UC-NRLF B M D7D D7T ■i THE TASK BEFORE US BY THE RT. HON. DAVID LLOYD GEORGE. M.P. Chancellor of the Exchequer LONDON JARROLD & SONS, WARWICK LANE, EC. One Penny. \/' Reprinted by permission from " The Times.*' k .» * "UV. « « • The Task BeforbUs.. . , * • • • i • * ,"- *»*'\ >■•".•..-' By the Right Hon. David Lloyd George February 28th, 1915. I HAVE promised for some time to address a meeting at Bangor. I have been unable to do so because Ministers of the Crown have been working time and overtime, and I am sorry to say that we are not even able to make the best of the day of rest, the urgency is so great, the pressure is so severe. I had something to say to-day, otherwise I should not have been here, and I had something to say that required stating at once. This is the only day I had to spare. It is no fault of mine. It is because we are entirely absorbed in the terrible task which has been cast upon our shoulders. I happened to have met on Friday morning, before I decided to come down here, one of the most eminent Scottish divines, a great and old friend of mine, Dr. Whyte, of Edinburgh. We were discussing what I have got to say to-day. I remarked to 4 THE TASK BEFORE US him, " I have only one day on which to say it, and as- that is Sunday afternoon, I am very much afraid my constituents won't hsten to me." He rephed, " If they won't have you, come to Scotland, and we will give you the best Sunday afternoon meeting you ever had/' But I thought I would try Wales first. He told me that in the Shorter Catechism you are allowed to do works of charity and necessity, and those who tell me that this is not work of necessity do not know the need, the dire need, of their country at this hour. At this moment there are Welsh- men in the trenches of France facing cannon and death ; the hammering of forges to-day is ringing down the church bells from one end of Europe to the other. When I know these things are going on now on Sunday as well as the week- days I am not the hypocrite to say, " I will save my own soul by not talking about them on Sundays." DO WE REALIZE? Do we understand the necessity ? Do we realize it ? Belgium, once comfortably well-to- do, is now waste and weeping, and her children are living on the bread of charity sent them by DURATION OF THE WAR 5 neighbours far and near. And France — the German Army, hke a wild beast, has fastened its claws deep into her soil, and every effort to drag them out rends and tears the living flesh of that beautiful land. The beast of prey has not leapt to our shores — not a hair of Britain's head has been touched by him. Why ? Because of the vigilant watchdog that patrols the deep for us ; and that is my complaint against the British Navy. It does not enable us to realize that Britain at the present moment is waging the most serious war it has ever been engaged in. We do not understand it. A few weeks ago I visited France. We had a conference of the Ministers of Finance of Russia, France, Great Britain, and Belgium. Paris is a changed city. Her gaiety, her vivacity, is gone. You can see in the faces of every man there, and of every woman, that they know their country is in the grip of grim tragedy. They are resolved to overcome it, confident that they will overcome it^ but only through a long agony. DURATION OF THE WAR. No visitor to our shores would realize that we are engaged in exactly the same conflict, and 6 THE TASK BEFORE US that on the stricken fields of the Continent, and along the broads and the narrows of the seas that encircle our islands, is now being determined, not merely the fate of the British Empire, but the destiny of the human race for generations to come. We are conducting a war as if there was no war. I have never been doubtful about the result of the war, and I will give you my reasons by and by. Nor have I been doubtful, I am sorry to say, about the length of the war and its seriousness. In all wars nations are apt to minimize their dangers and the duration. Men, after all, see the power of their own country ; they cannot visualize the power of the enemy. I have been accounted as a pessimist among my friends in thinking the war would not be over before Christmas. I have always been con- vinced that the result is inevitably a triumph for this country. I have also been convinced that that result will not be secured without a prolonged struggle. I will tell you why. I shall do so not in order to indulge in vain and idle surmises as to the duration of the war, but in order to bring home to my countrymen what they are confronted with, so as to ensure that they will leave nothing which is at their com- MORAL STRENGTH OF OUR CAUSE 7 mand undone in order, not merely to secure a triumph, but to secure it at the speediest possible moment. It is in their power to do so. It is also in their power, by neglect, by sloth, by heedlessness, to prolong their country's agony, and maybe to endanger at least the completeness of its triumphs. This is what I have come to talk to you about this afternoon, for it is a work of urgent necessity in the cause of human freedom, and I make no apology for discussing on a Sunday the best means of ensuring human liberty. MORAL STRENGTH OF OUR CAUSE. I will give you first of all my reasons for coming to the conclusion that after