 
 gal, once destroyed, but now re- 
 built, on the river Mendego. 
 
 Colchis, a country in Asia, near 
 Pontus, including the present 
 Mingrelia and Georgia. 
 
 Comana Pontica, a city of Asia 
 Minor, Com, or Tabachzan. 
 
 Comana of Cappadocia^ Arminacha. 
 
 Comius sent by Caesar into Britain, 
 to dispose the British states to 
 submit, G. iv. 21 ; persuades the 
 Bellovaci to furnish their contin- 
 gent to the relief of Alesia, vii. 76 ; 
 his distrust of the Romans, occa- 
 sioned by an attempt to assassi- 
 nate him, viii. 23 ; harasses the 
 Romans greatly, and intercepts 
 their convoys, 47 ; attacks Volu- 
 senus Quadratus, and runs him 
 through the thigh, 48 ; submits to 
 Antony, on condition of not ap- 
 pearijg in the presence of any 
 Roman, ibid. 
 
 Compsa, a city of Italy, Conza, or 
 Consa. 
 
 Concordia, an ancient city of the 
 province of Triuli, in Italy, now 
 in ruins. 
 
 Condrusi, or Condrusones,an ancient 
 people of Belgium, dependent on 
 the Treviri, whose country is now 
 called Condrotz, between Liege 
 and Namur. 
 
 Conetodunus heads the Carnutes in 
 their revolt from the Romans, and 
 the massacre at Genabum, G.vii.3. 
 
 Confluens Mosse et Rheni. The con- 
 fluence of the Meuse and Rhine, 
 or the point where the Meuse 
 joins the Vahalis, or Waal, which 
 little river branches out from the 
 Rhine. 
 
 Considlus, his cruel treatment of a 
 messenger sent to him with a 
 letter by Plancus, Af. 4; slain by 
 the Getulians for the sake of his 
 treasure, 93. 
 
 Convictolitanis, a division on his 
 account among the ./Eduans, C. 
 viL 32 ; Caesar confirms his elec- 
 tion to the supreme magistracy, 
 33; he persuades Litavicus and 
 his brothers to rebel, 37. 
 
 Corcyra, an island of Epirus, Corfu. 
 
 Corduba, a city of Hispania Bastica, 
 Cordova; Csesar summons the 
 leading men of the several states 
 of Spain to attend him there, C. 
 ii. 19; transactions of that assem- 
 bly, 21; Csesar lays siege to it, 
 and obliges it to surrender, H. 34. 
 
 Corf mium, a town belonging to the 
 Peligni, in Italy Si. Pelino, al. 
 Pentina; Csesar lays siege to it, 
 C. i. 16; and obliges it to surren- 
 der, 24. 
 
 Corinth, a famous and rich city of 
 Achaia, in Greece, in the middlo 
 of the Isthmus going into Pelo- 
 ponnesus. 
 
 Corneliana Castra, a city of Africa, 
 between Carthage and Utica. 
 
 Cornificius, Q. maintains Caesar's 
 cause in Illyricum with great 
 success, A. 42. 
 
 Correus, general of the Bellovaci, 
 with six thousand foot, and a 
 thousand horse, lies in ambush 
 for the Roman foragers, and at- 
 tacks the Roman cavalry with a 
 small party, but is routed and 
 killed, G. viii. 19. 
 
 Corsica, a considerable island in the 
 Mediterranean Sea, near Sardinia, 
 which still retains its name. 
 
 Cor->num, a city of Calabria^ in Italy, 
 
 Cotta, L. Arunculeius, dissents from 
 Sabinus in relation to the advice 
 given them by Ambiorix, G. v. 
 28 ; his behavior when attacked 
 by the Gauls, 33 ; is slain, with 
 the great part of his men, after a 
 brave resistance, 37. 
 
 Cotuatus and Conetodunus massacre 
 all the Roman merchants at Ge- 
 nabum, G. vii. 3. 
 
 Cotus, a division on his account 
 among tho jEduans, G. vii. 32 ;
 
 INDEX. 
 
 553 
 
 obliged to desist from his preten- 
 sions to the supreme magistracy, 
 33. 
 
 Crassus, P. his expedition into 
 Aquitaine, G. iii. 20 ; reduces the 
 Sotiates, 22; and other states, 
 obliging them to give hostages, 
 27. 
 
 Crastmus, his character, and courage 
 at the battle of Pharsalia, C. iii. 
 91 ; where he is killed, 99. 
 
 Cremona, an ancient city of Gallia 
 Cisalpina, which retains its name 
 to this day, and is the metropolis 
 of the Cremonese, in Italy. 
 
 Crete, one of the noblest islands in 
 the Mediterranean Sea,now called 
 Candid. 
 
 Crispus, C. Salustius, makes himself 
 master of Cercina, and sends a 
 great quantity of corn thence to 
 Caesar's camp, Af, 77. 
 
 Critognatus, his extraordinary 
 speech and proposal to the gar- 
 rison of Alesia, G. vii. 77. 
 
 Curio obliges Cato to abandon the 
 defense of Cicily, C. i. 30 ; sails 
 for Africa, and successfully at- 
 tacks Varus, ii. 25 ; his speech to 
 revive the courage of his men, 
 32 ; defeats Varus, 34 ; giving too 
 easy credit to a piece of false 
 intelligence, is cut off with his 
 whole army, 42. 
 
 Curiosolitae, a people of Gaul, in- 
 habiting Cornoualle, in Bretagne. 
 
 Cyclades, islands in the JEgean Sea, 
 L'Isole deW Archipelago. 
 
 Cyprus, an island in the Mediterra- 
 nean Sea, between Syria'' and 
 Cilicia, Cipro. 
 
 Gyrene, an ancient and once a fine 
 city of Africa, situate over against 
 Matapan, the most southern Cape 
 of Morea, Cairoan. 
 
 Cyzlcus, Atraki, formerly one of the 
 largest cities of Asia Minor, in an 
 island of the same name, in the 
 Black Sea. 
 
 Dacia, an ancient country of Scy- i 
 thia, beyond the Danube, contain- ' 
 
 24 
 
 ing part ot Hungary, Transylvania, 
 Wallachia, and Moldavia. 
 
 Dalmatia, a part of Illyricum, now 
 called Sclavonia, lying between 
 Croatia, Bosnia, Servia, and the 
 Adriatic Gulf. 
 
 Danubius, the largest riyer in 
 Europe, which rises in the Black 
 Forest, and after flowing through 
 that country, Bavaria, Austria, 
 Hungary, Servia, Bulgaria, Mol- 
 davia, and Bessarabia, receiving 
 in its course a great number of 
 noted rivers, some say sixty, and 
 120 minor streams, falls into the 
 Black or Euxine Sea, in two arms. 
 
 Dardania, the ancient name of a 
 country in Upper Mcesia, which 
 became afterward a part of 
 Dacia ; /fascia, and part of Servia. 
 
 Decetia, a town in Gaul, Decise, on 
 the Loire. 
 
 Deiotarus, complains to Domitius 
 Calvinus of the hostilities com- 
 mitted by Pharnaces, A. 34 ; ad- 
 dresses Caesar in suppliant terms 
 and obtains pardon, 68. 
 
 Delphi, a city of Achaia, Delpho, &L 
 Salona. 
 
 Delta, a very considerable province 
 of Egypt, at the mouth of the 
 Nile, Errif. 
 
 Diablintes, an ancient people of 
 Gaul, inhabiting the country call- 
 ed Le Perche; al. Diableres, in 
 Bretagne ; al. Lintes of Brabant ; 
 al. Lendoul, over against Britain. 
 
 Didius, pursues young Pompey, who 
 is slain, and his head brought to 
 Caesar, H. 37 ; he falls into an 
 ambuscade, and is killed, 40. 
 
 Divitiacus, the ^Eduan, his attach- 
 ment to the Eomans and Csar, 
 G. i. 19; Caesar, for his sake, par- 
 dons his brother Dumnorix, ibid. ; 
 he complains to Caesar, in behalf 
 of the rest of the Gauls, of the 
 cruelty of Ariovistus, 31 ; marches 
 against the Bellovaci create a di- 
 version in favor of Caesar, ii. 10 ; 
 intercedes for the Bellovaci, and 
 obtains their pardon from Caesar
 
 554 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 14 ; goes to Rome to implore aid 
 of the senate, but without elect, 
 vi. 12. 
 
 Domitius Ahcnobarbus, besieged by 
 Caesar in Corfinium, writes to 
 Pompey for assistance, C. i. 15; 
 seized by his own troops, who 
 offer to deliver him up to Caasar, 
 20 ; Cesar's generous behavior 
 toward him, 23 ; he enters Mar- 
 seilles, and is intrusted with the 
 supreme command, 36 ; is defeat- 
 ed in a sea-fight by Decimus Bru- 
 tus, 58 ; escapes with great diffi- 
 culty a little before the surrender 
 of Marseilles, ii. 22. 
 
 Domitius Calvinus sent by Caesar 
 into Macedonia, comes very op- 
 portunely to the relief of Cassius 
 Longinus, C. iii. 34 ; gains several 
 advantages over Scipio, 32 ; is 
 unsuccessful against Pharnaces in 
 Armenia, A. 34. 
 
 Drapes, in conjunction with Luteri- 
 us, seizes Uxellodunum, G. viii. 
 30 ; his camp Fto/mcd, and him- 
 self made prisoner, 29; he starves 
 himself, 44. 
 
 Druids, priests so called, greatly es- 
 teemed in Gaul, and possessed of 
 many valuable privileges, G. vi. 
 13. 
 
 Dubis, a river of Burgundy, Le 
 Doux. 
 
 Dumnacus besieges Duracius in 
 Limonum, G. viii. 26 ; is defeated 
 by Fabius, 27. 
 
 Dumnorix, the brother of Divitia- 
 cus, his character, G. i. 15; per- 
 suades the noblemen of Gaul not 
 to go with Caesar into Britain, v. 
 6; deserts, and is killed for his 
 obstinacy, 6. 
 
 Duracius besieged in Limonum by 
 Dumnacus, general of the Andes, 
 G. viii. 26. 
 
 Durocortorum, a city of Gaul, 
 Rheims. 
 
 Dyrrhachium, a city of Macedonia, 
 Durazzo, Drazzi ; Caisar endeav- 
 ors to inclose Pompey within his 
 lines near that place, C. iii. 41. 
 
 Eburones, an ancient people of Ger- 
 many, inhabiting part of the 
 country, now the bishopric of 
 Liege, and the county of Namur. 
 Caesar takes severe vengeance on 
 them for their perfidy, G. vi. 34,35. 
 
 Eburovlces, a people of Gaul, inhab- 
 iting the country of Evreux, in 
 Normandy; they massacre their 
 senate, and join with Viridovix, 
 G. iii. 17. 
 
 Egypt, see JEgypt. 
 
 Elaver, a river of Gaul, the Allier. 
 
 Elephants, the way of exercising 
 and training them, Af. 27 ; sur- 
 prising courage of a soldier at- 
 tacked by one, Af. 84. 
 
 Eleuteti Cadurci, a branch of the 
 Cadurci, in Aquitania. They are 
 called in many editions, Eleutheri 
 Cadurci, but incorrectly, since 
 Eleutheri is a term of Greek 
 origin, and besides could hardly 
 bo applied to a Gallic tribe like 
 the Eleuteti, who, in place of 
 being free (ehevdepoi) seem to 
 have been clients of the Arverni ; 
 they furnish troops to the relief 
 of Alesia, G. vii. 75. 
 
 Elis, a city of Peloponnesus, Seh"'- 
 dere. 
 
 Elusates, an ancient people of Gaul, 
 inhabiting the country of Euse, in 
 Gascony. 
 
 Ephesus, an ancient and celebrated 
 city of Asia Minor, Efeso; the 
 temple of Diana there in danger 
 of being stripped, G. iii. 32. 
 
