x^ do aU- ^*v. ^cu4: SmUk A SHORT HISTORY MEDIEVAL PEOPLES \ / A SHORT HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL PEOPLES FROM THE DAWN OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA TO THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE BY ROBINSON SOUTTAR, M.A., D.C.L. AUTHOR OF "a short HISTORY OF ANCIENT PEOPLES" HODDER AND STOUGHTON LONDON MCMVII 82004 CONTENTS. THE EOMAN EMPIBE. U>TER PAGE I. The Founder of the Empire . 3 II. Roman Literature — The Early Period . . 12 III. Roman Literature — The Time of Cicero . 21 IV, Roman Literature — The Augustan Age . . 29 V. Tiberius . 37 VI. Gains (Caligula) . 47 VII. Claudius .... . 53 VIII. The Christians 61 IX. Nero .... 71 X. A War of Succession . 88 XI. Vespasian 90 XII. Titus .... . 98 XIII. Domitian . 105 XIV. Nerva .... . 114 XV. Trajan .... . 117 XVI. Hadrian .... . 127 XVII. Antoninus Pius . 135 xvni. Marcus Aurelius . 140 XIX. Roman Literature under the Early Emperors . 149 XX. Commodus . 158 XXI. Pertinax, Julianus, Septimius Severus . . 164 XXII. Caracalla, Macrinus, Heliogabalus . 171 XXIII. Alexander Severus, Maximin, the Gordians Maximus and Balbinus, Gordian III., Philip . 181 XXIV. Decius, Gallus, .Slmilianus, V aleris m, Galliei lus . . . 188 VI CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE XXV. Claudius, Aurelianu3, Tacitus, Probus, Carus, Carinus and Numerian 198 XXVI. Diocletian 207 XXVII. The Six Emperors 216 XXVIII. Oonstantine the Great 222 XXIX. The House of Oonstantine 233 XXX. Jovian, Valentinian I., Valens, Gratian 241 XXXI. Theodosius 250 XXXII. Eeligious Leaders of the Fourth Century — Athanasius . 258 XXXIII. Religious Leaders of the Fourth Century— Ulfilas, Basil . 266 XXXIV. Religious Leaders of the Fourth Century — Gregory Nazian- zen, Ambrose 274 XXXV. Religious Leaders of the Fourth Century — John Chrysostom, Jerome 283 XXXVI. Augustine 294 XXXVII. Alaric the Goth 300 XXXVIII. The Breaking up of the West 309 XXXIX. Attila the Scourge 317 XL. The Vandals 325 XLI. The Last Days of the Western Empire 332 XLII. Why the Empire Fell 337 XLIII. Theodoric the Great 344 XLIV. Eight Emperors of the East 354 XLV. Justinian 363 THE SARACENS. I, Arabia 379 II. Mecca 386 III. Medina 396 IV. Last Years of Mohammed 407 V. The Early Caliphs 415 VI. Hasan I Hosein ! 424 VII. The Ommeyads 432 VIII. The Abbassides 440 CONTENTS vii CHAPTER PAOE THE CRUSADES. I. What Led to the Crusades ? 451 II. The First Crusade 462 III. The Second Crusade 474 IV. The Third Crusade 486 V. The Fourth Crusade 496 VI, The Fifth and Sixth Crusades 505 VII. The End of Crusading 515 THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE. I. The Successors of Justinian 626 II. Maurice and Phocas 632 III. Heraclius 538 IV. Seventy Years of Turmoil 548 V. A Dynasty of Reformers 566 VI. Byzantium at its Zenith 569 VII. A Macedonian Dynasty 580 VIII. The House of Basil 590 IX. The Seljukian Turk 600 X. Alexius 1 609 XI. The House of Comnenus 620 XII. Byzantium Receives her Death Wound 629 XIII. The Latins in Constantinople 639 XIV. The Catalans, the Ottomans, Timour the Tartar . . .647 XV. The End of the Empire 655 APPENDIX. Tables op Sovebeigns 663 Index 667 LIST OF MAPS. PAGE I. Roman Empire at its Widest Extent in the time of Trajan and Hadrian, about 117 a.d 127 II. Roman Empire and the Barbarians about the time of Constantine, 350 A.D 222 III. Roman Empire thrust aside by the Barbarians about 500 a.d. . 344 IV. Arabia 379 V. Widest Limits of Moslem Rule before Byzantium fell . . . 447 VI. The Crusades and the Greek Empire 522 THE ROMAN EMPIRE. VOL. II. THE ROMAN EMPIRE. CHAPTER I. THE FOUNDER OP THE EMPIRE. We concluded our former volume with a .sketch of the reign of Augustus, thinking that the history of the Roman Republic must be imperfect without his reign. But if the reign of Augustus is necessary for the true understanding of the his- tory of the republic, it is even more necessary for the true understanding of the history of the empire. We deem it better, therefore, to return to the history of this great man in the beginning of the present volume. Thus that which follows will be more intelligible, and each volume will be complete in itself. The murder of Julius Caesar did not restore the republic as 44 B.C. his murderers had hoped it might, but led instead to a long war of succession. For the murderers themselves there was indeed no chance. Cfesar had been far more popular than they imagined and they only saved their lives by flight. Marcus Antonius was for the moment the foremost man in Rome. He got possession of Caesar's papers and made a free use of them, carrying laws, confiscating and granting property, and profes- sing that amongst Caesar's papers he had authority for all. There were two others who might conceivably be candi- dates for supreme rule ; Lepidus, the governor of Hither Spain and Gaul, and Sextus, a son of Pompey, whose power, that of an outlaw, lay in Further Spain and Sicily. With both of these men Antony established friendly relations, winning them by fair promises. (3) 4 THE EOMAN EMPIEE Octavius, a grand-nephew of Julius Caesar, was living at Apollonia when his uncle was murdered. Hearing that he had been made his heir, he crossed to Italy and travelled to Rome. He was but nineteen and had little influence, but he could bide his time. Antony played his part in Rome so recklessly that he alarmed the Senate. When, therefore, he departed to Cis- alpine Gaul, Octavius persuaded them to send an army against 43 B.C. him, led by the two consuls and himself. The battle of Mutina was fought, Antony was defeated, but both consuls were slain. Octavius now expected to be made commander-in-chief and a consul, but owing largely to Cicero's influence he was passed over. Angry at this, he marched on Rome in threatening fashion, whereupon Cicero and the other senators yielded and did as he desired. Lepidus had now brought his forces round and joined Antony near Forum Julii. Octavius marched to meet them, but instead of fighting they conferred at Bononia and agreed to divide the Roman world between them. The Triumvirate then came to Rome, and, sad to say, inaugurated their power by slaying their enemies and confiscating their property. Amongst their victims was Cicero who had insulted Octavius. Though the triumvirs claimed the Roman world they had not yet obtained possession. There were enemies in the field ; Sextus in Sicily with a powerful fleet ; Brutus and Cassius in 42 B.C. Macedonia. Leaving Lepidus to take care of Italy, Antony and Octavius crossed from Brindisi to Macedonia, and de- feated Brutus and Cassius at Philippi. The regicides did not survive their defeat and the conquerors were able to make a fresh division of authority. Antony took the East, Octavius took Italy and the West, Lepidus received Africa. Antony now yielded to the soft influences of the East and lost ground ; Octavius attended to his government and gained the confidence of his subjects ; Lepidus had little influence. 40 B.C. With some vague idea of asserting his rights and checking the growing power of Octavius, Antony crossed to Italy and THE FOUNDER OF THE EMPIRE 6 laid siege to Brindisi. But neither he nor Octavius really wanted war, so he was pacified and returned to Greece, taking as his wife Octavia, his rival's sister. He had, however, already met Cleopatra, the famous Egyptian queen, and was wholly under her influence. Octavius also married again. The year before, he had 38 B.C. divorced Scribonia his wife, and now he married Livia, the wife of Tiberius Claudius Nero, a distinguished noble to whom she had already borne a son, Tiberius, afterwards emperor. Three months after her marriage with Octavius she bore another son to Tiberius Claudius. He was named Drusus, and became the father of Germanicus and of the Emperor Claudius. The power of Octavius increased continually. With the aid of Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa, a most able lieutenant, he over- 36 B.C. tlirew Sextus Pompeius and drove him from Sicily. He died the following year. Lepidus then tried to seize the island, but his troops deserted him, and he was deposed and exiled. Thus the whole of the West was united under Octavius, who had associated with him two most able ministers, Agrippa and Maecenas. These men helped him from the beginning and remained his faithful councillors throughout. In the East Antony was doing little good. His lieutenant, P. Ventidius Bassus, had done splendid service against Parthia, but Antony threw away all his chances and soon lost prestige. Cleopatra had now gained complete ascendency over him, and he was presenting Roman provinces to her and her sons. The Romans were indignant, the Senate by decree deprived him 32 B.C. of his command, and declared war on Cleopatra. At the battle of Actium the united forces of Antony and Cleopatra were overthrown by Agrippa, and the unhappy 31 B.C. lovers fled. At Alexandi-ia they were again attacked, and 30 B.C. being easily defeated they saved themselves the ignominy that would have attended captm'e by taking their own lives. Egypt was formally annexed and became a Roman pro- vince. Octavius was now sole ruler of the Roman world. Julius 6 THE ROMAN EMPIRE Caesar had also been sole ruler, but Octavius was in a more powerful position than his great relative had been. Cfesar had been surrounded hy aristocrats, many of whom longed to recover the power of which he had deprived them. Some had been slain, such as remained were for the most part adherents of the Julian line. As for the people they were tired of civil war and thankful to obey any ruler who gave them peace. Octavius had a fine chance and he used it well. A man of rare administrative ability he gained the confidence of every class, and without appearing to grasp at power soon had every- thing centred in himself. He had won his power by the sword, but he invested it with a constitutional character, and harmonised it with the institutions of which the Romans had been proud and to which they still clung, reconciling autocratic rule with republican forms in a way which gave satisfaction to all. Years after when about to leave the human stage he asked the bystanders whether he had not fairly earned the applause of the Roman people. 27 B.C. When the Roman world was at peace Octavius formally laid down the extraordinary authority with which he had been entrusted, and asked for a new and constitutional grant of power. The Senate accordingly granted to him the consular imperium for ten years, and elected him commander-in-chief with the exclusive right of levying troops, waging war and making treaties. He was made chief magistrate at home and was entrusted with the sole government of the most important provinces. Beside an able man possessed of such enormous power there could be no competitor, and Augustus, as he was now entitled, was supreme. More and more as time went on all power was gathered into his hands, yet with such show of legality and constitutional method that republicans were satisfied. More- over, the arrangement was avowedly temporary. The im- perium was granted originally for ten years, then renewed again and again. The powers thus conferred were afterwards embodied in a form of statute andcarriedfor each emperor in turn. THE FOUNDEE OF THE EMPIEE 7 Over this system of government Augustus presided for forty years, and when he died the empire was firmly estab- lished and the republic was a thing of the past. As a matter of fact the word republic had been losing its true significance in connection with Roman government long before the days of Augustus, In early days when Rome was but a city the word meant much, but when Rome conquered Italy and afterwards added conquest to conquest the word was meaningless. A vast empire governed by a handful of Roman nobles was no republic. Rome had become an oligarchy of the most selfish sort, and as there was no possibility of a retm-n to republican days it was better that the government should evolve into an autocracy. This change came about in the reign of Julius Caesar, who was emperor in all but name. Then came Augus- tus, a most worthy successor, and after him Tiberius, another able man. These three men estabhshed the imperial system so firmly that the republic was forgotten. The domestic reforms of Augustus have been dealt with in our first volume and need not be again detailed. It will suffice if we mention such matters as bear in an important degree upon the further history of the empire. The delimitation of the frontiers, the reorganisation of the army, and the establish- ment of a civil service are specially important. The Roman Empire was now of enormous area, and the frontier problem was of the highest importance. In some parts of the empire the question was simple enough. On the west Roman territory was bounded by the Atlantic and the English Channel, for Augustus made no attempt to cross to Britain. In the south, Africa, from the Delta to the Atlantic, was Roman. Here the desert formed a natural boundary, checking- all desire on the part of the Romans to advance farther, even though not preventing the incursions of the desert tribes into the province. In the east the frontier was less easily fixed. The Persian Empire of earlier times had made way for the Parthian with 8 THE EOMAN EMPIRE whose kings Rome had waged war not always successfully. For the Syrian province the desert boundary sufficed, and farther north the Euphrates was the natural boundary, though between it and the Roman province there lay certain native States such as Pontus and Cappadocia. Beyond the Euphrates lay Armenia, a State within the sphere of influence of both Rome and Parthia, concerning which quarrels would inevitably arise. Augustus preferred not to annex, believing that as a free and independent State it would form the surest defence for the empire. His judgment was right, and it would have been well had his successors adhered to his policy. On the north the question of frontier was specially serious. Gaul was now quite conquered, and had to be protected from the northern tribes. The question was whether the Rhine should be accepted as its frontier or whether the province should extend to the Elbe. The Rhine seemed the natural boundary, but tribes were wont to cross that river, and Julius Caesar had found it necessary to carry punitive expeditions into the country beyond. Campaigns were accordingly con- ducted by Drusus and Tiberius which had for their object the extension of Roman rule to the Elbe. They were suc- cessful, a Roman province was being created ; roads, bridges, canals were in course of construction and Roman troops were 9 A.D. stationed there. Suddenly there was an uprising of the tribes, Varus, the Roman general, was defeated and his legions were destroyed. Augustus drew back within the Rhine, and solemnly warned his successors not to go farther. Further south the Danube took in some measure the place of the Rhine, and when the reign of Augustus closed there was a continuous chain of provinces along the Rhine and the Danube from the Black Sea to the German Ocean. With the frontier policy army reform was inseparably associated. In early times the Roman army was composed of Roman citizens, who went to the wars when the country was in danger and returned to their avocations when the fighting was done. But in later times Rome had conquered so much THE FOUNDEE OF THE EMPIEE 9 territory that generals raised armies as they best could, and kept their soldiers together for long periods of service. Many soldiers were provincials, having no special sympathy with Rome or its institutions. If they had a good general they were attached to him, and were ready to follow him anywhere. They were poorly paid, and their chief hope of fortune lay in the power of their general to obtain gratuities and gifts of land for them when the war was over. To obtain these they would as lief fight the Senate as the Gaul. Such armies were rather a peril than a protection to the State. During the civil wars which closed the republican period the soldiers had become numerous. There were fifty legions in all. Augustus reduced their number to twenty-five. The old militia idea was abandoned, and a permanent force was raised by voluntary enlistment. The emperor was com- mander-in-chief, no levies could be raised without his consent, and every recruit swore allegiance to him according to a form which Augustus himself drew up. He engaged the soldier, paid him, dismissed him, and rewarded him. The soldier served sixteen years in the army and four in the reserve. After twenty years he could claim his discharge and a reward for faithful service. Each legion was a standing corps with its own number and name. The legions formed the first line of defence, but behind them were the auxiliaries drawn from vassal States and frontier tribes. Each auxiliary regiment retained the name of the district where it was raised, so that it had a common bond, and in it the martial spirits found an outlet for their warlike energies. At the same time Augustus was careful to employ each regiment far from its native land, so that the soldiers became less provincial and thought of themselves as soldiers of the empire. Of the fighting force Italy and the peaceful provinces saw little. Twelve legions lay on the northern frontier, four were in Syria, four in Egypt and Africa, three in Spain, two in 10 THE ROMAN EMPIRE Dalmatia. In Rome itself there were a few picked regiments of guards, about 6,000 men in all. Augustus developed something corresponding to a civil service in the empire. - In former times the provinces had been granted out to favourites, who resided in them for a time, and returned home in a few years, loaded with wealth, mostly- ill-gotten. Augustus changed this system. The governors were his officials, appointed by him, paid regular salaries by him, promoted by him, and dismissed by him. Moreover, from their decisions there was an appeal to him. Thus the proconsul was no longer an autocrat, but himself a subordinate officer. As the career might be a permanent one if the emperor so pleased, able men chose it and became experts in the art of govern- ment. In Rome the same system was followed. Little by little all authority was vested in Augustus, and the various depart- ments of home administration were worked by officials, respon- sible to him for all that they did. The corn and water supply, the care of public buildings, the police, the fire-brigade, became services worked by commissioners appointed by and respon- sible to the emperor. It is greatly to Augustus' credit that he tried to encourage a healthy and vigorous municipal life throughout Italy, and sought to enlist the sympathies even of those who had not attained to the dignity of full citizenship. As time went on this class became less numerous, the rights of citizenship being more freely conferred. Augustus regulated the finances of the empire with great care. They had become sadly disorganised, and by reason of civil war, mismanagement and peculation the empire was exhausted. He had a statistical survey of the empire taken, and taxation was based upon a carefully prepared census. The imperial budget may be said to date from the time of Augustus. He published the accounts of the empire annually, and left behind him a complete statement of the financial condition of the empire. THE FOUNDEE OF THE EMPIEE 11 Augustus was a wise ruler. Yet, such are the limitations of human wisdom, during his reign Julius Caesar was deified and there were temples and priests of Augustus. The worship of the emperor was encouraged as a bond of political union, and willingness to worship him became the test of patriotism. Many a Christian met his death in later times because he refused thus to blaspheme. Augustus died at Nola at the age of seventy-five. He 14 A. D. had ruled as autocrat for forty-one years, but in such manner as to gain the affections of all, nobles as well as plebs, provin- cials as well as Italians. Some years before his death he had adopted his step-son Tiberius, and later Tiberius had been made to some extent joint-ruler with himself. The emperor had ordered that a brief record of his acts should be inscribed upon bronze tablets and deposited in the mausoleum at Rome. The tablets have perished, but a copy of the epitaph cut on marble was found at Angora (Ancyra) in Galatia, in a temple dedicated to Augustus. The copy is still extant and is headed as follows: " Rerum gestarum divi Augusti, quibus orbem terrarum imperio populi Rom. subjecit et impensarum quas in rempublicam populumque Romanum fecit, incisarum in duabus aheneis pi lis, quae sunt Romaj positas, exemplar subjectum ". CHAPTER II. ROMAN LITERATURE— THE EARLY PERIOD. The Romans were not a literary people. This may seem a strange thing to say considering the position occupied by the Latin language in the literary world. For many centuries Latin was the language of culture. For many more Latin has been freely used for literature, and books are still written in the Latin tongue. But this is a different matter. As the Ro- man Empire spread Latin spread with it, until it was known not only throughout Italy, but over much of Europe. The old languages lived and were used for colloquial purposes, but men who wished their writings to be widely read wrote in Latin. This became even more the case when the Roman Church began to gain in power. Not only were the services of the Church read in Latin, but by writing in Latin theologians of different countries could interchange ideas. And over much of Europe for a long time the higher education was confined to theologians. Latin gained its position more easily because of its intrinsic merits. It is an exact, business-like language. Its pronuncia- tion and syntax are alike precise. If it is inferior to Greek in grace and elasticity, it is superior in vigour and force. Greek is a better language for philosophy, but Latin has a sonorous effectiveness all its own. Hence it has lived and will live. Notwithstanding the merits of Latin it remains true that the Romans were not a literary people. In their early days, some would say in their best days, they had no literature worth talking about. For centuries they despised it and found little place for it in education. Their notion of education was very practical. If a boy could count, fight, plough the land, (12) ROMAN LITERATURE— THE EARLY PERIOD 13 and liold his own in a bargain, what more did he want ? The Romans were in those days a practical and unimaginative race singularly unlike the Italian of to-day. At that time Roman literature consisted of historic annals, so bald and imperfect that they were of little use even to a historian, and of ballads and rude chants which have not lived. \ The conquest of Southern Italy first made a difference. Th^ cities there were of Greek origin, and the captives brought/ Greek ideas to Rome. Now the Greeks admired literature just as much as the Romans despised it. The palmy days of Greece were at an end, but her literary men and philosophers had left a store of intellectual food on which the Greeks feasted then and the world has feasted ever since. Philosophj^, poetry, the drama, in all the Greeks excelled. Now captives were often well-educated men. In those days conquerors brought the best of the people with them as slaves, the clever men and the artisans. The others they left to till the land and send them tribute. Hence many well-bred and highly educated men were in Rome as slaves, not unfrequently better men than their masters. Intelligent masters had the sense to use their slaves well. They gave them practical freedom, and allowed them to use their talents as they best