this struggle victory must wait on our banners if we properly utilize our resources and opportunities. The natural resources of the Allied countries are overwhelmingly greater than those of their enemies. In the man capable of bearing arms, in the financial and economic resources of these countries, in their accessibility to the markets of the world through the command of the sea for the purpose of obtaining material and muni- tions — all these are preponderatingly in favour 8 THE TASK BEFORE US of the Allied countries. But there is a greater reason than all these. Beyond all is the moral strength of our cause, and that counts in a struggle which involves sacrifices, suffering, and privation for all those engaged in it. A nation cannot endure to the end that has on its soul the crimes of Belgium. The Allied Powers have at their disposal more than twice the number of men which their enemies can com- mand. You may ask me why are not those overwhelming forces put into the field at once and this terrible war brought to a triumphant conclusion at the earliest possible moment. In the answer to that question lies the cause of the war. The reason why Germany declared war is in the answer to that question. WHY RUSSIA WANTED PEACE. In the old days when a nation's liberty was menaced by an aggressor a man took from the chimney corner his bow and arrow or his spear, or a sword which had been left to him by an ancestry of warriors, went to the gathering ground of his tribe, and the nation was fully equipped for war. That is not the case now. WHY RUSSIA WANTED PEACE 9 Now you fight with complicated, highly finished weapons, apart altogether from the huge artillery. Every rifle which a man handles is a complicated and ingenious piece of mechanism, and it takes time. The German arsenals were full of the machinery of horror and destruction. The Rus- sian arsenals were not, and that is the reason for the war. Had Russia projected war, she also would have filled her arsenals, but she desired above everything peace. I am not sure that Russia has ever been responsible for a war of aggression against any of her European neighbours. Certainly this is not one of them. She wanted peace, she needed peace, she meant peace, and she would have had peace had she been left alone. She was at the beginning of a great industrial development, and she wanted peace in order to bring it to its full fructification. She had repeatedly stood insolences at the hands of Germany up to the point of humiliation, all for peace, and anything for peace. Whatever anyone may say about her internal government, Russia was essentially a peaceable nation. The men at the head of her affairs were imbued with the spirit of peace. The head of her army, the Grand Duke Nicholas, is about 10 THE TASK BEFORE US the best friend of peace in Europe. Never was a nation so bent on preserving peace as Russia was. It is true Germany six or seven years ago had threatened to march her legions across the Vistula and trample dow^n Russia in the mud, and Russia, fearing a repetition of the same threat, was putting herself in a position of defence. But she was not preparing for any aggression, and Germany said, " This won't do. We don't like people who can defend themselves. We are fully prepared. Russia is not. This is the time to plant our dagger of tempered steel in her heart before her breastplates are forged." That is why we are at war. Germany hurried her preparations, made ready for war. She made a quarrel with the same cool calculation as she had made a new gun. She hurled her warriors across the frontier. Why ? Because she wanted to attack somebody, a countr>^ that could not defend herself. It was the purest piece of brigandage in history. All the same there remains the fact that Russia was taken at a disadvantage, and is therefore unable to utilize beyond a fraction the enormous re- sources which she possesses to protect her soil against the invader. France was not expect- GREAT BRITAIN UNPREPARED ii ing war, and she, therefore, was taken un- awares. GREAT BRITAIN UNPREPARED. What about Britain ? We never contemplated any war of aggression against any of our neigh- bours, and therefore we never raised an Army adequate to such sinister purposes. During the last thirty years the two great political parties in the State have been responsible for the policy of this country at home and abroad. For about the same period we have each been governing this country. For about fifteen years neither one party nor the other ever proposed to raise an Army in this country that would enable us to confront on land a great Continental Power. What does that mean ? We never meant to invade any Continental country. That is the proof of it. If we had we would have started our great armies years ago. We had a great Navy, purely for protection, purely for the defence of our shores, and we had an Army which was just enough to deal with any small raid that happened to get through the meshes of our Navy, and perhaps to police the Empire. That was all, no more. But now we have to 12 THE TASK BEFORE US assist neighbours becoming the victims of a Power with millions of warriors at its command, and we have to improvise a great Army, and gallantly have our men flocked to the standard. We have raised the