 Epidaurus, a maritime city of Dal- 
 matia, Ragusa. 
 
 Epirus, a country in Greece,between 
 Macedonia, Achaia, and the Io- 
 nian Sea, by some now called 
 Albania inferior. 
 
 Eporedorix treacherously revolts 
 from Caesar, G. vii. 54. 
 
 Essui, a people of Gaul ; the word 
 seems to be a corruption from 
 jEdui, G. v. 24. 
 
 Etesian winds detain Caesar at Alex- 
 andria, which involves him in a 
 new war, C. iii. 107.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 555 
 
 Euphranor, admiral of the Rhodian 
 
 fleet, his valor and magnanimity, 
 
 A. 15. 
 Eusubii, corrupted from Unetti, or 
 
 Lexovii, properly the people of 
 
 Lisieux, in Normandy. 
 
 Fabius, C. one of Caesar's lieuten- 
 ants, sent into Spain, with three 
 legions, 0. i. 37 ; builds two 
 bridges over the Segre for the 
 convenience of foraging, 40. 
 
 Fanum, a city of Umbria in Italy, 
 Fano, G. i. 11. 
 
 Faustus Sylla, his death, Af. 95. 
 
 Fortune, her wonderful power and 
 influence in matters of war, G. 
 vi. 30. 
 
 Faesulae, Fiesoli, an ancient city of 
 Italy, in the duchy of Florence, 
 anciently one of the twelve con- 
 siderable cities of Etruria. 
 
 Flavum, anciently reckoned the 
 eastern mouth of the Rhine, now 
 called the Ulie, and is a passage 
 out of the Zuyder Sea into the 
 North Sea 
 
 Gabali, an ancient people of Gaul, 
 inhabiting the country of Givau- 
 dan. Their chief city was Andui- 
 tum, now Mende, G. vii. 64 ; they 
 join the general confederacy of 
 Vercingetorix, and give hostages 
 to Luterius, G. vii. 7. 
 
 Gabimus, one of Caesar's lieutenants, 
 receives a considerable loss in 
 Illyricum, A. 42. 
 
 Gades, Cadiz, an ancient and con- 
 siderable city of Spain, H. 37. 
 
 Gaditani, the people of Gades, C. 
 11, 18. 
 
 Galatia, a country in Asia Minor, 
 lying between Cappadocia, Pon- 
 tus, and Paphlagonia, now called 
 Ohiangare. 
 
 Galba Sergius, sent against the Nan- 
 tuates, Veragrians, .and Seduni, 
 G. iii. 1 ; the barbarians attack 
 his camp unexpectedly, but are 
 repulsed with great loss, iii. 6. 
 
 Galli, the Gauls, the people of an- 
 
 cient Gaul, now France; their 
 country preferable to that of the 
 Germans, Gr. L 31 ; their manner 
 of attacking towns, ii. 6 ; of great- 
 er stature than the Romans, 30 ; 
 quick and hasty in their resolves, 
 iii. 8 ; forward in undertaking 
 wars, but soon fainting under 
 misfortunes, 19; their manners, 
 chiefs, druids, discipline, cavalry, 
 religion, origin, marriages, and 
 funerals, vi. 13 ; their country 
 geographically described, i. 1. 
 
 Gallia, the ancient and renowned 
 country of Gaul, now France. It 
 was divided by the Romans into 
 
 Gallia Cisalpma, Tonsa, or Togata, 
 now Lombardy, between the Alps 
 and the river Rubicon : and 
 
 Gallia Transalpina, or Comata, com- 
 prehending France, Holland, the 
 Netherlands: and further subdi- 
 vided into 
 
 Gallia Belgica, now a part of Lower 
 Germany, and the Netherlands, 
 with Picardy ; divided by Augus- 
 tus, into Belgica and Germania ; 
 and the latter into Prima and 
 Secunda. 
 
 Gallia Celtica, now France properly 
 so called, divided by Augustus, 
 into Lugdunensis, and Rothoma- 
 gensis. 
 
 Gallia Aquitanica, now Gascony; 
 divided by Augustus, into Prima, 
 Secunda, and Tertia : and 
 
 Gallia Narbonensis, or Braccata, 
 now Languedoc, Dauphiny, and 
 Provence. 
 
 Gallogrsecia, a country of Asia 
 Minor, the same as Galatia. 
 
 Ganymedes, made commander of 
 the Egyptian army, A. 4 ; irritates 
 the people by his tyrannical be- 
 havior, 23. 
 
 Garites, a people of Gaul, inhabiting 
 the country now called Gavre, 
 Gavaraan. 
 
 Garoceli, or Graioceli, an ancient 
 people of Gaul, about Mount 
 Genis, or Mount Genevre ; others 
 place them in the Val de Gorienne r
 
 55C 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 they oppose Crcsar's passage over 
 the Alps, G. i. 10. 
 
 Garumna, the Garonne i one of tho 
 largest rivers of France, which, 
 rising in the Pyrennees, flows 
 through Guienne, forms the vast 
 Bay of Garonne, and falls, by two 
 mouths, into the British Sens. 
 The Garonne is navigable as far 
 as Toulouse, and communicates 
 with the Mediterranean by means 
 of the great canal, G. i. 1. 
 
 Garumni, an ancient people of Gaul, 
 in the neighborhood of the Ga- 
 ronne, G. iii. 27. 
 
 Geldura, a fortress of tho Ubii, on 
 the Rhine, not improbably tho 
 present village of Gelb, on that 
 river eleven German miles from 
 Nens. 
 
 Genabum, Orleans, an ancient town 
 of Gaul, famous for the massacre 
 of the Roman citizens committed 
 there by the Carnutes. 
 
 Geneva, a city of Savoy, now a free 
 republic, upon the borders of 
 Helvetia, where the Rhone issues 
 from the Lake Lemanus, ancient- 
 ly a city of the Allobroges. 
 
 Genusus, a river of Macedonia, un- 
 certain. 
 
 Gergovia, the name of two cities in 
 ancient Gaul, the one belonging 
 to the Boii, the other to the Ar- 
 verni. The latter was the only 
 Gallic city which baffled the at- 
 tacks of Csesar. 
 
 of the Averni, Vercinge- 
 
 torix expelled thence by Gobani- 
 tio, G. vii. 4 ; the Romans attack- 
 ing it eagerly, are repulsed with 
 great slaughter, 50. 
 
 of tho Boii, besieged in 
 
 vain by Vercingetorix, G. vii 9. 
 Germania, Germany, one of the 
 largest countries of Europe, and 
 the mother of those nations which, 
 on the fall of the Roman empire, 
 conquered all the rest. The name 
 appears to be derived from wer, 
 war, and man, a man, and signifies 
 the country of warlike men. 
 
 Germans, babituated from their in- 
 fancy to arms, G. i. 36 ; their 
 manner of training, their cavalry, 
 48; their superstition, 50; de- 
 feated by Caasar, 53 ; their man- 
 ners, religion, vi. 23; their hugo 
 stature and strength, G. i. 39. 
 
 Getse, an ancient people of Scythia, 
 who inhabited betwixt Mcesia 
 and Dacia, on each side of tho 
 Danube. Some think their coun- 
 try the same with the present 
 IVallachia, or Moldavia. 
 
 Getuli desert in great numbers from 
 Scipio to Csesar, Af. 35. 
 
 Getulia, a province in the kingdom 
 of Morocco, in Barbary. 
 
 Gomphi, a town in Thessaly, Gonfi, 
 refusing to open its gates to Caesar, 
 is stormed and taken, C. iii. 80. 
 
 Gorduni, a people of Belgium, the 
 ancient inhabitants of Ghent, ac- 
 cording to others of Courtray ; 
 they join with Ambiorix in his 
 attack of Cicero's camp, v. 39. 
 
 Gotini, an ancient people of Ger- 
 many, who were driven out of 
 their country by Maroboduus. 
 
 Graecia, Greece, a large part of Eu- 
 rope, called by the Turks Romc- 
 lia, containing many countries, 
 provinces, and islands, once tho 
 nursery of arts, learning, and 
 sciences. 
 
 Graioceli; see Garoceli. 
 
 Grudii, the inhabitants about Lou- 
 vaine, or, according to some, about 
 Bruges ; they join with Ambiorix 
 in his attack of Cicero's camp, G. 
 v. 39. 
 
 Gugerni, a people of ancient Ger- 
 many, who dwelt on the right 
 banks of the Rhine, between tho 
 Ubii and the Batavi. 
 
 Guttones, or Gythones, an ancient 
 people of Germany, inhabiting 
 about the Vistula. 
 
 Hsemus, a mountain dividing Massia 
 
 and Thrace, Argentaro, 
 Haliacmon, a river of Macedonia, 
 
 uncertain ; Scipio leaves Favoniua
 
 INDEX. 
 
 557 
 
 with orders to build a fort on 
 that river, C. iii. 36. 
 
 Harudea, or Harudi, a people of 
 Gallia Celtica, supposed to have 
 been originally Germans ; and by 
 some to have inhabited the coun- 
 try about Constance. 
 
 Helvetia, Switzerland, now divided 
 into thirteen cantons. 
 
 Helvetii, the Helvetians, or Sivitzers, 
 ancient inhabitants of the country 
 of Switzerland ; the most warlike 
 people of Gaul, G. i. 1 ; their de- 
 sign of abandoning their own 
 country, i; attacked with consid- 
 erable loss near the river Saone, 
 12 ; vanquished and obliged to 
 return home by Caesar, 26. 
 
 Helvii, an ancient people of Gaul, 
 inhabiting the country now pos- 
 sessed by the Vivarois; Caesar 
 marches into their territories, G. 
 vii. 7. 
 
 Heraclea, a city of Thrace, on the 
 Euxine Sea, Pantiro. 
 
 Sentica, a town in Mace- 
 donia, Chesia. 
 
 Hercynia Silva, the Hercinian Forest, 
 the largest forest of ancient Ger- 
 many, being reckoned by Caesar 
 to have been sixty days' journey 
 in length, and nine in breadth. 
 Many parts of it have been since 
 cut down, and many are yet re- 
 maining; of which, among others, 
 is that called the Slack Forest; 
 its prodigious extent, G. vi. 4. 
 
 Hermanduri, an ancient people of 
 Germany, particularly in the 
 country now called Misnia, in 
 Upper Saxony ; though they pos- 
 sessed a much larger tract of land, 
 according to some, all Bohemia. 
 
 Hermimus Mons, a mountain of 
 Lusitania, Monte Armlno ; accord- 
 ing to others, Monte detta Stretta. 
 
 Heruli, an ancient northern people, 
 who came first out of Scandavia, 
 but afterward inhabited the 
 country now called MecUenburg 
 in Lower Saxony, toward the 
 Baltic. 
 
 Hibernia, Ireland, a considerable 
 island to the west of Great Bri- 
 tain, G. v. 13. 
 
 Hippo, B&na, a city of the province 
 of Constantino, in the kingdom of 
 Tunis, in Africa, upon -the Medi- 
 terranean ; Scipio attacked by P. 
 Sitius, perishes there, A 96. 
 
 Hispalis, a city of Hispania Bactica, 
 Seville ; Caesar makes himself 
 master of it, H. 35. 
 
 Hispania, Spain, one of the most 
 considerable kingdoms in Europe, 
 divided by the ancients into Tar- 
 raconensis, Bsetica, and Lusitania. 
 This name appears to be derived 
 from the Phoenician Saphan, a 
 rabbit, vast numbers of these ani- 
 mals being found there by the 
 Phoenician colonists. 
 
 Iberus, a river of Hispania Terra- 
 conensis, the Ebro, G. L 60. 
 
 Iccius, or Itius Portus, a sea-port 
 town of ancient Gaul ; Boulogne, 
 or, according to others, Calais. 
 
 Igilium, an island in the Tuscan Sea, 
 il Giglio, F2sle du Lys. 
 