could, perhaps receiving a percentage of their earnings. Thus it happened that the education of young Romans fell often into the hands of Greek slaves. It was not because the Romans thought any one good enough to be a schoolmaster, but because Greeks had been brought to Rome who knew much more about education than the Romans did and were qualified to teach them. These men taught the Greek language and used as their text-books the works of the Greek poets and dramatists just as the teachers in our English public schools and universities do to-day. From Greece also came the drama. In Italian towns there had been play-acting of a simple sort from early times. But it did not amount to much and in Rome it was not encouraged. The Romans were a dignified race and hated to be made fun 14 THE EOMAN EMPIEE of, and early acting was largely composed of rough fun and practical joking. The Greeks who were in Rome knew that stage plays could be made attractive, and tried to introduce them. At first the civic fathers were doubtful about it. An actor was to them pretty much what an actor was to our own forefathers, a mountebank, a man who lived on sufferance, and who might be thankful if he got away from the town without being put in the stocks. Nor was the play- writer much better in their opinion. Nevertheless acting slowly won its way. To avoid giving offence the actors laid their scenes in Greek cities, and when they made fun they pretended that it was Greeks they were making fun of. Hence when the civic fathers came to censure they sometimes remained to laugh. It was a long time before wholly Roman plays were acted with freedom. In fact, the time scarcely did come. The in- fluence which Greek obtained in those early days was never wholly shaken oft'. The early Roman writers were largely translators and adapters from the Greek. Sometimes we have Latin thought in Greek form, and sometimes Greek thought in Latin form, but generally Greek somewhere. This was especi- ally true of dramatists and poets. Virgil, the greatest of Roman poets, owed much to Homer, and Lucretius, Horace and Ovid owed much to Greece. The prose writers managed to emancipate themselves. Cicero, Julius Csesar, Livy and Tacitus had styles of their own. But when Cicero began to write philosophy Greek influence became at once apparent, In the space at our disposal we can only attempt to give brief biographical sketches of the leading Roman writers in the order in which they were born. Adequate quotation is impos- sible, else it would be interesting to watch the progress of poetry from the Saturnian jingle into which Andronicus trans- lated the Odyssey, illustrated by the nursery rhyme, The King was in his counting-house, counting out his money ; The Queen was in her parlour, eating bread and honey, EOMAN LITEEATUKE— THE EARLY PERIOD 15 up to the majestic hexameters of Virgil. It would be interest- ing also to remember that Virgil at his best was only where Homer had been a thousand years before, and that Roman poetry having reached that climax quickly began to decay. Livius Andronicus is spoken of as the first Roman 290 B.C. dramatist. He was not a Roman, but a Greek, captured at Tarentum, and brought to Rome as a slave. He was freed by Livius, his master, and took his name. The earliest stage-plays {ludi scenici) had been introduced from Etruria about 364 B.C., but the first drama with a regular plot was translated from the Greek by Andronicus, and per- formed at Rome 240 B.C. Fragments of the plays of Andronicus exist, and the fact that his writings were still being used as school-books in the reign of Augustus shows that the Romans considered them of merit. Cn. N^vius was the first Roman poet of repute, appar- 264. ently a most talented man. He was born in Campania, and served in the First Punic War. He at first translated dramas from the Greek, and continued to translate Greek comedies, but he endeavoured to clothe his tragedies in Roman garb. Naevius tried to introduce references to current events into his comedies, and criticised public affairs and men, in the fashion popular at Athens. But this did not answer at Rome, and Naevius was thrown into prison. He made his peace and was set free, but only to err again, and to be imprisoned again. At last he was exiled. During his exile Nsevius wrote an epic poem on the First Punic War. It was written in Saturnian metre and opened with the story of iEneas' flight from Troy. Only fragments remain, but the poem was utilised by two great men, Ennius and Virgil. Nsevius' style was easy and free, and he had his admirers even in the Augustan age. One of his lines is still famous, Laetus sum laudari me abste, pater, a laudato viro. Nsevius died at Utica. 16 THE KOMAN EMPIEE 254. T. Maccius Plautus was the next writer in point ot' time, and the first whose works have come down to us on a large scale. He was an Umbrian by birth, and began life as a stage assistant. Then he took to acting, and then to playwriting. He was very successful in the last capacity, and continued to produce plays for forty years. Twenty of his comedies are extant, and they were still being performed in the time of Diocletian. Like his predecessors, Plautus borrowed largely from the Greek. He made little claim to original authorship, but trans- lated and edited, cleverly adapting his plays to Roman life and introducing Roman customs and jokes into his scenes. Warned perhaps by the fate of Naevius, he laid the scenes of his plays in Greek cities, and his characters were always Greek. Plautus was a rough writer who wrote for bread, and sought only to amuse, but he was clever, and many writers, both ancient and modern, have been indebted to him. Amongst these may be mentioned Moliere, Dryden and Shake- speare. The Comedy of Errors is founded on a play by Plautus called the Mencechmi. 250. Q. Fabius Pictor was perhaps the most ancient writer of Roman history in prose. He served in the Gallic War, and in the Second Punic War. His history, which was written in Greek, began with the arrival of /Eneas in Italy, and brought Rome down to his own time. 239. Q. Ennius was a Calabrian by birth. He came to Rome from Sardinia in the train of M. Porcius Cato, who induced him to settle there. He made his living by teaching, and had a high reputation as a man of learning. He gave lessons in Greek and Latin, and endeavoured to bring the finest examples of Greek culture before his students, whilst also infusing into his work something of the practical Roman spirit. Ennius' most important work was an epic poem called the Annals. The poem was modelled on Homer, and described the growth and glory of Rome. It was in eighteen books, ROMAN LITEEATUEE— THE EAELY PERIOD 17 was half as long again as Paradise Lost, and must have been the labour of many years. The early part is legendary, the latter part deals with the Punic War and matters of which he had knowledge. From a historical point of view the Annals were not of much consequence, but from a literary point of view their importance was great. The metres previously used by poets had allowed much licence in quantities. But Ennius wrote in Homeric hexameters, and as these required a rigid observance of quantities, his writings, of which portions have been preserved, have had an important effect in fixing the laws of Latin pronunciation. Ennius has the credit of having originated the satire. At that time the word had not its present meaning. The word Satura denoted a medley, and was applied to a rude kind of miscellaneous acting without any regular plot. Ennius applied it to his miscellaneous writings, short poems on different sub- jects and in different metres. Ennius was a good man as well as a great genius. He was esteemed by his contemporaries. Scipio Africanus was an intimate friend, and when Ennius died he was buried in the sepulchre of the Scipios, and his bust was placed among the effigies of their family. Cicero calls Ennius "Summus poeta noster," and Virgil copied him at times. M. PORCIUS Cato, the well-known censor, is the first Latin 234. prose author of whom we have much knowledge. He was born at Tusculum, and became famous as soldier, orator and author. He was a patriot of the narrowest school, loving no country but his own. Cato's vigorous style and biting wit gave him great force as a speaker, and his speeches were published. In the time of Cicero 150 of them were extant, and Cicero praises them highly. Quotations which have been preserved show that Cato had abundant vigour and some administrative talent of the domineering order. VOL II. 2 18 THE EOMAN EMPIEE Cato's whole literary activity belonged to the period of his old age. At that time his national prejudices had somewhat diminished; and he even went so far as to study Greek, which in his earlier years he had despised. The books written by Cato were, as might be expected, of a practical order. A treatise on agriculture remains to us, modernised by the copyists, but sufficiently near the original to show his style. Cato also wrote a book called Origines, of which only fragments have been preserved. It dealt with Roman and Italian antiquities in the early chapters, giving such account as could be given of the early history of Rome and the Italian tribes. The book derived its title from its early chapters, but it went on to describe later history, bringing it down to the very year of his death. Latin historical composition in the proper sense began with Cato, the Origines being the oldest historical work written in Latin, and the first important prose work in Roman literature. 220, M. Pacuvius, the nephew of Ennius, was born at Brindisi just before the Second Punic War. He lived to be an old man, and witnessed during his life the stirring events which ended with the destruction of Carthage. Pacuvius was considered by many ancient writers one of the greatest of the Latin tragic poets. His tragedies were mostly based upon the Greek writers, but he treated his sub- jects with much originality. Some of his tragedies were taken from Roman story, such as the one entitled Paulus. Pacuvius' verses were popular in the time of Julius Caesar, and though only fragments remain, we can see that he was a man of lofty thought and high ideal. He was distinguished as a painter as well as a poet. Q. CiECiLius Statius was a native of Milan, and a writer of comedy. The date of his birth is uncertain, but he was the immediate predecessor of Terence. Some critics have placed him with Plautus and Terence in the first rank of comic poets, EOMAN LITERATUEE— THE EARLY PERIOD 19 but he was probably inferior to both. The titles of forty of his dramas are known, but only fragments have been preserved. P. Terentius Afer (Terence) was born at Carthage and i96. brought in his early youth as a slave to Rome. His master, a Roman senator, impressed by his talents, educated and freed him. Thus by his master's kindness he was brought early into contact with education and refinement, and acquired the elegant manner which characterises his work. The Andria, Terence's first play, was acted 166 B.C., and at once made him famous. Like other writers he borrowed largely from the Greek, nor did he attempt to clothe Athenian comedy in Roman garb as i\\&y had done. He wrote in the Latin language, but as an Athenian, and refrained from Roman customs and local references, Terence's plays may not be intrinsically more moral than the rest, but he avoided coarseness, and though this injured his popularity with the plebs, it made his plays agreeable to persons of taste. Terence died at the early age of thirty-six years. Six comedies remain to us, perhaps all that he produced. His style is polished, and his plays are marked by a purity of idiom which has received from critics the highest praise. It has even been said that, although a foreigner and a freedman, Terence divided with Cicero and Caesar the palm of pure Latinity. L. Accius was a prolific writer of tragedy and history. Of 170. his tragedies mere fragments remain, but these bear evidence of unusual power and of a moral impressiveness not always present in the Roman drama. Accius also wrote Annals in verse, containing a history of Rome and a history of poetry. These writings are not extant. The works of Accius are spoken of with admiration by ancient writers. He lived to a great age, and Cicero, when a young man, frequently conversed with him. 20 THE EOMAN EMPIEE 168. G. LuciLius of Aurunca was a fluent and popular writer of satirical poetry. Ennius has the credit of having invented the Satura or medley, but Lucilius moulded it into shape. His satires were in thirty books. Of these 800 fragments have been preserved. Though the fragments are of the briefest they show undoubted power. The style of Lucilius was vigorous and pungent, sometimes coarse enough and unsparingly frank, but abounding in caustic pleasantry and clever criticism of life. He had none of the polish of Terence, and Horace declared that if the order of his words was altered no one could tell that he was not reading prose. Nevertheless his writings lived, and were popular even in the Augustan age. CHAPTER III. ROMAN LITERATURE— THE TIME OF CICERO. M. Terentius Varro was a laborious student, a man of wide lie B.C. learning and a voluminous author. Unfortunately, he took to politics, and fought against Julius Caesar. After Pharsalia, Csesar forgave him, and employed him in connection with a scheme he had on foot for establishing a great public library in Rome. When Csesar was murdered Varro went into seclusion, and gave himself wholly to literary work. His name was on the list of those proscribed by the triumvirs, but he escaped and remained for some time in concealment. Afterwards Octavius protected him, and he lived to a good old age, spending his life at his favourite studies. Varro composed a mass of literature, of which, unfortun- ately, little has been preserved. His poetry was of the satiri- cal order, his prose writings dealt with a variety of subjects. Varro's great work was the Antiquities. The work was divided into two sections, Things Human, and Things Divine. Only fragments have come down to us, but many quotations from the latter section are to be found in the works of the early Christian fathers. Augustine drew largely from this source in his City of God. Varro wrote an important treatise on agriculture when he was eighty years of age. Of this treatise three books are extant. There are also extant six books, a portion of a treatise on the Latin language. The book contains much curious information, but testifies " to the infantine state of philological science at the time ". There is a refreshing element of common sense in Varro's (21) 22 THE EOMAN EMPIEE writing. He advises girls to keep at their needlework and not put off the child's dress too early ; and he advises that boys should not be taken to gladiatorial games, where the heart is hardened and cruelty quickly learned. 106. M. TuLLius Cicero was born at Arpinum in Southern Latium, and was educated at Rome. His father was in easy circumstances, and Marcus received instruction from the best teachers in the capital. He was an insatiable student, plung- ing " into every kind of study ". During the Social War Cicero served in two campaigns, but he had little fancy for soldiering. He would have been a better man had he kept out of politics altogether. But this would not have been in accordance with the spirit of the age. When we forget the man and remember only the writer, Cicero must receive the highest praise. He is in a class by himself. In his prose works the Latin language is seen in its perfection. Of modern classical Latin prose he may fitly be called the creator. At the age of twenty-six Cicero was already a successful pleader in the law courts. Either his health broke down or he dreaded the enmity of Sulla, so he left Rome, and spent two years in travel. During these years he visited Athens and Rhodes, and took the opportunity of extending his know- ledge of philosophy and rhetoric. He returned from his tour strengthened and matured, and was soon recognised as the foremost of Roman orators. From this time he was constantly engaged in the law courts and assemblies. Of the speeches which he delivered, fifty-seven have come down to us. They were carefully edited before publication in all probability, and some never were delivered at all, but they bear every sign of first-class oratorical ability. Sometimes Cicero was counsel for the prosecution, and several speeches demonstrate his power of invective. But, generally, he was retained for the defence, and when two or three counsel were engaged he spoke last, as being the one most likely to leave a favourable impression on the jury. EOMAN LITEEATUEE— THE TIME OF CICEEO 23 Cicero's political speeches were mostly delivered in the Senate amongst men of his own class. But he could also ad- dress popular audiences with power. The Roman law courts were not infrequently held in the open air, and interesting trials drew large crowds. The letters of Cicero are not less interesting than his speeches. There are about eight hundred of these, and they have high importance as a chronicle of the history of the time. They are the more valuable as manj^ of them, perhaps the greater number, were written without thought of pubHcation. Naturally they vary in character. Some are formal, some frank, some are intended to conceal by ambiguous language the real views of the writer. Some are written with care, some have been dashed off hurriedly. On the whole, Cicero's letters do not lead us to admire his character as a statesman or even as a citizen. But with this we are not at present con- cerned. The subject has already been dealt with in our history. As a writer, Cicero's style is excellent, and his letters form a valuable commentary upon the closing years of the republic. When Cicero's political popularity waned he devoted him- self more entirely to literature, and produced many important works. De Oratore is a treatise on public speaking thrown into the form of a discussion between famous orators. The attainments needed by an orator, the most effective arguments that an orator can employ, the value of delivery and action in oratory are all dealt with. In this treatise Cicero appears at his best. He was dealing with a subject which he understood, and his char- acters carry on the discussion with grace and dignity. Cicero also wrote on philosophy. The subject was not congenial, but he produced a treatise, De Repuhlica. The treatise was lost, but in 1822 portions of it were discovered in a Vatican palimpsest. In his philosophical writings Cicero borrowed largely from the Greek. His philosophy when original is superficial. De Legibus deals with the origin and nature of law, and has 24 THE EOMAN EMPIEE suggestions for a mode] code. The treatise is sketchy and incomplete, but gives valuable information. The task was interrupted by his departure from Rome as governor of Cilicia, and it was not resumed. When Cicero returned to Rome the Civil War interfered with his literary labours, but in 47 B.C. he once more settled down to his work. In the Brutus, written 46 B.C., he sketches the history of eloquence at Rome, and in a subsequent treatise gives his views of what an orator ought to be. Cicero's rhe- torical works are valuable ; the prose is finished and artistic ; the subject is handled by one who understood it well. Cicero's only daughter, Tullia, died in 45 B.C. She was greatly beloved, and the influence of her death appears in his later works. Consolatio was the first of these, and it was followed by Hortensius, a work in which St. Augustine found much inspiration. These were followed by philosophical treatises of a more speculative character. Of these De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum is the most important. It deals with the supreme good, the end towards which man should direct his actions and thoughts. In this book the philosophy of the Stoics, Epicureans and Peripatetics is discussed. Some of Cicero's writings were religious in character. Of such was De Natura Deoruon. In this book also the theories of the philosophical sects are criticised. De Divinatione, a work on revelation, followed, and De Fato, a treatise of which only a fragment remains. Cicero also wrote De Senectute, to show how old age may be most comfortably borne, and De Amicitia, on friendship. His last work was De Offi-ciis, a book written for the benefit of his son Marcus, then studying philosophy at Athens, It forms a systematic manual of moral duty. In the year 43 B.C. Cicero was proscribed by the triumvirs, Antony, Lepidus and Octavius, He fled, but was chased, and rather than allow his servants to risk their lives by fighting for him he offered his neck to the executioner. He had then only reached his sixty-fourth year, and but for this brutal deed EOMAN LITEEATURE— THE TIME OF CICERO 25 might have done much good work in the world in the evening of life. Cicero lived in trying times and tried to play too many parts. Had he kept more strictly to his proper role it would have been better for him and better for the great audience which his writings still reach. But as an author Cicero must have high praise. Under circumstances at times the most depressing he produced a great amount of literary work, not always original, but for tlie most part elevating in tone, and clear and rich in style. His writings marked an epoch in the Latin composition of his own time, and have been valuable instruments for twenty centuries in the hands of those who have aimed at the highest culture of the intelligence. C. Julius Caesar, the greatest hero of Roman history, was loo. a contemporary of Cicero and only a few years his junior. With his political life we have dealt in our former volume ; here we have only to speak of his literary powers. Caesar was an orator of merit, his speeches were praised by Cicero, and some were extant centuries after his death, though none have come down to our own time. He is said to have had a brilliant, high-bred style. Caesar was the author of several works besides those with which his name is generally associated, but only traces of them remain. His literary merits are known to us chiefly through his Commentaries, namely, on the Gallic and on the Civil Wars. The commentaries on the Gallic Wars were written with a purpose. Caesar had added huge districts to the Roman Empire, and in so doing had gathered together a powerful army devoted to his interests. In his CorriTnentaries he shows how all this was forced upon him by circumstances be- yond his control. Regarding the reasonableness of his views opinions may difter. Naturally Caesar puts everything in the best light for himself, but the tone is so bright and candid thE^t we do not seem to be reading the narrative of a partisan, 26 THE EOMAN EMPIEE Caesar was not a historian in the ordinary sense. There was in his writing no sign of careful research, or balancing of opinion, or even of strict adherence to truth. He had, as we have said, a purpose to serve. His aim was autobiographical rather than historical. But he tells his story with such fresh- ness and vigour that he has left in his autobiography a valuable record of political events. As a writer of Latin prose he stands second only to Cicero. 100. L. Afranius was a popular writer of comedies in the time of Caesar. His comedies described Roman scenes and manners in humble life, and some of them are far from refined. They may, however, be none the less accurate. Afranius was a man of good family and an orator, so that he wrote as an amateur. We have the names and fragments of more than twenty of his comedies. Comedies describing Roman scenes were called comvedioe togatcfi, those describing Greek scenes were comcedice palliatce, those which, like the comedies of Afranius, de- scribed humble life were called coTnosdice tahernarice. 