largest voluntary Army that has been enrolled in any country or any cen- tury — the largest voluntary Army, and it is going to be larger. UNDER ONE FLAG. I saw a very fine sample of that Army this morning at Llandudno. I attended a service there, and I think it was about the most thrilling religious service I have ever been privileged to attend. There were men there of every class, every position, every calling, every condition of life. The peasant had left his plough, the work- man had left his lathe and his loom, the clerk had left his desk, the trader and the business man had left their counting-houses, the shepherd had left his sunlit hills and the miner the dark- ness of the earth, the rich proprietor had left his palace and the man earning his daily bread had quitted his humble cottage. There were men there of diverse and varied faiths who worshipped UNDER ONE FLAG 13 at different shrines — men who were in array against each other months ago in bitter conflict, and I saw them march with one step under one flag to fight for the same cause, and I saw them worship the same God. What has brought them together ? The love of their native land, resent- ment for a cruel wrong inflicted upon the weak and defenceless. More than that, what brought them together was that instinct which come^ to humanity at critical times when the moment has arrived to cross rivers of blood in order to rescue humanity from the grip of some strangling despotism. They have done nobly. That is what has brought them together, but we want more, and I have no doubt we will get more. • If this country had produced an army which was equal in proportion to its population to the number of men under arms in France and in Germany at the present moment, there would be three millions and a half in this country and 1,200,000 in the Colonies. That is what I mean when I say our resources are quite adequate to the task. It is not our fight merely — it is the fight of humanity. The Allied countries between them could raise armies 14 THE TASK BEFORE US of over twenty millions of men. Our enemies can put in the field barely half that number. IMPORTANCE OF THE ENGINEER. Much as I should like to talk about the need for more men, that is not the point of my special appeal to-day. We stand more in need of equip- ment than we do of men. This is an engineers' war, and it will be won or lost owing to the efforts or shortcomings of engineers. I have something to say about that, for it involves sacrifices for all of us. Unless we are able to equip our armies our predominance in men will avail us nothing. We need men, but we need arms more than men, and delay in producing them is full of peril for this country. You may say that I am saying things that ought to be kept from the enemy. I am not a believer in giving any information which is useful to him. You may depend on it he knows, but I do not believe in withholding from our own public information which they ought to possess, because unless you tell them you cannot invite their co-operation. The nation that cannot bear the truth is not fit for war, and may our young men be volunteers, IMPORTANCE OF THE ENGINEER 15 while the unflinching pride of those they have left behind them in their deed of sacrifice ought to satisfy the most apprehensive that we are not a timid race, who cannot face unpleasant facts ! The last thing in the world John Bull wants is to be mollycoddled. The people must be told exactly what the position is, and then we can ask them to help. We must appeal for the co-operation of employers, workmen, and the general public ; the three must act and endure together, or we delay and maybe imperil victory. We ought to requisition the aid of every man who can handle metal. It means that the needs of the community in many respects will suffer acutely vexatious, and perhaps injurious, delay ; but I feel sure that the public are prepared to put up with all this discomfort, loss, and privation if thereby their country marches triumphantly out of this great struggle. We have every reason for confidence ; we have none for complacency. Hope is the mainspring of effi- ciency ; complacency is its rust. We laugh at things in Germany that ought to terrify us. We say, " Look at the way they are making their bread — out of potatoes, ha! ha!" Aye, that potato-bread spirit is something which i6 THE TASK BEFORE US is more to dread than to mock at. I fear that more than I do even von Hindenburg's strategy, efficient as it may be. That is the spirit in which a country should meet a great emergency, and instead of mocking at it we ought to emulate it. I believe we are just as imbued with the spirit as Germany is, but we want it evoked. The average Briton is too shy to be a hero until he is asked. The British temper is one of never wasting heroism on needless display, but there is plenty of it for the need. There is nothing Britishers would not give up for the honour of their country, or for the cause of freedom. Indul- gences, comforts, even the necessities of life, they would willingly surrender. Why, there are tw^o millions of them at this hour who have willingly tendered their lives for their country. What more could they do ? If the absorption of all our engineering resources is demanded, no British citizen will