 Iguvium, a city of Umbria in Italy, 
 Gubio; it forsakes Pompey, and 
 submits to Caesar, C. i. 12. 
 
 Ilerda, a city of Catalonia, in Spain, 
 now called Lerida, on the Segre. 
 
 Illurgavonenses, a people of Hispa- 
 nia Tarraconensis, near the Ibe- 
 rus. They submit to Caesar, and 
 supply him with corn, C. i. 60. 
 
 Illyricum, formerly the country be- 
 tween Pannonia to the north, and 
 the Adriatic Sea to the south, 
 divided into Liburnia and Dal- 
 matia. It is now chiefly compre- 
 hended under Dalmatia and Scla- 
 vonia, and bordered by Pannonia, 
 Istria, Macedonia, and the Adri- 
 atic Gulf; almost wholly under 
 the respective dominions of the 
 Venetians and the Turks. Gabi- 
 nius receives a considerable check 
 there, A. 42. 
 
 Illurgis, a town of Hispania Erotica, 
 lllcra.
 
 558 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Indutiomarus, at the head of a con- 
 siderable faction among the Tre- 
 viri, G. v. 3 ; endeavoring to 
 make himself master of Labienus's 
 camp, is repulsed and slain, 53. 
 
 Isara, the. Iscre, a river of France, 
 which rises in Savoy, and falls 
 into the Rhone above Valance. 
 
 Isauria, a province anciently of Asia 
 Minor, now a part of Caramania, 
 and subject to the Turks. 
 
 Issa (an island of the Adriatic Sea, 
 Lissd), revolts from Caesar at the 
 instigation of Octavius, C. iii. 9. 
 
 Ister, that part of the Danube which 
 passed by Illyricum. 
 
 Istria, a country now in Italy, under 
 the Venetians, bordering on Illy- 
 ricum, so called from the river 
 Ister. 
 
 Istropolis, a city of Lower Moesia, 
 near the south entrance of the 
 Danube, Prostraviza. 
 
 Italia, Italy, one of the most famous 
 countries of Europe, once the seat 
 of the Roman empire, now under 
 several princes, and free common- 
 wealths. 
 
 Italica, a city of Hispania Bsetica, 
 Servila la Veja; according to 
 others, Alcala del Rio ; shuts its 
 gates against Verro, C. ii. 20. 
 
 Itius Portus, Cassar embarks there 
 for Britain, Gr. v. 5. 
 
 Ituraea, a country of Palestine, 
 Sacar. 
 
 Jacetani, or Lacetani, a people of 
 Spain, near the Pyrensean Moun- 
 tains; revolt from Afranius and 
 submit to Caesar, C. L 60. 
 
 Jadertini, a people so called from 
 their capital, Jadera, a city of 
 Illyricum, Zara. 
 
 Juba, king of Numidia, strongly at- 
 tached to Pompey, C. ii. 25 ; ad- 
 vances with a large army to the 
 relief ofUtica, 36; detaches a part 
 of his troops to sustain Sabura, 
 40 ; defeats Cario, ii. 42 ; his 
 cruelty, ii. 44 ; brings thirty ele- 
 phants to Scipio, Af. 25; fills 
 
 Csesar's troops with great terror, 
 but subsequently becomes con- 
 temptible, Af. 48 ; his death, Af. 
 94. 
 
 Jura, a mountain in Gallia Belgica, 
 which separated the Sequani from 
 the Helvetians, most of which is 
 now called Mount St. Claude. 
 The name appears to be derived 
 from the Celtic, jou-rag, which 
 signifies the "domain of God;" 
 the boundary of the Helvetians 
 toward the Sequani, G. i. 2. 
 
 Labienus, one of Caesar's lieuten- 
 ants, is attacked in his camp, G. 
 v. 58. vi. 6; his stratagem, G. 
 vii. 60 ; battle with the Gauls, G. 
 vii. 59 ; is solicited by Caesar's 
 enemies to join their party, G. 
 viii. 52 ; built the town of Cingu- 
 lun, C. i. 15 ; swears to follow 
 Pompey, C. iii. 13 ; his dispute 
 with Valerius about a peace, C. 
 iii. 19 ; his cruelty toward Cae- 
 sar's followers, C. iii. 71; flatters 
 Pompey, C. iii. 87 : insulting con- 
 duct toward Cajsar's soldiers, Af. 
 16, 50 ; he lays an ambuscade for 
 Caesar, Af. 50 ; but fails, Af. 66 ; 
 his death, H. 31. 
 
 Lacus Benacus, Lago di Guardo, 
 situated in the north of Italy, be- 
 tween Verona, Brescia, and Trent. 
 Lemanus, the Lake upon 
 
 which Geneva stands, formed by 
 the river Rhone, between Switzer- 
 land to the north, and Savoy to 
 the south, commonly called the 
 Lake of Geneva, G. i. 2, 8. 
 
 Larinates, the people of Larinum, a 
 city of Italy, Larino ; C. i. 23. 
 
 Larissa, the principal city of Thea- 
 saly, a province of Macedonia, on 
 the river Peneo. 
 
 Latmi, the inhabitants of Latium, 
 an ancient part of Italy, whence 
 the Latin tongue is so called. 
 
 Latobrigi, a people of Gallia Bel- 
 gica, between the Allobroges and 
 Helvetii, in the country called 
 Lausanne; abandon their country,
 
 INDEX. 
 
 559 
 
 G. i. 5 ; return, G. L 28 ; their 
 number, G. i. 29. 
 
 Lemnos, an island in the JEgean 
 Sea, now called Stalimane. 
 
 Lemovices, an ancient people of 
 Gaul, le Limosin, vii. 4. 
 
 Lemovices Armorici, the people of 
 St. Paul de Leon. 
 
 Lenium, a town in Lusitania, un- 
 known. 
 
 Lentulus Marcellmus, the quaestor, 
 one of Caesar's followers, C.iiL 62. 
 
 Lentulus and Marcellus the consuls, 
 Caesar's enemies, G. viii. 50 ; leave 
 Rome through fear of Caesar, C. 
 L 14. 
 
 Lenunciili, fishing-boats, C. ii. 43. 
 
 Lepldus, proconsul, is called to his 
 assistance by Cassius, A. 59. 
 
 Lepontii, a people of the Alps, near 
 the valley of Leventini, G. iv. 10. 
 
 Leptis, a town in Africa, Lebeda, or 
 Lepeda ; a free state, Af. 7 ; La- 
 bienus endeavors to storm this 
 town, AC 29; the fines imposed 
 on the inhabitants, Af. 97. 
 
 Leuci, a people of Gallia Belgica, 
 where now Lorrain is, well skilled 
 in darting. Their chief city is now 
 called Toul, G. L 40. 
 
 Levaci, a people of Brabant, not far 
 from Louvain, whose chief town 
 is now called Leew ; dependents 
 on the Nervii, G. v. 39. 
 
 Lex, law of the JEdui respecting the 
 election of magistrates, G. vii 33. 
 
 Julian law, C. ii. 14. 
 
 the Pompeian law respecting 
 bribery, C. iii. 1. 
 
 two Caelian laws, C. iii. 20, 21. 
 
 Lexovii, an ancient people of Gaul, 
 Lisieux in Normandy, G. iii. 11,17. 
 
 Liberty of the Gauls, G. iii. 8 ; the 
 desire of, G. v. 27 ; the sweetness 
 of, G. iii. 10 ; the incitement to, 
 G. viL 76 ; C. i. 47. 
 
 Libertini, freedmen levied for war, 
 Af. 19. 
 
 Libo, praefect of Pompey's fleet, C. 
 iii. 5 ; converses with Caesar at 
 Oricum, C. iii. 16 ; takes posses- 
 sion of the Island at Brundisium, 
 
 C. iii. 23 ; threatens the partisans 
 of Caesar, C. iii. 24 ; withdraws 
 from Brundisium, ibid. 
 
 Liburni, an ancient people of Illyri- 
 cum, inhabiting part of the pres- 
 ent Croatia, 
 
 Ligarius Publius ordered to be put 
 to death by Caesar, Af. 64. 
 
 Liger, or Ligeris, the Loire, one of 
 the greatest and most celebrated 
 rivers of France, said to receive 
 one hundred and twelve rivers in 
 its course; it rises in Velay, and 
 falls into the Bay of Aquitain, be- 
 low Nantz, G. iii. 5. 
 
 Liguria, a part of ancient Italy, ex- 
 tending from the Appenines to 
 the Tuscan Sea, containing f^r- 
 rara, and the territories of Genoa. 
 
 Lilybeum, the most western promon- 
 tory of the island of Sicily, where 
 stood a city of the same name, 
 now Capo Boco, Af. 37. 
 
 Limo, or Limonum, a city of ancient 
 Gaul, Poitiers. 
 
 Lingones, a people of Gallia Belgica, 
 inhabiting in and about Ldngres, 
 in Champagne, G. i. 26, 40. 
 
 Liscus, one of the -<Edui, accuses 
 Dumnorix to Caesar, G. i. 16, 17. 
 
 Lissus, an ancient city of Macedonia, 
 Alessio. 
 
 Litavicus, one of the ^dui, G. viL 
 37; his treachery and flight, G. 
 vii. 38. 
 
 Lucani, an ancient people of Italy, 
 inhabiting the country now called 
 Basilicate. 
 
 Luceria, an ancient city of Italy, 
 Lucera. 
 
 Lucretius Vespillo, one of Pompey's 
 followers, C. iii. 7. 
 
 Lucterius, or Laterlus, one of the 
 Cadurci, vii. 5, 7. 
 
 Lusitania, Portugal, a kingdom on 
 the west of Spain, formerly a part 
 of it. 
 
 Lusitanians, light-armed troops, C. 
 i. 48 ; besiege Hispalis, H. 36. 
 
 Lutetia, Paris, an ancient and fa- 
 mous city, now the capital of all 
 France, on the river Seine.
 
 560 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Lygii, an ancient people of Upper 
 Germany, who inhabited the 
 country now called Silesia, and 
 on the borders of Poland. 
 
 Macedonia, a largo country, of great 
 antiquity and fame, containing 
 several provinces, now under the 
 Turks. 
 
 Macedonian cavalry among Pom- 
 pey's troops, C. iii. 4. 
 
 Majotis Palus, a vast lake in the 
 north part of Scythia, now called 
 Marbianco, or Mare della Tana. 
 It is about six hundred miles in 
 compass, and the river Tanais 
 disembogues itself into it. 
 
 Magetobria, or Amagetobria, a city 
 of Gaul, near which Ariovistus 
 defeated the combined forces of 
 the Gauls. It is supposed to 
 correspond to the modern Moigte 
 de Broie, near the village of Pon- 
 tailler. 
 
 Malaca, a city of Hispania Baetiea, 
 Malaya, A. 64. 
 
 Malcus, king of the Nabathsei, A. 1. 
 
 Mandubli,an ancient people of Gaul, 
 rAnxois, in Burgundy; their fam- 
 ine and misery, G. vii. 78. 
 
 Mandubratius, a Briton, G. v. 20. 
 
 Manilius, a Tusculan, A. 53. 
 
 Marcellus, Caesar's enemy, G. viii. 53. 
 
 Marcius Crispus, is sent for a pro- 
 tection to the inhabitants of 
 Thabena. 
 
 Marcomanni, a nation of the Suevi, 
 whom Cluverius places between 
 the Rhine, the Danube, and the 
 Neckar; who settled, however, 
 under Maroboduus, in Bohemia 
 and Moravia. The name Mar- 
 comanni signifies border-men, 
 Germans, G. i. 51. 
 
 Marruclni, an ancient people of 
 Italy, inhabiting the country now 
 called Abruzzo, C. L 23 ; ii. 34. 
 
 Mars, G. vL 17. 
 