99. T. Lucretius Carus was the didactic poet of Rome. He has even been spoken of as the greatest of Roman poets, but this place belongs to Virgil. Lucretius had a peculiar genius, a power of discussing abstruse matter in majestic verse, and of dealing with subjects usually considered dry and forbidding in a charming style. His work combines purity of style with depth of reasoning in a way unapproached by any other Latin poet. Lucretius was a Roman of good family and fortune, who despised the mundane ambitions of his time and gave himself to literature and philosophy. He has been called " the aristo- crat with a mission ' '. The study of the Greek philosophers and poets was the absorbing passion of his life. But he was no copyist : both as philosopher and poet he was an original genius. The work which has immortalised the name of Lucretius EOMAN LITBEATUEE— THE TIME OF CICEEO 27 is entitled De Rerum Natura. It is a philosophical work written in hexameters, explaining the most abstruse specula- tions in majestic verse, and with occasional digressions of singular beauty. The poem expounds the leading principles of Epicurean philosophy, which was itself based upon the yet earlier philosophy of Democritus. This school of philosophers taught what we would now speak of as the survival of the fittest. The world was a concourse of atoms which had come together by chance and would eventually separate and continue their race through void. Much scientific teaching of the present day is on the same lines, and Lucretius in his writings anticipates new discoveries, both in chemistry and physics, in a remarkable way. Unfortunately the psychology of Lucretius is also material- istic. The soul and mind consist of atoms, and the soul is not immortal. The atoms of the soul are scattered at death, after which there can be no sensation, therefore men have nothing to fear. The victims of passion and vice have their hell in this life. In the Lucretiau system the place of the gods was taken by Nature, an omnipotent and omnipresent force, governing the universe by fixed laws. Lucretius discusses many other subjects in his poem. He is often wrong, but he is sometimes right, and he is always great. And the student rises from a comparison of these old-world theories with the theories of the advanced scientific men of our own day with the conviction deepened that " there is no new thing under the sun ". In his own day the writings of Lucretius did not meet with much appreciation. Nor is it to be wondered at. He vehemently attacked the superstitions of his time, but he had nothing to give in their place, for the materialism which he preached could not satisfy the heart of man. Virgil, however, afterwards did homage to his genius, with true poetic feeling declaring his own inferiority. Lucretius died at the early age of forty-four and left his poem unfinished, so that it was given to the world in its com- pleted form by some other hand. 28 THE EOMAN EMPIKE 86. C. Sallustius Crispus (Sallust) was born in the Sabine hills and was a historian of merit. He quarrelled with Cicero and was expelled from the Senate. In the Civil War he was fortunate enough to take the side of Caesar. He was rewarded with the government of Numidia, and returned to Rome from his province a wealthy man. Sallust was the first Roman historian to emancipate himself from the habit of writing history in chronicle form. He tried instead to imitate the style of such writers as Thucydides. He was, however, too intense a partisan to be reliable, and he has the habit of putting speeches of his own composition into the mouths of his heroes. The two works which have come down to us, accounts of the Catiline conspiracy and the Jugurthan War, are really political pamphlets. Nevertheless, the style of Sallust's writings was original, and they are valuable from a literary point of view. Sallust avoided the stately smoothness of Ciceronian Latin : his style is abrupt, almost jerky. We may perhaps say that whilst Cicero gave us Latin in its beauty, Sallust gives it in a terse and concentrated form. 84. C. Valerius Catullus was born at Verona in Cisalpine Gaul. He was a talented poet, belonging to a new Roman school of poets, which modelled itself upon the Greek fashion- able poetry. The poems of Catullus are of the lyric and elegiac order, and in various styles and metres. Amongst them are many love poems, some coarse, but all clever. In some of his pieces Catullus rivals Horace. The Atys is one of the most remark- able of his poems. It is full of poetic fire and has a rhythm used also by Lord Tennyson in " Boadicea ". Catullus died at an early age, else he would have reached the first rank of Roman poets. CHAPTER IV. ROMAN LITERATURE— THE AUGUSTAN AGE. With Augustus the republic ended and the empire began. The establishment of the empire not only marked an era in political life, but also an era in literature. With an autocrat upon the throne, benevolent indeed, but determined to order all things according to his will, the free form of political life ceased, and much literary freedom ceased with it. The government could not be attacked, not even criticised, it must only be praised. Pamphleteering was now dangerous and oratory lost much of its force. To harangue a public audience was little short of treason, nor was there much scope for oratory in a Senate which only met to register the emperor's decrees. Historical writing becomes less easy under a despotism. The history of the past can be freely recorded up to a certain point, the point when the despot or his ancestors begin to take a personal interest in it. After that the historian must walk warily, even with regard to the history of past reigns. As for the history of his own day, that if touched at all can only be touched in the interests of the reigning monarch. In the Roman Empire the change that had come over the literary world was not at once felt. The best men of Augus- tus' reign had lived under the republic, some of them had even served against him. Moreover, Augustus was a peculiarly able and broad-minded man. He made one terrible mistake in connecting himself with the proscription and hounding Cicero to death, but he soon gathered sense. Realising the power of literature in the world he encouraged literary men, and took them under his patronage. Msacenas, his chief minister, (29) 30 THE KOMAN EMPIEE though an indifferent writer was an excellent critic, and sur- rounded himself with the choicest literary spirits of his day. Literature, therefore, flourished, but only on certain lines. The literary man who becomes a courtier has to pay as the price the loss of his independence. Augustus and Maecenas were gracious to literary men, but it was understood that they must keep their hands off public affairs, or if they spoke of the emperor, must speak in flattering tones and with bated breath. For a time things went well enough. The Augustan age was undoubtedly extremely brilliant. It was something to have men like Virgil, and Horace, and Livy, and Ovid, almost contemporaneous. Augustus himself was fond of books. He founded libraries, and dabbled in prose and verse. It was in- deed part of his policy to create a literature, to bring clever men forward, and to use them in his service. So long, in fact, as the despot was a literary man, though the nature of the writing might change, yet there would be plenty of it. But when Augustus passed away, and the despot was only a despot, things became very different. This was what really happened. During the reign of Tiberius there was a lull, then some literary activity for a time, but it soon became clear that the golden age had passed. Men were afraid to write freely, there was little to inspire them in any case, and genius shrank within itself. 70 B.C. P. Vergilius Maro (Virgil) was the greatest of Roman poets. He was born at Andes, near Mantua, and was care- fully educated. Too delicate to be a soldier, and too shy to be an advocate, he devoted himself to study. His parents were humble though independent, and they educated him as well as could be done. He was for some years at school at Cremona, and then went to Rome to study philosophy, rhe- toric, and the like. In the rhetoric class Octavius, after- wards emperor, was a fellow student, Virgil owed his early recognition as a poet to that which BOMAN LITERATUEE— THE AUGUSTAN AGE 31 seemed at the time a great misfortune. His father's farm was 41. confiscated by the officers of Augustus, and awarded to one of the emperor's veterans. The confiscation was unjust, and Virgil had the courage, using what little influence he had, to apply for restitution. The Governor of Cisalpine Gaul took an interest in the case, and used influence with Maecenas, Augustus' chief minister, through whom Virgil recovered the property. His first Eclogue was written to express gratitude to Caesar for his kindness. Unfortunately a year or two later the injustice was repeated, and Virgil's life was in danger. He again appealed, and this time he did not recover the ancestral farm, but another was given to him in its stead. The Eclogues or Bucolics were Virgil's earliest work. They are written in a simple, natural way, and are excellent examples of polished versification. The Georgics, an agricultural poem in four books, are de- dicated to Maecenas, who had taken Virgil under his patronage. Perhaps the subject was suggested by him. They deal with the various duties of a farmer, agriculture, planting of trees, care of live stock, treatment of bees, and the like. The Georgics were published in complete form about 30 B.C. After publishing the Georgics the greater part of Virgil's life was occupied in writing the ^neid. This epic poem con- structed on Homeric lines, begins with the supposed wanderings of iEneas after the fall of Troy, and skilfully throws upon the screen lovely and majestic word pictures of Rome's ancient glory. In the poem, legend, history and philosophy are skil- fully interwoven. In the sixth book, the hero visits the abode of the dead, sees the place of torment of the wicked, and the plains of Paradise. From this book sprang Dante's great works, the Inferno and the Paradiso. He made Virgil his model, and owned him master. Virgil died about the age of fifty, leaving his great poem unfinished and unrevised. So impressed was he with its im- perfections that he left instructions in his will that the poem should be destroyed. Fortunately, Augustus heard of it, and 32 • THE EOMAN EMPIRE ordered that this should not be done, but that the poem should be published as he had left it. Critics have not been slow to accuse Virgil of lack of originality, and undoubtedly he drank deeply at the well of Homer, just as Dante drank deeply at the well of Virgil. Per- haps even Homer drank deeply at some other well, for recent explorations make it clear that Homer himself did not stand at the threshold of Greek civilisation. Originality is hard to find. Few men have been able to do more than improve slightly upon work done by their predecessors. Even so with Virgil. A delicate, retiring man of culture, he gathered up much that was rich and beautiful, and handed it down to posterity in a new and more perfect form. His poem stands after the Iliad and Odyssey, the third great epic poem of antiquity. Virgil's poetic genius was recognised early, and his works were used as school-books in Rome for centuries after his death. He was a pure-minded and elevated writer, and he used the Latin language with consummate skill. With Cicero in prose, with Virgil in poetry, we have Latin at its best. 65. Q. HoRATius Flaccus (Horace), was Virgil's personal friend, and has been, in his own way, almost equally famous. Like Virgil, he came of humble parentage, and owed almost everything to the care bestowed upon his education by his parents. His father had been a slave, but was freed before his son's birth, and became a tax-collector. He educated his son Horace at Rome and Athens. With other young men living in Athens at the time he joined the army of Brutus, and was beaten with the rest at Philippi. After the battle he sued for pardon, and was per- mitted to return to Rome. There he lived in a humble way for a time, but his poetry attracting attention, he became acquainted with Virgil, who introduced him to Maecenas. Maecenas treated him with kindness, and presented him with a small estate on the Sabine hills, not far from Tibur. On this property Horace lived in comfort, taking great delight in it. EOMAN LITERATUEE— THE AUGUSTAN AGE 33 The Satires were the earliest pubHsheJ writings of Horace. The word in those days signified a mixture or medley. Some of the words were satirical in the modern sense, but many were not. The Satires show much keenness of observation and facility of expression. The Odes came next in order of time, and are Horace's greatest monument. Sometimes they are written in lighter strain, sometimes with serious purpose. Everywhere there is beauty of form and language, and the master's touch. Nettle- ship has said : " In lyric poetry Horace represents, as Virgil does in epic, the highest ideas which the national life of the Roman Empire was capable of inspiring ". The Epistles came last. In these Roman society is de- picted by the man of the world with genial criticism, prac- tical philosophy and exquisite grace. Some have said that in this particular form of composition, Horace has never been equalled. Like Virgil, Horace was fortunate in obtaining early appre- ciation. His writings were soon widely known and widely studied. Mtecenas and Augustus treated him kindly, and, though he retained an independent spirit, he remained on good terms with his patrons. Munro, the well-known critic, in com- paring Virgil with Horace, beautifully says, that whilst Virgil was imitated by many subsequent writers of epic poetry, " the moulds in which Horace cast his lyrical and his satirical thoughts were broken at his death ". Titus Livius (Livy) was born at Padua, and was for a 59. time a teacher of rhetoric in his native city. He came to Rome when about twenty-eight years of age, studied rhetoric, and wrote philosophy. He made the acquaintance of Augustus, and being an able man, holding no extreme views, he kept on good terms with men of all parties. Soon after the foundation of the empire Livy began his great work, The History of Rome. The work was designed on an ambitious scale. It was to have contained 150 books, VOL. II. 3 34 THE EOMAN EMPIEE and to have narrated the history of the city from its foundation to his own time. Livy died before the work was completed, but he had brought his subject down to the death of Drusus, 9 B.C. In all he had written 142 books, of which, unfortu- nately, only thirty-five have been preserved, Books I.-X. and XXI. -XLV. There are extant, however, short epitomes of most of the lost books. Livy was far from reliable as a historian. Not that he was dishonest, but his methods were unsatisfactory. His chronology was often inaccurate, his geography at fault. He had been educated in a very broad sense, he had little know- ledge of law, political economy, political science, or philosophy. His reflections are rarely profound. He merely aimed at pro- ducing a readable narrative, but this he did to perfection. His style is extremely good. His prose has been spoken of even by great critics as unrivalled, and though this praise is too high, there can be no question concerning its merits. Livy's writing flows on in a calm, strong current, and even when he is transparently inaccurate he is effective. He did not mean to be inaccurate. He was a fair, liberal-minded man in many ways. But he was ultra-patriotic ; he could see little else in the world but Rome. Moreover, it was ancient Rome that chiefly attracted him ; the Rome of his own day he counted sadly degenerate. Perhaps he was not far wrong. He accepted the change which the empire had brought as a necessity, but he loved it not. Judging Livy as a historian he had many faults, but as a literary man he takes high rank. In the writing of pure Latin prose Cicero and Caesar were his only rivals. 54. Albius Tibullus was an elegiac poet some of whose writings remain extant. He seems to have been an amiable, unselfish man, and his poems are delicate and refined. Many of his songs were inspired by the tender passion : his first elegies are addressed to Delia, later songs to others. Horace was warmly attached to him, and does homage to the purity EOMAN LITERATUKE— THE AUGUSTAN AGE 35 of style which characterised his poetry. Quintilian, a cele- brated Roman rhetorician and critic, speaks of hiui as the most polished and elegant of Roman elegiac poets. Sextus Propertius, a poet of Umbria, and a man of con- 49. siderable learning, also wrote passionate love songs. His first elegies are addressed to Cynthia, for whom he had a fervent attachment. The attachment was unhappy enough, but, under its influence, Propertius wrote his best poetry. He, also, was one of the circle of literary men who surrounded Msecenas. Propertius had weak health, and partly for this reason, partly because the connection with Cynthia was broken off, he latterly wrote but little. Probably he died young, PuBLius OviDius Naso (Ovid) was born in central Italy, 43. and came to Rome at an early age. His father desired that he should be an advocate and have an official career, so he had him trained in rhetoric and law. Ovid even entered the pro- fession and held some minor appointments. But he was de- voted to versification, and soon laid his profession aside for the sake of poetry. Of the great Augustan poets Ovid is the only one whose career entirely belongs to that age. He was born the year after Julius Cassar was murdered, and died thi'ee years after the death of Augustus. Ovid's poetry, until he was about forty years of age, was chiefly on amatory subjects. It was often extremely immoral, but it suited the tone of society, and Ovid was quickly in- stalled as the fashionable poet. His genius cannot be ques- tioned, but much of his work was frivolous, and some of it was unscrupulously demoralising. During the last ten years of his life Ovid wrote books of a worthier character. Among these the Metamorphoses gave, in fifteen books, legends and fables describing transformations from the creation down to Julius Ccesar, who was transformed into a star. Ovid also wrote a poem called the Fasti, a poetical handling of the Roman calendar, describing the events 36 THE EOMAN EMPIEE which each day commemorated. It might have been more interesting had there been any serious purpose inspiring it. As it is its chief interest Hes in the fact that it throws light upon certain out-of-tlie-way rites and customs. When Ovid was fifty-two years of age he was banished by Augustus to To mi, a town of Thrace, near the mouth of the Danube on the very borders of the empire. The reason of this drastic banishment is disputed, but doubtless it was well deserved. Probably Ovid had been guilty of some greater indiscretion than usual. Augustus was making an effort to improve the morals of Roman society and Ovid was doing his best to corrupt them. The citizens of Tomi received Ovid with more kindness than he deserved, but it was a sore change from the gay life of the capital to this wretched and joyless town for a man like Ovid. He wrote many elegies bemoaning his fate and plead- ing for permission to return, but Augustus would neither recall him nor permit him to change his place of exile. In 14 A.D. Augustus died and was succeeded by Tiberius. Three years later Ovid also died at Tomi, the last great poet of the Augustan era. We shall return to our sketch of Roman literature in a subsequent chapter. CHAPTER V. TIBERIUS. Augustus had been first married to Clodia. His second wife was Scribonia, who bore him his daugliter Julia. He divorced Scribonia and married a third wife, Livia, the wife of Tiberius Claudius Nero, a Roman noble. Livia had borne two sons to her former husband, Tiberius and Drusus, who thus became stepsons of Augustus. Drusus died in his prime. He was father of Germanicus and Claudius, the latter of whom became an emperor late in life. Augustus having no son of his own made many plans for the succession, but outlived most whom he had chosen. First he chose Marcellus, son of his sister Octavia, but he died at the age of nineteen. Then he favoured his stepsons, Tiberius and Drusus. Afterwards he preferred Lucius and Gains Ctesar, the sons of Julia by her second husband Agrippa. When they died, Drusus being also dead, he had no one in the royal house whose claims could compete with those of Tiberius. Accordingly Tiberius was adopted as his son, and invested with the imperium and tribuuician power. Afterwards he was authorised to take the census and to administer the provinces along with Augustus. It was, therefore, a matter of course that he should succeed him, ami he did so with universal consent. It is never easy to succeed a popular man. Augustus u a.d. became emperor whilst still a youth ; he was a hero, he had many popular gifts. When Tiberius became emperor he was fifty-five years of age, and his life had been far from a happy one. Augustus had used him freely and treated him badly. Whilst still young he had compelled him to divorce his wife, (37) 82004 38 THE EOMAN EMPIEE Vispania Agrippina, to whom he was devoted, and to many his daughter Julia, the widow of Agrippa. There was no happiness in the union, for, apart from other things, Julia was a worthless woman. Though Augustus had thus spoiled the life of his stepson he showed him little favour and would have robbed him of the succession in the end had there been any other who could have been pushed forward. Little wonder if Tiberius became soured and cynical. The historians of the period were bitterly hostile to Tiberius, and dealt unfairly with his memory. They exaggerated his faults, misinterpreted his motives, and retailed silly and ma- licious rumours about his actions. He was a hypocrite, they say, because he affected reluctance in assuming the imperial power. But all we know of the after life of Tiberius strengthens the impression that this reluctance was not feigned. Had the imperial power come ten or twenty years earlier it might well have gratified him. But he was now past his prime ; he had been acting with Augustus for years ; he knew the difficulties and dangers surrounding the imperial position, and the thanklessness of the task ; he knew that he lacked the gifts that made Augustus popular ; he dis- liked the senators and he despised the plebs ; why then should he increase his responsibilities and make his life one long- misery ? When Tiberius went to live at Capri the historians could only suppose that he did it for the sake of indulging in licen- tiousness unchecked. The bare mention of the matter is sufllcient to show its absurdity. Why should a man leave the most wicked city in the world and go to live in a small island with a few villa residences for the sake of debauchery ? Surely there was enough opportunity for that in Rome. Tiberius left Rome because he was weary of the city, weary of the intrigues of the place, weary of his unhappy domestic life. He longed for peace ; he found it in Capri and he never returned to Rome. His absence from Rome increased his unpopularity. TIBEKIUS 39 The capital of an empire does not love an absentee monarch, and the hand of Sejaniis, whom he made governor, was heavy upon the senators. But Rome had to learn how little, after all, residence within her walls had to do with