grudge his share of incon- venience. INDUSTRIAL DISPUTES. But what about those more immediately concerned in that kind of work ? Here I am approaching something which is very difficult to INDUSTRIAL DISPUTES 17 talk about — I mean the employers and workmen. I must speak out quite plainly ; nothing else is of the slightest use. For one reason or another we are not getting all the assistance we have the right to expect from our workers. Disputes, industrial disputes, are inevitable ; and when you have a good deal of stress and strain, men's nerves are not at their best. I think I can say I always preserve my temper in these days — I hope my wife won't give me away — and I have no doubt that the spirit of unrest creeps into the relations between employer and workmen. Some differences of opinion are quite inevitable, but we cannot afford them now ; and, above all, we cannot resort to the usual method of settling them. I suppose I have settled more labour disputes than any man in this hall, and although those who only know me slightly may be surprised to hear me say it, the thing that you need most is patience. If I were to give a motto to a man who is going to a conference between employers and workmen I would say : " Take your time ; don't hurry. It will come round with patience and tact and temper." But you know we cannot afford those leisurely methods now. Time is i8 THE TASK BEFORE US victory ; and while employers and workmen on the Clyde have been spending time in disputing over a fraction, and when a week-end, ten days, and a fortnight of work which is abso- lutely necessary for the defences of the country has been set aside, I say here solemnly that it is intolerable that the hfe of Britain should be imperilled for the matter of a farthing an hour. Who is to blame ? That is not the question ; but — How is it to be stopped ? Employers will say, " Are we always to give way ? " Workmen say, '' Employers are making their fortunes out of an emergency of the country, why are not we to have a share of the plunder ? " There is one gentleman here who holds that view. I hope he is not an engineer. " We work harder than ever," say the workmen. All I can say is, if they do, they are entitled to their share. But that is not the point — who is right ? Who is wrong ? They are both right and they are both wrong. The whole point is that these questions ought to be settled without throwing away the chances of humanity in its greatest struggle. There is a good deal to be said for and there is a vast amount INDUSTRIAL DISPUTES 19 to be said against compulsory arbitration, but during the war the Government ought to have power to settle all these differences, and the work should go on. The workman ought to get more. Very well, let the Government find it out, and give it to him. If he ought not, then he ought not to throw up his tools. The country cannot afford it. It is disaster, and I do not believe the moment this comes home to workmen and em- ployers they will refuse to comply with the urgent demand of the Government. There must be no delay. There is another aspect of the question which it is difficult and dangerous to tackle. There are all sorts of regulations for restricting output. I will say nothing about the merits of this ques- tion. There are reasons why they have been built up. The conditions of employment and payment are mostly to blame for those restric- tions. The workmen had to fight for them for their own protection, but in a period of war there is a suspension of ordinary law. Output is everything in this war. This war is not going to be fought mainly on the battle-fields of Belgium and Poland. It is going to be fought in the workshops of France 20 THE TASK BEFORE US and Great Britain ; and it must be fought there under war conditions. There must be plenty of safeguards and the workman must get his equiva- lent, but I do hope he will help us to get as much out of those workshops as he can, for the life of the nation depends on it. Our enemies reaUze that, and employers and workmen in Germany are straining their utmost. France, fortunately, also reaUzes it, and in that land of free institu- tions, with a Socialist Prime Minister, a Socialist Secretary of State for War, and a Socialist Minister of Marine, the employers and workmen are subordinating everything to the protection of their beautiful land. THE LURE OF THE DRINK. I have something more to say about this, and it is unpleasant. I would wish that it were not I, but somebody else, that should say it. Most of our workmen are putting every ounce of strength into this urgent work for their country, loyally and patriotically. But that is not true of all. There are some, I am sorry to say, who shirk their duty in this great emergency. I hear of workmen in armaments works who refuse to THE LURE OF THE DRINK 21 work a full week's work for the nation's need. What is the reason ? They are a minority. The vast majority belong to a class we can depend upon. The others are a minority. But, you must remember, a small minority of workmen can throw a whole works out of gear. What is the reason ? Sometimes it is one thing, some- times it is another, but let us be perfectly candid. It is mostly the lure of the drink. They refuse to work full time, and when they return their strength and efficiency are impaired by the way in which they have spent their leisure. Drink is doing us more damage in the war than all the German submarines put together. What has Russia done ? Russia, knowing her deficiency, knowing how unprepared she was, said, " I must pull myself together. I am^not going to be trampled upon, unready as I am. I will use all my resources.'