 Marsi, an ancient people of Italy, 
 inhabiting the country now called 
 Ducato de Marsi, C. ii. 27. 
 
 Massilia, Marseilles, a largo and 
 
 flourishing city of Provence, in 
 France, on the Mediterranean, 
 said to be very ancient, and, ac- 
 cording to some, built by the 
 Phoenicians, but as Justin will 
 have it, by the Phoca3ans, in tho 
 time of Tarquinius, king of Rome. 
 Massilienses, the inhabitants of 
 
 Marseilles, C. i. 34-36. 
 Matisco, an ancient city of Gaul, 
 
 Mascon, G. vii. 90. 
 Matrona, a river in Gaul, the Alame, 
 
 G. i. 1. 
 Mauri, Af. 7. 
 
 ! Mauritania, Barbary, an extensive 
 
 region of Africa, divided into M. 
 
 Caesariensis, Tingitana, and Sito- 
 
 fensis. 
 
 Mazaca, a city of Cappadocia, Tisa- 
 
 ria, A. 66. 
 
 Mediomatrices, a people of Lorrain, 
 on the Moselle, about the city of 
 Mentz, G. iv. 10. 
 
 Mediterranean Sea, the first discov- 
 ered sea in the world, still very 
 famous, and much frequented, 
 which breaks in from the Atlantic 
 Ocean, between Spain and Africa, 
 by the straits of Gibraltar, or 
 Hercules' Pillar, the ne plus ultra. 
 of the ancients. 
 Medobrega, a city of Lusitania, 
 
 Armenna, A. 48. 
 
 Meldae, according to some, the peo- 
 ple of Meaux ; but more probably 
 corrupted from Belgce. 
 Melodunum, an ancient city of Gaul, 
 upon the Seine, above Paris, 
 Melun, G. vii. 58, 60. 
 Menapii, an ancient people of Gallia 
 Belgica, who inhabited on both 
 sides of the Rhine. Some take 
 them for the inhabitants of Cleves, 
 and others of Antwerp, Ghent, etc. 
 G. ii. 4 ; iiL 9. 
 Menedemus, C. iii. 34. 
 Mercurius, G. v. 17. 
 Mesopotamia, a large country in the 
 middle of Asia,between the Tigris 
 and the Euphrates, Diarbeck. 
 Messala, Af. 88. 
 Messana, an ancient and celebrated
 
 INDEX. 
 
 561 
 
 city of Sicily, still known by the 
 name of Messina, C. iii. 101. 
 
 Metaurus, a river of Umbria, now 
 called Metoro, in the duchy of 
 Urbino. 
 
 Metiosedum, an ancient city of Gaul, 
 on the Seine, below Paris, Corbeil, 
 . G. vii. 61. 
 
 Metropolis, a city of Thessaly, be- 
 tween Pharsalus and Gomphi, C. 
 iii. 11. 
 
 Milo, C. iii. 21. 
 
 Minerva, G. vi. 12. 
 
 Minutius Ilufus, C. iii. T. 
 
 Minutius Silo, A. 62. 
 
 Mithridates, A. 26, 27. 
 
 Mitylene, a city of Lesbos, Metelin. 
 
 Moesia, a country of Europe, and a 
 province of the ancient Illyricum, 
 bordering on Pannonia, divided 
 into the Upper, containing Bosnia 
 and Servia, and the Lower, called 
 Bulgaria. 
 
 Mona, in Caesar, the Isle of Man ; in 
 Ptolemy, Anglesey, G. v. 13. 
 
 Monomachia, H. 25. 
 
 Morlni, an ancient people of the 
 Low Countries, who probably in- 
 habited on the present coast of 
 Bologne, on the confines of Picar- 
 dy and Artois, because Caesar 
 observes that from their country 
 was the nearest passage to Brit- 
 ain, G. ii. 4. 
 
 Moritasgus, G. v. 54. 
 
 Mosa, the Maese, or Meuse, a large 
 river of Gallia Belgica, which falls 
 into the German Ocean below the 
 Briel, G. iv. 10. 
 
 Mosella, the MoseUe, a river which 
 running through Lorraine, passes 
 by Triers and falls into the Rhine 
 at Coblentz, famous for the vines 
 growing in the neighborhood of it. 
 
 Munatius Plancus, A. 52. 
 
 Munda, an ancient city of Spain, 
 Munda; al. Ronda la Veja. It was 
 on the plains of Munda that Cae- 
 sar fought his last battle against 
 the sons of Pompey, and defeated 
 them after an obstinate engage- 
 ment, H. 32. 
 
 24* 
 
 Mysia, a country of Asia Minor, not 
 far from the Hellespont, divided 
 into Major and Minor. 
 
 Nabathaeia, an ancient people of 
 Arabia, uncertain. 
 
 Nannetes, an ancient people of Gaul, 
 inhabiting the country about 
 Nantes, G. iii. 9. 
 
 Nantuates, an ancient people of the 
 north part of Savoy, whose coun- 
 try is now called Lo Chablais, G. 
 iii. 1. 
 
 Narbo, Narbonne, an ancient Roman 
 city in Languedoc, in France, said 
 to be built a hundred and thirty- 
 eight years before the birth of 
 Christ, G. iii. 20. 
 
 Narisci, the ancient people of the 
 country now called Nortgow, in 
 Germany, the capital of which is 
 the famous city of Nuremburg. 
 
 Nasidius, Af. 64. 
 
 Nasua, the brother of Cimberius, and 
 commander of the hundred can- 
 tons of the Suevi, who encamped 
 on the banks of the Rhine with 
 the intention of crossing that 
 river, G. i. 37. 
 
 Naupactus, an ancient and con- 
 siderable city of ^EtoUa, now 
 called Lepanto, C. iii. 35. 
 
 Neapolis, a city of Italy, which still 
 retains the name of Naples, Af. 2. 
 
 Neapolis, a city of Africa, between 
 Clupea and Adrumetum, now 
 called Napoli, Af. 2. 
 
 Nemetes, a people of ancient Ger- 
 many, about the city of Spire, on 
 the Rhine, G. i. 51. 
 
 Nemetocenna, a town of Belgium, 
 not known for certain ; according 
 to some, Arras, G. viii. 47. 
 
 Neocajsarea, the capital of Fonts, 
 on the river Licus, now called 
 Tocat. 
 
 Nervii, an ancient people of Gallia 
 Belgica, thought to have dwelt 
 in the now diocese of Cambray. 
 They attack Caesar on his march, 
 and fought until they were almost 
 annihilated, G. ii. 17.
 
 562 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Nessus, or Nestus, a river in Thrace, 
 Nesto. 
 
 Nicaea, a city of Bithynia, now call- 
 ed Isnick, famous for the first 
 general council, anno 324, against 
 Arianism. 
 
 Nicomedes, A. 66. 
 
 Nicopolis, a city of Armenia the 
 Less, Gianich; likewise of Bul- 
 garia, at the confluence of the 
 Isacar and the Danube, common- 
 ly called Nigeboli, A. 36. 
 
 Nilus, the Nik, a river of Egypt, 
 famous for its annual overflow, 
 A. 5. 
 
 Nitobriges, an ancient people of 
 Gaul, whoso territory lay on 
 either side of the Garonne, and 
 corresponding to the modern 
 Agennois, in tho department of 
 Lot-et-Garonne. Their capital 
 was Agrimum, now Agen, G. vii. 
 1, 31, 46, 75. 
 
 Noreia, a city on the borders of 
 Illyricum, in the province of Sty- 
 ria, near the modern village of 
 Newmarket, about nine German 
 miles from Aquileia, G. i. 5. 
 
 Noricae Alpos, that part of the Alps, 
 which were in, or bordering upon, 
 Noricum. 
 
 Noricum, anciently a large country, 
 and now comprehending a great 
 part of Austria, Styria, Carinthia, 
 part of Tyrol, Bavaria, etc., and 
 divided into Noricum, Mediterra- 
 neum and Ripense. It was first 
 conquered by the Romans under 
 Tiberius, in the reign of Augus- 
 tus, and was celebrated for its 
 mineral treasures, especially iron. 
 
 Noviodunum Belgarum, an ancient 
 city of Belgic Gaul, now called 
 Noyon. 
 
 Noviodunum Biturlgum, Neuvy, or 
 Neufvy, G. vii. 12. 
 
 Noviodunum _<Eduorum. Nevers, G. 
 vii. 55. 
 
 Noviodunum Suessionum, Soissons, 
 al. Noyon, G. ii. 12. 
 
 Noviomagum, Spire, an ancient city 
 of Germany, in the now upper 
 
 circle of the Rhino, and on that 
 river. 
 
 Numantia, a celebrated city of an- 
 cient Spain, famous for a gallant 
 resistance against the Romans, in 
 a siege of fourteen years, Almasan. 
 
 Numeius, G. i. 7. 
 
 Numidse, the inhabitants of, G. ii. 7. 
 
 Numidia, an ancient and celebrated 
 kingdom of Africa, bordering on 
 Mauritania; Algiers, Tunis, Tri- 
 poli, etc. 
 
 Nymphasum, a promontory of Illy- 
 ricum, exposed to the south wind, 
 and distant about three miles 
 from Lissus, Alessio, C. iii. 26. 
 
 Obucula, a town in Hispania-Bseti- 
 
 ca, uncertain, A. 57. 
 Ocelum, a town situated among tho 
 
 Cottian Alps,Usseau in Piedmont, 
 
 G. i. 10. 
 
 Octavius, C. iii. 9. 
 Octodurus, a town belonging to tho 
 
 Veragrians, among the Pennine 
 
 Alps, now Martigny in tho Valois, 
 
 G. iii. 1. 
 Octogesa, a city of Hispania Tarra- 
 
 conensis, Mequinenza, C. i. 61. 
 Ollovico, G. vii. 31. 
 Oppius, Af. 68. 
 Orchomenus, a town in Boeotia, 
 
 Orcome.no, C. iii. 55. 
 Orcynia, the name given by Greek 
 
 writers to the Hercynian Forest. 
 OrgetorLx, G. i. 2, 3. 
 Oricum, a town in Epirus, Oreo, or 
 
 Orcha, C. iii. ii. 12. 
 Oscenses, the people of Osca, a town 
 
 in Hispania Tarraconensis, now 
 
 Huescar, C. i. 60. 
 Osismii, an ancient people of Gaul, 
 
 one of the Gentes Armoricse. 
 
 Then* country occupied part of 
 
 Neodron Brittany; capital Vor- 
 
 ganium, afterward Osismii, and 
 
 now Korbez. In this territory 
 
 also stood Brivatas Portus, now 
 
 Brest, G. i. 34. 
 Otacilii, C. iii. 28. 
 
 Pacidius, Af. 78.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 563 
 
 Padus, the Po, the largest river in 
 Italy, which rises in Piedmont, 
 and dividing Lombardy into two 
 parts, falls into the Adriatic Sea, 
 by many mouths, south of Venice. 
 
 Paemani, an ancient people of Gallia 
 Belgica ; according to some, those 
 of Luxemburg; according to 
 others, the people of Pemont, 
 near the Black Forest, in part of 
 the modern Lugen, G. ii. 4. 
 
 Palaepharsalus, A. 48. 
 
 Palaeste, a town in Epirus, near 
 Oricum. 
 
 Pannoma, a very large country in 
 the ancient division of Europe, 
 divided into the Upper and Low- 
 er, and comprehended betwixt 
 Ulyricum, the Danube, and the 
 mountains Cethi. 
 
 Parada, a town in Africa, not far 
 from Utica, Af. 87. 
 
 Paraetonium, a maritime city of Af- 
 rica, Alberion, A. 8. 
 
 Parian, an ancient people of Gaul, 
 inhabiting the country now call- 
 ed the Isle of France. Their capi- 
 tal was Lutetia, afterward Pari- 
 sii, now Paris, G. vi. 3. 
 
 Parthia, a country in Asia, lying 
 between Media, Caramania, and 
 the Hyrcanian Sea. 
 
 Parthians at war with Rome,C.iii.31. 
 
 Parthini, a people of Macedonia; 
 their chief city taken by storm, 
 C. iii. 41. 
 
 Peligni, a people of Italy in Apruzzo, 
 C. i. 15. 
 
 Peloponnesus, the Morea, a famous, 
 large, and fruitful peninsula of 
 Greece, now belonging to the 
 Venetians. 
 
 Pelusium, an ancient and celebrated 
 city of Egypt, Belbais ; Pompey 
 goes to it, C. iii. 103 ; taken by 
 Mithridates. 
 
 Pergamus, an ancient and famous 
 city of Mysia, Pergamo. 
 
 Perinthus, a city of Thrace, about 
 a day's journey west of Constan- 
 tinople, now in a decaying condi- 
 tion, and called Heracka. 
 
 Persia, one of the largest, most 
 ancient, and celebrated kingdoms 
 of Asia. 
 
 Petra, an ancient city of Macedonia, 
 uncertain. 
 
 Petreius, one of Pompey's lieuten- 
 ants, C. i. 38 ; is wounded, Af. 
 19; killed, Af. 94. 
 
 Petrogorii, a country in Gaul, east 
 of the mouth of the Garumna; 
 their chief city was Vesuna, after- 
 ward Petrocorii, now Perigueux, 
 the capital of Perigord. 
 
 Peiicini, the inhabitants of the 
 islands of Peuce, one of the 
 mouths of the Danube. . 
 
 Pharnaces invades the Roman ter- 
 ritories, A. 31. 
 
 Pharsalia, a part of Thessaly, famous 
 for the battle between Caesar and 
 Pompey, which decided the fete 
 of the Roman commonwealth. 
 
 Pharus, an isle facing the port of 
 Alexandria in ancient Egypt; 
 Parian. 
 
 Phasis, a large river in Colchis, now 
 called Fasso, which flows into the 
 Euxine Sea. 
 
 Phflippi, a city of Macedonia, on the 
 confines of Thrace, Filippo. 
 
 Phfllppopolis, a city of Thrace, near 
 the river Hebrus, Filippopoli. ~ 
 
 Phrygia, two countries in Asia 
 Minor, one called Major, the other 
 Minor. 
 
 PIcenum, an ancient district of Italy, 
 lying eastward of Umbria ; the 
 March of Ancona; according to 
 others, Piscara. 
 
 Picti, Picts, an ancient barbarous 
 northern people, who, by inter- 
 marriages became, in course of 
 time, one nation with the Scots ; 
 but are originally supposed to 
 have come out of Denmark or 
 Scythia, to the Isles of Orkney, 
 and from thence into Scotland. 
 
 Pictones, an ancient people of Gaul, 
 along the southern bank of the 
 Liger, or Loire. Their capital 
 was Limonum, afterward Pic- 
 tones, now Paitross, in the de-
 
 564 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 partment ck la Vienne, G. iii. 
 11. 
 
 Pirustae, an ancient people of Dal- 
 inatia, Illyricum, on the confines 
 of Pamonia. They are the same 
 as the Pyraci of Pliny (H. N. iii. 
 22), G. v. 1. 
 
 Pisaurum, a city of Umbria in Italy, 
 Pisaro. 
 
 Piso, an Aquitanian, slain, G. iv. 12. 
 
 Placentia, an ancient city of Gallia 
 Cisalpina, near the Po, now the 
 metropolis of the duchy of Pia- 
 cenza, which name it also bears. 
 
 Pleumosi, an ancient people of 
 , Gallia Belgica, subject to the 
 Kervians, and inhabiting near 
 Tournay. 
 
 Pompey, at first friendly to Caesar, 
 G. vi. 1 ; subsequently estranged, 
 G. viii. 53 ; could not bear an 
 equal, C. i. 32 ; his authority, 
 power, and influence, C. L 61 ; 
 sends ambassadors to Csesar, C. 
 i. 8, 10 ; always received great 
 respect from Cassar, C. i. 9 ; Csesar 
 desires to bring him to an engage- 
 ment, C. iii. 66 ; his unfortunate 
 flight, C. iii. 15, 94, 102 ; bis death, 
 C. iii. 6, 7. 
 
 Pompeius Rufus, his danger, Af. 85. 
 
 Potnponius, C. iii. 101. 
 
 Pontus, an ancient kingdom of Asia 
 Minor, between Bithynia and Pa- 
 phlagonia upon the Euxine Sea ; 
 Caesar takes it, A. 77 ; Pharnaces 
 seizes it, A. 41. 
 
 Pontus Euxinus, the Euxine, or 
 Black Sea, from the -iEgean along 
 the Hellespont, to the Mteotic 
 Lake, between Europe and Asia. 
 
 Posthumiana Castra, an ancient 
 town in Hispania Baetica, now 
 called Castro el Rio. 
 
 Pothinus, king\ Ptolemy's tutor, C. 
 iii. 108; his death, C. iii. 112. 
 
 Praeciani, an ancient people of Gaul, 
 Precius; they surrendered to the 
 Romans, G. iii. 27. 
 
 Provincia Romana, or Romanorum, 
 one of the southern provinces of 
 France, the first the Romans con- 
 
 quered and brought into the form 
 of a province, whence it obtained 
 its name ; which it still, in some 
 degree, retains, being called at 
 this day, Provence. It extended 
 from the Pyrenees to the Alps, 
 along the coast. Provence is only 
 part of the ancient Provincia, 
 which in its full extent included 
 the departments of Pyrenees- 
 Orientales, I'Arriuge, Ande, Haute 
 Garonne, Tarn, Herault, Gard, 
 Vaucluse, Bouches - du - Rhone, 
 Var, Basses- Alpes, Hautes-Alpes, 
 La Drome, 1'Isere, 1'Ain. 
 
 Prusa, or Prusas, JBursa, a city of 
 Bithynia, at the foot of Olympus, 
 built by Hannibal. 
 
 Ptolemaeius, Cassar interferes be- 
 tween him and Cleopatra, G. iii. 
 107; his father's will, C. iii. 108 ; 
 Caesar takes the royal youth into 
 his power, C. iii. 109 ; his feigned 
 tears, A. 24; his death, A. 31. 
 
 Ptolemais, an ancient city of Africa, 
 Si. Jean a" Acre. 
 
 Publius Attius Varus, one of Pom- 
 pey's generals, C. ii. 23. 
 
 Publius Attius, a Roman knight, 
 taken prisoner by Cassar, Af. 68 ; 
 pardoned, ibid. 89. 
 
 Pyrenaei Montes, the Pyrenees, or 
 Pyrenean mountains, one of the 
 largest chains of mountains in 
 Europe, which divide Spain from 
 France, running from east to 
 west eighty-five leagues in length. 
 The name is derived from the 
 Celtic Pyren or Pyrn, a high 
 mountain, hence also Brenner, in 
 the Tyrol. 
 
 Ravenna, a very ancient city of 
 Italy, near the coast of the Adri- 
 atic Gulf, which still retains its 
 ancient name. In the decline of 
 the Roman empire, it was some- 
 times the seat of the emperors of 
 the "West ; as it was likewise of 
 the Visi-Gothic kingdom, C. i. 5. 
 
 Rauraci, a people of ancient Ger- 
 many, near the Helvetii, who
 
 INDEX. 
 
 565 
 
 inhabited near where Basle in 
 Switzerland now is ; they unite 
 with the Helvelii, and leave 
 home, G. L 5. 29. 
 
 Rebilus, one of Caesar's lieutenants, 
 a man of great military experi- 
 ence, C. ii. 34. 
 
 Remi, the people of Rheims, a very 
 ancient, fine, and populous city of 
 Prance, in the province of Cham- 
 pagne, on the river Vesle; sur- 
 render to Caesar, G. ii. 3 ; their 
 influence and power with Caesar, 
 G. v. 54 ; vi. 64 ; they fall into 
 an ambuscade of the Bellovaci, 
 G. viii. 12. 
 
 Rhedones, an ancient people of 
 Gaul, inhabiting about Rennes, in 
 Bretagne ; they surrender to the 
 Romans, G. ii. 34. 
 
 Rhaetia, the country of the Orisons, 
 on the Alps, near the Hercynian 
 Forest. 
 
 Rhenus, the Rhine, a large and fa- 
 mous river in Germany, which it 
 formerly divided from Gaul. It 
 springs out of the Rhaetian Alps, 
 in the western borders of Switz- 
 erland, and the northern of the 
 Grisons, from two springs which 
 unite near Coire, and falls into the 
 Mouse and the German Ocean, 
 by two mouths, whence Virgil 
 calls it Rhenus bicornis. It passes 
 through Lacus Brigantinus, or the 
 Lake of Constance, and Lacus 
 Acronius, or the Lake of Zell, and 
 then continues its westerly direc- 
 tion to Basle (Basiliae). It then 
 bends northward, and separates 
 Germany from France, and furth- 
 er down, Germany from Belgium. 
 At Schenk, the Rhine sends off 
 its left-hand branch, the Vahalis 
 ("Waal), by a western course to 
 join the Mosa or Meuse. The 
 Rhine then flows on a few miles, 
 and again separates into two 
 branches the one to the right 
 called the Flevo, or Flevus, or 
 Flevum now the Yssal, and the 
 other called the Helium, now the 
 
 Leek. The latter joins the Mosa 
 above Rotterdam. The Yssel was 
 first connected with the Rhine by 
 the canal of Drusus. It passed 
 through the small lake of Flevo 
 before reaching the sea which 
 became expanded into what is 
 now called the Zuyder Zee by 
 increase of water through the 
 Yssel from the Rhine. The whole 
 course of the Rhine is nine hun- 
 dred miles, of which six hundred 
 and thirty are navigable from 
 Basle to the sea, G. iv. 10, 16, 
 17; vi. 9, etc.; description of it, 
 G. iv. 10. 
 
 Rhodanus, the Rhone, one of the 
 most celebrated rivers of France, 
 which rises from a double spring 
 in Mont do la Fourche, a part of 
 the Alps, on the borders of Swit- 
 zerland, near the springs of the 
 Rhine. It passes through the 
 Lacus Lomanus, Lake of Geneva, 
 and flows with a swift and rapid 
 current in a southern direction 
 into the Sinus Gallicus, or Gulf of 
 Lyons. Its whole course is about 
 four hundred miles. 
 
 Rhodope, a famous mountain of 
 Thrace, now called Valiza. 
 
 Rhodus, Rhodes, a celebrated island 
 in the Mediterranean, upon the 
 coast of Asia Minor, over against 
 Cania. 
 
 Rhyndagus, a river of Mysia in Asia, 
 which falls into the Propontis. 
 
 Roma, Rome, once the seat of the 
 Roman empire, and the capital 
 of the then known world, now the 
 immediate capital of Camagna di 
 Roma only, on the river Tiber, 
 and the papal seat ; generally 
 supposed to have been built by 
 Romulus, in the first year of the 
 seventh Olympiad, B.C. 753. 
 
 Roscillus and ^Egus, brothers be- 
 longing to the Allobroges, revolt 
 from Caesar to Pompey, C. iii. 
 59. 
 
 Roxolani, a people of Scythia Eu- 
 ropaca, bordering upon the Alani ;
 
 566 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 their country, anciently called 
 Roxolonia, is now Red Russia. 
 
 Ruspina, an ancient maritime city 
 of Africa, Souse, one of the first 
 to embrace the party of Csesar, 
 Af. 6. 
 
 Ruteni, an ancient people of Gaul, 
 to the north-west of the Volcas 
 Arecomici, occupying the district 
 now called Le Rauergne. Their 
 capital was Segodunum, after- 
 ward Ruteni, now Rhodes, G. i. 
 45; vii. 7, etc. 
 