the government of the empire. The provinces were Tiberius' chief concern. He had to think not only of one huge disreputable city, but of a great part of Europe, Asia and Africa. In the restfulness of Capri Tiberius could receive his couriers from the distant provinces and issue his instructions to his governors in the ends of the earth just as easily as he could have done amidst the distracting and evil influences of Rome. Nor is there any reason to believe that this first duty was neglected. The em- pire was well governed by Tiberius. But Rome missed the glitter and the show. The death of Augustus was made the opportunity for mutiny amongst the troops on the Danube and on the Rhine. The soldiers complained of their poor pay and long term of service. The mutiny on the Danube was quelled by Drusus, the son of Tiberius, with the aid of an opportune lunar eclipse. The mutiny on the Rhine was more serious. Germanicus, the nephew of Tiberius, son of his favourite brother Drusus, and his own adopted son, was general on the Rhine. He was exceedingly popular, and the soldiers offered to make him emperor if he would lead them to Rome. Germanicus resisted firmly ; he was loyal to liis uncle, and at last the soldiers lis- tened to his remonstrances. In connection with the mutiny on the Rhine we first hear of Caligula (Bootikin), who was destined to succeed Tiberias. His name was Gains and he was the youngest son of Ger- manicus. He was at that time in the camp with his mother Agrippina and was a great pet amongst the soldiers, who gave him his nickname, probably from the way that he strutted about the camp in his Uttle military boots. The sight of Agrippina, pretending to carry Bootikin away from the camp to a place of safety, moved the hearts of the rough men and 40 THE KOMAN EMPIEE brought them to their senses. Their nickname has never been forgotten. During the next three years Germanicus was constantly at war with the Germans. He crossed the Rhine, devastated their lands and fought several campaigns. The German leader was Arminius (Hermann). This hero had done his country much service. It was he who, during the reign of Augustus, defeated Varus and destroyed his legions. Germanicus was more careful than Varus had been, and did not meet with so grave a disaster, though at times his troops were in great danger. The Germans were often defeated, but the Romans lost heavily and could obtain no permanent grip of the country. At last, perceiving that the results bore no proportion to the 17. expenditure of blood and treasure involved, Tiberius recalled Germanicus and determined, as Augustus had done before him, to accept the Rhine as the boundary of the empire. Arminius died at the early age of thirty-seven. He is rightly held in high esteem by his countrymen and regarded as a great national hero, the deliverer of Germany. Germanicus was now sent to the East to settle disputes with the Armenians and Parthians. About the same time Cn. Calpurnius Piso, a somewhat overbearing aristocrat, was made Governor of Syria. Germanicus succeeded with his mission, but fell out with Piso, and relations became so strained that Piso left his province. Just then Germanicus fell ill and died. On his deathbed he declared his belief that he had been poisoned by Piso's instigation. It is most im- probable, nevertheless such was the popularity of Germanicus at Rome that when Piso returned he had to stand his trial before the Senate. He had few friends, for the emperor, who did not believe the story of tlie poisoning, was yet angry with Piso for having exceeded his duty as governor in various ways. Whilst the trial was in progress he was found dead with his throat cut and his sword beside him. Of course there were many to declare that an evil conscience had led him to make away with himself ; others said that he had been TIBERIUS 41 killed by order of Tiberius, who was also responsible for the ..death of Germanicus. Unfortunately, the death of an accused person was no unusual event at Rome. It solved many diffi- culties. However it may have happened, it may be looked upon as certain that Tiberius had nothing to do with either death. Though the reign of Tiberius was exempt from serious wars, there were uprisings in Africa, Gaul, and Thrace. In Southern Italy there were slave revolts. At Rome the steady increase in the slave population, the decrease in the free-born population, and the degradation of such freemen as remained were becoming a cause of alarm to thoughtful men. In a former chapter we have seen how carefully Augustus preserved republican forms even when the substance had passed away. Though all real power had been taken from the people, Augustus let them play at electing magistrates and passing laws. Under Tiberius this pretence of authority was taken away. Legislation was now carried out by Senatus Consulta and by Imperial Rescript. With neither had tlie plebs anything to do. The election of magistrates was also taken out of their hands. The emperor nominated the candi- date, the Senate approved, the people had tlie barren right to acclaim. In thus even apparently worsening the legal status of the plebs Tiberius risked popularity. But the circumstances amply justified his action. The Roman populace had been ruined by conquest and the slavery that follows it. The nobles had their money and tlieir pride and lived apart. Rome was crowded with slaves wlio not only performed all the manual labour, but were the tradesmen and sliopkeepers of the city. Slave labour and free labour cannot exist side by side, and the humbler freemen had degenerated into loafers, living upon the taxes. Augustus fed the rabble, amused them with games, and let them believe that he was consulting them about the government. Tiberias continued to feed them. From this for the moment there seemed to be no escape. But 42 THE EOMAN EMPIEE he did not trouble to amuse them, and he no longer pretended to consult them about the government. Tiberius established a permanent prefecture of the city of Rome, maintaining the dignity of the office by restricting it to senators of consular rank. He appointed Sejanus as prse- torian prefect, a dashing cavalry officer for whom he had a great fancy. Tiberius, acting probably under the advice of Sejanus, also caused a permanent camp to be built for the guards outside the walls. It was in front of the Porta Viminalis, and the nine cohorts which had charge of the city were all stationed there. It was convenient to have the soldiers thus apart from the people, but it was dangerous. Living together their interests became concentrated, and they were more conscious of their power. The time would come when the praetorian guards would set up and pull down emperors. The emperor paid careful attention to finance. Augustus had spent money somewhat freely, especially in Rome. The games had been well supported, the temples had been restored, the city had been adorned with public buildings. It was said of Augustus that he found Rome brick and left it marble. Tiberius curtailed all these unproductive forms of expenditure. Thus he was able to lighten taxation, and even to remit it at times. 33. At a time of serious financial crisis Tiberius came to the rescue and saved the national credit. When an earthquake in Asia laid famous cities in ruins, he sent princely gifts and remitted tribute for five years. When there was a disastrous 36. fire on the Aventine and terrible suffering ensued, Tiberius gave three-quarters of a million for the relief of the sufferers. Yet such was his careful administration and the effect of peace upon the empire that he never found it necessary to raise taxation, and when he died he left the exchequer full. During the reign of Tiberius the law of treason was widened. In earlier times, treason was a name only applied to offences against the commonwealth, now it was made to include TIBEEIUS 43 offences against the emperor. An insult to the emperor, whether in speech or writing, was an offence against the State. This is really the modern view of treason as held in Germany at the present time. It is logical, flowing naturally from the imperial system. But it is open, under certain circumstances, to great abuse, and it was greatly abused at Rome. Worse than the extension of the law of treason was the encouragement given to public informers, delatores as they were called. Augustus began the mischief by offering rewards to any who lodged information against violators of his mar- riage laws. It was not an easy matter to get information on the subject, and, as there was no public prosecutor at Rome, the delator seemed for the moment to be a public convenience. When Tiberius came to the throne he allowed public informers to be used yet more widely. But there is no more dangerous weapon than this, and when he saw to what it led he did his utmost to check it. This did not prove an easy task, especially after Tiberius went to live at Capri, and left the government of Rome largely in the hands of Sejanus. Sejanus used in- formers freely, and Tiberius' memory has the discredit for all that Sejanus did. The public informer, used in connection with a wide law of treason, can produce infinite mischief in a State. When Tiberius was sixty-seven years of age, he went on 26. tour in Campania. During the tour an accident happened to the party. They were dining in a grotto when some rocks fell. Some of the servants were crushed, and only the pre- sence of mind and devotion of Sejanus, who sprang forward and held a rock back by main strength, prevented the emperor from being seriously injured. Tiberius was grateful to Sejanus, and he became a greater favourite than ever. After the emperor's business in Campania was completed, he visited Capri. Struck by the peacefulness of the island and the contrast it afforded to the bustle and turmoil of Rome, he determined to remain there for a time. He enjoyed the island so much that he ordered villas to be built for the residence of 44 THE ROMAN EMPIRE himself and his officials, and a stay intended at first to be for days was prolonged to a stay of eleven years. Roman historians have not been ashamed to affirm gross and hateful reasons for this love of seclusion. Nothing could be more ungenerous and absurd. Tiberius was now an old man. He had seen much sorrow and felt many disappoint- ments. He detested Rome, and the peacefulness of Capri was refreshing in the extreme. Possibly it would have been better if he had withdrawn altogether from the aftairs of empire. But it is not easy for an autocrat to resign, unless perhaps he has a popular son willing to take his place. Tiberius had none. His only son Drusus had died three years before. For the moment no one was distinctly indicated as his successor. Under these circumstances, resignation was no easy matter. As he himself put it, he held a wolf by the ears ; it was dangerous to keep hold ; it was yet more dangerous to let go- Though living in Capri, Tiberius kept in close touch with imperial atfiyfe^ Whatever dissatisfaction there may have been at Rome, there was none in the provinces. Tiberius did not travel about as Augustus had done, but he paid close attention to the general welfare of the empire. Four pro- consuls were condemned for maladministration, and a much- needed regulation made governors responsible for the rapacity of their wives. Tiberius said " it was tlie part of a shepherd to shear not to flay his flock ". The government of the city of Rome was in the hands of Sejanus, the prefect of the guards. Sejanus would have made an able and brilliant governor had Tiberius been there to look after him, but he was not worthy of supreme power. He was ambitious and unscrupulous, and made bitter enemies. Tiberius loaded him with honours, and he undoubtedly ex- pected to succeed him. Perhaps at one time this was the emperor's intention, and had Sejanus walked more warily it might have been so. But when he perceived that Sejanus was presuming, his mind turned towards Caligula, the son of Ger- TIBERIUS 45 manicus, of whom wo have ah-eady spoken, and who had now developed from the child into the full-^rown man. Perceiving that his hopes of succession were baulked Seja- nus conspired. The conspiracy was discovered and Sejanus met with the fate of so many royal favourites. He was arrested and executed, and his death was followed by the execution of his family and friends. In the seventy-eighth year of his age Tiberius, realising 37. that the end was drawing nigh, (juitted Capri and journeyed towards Rome. When travelling along the Appian Way, and already within seven miles of the city, alarmed at some evil omen, he turned back and retraced his steps as far as Misenum. There, in the villa of Lucullus, he died. Tibei'ius was an unpopular man. Perhaps he was a hard man. But he jvas a great man, well worthy to stand side by side with Julius and Augustus as one of the three founders of the Roman Empire. Although an opportunity will arise for dealing more fully with the rise of Christianity, it would be unseemly to forget that it was during the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius that the solemn events took place in Judaea which so wonderfully changed the history of mankind. It was during a census held by virtue of a decree from Augustus that Christ was born in Bethlehem. Pontius Pilate, under whom our Lord suffered crucifixion, had received his appointment from Sejanus. When the mob shouted : "If thou let this man go, thou art not Caesar's friend," it was Tiberius of whom they were speaking. Serious complaints had already reached the emperor of Pilate's tyrannical conduct and he dreaded further complaint, the more as his patron, Sejanus, had himself been executed for treason. So, to escape the dreaded severity of Tiberius, and little dreaming of the vast and august tribunal by whom his decision would be revised, " Pilate gave sentence that it should be as they required". 46 THE EOMAN EMPIRE When Tiberius died the apostles had begun their labours, but the Gospel had not yet reached Rome. But it was ap- proaching, for just about the time that the emperor passed away Paul, the Apostle to the Gentiles, received his spiritual baptism. CHAPTER VI. GAIUS (CALIGULA). Rome had now enjoyed good government for three-quarters of 37. a century. Julius Ca3sar, the last president of the republic, was one of the great men of the ancient world. Augustus, his successor, the first of the emperors, was an extremely capable and popular man. Tiberius, who followed him, though un- popular, was also extremely capable. He was severe and even cruel, but his hand was heavy only upon the rich, and chiefly upon the Roman senators. The empire as a whole prospered exceedingly under its stern monarch. The condition of the empire at this time has been thus described by Philo of Alexandria : — " Who was not amazed and delighted at beholding Gains assume the government of the empire, tranquil and well- ordered as it was, fitted and compact in all its parts, north and south, east and west, Greek and barbarian, soldier and civilian, all combined together in the enjoyment of a common peace and prosperity ? It abounded everywhere in accumu- lated treasures of gold and silver, coin and plate ; it boasted a vast force, both of horse and foot, by land and by sea, and its resources flowed, as it were, from a perennial fountain. Nothing was to be seen throughout our cities but altars and sacrifices, priests clad in white and garlanded, the joyous ministers of the general mirth ; festivals and assemblies, musi- cal contests and horse-races, nocturnal revels, amusements, recreations, pleasures of every kind and addressed to every sense. The rich no longer lorded it over the poor, the strong upon the weak, masters upon servants, or creditors on their debtors ; the distinctions of classes were levelled by the occa- (47) 48 THE EOMAN EMPIKE sion ; so that the Saturnian age of the poets might no longer be regarded as a fiction, so nearly was it revived in the life of that happy era " (Bury, Roman Empire, p. 219). The passage is well worth quoting, not only because it gives a bright description of the Roman Empire, but because it is as strong a testimony as could be given to the excellent government of Tiberius, all the stronger because it was prob- ably rather meant to be in laudation of his successor. But it is not at the beginning of a reign that the condition of an empire speaks in favour of a ruler, but at the end. Undoubtedly at this time the main body of the people were prosperous and well governed. The condition of the capital was far from satisfactory. But Italy and the provinces were at peace, the humble majority were allowed to spend their days in quiet, and they were better off under the emperors than they had been under the republic. Gains succeeded to Tiberius amidst general enthusiasm. He was but five and twenty, the great-grandson of Augustus, the son of Germanicus, a favourite both with soldiers and people. He succeeded a stern, gloomy, unpopular old man, during whose reign there had been repression and even terror. Every one welcomed the new monarch. There was feasting and rejoicing throughout the empire. Tiberius had been a careful financier and without adding to the taxes had so governed that he left Gains a full treasury, about twenty millions of accumulated savings, some part of which at least might be spent for the benefit of the people. Never had monarch a better chance. And for a time Gains did well. He banished informers, released prisoners, recalled exiles, modified the law of treason, remitted taxation, and declared his intention of restoring to the plebs the ancient rights of election of which they had been deprived. These measures were not all wise, but they made him popular, and when he also restored to the games their ancient splendour and scattered gifts broadcast he won for himself unbounded applause. GAIUS (CALIGULA) 49 For about seven months Gaius paid strict attention to busi- ness, and everything seemed to promise a beneficent reign. Then all at once he broke down. He had given a birthday banquet, a magnificent entertainment. It was a turning-point in his career. From that moment he degenerated, neglected business, became the slave of his passions, and acted in such a way that it would be generous to believe that his mind was affected. Probably Gaius was always a weakling. His early days were spent in camp with soldiers. The men made much of him, and perhaps taught him mischief. Afterwards he was for a time with Tiberius and had to repress himself. When Tiberius died and he became emperor the suddenness of the elevation sobered him and kept him straight. Then came the banquet and Gaius probably got drunk and fell once more under the power of evil. From that time he made no further effort to keep himself straight. He gave the reins to his lusts, and Rome was governed by a debauchee. In the degradation of the young emperor no influence was more malign than that of Herod Agrippa, the grandson of Herod the Great, and nephew of Herod Antipas. Agrippa was a shrewd worldling, dissipated and unprincipled. He gained great influence over Gaius, and filled his poor, empty mind with visions of Oriental splendour and voluptuousness. Nor was Agrippa's the only evil influence at court. For years Gaius had been devoted to Ennia, the wife of Macro, the prte torian prefect, and there were others with whom his relation- ship was even more dishonourable. The reign of Gaius was not entirely filled with folly. In the erection of public buildings he would fain have followed the example of Augustus. Tiberius had been careful, perhaps even parsimonious ; Gaius had large views. The palace of the Caesars was enlarged, temples were completed, and the theatre of Pompey, which had been partially burnt, was restored. One exceedingly useful work he began, but was unable to complete, the carrying of a fresh water supply to Rome by an aqueduct. VOL. II. 4 50 THE ROMAN EMPIEE He also constructed a viaduct between the Palatine and Capito- line hills. He is said even to have planned a canal across the Isthmus of Corinth, a work only completed in our own time. At times Gains either did utter mischief or wasted money shamefully. He smashed the statues of distinguished republi- cans which Augustus had erected, either in a drunken fit or because he was jealous of their fame. Perhaps, for the last reason, he ordered that the works of Virgil and Livy should be removed from the libraries. 39. Gains built a bridge of boats three miles long across the gulf from Baiae to Puteoli, not as a permanent structure, but because some one had made the statement that he was just as likely to drive a chariot across the sea as to become emperor. That both might happen he built the bridge at great cost, covered it with planking and earth, and drove a triumphal chariot across it. Money was wasted upon fruitless expeditions. One of these was professedly against the Germans, the other was meant for the conquest of Britain. The German expedition achieved nothing, and the army intended to conquer Britain never went farther than the French coast. Absurd stories are told about these expeditions, but they may be exaggerated. Conduct like that which we have recorded brought financial trouble. The unbounded generosity of the first months of the reign and the reckless profusion of the after period soon told their tale. The millions left by Tiberius were swallowed up, and Gains began to be in want. The real nature of the man then came out. Ruined by his extravagances, but determined not to curtail his pleasures, he plundered his subjects both in Rome and in the provinces. The reforms, by the promise of which he had gained a fleeting popularity, now vanished away. The law of treason was revived and made wider than ever. Informers were again encouraged, and rich men were accused of offences merely in order that their substance might be seized. New taxes were imposed mercilessly both at Rome and in Italy. Taxes on imports, octroi taxes, income taxes and such GAIUS (CALIGULA) 51 like were freely imposed. Worse than all the cui'reiicy was debased. Thus did a four years' reign, be<^-un with an over- flowing treasury, end in bankruptcy. It seems like a jest to read that this worthless man was most punctilious with regard to the payment of divine honours to himself. His determination to receive adoration as a god led to serious conflict with the Jews both in Ju(la3a and in Alexandria. In Alexandria the Jews were ordered, not indeed by Gains himself, but by the prefect, to set up statues of the emperor in their synagogues. When they refused there were serious riots, and many were slain. The Jews sent an embassy to 40. Gaius to protest, and the Alexandrian citizens sent a counter embassy. On the arrival of the Jews in Italy, what was their horror to hear that the emperor had sent orders to Petronius, the governor of Judsea, to set up a huge statue of him in the Holy of Holies, in the temple at Jerusalem. This gave them little encouragement, but they went on and saw Gaius. He behaved like a lunatic, but did them no harm, looking upon them as men rather to be pitied than blamed. Fortunately his death prevented the awful scenes which would have fol- lowed any serious attempt to carry out his orders in Jerusalem. The condition of the Jews under Roman sway had changed for the worse. For a time their condition had not been un- happy. The Roman garrisons had protected them, the Roman governors and civil officers had been fair, the fiscal burdens had not been oppressive. When anything went very far wrong the Jews appealed to Rome, and did not always appeal in vain. Pontius Pilate had brought serious trouble to Judaea. Appointed governor in the reign of Tiberius by Sejanus, he neither understood the Jews nor cared to understand them. His insolence and cruelty maddened them, there had been serious insurrection and brutal massacre. In the striking- words of Scripture, " Their blood had been mingled with their sacrifices ". 