* What is the first thing she does ? She stops the drink. I was talking to M. Bark, the Russian Minister of Finance, a singularly able man, and I asked, *' What has been the result ? " He said, *' The productivity^of" labour, the amount of work which is put out by the workmen, has gone"^ up between thirty and fifty per cent." ^ THE TASK BEFORE US I said, " How do they stand it without their liquor ? " and he repHed, " Stand it ? I have lost revenue over it up to £65,000,000 a year, and we certainly cannot afford it, but if I pro- posed to put it back there would be a revolu- tion in Russia." That is what the Minister of Finance told me. He told me that it is entirely attributable to the act of the Tsar himself. It was a bold and courageous step — one of the most heroic things in the war. One after- noon we had to postpone our conference in Paris, and the French Minister of Finance said, " I have got to go to the Chamber of Deputies, because I am proposing a Bill to abolish absinthe." Absinthe plays the same part in France that whisky plays in this country. It is really the worst form of drink used, not only among workmen, but among other classes as well. Its ravages are terrible, and they abolished it by a majority of something like ten to one that afternoon. MODERATE, BUT FEARLESS. That is how those great countries are facing their responsibilities. We do not propose any- thing so drastic as that — we are essentially MODERATE, BUT FEARLESS 23 moderate men. But we are armed with full powers for the Defence of the Realm. We are approaching it, I do not mind telling you, for the moment, not from the point of view of people who have been considering this as a social problem — we are approaching it purely from the point of view of these w^orks. We have got great powers to deal with drink and we mean to use them. We shall use them in a spirit of moderation, we shall use them discreetly, we shall use them wisely, but we shall use them quite fearlessly, and I have no doubt that, as the country's needs demand it, the country will support our action and will allow no indulgence of that kind to interfere with its prospects in this terrible war which has been thrust upon us. There are three things I want you to bear in mind. The first is — and I want to get this into the minds of everyone — ^that we are at war ; the second, that it is the greatest war that has ever been fought by this or by any other country ; and the other, that the destinies of your country and the future of the human race for generations to come depend upon the outcome of this war What does it mean were Germany to win ? It 24 THE TASK BEFORE US means world power for the worst elements in Germany, not for Germany. The Germans are an intelligent race, they are undoubtedly a cul- tivated race, they are a race of men who have been responsible for great ideas in this world. But this would mean the dominance of the worst elements amongst them. If you think I am exaggerating, just you read for the moment ex- tracts from the articles in the newspapers which are in the ascendancy now in Germany about the settlement which they expect after this war. I am sorry to say I am stating nothing but the bare brutal truth. I do not say that the Kaiser will sit on the Throne of England if he should win. I do not say that he will impose his laws and his language on this country as did William the Conqueror. I do not say that you will hear the tramp, the noisy tramp, of the goose-step in the cities of the Empire. I do not say that Death's Head Hussars will be patrolling our highways. I do not say that a visitor, let us say, to Aberdaron, will have to ask a Pomeranian policeman the best way to Hell's Mouth. That is not what I mean. What I mean is that if Germany were triumphant in this war it would practically be the dictator FRANCE AFTER 1870 25 of the international policy of the world. Its spirit would be in the ascendant. Its doctrines would be in the ascendant ; by the sheer power of its will it would bend the minds of men in its own fashion. Germanism in its later and worst form would be the inspiriting thought and philosophy of the hour. FRANCE AFTER 1870. Do you remember what happened to France after 1870 ? The German Armies left France, but all the same for years after that, and while France was building up her Army, she stood in cowering terror of this monster. Even after her great army was built France was oppressed with a constant anxiety as to what might happen. Germany dismissed her ministers. Had it not been for the intervention of Oueen Victoria in 1874 the French Army would never have been allowed to be reconstructed, and France would simply have been the humble slave of Germany to this hour. What a condition for a country ! And now France is fighting, not so much to re- cover her lost Provinces ; she is fighting to re- recover her self-respect and her national inde- 26 THE TASK