 Sabis, the Sambre, a river of the 
 Low Countries, which rises in 
 Picardy, and falls into the Meuse 
 at Namur, G. ii. 16, 18 ; vi. 33. 
 
 Sabura, general of king Juba, C. ii. 
 38 ; his stratagem against Curio, 
 C. ii. 40 ; his death, C. ii. 95. 
 
 Sadales, the son of king Cotys, brings 
 forces to Pompey, C. iii. 4. 
 
 Saguntum, taken, H. 10. 
 
 Salassii, an ancient city of Pied- 
 mont, whose chief town was 
 where now Aosta is situate. 
 
 Sallust's actions at Cacina, Af. 8. 
 
 Salluvii, Sallyes, a people of Gallia 
 Narbonensis, about where Aix 
 now is. 
 
 Salona, an ancient city of Dalmatia, 
 and a Roman colony ; the place 
 where Dioclesian was born, and 
 whither he retreated, after he had 
 resigned the imperial dignity. 
 
 Salsus, a river of Hispania Baetica, 
 Rio Salado, or Guadojos. 
 
 Samarobriva, Amiens, an ancient 
 city of Gallia Belgica, enlarged 
 and beautified by the emperor 
 Antoninus Pius, now Amicus, 
 the chief city of Picardy, on the 
 river Somme ; assembly of the 
 Gauls held there, G. v. 24. 
 
 Santones, the ancient inhabitants of 
 Guienne, or Xantoigne, G. i. 10. 
 
 Sardinia, a large island in the Medi- 
 terranean, which in the time of 
 . the Romans had forty-two cities, 
 it now belongs to the Duke of 
 Savoy, with the title of king. 
 
 Sarmatia, a very large northern 
 country, divided into Sarmatia 
 Asiatica, containing Tartary, Pe- 
 tigora, Gircassia, and the country 
 of the Morduitce ; and Sarmatia 
 Europaja, containing Russia, part 
 of Poland, Prussia, and Lithuania. 
 
 Sarsura, a town in Africa, unknown, 
 Af. 75. 
 
 Savus, the Save, a large river which 
 rises in Upper Carniola, and falls 
 into the Danube at Belgrade. 
 
 Scseva, one of Caesar's centurions, 
 displays remarkable valor, C. iii. 
 53 ; his shield is pierced in two 
 hundred and thirty places. 
 
 Scaldis, the Scheld, a noted river in 
 the Low Countries, which rises in 
 Picardy, and washing several of 
 the principal cities of Flanders 
 and Brabant, in its course, falls 
 into the German Ocean by two 
 mouths, one retaining its own 
 name, and the other called the 
 Honte. Its whole course does not 
 exceed a hundred and twenty 
 miles, G. vi. 33. 
 
 Scandinavia, anciently a vast north- 
 ern peninsula, containing what is 
 yet called Schonen, anciently 
 Scania, belonging to Denmark ; 
 and part of Sweden, Norway, and 
 Lapland. 
 
 Scipio, by king Juba's order changes 
 his garment, Af. 57 ; trains ele- 
 phants for battle, Af. 27 ; his 
 opinion of Pompey and Ctesar, C. 
 i. 1, 21 ; his flight, C. iii. 37; his 
 defeat, Af. 52. 
 
 Sedulius, general of the Lemovlces ; 
 his death, G. vii. 38. 
 
 Seduni, a people of Gaul, to the 
 south-east of the Lake of Geneva, 
 occupying the upper part of tho 
 Valais. Their chief town was 
 Civitus Sedunorum, now Sion, G. 
 iii. 1. 
 
 Sedusii, an ancient people of Ger- 
 many on the borders of Suabia, 
 G. i. 51. 
 
 Segni, an ancient German nation, 
 neighbors of the Condmsi,Zulpich.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 567 
 
 Segontiaci, a people of ancient 
 Britain, inhabiting about Holshot, 
 in Hampshire, G-. v. 21. 
 
 Segovia, a city of Hispania Baetica, 
 Sagovia la Menos. 
 
 Segusiani, a people of Gallia Celtica, 
 about where Lionois Forest is now 
 situate. 
 
 Senones, an ancient nation of the 
 Celtae, inhabiting the country 
 about the Senonois, in Gaul. 
 
 Sequana, the Seine, one of the prin- 
 cipal rivers of France, which, 
 rising in the duchy of Burgundy, 
 not far from a town of the same 
 name, and running through Paris, 
 and by Rouen, forms at Candebec 
 a great arm of the sea. 
 
 Sequani, an ancient people of Gallia 
 Belgica, inhabiting the country 
 now called the tranche Comti, or 
 the Upper Burgundy; they bring 
 the Germans into Gaul, G. vi. 12 ; 
 lose the chief power, ibid. 
 
 Servilius, the consul, C. iii. 21. 
 
 Sesuvii, an ancient people of Gaul, 
 inhabiting about Seez ; they sur- 
 render to the Romans, G. ii. 34. 
 
 Sextus Bibaculus, sick in the camp, 
 G. vi. 38 ; fights bravely against 
 the enemy, ibid. 
 
 Sextus Caesar, C. ii. 20 ; afriend and 
 relation of Julius Caesar, A. 66. 
 
 Sextus Pompeius, son of the great 
 Pompey, H. 3 ; seeks assistance 
 from his brother Cneius Pompey, 
 H. 4. 
 
 Sextus, Quintilius Varus, quaestor, 
 C. L 23 ; C. ii. 28. 
 
 Sibuzates,an ancient people of Gaul, 
 inhabiting the country around the 
 Adour ; they surrender to the 
 Romans, G. iii. 27. 
 
 Sicilia. Sicily, a large island in the 
 Tyrrhene Sea, at the south-west 
 point of Italy, formerly called the 
 storehouse of the Roman empire, 
 it was the first province the Ro- 
 mans possessed out of Italy, C. 
 i. 30. 
 
 Sicoris, a river in Catalonia, the 
 Segre. 
 
 Sigambri, or Sicambri, an ancient 
 people of Lower Germany, be- 
 tween the Maese and the Rhino, 
 where Cuelderland is ; though by 
 some placed on the banks of the 
 Maine, G. iv. 18. 
 
 Silicensis, a river of Hispania Baeti- 
 ca, Rio de las Algamidas. Others 
 think it a corruption from Singuli. 
 
 Sinuessa, a city of Campania, not far 
 from the Save, an ancient Roman 
 colony, now in a ruinous condi- 
 tion ; Rocca di Mondragone. 
 
 Sitius, one of Caesar's officers. He 
 invades the territory of Juba, 
 Af. 36. 
 
 Soldurii, G. iii. 22. 
 
 Soricaria, a city of ancient Spain, 
 unknown. 
 
 Soritia, an ancient town in Spain, 
 unknown, H. 27. 
 
 Sotiates, or Sontiates, an ancient 
 people of Gaul, inhabiting the 
 country about Aire; conquered 
 by Caesar Aquillus, G. iii. 20, 21. 
 
 Sparta, a city of Peloponnesus, now 
 called Mucithra, said to be as an- 
 cient as the days of the patriarch 
 Jacob. 
 
 Spoletium, Spoleto, a city of great 
 antiquity, of Umbria, in Italy, the 
 capital of a duchy of the same 
 name, on the river Tesino, where 
 are yet some stately ruins of an- 
 cient Roman and Gothic edifices. 
 
 Statius Marcus, one of Caesar's lieu- 
 tenants, C. iii. 15. 
 
 Suesslones, an ancient people of 
 Gaul, ks Soissanois; a kindred 
 tribe with the Remi, G. ii. 3 ; sur- 
 render to Caesar, G. iiL 13. 
 
 Suevi, an ancient, great, and war- 
 like people of Germany, who pos- 
 sessed the greatest part of it, from 
 the Rhine to the Elbe, but after- 
 ward removed from the northern 
 parts, and settled about the Dan- 
 ube ; and some marched into 
 Spain, where they established a 
 kingdom, the greatest nation in 
 Germany, G. i. 37, 51, 54; hold 
 a levy against the Romans, &. iv.
 
 668 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 19; the Germans say that not 
 even the gods are a match for 
 them, G. iii. 7 ; the Ubii pay them 
 tribute, G. iv. 4. 
 
 Sulcitani, an ancient people of Sar- 
 dinia, unknown, Af. 98. 
 
 Sulmo, an ancient city of Italy, 
 Sulmona; its inhabitants declare 
 in favor of Caesar, C. i. 18. 
 
 Sulpicius, one of Caesar's lieutenants, 
 stationed among the ./Edui, C. i. 
 74. 
 
 Supplications decreed in favor of 
 Caesar on several occasions, G. ii. 
 15; ibid. 35; iv. 38. 
 
 Suras, one of the ^Eduan nobles, 
 taken prisoner, G. viii. 45. 
 
 Sylla, though a most merciless ty- 
 rant, left to the tribunes the right 
 of giving protection, C. L 5, 73. 
 
 Syracusse, Saragusa, once one of 
 the noblest cities of Sicily, said to 
 have been built by Archias, a 
 Corinthian, above seven hundred 
 years before Christ. The Romans 
 besieged and took it during the 
 second Punic war, on which oc- 
 casion the great Archimedes was 
 ^killed. 
 
 Syria, a large country of Asia, con- 
 taining several provinces, now 
 called Souristan ; affairs in it, A. 
 65. 
 
 Syrtes, the Deserts of Barbary ; also 
 two dangerous sandy gulfs in the 
 Mediterranean, upon the coast of 
 Barbary, in Africa, called the one 
 Syrtis Magna, now the Gulf of 
 Sidra; the other Syrtia Parva, 
 now the G-ulf of Capes. 
 
 Tamesis, the Thames, a celebrated 
 and well-known river of Great 
 Britain ; Caesar crosses it, v. 18. 
 
 Tanais, the Don, a very large river 
 in Scythia, dividing Asia from 
 Europe. It rises in the province 
 of Resan, in Russia, and flowing 
 through Crim-Tartary, runs into 
 the Masotic Lake, near a city of 
 the same name, now in ruins. 
 
 Tarbelli, a people of ancient Gaul, 
 
 near the Pyrenees, inhabiting 
 about Ays and Bayonne, in the 
 country of Ldbourd; they surren- 
 der to Crassus, G. iii. 27. 
 Tarcundarius Castor, assists Pom- 
 pey with three hundred cavalry, 
 C. iii. 4. 
 
 Tarracma, an ancient city of Italy, 
 which still retains the same name. 
 Tarraco, Tarragona, a city of Spain, 
 which in ancient time gave name 
 to that part of it called Ilispania 
 Tarraconensis ; by some said to 
 be built by the Scipios, though 
 others say before the Roman con- 
 quest, and that they only enlarged 
 it. It stands on the mouth of the 
 river Tulcis, now el Fracoli, with 
 a small haven on the Mediterra- 
 nean; its inhabitants desert to 
 Caesar, C. L 21, 60. 
 Tarsus, Tarso, the metropolis of 
 Cilicia, famous for being the 
 birth-place of St. Paul, A. 66. 
 Tarusates,an ancient people of Gaul, 
 uncertain ; according to some, le 
 Teursan; they surrender to the 
 Romans, G. iii. 13, 23, 27. 
 Tasgetius, chief of the Carnutes, slain 
 
 by his countrymen, G. v. 25. 
 Taurois, a fortress of the inhabitants 
 
 of Massilia. 
 Taurus, an island in the Adriatic 
 
 Sea, unknown. 
 
 Taurus Mons, the largest mountain 
 in all Asia, extending from the 
 Indian to the ^Egean Sea, called 
 by different names in different 
 countries, viz., Imaus, Caucasus, 
 Caspius, Cerausius, and in Scrip- 
 ture, Ararat. Herbert says it is 
 fifty English miles over, and 1500 
 long. 
 
 Taximagulus, one of the four kings 
 or princes that reigned over Kent, 
 G. v. 22. 
 Tectosages, a branch of the Yolca?, 
 
 G. vi. 24. 
 
 Tegea, a city of Africa, unknown. 
 Tenchtheri, a people of ancient 
 Germany,bordering on the Rhine, 
 near Overyssel; they and the
 
 INDEX. 
 
 569 
 
 TJsipetes arrivo at the banks of 
 the Rhine, iv. 4 ; cross that river 
 by a stratagem, ibid. ; are defeat- 
 ed with great slaughter, ibid. 15. 
 
 Tergeste, a Roman colony, its in- 
 habitants in the north of Italy cut 
 off by an incursion, G. viii. 24. 
 
 Terni, an ancieut Roman colony, on 
 the river Nare, twelve miles from 
 Spoletum. 
 
 Teutomatus, king of the Nitobriges, 
 G. viL 31. 
 
 Teutones, or Teutoni, an ancient 
 people bordering on the Cimbri, 
 the common ancient name for all 
 the Germans, whence they yet 
 call themselves Teutsche, and their 
 country Teutschland ; they are re- 
 pelled from the territories of the 
 Belgae, G. ii. 4. 
 
 Thabena, a city of Africa, unknown, 
 its inhabitants implore the aid of 
 Caesar, AC 11. 
 
 Thapsus, a maritime city of Africa, 
 uncertain. 
 
 Thebes, Thebes, a city of Boeotia, in 
 Greece, said to have been built by 
 Cadmus, destroyed by Alexander 
 the Great, but rebuilt, and now 
 known by the name of Stives; 
 occupied by Kalenus, C. iii. 55. 
 
 Thermopylae, a famous pass on the 
 great mountain Oeta, leading into 
 Phocis, in Achaia, now called 
 Bocca di Lupa. 
 
 Thessaly, a country of Greece, for- 
 merly a great part of Macedonia, 
 now called Janna; in conjunction 
 with -(Etolia, sends embassadors 
 to Caesar, C. iii. 34 ; reduced by 
 Caasar, ibid. 81. 
 
 Thessalonica, a chief city of Mace- 
 donia, now called Salonichi. 
 
 Thracia, a large country of Europe, 
 eastward from Macedonia, com- 
 monly called Romania, bounded 
 by the Euxine and ^Egean Seas. 
 
 Thurii, or Turii, an ancient people 
 of Italy, Torre Brodogneto. 
 
 Tigurinus Pagus, one of the four 
 districts into which the Helvetii 
 were divided according to Caesar, 
 
 the ancient inhabitants of the 
 canton of Zurich in Switzerland, 
 cut to pieces by Caesar, G. i. 12. 
 
 Tisdra, or Tisdrus, an ancient city of 
 Africa, Cairoan; a fine imposed 
 on the inhabitants, A 97. 
 
 Titii, two brothers of that name, 
 Spaniards, coming to the assist- 
 ance of Caesar in the African war 
 are intercepted, AC 28. 
 
 Titus Ampius attempts sacrilege, 
 but is prevented, C. iii. 105. 
 
 Tolosa, Thoulouse, & city of Aqui- 
 taine, of great antiquity, the cap- 
 ital of Languedoc, on the Ga- 
 ronne. 
 
 Toxandri, an ancient people of the 
 Low Countries, about Breda, and 
 Gertruydenburg ; but according 
 to some, of the diocese of Liege. 
 
 Tralles, an ancient city of Lydia in 
 Asia Minor, Chara, C. iii. 105. 
 
 Trebonius, one of Caesar's lieuten- 
 ants, C. i. 36 ; torn down from the 
 tribunal, C. iii. 21; shows remark- 
 able industry in repairing the 
 works, C. ii. 14; and humanity, 
 C. iii. 20; made proconsul, A. 
 64. 
 
 Treviri, the people of Treves, or 
 Triers, a very ancient city of 
 Lower Germany, on the Moselle, 
 said to have been built by Tre- 
 betas, the brother of Ninus. It 
 was made a Roman colony in the 
 time of Augustus, and became 
 afterward the most famous city 
 of Gallia Belgica. It was for some 
 time the seat of the western em- 
 pire, but it is now only the seat 
 of the ecclesiastical elector named 
 from it, G. i. 37 ; surpass the rest 
 of the Gauls in cavarly, G. ii. 24; 
 solicit the Germans to assist them 
 against the Romans, G. v. 2, 55 ; 
 their bravery, G. viii. 25 ; their 
 defeat, G. vL 8 ; viL 63. 
 
 Triboci, or Triboces, of people of 
 ancient Germany, inhabiting the 
 country of Alsace, G. i. 51. 
 
 Tribunes of the soldiers and centu- 
 rions, desert to Ciesar, C. L 5.
 
 >70 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Tribunes (of tho people), flee to 
 Caesar, C. i. 5. 
 
 Trinobantes, a people of ancient 
 Britain, inhabitants of the coun- 
 ties of Middlesex and Hertford- 
 shire, G. v. 20. 
 
 Troja, Troy, a city of Phrygia, in 
 Asia Minor, near Mount Ida, des- 
 troyed by tho Greeks, after a ten 
 years' siege. 
 
 Tubero is prevented by Attius Varus 
 from landing on the African coast, 
 G. i. 31. 
 
 Tulingi, an ancient people of Ger- 
 many, who inhabited about where 
 now Stulingen in Switzerland is ; 
 border on the Helvetii, G. i. 5. 
 
 Tullius, one of Pompey's lieutenants, 
 IT. 17. 
 
 Tungri, an ancient people inhabit- 
 ing about where Tongres, in 
 Liege, now is. 
 
 Tr.'Ones, an ancient people of Gaul, 
 inhabiting about Tours. 
 
 Tusci, or Hetrusci, tho inhabitants 
 of Tuscany, a very large and con- 
 siderable region of Italy, anciently 
 called Tyrrhenia, and Etruria. 
 
 Ubii, an ancient people of Lower 
 Germany, who inhabited about 
 where Cologne and the duchy of 
 Juliers now are. They seek pro- 
 tection from the Romans against 
 the Suevi, G. iv. 3 ; tributary to 
 the Suevi, ibid. ; declare in favor 
 of Caesar, G. iv. 9, 14. 
 
 TJcubis, a town in Hispania Bsetica, 
 Lueubi, H. 8. 
 
 Ulcilles Hirrus, one of Pompey's 
 officers, C. i. 15. 
 
 Ulla, or Ulia, a town in Hispania 
 Bsetica, in regard to whose situa- 
 tion geographers are not agreed ; 
 some making it Monte Major, 
 others Vaena, others Villa. 
 
 Umbria, a large country of Italy, on 
 both sides of the Appennines. 
 
 Unelli, an ancient people of Gaul, 
 uncertain, G. ii. 34. 
 
 LTbigenus, one of the cantons of 
 Iho IMvetii, G. i. 27. 
 
 Ursao, a town of Hispania Baetica, 
 Ossuna ; strongly fortified by 
 nature, H. 41. 
 
 Usceta, a town of Africa whoso 
 situation is not known for certain. 
 
 Usipetes, an ancient people of Ger- 
 many, who frequently changed 
 their habitation. 
 
 Usita, a town unknown. 
 
 Utica, a city of Africa, famous for 
 the death of Cato ; Biserte ; feel- 
 ings of the inhabitants toward 
 Cato, Af. 88. 
 
 Uxellodunum, a town in Gaul, 
 whose situation is not known; 
 according to' some, Ussoldun ; be- 
 sieged and stormed, G. viii. 32. 
 
 Vacca, a town in Africa, unknown. 
 
 Vahalis,the Waal, the middle branch 
 of the Rhine, which, passing by 
 Nimeguen, falls into the Meuso, 
 above Gorcum, G. iv. 10. 
 
 Valerius Flaccus, one of Caesar's 
 lieutenants, C. L 30 ; his death, 
 C. iii. 53. 
 
 Valetiacus, the brother of Cotus, G. 
 vii. 32. 
 
 Vangiones, an ancient people of 
 Germany, about the city of 
 Worms, G. i. 51. 
 
 Varenus, a centurion, his bravery, 
 G. v. 44. 
 
 Varro, one of Pompey's lieutenants, 
 C. i. 38; his feelings toward Ca3- 
 sar, C. ii. 17 ; his cohorts driven 
 out by the inhabitants of Carmo- 
 na, C. ii. ID ; his surrender, C. ii. 
 20. 
 
 Varus, tho Var, a river of Italy, 
 that flows into the Mediterranean 
 Sea, C. i. 87. 
 
 Varus, one of Pompey's lieutenants, 
 his conduct in Africa, AC 64; is 
 afraid to oppose Juba, C. ii. 44 ; 
 his flight, C. ii. 34 ; his death, 
 H. 31. 
 
 Vatinius, one of Cassar's followers, 
 C. iii. 100; his bravery and vic- 
 tory over Octavius, A. 41, 46. 
 
 Velauni, an ancient people of Gaul, 
 inhabiting about Velai.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 571 
 
 Vallaunodunum,. a town in Gaul, 
 about which geographers are 
 much divided; some making it 
 Auxerre, others Chasteau Landon, 
 others Vilteneuve in Lorraine, 
 others Veron. It surrenders, G. 
 viL 11. 
 
 Velocasses, an ancient people of 
 Normandy, about Rouen, G. ii. 4. 
 
 Veneti, this name was anciently giv- 
 en as well to the Venetians, as to 
 the people of Vannes, in Bretagne, 
 in Gaul, for which last it stands 
 in Caesar. They were powerful 
 by sea, G. iii. 1 ; their senate is 
 put to death by Caesar, G. iii. 16 ; 
 they are completely defeated, 
 ibid. 15 ; and surrender, ibid. 16. 
 
 Ventisponte, a town of Spain, un- 
 known. 
 
 Veragri, a people of Gallia Lugdu- 
 nensis, whose chief town was 
 Aguanum, now St. Maurice, G. 
 iii. 1. 
 
 Verbigenus, or Urblgenus Pagus, a 
 nation or canton of the Helve- 
 tians, inhabiting the country in 
 the neighborhood of Orbe. 
 
 Vercelli Campi, the Plains of Ver- 
 cettce, famous for a victory the 
 Romans obtained there over the 
 Cimbri. The city of that name is 
 in Piedmont on the river Sesia, 
 on the borders of the duchy of 
 Milan. 
 
 Vercingetorix, the son of Celtillus, 
 receives the title of king from his 
 followers, G. vii. 4 ; his plans, G. 
 vii. 8 ; is accused of treachery, G. 
 vii. 20; his acts, G. viL 8; sur- 
 renders to Caesar, G. vii. 82. 
 
 Vergasillaunus, the Arvernian, one 
 of the Gallic leaders, G. viL 76 ; 
 taken prisoner, G. vii. 88. 
 
 Vergilius, one of Pompey's parti- 
 sans, in command of Thapsus, 
 Af. 79. 
 
 Yergobretus, the name given to the 
 chief magistrate among the JEdui, 
 G. i. 16. 
 
 Verudoctius, one of the Helvetian 
 embassy who request permission 
 
 from Caesar to pass through the 
 province, G. i. 7. 
 
 Veromandui, a people of Gallia 
 Belgica, whose country, now a 
 part of Picardy, is still called 
 Vermandois. 
 
 Verona, a city of Lombardy, the 
 capital of a province of the same 
 name, on the river Adige, said to 
 have been built by the Gauls two 
 hundred and eighty-two years 
 before Christ. It has yet several 
 remains of antiquity. 
 
 Vertico, one of the Nervii. He was 
 in Cicero's camp when it was at- 
 tacked by the Eburones, and pre- 
 vailed on a slave to carry a letter 
 to Caesar, communicating that in- 
 formation, G. v. 49. 
 
 Yertiscus, general of the Remi, G. 
 viiL 12. 
 
 Yesontio, Besanron, the capital of 
 the Sequani, now the chief city 
 of Burgundy, G. i. 38. 
 
 Vettones, a people of Spain, inhabit- 
 ing the province of JEstramadura, 
 C. L 38. 
 
 Vibo, a town in Italy, not far from 
 the Sicilian Straits, Bibona. 
 
 Vibullius Rufus, one of Pompey's 
 followers, C. i. 15. 
 
 Vienna, a city of Narbouese Gaul, 
 Vienne in Duuphiny, G. vii. 9. 
 
 Vindelici, an ancient people of Ger- 
 many, inhabitants of the country 
 of Vindelicia, otherwise called 
 Raetia secunda. 
 
 Viridomarus, a nobleman among 
 the ^Edui, G. vii. 38. 
 
 Viridorrx, king of the Unelli, G. iii. 
 17. 
 
 Vistula, the Weichsel, a famous river 
 of Poland, which rises in the 
 Carpathian mountains, in Upper 
 Silesia, and falls into the Baltic, 
 not far from Dantzic, by three 
 mouths. 
 
 Visurgis, the Weser, a river of Lower 
 Germany, which rises in Franco- 
 nia, and, among other places of 
 note, passing by Bremen, falls 
 into the German Ocean, not far
 
 572 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 from the mouth of tho Elbe, be- 
 tween that and the Ems. 
 
 Vocates, a people of Gaul, on the 
 confines of the Lapurdenses, G. 
 iii. 23. 
 
 Vocis, tho king of tho Norici, G. i. 
 58. 
 
 Yocontii, an ancient people of Gaul, 
 inhabiting about Die, in Dauphi- 
 ny, and Vaison, in the county of 
 Venisse. 
 
 Vegesus Mons, the mountain of 
 Vauge, in Lorrain, or, according 
 to others, de Faucilles, G. iv. 10. 
 
 Volcas Arecomici, and Tectosages, 
 an ancient people of Gaul, in- 
 habiting the Upper arid Lower 
 Languedoc. 
 
 Yolcfp. a powerful Gallic tribe, di- 
 vided into two branches, the 
 Tectosages and Arecomici, G. 
 vii. 7. 
 
 Volcatius Tullus, one of Caesar's 
 partisans, C. iii. 52. 
 
 Zama, a town in Africa, famous for 
 the defeat of Hannibal there by 
 Scipio, now called Zamora. Its 
 inhabitants shut the gates against 
 Juba. their king, Af. 91 ; summon 
 Cajsar to their aid, Af. 92. 
 
 Zetta, a maritime city of Africa, now 
 Zerbi, Af. 68. 
 
 Ziela, or Zela, a city of Pontus, 
 Arzila, A. 72 ; near it Triarius 
 was defeated by Hithridates.
 
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 against their utility when employed in their legitimate place. A translation of 
 an ancient writer into English, as perfectly literal as is permitted by the idioms 
 of the respective'languages, affords an invaluable aid to the instructor in the ac- 
 complishment of his arduous task. If executed with fidelity and skill, it saves 
 much time and labor in the consultation of dictionaries, and embodies the best 
 results of philological acumen and research in the shortest possible space. Pages 
 of learned commentary are thus concentrated in the rendering of a single word. 
 
 The works which it is proposed to issue are reprints from " HORN'S CLASSICAL 
 LIBRAE?," brought out uniform with the English edition, and comprising faith- 
 ful translations of the principal Greek and Latin classics. 
 
 Each work will be given without abridgment, and will include short suggestive 
 notes, adapted to the comprehension as well as the actual wants of the student 
 Copious and accurate indices will be appended to every translation. No version 
 will be adopted without ample and thorough revision, correcting its errors by the 
 lights of modern research, and placing it on a level >nth the present improved 
 state of philological learning. 
 
 This NKW CLASSICAL LIBEABT has received a cordial welcome from the whole 
 corps of American classical teachers. The important uses of such a work in their 
 daily avocations are too obvious to require discussion. Nor is the interest of 
 the series confined to teachers by profession. Every reading man, though desti- 
 tute of a knowledge of the ancient languages, feels a laudable curiosity to form 
 an acquaintance with the incomparable models of literary art which they have . 
 preserved. In the literal translations with which he is furnished by the present 
 series, he will find the information that he seeks, enabling him to comprehend 
 current classical allusions with facility, to become familiar with the true spirit 
 of the ancients, and to share in conversation and studies which presuppose a 
 knowledge of Greek and Roman antiquity. 
 
 The following Volumes are now ready : 
 
 Caesar's Commentaries on the Gallic and Civil 
 Wars : with the Supplementary Books attributed to Hirtius ; 
 including the Alexandrian, African, and Spanish Wars. Lit- 
 erally Translated, with Notes, and a very copious Index. 
 Portrait. 12mo, Muslin, 75 cents; Half Calf, $1 60. 
 
 pvAVIDSON'S VIRGIL. The Works of Virgil. Literal- 
 -*-^ ly Translated into English Prose, with Notes, by DAVIDSON. 
 A New Edition, Revised, with Additional Notes, by THEO- 
 DORE ALOIS BUCKLEY, B.A., of Christ Church. Portrait. 
 12mo, Mnslin, 75 cents; Half Calf, fl 60.
 
 w 
 
 HARPEIVS NEW CLASSICAL MBRARY. 
 
 ATSON'S SALLUST. Sallust, Florus, and Vclleius 
 Paterculus. Literally Translated, with Copious Notes and 
 General Index. By the Rev. JOHN SELBY WATSON, M.A., 
 Head Master of the Proprietary Grammar School, Stock- 
 well. Portrait. 12mo, Muslin, 75 cents ; Half Calf, $1 CO. 
 
 SMART'S HORACE. The Works of Horace. Literally 
 Translated into English Prose, by C. SMART, A.M., of Pem- 
 broke College, Cambridge. A New Edition, Revised, with a 
 copious Selection of Notes, by TIIEODOKE ALOIS BUCKLEY, 
 B.A., of Christ Church. Portrait. 12mo, Muslin, 75 cents ; 
 Half Calf, $1 GO. 
 
 YONGE'S CICERO'S ORATIONS. The Orations con- 
 tained in the Text-Books used in the Schools and College? 
 of America. Portrait. 12mo, Muslin, 75 cents ; Half Calf. 
 $1 GO. 
 
 E 
 
 DMOND'S CICERO'S OFFICES. Cicero's Three 
 Books of Offices ; or, Moral Duties : also his Cato Major, an 
 Essay on Old Age ; Ltelius, an Essay on Friendship ; Para- 
 doxes ; Scipio's Dream; and Letter to Quintus on the Du- 
 ties of a Magistrate. Literally Translated, with Notes, de- 
 signed to exhibit a comparative view of the Opinions of Cice- 
 ro, and those of Modern Moralists and Ethical Philosophers. 
 By CYRUS R. EDMONDS. Portrait. 12mo, Muslin, 75 cents; 
 Half Calf, $1 GO. 
 
 T 
 
 ACITUS. The Works of Tacitus. The Oxford Trans- 
 lation, Revised. "With Notes. Vol. I. The Annals. Vol. 
 II. The History, Germany, Agricola, and Dialogues on Ora- 
 tors. 2 vols. 12mo, Muslin, $1 50 ; Half Calf, $3 20 
 
 WATSON'S XENOPHON. The Anabasis, or Expedi- 
 tion of Cyrus, and the Memorabilia of Socrates. Literally 
 Translated from the Greek of Xenophon. By the Rev. J. 
 S. WATSON, M.A., M.R.S.L. With a Geographical Com- 
 mentary, by W. F. AINSWORTH, Esq., F.S.A., F.R.G.S., 
 F.G.S. Portrait. 12mo, Muslin, 75 cents ; Half Calf, $1 GO. 
 
 B 
 
 UCKLEY'S HOMER'S ILIAD. Homer's Iliad. Lit- 
 erally Translated, with Explanatory Notes. Portrait. 12mo, 
 Muslin, 75 cents; Half Calf, i$l 60.
 
 K 
 
 D 
 
 HARPER'S NEW CLASSICAL LIBRARY. 3 
 
 GARY'S HERODOTUS. Herodotus. A New and Lit- 
 eral Version, from the T>ext of Baehr. With a Geographical 
 and General Index. By HENRY CART, M.A., Worcester 
 College, Oxford. Portrait. 12mo, Muslin, 75 cents ; Half 
 Calf, $1 60. 
 
 ENNEDY'S DEMOSTHENES. Vol. I. The Olynthi- 
 ac and other Public Orations of Demosthenes. Vol. II. The 
 Orations of Demosthenes on the Crown, and on the Embas- 
 sy. Translated with Notes, &c., by CHARLES RAHN KENNE- 
 DY. Portrait. 2 vols. 12mo, Muslin, $1 50; Half Calf, ' 
 $320. 
 
 ALE'S THUCYDIDES. The History of the Pelopon- 
 nesian War, by Thucydides. A New and Literal Version, 
 from the Text of Arnold, Collated with Bekker, Goller, and 
 Poppo. By the Rev. HENRY DALE, M.A., Head Master of 
 the New Proprietary School, Blackheath, and late Demy of 
 Magdalene College, Oxford. Portrait. 12mo, Muslin, 75 
 cents; Half Calf, $1 60. 
 
 TrpSCHYLUS. By an Oxonian. Revised by T. A. BUCK- 
 -A-"-' LEY. With an Appendix (not contained in Bohn's Vol- 
 ume), embracing all of Hermann's Emendations, Translated 
 and Explained by BURGES. 12mo, Muslin, 75 cents ; Half 
 Calf, $1 60. 
 
 O OPHOCLES. The Tragedies of Sophocles ; in English 
 ^ Prose. The Oxford Translation. New Edition, revised ac- 
 cording to the Text of Dindorf. Portrait. 12mo, Muslin, 
 75 cents ; Half Calf, $1 60. 
 
 r>UCKLEY'S EURIPIDES. The Tragedies of Euripides. 
 -* Literally Translated, with Critical and Explanatory Notes, by 
 
 THEODORE ALOIS BUCKLEY, of Christ Church. Portrait. 
 
 2 vols. 12mo, Muslin, $1 50 ; Half Calf, $3 20. 
 
 The Volumes of HARPER'S NEW CLASSICAL LIBRARY may be had 
 separately, if desired. 
 
 HAHPEB & BROTHERS will send either of the above Works by Mail, postage 
 paid (for any distance in the United States under 3000 miles), on receipt of the 
 Money. 
 
 ** For a full List of Classical "Works, see HARPER & BROTHERS' Catalogue of 
 their Publications, Copies of which may be obtained gratuitously on application 
 to the Publishers, personally, or by letter inclosing Prx CENTS in Postage Stamps.
 
 's Catalogue. 
 
 A NEW DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF HARPER & BROTHERS' 
 PUBLICATIONS, with an Index and Classified Table of Contents, is 
 now ready for Distribution, and may be obtained gratuitously on 
 application to the Publishers personally, or by letter inclosing Six 
 CENTS in Postage Stamps. 
 
 The attention of gentlemen, in town or country, designing to form 
 Libraries or enrich their Literary Collections, is respectfully invited 
 to this Catalogue,, which will be found to comprise a large propor- 
 tion of the standard and most esteemed works in English Literature 
 
 COMPREHENDING MORE THAN TWO THOUSAND VOLUMES which 
 
 are offered, in most instances, at less than one half the cost of sim- 
 ilar productions in England. 
 
 To Librarians and others connected with Colleges, Schools, &c., 
 Who may not have access to a reliable guide in forming the true 
 estimate of literary productions, it is believed this Catalogue will 
 prove especially valuable as a manual of reference. 
 
 To prevent disappointment, it is suggested that, whenever books 
 can not be obtained through any bookseller or local agent, applica- 
 tions with remittance should be addressed direct to the Publishtf)% 
 which will be promptly attended to.
 
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