52 THE EOMAN EMPIEE Pilate had also treated the Samaritans with cruelty, and they complained of his conduct to Vitellius, the governor of Egypt. Vitellius ordered Pilate to quit Judsea and proceed to Rome to submit himself to the judgment of the emperor. Accordingly, just four years after the crucifixion, Pilate went to Rome a disgraced man. He arrived to find Tiberius dead, and probably looked on the death of the stern monarch as a happy augury. But it was early days with Gains, and in his reforming zeal he condemned Pilate and banished him to Gaul. Pilate went to Gaul a broken man, and is believed to Imve put an end to his own life. 41. Gains made many bitter enemies during his brief reign, and a conspiracy was formed against him. Praetorian officers were the leaders of the conspiracy, and they assassinated him as he was passing through a vaulted corridor in the vast palace which he had built for himself on the Palatine. His body was hastily buried in the gardens, but was afterwards exhumed and cremated. At the time of his death the un- happy emperor had only reached the age of thirty years. CHAPTER VII. CLAUDIUS. When a monarch dies there is usually some one else ready 41. to till his place, but when Gains was assassinated there had been no thought of a successor. Gains was himself too young to have left a son of suitable ago, and no one had been inflicated during his brief reign as likely to succeed. The senators met at once to consider the state of affairs. Few regretted the death of Gains, but concerning the future they were divided. Some wished to abolish the empire and return to the republic, others wished to continue the empire, but change the dynasty. The prjetorian guards solved the problem. Ransacking the palace for plunder, some of them found Claudius, the son of Drusus, brother of Germanicus and uncle of the dead monarch, hiding for fear of his life. To his amazement they did not slay him there and then, but greeted him as emperor, and carried him off to the camp. The guards had heard of the proposal in the Senate that the republic should be revived, and the suggestion did not suit them at all. Probably it would have meant their disband- ment had there been no other objection. They determined to have an emperor, and why not Claudius ? Claudius did not desire the honour. Ho was a shy man, and the death of his nephew had greatly alarmed him. When the soldiers saluted him imperator he thought it was in mockery, and when they hurried him to the camp the spec- tators thought that he was being hurried to execution. They never dreamt of making Claudius emperor. But the soldiers were in earnest. They wanted an emperor. The Senate had to yield, Claudius himself had to yield, and he was formally invested with the imperium. (53) 64: THE EOMAN EMPIEE Tiberius Claudius Csesar was at this time fifty yesivs of age. He had physical disadvantages. He was deformed, he spoke indistinctly, he walked with shuffling gait. For these reasons he had been disliked by his mother, slighted by his relatives, and neglected by all. He had lived in the country for the most part, and become a nervous and diffident man. The contempt of the Roman court was better for the character of Claudius than its friendship would have been. He had scholarly tastes and became extremely well-educated. Weak and pedantic though he seemed, ho was far abler than many who despised him. It is sufficient answer to those who have spoken of Claudius as mentally weak to say that he wrote three large historical works, an Etruscan, a Carthaginian, and a Roman history. The Etruscan and Carthaginian histories were written in Greek. Other books he wrote, but these were the most im- portant. Claudius was a rough, undignified man. He has been likened to James I. of England, and like that monarch he was far from being a fool. He did not seek his position, but when it was thrust upon him he rose to the occasion, displayed con- siderable administrative talent, and did his best for the welfare of the State. Nor was he unsuccessful. His record is ex- ceedingly good : he left an indelible mark upon the history of the empire. Claudius had to begin his reign by undoing some of the mischief which Gains had done. Estates, unjustly confiscated, were restored to their owners. Political exiles were recalled, and persons lying under charge of treason were released. A senatorial conspiracy, inaugurated by men who were too proud to serve a man whom they had affected to despise, was crushed; and then Claudius settled down to the ordinary duties of administration. Claudius had the deepest reverence for Augustus, and tried to make him his pattern. Augustus had kept up cordial re- lations with the Senate. Claudius did the same. He restored to them the powers of which they had been deprived by CLAUDIUS 55 Tiberius, and strengthened their roll by the admission of new members. In administering justice Claudius was perhaps more as- siduous than wise. It is not best that a sovereign should personally sit on the bench, but Claudius did so: hearing the cases that came before him hour after hour with infinite patience. Perhaps this gave him an insight into the law which he would not otherwise have obtained, and enabled him to carry out his reforms with greater assurance. Claudius' legal reforms were substantial. He greatly modified the law of treasons, suppressed informers, and checked the use of torture. He tried to restore the right of legislation to the plebs, and revived the ancient plebiscita. But he soon found, as others had found before him, that this was unwork- able, and all his important legislation had to be enacted by means of Senatuus consulta. Various important public works were carried out during the reign of Claudius. The two great aqueducts, which Gains must have the credit of commencing, were finished by Claudius. A new harbour was constructed at Ostia, which proved of the greatest utility ; and efforts were made on a considerable scale to cbain the Fucine Lake, though the works were not per- manently successful. During the reign of Claudius the conquest of Britain was seriously undertaken. The subjugation of the Britons, who lived in the ends of the earth, had been in the minds of many. Julius Cajsar had twice attempted the conquest; Augustus had twice prepared for it ; Tiberius had declared it necessary ; even Gains had set out on the expedition, though he got no further than Boulogne. Claudius determined that the work should be accomplished. Perhaps the reputed wealth of the island attracted him, more likely he was willing that his name should be associated with the adding of another province to the empire. Four legions were allotted to the expedition, and there were many auxiliaries. Aulus Plautius was chosen to com- 66 THE ROMAN EMPIRE mand, and he had many distinguished officers serving under him. Among these were two men who afterwards wore the purple, Galba and Vespasian. The forces all told numbered about 50,000 men. 43. An enormous transport fleet gathered at Boulogne, and the men crossed safely and landed unopposed at three different places on the south coast. At that time the Trinobantes, whose capital, formerly, in the days of Caesar, at St. Albans, was now at Camalodunum (Colchester), had sway over South-Eastern Britain. They, under their leaders Caractacus and Togodumnus, took the field against the Romans. They fought bravely, but were steadily driven back, first across the Medway, then across the Thames. Having driven the enemy thus far, Plautius paused, re- ported to Claudius, and awaited his arrival. The emperor had determined to take part in the contest himself, and had given orders that the way should be prepared, but that the final blow should not be struck before his arrival. He now hurried from Rome, and found the troops encamped near Londinium (London). A great battle was fought there, the Trinobantes were routed, and Plautius, pressing his advantage, captured Colchester, their capital. Claudius remained in the island sixteen days, and then, leaving Plautius to finish the conquest he recrossed the Channel, wintered in Gaul, and returned to Rome in the spring. 44, After the departure of Claudius. Plautius spent several years in Britain, pressing forward the conquest of the southern and western portion of the island. This went on steadily until the Romans had sway as far west as Bath and as far north as Colchester. The general then returned to Rome and was received with due honour. P. Ostorius Scapula succeeded Plautius. He was fiercely opposed by the Iceni in the north, and by other tribes under Caractacus in the west. The Iceni were defeated at some spot near Daventry in Northamptonshire, and were quiet for a time. CLAUDIUS 57 Caractacus held out tenaciously on the borders of Wales 51. and even forced the Romans back. But having unwisely risked a pitched battle he was completely defeated. Soon afterwards he was betrayed to the Romans and carried to Rome. It is to Claudius' credit that he pardoned the British hero, though he detained him in honourable captivity until his death. When Claudius came to the throne a Jewish rebellion was imminent. Gains had, it will be remembered, ridden rough- shod over the religious prejudices of the Jews, and had ordered that his statue should be erected in the temple at Jerusalem, Claudius pacified the people by issuing edicts protecting their worship. He also restored the kingdom of Herod for a time. After Herod's death Judsea had been governed by a procura- tor, but Claudius gave Judaea, Samaria and other provinces to Herod's grandson, the Agrippa of whom mention has been already made. The man thus elevated was that Herod Agrippa I. who slew James the brother of John with the sword, and from whose hands Peter so narrowly escaped. He had been a great deal at Rome with Gains, and knew Claudius well. He was one of the few who had foresight enough to realise that the man whom people thought so little of might one day become emperor. Accordingly he had kept on friendly terms with him, and now reaped a rich reward. Agrippa loved popularity and found that he could become popular with the Jews by perse- cuting the Christians. His kingdom did not last long. When he had reigned about three years he died of a most painful 44. disease. His son, seventeen years of age, was deemed too young to succeed him, and Judaea was again put under a procurator. Four years later the youth was made king of the northern principalities, but not of Judaea. He reigned for fifty-one years as Herod Agrippa II. It was before him that the Apostle Paul made his celebrated defence. During the reign of Claudius the king's servants became of much greater importance than they had been in former reigns. 58 THE EOMAN EMPIRE For this reason historians have accused Claudius of exalting his favourites, an accusation which has been made in most countries during the transition period. In every expanding country a time comes when it is no longer possible for one man to transact all the business of the State and when he must either let things slide or delegate duties to men in whom he has confidence. When a country is blessed with constitutional government the people choose the ministers, but whilst it is only yet emerging from autocracy the autocrat must choose them. Naturally the men who are not chosen are discon- tented, and, as they are in a majority, sovereigns have been dethroned over and over again for this very thing. Yet it has been by the employment of so-called favourites that countries have slowly learned the enormous advantages of ministerial government. That Claudius should make Narcissus his secretary, Pallas his accountant, and Polybius Minister of Education, was an offence in Rome. The aristocrats who were passed over in favour of men of more humble rank, were full of wrath, as they have been in all countries and in all ages. But Claudius endeavoured to choose the men whom he deemed most capable of transacting the business of State. If some of the men whom he thus advanced abused their position and made large fortunes by their patronage Claudius was not to blame. That sort of thing had been common in Rome for many a day. Claudius was unfortunate in his domestic affairs. His first wife Plautia was divorced with sufficient reason. His second wife vElia Pactina was divorced without sufficient reason. He 38. then married Messalina, a woman connected on her mother's side with the Csesars. All this was before he ascended the throne. By Messalina Claudius had a son, Tiberius Claudius Ger- manicus, afterwards called Britannicus, in memory of the conquest of Britain. Messalina was not a good woman, but she had great influence over her husband. At last she went too far and was condemned to death. She had many enemies CLAUDIUS 59 and we cannot really tell how far she was to blame. Even after her condemnation Claudius would have forgiven her, and sent for her, but her enemies had been too quick for him and declared that by his orders the execution was already past. After the death of Mcssalina, Claudius married Agrippina his niece, daughter of Germanicus, and sister of Gains, the former emperor. No precedent for marriage with a niece existed at Rome, and there was a strong prejudice against it, but a decree was passed by the Senate authorising marriage with the daughters of brothers. The decree, strangely enough, did not authorise marriage with the daughters of sisters, and this distinction remained. Agrippina had been already married to a Roman noble, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, and had a son, Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus, Her son was older than her stepson, Britan- nicus, and Agrippina determined that if she could accomplish it he and not Britaunicus should succeed Claudius on the throne. The first step was to secure her son's adoption by the emperor, and with some persuasion Claudius took him into the family 50. under the name of Nero Claudius Cfesar Drusus Germanicus. His position having been thus recognised th^ young man was rapidly advanced and pushed into various public offices. Britannicus was kept in the background. Whilst we say these things in deference to the views of historians of the period we must also in common fairness remember that Nero was born 37 A.D., whilst Britannicus was born 42 A.D. The latter was, therefore, at this time a mere child, whereas the former was just emerging into manhood. When we remember this the action of Agrippina loses any sinister significance. She did in this matter just what any mother possessed of common sense would do in the present day. At the age of sixteen Nero married Octavia, the daughter 53. of Claudius and Messalina, so that he was now son-in-law to the emperor. How things would have gone had Claudius lived a few years longer until Britannicus had reached man- 60 THE ROMAN EMPIRE hood we cannot say. Unfortunately for the world he died. 54. It is said that Agrippina, foreseeing that if he lived he would appoint Britannicus as his successor, poisoned him. The idea is too far-fetched to be worthy of serious consideration. Roman history is largely made up of scandal, and abounds in accusa- tions concerning poisoning. It is far more likely that Claudius died a natural death. He was sixty-four years of age and his health had never been good. Considering the difficulties under which Claudius laboured he deserves the greatest credit. He may have been eccentric, pedantic, perhaps at times foolish. Most men have their faults. But he was an earnest worker and a persevering man. He had the ability of the Caesars and is worthy to stand on the same platform as his three great predecessors — Julius, Augustus and Tiberius. CHAPTER VIII. THE CHRISTIANS. We are now approaching the reign of Nero, the first Roman emperor who drew the sword of the civil power against the Christians. That we may the better understand what this implied it is necessary that we should diverge from the politi- cal narrative for a moment and glance at the origin and rise of Christianity. The existence of the universe presupposes the existence of a Creator. So far as the doctrine of evolution is true it in no way affects this belief. Evolution is merely one of the laws by means of which the Ci'eator operates. Amongst the created beings of whom we are cognisant man stands highest. He is endowed with freedom of action, and is capable of attaining to a high level of wisdom and knowledge. Though it is obviously the desire of the Creator that man should make his own choice between good and evil, and should unfettered work out his own destiny, it is improbable that He would leave him entirely without a revelation of his charac- ter and will. Such revelation would almost of necessity take a miraculous form. If we believe in the existence of a Creator miracles easily follow. If we doubt His existence we are confronted with the greatest miracle of all. A revelation from the Creator would probably be made through some man or some family of men. We believe that the Hebrew race was chosen for this purpose. When the whole world was plunged in polytheism and idolatry the Hebrews clung with the utmost tenacity to the knowledge of the one true God, a spiritual being, " dwelling not in temples made (61) 62 ^ THE KOMAN EMPIEE with hands, neither worshipped witli men's hands as though He needed anything ". To the keeping of this remarkable race we believe tliat God committed for a season the knowledge of his oracles and of his true character, and though they proved unworthy in many ways, yet they guarded this particular trust with jealous care. The Scriptures, of which the Hebrews were the custodians, foretold a time when God would send a fuller revelation through a Messiah in whom, not one race only, but all the families of the earth should be blessed. The Jews, as the Hebrews were called in later times, eagerly expected this Messiah. Their nation had suffered greatly, they had lost empire and independence, they were hated and despised, but they believed that their troubles would end when the Messiah came, and that he would raise their nation to a height of imperial splendour far surpassing that of any former time. In the reign of Augustus, in Bethlehem, a small town in Judtea, there was born one Jesus Christ. The circumstances of his birth need not be referred to here, further than to say, that they were supernatural, and that they accurately fulfilled various prophecies in the Scriptures believed to be Messianic. Up to the age of thirty Jesus Christ lived the simple life of a Galilean peasant. His reputed father was a carpenter, and could scarcely have given his children any but a rudimen- tary education. There were no great schools of philosophy in Galilee, visits to Jerusalem must have been rare, and a young Galilean carpenter would see few books except the Scriptures. At the age of thirty, Jesus Christ left his home, and began to preach and teach. He chose twelve men to accom- pany him, to hear what he said, witness what he did, and carry on the work after he had departed. They were plain men like himself, mostly fi.shermen, one was a tax gatherer. The teaching of the Galilean peasant was unique. There was no straining after popularity. Rather was it the reverse. THE CHRISTIANS 63 The virtues which he extolled were those which men despise ; meekness, non-resistance, purity, mercy, self-abasement. As for wealth, fame, worldly success, and such like matters after which men mostly strive, he said they were of no account. Christ's teachino- was free from excitement, supei'stition, sophistry, or uncharitableness. He was not narrow-minded, his rules were suitable, not only for the Jewish race, but for all men and for all times. The manner of Christ's teaching was remarkable. He did not argue or explain. He uttered short sententious rules as one having perfect knowledge and full authority. He summed up all that it was necessary to remember, in order to lead a per- fect life in two simple but never to be forgotten precepts, " Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart " ; " Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself ". Much of Christ's teaching, and many of the parables by which it was illustrated, have been preserved to us by his com- panions. Though twenty centuries have gone by, and the world may be presumed to have grown in wisdom and ex- perience, Christ's teaching has never been improved upon. It stands alone, perfect, unique. The teaching of Jesus Christ was accompanied by miracles, not performed in order to draw attention to himself, but done out of love and sympathy. Amongst the miracles were many which could not be hid. He restored sight to men who had been blind for years, even from birth ; he healed lepers ; thrice he raised the dead. Though the people and his disciples would gladly have made him a king, and he could easily have placed himself at the head of a popular movement, he resisted every suggestion of this nature, and kept himself free from political entangle- ment and worldly aftairs. He informed his disciples that he was the Messiah pro- mised by God in the Scriptures, and that he was Divine. He said that his mission was a spiritual one, that he was the appointed Saviour of mankind. His disciples accepted his 64 THE EOMAN EMPIEE statements, though they only feebly grasped his meaning, and hoped to the very last that he would restore a temporal king- dom to Israel. After three yeai's' ministry, Christ told his disciples that it was necessary for the fulfilment of his purposes that he should die the death of crucifixion, but he said that they must not be unduly grieved, for he would rise from the dead on the third day. He told them that as his mission upon earth would be accomplished he would not remain, but that after his bodily presence had been removed his Spirit would return and dwell with his followers for ever. Christ said that it would be their task as soon as his Spirit descended upon them to go about the world oftering salvation from the guilt and power of sin to all who would believe on his name. He warned them that in the fulfilment of this mission they would meet with hatred, opposition, imprison- ment, death, but that they were not to be daunted, for they would have an eternal reward, and would never lose the con- sciousness of his presence. Shortly after saying these things Christ was crucified, and the disciples, forgetting all his promises, and thinking they would never see their master again, were in the depths of sorrow. His enemies, however, remembered his saying about rising on the third day, and determined to make sure that there was no pretence of anything of that sort. Accordingly, they obtained custody of the body, into which a spear had been thrust, so that there might be no doubt that he was dead. They laid the body in a sepulchre, placed a great stone before the door, sealed it, and set an armed guard. Notwithstanding all their precautions, Jesus Christ rose from the dead on the third day. He was first seen by MsLvy, then by Peter, then by two disciples, then by the chief disciples together. After that he was seen frequently, on one occasion by 500 at one time. The disciples talked with him, ate and walked with him, and touched his person in order to remove all doubt. THE CHRISTIANS 65 Christ then instructed his disciples to remain at Jerusalem until the promised Spirit should descend upon them, and at last, having been with them for forty days, he ascended to heaven, vanishmg from a mountain in the presence of three witnesses, Peter, James and John. In accordance with their master's command, the disciples waited, and ten days after the ascension, whilst they were gathered together and engaged in prayer, the promised Spirit descended. The result was remarkable. Though unlettered men they became filled with power, and preached with such confidence and success that thousands joined their ranks. On the first day they had 3,000, later they numbered 5,000, later still they were described as a multitude amongst whom were many priests. Though at first their converts were mostly drawn from the humbler classes, yet from the beginning they had amongst them persons of wealth and position, and as time went on they drew their converts from every rank. The disciples never varied in their testimony. They de- clared that Jesus Christ had risen from the dead, and had therefore proved himself to be God. The day on which they began to preach, and on which they made 3,000 converts in Jerusalem, where all these things had happened, was just fifty days after the crucifixion, at a time when the events were fresh in the minds of all, and when authoritative contradiction would have been easy. Yet all that the priests who had taken charge of the body could say was that the disciples had stolen it whilst the watchmen slept. Had there been any truth in this statement, the question would have at once arisen : What had become of the body so stolen ? Had the disciples' declaration concerning the re- surrection been fraudulent, the fraud could not have survived the production of Jesus Christ, alive or dead, even for one hour. But he was not produced, though his enemies had all the resources of the State at their command. As for the disciples themselves they must have been either deceivers or deceived. VOL. II. 5 66 THE EOMAN EMPIEE Were they deceivers ? The whole life history of the men shows them to have been noble-minded. They taught the purest and most refined doctrine known to man, and they taught it in the face of cruel persecution. Had their master been really dead as they at first believed that he was, they had nothing to gain by denying it. They could have returned to their avocations and said nothing more about the matter. Going on with the deception could bring no gain to them. It meant defying the ecclesiastical and civil power. It meant for many of them mockery, imprisonment, death. Dear though their master had been to them there was no need to carry things so far. The fact that he was dead was a proof that to that extent at least he had been mistaken, and there the matter might have ended. This surely would have been the attitude of reasonable men. But it was not their attitude. Men and women, old and young, rich and poor, they con- fidently affirmed that their Lord had risen. Words cannot describe the persecution which they endured. But it made no difference. They never faltered, and many of them sealed their testimony with their blood. Were they then deceived ? Could they have seen an apparition ? In such a case the delusion could have been set at rest in a moment by the production of their Lord's body. A ghost implies that there is a body somewhere. Where was Christ's ? At first they themselves thought that they saw a ghost. But he said, "Behold my hands and my feet, that it is I myself ; handle me and see : for a spirit hath not flesh and bones as ye see me have ". They did as he said. They touched him, ate with him, saw him often during the re- maining period spent by him upon earth, saw him ascend into heaven, and then, filled with rapture, went forth to de- clare their wonderful message to the world. All that their master had said about persecution turned out true. It was inexpressibly bitter. But they never quailed. They were mocked, imprisoned, scourged, tortured, torn to pieces by wild THE CHRISTIANS 67 beasts and dogs, but they never varied in their story, they never denied their Lord. Yet immensely important though the fact of the resur- rection is, it does not entirely explain the rise of Christi- anity. The resurrection convinced eye-witnesses, and those who learned the facts from eye-witnesses. But had the resur- rection been all, Christianity might never have spread beyond that generation. As time advanced, the importance of even the resurrection would have faded. It needed more than this, therefore, to keep Christianity alive. There was more. Jesus Christ had made two promises. He promised that he would rise from the dead, he promised also that after his ascension to heaven he would send down a spiritual being who would dwell with his disciples for ever. The meaning of Christ's second promise was first under- stood on the day of Pentecost. It has been understood by every true believer since. All who sincerely accept Christ as Lord receive this token of his acceptance of them. Until the believer receives this token he has not reached firm ground. He may have been attracted by the beauty of Christianity, by the arguments in its favour, by the evident happiness of Christians. But taking up an amiable attitude towards Christianity does not make a man a Christian. For that there must be personal contact with a living Saviour. Neither historical truth nor sound argument could have kept Christianity alive. Christianity lives because Christ lives, and because he is present with every believer. Had Socrates said to his weeping disciples, " Do not mourn : I only appear to leave you : my bodily presence is being removed, but you will be able to recognise my indwelling presence every day, every hour, I shall be with you alway even to the end of the world," his words would have been in vain, for he was a man like themselves. Christ spake thus to his disciples, and though they could not at the time comprehend his meaning, a few days after his ascension they knew what he meant. True believers have 68 THE EOMAN EMPIEE known the meaning of his words ever since. Every time that a man steps over the line between the world and Christ, and loyally accepts the Galilean as Lord and Master the day of Pentecost is repeated in his experience. It is this continually repeated experience which has kept Christianity alive, and has led men from generation to genera- tion to proclaim it to the world. It is not possible to explain the experience to an unbeliever any more than it is possible to explain what sight means to one who has been born blind. But when a man has experienced this spiritual baptism, the truth of Christianity has ceased to be matter of opinion and has become matter of knowledge. The great writer on the decay and fall of the Roman em- pire, in endeavouring to explain why Christianity made such rapid progress, gives as one reason that " abandoned sinners " joined the Church "oppressed by the consciousness, and very often by the effects of their vices. As they emerged from sin and superstition to the glorious hope of immortality, they resolved to devote themselves to a life, not only of virtue, but of penitence. The desire of perfection became the ruling passion of their soul. . . . When the new converts had been enrolled in the number of the faithful and were admitted to the sacraments of the Church they found themselves restrained from relapsing into then' past disorders by another considera- tion of a less spiritual, but of a very innocent and respectable nature. Any particular society that has departed from the great body of the nation or the religion to which it belongs immediately becomes the object of universal as well as in- vidious observation. In proportion to the smallness of its numbers, the character of the society may be affected by the virtues and vices of the persons who compose it ; and every member is engaged to watch with the most vigilant attention over his own behaviour and over that of his brethren, since, as he must expect to incur a part of the common disgrace, he may hope to enjoy a share of the common reputation." That Christianity provides a way of escape from the guilt THE CHEISTIANS 69 > and power of sin to the most abandoned wretch who sincerely repents and unfeignedly believes God's Holy Gospel is true, but that any society of Christians can, by their united efforts, lift the burden of sin from the conscience of the sinner is not true. And if they cannot do this, far less can they give him victory over the power of sin, or instil into his heart a sure hope of immortality. Only God himself can do these things, and they do not follow admission into the Church of Christ, they precede it. Men cannot receive any one, good or bad, into the Chui-ch of Christ. Admission can only be granted by Christ himself. All who truly accept him are baptised into his Spirit, and become members of his family. Believers thus baptised by the Spirit form the Church of Christ, the kingdom of God among men, not merely a professing but a spiritual Church, one with his household and family in heaven. All thus bap- tised with the Holy Spirit belong to this Church, those who are strangers to this baptism, no matter with what human organisation they may connect themselves, are outside the Church of Christ. In early times believers thus baptised, recognising one another as members of the same divine family, formed them- selves into societies for mutual edification and support. As time progressed the societies became more powerful, and kings for political purposes took them under their patronage. Then finding them convenient instruments of government they formed them into State organisations, and that which was intended by Christ to be purely a spiritual society became little more than a branch of the civil service. The important initial step of baptism by Christ's Spirit was lost sight of, and human rites and ceremonies took its place. Nevertheless in these human societies there have been always some who were also members of the divine society, and they have kept the vital truth alive and spread the knowledge of it throughout the world. • "Hemembering these things, we can now more clearly under- 70 THE ROMAN EMPIRE stand the position of the primitive Church. At that time the profession of Christianity brought no credit with it, and few mere professors without experimental knowledge of its truth cared to join the society. It was confined to true believers and their children. To men like Pliny and Marcus Aurelius the attitude of the members of this primitive Church was incomprehensible. Believing that religion could not possibly be more than a matter of opinion in any case, they thought that the way in which Christians adhered to their faith arose from pure obsti- nacy. How dared such humble folk put their opinions against the opinions of much wiser and greater men. But that which emperors and historians thought obstinacy was only the demonstration of that certainty which is the seal of the inheritance of the true believer. The primitive Church had few besides believers within its ranks. It was, therefore, mainly composed of men and women who knew that they were right, and knew it with a knowledge which the world could neither give nor take away. It was this certainty which made them eager to tell others the wonderful secret which they had learned, it was this certainty which fitted them to confront unflinchingly the baptism of blood with which the primitive Church was now about to be baptised. CHAPTER IX. NERO. We have now to consider the career of an emperor who has 54. left a singularly dark stain upon history. He was a bad man and we are not concerned to defend him, yet historians have not always dealt fairly with his memory. Nero was the son of Agrippina and Cn. Domitius Ahe- nobarbus (Brazenbeard). Agrippina was the daughter of Germanicus and the sister of Caligula. Ahenobarbus was descended from Octavia, the sister of Augustus. Nero was, therefore, of royal blood on both sides of his house. We have seen in the last chapter how Claudius, after he had married Agrippina, adopted Nero. Before Claudius died the youth was already looked upon as his successor, and his acces-sion was acquiesced in by all. Claudius had left a son Britannicus, but he was a boy of twelve and Nero was over sixteen. Hereditary succession was not yet fully established at Rome, and from a constitutional point of view there was as much to be said for Nero as for Britannicus. He was older ; he had i^lled public positions ; he had been going out and in amongst the people ; he was handsome and popular ; he was the grandson of Germanicus. His accession was quite natural, and it is fair to him and to his mother, Agrippina, to begin his history by dismissing from our minds any thought that he reached the thi-one by crooked ways. For Nero himself, however, his early succession was a mis- fortune. He was a youth with artistic tastes, clever at art, poetry and music. Had he been born in a more humble rank of life and been permitted to develop his talents in a natural way he might have left a gracious memory. Had he been born (71) 72 THE KOMAN EMPIEE with sovereign right in a State governed on modern constitu- tional lines he would have had a better chance. But he became autocrat of the Roman empire at seventeen, master of bound- less wealth, surrounded by licentious women and unprincipled men ready to encourage him in every form of evil. What wonder if a boy like Nero, handsome, uneducated in any true sense, having never seen a good example, or been taught to aim at a high ideal, should make shipwreck of his life. Em- peror at seventeen ; a drunkard from boyhood ; murderer of his brother at eighteen ; of his mother at twenty-two ; of his wife at twenty-five ; of the beautiful devil who instigated most of the other crimes at twenty-eight ; dead at thirty. Such was the sad record of this unhappy man, the last of the Csesars. Before Nero came to the throne Seneca had been his tutor. He could scarcely have had a worse. Seneca was a clever man and left works which may still be read with pleasure and profit. But he was a most dangerous mixture of the philoso- pher and the man of tlie world. Professedly a Stoic, and therefore presumably superior to the ordinary ambitions of mankind, he yet amassed a fortune so huge that it could not have been honestly come by ; professedly a teacher of virtue he encouraged Nero in vice. For the first years of Nero's reign Seneca and Agrippina contended for the mastery. Agrippina loved her son, and had great influence over him for a time ; he spoke of her as the best of mothers. But he soon slipped away from her grasp. Agrippina has been accused of unworthily seeking after power because she clung to Nero as long as she could. Why a mother should be thus judged because she tried to control her boy of seventeen we fail to see. Is it not more likely to have been because she saw that the influence of Seneca and his other advisers was anything but good for the lad ? At first Agrippina acted as regent, and Nero, fond of pleasure, was glad to be relieved by her of the business of government. But Seneca, the philosopher, and Afranius NEEO 73 Burrus, prefect of the praetorian guard, plotted her overthrow. Accordingly they employed a Greek woman named Acte to fascinate Nero, and counteract the influence of his mother. The devilish scheme succeeded only too well. Recrimination followed, and Agrippina unwisely reminded Nero that but for her efforts his adoptive brother Britannicus might have been emperor. Perhaps she even tln-eatened that tliis might yet be the case. As a result Nero was alarmed and Britannicus was poisoned. After the murder of Britannicus, Agrippina perceived that 55. her influence with Nero was at an end. She retired from public life, and the unfortunate youth went rapidly downhill. Choosing his friends from the most profligate of the nobility, he haunted taverns, became a midnight brawler, and indulged in dissipation of every sort. That Nero, notwithstanding his dissipations, was a man of 58. genuine ability is made clear by a suggestion which he made with regard to taxation. No financial genius had yet arisen in Rome, and taxation was raised with much oppression and inequality throughout the empire. Tax-farming, monopolies, and the heavy customs tariff by which monopolies have to be supported made millionaires of a handful of the people, and crushed the rest. Strangely enough Nero saw how things might be improved. In the year 58 he actually proposed to do away with the Vectigalia, the customs duties, establish free trade, and depend upon direct taxation. Had his scheme been carried out and extended throughout the empire the result would have been incalculable. The whole history of Europe might have been changed. Half the miseries of the Middle Ages were the direct fruit of the inteixsc spirit of pro- tection which everywhere abounded. But Nero's scheme never got a trial. His advisers represented to him that it would ruin the State. They meant that it would ruin them, for men like Seneca were in Nero's reign making their millions by grind- ing the faces of the poor. When about twenty years of age Nero fell under the 74 THE EOMAN EMPIEE fascinating influence of another paramour, Poppaea Sabina, an extremely beautiful but most licentious woman. Poppaea had been divorced by her first husband, and was now married to Otho, one of Nero's boon companions. Otho, not too proud to rise by his wife's disgrace, accepted the government of Lusitania and departed, leaving the coast clear for the emperor. From that moment Poppsea did as she liked with Nero. The emperor was already married to Octavia, a daughter of the late emperor Claudius, and an excellent woman. She was only twenty years of age, but for several years had been living apart from Nero. Octavia and Agrippina maintained close friendship, and the two women were a standing reproach to Poppcea. She determined to remove them from her path. Very likely the disgraceful liaison with Poppasa had led to renewed recrimination between Agrippina and her son, at any rate, a charge of conspiring against Nero's life was trumped up against her, and she was murdered. Whether Seneca was privy to the assassination before the event we cannot say, probably not, but he made himself an accomplice after the event by helping Nero to compose the letter which he sent to the Senate justifying the deed. Nero had killed his half-brother and his mother, and was yet but two and twenty years of age. To drown care he drank more heavily and plunged more deeply into dissipation. Agrippina was out of the way, and Poppaea had absolute con- trol. But Octavia stood between her and the purple, and she determined that she also should be sacrificed. Seneca and Burrus had the grace to realise that matters were being carried too far, and to espouse the cause of the badly-used empress. Burrus died, and Poppaea proceeded to 62. remove Seneca from her path. Various charges were laid against him, and, perceiving that his day was done, he retired from public life. Tigellinus was now praetorian prefect and Nero's chief adviser. He was the tool of Poppaea, and helped her in all that she did. Under their combined influence Nero divorced NERO 75 Octavia on the ground of barrenness, and thereafter imme- diately married Poppaea. The people were exasperated, for Octavia was a Cresar and a favourite. Poppsea saw that there could be no safety for her whilst her rival lived, and arranged for her banishment and execution. When the poor creature was murdered she was only in her twentieth year. Soon after these events a terrible conflagration broke out 64. in Rome. The fire began in the quarter where oil and fuel were stored, among shops filled with inflammable material. The appliances for extinguishing fire were quite inadequate, the streets were narrow, the houses high, and mostly of wood. All the materials requisite for a disastrous fire were present in abundance, and a high wind blowing in the dangerous direction completed the catastrophe. The fire raged for a week, and was only conquered at last by tearing down many acres of buildings. More than half the city was destroyed. By this time Nero had lost any popularity he had, and the maddened populace did not hesitate to accuse him of having burned the city. Ancient historians, writing years after the event, whilst expressing doubt, have not hesitated to repeat the accusation ; and modern historians, believing that nothing too bad could be said of this emperor, have kept the accusation alive. Poets have made it picturesque, and every schoolboj^ knows that Nero fiddled whilst Rome burned. There is already so much to say to the discredit of this unhappy man that there is no need to exaggerate, and it is a relief to know that this particular accusation is absolutely groundless. It would be just as true to say that Charles II. was responsible for the tire of London. Apart from the absurdity of imagining that a king would deliberately impoverish himself by conniving at the destruction of his capital, it is absurd to think that such a conflagration could have been foreseen. Moreover, Nero was far away from Rome, at Antium, when the fire broke out, nor did he return until the third day, expecting news daily that the fire had been cfot under. When he reached Rome the flames were threaten- 76 THE EOMAN EMPIEE ing his own palace. Instead of fiddling the emperor did his very best to extinguish the fire,, driving about the city, en- couraging all who were fighting the flames. When the conflagration had ceased and thousands were homeless, Nero did all he could to relieve distress, placing the public buildings and imperial gardens at the disposal of the people, erecting temporary shelters, and distributing corn at a nominal price. Nero's action in connection with the fire is the one thing which should be placed to his credit, and it is a pity that so much credence should have been given to calumny. But though the accusation against the emperor was false, the idea that the fire was due to incendiarism had taken pos- session of the minds of the people and a scapegoat had to be provided. For some reason which has never been fully explained suspicion fell upon the Christians. The position of Christianity in Rome was at this time most interesting. It seems likely that the Apostle Paul came to Rome about 62 A.D. and his trial before Nero perhaps took place in 63 A.D., or in the beginning of 64 A.D. It resulted in a verdict of not proven, and the apostle was released. Probably he was travelling when the fire took place in 64. All is indefinite, and the meagreness of the information may easily be accounted for. The fire was followed by bitter persecution, and Christians would scarcely dare to commit their thoughts to writing at such a time. Our information concerning this beginning of systematic persecution of Christianity in the Roman Empire comes from the pens of Tacitus and other heathen writers. The passage in Tacitus in which he explains how Nero, in order to divert sus- picion from himself, allowed it to fall upon the Christians is as follows : — - " With this view he inflicted the most exquisite tortures on those men who, under the vulgar appellation of Christians, were already branded with deserved infamy. They derived their name and origin from Christ, who, in the reign of Tiberius, had suffered death, by the sentence of the procurator Pontius Pilate. NERO 77 " For a time this dire superstition was checked ; but it again burst forth, and not only spread itself over Judaea, the first seat of this mischievous sect, but was even introduced into Rome, the common asylum which receives and protects whatever is impure, whatever is atrocious. The confessions of those who were seized, discovered a great multitude of their accomplices, and they were all convicted, not so much for the crime of set- ting tire to the city as for their hatred of human kind. They died in torments, and their torments were embittered by insult and derision. Some were nailed on crosses ; others sewn in the skins of wild beasts, and exposed to the fury of dogs ; others again, smeared over with combustible materials, were used as torches to illuminate the darkness of the night. " The gardens of Nero were destined for this melancholy spectacle, which was accompanied by a horse-race, and hon- oured with the presence of the emperor, who mingled with the populace in the dress and attitude of a charioteer. " The guilt of the Christians deserved, indeed, the most exemplary punishment, but the public abhorrence was changed into commiseration, from the opinion that those unhappy wretches were sacrificed, not so much to the public welfare, as to the cruelty of a jealous tyrant " {Annals, bk. xv., chap. xliv.). Tacitus was a child of six years when the persecution of the Christians took place. He began writing late in life, so that half a century lay between the events and his description. Concerning the main facts of the persecution there can un- fortunately be no doubt. They are abundantly vouched for by the statements of other writers. But in matters of opinion Tacitus can be freely criticised. He was certainly wrong in his estimate of the Christians, concerning whose real character and faith he could have been at no pains to inquire. He may have been equally far wrong in believing that Nero deliber- ately singled out the Christians as scapegoats to bear away suspicion from himself. It is very likely that the emperor had scarcely heard their name before. Perhaps in the course of police investigation suspicion was 78 THE EOMAN EMPIEE cast upon the new sect. They met in secret ; they worshipped one who had been executed as a criminal ; they refused to attend public assemblies where the emperor was worshipped ; they must be misanthropes, enemies of mankind. Strange stories were rife as to what they did in their assemblies ; they were suspected of being cannibals and worse. In China in the present day Christian missionaries have been suspected of doing horrible things, and even in civilised Europe Jews have been accused of mixing their jmssover cakes with the blood of babes. Need we wonder if the Roman populace, at that time as degraded as any populace could well be, easily believed the foulest lies concerning this new sect which was everywhere spoken against. Though we may doubt whether Nero had anything to do with the original charge against the Christians, he certainly took advantage of it and made no effort to clear them. If he did not find the scapecoat himself it suited him that a scape- coat should be found. Accordingly the most law-abiding, virtuous, tender-hearted people in the Roman Empire were cruelly persecuted and done to death. We have mentioned that the Apostle Paul was in Rome before the fire. He had to stand his trial on the appeal from the court of Festus, and the verdict was non liqitet (not proven). Afterwards Paul was set free and travelled, prob- ably visiting Spain amongst other places. After the fire he was again arrested, and on two charges it is believed. For being concerned in the conflagration, and for bringing confusion into the Roman Empire by the introduction of a new religion. The first charge was easily disproved, but Paul knew that the second would mean death. It was when he was remanded and waiting the trial upon this charge that he wrote the very pathetic Second Epistle to Timothy : — " I am now ready to be offered, and the time of my de- parture is at hand. " I have fought a good fight, I have finished my course, I have kept the faith." NERO 79 " Do thy dilio^ence to come shortly unto mo : " " Do thy diligence to come before winter ". Alas, the trial came on sooner than the apostle expected, and long bei'ore winter he was with his Lord. As he had ex- pected the second charge proved fatal. Paul was condemned, and lest there might be a disturbance if he were executed within the city he was taken by soldiers outside Rome, and there beheaded. With regard to the Apostle Peter there is no certainty at all. He may have gone to Rome about the time that Paul died. The sad plight of the Christians would have attracted a man like Peter. Perhaps he was crucified on the Janiculum, as tradition asserts, in the very end of Nero's reign. After the fire Nero rebuilt Rome in a much more enduring fashion. Stone was used instead of timber, the streets were made broader and straighter, and every " insula " of houses was surrounded by an open colonnade. Arrangements were made for a better water supply. The expense was met by heavy taxation on Italy and the provinces. Nero also built a new palace, afterwards called the Golden House. The palace covered a vast area, having magnificent gardens, woods and lakes. Before its entrance there was erected a statue of the emperor 120 feet high. Temples were pillaged in order to find funds and to supply the palace with works of art. Rome had a large percentage of poor folk amongst its inhabitants and the building of the Golden House caused doubtless a good deal of discontent. During the reigns of Claudius and Nero there was much war between Rome and Parthia, the bone of contention being Armenia. Roman territory and administration extended to the frontiers of Armenia, and it seemed necessary to maintain the Roman ascendency in that land. At the commencement of Nero's reign the matter had reached an acute stage. The Parthian king Vologeses occupied Armenia and provoked war. Corbulo, the Roman general, recovered the country, but it was lost again. At last a compromise was effected. The 66. 80 THE KOMAN EMPIBE crown of Armenia was t^iven to Tiridates, brother of the Par- thian king, who came to Rome and was formally invested in the Forum with his authority by Nero, the Roman emperor. 65. The year after the great fire saw the upspringing of a serious conspiracy against Nero. It is known as the con- spiracy of Piso, because C. Calpurnius Piso was the man chosen by the conspirators to fill Nero's place. The emperor was now so unpopular that the conspiracy seemed likely to succeed, and many nobles joined it. But the secret leaked out. The discovery of the Piso conspiracy ushered in a reign of terror, in the course of which the innocent sufiered with the guilty. Seneca was one of the first to fall. Whether he was really implicated in the conspiracy or not we cannot say, but his name had been mentioned as a possible successor along with the name of Piso. This year also Poppsea died. It is said that her death was brought on by a kick given by Nero in a fit of passion or, perhaps more probably, of drunkenness. She was em- balmed, honoured with a public funeral and buried in the royal sepulchre. At a later period the Senate decreed that Divine honours should be paid to her and a temple was dedi- cated to her memory. 66. Next year Nero paid Greece a long visit. The four great games at Olympia, Delphi, Isthmus and Nemea, which were celebrated in successive years, were crowded into one year for his sake. He competed in music and chariot racing, and won prizes. It would have been better for Nero's dignity if he had not competed, but there really was no harm in his going to Greece and patronising the national sports. They were in- finitely more respectable than the gladiatorial sports to which the Romans were accustomed. Nero's artistic tastes were genuine and he had a sincere admiration for the Greeks. During the emperor's absence from Rome, Helius, a freed- man, governed in his stead. This was displeasing to the nobles and there was discontent. Rumours came also of dis- content in tlio -svesteni provinces and even in the armies. NERO 81 Helius hurried to Greece and advised the emperor to return at once if he would save his power. Nero accordinf^ly returned 68. and made a triumphal entry into Rome. But the triumph was short lived. Nero had many enemies and few friends. The reign of terror after the discovery of the Piso conspiracy had made many long for revenge, and when once the spirit of revolt spread to the armies it became merely a question who would take tlie lead. The standard of revolt was raised first by Vindex, a Romanised Celt, governor of part of Gaul. He collected a huge force in Gaul. It was undisciplined and he saw that without regular troops to help him he must fail. Accordingly he asked the help of Galba, the governor of Hither Spain. After some hesitation Galba also rebelled. But before there was time for him to take the field news came to him that Vindex had been defeated and slain. Galba's position now seemed desperate. All Rome knew of his defection, Nero had seized his property and an expedi- tion was being prepared for his overthrow. Perceiving that his only chance of safety lay in instant action, he harangued his troops, expatiated on the crimes of Nero, was saluted im- perator and marched towards Rome. But it was a long way from Hither Spain, and had Nero been a man of decision and courage he could yet perhaps have saved himself. The Praetorian guards were still faithful to him, but, whilst he delayed, emissaries from Galba made them such vast promises that they threw him up. The sentries left the palace, his attendants deserted him, and at length, accompanied by four freedmen only, he left Rome. One of the freedmen, Phaon, offered refuge in his villa in the subui'bs and there he lay hid. At last, hearing that Galba had been proclaimed as emperor and that the sentence of death had been passed on himself, he escaped the vengeance of his enemies by suicide. Nero's remains were treated respectfully. The body was cremated and the ashes buried in the Domitian sepulchre on VOL. II. 6 82 THE EOMAN EMPIES the Pincian Hill. The liatred of the senators followed him after death. His very statues were overthrown. But the common people pitied him ; they forgot his faults, they re- membered only how open-handed he had been, and his grave was covered annually with wreaths of flowers. CHAPTER X. A WAR OP SUCCESSION. The Julian line ceased with Nero. The family, natural and adopted, had claimed the allegiance of the Roman people for more than a century and had obtained a hold upon their affections and imagination. Julius and Augustus had been deified, and their worship cast a glory over their descendants. However bad the emperor might be he was descended from a god, and ruled by divine right. On the whole the men had done their work well. It is in- evitable but unfortunate that history should have to make so much of the king and so little of the people. One is apt to imagine that during the reigns of men like Gaius and Nero all must have been confusion in the empire. It was not so. The excesses of the emperors made little difference to the staljility of the empire. Rome was excited at times. But the provinces were tranquil, and the empire was prosperous as a whole. Wliat the people in the provinces heard of Nero's conduct may not have satisfied them. But he was a Caisar, and they looked indulgently upon him. The wise amongst them knew that the alternative was anarchy. Better have a bad Caesar than none at all. Such was the hold that the Caesarean house had obtained upon the public mind that it is probable that if Nero had begotten a son the people would have bestowed the imperium upon him. But he had none, and a change of dynasty was inevitable. The actual decision lay with the soldiers. Had these been of one mind all would have been well. But this was far from (83) 84 THE EOMAN EMPIRE being the case, and the result was a war of succession which, though it lasted but a twelvemonth, saw four emperors upon the throne, and plunged Italy into civil strife. There were important armies in Gaul, Spain, on the Rhine, and in Syria. There were also the household troops in Rome. The Gallic army had shot its bolt and missed, and Galba had won the guards over to his side. When Galba heard of Nero's death, he assumed the title of emperor, and the Senate recognised him and sent a deputation. Galba was an able man. He had filled various public offices. He was wealthy and of good family. Had he been a younger man he might have held his own. But he was over seventy years of age, and not brilliant in any way. 63. As Galba marched towards Rome he allowed his path to be stained with bloodshed. When approaching the city itself his troops attacked and slew some marines who were stationed at a bridge. They were Nero's soldiers, but he was dead, and the men could have had no serious thought of resisting Galba's progress. His severity, therefore, produced a bad impression in Rome. Promises of huge donatives had been made to the Prsetorian guards in the name of Galba. He did not fulfil them, in fact he could not. The treasury was empty, and the sums pro- mised had been absurdly high. But it is easy to see how such a failure would operate on tlie minds of the soldiers, and how they would be alienated at a time when their help was of the very first importance. Money was necessary, and Galba had to find it, but his financial measures were weakly conceived. He tried to make all those who had profited by Nero's liberality disgorge their wealth. This was a particularly unwise measure. Galba made little money out of it, for with most of Nero's friends it had been a case of " light come light go ". But the measure implicated many and alarmed more. If these matters were to be gone into, where would it end ? The contrast between Nero's open-handedness and Galba's meanness was quickly A WAR OF SUCCESSION 85 pointed out. In a word it was not easy for an old soldier of seventy to learn the art of ^ov^ernment in a day. In the hope of making the task of government Hghter, Galba associated Piso Licinianus with himself. Piso was of noble family, and little could be urged against him. But he was not a popular man, and his unpopularity reacted upon Galba. The choice was to the emperor a source of weakness, rather than strengtli. Moreover it offended a man of some im- portance. This was Otho, the former husband of Poppaea, who was again in Rome. He had returned from Lusitania deeply in debt, and willing to do any desperate deed for the sake of mending his fortunes. He had supported Galba from the first, and had hoped to be associated with him, and per- haps be eventually his successor. This hope was now taken away, and Otho determined to act on his own account. He easily corrupted the guards, among whom he had many friends. Galba's failure to pay the donative had exasperated them, they mutinied, Galba and Piso were slain, and Otho was de- clared emperor. Galba had reigned for but six months, Otho reigned but 69. about three. Even whilst he was compassing the destruction of Galba there was a rival in the field. The legions in Gaul and Spain had tried their hands at creating an emperor, and the legions in Germany saw no reason why they should not do the same. Accordingly the soldiers refused to take the oath of allegiance to Galba, and saluted their own general Vitellius as imperator. Vitellius himself was not at all keen about the position. He had received his appointment as general from Galba, and did not desire to be unfaithful to his trust, and news of Galba's death had not yet reached his camp. More- over, he was an easy-going, indolent and sensual man, who pre- ferred ease to ambition. Really he was suited neither for the post of general nor that of emperor. But his subordinate officers, especially Cascina and Valens, would take no denial, and he allowed himself to be persuaded. The legions advanced upon Rome in three sections. Cse- 86 THE KOMAN EMPIEE cina with one army marched through Gaul, Valens marched through Helvetia, Vitellius himself followed with the main body. Before the armies reached Italy they heard that Galba was dead and that Otho had succeeded him. This made the legions more eager than ever, and perhaps quieted certain qualms of conscience in the breast of Vitellius. Whatever claims to allegiance Galba might have had, Otho had none. Accordingly the armies pressed forward. Otho knew that the Germanic legions were formidable, and made overtures to his rival, offering him anything in reason if he would retire. Vitellius would perhaps have acceded, but his soldiers would not hear of any drawing back, and the war went on. The armies encountered each other at Placentia, and in the first engagements Otho's forces were successful. Otho himself showed great energy, and for a time it seemed as if the con- test would be decided in his favour. But the forces of Vitellius were coming up in increasing numbers all the time, and at last Otho's legions were defeated with great loss. Even then there seemed no need to relinquish the struggle. His soldiers were still faithful, the Praetorian guards had scarcely been in action, reserves were coming from Illyricum. But Otho lost heart, or possibly lost confidence in his generals, and finished the matter by suicide. In Rome the death of Otho brought about a feeling of relief. All dreaded civil war being brought near the city, and hoped that they would now escape. The Senate accordingly met and elected Vitellius as emperor without further question. With all his indolence Vitellius had common sense, and his administration was not unsatisfactory. He endeavoured to conciliate the Senate, checked processes for treason, and dis- turbed the arrangements made by his predecessors as little as he could. His generals, Csecina and Valens, had, however, an undue influence in the ati'airs of state. It was through their efibrts that Vitellius had obtained his position, and they made A WAK OF SUCCESSION 87 the most of their opportunity. Nevertheless, had Vitellius been left alone he might have risen to the occasion as many another has done, and ended by giving a good account of his stewardship. But this was not to be. There had been much stir amongst the legions in Syria and Judfea. At first they seemed to care little what happened at Rome. They accepted Galba, and they accepted Otho with indifference, and even when Vitellius became emperor they accepted him though without enthusiasm. The character of the man was known, and they doubtless thought that a better might have been chosen. When, however, the news came that Galba had been nominated by the legions in Spain, that Otho had been nominated by the Praetorian guard, and that Vitellius had been nominated by the legions on the German frontier, they had searchings of heart. Why should they be left out in the cold ; why should not they also set up a king ? Doubtless they believed that all these other legions had been richly rewarded by their nominees, whilst they had received nothing. The choice of the Eastern legions fell first upon Mucianus, the proconsul of Syria, but he refused ; upon which they turned to Titus Flavins Vespasianus, the legatus of Judaea- He was a man of humble origin, who had risen high by sheer merit. He had distinguished himself in Britain in the reign of Claudius. During the reign of Nero a serious rebellion had broken out in Judaea and Vespasian had been entrusted with the task of suppressing it. When Nero died Vespasian ceased hostilities for a time. It was desirable that he should have the approval of his successor before he proceeded much farther. Vespasian was widely and favourably known, and when once the suggestion was made that he should be emperor the armies of the East adopted it with enthusiasm. But Vespasian was cautious, and did not accept the position until both Mucianus, the proconsul of Syria, and Tiberius Alexander, the prefect of Egypt, urged it and promised their support. When he knew that Egypt, from which Rome had her corn supply, was on his side he hesitated no longer. Tiberius Alexander proclaimed 88 THE EOMAN EMPIRE 69. him emperor at Alexandria, and the Judsean legions did the same at Caesarea. Mucianus, who had refused the supreme power himself, threw all his strength on the side of Vespasian, and the vassal kings of the East gave in their adhesion. In a council at Berytus the campaign against Vitellius was planned. It was decided that Vespasian should occupy Egypt, and thus obtain possession of the food supply of Rome, that his son Titus should succeed him as legatus in Judsea, and that Mucianus should march on Rome. The army of Mucianus was not large, less than 25,000 men, but he expected to be joined by the Illyric legions, who had been loyal to Otho and were intensely hostile to his successor. Mucianus marched slowly. He knew that the German legions were formidable, and he hoped that by moving slowly he might avoid bloodshed. The stoppage of the food supplies would have a great effect at Rome, perhaps even cause a revolution. But all his cautious planning was upset by the enthusiasm of the Illyric legions. These were under the command of Anton ius Primus, a dashing and impetuous officer who deter- mined to take Italy by surprise. He would not wait for the Eastern forces, therefore, but marched at once and quickly. His judgment was justified by results, for he overcame all opposition, gained a decisive victory over the forces of Vitel- lius at Betriacum, and captured Cremona. The town indeed capitulated, but the soldiers paid no respect to the capitulation and burned it to the ground. Vitellius had entrusted the command of his armies to Caecina and Valens. Csecina played him false ; Valens was too slow. He lost all his chances and at last fled. He took refuge in Gaul, but the procurator of that country had declared for Vespasian and Valens was captured and beheaded. The Vitellians now saw that the struggle was becoming hope- less. The legions of the Western provinces, Britain, Spain and Gaul declared for Vespasian. The East was already his and Italy was divided. Vitellius saw that his cause was lost, and when Primus A WAR OF SUCCESSION 89 offered him a safe retreat in Campania and Mucianiis confirmed the offer by letter he would readily have agreed ; but there were now two parties in Rome, the Flavians and the Vitellians. The Flavians espoused the cause of Vespasian and demanded that his terms should be accepted ; the Vitellians, amongst whom were many soldiers of the Praetorian guard, were per- fectly irreconcilable. They would not hear of yielding and took care that Vitellius should not escape. Fierce riots en- sued, and the Capitol was burned to the ground. In the midst of the tumult Primus reached Rome and his forces broke into the city, driving its defenders before them. There was pro- longed street fighting and terrible slaughter. Then tlie Prae- torian camp was stormed. Fifty thousand men are said to have fallen, and amongst them was the emperor. For a time Rome was in the hands of the soldiery and was treated as a conquered city. But Muciauus arrived and took control. All licence was now sternly repressed, the Senate met in proper form, and the impcrium was conferred upon Ves- pasian by the usual decrees. This had been indeed an eventful year. It has been called the year of the four emperors, for within a twelvemonth Galba, Otho, Vitellius and Vespasian had ruled in Rome. It was a striking object lesson to the empire on the merits of dynastic succession as opposed to military nomination. Between the succession of Augustus and the death of Nero a century had elapsed, and but five monarchs had reigned. They were not perfect. Two of them. Gains and Nero, had been very imper- fect indeed. But they had succeeded to one another without civil war, and the machinery of state started by Augustus had kept moving whether the ruler were good or bad. Now for the moment dynastic succession had failed, and with what result ? Rome had seen four emperors in twelve months, and both country and capital had been plunged into all the horrors of a destructive civil strife. The principle of dynastic succession might not work to perfection, but it was manifestly better than the alternative. CHAPTER XI. VESPASIAN. 69. Titus Flavius Vespasianus, with whom began the second imperial dynasty, was one of the most useful of Roman em- perors. Not that he was either a very great or a very clever man. But he was a strong man, and at this time a strong man was sorely needed at Rome. Vespasian was a man of the people and proud of it. A solid, squarely built man, fond of rough humour, impervious to flattery, accessible to all. A good soldier and a good ad- ministrator. There have been many United States Presidents of the same stamp. The elevation of a man of humble birth to the supreme position in the State was a new thing in Rome. Hitherto the emperors had been aristocrats. From Julius Ca3sar to Nero they had been of the same distinguished family. After Nero it had been much the same thing. Galba was a patrician ; Otho of good Etruscan family ; Vitellius the son of a senator and grandson of a knight. Vespasian was a Sabine. His grandfather had collected small debts ; his father had been in the customs. It was a great change for the Romans to have such an one emperor, the forerunner of greater changes that were to come. The new emperor did not at once come to Rome. Vitellius was slain on the 21st of December, 69, and Vespasian did not reach Rome until the summer of 70. Before he arrived the Senate had begun to rebuild the Capitol. It was on the foundations of the old one, but was raised to a greater height. During Vespasian's reign there were serious revolts among the Batavians and the Jews. (90) VESPASIAN 91 The Batavians lived on the Delta of the Rhine, in a part of what is called the Netherlands. They were excellent soldiers and had been greatly used as auxiliaries by the Roman generals. They were capital swimmers, and when Plautius was invading Britain it was Batavians who swam across the Thames and turned the British flank. During Nero's reign two of their principal officers, Julius Civilis and Claudius Paulus, had been accused of treason. Paulus was executed by the governor of Lower Germany, Civilis was sent to Rome and thrown into prison. When Nero fell Galba released him. Then followed the death of Galba and soon thereafter the death of Otho. The Batavians helped Vitellius in his war against Otho, but when the struggle Ijetween Vitellius and Vespasian followed they supported Vespasian. Civilis was now amongst them and at their head. Acting at first in the name of Vespasian, he roused not only his own people but the troops of Germany and Gaul. Soon he had a formidable array at his command and the generals sent against him b}" Vitellius were easily overthrown. When Vitellius perished and Vespasian had been declared emperor the war should have ceased. But the Batavians and Gauls had many grievances, and even longed for their old independence. It was easier to induce them to take up arms than to persuade them to lay them down. The effort on behalf of Vespasian now became a revolt and spread until much of Gaul was involved. Beginning against Vitellius, it was now directed against Rome and there was talk of a Gallic empire. Had there been perfect harmony between the Batavians and the Gauls the revolt would have been serious indeed, but, fortunately for Rome, there was much jealousy between them. The Batavians were just as little inclined to be the subjects of a Gallic empire as they were to be the subjects of Rome. Accordingly when Vespasian sent Cerealis with a large army to crush the revolt he succeeded, though not without difficulty. Civilis made good terms for his people, and Vespasian, remem- bering how the revolt began, wisely let bygones be bygones. 92 THE ROMAN EMPIRE When Vespasian was nominated as emperor he was engaged in quelling a revolt in Judaea. The Jews had long been con- sidered a trouble in the empire. The religious views to which they held with such tenacity brought them into frequent collision with the civil power. It was not easy for a free- thinking Roman governor to understand why Jews should make so much fuss about their particular form of religion, should refuse to worship dead emperors and to place statues of living ones in their synagogues. Nor did the Jews make it any easier for the Romans than they could help. They thought it a disgraceful thing to be under the heel of idolaters, and were generally in a condition of unrest. Thus both principle and prejudice combined to make the Jews difficult subjects, and only the wisest of governors could prevent disturbance. On the other hand, any unscrupulous official could bring the Jews almost at any moment into collision with the Roman power. During the reign of Tiberius when Pontius Pilate was governor there had been tumult and massacre in Judsea. In the reign of Gains matters became worse, for the emperor ordered that his statue should be placed in the Holy of Holies, and civil war was only prevented by his death. During the reign of Nero, the disaffection was widespread, tumults were incessant, and Jews were massacred in many cities. In Alexandria, Tiberius Alexander, the governor, him- self of the Jewish race, is said to have slaughtered tens of thousands of them. At Csesarea 20,000 are said to have been slain. In Jerusalem the Jews were in a great majority, and, mad- dened by the reports which were brought from other places, they rose against their enemies and defeated them with great slaughter, cutting the Roman garrison to pieces. Cestius Gallus, the governor of Syria, now marched upon Jerusalem with 30,000 men, but the fortifications were too strong for him, and he had to retreat with heavy loss. After his defeat the rebellion spread quickly, and soon the whole country was in the hands of the insurgents. VESPASIAN 93 The news of these untoward events reached Nero when he was in Greece, and he saw that the crisis demanded the utmost energy. Accordiii^-ly he sent Vespasian, wlio had the reputa- tion of being one of the best officers in the Roman army, with full power to deal with the matter. Vespasian entered Palestine with 50,000 men and deferred an advance upon the capital until he had recovered the coun- try. He proceeded slowly, capturing the cities one by one. Perhaps Vespasian's most memorable siege was that of Jotapata in which Josephus, the famous Jewish historian, Hgured. The siege lasted forty-five days, and Josephus, who was in command, escaped with his life. He was taken into favour by Vespasian and used as an ambassador in his com- munications with the Jews. He took the name of his patron Titus Flavins Josephus. After the death of Nero, Vespasian suspended military operations, waiting probably until his instructions were con- firmed by Galba. When afterwards he was himself proclaimed emperor, he left Titus, his elder son, who had been his right hand during the war, to finish the task. In the spring of the year Titus marched upon Jerusalem. 70. The city was torn by faction. There were three main parties ; there had been much bloodshed and confusion reigned. But when Titus approached all united against the common foe. The Roman army was of vast size, numbering 100,000 men, one of the finest armies Rome had ever placed in the field. The city was thronged with people from all parts. Many persons, driven from their homes in the surrounding districts, had hurried to the capital for refuge. It was also the time of the passover, a time when Jerusalem was always crowded. No adequate stores had been laid in for a siege, and the Jews would have been well advised had they yielded upon almost any terms. But this was far from their thoughts, and Titus encompassed the city with his army. The siege lasted for five terrible months. Greater misery than that endured by the inhabitants of Jerusalem during 94 THE EOMAN EMPIEE those months has rarely been recorded in the history of man- kind. The desperate wild-cat courage which rarely fails the Semitic race when driven to bay, which fought at Tyre against Alexander the Great, and at Carthage against Rome, was now displayed at Jerusalem. Had the Jews been united, and had the city been properly prepared and provisioned for a siege, the Romans might have been baulked in the end. But overcrowded and unprovisioned as it was it could not long resist the fury of the Roman assault. Breaches were made, walls were scaled, and then house by house, street by street, quarter by quarter, the city was taken and destroyed. The number of victims we can only guess at. Josephus declares that over a million perished. If we divide his figures in half they are yet terrible. Herod's temple, the wonder of the world, was burned to the ground, and the city was heaped in ruin. The destruction of Jerusalem, and perhaps especially the destruction of the temple by Titus, was a blow from which Jewish nationality never recovered. For a thousand years Jerusalem had been the Jewish centre, and every stone was precious in their sight. It was now levelled with the dust. Many Jews still clung to Palestine, and efforts were made to rebuild the city. In the time of Hadrian the Jewish popula- tion had so greatly increased in Judaea that they were able to carry on a warfare with the Roman armies for three years. Once more they were crushed, and once more Jerusalem was ground to powder. A Roman legion encamped on its ruins, and the Jews were forbidden even to dwell in its vicinity. The destruction of Jerusalem by Titus did not of itself scatter the Jewish race. Jerusalem has been often destroyed, and the Jewish race has been often scattered. It is a couimon complaint made by Jews when they are reproached because their fathers crucified Christ that their fathers had left Jeru- salem centuries before the dawn of the Christian era. This is true, yet every Jewish heart turned towards Jerusalem, the temple was there, it was the common home of their race. VESPASIAN 95 This feeling must now, for many centuries at least, be at an end. Jerusalem indeed was rebuilt, but the temple was never rebuilt, and the city itself has since been a pagan centre, a Christian centre, and a Moslem centre, but never again a Jewish centre. The destruction of the temple by Titus, and the double destruction of the city by Titus and Hadrian were final. The Jews were crushed in the centre of their religious and national life, and did not again rally round a common purpose. They accepted their cruel fate, and went forth wan- derers, found everywhere, yet everywhere " a people dwelling- alone, and not reckoned among the nations ". After the revolts in Gaul and Judjsa had been quelled, the reign of Vespasian was peaceful and the empire prospered. Rome had not yet recovered from the great fire, nor had the treasury recovered from the extravagance of Nero and the waste of civil war. Vespasian had therefore to face serious financial difiiculties, but he faced them with resolution. He had to increase taxation, and he exacted a strict account from the tax collectors. But he showed a good example by himself living a frugal life and curtailing the expenses of court. Vespasian paid special attention to the guarding of the frontiers, and thus gave his successors an example which several of them followed. The idea of world-wide empire was unpopular now, and Rome aimed chiefly at preventing aggression. Vespasian reorganised the Danubian flotilla, and moved the camping gi*ound of the legions to the river bank. Farther north he began a line of fortifications on the eastern side of the Rhine. Adventurous Gauls had taken possession of waste lands across the river. They were outside the pro- vince, but paid tithe to Rome. Vespasian began to build a wall for their protection, and Domitian completed it. On the eastern frontier Vespasian made Cappadocia a kind of county palatine, placing it under the command of a legate of consular rank, who had the task of defending the upper Euphrates. Himself a provincial, Vespasian sympathised witli the pro- vinces, and improved the status of the towns and municipali- 96 THE EOMAN EMPIRE ties. Many of these had been formed under the lex Julia municipalis, a law passed by JuHus Caesar. Durin^^ Vespasian's reign the Imperial position became better defined. The title of " Imperator Caesar Augustus" was made common to the emperors. The claims of hereditary descent were appreciated and more fully recognised. Vespasian fortunately had two sons old enough to succeed him, Titus and Domitian. The heir apparent took the name of Caesar, his head appeared with that of the emperor upon the coinage, and his name was associated with his in public prayer. The theory that the king should never die was beginning to be understood. The old system of dual control between emperor and Senate was now largely ignored. The powers of the magis- trates in Rome fell mostly into the hands of the prefect of the city, and of the prefect of the guard, both of whom were appointed by the emperor. The emperor still used the decrees of the Senate (senatus considta) as convenient instruments of legislation, but they were merely his own decrees, introduced in an imperial speech and formally acclaimed by them. The senatorial order itself was changed. Vespasian ad- mitted men of merit to the Senate freely, and his successors followed his example. Thus the old families who had been such a source of trouble throughout Roman history became less powerful. The Roman aristocracy became now more like the aristocracy of England at the present time. Wealth, in- fluence, faithful service, legal knowledge and the like were the keys which opened the senatorial door. Vespasian found economy necessary, and was therefore accused of meanness. But he was not mean. Many important works were begun and carried out during his reign. The great fire had provided abundant opportunity for the erection of new public buildings, and Vespasian took advantage of it The words " Roma resurgens " are found on coins of this reign. The most famous of Vespasian's buildings is the Colosseum. In early times the theatres had been built of wood. One had VESPASIAN 97 been built of stone, but burned down in the great fire. Ves- pasian began, Titus carried on, and Domitian completed the vast amphitheatre which, even in ruin, is still the most im- pressive sight in Rome. In its perfect state it accommodated 90,000 spectators. The great public buildings known as the baths of Titus were also begun by Vespasian. Vespasian had his enemies, and conspiracies were formed against him. He crushed them but without undue severity. When advised to pass more severe sentences he said : "I do not kill dogs that bark at me ". Vespasian's good humour rarely forsook him. When the king of Parthia wrote him, loftily inscribing his letter, " Arsaces, King of Kings, to Titus Flavins Vespasianus," the Roman emperor replied, " Titus Flavins Vespasianus to Arsaces, King of Kings ". Vespasian was an indefatigable worker, never sparing him- self. In his seventieth year, feeling his health failing, he re- visited the home of his boyhood, a little town in the Sabine hills. But he got a chill and came back worse. Though he realised that death was approaching he went on with his work. " An emperor," he said, " should die on his feet." After his death a decree of the Senate consecrated him, as Julius, Augustus and Claudius had been consecrated. No one would have been more amused at it than Vespasian himself. VOL. II, CHAPTER XII. TITUS. 79. Titus Flavius Sabinus Vespasianus, commonly called Titus, now succeeded to the throne, his age being thirty-eight years. His father, Vespasian, had been a favourite with Claudius, and Titus was brought up in the imperial court and edu- cated along with Britannicus. He is said to have been at the banquet early in Nero's reign when Britannicus was poisoned, and the curious ideas of the Romans with regard to poisoning actually led them to attribute his death twenty-five years later to the alleged fact that he had taken a sip from Britannicus' cup. When a young man Titus served with credit as military tribune both in Britain and Germany. When Nero entrusted Vespasian with the subjugation of Judaea, Titus had command of a legion. When Vespasian was proclaimed emperor he left his son to finish the task, and especially the capture of Jerusalem. Titus carried out the work by sweeping the city from the face of the earth and slaying its inhabitants, man, woman and child. His conquest of Jerusalem gave him a great military reputation at Rome. 71. The year after the fall of Jerusalem Titus returned to Rome and joined his father in the customary triumph. Some years later the well-known Arch of Titus was built at Rome on the Via Sacra to commemorate the conquest of Jerusalem. The sculptures on the monument represent Jewish trophies, cap- tives and the like. Vespasian, following the example of Augustus with regard to Tiberius, admitted his son Titus to a share in the govern- ment of the empire. The proconsular imperium and the (98) TITUS 99 tribunician power were bestowed upon him. Vespasian also made him praetorian prefect so that his share in the task of government was substantial, and his ultimate succession was assured. Though the military reputation of Titus was high he was not at this time a favomnte with the people of Rome. This was partly owing to the fact that he had brought with him a Jewish mistress from Judaea, Berenice, the sister of Agrippa. Both she and her brother were lodged in the palace, and it was said that Titus meant to marry her for his third wife. The Romans did not mind how many concubines Titus had, but they did not want a Jewess as empress, and the intended union gave dissatisfaction. Perceiving this, and doubtless influenced by his father's advice, Titus sent Berenice back to Judsea. After the death of Vespasian she returned to Rome, hoping that he might then marry her, but he declined. His life proved a short one and he did not again marry at all. When Vespasian died Titus succeeded without demur. His 79. reign had been looked for with some apprehension. He had been fond of dissipation, and it was feared that he might prove another Nero. But when he obtained power he braced himself up for a time. What might have happened had his reign been long continued we cannot tell ; but it only lasted for two years. Vespasian had governed Rome with rare ability. Realising the extraordinary importance of careful finance he had exer- cised strict control over the collection of the revenue and had seen that everything was carried out with economy. The ex- travagance of Nero had emptied the treasury, Vespasian had the task of refilling it. Of course he got little thanks, and has been handed down to posterity as a parsimonious emperor. The reign of Titus was, whilst it lasted, a reaction against his father's policy. He exercised little control over the public officials, and they quickly fell back into their dishonest habits. The money which his father had left in the treasury he scat- tered with both hands. None ever went from his presence 100 THE EOMAN EMPIEE empty away. His famous saying, " I have lost a day," was not uttered because during that day he had done no kind action, but because during that day he had bestowed no gift. Looked at in this h'ght it loses much of its significance. It evidently never occurred to Titus that money raised by the taxation of the people was trust money, which should be ear- marked for the business of the state and not lavished upon favourites. Nero also had begun like this, and had been a prime favourite whilst the money lasted, and Titus would also have remained a favourite, " the darling of the human race," just so long as the money lasted, and not a day longer. His popularity was based on no true foundation, he was building his house upon the sand. But he died before the treasury was quite empty, and bequeathed the unpopular task of refilling it to his successor. Short though the reign of Titus was it contained within itself incidents of tragic importance. Scarcely had he suc- ceeded to the purple when there was an extraordinary eruption of Vesuvius, an event of which recent circumstances have un- happily again reminded us. For centuries Vesuvius had been quiescent, so that it was looked upon as an extinct volcano. The mountain was covered with verdure, vineyards and villages abounded on its slopes. Nestling at its foot were several towns, of which Pompeii and Herculaneum were the most important. Virgil speaks of the beauty of the region, even yet one of the most enchanting places in the world. Pompeii and Herculaneum were favourite resorts of the Roman aristocracy, the wealthy amongst them had villas there, built and ornamented luxuriously in the Greek fashion. The confidence of the residents had been rudely shaken sixteen 63. years before the date of the eruption by a serious earthquake, which did much mischief in Pompeii, and overturned some of its principal buildings. The private houses, being of lower height, were not much injured, and the disaster had passed from the minds of the people. Then all at once came the great eruption. TITUS 101 The description of the eruption has been preserved for us by Pliny the younger, who was an eye-witness. He was eighteen years of age at the time, and was staying at the house of his uncle Pliny the elder, a man famous for his painstaking work as a naturalist. The uncle was admiral of the imperial fleet which was stationed in the harbour of Misenum, and he dwelt in a villa on the Misenian promontory twenty miles dis- tant from the summit of Vesuvius. Whilst the uncle and nephew were sitting at their studies they noticed that a strange-looking cloud was hanging over Vesuvius, spreading out from a slender vertical stem in tree- like fashion. The uncle ordered his cutter to be manned at once and crossed to the mountain, but the nephew preferred not to leave the work on which he was engaged. When the admiral arrived on the scene, he was met by crowds of fugitives, beseeching help to get to sea. He gave instructions that the largest vessels of the fleet should sail to the most dangerous points and stand by to save as many people as they could. There can be no doubt that Pliny, by this promptitude, saved many lives. The researches made so industriously have shown that comparatively few lives were lost in Herculaneum and Pompeii. Evidently the inhabitants of the towns and villages in proximity to the mountain took warning early and escaped in time. Many would go inland, some were carried away in private vessels, some in the vessels of the fleet. Unfortunately though Pliny thus wisely provided for the escape of others, he himself fell a victim. It was really his own blame. Not dreaming how serious the eruption would be, he delayed unduly, passing the night at a friend's house which stood well within the dangerous circle. In the night matters became so alarming that the servants aroused him, and aided by torches, for the sky was densely overcast, they made their way to the shore. So close was the danger that they had 'to envelope their heads to protect them from the hot cinders. When they reached the shore no boat 102 THE EOMAN EMPIRE was visible and Pliny could go no farther. He lay down and the terrified servants deserted him. Three days after- wards his nephew found him lying dead. His face was calm and there were no signs of burning. He may have died from the effects of the poisonous gas which accompanies an eruption and sinks to the ground by its own weight. Or he may have died from ordinary heart failure. He was an old man an