BEFORE US pendence ; she is fighting to shake off this night- mare that has been on her soul for over a generation — a France with Germany constantly meddling, bullying, and interfering. And that is what would happen if Russia were trampled upon, France broken, Britain disarmed. We should be left without any means to defend ourselves. We might have a Navy that would enable us, perhaps, to resent insult from Nica- ragua, we might have just enough troops, perhaps, to confront the Mad Mullah — I mean the African specimen. THE POSITION OF AMERICA. Where would the chivalrous country be to step in to protect us as we protected France in 1874 ? America ? If countries like Russia and France, with their huge armies, and the most powerful Navy in the world, could not face this terrible military machine, if it breaks that com- bination, how can America step in ? It would be more than America can do to defend her own interests on her own continent if Germany is triumphant. They are more unready than we were. Ah ! but what manner of Germany would THE CHARIOT OF DESTRUCTION 27 we be subordinate to ? There has been a struggle going on in Germany for over thirty years be- tween its best and its worst elements. It is like that great struggle which is depicted, I think, in one of Wagner's great operas between the good and the evil spirit for the possession of the man's soul. That great struggle has been going on in Germany for thirty or forty years. At each successive General Election the better elements seemed to be getting the upper hand, and I do not mind saying I was one of those who believed they were going to win. I thought they were going to snatch the soul of Germany — it is worth saving, it is a great, powerful soul — I thought they were going to save it. So a dead military caste said, " We will have none of this," and they plunged Europe into seas of blood. Hope was again shattered. Those worst ele- ments will emerge triumphant out of this war if Germany wins. THE CHARIOT OF DESTRUCTION. What does that mean ? We shall be vassals, not to the best Germany, not to the Germany of sweet songs and inspiring, noble thoughts — 28 THE TASK BEFORE US not to the Germany of science consecrated to the service of man, not to the Germany of a virile philosophy that helped to break the shackles of superstition in Europe — not to that Germany, but to a Germany that talked through the rau- cous voice of Krupp's artillery, a Germany that has harnessed science to the chariot of destruc- tion and of death, the Germany of a philosophy of force, violence, and brutality, a Germany that would quench every spark of freedom either in its own land or in any other country in rivers of blood. I make no apology on a day consecrated to the greatest sacrifice for coming here to preach a holy war against that. A TASK FOR EACH. War is a time of sacrifice and of service^* Some can render one service, some another, some here and some there. Some can render great assistance, others but little. There is not one who cannot help in some measure, whether it be only by enduring cheerfully his share of the discomfort. In the old Welsh legend there is a story of a man who was given a series of what appeared to be impossible tasks A TASK FOR EACH 29 to perform ere he could reach the desires of his heart. Amongst other things he had to do was to recover every grain of seed that had been sown in a large field and bring it all in without one missing by sunset. He came to an ant-hill and won all the hearts and enlisted the sympathies of the industrious little people. They spread over the field, and before sunset the seed was all in except one, and as the sun was setting over the western skies a lame ant hobbled along with that grain also. Some of us have youth and vigour and suppleness of limb ; some of us are crippled with years or infirmities, and we are at best but little ants. But we can all limp along with some share of our country's burden, and thus help her in this terrible hour to win the desire of her heart. Printed by J an old & Sons, Ltd., Norwich, England. THE NEW FAITH A STUDY OF PARTY POLITICS AND THE WAR BY FRED HENDERSON Author of "The Labour Unrest," etc. ONE SHILLING NET. LONDON: JARROLD &■ SONS THE GREAT WAR and its Place in Prophetic History. By Rev. R. MIDDLETON, Author of "Not Far Off." "Glimpses of the Gloryland," "A Message for the Times," etc. Paper Covers, 2d. net. THE COMING KING AND THE FUTURE KINGDOM. By Pastor W. H. ARCHER, Author of " If Christ came to Birmingham," " Under the Surface," "Souls of Men," etc. Paper Cover, 2d. net SIGNS AT HOME OF THE SECOND ADVENT. By the Rev. E. H. BROWN, M.A. 6d. net. London : Jarrold & Sons, 10 & 11, Warwick Lane, E.G. iTiLTT-\n?TJftTTV OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY RETURN TOi CIRCULATION DEPARTMENT 202 Main Library LOAN PEROD 1 HOME USE 2 3 4 5 6 ALL BOOKS MAY BE RECALLED AFTER 7 DAYS onm ,oan, may be renewed by calling 642-3405 DUE AS STAMPED BELOW RECEIVED B^ r MAY 1 (SfiS CIRCULATION Om m UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY FORM NO. DD6, 60m, 1/83 BERKELEY, CA 94720 (g)$ Cay lord JJros. Makers Syracuse, N. V, PAT. JAN. 2 K 1908 GENERAL LIBRARY - U.C. BERKELEY BQDDailBbS 00 L ^" AZ vol A 't^S » UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY il