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A SHORT HISTORY
MEDIEVAL PEOPLES
\
/
A SHORT HISTORY
OF
MEDIEVAL PEOPLES
FROM THE DAWN OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA TO
THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE
BY
ROBINSON SOUTTAR, M.A., D.C.L.
AUTHOR OF "a short HISTORY OF ANCIENT PEOPLES"
HODDER AND STOUGHTON
LONDON MCMVII
82004
CONTENTS.
THE EOMAN EMPIBE.
U>TER
PAGE
I.
The Founder of the Empire .
3
II.
Roman Literature — The Early Period .
. 12
III.
Roman Literature — The Time of Cicero
. 21
IV,
Roman Literature — The Augustan Age .
. 29
V.
Tiberius
. 37
VI.
Gains (Caligula)
. 47
VII.
Claudius ....
. 53
VIII.
The Christians
61
IX.
Nero ....
71
X.
A War of Succession
. 88
XI.
Vespasian
90
XII.
Titus ....
. 98
XIII.
Domitian
. 105
XIV.
Nerva ....
. 114
XV.
Trajan ....
. 117
XVI.
Hadrian ....
. 127
XVII.
Antoninus Pius
. 135
xvni.
Marcus Aurelius
. 140
XIX.
Roman Literature under the Early Emperors
. 149
XX.
Commodus
. 158
XXI.
Pertinax, Julianus, Septimius Severus .
. 164
XXII.
Caracalla, Macrinus, Heliogabalus
. 171
XXIII.
Alexander Severus, Maximin, the Gordians
Maximus and
Balbinus, Gordian III., Philip
. 181
XXIV.
Decius, Gallus, .Slmilianus, V
aleris
m, Galliei
lus . . . 188
VI CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAGE
XXV. Claudius, Aurelianu3, Tacitus, Probus, Carus, Carinus and
Numerian 198
XXVI. Diocletian 207
XXVII. The Six Emperors 216
XXVIII. Oonstantine the Great 222
XXIX. The House of Oonstantine 233
XXX. Jovian, Valentinian I., Valens, Gratian 241
XXXI. Theodosius 250
XXXII. Eeligious Leaders of the Fourth Century — Athanasius . 258
XXXIII. Religious Leaders of the Fourth Century— Ulfilas, Basil . 266
XXXIV. Religious Leaders of the Fourth Century — Gregory Nazian-
zen, Ambrose 274
XXXV. Religious Leaders of the Fourth Century — John Chrysostom,
Jerome 283
XXXVI. Augustine 294
XXXVII. Alaric the Goth 300
XXXVIII. The Breaking up of the West 309
XXXIX. Attila the Scourge 317
XL. The Vandals 325
XLI. The Last Days of the Western Empire 332
XLII. Why the Empire Fell 337
XLIII. Theodoric the Great 344
XLIV. Eight Emperors of the East 354
XLV. Justinian 363
THE SARACENS.
I, Arabia 379
II. Mecca 386
III. Medina 396
IV. Last Years of Mohammed 407
V. The Early Caliphs 415
VI. Hasan I Hosein ! 424
VII. The Ommeyads 432
VIII. The Abbassides 440
CONTENTS vii
CHAPTER PAOE
THE CRUSADES.
I. What Led to the Crusades ? 451
II. The First Crusade 462
III. The Second Crusade 474
IV. The Third Crusade 486
V. The Fourth Crusade 496
VI, The Fifth and Sixth Crusades 505
VII. The End of Crusading 515
THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE.
I. The Successors of Justinian 626
II. Maurice and Phocas 632
III. Heraclius 538
IV. Seventy Years of Turmoil 548
V. A Dynasty of Reformers 566
VI. Byzantium at its Zenith 569
VII. A Macedonian Dynasty 580
VIII. The House of Basil 590
IX. The Seljukian Turk 600
X. Alexius 1 609
XI. The House of Comnenus 620
XII. Byzantium Receives her Death Wound 629
XIII. The Latins in Constantinople 639
XIV. The Catalans, the Ottomans, Timour the Tartar . . .647
XV. The End of the Empire 655
APPENDIX.
Tables op Sovebeigns 663
Index 667
LIST OF MAPS.
PAGE
I. Roman Empire at its Widest Extent in the time of Trajan and
Hadrian, about 117 a.d 127
II. Roman Empire and the Barbarians about the time of Constantine,
350 A.D 222
III. Roman Empire thrust aside by the Barbarians about 500 a.d. . 344
IV. Arabia 379
V. Widest Limits of Moslem Rule before Byzantium fell . . . 447
VI. The Crusades and the Greek Empire 522
THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
VOL. II.
THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
CHAPTER I.
THE FOUNDER OP THE EMPIRE.
We concluded our former volume with a .sketch of the reign of
Augustus, thinking that the history of the Roman Republic
must be imperfect without his reign. But if the reign of
Augustus is necessary for the true understanding of the his-
tory of the republic, it is even more necessary for the true
understanding of the history of the empire. We deem it
better, therefore, to return to the history of this great man in
the beginning of the present volume. Thus that which follows
will be more intelligible, and each volume will be complete in
itself.
The murder of Julius Caesar did not restore the republic as 44 B.C.
his murderers had hoped it might, but led instead to a long
war of succession. For the murderers themselves there was
indeed no chance. Cfesar had been far more popular than they
imagined and they only saved their lives by flight. Marcus
Antonius was for the moment the foremost man in Rome. He
got possession of Caesar's papers and made a free use of them,
carrying laws, confiscating and granting property, and profes-
sing that amongst Caesar's papers he had authority for all.
There were two others who might conceivably be candi-
dates for supreme rule ; Lepidus, the governor of Hither Spain
and Gaul, and Sextus, a son of Pompey, whose power, that of
an outlaw, lay in Further Spain and Sicily. With both of
these men Antony established friendly relations, winning them
by fair promises.
(3)
4 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
Octavius, a grand-nephew of Julius Caesar, was living at
Apollonia when his uncle was murdered. Hearing that he had
been made his heir, he crossed to Italy and travelled to Rome.
He was but nineteen and had little influence, but he could
bide his time.
Antony played his part in Rome so recklessly that he
alarmed the Senate. When, therefore, he departed to Cis-
alpine Gaul, Octavius persuaded them to send an army against
43 B.C. him, led by the two consuls and himself. The battle of Mutina
was fought, Antony was defeated, but both consuls were slain.
Octavius now expected to be made commander-in-chief and a
consul, but owing largely to Cicero's influence he was passed
over. Angry at this, he marched on Rome in threatening
fashion, whereupon Cicero and the other senators yielded and
did as he desired.
Lepidus had now brought his forces round and joined
Antony near Forum Julii. Octavius marched to meet them,
but instead of fighting they conferred at Bononia and agreed
to divide the Roman world between them. The Triumvirate
then came to Rome, and, sad to say, inaugurated their power
by slaying their enemies and confiscating their property.
Amongst their victims was Cicero who had insulted Octavius.
Though the triumvirs claimed the Roman world they had
not yet obtained possession. There were enemies in the field ;
Sextus in Sicily with a powerful fleet ; Brutus and Cassius in
42 B.C. Macedonia. Leaving Lepidus to take care of Italy, Antony
and Octavius crossed from Brindisi to Macedonia, and de-
feated Brutus and Cassius at Philippi. The regicides did not
survive their defeat and the conquerors were able to make a
fresh division of authority. Antony took the East, Octavius
took Italy and the West, Lepidus received Africa.
Antony now yielded to the soft influences of the East and
lost ground ; Octavius attended to his government and gained
the confidence of his subjects ; Lepidus had little influence.
40 B.C. With some vague idea of asserting his rights and checking
the growing power of Octavius, Antony crossed to Italy and
THE FOUNDER OF THE EMPIRE 6
laid siege to Brindisi. But neither he nor Octavius really
wanted war, so he was pacified and returned to Greece, taking
as his wife Octavia, his rival's sister. He had, however,
already met Cleopatra, the famous Egyptian queen, and was
wholly under her influence.
Octavius also married again. The year before, he had 38 B.C.
divorced Scribonia his wife, and now he married Livia, the
wife of Tiberius Claudius Nero, a distinguished noble to whom
she had already borne a son, Tiberius, afterwards emperor.
Three months after her marriage with Octavius she bore
another son to Tiberius Claudius. He was named Drusus, and
became the father of Germanicus and of the Emperor Claudius.
The power of Octavius increased continually. With the aid
of Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa, a most able lieutenant, he over- 36 B.C.
tlirew Sextus Pompeius and drove him from Sicily. He died
the following year. Lepidus then tried to seize the island, but
his troops deserted him, and he was deposed and exiled. Thus
the whole of the West was united under Octavius, who had
associated with him two most able ministers, Agrippa and
Maecenas. These men helped him from the beginning and
remained his faithful councillors throughout.
In the East Antony was doing little good. His lieutenant,
P. Ventidius Bassus, had done splendid service against Parthia,
but Antony threw away all his chances and soon lost prestige.
Cleopatra had now gained complete ascendency over him, and
he was presenting Roman provinces to her and her sons. The
Romans were indignant, the Senate by decree deprived him 32 B.C.
of his command, and declared war on Cleopatra.
At the battle of Actium the united forces of Antony and
Cleopatra were overthrown by Agrippa, and the unhappy 31 B.C.
lovers fled. At Alexandi-ia they were again attacked, and 30 B.C.
being easily defeated they saved themselves the ignominy that
would have attended captm'e by taking their own lives.
Egypt was formally annexed and became a Roman pro-
vince.
Octavius was now sole ruler of the Roman world. Julius
6 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
Caesar had also been sole ruler, but Octavius was in a more
powerful position than his great relative had been. Cfesar
had been surrounded hy aristocrats, many of whom longed to
recover the power of which he had deprived them. Some had
been slain, such as remained were for the most part adherents
of the Julian line. As for the people they were tired of civil
war and thankful to obey any ruler who gave them peace.
Octavius had a fine chance and he used it well. A man of
rare administrative ability he gained the confidence of every
class, and without appearing to grasp at power soon had every-
thing centred in himself. He had won his power by the
sword, but he invested it with a constitutional character, and
harmonised it with the institutions of which the Romans had
been proud and to which they still clung, reconciling autocratic
rule with republican forms in a way which gave satisfaction
to all. Years after when about to leave the human stage he
asked the bystanders whether he had not fairly earned the
applause of the Roman people.
27 B.C. When the Roman world was at peace Octavius formally
laid down the extraordinary authority with which he had
been entrusted, and asked for a new and constitutional grant
of power. The Senate accordingly granted to him the consular
imperium for ten years, and elected him commander-in-chief
with the exclusive right of levying troops, waging war and
making treaties. He was made chief magistrate at home and
was entrusted with the sole government of the most important
provinces.
Beside an able man possessed of such enormous power there
could be no competitor, and Augustus, as he was now entitled,
was supreme. More and more as time went on all power was
gathered into his hands, yet with such show of legality and
constitutional method that republicans were satisfied. More-
over, the arrangement was avowedly temporary. The im-
perium was granted originally for ten years, then renewed
again and again. The powers thus conferred were afterwards
embodied in a form of statute andcarriedfor each emperor in turn.
THE FOUNDEE OF THE EMPIEE 7
Over this system of government Augustus presided for
forty years, and when he died the empire was firmly estab-
lished and the republic was a thing of the past. As a matter
of fact the word republic had been losing its true significance
in connection with Roman government long before the days of
Augustus, In early days when Rome was but a city the word
meant much, but when Rome conquered Italy and afterwards
added conquest to conquest the word was meaningless. A
vast empire governed by a handful of Roman nobles was no
republic. Rome had become an oligarchy of the most selfish
sort, and as there was no possibility of a retm-n to republican
days it was better that the government should evolve into an
autocracy. This change came about in the reign of Julius
Caesar, who was emperor in all but name. Then came Augus-
tus, a most worthy successor, and after him Tiberius, another
able man. These three men estabhshed the imperial system so
firmly that the republic was forgotten.
The domestic reforms of Augustus have been dealt with in
our first volume and need not be again detailed. It will suffice
if we mention such matters as bear in an important degree
upon the further history of the empire. The delimitation of
the frontiers, the reorganisation of the army, and the establish-
ment of a civil service are specially important.
The Roman Empire was now of enormous area, and the
frontier problem was of the highest importance. In some
parts of the empire the question was simple enough.
On the west Roman territory was bounded by the Atlantic
and the English Channel, for Augustus made no attempt to
cross to Britain.
In the south, Africa, from the Delta to the Atlantic, was
Roman. Here the desert formed a natural boundary, checking-
all desire on the part of the Romans to advance farther, even
though not preventing the incursions of the desert tribes into
the province.
In the east the frontier was less easily fixed. The Persian
Empire of earlier times had made way for the Parthian with
8 THE EOMAN EMPIRE
whose kings Rome had waged war not always successfully.
For the Syrian province the desert boundary sufficed, and
farther north the Euphrates was the natural boundary, though
between it and the Roman province there lay certain native
States such as Pontus and Cappadocia. Beyond the Euphrates
lay Armenia, a State within the sphere of influence of both
Rome and Parthia, concerning which quarrels would inevitably
arise. Augustus preferred not to annex, believing that as a
free and independent State it would form the surest defence
for the empire. His judgment was right, and it would have
been well had his successors adhered to his policy.
On the north the question of frontier was specially serious.
Gaul was now quite conquered, and had to be protected from
the northern tribes. The question was whether the Rhine
should be accepted as its frontier or whether the province
should extend to the Elbe. The Rhine seemed the natural
boundary, but tribes were wont to cross that river, and Julius
Caesar had found it necessary to carry punitive expeditions
into the country beyond. Campaigns were accordingly con-
ducted by Drusus and Tiberius which had for their object
the extension of Roman rule to the Elbe. They were suc-
cessful, a Roman province was being created ; roads, bridges,
canals were in course of construction and Roman troops were
9 A.D. stationed there. Suddenly there was an uprising of the
tribes, Varus, the Roman general, was defeated and his legions
were destroyed. Augustus drew back within the Rhine, and
solemnly warned his successors not to go farther. Further
south the Danube took in some measure the place of the
Rhine, and when the reign of Augustus closed there was a
continuous chain of provinces along the Rhine and the Danube
from the Black Sea to the German Ocean.
With the frontier policy army reform was inseparably
associated. In early times the Roman army was composed of
Roman citizens, who went to the wars when the country was
in danger and returned to their avocations when the fighting
was done. But in later times Rome had conquered so much
THE FOUNDEE OF THE EMPIEE 9
territory that generals raised armies as they best could, and
kept their soldiers together for long periods of service. Many
soldiers were provincials, having no special sympathy with
Rome or its institutions. If they had a good general they
were attached to him, and were ready to follow him anywhere.
They were poorly paid, and their chief hope of fortune lay in
the power of their general to obtain gratuities and gifts of
land for them when the war was over. To obtain these they
would as lief fight the Senate as the Gaul. Such armies were
rather a peril than a protection to the State.
During the civil wars which closed the republican period
the soldiers had become numerous. There were fifty legions
in all. Augustus reduced their number to twenty-five. The
old militia idea was abandoned, and a permanent force was
raised by voluntary enlistment. The emperor was com-
mander-in-chief, no levies could be raised without his consent,
and every recruit swore allegiance to him according to a form
which Augustus himself drew up. He engaged the soldier,
paid him, dismissed him, and rewarded him. The soldier
served sixteen years in the army and four in the reserve.
After twenty years he could claim his discharge and a reward
for faithful service.
Each legion was a standing corps with its own number
and name. The legions formed the first line of defence, but
behind them were the auxiliaries drawn from vassal States and
frontier tribes. Each auxiliary regiment retained the name
of the district where it was raised, so that it had a common
bond, and in it the martial spirits found an outlet for their
warlike energies. At the same time Augustus was careful to
employ each regiment far from its native land, so that the
soldiers became less provincial and thought of themselves as
soldiers of the empire.
Of the fighting force Italy and the peaceful provinces saw
little. Twelve legions lay on the northern frontier, four were
in Syria, four in Egypt and Africa, three in Spain, two in
10 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
Dalmatia. In Rome itself there were a few picked regiments
of guards, about 6,000 men in all.
Augustus developed something corresponding to a civil
service in the empire. - In former times the provinces had
been granted out to favourites, who resided in them for a time,
and returned home in a few years, loaded with wealth, mostly-
ill-gotten. Augustus changed this system. The governors
were his officials, appointed by him, paid regular salaries by
him, promoted by him, and dismissed by him. Moreover, from
their decisions there was an appeal to him. Thus the proconsul
was no longer an autocrat, but himself a subordinate officer. As
the career might be a permanent one if the emperor so pleased,
able men chose it and became experts in the art of govern-
ment.
In Rome the same system was followed. Little by little
all authority was vested in Augustus, and the various depart-
ments of home administration were worked by officials, respon-
sible to him for all that they did. The corn and water supply,
the care of public buildings, the police, the fire-brigade, became
services worked by commissioners appointed by and respon-
sible to the emperor.
It is greatly to Augustus' credit that he tried to encourage
a healthy and vigorous municipal life throughout Italy, and
sought to enlist the sympathies even of those who had not
attained to the dignity of full citizenship. As time went on
this class became less numerous, the rights of citizenship being
more freely conferred.
Augustus regulated the finances of the empire with great
care. They had become sadly disorganised, and by reason of
civil war, mismanagement and peculation the empire was
exhausted. He had a statistical survey of the empire taken,
and taxation was based upon a carefully prepared census. The
imperial budget may be said to date from the time of Augustus.
He published the accounts of the empire annually, and left
behind him a complete statement of the financial condition of
the empire.
THE FOUNDEE OF THE EMPIEE 11
Augustus was a wise ruler. Yet, such are the limitations
of human wisdom, during his reign Julius Caesar was deified
and there were temples and priests of Augustus. The worship
of the emperor was encouraged as a bond of political union, and
willingness to worship him became the test of patriotism.
Many a Christian met his death in later times because he
refused thus to blaspheme.
Augustus died at Nola at the age of seventy-five. He 14 A. D.
had ruled as autocrat for forty-one years, but in such manner
as to gain the affections of all, nobles as well as plebs, provin-
cials as well as Italians. Some years before his death he had
adopted his step-son Tiberius, and later Tiberius had been
made to some extent joint-ruler with himself.
The emperor had ordered that a brief record of his acts
should be inscribed upon bronze tablets and deposited in the
mausoleum at Rome. The tablets have perished, but a copy of
the epitaph cut on marble was found at Angora (Ancyra) in
Galatia, in a temple dedicated to Augustus. The copy is still
extant and is headed as follows: " Rerum gestarum divi
Augusti, quibus orbem terrarum imperio populi Rom. subjecit
et impensarum quas in rempublicam populumque Romanum
fecit, incisarum in duabus aheneis pi lis, quae sunt Romaj
positas, exemplar subjectum ".
CHAPTER II.
ROMAN LITERATURE— THE EARLY PERIOD.
The Romans were not a literary people. This may seem a
strange thing to say considering the position occupied by the
Latin language in the literary world. For many centuries
Latin was the language of culture. For many more Latin has
been freely used for literature, and books are still written in
the Latin tongue. But this is a different matter. As the Ro-
man Empire spread Latin spread with it, until it was known
not only throughout Italy, but over much of Europe. The old
languages lived and were used for colloquial purposes, but men
who wished their writings to be widely read wrote in Latin.
This became even more the case when the Roman Church
began to gain in power. Not only were the services of the
Church read in Latin, but by writing in Latin theologians of
different countries could interchange ideas. And over much of
Europe for a long time the higher education was confined to
theologians.
Latin gained its position more easily because of its intrinsic
merits. It is an exact, business-like language. Its pronuncia-
tion and syntax are alike precise. If it is inferior to Greek in
grace and elasticity, it is superior in vigour and force. Greek
is a better language for philosophy, but Latin has a sonorous
effectiveness all its own. Hence it has lived and will live.
Notwithstanding the merits of Latin it remains true that
the Romans were not a literary people. In their early days,
some would say in their best days, they had no literature
worth talking about. For centuries they despised it and found
little place for it in education. Their notion of education was
very practical. If a boy could count, fight, plough the land,
(12)
ROMAN LITERATURE— THE EARLY PERIOD 13
and liold his own in a bargain, what more did he want ? The
Romans were in those days a practical and unimaginative race
singularly unlike the Italian of to-day. At that time Roman
literature consisted of historic annals, so bald and imperfect
that they were of little use even to a historian, and of ballads
and rude chants which have not lived.
\ The conquest of Southern Italy first made a difference. Th^
cities there were of Greek origin, and the captives brought/
Greek ideas to Rome. Now the Greeks admired literature
just as much as the Romans despised it. The palmy days of
Greece were at an end, but her literary men and philosophers
had left a store of intellectual food on which the Greeks feasted
then and the world has feasted ever since. Philosophj^, poetry,
the drama, in all the Greeks excelled. Now captives were
often well-educated men. In those days conquerors brought
the best of the people with them as slaves, the clever men and
the artisans. The others they left to till the land and send
them tribute. Hence many well-bred and highly educated
men were in Rome as slaves, not unfrequently better men
than their masters.
Intelligent masters had the sense to use their slaves well.
They gave them practical freedom, and allowed them to use
their talents as they best could, perhaps receiving a percentage
of their earnings. Thus it happened that the education of
young Romans fell often into the hands of Greek slaves. It
was not because the Romans thought any one good enough to
be a schoolmaster, but because Greeks had been brought to
Rome who knew much more about education than the Romans
did and were qualified to teach them. These men taught the
Greek language and used as their text-books the works of
the Greek poets and dramatists just as the teachers in our
English public schools and universities do to-day.
From Greece also came the drama. In Italian towns there
had been play-acting of a simple sort from early times. But it
did not amount to much and in Rome it was not encouraged.
The Romans were a dignified race and hated to be made fun
14 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
of, and early acting was largely composed of rough fun and
practical joking. The Greeks who were in Rome knew that
stage plays could be made attractive, and tried to introduce
them. At first the civic fathers were doubtful about it. An
actor was to them pretty much what an actor was to our own
forefathers, a mountebank, a man who lived on sufferance, and
who might be thankful if he got away from the town without
being put in the stocks. Nor was the play- writer much better
in their opinion.
Nevertheless acting slowly won its way. To avoid giving
offence the actors laid their scenes in Greek cities, and when
they made fun they pretended that it was Greeks they were
making fun of. Hence when the civic fathers came to censure
they sometimes remained to laugh.
It was a long time before wholly Roman plays were acted
with freedom. In fact, the time scarcely did come. The in-
fluence which Greek obtained in those early days was never
wholly shaken oft'. The early Roman writers were largely
translators and adapters from the Greek. Sometimes we have
Latin thought in Greek form, and sometimes Greek thought in
Latin form, but generally Greek somewhere. This was especi-
ally true of dramatists and poets. Virgil, the greatest of
Roman poets, owed much to Homer, and Lucretius, Horace and
Ovid owed much to Greece. The prose writers managed to
emancipate themselves. Cicero, Julius Csesar, Livy and
Tacitus had styles of their own. But when Cicero began to
write philosophy Greek influence became at once apparent,
In the space at our disposal we can only attempt to give
brief biographical sketches of the leading Roman writers in the
order in which they were born. Adequate quotation is impos-
sible, else it would be interesting to watch the progress of
poetry from the Saturnian jingle into which Andronicus trans-
lated the Odyssey, illustrated by the nursery rhyme,
The King was in his counting-house, counting out his money ;
The Queen was in her parlour, eating bread and honey,
EOMAN LITEEATUKE— THE EARLY PERIOD 15
up to the majestic hexameters of Virgil. It would be interest-
ing also to remember that Virgil at his best was only where
Homer had been a thousand years before, and that Roman
poetry having reached that climax quickly began to decay.
Livius Andronicus is spoken of as the first Roman 290 B.C.
dramatist. He was not a Roman, but a Greek, captured at
Tarentum, and brought to Rome as a slave. He was freed by
Livius, his master, and took his name.
The earliest stage-plays {ludi scenici) had been introduced
from Etruria about 364 B.C., but the first drama with a regular
plot was translated from the Greek by Andronicus, and per-
formed at Rome 240 B.C.
Fragments of the plays of Andronicus exist, and the fact
that his writings were still being used as school-books in the
reign of Augustus shows that the Romans considered them of
merit.
Cn. N^vius was the first Roman poet of repute, appar- 264.
ently a most talented man. He was born in Campania, and
served in the First Punic War. He at first translated dramas
from the Greek, and continued to translate Greek comedies, but
he endeavoured to clothe his tragedies in Roman garb.
Naevius tried to introduce references to current events into
his comedies, and criticised public affairs and men, in the
fashion popular at Athens. But this did not answer at Rome,
and Naevius was thrown into prison. He made his peace and
was set free, but only to err again, and to be imprisoned again.
At last he was exiled.
During his exile Nsevius wrote an epic poem on the First
Punic War. It was written in Saturnian metre and opened
with the story of iEneas' flight from Troy. Only fragments
remain, but the poem was utilised by two great men, Ennius
and Virgil. Nsevius' style was easy and free, and he had his
admirers even in the Augustan age. One of his lines is still
famous,
Laetus sum laudari me abste, pater, a laudato viro.
Nsevius died at Utica.
16 THE KOMAN EMPIEE
254. T. Maccius Plautus was the next writer in point ot' time,
and the first whose works have come down to us on a large
scale. He was an Umbrian by birth, and began life as a stage
assistant. Then he took to acting, and then to playwriting.
He was very successful in the last capacity, and continued to
produce plays for forty years. Twenty of his comedies are
extant, and they were still being performed in the time of
Diocletian.
Like his predecessors, Plautus borrowed largely from the
Greek. He made little claim to original authorship, but trans-
lated and edited, cleverly adapting his plays to Roman life and
introducing Roman customs and jokes into his scenes. Warned
perhaps by the fate of Naevius, he laid the scenes of his plays
in Greek cities, and his characters were always Greek.
Plautus was a rough writer who wrote for bread, and
sought only to amuse, but he was clever, and many writers,
both ancient and modern, have been indebted to him.
Amongst these may be mentioned Moliere, Dryden and Shake-
speare. The Comedy of Errors is founded on a play by Plautus
called the Mencechmi.
250. Q. Fabius Pictor was perhaps the most ancient writer of
Roman history in prose. He served in the Gallic War, and in
the Second Punic War. His history, which was written in
Greek, began with the arrival of /Eneas in Italy, and brought
Rome down to his own time.
239. Q. Ennius was a Calabrian by birth. He came to Rome
from Sardinia in the train of M. Porcius Cato, who induced
him to settle there. He made his living by teaching, and had
a high reputation as a man of learning. He gave lessons in
Greek and Latin, and endeavoured to bring the finest examples
of Greek culture before his students, whilst also infusing into
his work something of the practical Roman spirit.
Ennius' most important work was an epic poem called the
Annals. The poem was modelled on Homer, and described
the growth and glory of Rome. It was in eighteen books,
ROMAN LITEEATUEE— THE EAELY PERIOD 17
was half as long again as Paradise Lost, and must have been
the labour of many years. The early part is legendary, the
latter part deals with the Punic War and matters of which he
had knowledge. From a historical point of view the Annals
were not of much consequence, but from a literary point of
view their importance was great. The metres previously used
by poets had allowed much licence in quantities. But Ennius
wrote in Homeric hexameters, and as these required a rigid
observance of quantities, his writings, of which portions have
been preserved, have had an important effect in fixing the
laws of Latin pronunciation.
Ennius has the credit of having originated the satire. At
that time the word had not its present meaning. The word
Satura denoted a medley, and was applied to a rude kind of
miscellaneous acting without any regular plot. Ennius applied
it to his miscellaneous writings, short poems on different sub-
jects and in different metres.
Ennius was a good man as well as a great genius. He
was esteemed by his contemporaries. Scipio Africanus was
an intimate friend, and when Ennius died he was buried in
the sepulchre of the Scipios, and his bust was placed among
the effigies of their family.
Cicero calls Ennius "Summus poeta noster," and Virgil
copied him at times.
M. PORCIUS Cato, the well-known censor, is the first Latin 234.
prose author of whom we have much knowledge. He was
born at Tusculum, and became famous as soldier, orator and
author. He was a patriot of the narrowest school, loving no
country but his own.
Cato's vigorous style and biting wit gave him great force
as a speaker, and his speeches were published. In the time
of Cicero 150 of them were extant, and Cicero praises them
highly. Quotations which have been preserved show that
Cato had abundant vigour and some administrative talent of
the domineering order.
VOL II. 2
18 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
Cato's whole literary activity belonged to the period of his
old age. At that time his national prejudices had somewhat
diminished; and he even went so far as to study Greek, which
in his earlier years he had despised.
The books written by Cato were, as might be expected,
of a practical order. A treatise on agriculture remains to us,
modernised by the copyists, but sufficiently near the original
to show his style.
Cato also wrote a book called Origines, of which only
fragments have been preserved. It dealt with Roman and
Italian antiquities in the early chapters, giving such account
as could be given of the early history of Rome and the Italian
tribes. The book derived its title from its early chapters, but
it went on to describe later history, bringing it down to the
very year of his death.
Latin historical composition in the proper sense began with
Cato, the Origines being the oldest historical work written in
Latin, and the first important prose work in Roman literature.
220, M. Pacuvius, the nephew of Ennius, was born at Brindisi
just before the Second Punic War. He lived to be an old man,
and witnessed during his life the stirring events which ended
with the destruction of Carthage.
Pacuvius was considered by many ancient writers one of
the greatest of the Latin tragic poets. His tragedies were
mostly based upon the Greek writers, but he treated his sub-
jects with much originality. Some of his tragedies were
taken from Roman story, such as the one entitled Paulus.
Pacuvius' verses were popular in the time of Julius Caesar,
and though only fragments remain, we can see that he was a
man of lofty thought and high ideal. He was distinguished
as a painter as well as a poet.
Q. CiECiLius Statius was a native of Milan, and a writer
of comedy. The date of his birth is uncertain, but he was the
immediate predecessor of Terence. Some critics have placed
him with Plautus and Terence in the first rank of comic poets,
EOMAN LITERATUEE— THE EARLY PERIOD 19
but he was probably inferior to both. The titles of forty of his
dramas are known, but only fragments have been preserved.
P. Terentius Afer (Terence) was born at Carthage and i96.
brought in his early youth as a slave to Rome. His master, a
Roman senator, impressed by his talents, educated and freed
him. Thus by his master's kindness he was brought early
into contact with education and refinement, and acquired the
elegant manner which characterises his work.
The Andria, Terence's first play, was acted 166 B.C., and
at once made him famous. Like other writers he borrowed
largely from the Greek, nor did he attempt to clothe Athenian
comedy in Roman garb as i\\&y had done. He wrote in the
Latin language, but as an Athenian, and refrained from Roman
customs and local references,
Terence's plays may not be intrinsically more moral than
the rest, but he avoided coarseness, and though this injured
his popularity with the plebs, it made his plays agreeable to
persons of taste.
Terence died at the early age of thirty-six years. Six
comedies remain to us, perhaps all that he produced. His
style is polished, and his plays are marked by a purity of
idiom which has received from critics the highest praise. It
has even been said that, although a foreigner and a freedman,
Terence divided with Cicero and Caesar the palm of pure
Latinity.
L. Accius was a prolific writer of tragedy and history. Of 170.
his tragedies mere fragments remain, but these bear evidence
of unusual power and of a moral impressiveness not always
present in the Roman drama.
Accius also wrote Annals in verse, containing a history
of Rome and a history of poetry. These writings are not
extant.
The works of Accius are spoken of with admiration by
ancient writers. He lived to a great age, and Cicero, when a
young man, frequently conversed with him.
20 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
168. G. LuciLius of Aurunca was a fluent and popular writer
of satirical poetry. Ennius has the credit of having invented
the Satura or medley, but Lucilius moulded it into shape. His
satires were in thirty books. Of these 800 fragments have
been preserved. Though the fragments are of the briefest
they show undoubted power.
The style of Lucilius was vigorous and pungent, sometimes
coarse enough and unsparingly frank, but abounding in caustic
pleasantry and clever criticism of life. He had none of the
polish of Terence, and Horace declared that if the order of his
words was altered no one could tell that he was not reading
prose. Nevertheless his writings lived, and were popular even
in the Augustan age.
CHAPTER III.
ROMAN LITERATURE— THE TIME OF CICERO.
M. Terentius Varro was a laborious student, a man of wide lie B.C.
learning and a voluminous author. Unfortunately, he took to
politics, and fought against Julius Caesar. After Pharsalia,
Csesar forgave him, and employed him in connection with a
scheme he had on foot for establishing a great public library in
Rome.
When Csesar was murdered Varro went into seclusion, and
gave himself wholly to literary work. His name was on the
list of those proscribed by the triumvirs, but he escaped and
remained for some time in concealment. Afterwards Octavius
protected him, and he lived to a good old age, spending his life
at his favourite studies.
Varro composed a mass of literature, of which, unfortun-
ately, little has been preserved. His poetry was of the satiri-
cal order, his prose writings dealt with a variety of subjects.
Varro's great work was the Antiquities. The work was
divided into two sections, Things Human, and Things Divine.
Only fragments have come down to us, but many quotations
from the latter section are to be found in the works of the early
Christian fathers. Augustine drew largely from this source in
his City of God.
Varro wrote an important treatise on agriculture when he
was eighty years of age. Of this treatise three books are
extant. There are also extant six books, a portion of a treatise
on the Latin language. The book contains much curious
information, but testifies " to the infantine state of philological
science at the time ".
There is a refreshing element of common sense in Varro's
(21)
22 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
writing. He advises girls to keep at their needlework and not
put off the child's dress too early ; and he advises that boys
should not be taken to gladiatorial games, where the heart is
hardened and cruelty quickly learned.
106. M. TuLLius Cicero was born at Arpinum in Southern
Latium, and was educated at Rome. His father was in easy
circumstances, and Marcus received instruction from the best
teachers in the capital. He was an insatiable student, plung-
ing " into every kind of study ".
During the Social War Cicero served in two campaigns, but
he had little fancy for soldiering. He would have been a
better man had he kept out of politics altogether. But this
would not have been in accordance with the spirit of the age.
When we forget the man and remember only the writer, Cicero
must receive the highest praise. He is in a class by himself.
In his prose works the Latin language is seen in its perfection.
Of modern classical Latin prose he may fitly be called the creator.
At the age of twenty-six Cicero was already a successful
pleader in the law courts. Either his health broke down or
he dreaded the enmity of Sulla, so he left Rome, and spent
two years in travel. During these years he visited Athens
and Rhodes, and took the opportunity of extending his know-
ledge of philosophy and rhetoric. He returned from his tour
strengthened and matured, and was soon recognised as the
foremost of Roman orators. From this time he was constantly
engaged in the law courts and assemblies. Of the speeches
which he delivered, fifty-seven have come down to us. They
were carefully edited before publication in all probability, and
some never were delivered at all, but they bear every sign of
first-class oratorical ability.
Sometimes Cicero was counsel for the prosecution, and
several speeches demonstrate his power of invective. But,
generally, he was retained for the defence, and when two or
three counsel were engaged he spoke last, as being the one
most likely to leave a favourable impression on the jury.
EOMAN LITEEATUEE— THE TIME OF CICEEO 23
Cicero's political speeches were mostly delivered in the
Senate amongst men of his own class. But he could also ad-
dress popular audiences with power. The Roman law courts
were not infrequently held in the open air, and interesting
trials drew large crowds.
The letters of Cicero are not less interesting than his
speeches. There are about eight hundred of these, and they
have high importance as a chronicle of the history of the time.
They are the more valuable as manj^ of them, perhaps the
greater number, were written without thought of pubHcation.
Naturally they vary in character. Some are formal, some
frank, some are intended to conceal by ambiguous language
the real views of the writer. Some are written with care,
some have been dashed off hurriedly. On the whole, Cicero's
letters do not lead us to admire his character as a statesman or
even as a citizen. But with this we are not at present con-
cerned. The subject has already been dealt with in our history.
As a writer, Cicero's style is excellent, and his letters form a
valuable commentary upon the closing years of the republic.
When Cicero's political popularity waned he devoted him-
self more entirely to literature, and produced many important
works.
De Oratore is a treatise on public speaking thrown into the
form of a discussion between famous orators. The attainments
needed by an orator, the most effective arguments that an orator
can employ, the value of delivery and action in oratory are all
dealt with. In this treatise Cicero appears at his best. He
was dealing with a subject which he understood, and his char-
acters carry on the discussion with grace and dignity.
Cicero also wrote on philosophy. The subject was not
congenial, but he produced a treatise, De Repuhlica. The
treatise was lost, but in 1822 portions of it were discovered
in a Vatican palimpsest. In his philosophical writings Cicero
borrowed largely from the Greek. His philosophy when
original is superficial.
De Legibus deals with the origin and nature of law, and has
24 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
suggestions for a mode] code. The treatise is sketchy and
incomplete, but gives valuable information. The task was
interrupted by his departure from Rome as governor of Cilicia,
and it was not resumed.
When Cicero returned to Rome the Civil War interfered
with his literary labours, but in 47 B.C. he once more settled
down to his work. In the Brutus, written 46 B.C., he sketches
the history of eloquence at Rome, and in a subsequent treatise
gives his views of what an orator ought to be. Cicero's rhe-
torical works are valuable ; the prose is finished and artistic ;
the subject is handled by one who understood it well.
Cicero's only daughter, Tullia, died in 45 B.C. She was
greatly beloved, and the influence of her death appears in his
later works. Consolatio was the first of these, and it was
followed by Hortensius, a work in which St. Augustine
found much inspiration. These were followed by philosophical
treatises of a more speculative character. Of these De Finibus
Bonorum et Malorum is the most important. It deals with
the supreme good, the end towards which man should direct
his actions and thoughts. In this book the philosophy of the
Stoics, Epicureans and Peripatetics is discussed.
Some of Cicero's writings were religious in character. Of
such was De Natura Deoruon. In this book also the theories
of the philosophical sects are criticised. De Divinatione, a
work on revelation, followed, and De Fato, a treatise of which
only a fragment remains.
Cicero also wrote De Senectute, to show how old age may
be most comfortably borne, and De Amicitia, on friendship.
His last work was De Offi-ciis, a book written for the benefit
of his son Marcus, then studying philosophy at Athens, It
forms a systematic manual of moral duty.
In the year 43 B.C. Cicero was proscribed by the triumvirs,
Antony, Lepidus and Octavius, He fled, but was chased, and
rather than allow his servants to risk their lives by fighting
for him he offered his neck to the executioner. He had then
only reached his sixty-fourth year, and but for this brutal deed
EOMAN LITEEATURE— THE TIME OF CICERO 25
might have done much good work in the world in the evening
of life.
Cicero lived in trying times and tried to play too many
parts. Had he kept more strictly to his proper role it would
have been better for him and better for the great audience
which his writings still reach. But as an author Cicero must
have high praise. Under circumstances at times the most
depressing he produced a great amount of literary work, not
always original, but for tlie most part elevating in tone, and
clear and rich in style. His writings marked an epoch in the
Latin composition of his own time, and have been valuable
instruments for twenty centuries in the hands of those who
have aimed at the highest culture of the intelligence.
C. Julius Caesar, the greatest hero of Roman history, was loo.
a contemporary of Cicero and only a few years his junior.
With his political life we have dealt in our former volume ;
here we have only to speak of his literary powers.
Caesar was an orator of merit, his speeches were praised by
Cicero, and some were extant centuries after his death, though
none have come down to our own time. He is said to have
had a brilliant, high-bred style.
Caesar was the author of several works besides those with
which his name is generally associated, but only traces of them
remain. His literary merits are known to us chiefly through
his Commentaries, namely, on the Gallic and on the Civil
Wars.
The commentaries on the Gallic Wars were written with
a purpose. Caesar had added huge districts to the Roman
Empire, and in so doing had gathered together a powerful
army devoted to his interests. In his CorriTnentaries he
shows how all this was forced upon him by circumstances be-
yond his control. Regarding the reasonableness of his views
opinions may difter. Naturally Caesar puts everything in the
best light for himself, but the tone is so bright and candid
thE^t we do not seem to be reading the narrative of a partisan,
26 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
Caesar was not a historian in the ordinary sense. There
was in his writing no sign of careful research, or balancing of
opinion, or even of strict adherence to truth. He had, as we
have said, a purpose to serve. His aim was autobiographical
rather than historical. But he tells his story with such fresh-
ness and vigour that he has left in his autobiography a
valuable record of political events. As a writer of Latin
prose he stands second only to Cicero.
100. L. Afranius was a popular writer of comedies in the time
of Caesar. His comedies described Roman scenes and manners
in humble life, and some of them are far from refined. They
may, however, be none the less accurate.
Afranius was a man of good family and an orator, so that
he wrote as an amateur. We have the names and fragments
of more than twenty of his comedies.
Comedies describing Roman scenes were called comvedioe
togatcfi, those describing Greek scenes were comcedice
palliatce, those which, like the comedies of Afranius, de-
scribed humble life were called coTnosdice tahernarice.
99. T. Lucretius Carus was the didactic poet of Rome. He
has even been spoken of as the greatest of Roman poets, but
this place belongs to Virgil. Lucretius had a peculiar genius,
a power of discussing abstruse matter in majestic verse, and of
dealing with subjects usually considered dry and forbidding
in a charming style. His work combines purity of style with
depth of reasoning in a way unapproached by any other Latin
poet.
Lucretius was a Roman of good family and fortune, who
despised the mundane ambitions of his time and gave himself
to literature and philosophy. He has been called " the aristo-
crat with a mission ' '. The study of the Greek philosophers
and poets was the absorbing passion of his life. But he was
no copyist : both as philosopher and poet he was an original
genius.
The work which has immortalised the name of Lucretius
EOMAN LITBEATUEE— THE TIME OF CICEEO 27
is entitled De Rerum Natura. It is a philosophical work
written in hexameters, explaining the most abstruse specula-
tions in majestic verse, and with occasional digressions of
singular beauty. The poem expounds the leading principles
of Epicurean philosophy, which was itself based upon the yet
earlier philosophy of Democritus.
This school of philosophers taught what we would now
speak of as the survival of the fittest. The world was a
concourse of atoms which had come together by chance and
would eventually separate and continue their race through void.
Much scientific teaching of the present day is on the same
lines, and Lucretius in his writings anticipates new discoveries,
both in chemistry and physics, in a remarkable way.
Unfortunately the psychology of Lucretius is also material-
istic. The soul and mind consist of atoms, and the soul is not
immortal. The atoms of the soul are scattered at death, after
which there can be no sensation, therefore men have nothing to
fear. The victims of passion and vice have their hell in this life.
In the Lucretiau system the place of the gods was taken
by Nature, an omnipotent and omnipresent force, governing
the universe by fixed laws. Lucretius discusses many other
subjects in his poem. He is often wrong, but he is sometimes
right, and he is always great. And the student rises from a
comparison of these old-world theories with the theories of the
advanced scientific men of our own day with the conviction
deepened that " there is no new thing under the sun ".
In his own day the writings of Lucretius did not meet
with much appreciation. Nor is it to be wondered at. He
vehemently attacked the superstitions of his time, but he had
nothing to give in their place, for the materialism which he
preached could not satisfy the heart of man. Virgil, however,
afterwards did homage to his genius, with true poetic feeling
declaring his own inferiority.
Lucretius died at the early age of forty-four and left his
poem unfinished, so that it was given to the world in its com-
pleted form by some other hand.
28 THE EOMAN EMPIKE
86. C. Sallustius Crispus (Sallust) was born in the Sabine
hills and was a historian of merit. He quarrelled with Cicero
and was expelled from the Senate. In the Civil War he was
fortunate enough to take the side of Caesar. He was rewarded
with the government of Numidia, and returned to Rome from
his province a wealthy man.
Sallust was the first Roman historian to emancipate himself
from the habit of writing history in chronicle form. He tried
instead to imitate the style of such writers as Thucydides. He
was, however, too intense a partisan to be reliable, and he has
the habit of putting speeches of his own composition into the
mouths of his heroes. The two works which have come down
to us, accounts of the Catiline conspiracy and the Jugurthan
War, are really political pamphlets.
Nevertheless, the style of Sallust's writings was original,
and they are valuable from a literary point of view. Sallust
avoided the stately smoothness of Ciceronian Latin : his style
is abrupt, almost jerky. We may perhaps say that whilst
Cicero gave us Latin in its beauty, Sallust gives it in a terse
and concentrated form.
84. C. Valerius Catullus was born at Verona in Cisalpine
Gaul. He was a talented poet, belonging to a new Roman
school of poets, which modelled itself upon the Greek fashion-
able poetry.
The poems of Catullus are of the lyric and elegiac order,
and in various styles and metres. Amongst them are many
love poems, some coarse, but all clever. In some of his pieces
Catullus rivals Horace. The Atys is one of the most remark-
able of his poems. It is full of poetic fire and has a rhythm
used also by Lord Tennyson in " Boadicea ".
Catullus died at an early age, else he would have reached
the first rank of Roman poets.
CHAPTER IV.
ROMAN LITERATURE— THE AUGUSTAN AGE.
With Augustus the republic ended and the empire began.
The establishment of the empire not only marked an era in
political life, but also an era in literature. With an autocrat
upon the throne, benevolent indeed, but determined to order
all things according to his will, the free form of political life
ceased, and much literary freedom ceased with it. The
government could not be attacked, not even criticised, it must
only be praised. Pamphleteering was now dangerous and
oratory lost much of its force. To harangue a public audience
was little short of treason, nor was there much scope for
oratory in a Senate which only met to register the emperor's
decrees.
Historical writing becomes less easy under a despotism.
The history of the past can be freely recorded up to a certain
point, the point when the despot or his ancestors begin to take
a personal interest in it. After that the historian must walk
warily, even with regard to the history of past reigns. As for
the history of his own day, that if touched at all can only be
touched in the interests of the reigning monarch.
In the Roman Empire the change that had come over the
literary world was not at once felt. The best men of Augus-
tus' reign had lived under the republic, some of them had even
served against him. Moreover, Augustus was a peculiarly able
and broad-minded man. He made one terrible mistake in
connecting himself with the proscription and hounding Cicero
to death, but he soon gathered sense. Realising the power of
literature in the world he encouraged literary men, and took
them under his patronage. Msacenas, his chief minister,
(29)
30 THE KOMAN EMPIEE
though an indifferent writer was an excellent critic, and sur-
rounded himself with the choicest literary spirits of his day.
Literature, therefore, flourished, but only on certain lines.
The literary man who becomes a courtier has to pay as the
price the loss of his independence. Augustus and Maecenas
were gracious to literary men, but it was understood that they
must keep their hands off public affairs, or if they spoke of
the emperor, must speak in flattering tones and with bated
breath.
For a time things went well enough. The Augustan age
was undoubtedly extremely brilliant. It was something to
have men like Virgil, and Horace, and Livy, and Ovid, almost
contemporaneous. Augustus himself was fond of books. He
founded libraries, and dabbled in prose and verse. It was in-
deed part of his policy to create a literature, to bring clever
men forward, and to use them in his service. So long, in fact,
as the despot was a literary man, though the nature of the
writing might change, yet there would be plenty of it. But
when Augustus passed away, and the despot was only a
despot, things became very different. This was what really
happened. During the reign of Tiberius there was a lull, then
some literary activity for a time, but it soon became clear that
the golden age had passed. Men were afraid to write freely,
there was little to inspire them in any case, and genius shrank
within itself.
70 B.C. P. Vergilius Maro (Virgil) was the greatest of Roman
poets. He was born at Andes, near Mantua, and was care-
fully educated. Too delicate to be a soldier, and too shy to
be an advocate, he devoted himself to study. His parents
were humble though independent, and they educated him as
well as could be done. He was for some years at school at
Cremona, and then went to Rome to study philosophy, rhe-
toric, and the like. In the rhetoric class Octavius, after-
wards emperor, was a fellow student,
Virgil owed his early recognition as a poet to that which
BOMAN LITERATUEE— THE AUGUSTAN AGE 31
seemed at the time a great misfortune. His father's farm was 41.
confiscated by the officers of Augustus, and awarded to one
of the emperor's veterans. The confiscation was unjust, and
Virgil had the courage, using what little influence he had, to
apply for restitution. The Governor of Cisalpine Gaul took
an interest in the case, and used influence with Maecenas,
Augustus' chief minister, through whom Virgil recovered the
property. His first Eclogue was written to express gratitude
to Caesar for his kindness. Unfortunately a year or two later
the injustice was repeated, and Virgil's life was in danger. He
again appealed, and this time he did not recover the ancestral
farm, but another was given to him in its stead.
The Eclogues or Bucolics were Virgil's earliest work.
They are written in a simple, natural way, and are excellent
examples of polished versification.
The Georgics, an agricultural poem in four books, are de-
dicated to Maecenas, who had taken Virgil under his patronage.
Perhaps the subject was suggested by him. They deal with
the various duties of a farmer, agriculture, planting of trees,
care of live stock, treatment of bees, and the like. The
Georgics were published in complete form about 30 B.C.
After publishing the Georgics the greater part of Virgil's
life was occupied in writing the ^neid. This epic poem con-
structed on Homeric lines, begins with the supposed wanderings
of iEneas after the fall of Troy, and skilfully throws upon the
screen lovely and majestic word pictures of Rome's ancient
glory. In the poem, legend, history and philosophy are skil-
fully interwoven. In the sixth book, the hero visits the abode
of the dead, sees the place of torment of the wicked, and the
plains of Paradise. From this book sprang Dante's great
works, the Inferno and the Paradiso. He made Virgil his
model, and owned him master.
Virgil died about the age of fifty, leaving his great poem
unfinished and unrevised. So impressed was he with its im-
perfections that he left instructions in his will that the poem
should be destroyed. Fortunately, Augustus heard of it, and
32 • THE EOMAN EMPIRE
ordered that this should not be done, but that the poem should
be published as he had left it.
Critics have not been slow to accuse Virgil of lack of
originality, and undoubtedly he drank deeply at the well of
Homer, just as Dante drank deeply at the well of Virgil. Per-
haps even Homer drank deeply at some other well, for recent
explorations make it clear that Homer himself did not stand at
the threshold of Greek civilisation. Originality is hard to find.
Few men have been able to do more than improve slightly upon
work done by their predecessors. Even so with Virgil. A
delicate, retiring man of culture, he gathered up much that was
rich and beautiful, and handed it down to posterity in a new
and more perfect form. His poem stands after the Iliad and
Odyssey, the third great epic poem of antiquity.
Virgil's poetic genius was recognised early, and his works
were used as school-books in Rome for centuries after his
death. He was a pure-minded and elevated writer, and he
used the Latin language with consummate skill. With Cicero
in prose, with Virgil in poetry, we have Latin at its best.
65. Q. HoRATius Flaccus (Horace), was Virgil's personal
friend, and has been, in his own way, almost equally famous.
Like Virgil, he came of humble parentage, and owed almost
everything to the care bestowed upon his education by his
parents. His father had been a slave, but was freed before his
son's birth, and became a tax-collector. He educated his son
Horace at Rome and Athens.
With other young men living in Athens at the time he
joined the army of Brutus, and was beaten with the rest at
Philippi. After the battle he sued for pardon, and was per-
mitted to return to Rome. There he lived in a humble way
for a time, but his poetry attracting attention, he became
acquainted with Virgil, who introduced him to Maecenas.
Maecenas treated him with kindness, and presented him with
a small estate on the Sabine hills, not far from Tibur. On this
property Horace lived in comfort, taking great delight in it.
EOMAN LITERATUEE— THE AUGUSTAN AGE 33
The Satires were the earliest pubHsheJ writings of Horace.
The word in those days signified a mixture or medley. Some
of the words were satirical in the modern sense, but many
were not. The Satires show much keenness of observation and
facility of expression.
The Odes came next in order of time, and are Horace's
greatest monument. Sometimes they are written in lighter
strain, sometimes with serious purpose. Everywhere there is
beauty of form and language, and the master's touch. Nettle-
ship has said : " In lyric poetry Horace represents, as Virgil does
in epic, the highest ideas which the national life of the Roman
Empire was capable of inspiring ".
The Epistles came last. In these Roman society is de-
picted by the man of the world with genial criticism, prac-
tical philosophy and exquisite grace. Some have said that in
this particular form of composition, Horace has never been
equalled.
Like Virgil, Horace was fortunate in obtaining early appre-
ciation. His writings were soon widely known and widely
studied. Mtecenas and Augustus treated him kindly, and,
though he retained an independent spirit, he remained on good
terms with his patrons. Munro, the well-known critic, in com-
paring Virgil with Horace, beautifully says, that whilst Virgil
was imitated by many subsequent writers of epic poetry, " the
moulds in which Horace cast his lyrical and his satirical
thoughts were broken at his death ".
Titus Livius (Livy) was born at Padua, and was for a 59.
time a teacher of rhetoric in his native city. He came to
Rome when about twenty-eight years of age, studied rhetoric,
and wrote philosophy. He made the acquaintance of Augustus,
and being an able man, holding no extreme views, he kept on
good terms with men of all parties.
Soon after the foundation of the empire Livy began his
great work, The History of Rome. The work was designed
on an ambitious scale. It was to have contained 150 books,
VOL. II. 3
34 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
and to have narrated the history of the city from its foundation
to his own time. Livy died before the work was completed,
but he had brought his subject down to the death of Drusus,
9 B.C. In all he had written 142 books, of which, unfortu-
nately, only thirty-five have been preserved, Books I.-X. and
XXI. -XLV. There are extant, however, short epitomes of
most of the lost books.
Livy was far from reliable as a historian. Not that he
was dishonest, but his methods were unsatisfactory. His
chronology was often inaccurate, his geography at fault. He
had been educated in a very broad sense, he had little know-
ledge of law, political economy, political science, or philosophy.
His reflections are rarely profound. He merely aimed at pro-
ducing a readable narrative, but this he did to perfection.
His style is extremely good. His prose has been spoken of
even by great critics as unrivalled, and though this praise is
too high, there can be no question concerning its merits.
Livy's writing flows on in a calm, strong current, and even
when he is transparently inaccurate he is effective. He did
not mean to be inaccurate. He was a fair, liberal-minded
man in many ways. But he was ultra-patriotic ; he could see
little else in the world but Rome. Moreover, it was ancient
Rome that chiefly attracted him ; the Rome of his own day he
counted sadly degenerate. Perhaps he was not far wrong.
He accepted the change which the empire had brought as a
necessity, but he loved it not.
Judging Livy as a historian he had many faults, but as a
literary man he takes high rank. In the writing of pure Latin
prose Cicero and Caesar were his only rivals.
54. Albius Tibullus was an elegiac poet some of whose
writings remain extant. He seems to have been an amiable,
unselfish man, and his poems are delicate and refined. Many
of his songs were inspired by the tender passion : his first
elegies are addressed to Delia, later songs to others. Horace
was warmly attached to him, and does homage to the purity
EOMAN LITERATUKE— THE AUGUSTAN AGE 35
of style which characterised his poetry. Quintilian, a cele-
brated Roman rhetorician and critic, speaks of hiui as the most
polished and elegant of Roman elegiac poets.
Sextus Propertius, a poet of Umbria, and a man of con- 49.
siderable learning, also wrote passionate love songs. His first
elegies are addressed to Cynthia, for whom he had a fervent
attachment. The attachment was unhappy enough, but, under
its influence, Propertius wrote his best poetry. He, also, was
one of the circle of literary men who surrounded Msecenas.
Propertius had weak health, and partly for this reason,
partly because the connection with Cynthia was broken off, he
latterly wrote but little. Probably he died young,
PuBLius OviDius Naso (Ovid) was born in central Italy, 43.
and came to Rome at an early age. His father desired that
he should be an advocate and have an official career, so he had
him trained in rhetoric and law. Ovid even entered the pro-
fession and held some minor appointments. But he was de-
voted to versification, and soon laid his profession aside for the
sake of poetry.
Of the great Augustan poets Ovid is the only one whose
career entirely belongs to that age. He was born the year
after Julius Cassar was murdered, and died thi'ee years after
the death of Augustus.
Ovid's poetry, until he was about forty years of age, was
chiefly on amatory subjects. It was often extremely immoral,
but it suited the tone of society, and Ovid was quickly in-
stalled as the fashionable poet. His genius cannot be ques-
tioned, but much of his work was frivolous, and some of it was
unscrupulously demoralising.
During the last ten years of his life Ovid wrote books of a
worthier character. Among these the Metamorphoses gave,
in fifteen books, legends and fables describing transformations
from the creation down to Julius Ccesar, who was transformed
into a star. Ovid also wrote a poem called the Fasti, a
poetical handling of the Roman calendar, describing the events
36 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
which each day commemorated. It might have been more
interesting had there been any serious purpose inspiring it.
As it is its chief interest Hes in the fact that it throws light
upon certain out-of-tlie-way rites and customs.
When Ovid was fifty-two years of age he was banished by
Augustus to To mi, a town of Thrace, near the mouth of the
Danube on the very borders of the empire. The reason of
this drastic banishment is disputed, but doubtless it was well
deserved. Probably Ovid had been guilty of some greater
indiscretion than usual. Augustus was making an effort to
improve the morals of Roman society and Ovid was doing his
best to corrupt them.
The citizens of Tomi received Ovid with more kindness
than he deserved, but it was a sore change from the gay life of
the capital to this wretched and joyless town for a man like
Ovid. He wrote many elegies bemoaning his fate and plead-
ing for permission to return, but Augustus would neither
recall him nor permit him to change his place of exile.
In 14 A.D. Augustus died and was succeeded by Tiberius.
Three years later Ovid also died at Tomi, the last great poet of
the Augustan era.
We shall return to our sketch of Roman literature in a
subsequent chapter.
CHAPTER V.
TIBERIUS.
Augustus had been first married to Clodia. His second wife
was Scribonia, who bore him his daugliter Julia. He divorced
Scribonia and married a third wife, Livia, the wife of Tiberius
Claudius Nero, a Roman noble. Livia had borne two sons to
her former husband, Tiberius and Drusus, who thus became
stepsons of Augustus. Drusus died in his prime. He was
father of Germanicus and Claudius, the latter of whom became
an emperor late in life.
Augustus having no son of his own made many plans for
the succession, but outlived most whom he had chosen. First
he chose Marcellus, son of his sister Octavia, but he died at the
age of nineteen. Then he favoured his stepsons, Tiberius and
Drusus. Afterwards he preferred Lucius and Gains Ctesar,
the sons of Julia by her second husband Agrippa. When
they died, Drusus being also dead, he had no one in the royal
house whose claims could compete with those of Tiberius.
Accordingly Tiberius was adopted as his son, and invested
with the imperium and tribuuician power. Afterwards he was
authorised to take the census and to administer the provinces
along with Augustus. It was, therefore, a matter of course
that he should succeed him, ami he did so with universal
consent.
It is never easy to succeed a popular man. Augustus u a.d.
became emperor whilst still a youth ; he was a hero, he had
many popular gifts. When Tiberius became emperor he was
fifty-five years of age, and his life had been far from a happy
one. Augustus had used him freely and treated him badly.
Whilst still young he had compelled him to divorce his wife,
(37)
82004
38 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
Vispania Agrippina, to whom he was devoted, and to many
his daughter Julia, the widow of Agrippa. There was no
happiness in the union, for, apart from other things, Julia was
a worthless woman.
Though Augustus had thus spoiled the life of his stepson
he showed him little favour and would have robbed him of the
succession in the end had there been any other who could have
been pushed forward. Little wonder if Tiberius became soured
and cynical.
The historians of the period were bitterly hostile to Tiberius,
and dealt unfairly with his memory. They exaggerated his
faults, misinterpreted his motives, and retailed silly and ma-
licious rumours about his actions.
He was a hypocrite, they say, because he affected reluctance
in assuming the imperial power. But all we know of the after
life of Tiberius strengthens the impression that this reluctance
was not feigned. Had the imperial power come ten or twenty
years earlier it might well have gratified him. But he was
now past his prime ; he had been acting with Augustus for
years ; he knew the difficulties and dangers surrounding the
imperial position, and the thanklessness of the task ; he knew
that he lacked the gifts that made Augustus popular ; he dis-
liked the senators and he despised the plebs ; why then should
he increase his responsibilities and make his life one long-
misery ?
When Tiberius went to live at Capri the historians could
only suppose that he did it for the sake of indulging in licen-
tiousness unchecked. The bare mention of the matter is
sufllcient to show its absurdity. Why should a man leave the
most wicked city in the world and go to live in a small island
with a few villa residences for the sake of debauchery ? Surely
there was enough opportunity for that in Rome. Tiberius left
Rome because he was weary of the city, weary of the intrigues
of the place, weary of his unhappy domestic life. He longed
for peace ; he found it in Capri and he never returned to
Rome. His absence from Rome increased his unpopularity.
TIBEKIUS 39
The capital of an empire does not love an absentee monarch,
and the hand of Sejaniis, whom he made governor, was heavy
upon the senators. But Rome had to learn how little, after all,
residence within her walls had to do with the government of
the empire. The provinces were Tiberius' chief concern. He
had to think not only of one huge disreputable city, but of a
great part of Europe, Asia and Africa. In the restfulness of
Capri Tiberius could receive his couriers from the distant
provinces and issue his instructions to his governors in the
ends of the earth just as easily as he could have done amidst
the distracting and evil influences of Rome. Nor is there any
reason to believe that this first duty was neglected. The em-
pire was well governed by Tiberius. But Rome missed the
glitter and the show.
The death of Augustus was made the opportunity for
mutiny amongst the troops on the Danube and on the Rhine.
The soldiers complained of their poor pay and long term of
service. The mutiny on the Danube was quelled by Drusus,
the son of Tiberius, with the aid of an opportune lunar
eclipse.
The mutiny on the Rhine was more serious. Germanicus,
the nephew of Tiberius, son of his favourite brother Drusus,
and his own adopted son, was general on the Rhine. He was
exceedingly popular, and the soldiers offered to make him
emperor if he would lead them to Rome. Germanicus resisted
firmly ; he was loyal to liis uncle, and at last the soldiers lis-
tened to his remonstrances.
In connection with the mutiny on the Rhine we first hear
of Caligula (Bootikin), who was destined to succeed Tiberias.
His name was Gains and he was the youngest son of Ger-
manicus. He was at that time in the camp with his mother
Agrippina and was a great pet amongst the soldiers, who gave
him his nickname, probably from the way that he strutted
about the camp in his Uttle military boots. The sight of
Agrippina, pretending to carry Bootikin away from the camp
to a place of safety, moved the hearts of the rough men and
40 THE KOMAN EMPIEE
brought them to their senses. Their nickname has never been
forgotten.
During the next three years Germanicus was constantly at
war with the Germans. He crossed the Rhine, devastated
their lands and fought several campaigns. The German leader
was Arminius (Hermann). This hero had done his country
much service. It was he who, during the reign of Augustus,
defeated Varus and destroyed his legions. Germanicus was
more careful than Varus had been, and did not meet with so
grave a disaster, though at times his troops were in great
danger. The Germans were often defeated, but the Romans
lost heavily and could obtain no permanent grip of the country.
At last, perceiving that the results bore no proportion to the
17. expenditure of blood and treasure involved, Tiberius recalled
Germanicus and determined, as Augustus had done before him,
to accept the Rhine as the boundary of the empire.
Arminius died at the early age of thirty-seven. He is
rightly held in high esteem by his countrymen and regarded
as a great national hero, the deliverer of Germany.
Germanicus was now sent to the East to settle disputes
with the Armenians and Parthians. About the same time
Cn. Calpurnius Piso, a somewhat overbearing aristocrat,
was made Governor of Syria. Germanicus succeeded with
his mission, but fell out with Piso, and relations became so
strained that Piso left his province. Just then Germanicus
fell ill and died. On his deathbed he declared his belief that
he had been poisoned by Piso's instigation. It is most im-
probable, nevertheless such was the popularity of Germanicus
at Rome that when Piso returned he had to stand his trial
before the Senate. He had few friends, for the emperor, who
did not believe the story of tlie poisoning, was yet angry
with Piso for having exceeded his duty as governor in various
ways. Whilst the trial was in progress he was found dead
with his throat cut and his sword beside him. Of course
there were many to declare that an evil conscience had led
him to make away with himself ; others said that he had been
TIBERIUS 41
killed by order of Tiberius, who was also responsible for the
..death of Germanicus. Unfortunately, the death of an accused
person was no unusual event at Rome. It solved many diffi-
culties. However it may have happened, it may be looked
upon as certain that Tiberius had nothing to do with either
death.
Though the reign of Tiberius was exempt from serious
wars, there were uprisings in Africa, Gaul, and Thrace. In
Southern Italy there were slave revolts. At Rome the steady
increase in the slave population, the decrease in the free-born
population, and the degradation of such freemen as remained
were becoming a cause of alarm to thoughtful men.
In a former chapter we have seen how carefully Augustus
preserved republican forms even when the substance had
passed away. Though all real power had been taken from the
people, Augustus let them play at electing magistrates and
passing laws. Under Tiberius this pretence of authority was
taken away. Legislation was now carried out by Senatus
Consulta and by Imperial Rescript. With neither had tlie
plebs anything to do. The election of magistrates was also
taken out of their hands. The emperor nominated the candi-
date, the Senate approved, the people had tlie barren right to
acclaim.
In thus even apparently worsening the legal status of
the plebs Tiberius risked popularity. But the circumstances
amply justified his action. The Roman populace had been
ruined by conquest and the slavery that follows it. The
nobles had their money and tlieir pride and lived apart.
Rome was crowded with slaves wlio not only performed all the
manual labour, but were the tradesmen and sliopkeepers of
the city. Slave labour and free labour cannot exist side by
side, and the humbler freemen had degenerated into loafers,
living upon the taxes. Augustus fed the rabble, amused them
with games, and let them believe that he was consulting them
about the government. Tiberias continued to feed them.
From this for the moment there seemed to be no escape. But
42 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
he did not trouble to amuse them, and he no longer pretended
to consult them about the government.
Tiberius established a permanent prefecture of the city of
Rome, maintaining the dignity of the office by restricting it
to senators of consular rank. He appointed Sejanus as prse-
torian prefect, a dashing cavalry officer for whom he had a
great fancy. Tiberius, acting probably under the advice of
Sejanus, also caused a permanent camp to be built for the
guards outside the walls. It was in front of the Porta
Viminalis, and the nine cohorts which had charge of the
city were all stationed there. It was convenient to have the
soldiers thus apart from the people, but it was dangerous.
Living together their interests became concentrated, and they
were more conscious of their power. The time would come
when the praetorian guards would set up and pull down
emperors.
The emperor paid careful attention to finance. Augustus
had spent money somewhat freely, especially in Rome. The
games had been well supported, the temples had been restored,
the city had been adorned with public buildings. It was said
of Augustus that he found Rome brick and left it marble.
Tiberius curtailed all these unproductive forms of expenditure.
Thus he was able to lighten taxation, and even to remit it at
times.
33. At a time of serious financial crisis Tiberius came to the
rescue and saved the national credit. When an earthquake
in Asia laid famous cities in ruins, he sent princely gifts and
remitted tribute for five years. When there was a disastrous
36. fire on the Aventine and terrible suffering ensued, Tiberius
gave three-quarters of a million for the relief of the sufferers.
Yet such was his careful administration and the effect of
peace upon the empire that he never found it necessary to
raise taxation, and when he died he left the exchequer full.
During the reign of Tiberius the law of treason was
widened. In earlier times, treason was a name only applied to
offences against the commonwealth, now it was made to include
TIBEEIUS 43
offences against the emperor. An insult to the emperor,
whether in speech or writing, was an offence against the State.
This is really the modern view of treason as held in Germany
at the present time. It is logical, flowing naturally from the
imperial system. But it is open, under certain circumstances,
to great abuse, and it was greatly abused at Rome.
Worse than the extension of the law of treason was the
encouragement given to public informers, delatores as they
were called. Augustus began the mischief by offering rewards
to any who lodged information against violators of his mar-
riage laws. It was not an easy matter to get information on
the subject, and, as there was no public prosecutor at Rome,
the delator seemed for the moment to be a public convenience.
When Tiberius came to the throne he allowed public informers
to be used yet more widely. But there is no more dangerous
weapon than this, and when he saw to what it led he did his
utmost to check it. This did not prove an easy task, especially
after Tiberius went to live at Capri, and left the government
of Rome largely in the hands of Sejanus. Sejanus used in-
formers freely, and Tiberius' memory has the discredit for all
that Sejanus did. The public informer, used in connection
with a wide law of treason, can produce infinite mischief in a
State.
When Tiberius was sixty-seven years of age, he went on 26.
tour in Campania. During the tour an accident happened to
the party. They were dining in a grotto when some rocks
fell. Some of the servants were crushed, and only the pre-
sence of mind and devotion of Sejanus, who sprang forward and
held a rock back by main strength, prevented the emperor
from being seriously injured. Tiberius was grateful to Sejanus,
and he became a greater favourite than ever.
After the emperor's business in Campania was completed,
he visited Capri. Struck by the peacefulness of the island and
the contrast it afforded to the bustle and turmoil of Rome, he
determined to remain there for a time. He enjoyed the island
so much that he ordered villas to be built for the residence of
44 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
himself and his officials, and a stay intended at first to be for
days was prolonged to a stay of eleven years.
Roman historians have not been ashamed to affirm gross
and hateful reasons for this love of seclusion. Nothing could
be more ungenerous and absurd. Tiberius was now an old
man. He had seen much sorrow and felt many disappoint-
ments. He detested Rome, and the peacefulness of Capri was
refreshing in the extreme. Possibly it would have been better
if he had withdrawn altogether from the aftairs of empire.
But it is not easy for an autocrat to resign, unless perhaps he
has a popular son willing to take his place. Tiberius had
none. His only son Drusus had died three years before. For
the moment no one was distinctly indicated as his successor.
Under these circumstances, resignation was no easy matter.
As he himself put it, he held a wolf by the ears ; it was
dangerous to keep hold ; it was yet more dangerous to let
go-
Though living in Capri, Tiberius kept in close touch with
imperial atfiyfe^ Whatever dissatisfaction there may have
been at Rome, there was none in the provinces. Tiberius did
not travel about as Augustus had done, but he paid close
attention to the general welfare of the empire. Four pro-
consuls were condemned for maladministration, and a much-
needed regulation made governors responsible for the rapacity
of their wives. Tiberius said " it was tlie part of a shepherd to
shear not to flay his flock ".
The government of the city of Rome was in the hands of
Sejanus, the prefect of the guards. Sejanus would have made
an able and brilliant governor had Tiberius been there to look
after him, but he was not worthy of supreme power. He
was ambitious and unscrupulous, and made bitter enemies.
Tiberius loaded him with honours, and he undoubtedly ex-
pected to succeed him. Perhaps at one time this was the
emperor's intention, and had Sejanus walked more warily it
might have been so. But when he perceived that Sejanus was
presuming, his mind turned towards Caligula, the son of Ger-
TIBERIUS 45
manicus, of whom wo have ah-eady spoken, and who had now
developed from the child into the full-^rown man.
Perceiving that his hopes of succession were baulked Seja-
nus conspired. The conspiracy was discovered and Sejanus met
with the fate of so many royal favourites. He was arrested
and executed, and his death was followed by the execution
of his family and friends.
In the seventy-eighth year of his age Tiberius, realising 37.
that the end was drawing nigh, (juitted Capri and journeyed
towards Rome. When travelling along the Appian Way, and
already within seven miles of the city, alarmed at some evil
omen, he turned back and retraced his steps as far as Misenum.
There, in the villa of Lucullus, he died.
Tibei'ius was an unpopular man. Perhaps he was a hard
man. But he jvas a great man, well worthy to stand side by
side with Julius and Augustus as one of the three founders of
the Roman Empire.
Although an opportunity will arise for dealing more fully
with the rise of Christianity, it would be unseemly to forget
that it was during the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius that
the solemn events took place in Judaea which so wonderfully
changed the history of mankind.
It was during a census held by virtue of a decree from
Augustus that Christ was born in Bethlehem. Pontius Pilate,
under whom our Lord suffered crucifixion, had received his
appointment from Sejanus. When the mob shouted : "If thou
let this man go, thou art not Caesar's friend," it was Tiberius
of whom they were speaking. Serious complaints had already
reached the emperor of Pilate's tyrannical conduct and he
dreaded further complaint, the more as his patron, Sejanus,
had himself been executed for treason. So, to escape the
dreaded severity of Tiberius, and little dreaming of the
vast and august tribunal by whom his decision would be
revised, " Pilate gave sentence that it should be as they
required".
46 THE EOMAN EMPIRE
When Tiberius died the apostles had begun their labours,
but the Gospel had not yet reached Rome. But it was ap-
proaching, for just about the time that the emperor passed
away Paul, the Apostle to the Gentiles, received his spiritual
baptism.
CHAPTER VI.
GAIUS (CALIGULA).
Rome had now enjoyed good government for three-quarters of 37.
a century. Julius Ca3sar, the last president of the republic,
was one of the great men of the ancient world. Augustus, his
successor, the first of the emperors, was an extremely capable
and popular man. Tiberius, who followed him, though un-
popular, was also extremely capable. He was severe and even
cruel, but his hand was heavy only upon the rich, and chiefly
upon the Roman senators. The empire as a whole prospered
exceedingly under its stern monarch.
The condition of the empire at this time has been thus
described by Philo of Alexandria : —
" Who was not amazed and delighted at beholding Gains
assume the government of the empire, tranquil and well-
ordered as it was, fitted and compact in all its parts, north
and south, east and west, Greek and barbarian, soldier and
civilian, all combined together in the enjoyment of a common
peace and prosperity ? It abounded everywhere in accumu-
lated treasures of gold and silver, coin and plate ; it boasted a
vast force, both of horse and foot, by land and by sea, and
its resources flowed, as it were, from a perennial fountain.
Nothing was to be seen throughout our cities but altars and
sacrifices, priests clad in white and garlanded, the joyous
ministers of the general mirth ; festivals and assemblies, musi-
cal contests and horse-races, nocturnal revels, amusements,
recreations, pleasures of every kind and addressed to every
sense. The rich no longer lorded it over the poor, the strong
upon the weak, masters upon servants, or creditors on their
debtors ; the distinctions of classes were levelled by the occa-
(47)
48 THE EOMAN EMPIKE
sion ; so that the Saturnian age of the poets might no longer
be regarded as a fiction, so nearly was it revived in the life of
that happy era " (Bury, Roman Empire, p. 219).
The passage is well worth quoting, not only because it
gives a bright description of the Roman Empire, but because
it is as strong a testimony as could be given to the excellent
government of Tiberius, all the stronger because it was prob-
ably rather meant to be in laudation of his successor. But it
is not at the beginning of a reign that the condition of an
empire speaks in favour of a ruler, but at the end.
Undoubtedly at this time the main body of the people were
prosperous and well governed. The condition of the capital
was far from satisfactory. But Italy and the provinces were
at peace, the humble majority were allowed to spend their
days in quiet, and they were better off under the emperors
than they had been under the republic.
Gains succeeded to Tiberius amidst general enthusiasm.
He was but five and twenty, the great-grandson of Augustus,
the son of Germanicus, a favourite both with soldiers and
people. He succeeded a stern, gloomy, unpopular old man,
during whose reign there had been repression and even terror.
Every one welcomed the new monarch. There was feasting
and rejoicing throughout the empire.
Tiberius had been a careful financier and without adding
to the taxes had so governed that he left Gains a full treasury,
about twenty millions of accumulated savings, some part of
which at least might be spent for the benefit of the people.
Never had monarch a better chance. And for a time Gains
did well. He banished informers, released prisoners, recalled
exiles, modified the law of treason, remitted taxation, and
declared his intention of restoring to the plebs the ancient
rights of election of which they had been deprived. These
measures were not all wise, but they made him popular, and
when he also restored to the games their ancient splendour
and scattered gifts broadcast he won for himself unbounded
applause.
GAIUS (CALIGULA) 49
For about seven months Gaius paid strict attention to busi-
ness, and everything seemed to promise a beneficent reign.
Then all at once he broke down. He had given a birthday
banquet, a magnificent entertainment. It was a turning-point
in his career. From that moment he degenerated, neglected
business, became the slave of his passions, and acted in such a
way that it would be generous to believe that his mind was
affected.
Probably Gaius was always a weakling. His early days
were spent in camp with soldiers. The men made much of
him, and perhaps taught him mischief. Afterwards he was
for a time with Tiberius and had to repress himself. When
Tiberius died and he became emperor the suddenness of the
elevation sobered him and kept him straight. Then came the
banquet and Gaius probably got drunk and fell once more
under the power of evil. From that time he made no further
effort to keep himself straight. He gave the reins to his lusts,
and Rome was governed by a debauchee.
In the degradation of the young emperor no influence was
more malign than that of Herod Agrippa, the grandson of
Herod the Great, and nephew of Herod Antipas. Agrippa
was a shrewd worldling, dissipated and unprincipled. He
gained great influence over Gaius, and filled his poor, empty
mind with visions of Oriental splendour and voluptuousness.
Nor was Agrippa's the only evil influence at court. For years
Gaius had been devoted to Ennia, the wife of Macro, the prte
torian prefect, and there were others with whom his relation-
ship was even more dishonourable.
The reign of Gaius was not entirely filled with folly. In
the erection of public buildings he would fain have followed
the example of Augustus. Tiberius had been careful, perhaps
even parsimonious ; Gaius had large views. The palace of the
Caesars was enlarged, temples were completed, and the theatre
of Pompey, which had been partially burnt, was restored. One
exceedingly useful work he began, but was unable to complete,
the carrying of a fresh water supply to Rome by an aqueduct.
VOL. II. 4
50 THE ROMAN EMPIEE
He also constructed a viaduct between the Palatine and Capito-
line hills. He is said even to have planned a canal across the
Isthmus of Corinth, a work only completed in our own time.
At times Gains either did utter mischief or wasted money
shamefully. He smashed the statues of distinguished republi-
cans which Augustus had erected, either in a drunken fit or
because he was jealous of their fame. Perhaps, for the last
reason, he ordered that the works of Virgil and Livy should be
removed from the libraries.
39. Gains built a bridge of boats three miles long across the
gulf from Baiae to Puteoli, not as a permanent structure, but
because some one had made the statement that he was just as
likely to drive a chariot across the sea as to become emperor.
That both might happen he built the bridge at great cost,
covered it with planking and earth, and drove a triumphal
chariot across it.
Money was wasted upon fruitless expeditions. One of
these was professedly against the Germans, the other was
meant for the conquest of Britain. The German expedition
achieved nothing, and the army intended to conquer Britain
never went farther than the French coast. Absurd stories are
told about these expeditions, but they may be exaggerated.
Conduct like that which we have recorded brought financial
trouble. The unbounded generosity of the first months of the
reign and the reckless profusion of the after period soon told
their tale. The millions left by Tiberius were swallowed up,
and Gains began to be in want. The real nature of the man
then came out. Ruined by his extravagances, but determined
not to curtail his pleasures, he plundered his subjects both in
Rome and in the provinces. The reforms, by the promise of
which he had gained a fleeting popularity, now vanished away.
The law of treason was revived and made wider than ever.
Informers were again encouraged, and rich men were accused
of offences merely in order that their substance might be seized.
New taxes were imposed mercilessly both at Rome and in
Italy. Taxes on imports, octroi taxes, income taxes and such
GAIUS (CALIGULA) 51
like were freely imposed. Worse than all the cui'reiicy was
debased. Thus did a four years' reign, be<^-un with an over-
flowing treasury, end in bankruptcy.
It seems like a jest to read that this worthless man was
most punctilious with regard to the payment of divine honours
to himself. His determination to receive adoration as a god
led to serious conflict with the Jews both in Ju(la3a and in
Alexandria.
In Alexandria the Jews were ordered, not indeed by Gains
himself, but by the prefect, to set up statues of the emperor in
their synagogues. When they refused there were serious
riots, and many were slain. The Jews sent an embassy to 40.
Gaius to protest, and the Alexandrian citizens sent a counter
embassy. On the arrival of the Jews in Italy, what was their
horror to hear that the emperor had sent orders to Petronius,
the governor of Judsea, to set up a huge statue of him in the
Holy of Holies, in the temple at Jerusalem. This gave them
little encouragement, but they went on and saw Gaius. He
behaved like a lunatic, but did them no harm, looking upon
them as men rather to be pitied than blamed. Fortunately
his death prevented the awful scenes which would have fol-
lowed any serious attempt to carry out his orders in Jerusalem.
The condition of the Jews under Roman sway had changed
for the worse. For a time their condition had not been un-
happy. The Roman garrisons had protected them, the Roman
governors and civil officers had been fair, the fiscal burdens
had not been oppressive. When anything went very far
wrong the Jews appealed to Rome, and did not always appeal
in vain.
Pontius Pilate had brought serious trouble to Judaea.
Appointed governor in the reign of Tiberius by Sejanus, he
neither understood the Jews nor cared to understand them.
His insolence and cruelty maddened them, there had been
serious insurrection and brutal massacre. In the striking-
words of Scripture, " Their blood had been mingled with their
sacrifices ".
52 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
Pilate had also treated the Samaritans with cruelty, and
they complained of his conduct to Vitellius, the governor of
Egypt. Vitellius ordered Pilate to quit Judsea and proceed to
Rome to submit himself to the judgment of the emperor.
Accordingly, just four years after the crucifixion, Pilate went
to Rome a disgraced man. He arrived to find Tiberius dead,
and probably looked on the death of the stern monarch as a
happy augury. But it was early days with Gains, and in his
reforming zeal he condemned Pilate and banished him to Gaul.
Pilate went to Gaul a broken man, and is believed to Imve put
an end to his own life.
41. Gains made many bitter enemies during his brief reign,
and a conspiracy was formed against him. Praetorian officers
were the leaders of the conspiracy, and they assassinated him
as he was passing through a vaulted corridor in the vast
palace which he had built for himself on the Palatine. His
body was hastily buried in the gardens, but was afterwards
exhumed and cremated. At the time of his death the un-
happy emperor had only reached the age of thirty years.
CHAPTER VII.
CLAUDIUS.
When a monarch dies there is usually some one else ready 41.
to till his place, but when Gains was assassinated there had
been no thought of a successor. Gains was himself too young
to have left a son of suitable ago, and no one had been inflicated
during his brief reign as likely to succeed.
The senators met at once to consider the state of affairs.
Few regretted the death of Gains, but concerning the future
they were divided. Some wished to abolish the empire and
return to the republic, others wished to continue the empire,
but change the dynasty. The prjetorian guards solved the
problem. Ransacking the palace for plunder, some of them
found Claudius, the son of Drusus, brother of Germanicus and
uncle of the dead monarch, hiding for fear of his life. To his
amazement they did not slay him there and then, but greeted
him as emperor, and carried him off to the camp.
The guards had heard of the proposal in the Senate that
the republic should be revived, and the suggestion did not suit
them at all. Probably it would have meant their disband-
ment had there been no other objection. They determined
to have an emperor, and why not Claudius ?
Claudius did not desire the honour. Ho was a shy man,
and the death of his nephew had greatly alarmed him. When
the soldiers saluted him imperator he thought it was in
mockery, and when they hurried him to the camp the spec-
tators thought that he was being hurried to execution. They
never dreamt of making Claudius emperor. But the soldiers
were in earnest. They wanted an emperor. The Senate had
to yield, Claudius himself had to yield, and he was formally
invested with the imperium.
(53)
64: THE EOMAN EMPIEE
Tiberius Claudius Csesar was at this time fifty yesivs of
age. He had physical disadvantages. He was deformed, he
spoke indistinctly, he walked with shuffling gait. For these
reasons he had been disliked by his mother, slighted by his
relatives, and neglected by all. He had lived in the country
for the most part, and become a nervous and diffident man.
The contempt of the Roman court was better for the
character of Claudius than its friendship would have been.
He had scholarly tastes and became extremely well-educated.
Weak and pedantic though he seemed, ho was far abler than
many who despised him.
It is sufficient answer to those who have spoken of Claudius
as mentally weak to say that he wrote three large historical
works, an Etruscan, a Carthaginian, and a Roman history.
The Etruscan and Carthaginian histories were written in
Greek. Other books he wrote, but these were the most im-
portant. Claudius was a rough, undignified man. He has been
likened to James I. of England, and like that monarch he was
far from being a fool. He did not seek his position, but when
it was thrust upon him he rose to the occasion, displayed con-
siderable administrative talent, and did his best for the welfare
of the State. Nor was he unsuccessful. His record is ex-
ceedingly good : he left an indelible mark upon the history of
the empire.
Claudius had to begin his reign by undoing some of the
mischief which Gains had done. Estates, unjustly confiscated,
were restored to their owners. Political exiles were recalled,
and persons lying under charge of treason were released. A
senatorial conspiracy, inaugurated by men who were too
proud to serve a man whom they had affected to despise, was
crushed; and then Claudius settled down to the ordinary
duties of administration.
Claudius had the deepest reverence for Augustus, and tried
to make him his pattern. Augustus had kept up cordial re-
lations with the Senate. Claudius did the same. He restored
to them the powers of which they had been deprived by
CLAUDIUS 55
Tiberius, and strengthened their roll by the admission of new
members.
In administering justice Claudius was perhaps more as-
siduous than wise. It is not best that a sovereign should
personally sit on the bench, but Claudius did so: hearing the
cases that came before him hour after hour with infinite
patience. Perhaps this gave him an insight into the law
which he would not otherwise have obtained, and enabled him
to carry out his reforms with greater assurance.
Claudius' legal reforms were substantial. He greatly
modified the law of treasons, suppressed informers, and checked
the use of torture. He tried to restore the right of legislation
to the plebs, and revived the ancient plebiscita. But he soon
found, as others had found before him, that this was unwork-
able, and all his important legislation had to be enacted by
means of Senatuus consulta.
Various important public works were carried out during
the reign of Claudius. The two great aqueducts, which Gains
must have the credit of commencing, were finished by Claudius.
A new harbour was constructed at Ostia, which proved of the
greatest utility ; and efforts were made on a considerable scale
to cbain the Fucine Lake, though the works were not per-
manently successful.
During the reign of Claudius the conquest of Britain was
seriously undertaken. The subjugation of the Britons, who
lived in the ends of the earth, had been in the minds of many.
Julius Cajsar had twice attempted the conquest; Augustus
had twice prepared for it ; Tiberius had declared it necessary ;
even Gains had set out on the expedition, though he got no
further than Boulogne. Claudius determined that the work
should be accomplished. Perhaps the reputed wealth of the
island attracted him, more likely he was willing that his name
should be associated with the adding of another province to
the empire.
Four legions were allotted to the expedition, and there
were many auxiliaries. Aulus Plautius was chosen to com-
66 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
mand, and he had many distinguished officers serving under
him. Among these were two men who afterwards wore the
purple, Galba and Vespasian. The forces all told numbered
about 50,000 men.
43. An enormous transport fleet gathered at Boulogne, and
the men crossed safely and landed unopposed at three different
places on the south coast.
At that time the Trinobantes, whose capital, formerly, in
the days of Caesar, at St. Albans, was now at Camalodunum
(Colchester), had sway over South-Eastern Britain. They,
under their leaders Caractacus and Togodumnus, took the
field against the Romans. They fought bravely, but were
steadily driven back, first across the Medway, then across the
Thames.
Having driven the enemy thus far, Plautius paused, re-
ported to Claudius, and awaited his arrival. The emperor had
determined to take part in the contest himself, and had given
orders that the way should be prepared, but that the final
blow should not be struck before his arrival. He now hurried
from Rome, and found the troops encamped near Londinium
(London). A great battle was fought there, the Trinobantes
were routed, and Plautius, pressing his advantage, captured
Colchester, their capital. Claudius remained in the island
sixteen days, and then, leaving Plautius to finish the conquest
he recrossed the Channel, wintered in Gaul, and returned to
Rome in the spring.
44, After the departure of Claudius. Plautius spent several
years in Britain, pressing forward the conquest of the southern
and western portion of the island. This went on steadily
until the Romans had sway as far west as Bath and as far
north as Colchester. The general then returned to Rome and
was received with due honour.
P. Ostorius Scapula succeeded Plautius. He was fiercely
opposed by the Iceni in the north, and by other tribes under
Caractacus in the west. The Iceni were defeated at some spot
near Daventry in Northamptonshire, and were quiet for a time.
CLAUDIUS 57
Caractacus held out tenaciously on the borders of Wales 51.
and even forced the Romans back. But having unwisely
risked a pitched battle he was completely defeated. Soon
afterwards he was betrayed to the Romans and carried to
Rome. It is to Claudius' credit that he pardoned the British
hero, though he detained him in honourable captivity until his
death.
When Claudius came to the throne a Jewish rebellion was
imminent. Gains had, it will be remembered, ridden rough-
shod over the religious prejudices of the Jews, and had ordered
that his statue should be erected in the temple at Jerusalem,
Claudius pacified the people by issuing edicts protecting their
worship. He also restored the kingdom of Herod for a time.
After Herod's death Judsea had been governed by a procura-
tor, but Claudius gave Judaea, Samaria and other provinces to
Herod's grandson, the Agrippa of whom mention has been
already made.
The man thus elevated was that Herod Agrippa I. who
slew James the brother of John with the sword, and from
whose hands Peter so narrowly escaped. He had been a
great deal at Rome with Gains, and knew Claudius well. He
was one of the few who had foresight enough to realise that the
man whom people thought so little of might one day become
emperor. Accordingly he had kept on friendly terms with him,
and now reaped a rich reward. Agrippa loved popularity and
found that he could become popular with the Jews by perse-
cuting the Christians. His kingdom did not last long. When
he had reigned about three years he died of a most painful 44.
disease. His son, seventeen years of age, was deemed too
young to succeed him, and Judaea was again put under a
procurator. Four years later the youth was made king of the
northern principalities, but not of Judaea. He reigned for
fifty-one years as Herod Agrippa II. It was before him that
the Apostle Paul made his celebrated defence.
During the reign of Claudius the king's servants became of
much greater importance than they had been in former reigns.
58 THE EOMAN EMPIRE
For this reason historians have accused Claudius of exalting
his favourites, an accusation which has been made in most
countries during the transition period. In every expanding
country a time comes when it is no longer possible for one
man to transact all the business of the State and when he must
either let things slide or delegate duties to men in whom he
has confidence. When a country is blessed with constitutional
government the people choose the ministers, but whilst it is
only yet emerging from autocracy the autocrat must choose
them. Naturally the men who are not chosen are discon-
tented, and, as they are in a majority, sovereigns have been
dethroned over and over again for this very thing. Yet it has
been by the employment of so-called favourites that countries
have slowly learned the enormous advantages of ministerial
government.
That Claudius should make Narcissus his secretary, Pallas
his accountant, and Polybius Minister of Education, was an
offence in Rome. The aristocrats who were passed over in
favour of men of more humble rank, were full of wrath, as
they have been in all countries and in all ages. But Claudius
endeavoured to choose the men whom he deemed most capable
of transacting the business of State. If some of the men
whom he thus advanced abused their position and made large
fortunes by their patronage Claudius was not to blame. That
sort of thing had been common in Rome for many a day.
Claudius was unfortunate in his domestic affairs. His first
wife Plautia was divorced with sufficient reason. His second
wife vElia Pactina was divorced without sufficient reason. He
38. then married Messalina, a woman connected on her mother's
side with the Csesars. All this was before he ascended the
throne.
By Messalina Claudius had a son, Tiberius Claudius Ger-
manicus, afterwards called Britannicus, in memory of the
conquest of Britain. Messalina was not a good woman, but
she had great influence over her husband. At last she went
too far and was condemned to death. She had many enemies
CLAUDIUS 59
and we cannot really tell how far she was to blame. Even
after her condemnation Claudius would have forgiven her, and
sent for her, but her enemies had been too quick for him and
declared that by his orders the execution was already past.
After the death of Mcssalina, Claudius married Agrippina
his niece, daughter of Germanicus, and sister of Gains, the
former emperor. No precedent for marriage with a niece
existed at Rome, and there was a strong prejudice against it,
but a decree was passed by the Senate authorising marriage
with the daughters of brothers. The decree, strangely enough,
did not authorise marriage with the daughters of sisters, and
this distinction remained.
Agrippina had been already married to a Roman noble,
Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, and had a son, Lucius Domitius
Ahenobarbus, Her son was older than her stepson, Britan-
nicus, and Agrippina determined that if she could accomplish
it he and not Britaunicus should succeed Claudius on the throne.
The first step was to secure her son's adoption by the emperor,
and with some persuasion Claudius took him into the family 50.
under the name of Nero Claudius Cfesar Drusus Germanicus.
His position having been thus recognised th^ young man
was rapidly advanced and pushed into various public offices.
Britannicus was kept in the background.
Whilst we say these things in deference to the views of
historians of the period we must also in common fairness
remember that Nero was born 37 A.D., whilst Britannicus was
born 42 A.D. The latter was, therefore, at this time a mere
child, whereas the former was just emerging into manhood.
When we remember this the action of Agrippina loses any
sinister significance. She did in this matter just what any
mother possessed of common sense would do in the present
day.
At the age of sixteen Nero married Octavia, the daughter 53.
of Claudius and Messalina, so that he was now son-in-law to
the emperor. How things would have gone had Claudius
lived a few years longer until Britannicus had reached man-
60 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
hood we cannot say. Unfortunately for the world he died.
54. It is said that Agrippina, foreseeing that if he lived he would
appoint Britannicus as his successor, poisoned him. The idea
is too far-fetched to be worthy of serious consideration. Roman
history is largely made up of scandal, and abounds in accusa-
tions concerning poisoning. It is far more likely that Claudius
died a natural death. He was sixty-four years of age and his
health had never been good.
Considering the difficulties under which Claudius laboured
he deserves the greatest credit. He may have been eccentric,
pedantic, perhaps at times foolish. Most men have their faults.
But he was an earnest worker and a persevering man. He
had the ability of the Caesars and is worthy to stand on the
same platform as his three great predecessors — Julius, Augustus
and Tiberius.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE CHRISTIANS.
We are now approaching the reign of Nero, the first Roman
emperor who drew the sword of the civil power against the
Christians. That we may the better understand what this
implied it is necessary that we should diverge from the politi-
cal narrative for a moment and glance at the origin and rise of
Christianity.
The existence of the universe presupposes the existence of
a Creator. So far as the doctrine of evolution is true it in no
way affects this belief. Evolution is merely one of the laws
by means of which the Ci'eator operates.
Amongst the created beings of whom we are cognisant man
stands highest. He is endowed with freedom of action, and is
capable of attaining to a high level of wisdom and knowledge.
Though it is obviously the desire of the Creator that man
should make his own choice between good and evil, and should
unfettered work out his own destiny, it is improbable that
He would leave him entirely without a revelation of his charac-
ter and will.
Such revelation would almost of necessity take a miraculous
form. If we believe in the existence of a Creator miracles
easily follow. If we doubt His existence we are confronted
with the greatest miracle of all.
A revelation from the Creator would probably be made
through some man or some family of men. We believe that
the Hebrew race was chosen for this purpose. When the whole
world was plunged in polytheism and idolatry the Hebrews
clung with the utmost tenacity to the knowledge of the one
true God, a spiritual being, " dwelling not in temples made
(61)
62 ^ THE KOMAN EMPIEE
with hands, neither worshipped witli men's hands as though
He needed anything ".
To the keeping of this remarkable race we believe tliat
God committed for a season the knowledge of his oracles and
of his true character, and though they proved unworthy in
many ways, yet they guarded this particular trust with jealous
care.
The Scriptures, of which the Hebrews were the custodians,
foretold a time when God would send a fuller revelation
through a Messiah in whom, not one race only, but all the
families of the earth should be blessed.
The Jews, as the Hebrews were called in later times, eagerly
expected this Messiah. Their nation had suffered greatly, they
had lost empire and independence, they were hated and
despised, but they believed that their troubles would end when
the Messiah came, and that he would raise their nation to
a height of imperial splendour far surpassing that of any
former time.
In the reign of Augustus, in Bethlehem, a small town in
Judtea, there was born one Jesus Christ. The circumstances
of his birth need not be referred to here, further than to say,
that they were supernatural, and that they accurately fulfilled
various prophecies in the Scriptures believed to be Messianic.
Up to the age of thirty Jesus Christ lived the simple life
of a Galilean peasant. His reputed father was a carpenter,
and could scarcely have given his children any but a rudimen-
tary education. There were no great schools of philosophy in
Galilee, visits to Jerusalem must have been rare, and a young
Galilean carpenter would see few books except the Scriptures.
At the age of thirty, Jesus Christ left his home, and
began to preach and teach. He chose twelve men to accom-
pany him, to hear what he said, witness what he did, and carry
on the work after he had departed. They were plain men like
himself, mostly fi.shermen, one was a tax gatherer.
The teaching of the Galilean peasant was unique. There
was no straining after popularity. Rather was it the reverse.
THE CHRISTIANS 63
The virtues which he extolled were those which men despise ;
meekness, non-resistance, purity, mercy, self-abasement. As
for wealth, fame, worldly success, and such like matters after
which men mostly strive, he said they were of no account.
Christ's teachino- was free from excitement, supei'stition,
sophistry, or uncharitableness. He was not narrow-minded,
his rules were suitable, not only for the Jewish race, but for
all men and for all times.
The manner of Christ's teaching was remarkable. He did
not argue or explain. He uttered short sententious rules as
one having perfect knowledge and full authority. He summed
up all that it was necessary to remember, in order to lead a per-
fect life in two simple but never to be forgotten precepts, " Thou
shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart " ; " Thou shalt
love thy neighbour as thyself ".
Much of Christ's teaching, and many of the parables by
which it was illustrated, have been preserved to us by his com-
panions. Though twenty centuries have gone by, and the
world may be presumed to have grown in wisdom and ex-
perience, Christ's teaching has never been improved upon. It
stands alone, perfect, unique.
The teaching of Jesus Christ was accompanied by miracles,
not performed in order to draw attention to himself, but done
out of love and sympathy. Amongst the miracles were many
which could not be hid. He restored sight to men who had
been blind for years, even from birth ; he healed lepers ; thrice
he raised the dead.
Though the people and his disciples would gladly have
made him a king, and he could easily have placed himself at
the head of a popular movement, he resisted every suggestion
of this nature, and kept himself free from political entangle-
ment and worldly aftairs.
He informed his disciples that he was the Messiah pro-
mised by God in the Scriptures, and that he was Divine.
He said that his mission was a spiritual one, that he was
the appointed Saviour of mankind. His disciples accepted his
64 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
statements, though they only feebly grasped his meaning, and
hoped to the very last that he would restore a temporal king-
dom to Israel.
After three yeai's' ministry, Christ told his disciples that it
was necessary for the fulfilment of his purposes that he should
die the death of crucifixion, but he said that they must not be
unduly grieved, for he would rise from the dead on the third
day. He told them that as his mission upon earth would be
accomplished he would not remain, but that after his bodily
presence had been removed his Spirit would return and dwell
with his followers for ever.
Christ said that it would be their task as soon as his Spirit
descended upon them to go about the world oftering salvation
from the guilt and power of sin to all who would believe on
his name. He warned them that in the fulfilment of this
mission they would meet with hatred, opposition, imprison-
ment, death, but that they were not to be daunted, for they
would have an eternal reward, and would never lose the con-
sciousness of his presence.
Shortly after saying these things Christ was crucified, and
the disciples, forgetting all his promises, and thinking they
would never see their master again, were in the depths of
sorrow. His enemies, however, remembered his saying about
rising on the third day, and determined to make sure that
there was no pretence of anything of that sort. Accordingly,
they obtained custody of the body, into which a spear had
been thrust, so that there might be no doubt that he was dead.
They laid the body in a sepulchre, placed a great stone before
the door, sealed it, and set an armed guard.
Notwithstanding all their precautions, Jesus Christ rose
from the dead on the third day. He was first seen by MsLvy,
then by Peter, then by two disciples, then by the chief
disciples together. After that he was seen frequently, on one
occasion by 500 at one time. The disciples talked with him,
ate and walked with him, and touched his person in order to
remove all doubt.
THE CHRISTIANS 65
Christ then instructed his disciples to remain at Jerusalem
until the promised Spirit should descend upon them, and at
last, having been with them for forty days, he ascended to
heaven, vanishmg from a mountain in the presence of three
witnesses, Peter, James and John.
In accordance with their master's command, the disciples
waited, and ten days after the ascension, whilst they were
gathered together and engaged in prayer, the promised Spirit
descended. The result was remarkable. Though unlettered
men they became filled with power, and preached with such
confidence and success that thousands joined their ranks. On
the first day they had 3,000, later they numbered 5,000, later
still they were described as a multitude amongst whom were
many priests. Though at first their converts were mostly
drawn from the humbler classes, yet from the beginning they
had amongst them persons of wealth and position, and as time
went on they drew their converts from every rank.
The disciples never varied in their testimony. They de-
clared that Jesus Christ had risen from the dead, and had
therefore proved himself to be God. The day on which they
began to preach, and on which they made 3,000 converts in
Jerusalem, where all these things had happened, was just fifty
days after the crucifixion, at a time when the events were
fresh in the minds of all, and when authoritative contradiction
would have been easy. Yet all that the priests who had taken
charge of the body could say was that the disciples had stolen
it whilst the watchmen slept.
Had there been any truth in this statement, the question
would have at once arisen : What had become of the body
so stolen ? Had the disciples' declaration concerning the re-
surrection been fraudulent, the fraud could not have survived
the production of Jesus Christ, alive or dead, even for one
hour. But he was not produced, though his enemies had all
the resources of the State at their command.
As for the disciples themselves they must have been either
deceivers or deceived.
VOL. II. 5
66 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
Were they deceivers ? The whole life history of the men
shows them to have been noble-minded. They taught the
purest and most refined doctrine known to man, and they
taught it in the face of cruel persecution. Had their master
been really dead as they at first believed that he was, they had
nothing to gain by denying it. They could have returned to
their avocations and said nothing more about the matter.
Going on with the deception could bring no gain to them. It
meant defying the ecclesiastical and civil power. It meant for
many of them mockery, imprisonment, death. Dear though
their master had been to them there was no need to carry
things so far. The fact that he was dead was a proof that to
that extent at least he had been mistaken, and there the
matter might have ended. This surely would have been the
attitude of reasonable men. But it was not their attitude.
Men and women, old and young, rich and poor, they con-
fidently affirmed that their Lord had risen. Words cannot
describe the persecution which they endured. But it made no
difference. They never faltered, and many of them sealed
their testimony with their blood.
Were they then deceived ? Could they have seen an
apparition ? In such a case the delusion could have been set
at rest in a moment by the production of their Lord's body.
A ghost implies that there is a body somewhere. Where was
Christ's ? At first they themselves thought that they saw a
ghost. But he said, "Behold my hands and my feet, that it
is I myself ; handle me and see : for a spirit hath not flesh
and bones as ye see me have ". They did as he said. They
touched him, ate with him, saw him often during the re-
maining period spent by him upon earth, saw him ascend
into heaven, and then, filled with rapture, went forth to de-
clare their wonderful message to the world. All that their
master had said about persecution turned out true. It was
inexpressibly bitter. But they never quailed. They were
mocked, imprisoned, scourged, tortured, torn to pieces by wild
THE CHRISTIANS 67
beasts and dogs, but they never varied in their story, they
never denied their Lord.
Yet immensely important though the fact of the resur-
rection is, it does not entirely explain the rise of Christi-
anity. The resurrection convinced eye-witnesses, and those
who learned the facts from eye-witnesses. But had the resur-
rection been all, Christianity might never have spread beyond
that generation. As time advanced, the importance of even
the resurrection would have faded. It needed more than this,
therefore, to keep Christianity alive. There was more. Jesus
Christ had made two promises. He promised that he would
rise from the dead, he promised also that after his ascension
to heaven he would send down a spiritual being who would
dwell with his disciples for ever.
The meaning of Christ's second promise was first under-
stood on the day of Pentecost. It has been understood by
every true believer since. All who sincerely accept Christ as
Lord receive this token of his acceptance of them. Until the
believer receives this token he has not reached firm ground.
He may have been attracted by the beauty of Christianity, by
the arguments in its favour, by the evident happiness of
Christians. But taking up an amiable attitude towards
Christianity does not make a man a Christian. For that there
must be personal contact with a living Saviour.
Neither historical truth nor sound argument could have
kept Christianity alive. Christianity lives because Christ
lives, and because he is present with every believer. Had
Socrates said to his weeping disciples, " Do not mourn : I only
appear to leave you : my bodily presence is being removed,
but you will be able to recognise my indwelling presence every
day, every hour, I shall be with you alway even to the end of
the world," his words would have been in vain, for he was a
man like themselves.
Christ spake thus to his disciples, and though they could
not at the time comprehend his meaning, a few days after
his ascension they knew what he meant. True believers have
68 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
known the meaning of his words ever since. Every time that
a man steps over the line between the world and Christ, and
loyally accepts the Galilean as Lord and Master the day of
Pentecost is repeated in his experience.
It is this continually repeated experience which has kept
Christianity alive, and has led men from generation to genera-
tion to proclaim it to the world. It is not possible to explain
the experience to an unbeliever any more than it is possible to
explain what sight means to one who has been born blind.
But when a man has experienced this spiritual baptism, the
truth of Christianity has ceased to be matter of opinion and
has become matter of knowledge.
The great writer on the decay and fall of the Roman em-
pire, in endeavouring to explain why Christianity made such
rapid progress, gives as one reason that " abandoned sinners "
joined the Church "oppressed by the consciousness, and very
often by the effects of their vices. As they emerged from sin
and superstition to the glorious hope of immortality, they
resolved to devote themselves to a life, not only of virtue, but
of penitence. The desire of perfection became the ruling
passion of their soul. . . . When the new converts had been
enrolled in the number of the faithful and were admitted to the
sacraments of the Church they found themselves restrained
from relapsing into then' past disorders by another considera-
tion of a less spiritual, but of a very innocent and respectable
nature. Any particular society that has departed from the
great body of the nation or the religion to which it belongs
immediately becomes the object of universal as well as in-
vidious observation. In proportion to the smallness of its
numbers, the character of the society may be affected by the
virtues and vices of the persons who compose it ; and every
member is engaged to watch with the most vigilant attention
over his own behaviour and over that of his brethren, since,
as he must expect to incur a part of the common disgrace, he
may hope to enjoy a share of the common reputation."
That Christianity provides a way of escape from the guilt
THE CHEISTIANS 69
> and power of sin to the most abandoned wretch who sincerely
repents and unfeignedly believes God's Holy Gospel is true,
but that any society of Christians can, by their united efforts,
lift the burden of sin from the conscience of the sinner is not
true. And if they cannot do this, far less can they give him
victory over the power of sin, or instil into his heart a sure
hope of immortality. Only God himself can do these things,
and they do not follow admission into the Church of Christ,
they precede it.
Men cannot receive any one, good or bad, into the Chui-ch
of Christ. Admission can only be granted by Christ himself.
All who truly accept him are baptised into his Spirit, and
become members of his family. Believers thus baptised by
the Spirit form the Church of Christ, the kingdom of God
among men, not merely a professing but a spiritual Church,
one with his household and family in heaven. All thus bap-
tised with the Holy Spirit belong to this Church, those who
are strangers to this baptism, no matter with what human
organisation they may connect themselves, are outside the
Church of Christ.
In early times believers thus baptised, recognising one
another as members of the same divine family, formed them-
selves into societies for mutual edification and support. As
time progressed the societies became more powerful, and kings
for political purposes took them under their patronage. Then
finding them convenient instruments of government they
formed them into State organisations, and that which was
intended by Christ to be purely a spiritual society became
little more than a branch of the civil service. The important
initial step of baptism by Christ's Spirit was lost sight of, and
human rites and ceremonies took its place.
Nevertheless in these human societies there have been
always some who were also members of the divine society, and
they have kept the vital truth alive and spread the knowledge
of it throughout the world.
• "Hemembering these things, we can now more clearly under-
70 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
stand the position of the primitive Church. At that time the
profession of Christianity brought no credit with it, and few
mere professors without experimental knowledge of its truth
cared to join the society. It was confined to true believers and
their children.
To men like Pliny and Marcus Aurelius the attitude of
the members of this primitive Church was incomprehensible.
Believing that religion could not possibly be more than a
matter of opinion in any case, they thought that the way in
which Christians adhered to their faith arose from pure obsti-
nacy. How dared such humble folk put their opinions against
the opinions of much wiser and greater men.
But that which emperors and historians thought obstinacy
was only the demonstration of that certainty which is the seal
of the inheritance of the true believer. The primitive Church
had few besides believers within its ranks. It was, therefore,
mainly composed of men and women who knew that they were
right, and knew it with a knowledge which the world could
neither give nor take away. It was this certainty which made
them eager to tell others the wonderful secret which they had
learned, it was this certainty which fitted them to confront
unflinchingly the baptism of blood with which the primitive
Church was now about to be baptised.
CHAPTER IX.
NERO.
We have now to consider the career of an emperor who has 54.
left a singularly dark stain upon history. He was a bad man
and we are not concerned to defend him, yet historians have
not always dealt fairly with his memory.
Nero was the son of Agrippina and Cn. Domitius Ahe-
nobarbus (Brazenbeard). Agrippina was the daughter of
Germanicus and the sister of Caligula. Ahenobarbus was
descended from Octavia, the sister of Augustus. Nero was,
therefore, of royal blood on both sides of his house.
We have seen in the last chapter how Claudius, after he
had married Agrippina, adopted Nero. Before Claudius died
the youth was already looked upon as his successor, and his
acces-sion was acquiesced in by all. Claudius had left a son
Britannicus, but he was a boy of twelve and Nero was over
sixteen. Hereditary succession was not yet fully established
at Rome, and from a constitutional point of view there was as
much to be said for Nero as for Britannicus. He was older ;
he had i^lled public positions ; he had been going out and in
amongst the people ; he was handsome and popular ; he was
the grandson of Germanicus. His accession was quite natural,
and it is fair to him and to his mother, Agrippina, to begin
his history by dismissing from our minds any thought that he
reached the thi-one by crooked ways.
For Nero himself, however, his early succession was a mis-
fortune. He was a youth with artistic tastes, clever at art,
poetry and music. Had he been born in a more humble rank
of life and been permitted to develop his talents in a natural
way he might have left a gracious memory. Had he been born
(71)
72 THE KOMAN EMPIEE
with sovereign right in a State governed on modern constitu-
tional lines he would have had a better chance. But he became
autocrat of the Roman empire at seventeen, master of bound-
less wealth, surrounded by licentious women and unprincipled
men ready to encourage him in every form of evil. What
wonder if a boy like Nero, handsome, uneducated in any true
sense, having never seen a good example, or been taught to
aim at a high ideal, should make shipwreck of his life. Em-
peror at seventeen ; a drunkard from boyhood ; murderer of
his brother at eighteen ; of his mother at twenty-two ; of his
wife at twenty-five ; of the beautiful devil who instigated
most of the other crimes at twenty-eight ; dead at thirty.
Such was the sad record of this unhappy man, the last of the
Csesars.
Before Nero came to the throne Seneca had been his tutor.
He could scarcely have had a worse. Seneca was a clever man
and left works which may still be read with pleasure and
profit. But he was a most dangerous mixture of the philoso-
pher and the man of tlie world. Professedly a Stoic, and
therefore presumably superior to the ordinary ambitions of
mankind, he yet amassed a fortune so huge that it could not
have been honestly come by ; professedly a teacher of virtue
he encouraged Nero in vice.
For the first years of Nero's reign Seneca and Agrippina
contended for the mastery. Agrippina loved her son, and had
great influence over him for a time ; he spoke of her as the
best of mothers. But he soon slipped away from her grasp.
Agrippina has been accused of unworthily seeking after power
because she clung to Nero as long as she could. Why a mother
should be thus judged because she tried to control her boy of
seventeen we fail to see. Is it not more likely to have been
because she saw that the influence of Seneca and his other
advisers was anything but good for the lad ?
At first Agrippina acted as regent, and Nero, fond of
pleasure, was glad to be relieved by her of the business of
government. But Seneca, the philosopher, and Afranius
NEEO 73
Burrus, prefect of the praetorian guard, plotted her overthrow.
Accordingly they employed a Greek woman named Acte to
fascinate Nero, and counteract the influence of his mother.
The devilish scheme succeeded only too well. Recrimination
followed, and Agrippina unwisely reminded Nero that but for
her efforts his adoptive brother Britannicus might have been
emperor. Perhaps she even tln-eatened that tliis might yet be
the case. As a result Nero was alarmed and Britannicus was
poisoned.
After the murder of Britannicus, Agrippina perceived that 55.
her influence with Nero was at an end. She retired from
public life, and the unfortunate youth went rapidly downhill.
Choosing his friends from the most profligate of the nobility,
he haunted taverns, became a midnight brawler, and indulged
in dissipation of every sort.
That Nero, notwithstanding his dissipations, was a man of 58.
genuine ability is made clear by a suggestion which he made
with regard to taxation. No financial genius had yet arisen
in Rome, and taxation was raised with much oppression and
inequality throughout the empire. Tax-farming, monopolies,
and the heavy customs tariff by which monopolies have to be
supported made millionaires of a handful of the people, and
crushed the rest. Strangely enough Nero saw how things
might be improved. In the year 58 he actually proposed to
do away with the Vectigalia, the customs duties, establish
free trade, and depend upon direct taxation. Had his scheme
been carried out and extended throughout the empire the
result would have been incalculable. The whole history of
Europe might have been changed. Half the miseries of the
Middle Ages were the direct fruit of the inteixsc spirit of pro-
tection which everywhere abounded. But Nero's scheme never
got a trial. His advisers represented to him that it would ruin
the State. They meant that it would ruin them, for men like
Seneca were in Nero's reign making their millions by grind-
ing the faces of the poor.
When about twenty years of age Nero fell under the
74 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
fascinating influence of another paramour, Poppaea Sabina, an
extremely beautiful but most licentious woman. Poppaea had
been divorced by her first husband, and was now married to
Otho, one of Nero's boon companions. Otho, not too proud
to rise by his wife's disgrace, accepted the government of
Lusitania and departed, leaving the coast clear for the emperor.
From that moment Poppsea did as she liked with Nero.
The emperor was already married to Octavia, a daughter
of the late emperor Claudius, and an excellent woman. She
was only twenty years of age, but for several years had been
living apart from Nero. Octavia and Agrippina maintained
close friendship, and the two women were a standing reproach
to Poppcea. She determined to remove them from her path.
Very likely the disgraceful liaison with Poppasa had led to
renewed recrimination between Agrippina and her son, at any
rate, a charge of conspiring against Nero's life was trumped
up against her, and she was murdered. Whether Seneca was
privy to the assassination before the event we cannot say,
probably not, but he made himself an accomplice after the
event by helping Nero to compose the letter which he sent to
the Senate justifying the deed.
Nero had killed his half-brother and his mother, and was
yet but two and twenty years of age. To drown care he
drank more heavily and plunged more deeply into dissipation.
Agrippina was out of the way, and Poppaea had absolute con-
trol. But Octavia stood between her and the purple, and she
determined that she also should be sacrificed.
Seneca and Burrus had the grace to realise that matters
were being carried too far, and to espouse the cause of the
badly-used empress. Burrus died, and Poppaea proceeded to
62. remove Seneca from her path. Various charges were laid
against him, and, perceiving that his day was done, he retired
from public life.
Tigellinus was now praetorian prefect and Nero's chief
adviser. He was the tool of Poppaea, and helped her in all
that she did. Under their combined influence Nero divorced
NERO 75
Octavia on the ground of barrenness, and thereafter imme-
diately married Poppaea. The people were exasperated, for
Octavia was a Cresar and a favourite. Poppsea saw that there
could be no safety for her whilst her rival lived, and arranged
for her banishment and execution. When the poor creature
was murdered she was only in her twentieth year.
Soon after these events a terrible conflagration broke out 64.
in Rome. The fire began in the quarter where oil and fuel
were stored, among shops filled with inflammable material.
The appliances for extinguishing fire were quite inadequate,
the streets were narrow, the houses high, and mostly of wood.
All the materials requisite for a disastrous fire were present
in abundance, and a high wind blowing in the dangerous
direction completed the catastrophe. The fire raged for a
week, and was only conquered at last by tearing down many
acres of buildings. More than half the city was destroyed.
By this time Nero had lost any popularity he had, and the
maddened populace did not hesitate to accuse him of having
burned the city. Ancient historians, writing years after the
event, whilst expressing doubt, have not hesitated to repeat
the accusation ; and modern historians, believing that nothing
too bad could be said of this emperor, have kept the accusation
alive. Poets have made it picturesque, and every schoolboj^
knows that Nero fiddled whilst Rome burned.
There is already so much to say to the discredit of this
unhappy man that there is no need to exaggerate, and it is a
relief to know that this particular accusation is absolutely
groundless. It would be just as true to say that Charles II.
was responsible for the tire of London.
Apart from the absurdity of imagining that a king would
deliberately impoverish himself by conniving at the destruction
of his capital, it is absurd to think that such a conflagration
could have been foreseen. Moreover, Nero was far away from
Rome, at Antium, when the fire broke out, nor did he return
until the third day, expecting news daily that the fire had been
cfot under. When he reached Rome the flames were threaten-
76 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
ing his own palace. Instead of fiddling the emperor did his
very best to extinguish the fire,, driving about the city, en-
couraging all who were fighting the flames.
When the conflagration had ceased and thousands were
homeless, Nero did all he could to relieve distress, placing the
public buildings and imperial gardens at the disposal of the
people, erecting temporary shelters, and distributing corn at a
nominal price. Nero's action in connection with the fire is the
one thing which should be placed to his credit, and it is a pity
that so much credence should have been given to calumny.
But though the accusation against the emperor was false,
the idea that the fire was due to incendiarism had taken pos-
session of the minds of the people and a scapegoat had to be
provided. For some reason which has never been fully
explained suspicion fell upon the Christians. The position of
Christianity in Rome was at this time most interesting. It
seems likely that the Apostle Paul came to Rome about 62 A.D.
and his trial before Nero perhaps took place in 63 A.D., or in
the beginning of 64 A.D. It resulted in a verdict of not proven,
and the apostle was released. Probably he was travelling when
the fire took place in 64. All is indefinite, and the meagreness
of the information may easily be accounted for. The fire was
followed by bitter persecution, and Christians would scarcely
dare to commit their thoughts to writing at such a time.
Our information concerning this beginning of systematic
persecution of Christianity in the Roman Empire comes from
the pens of Tacitus and other heathen writers. The passage in
Tacitus in which he explains how Nero, in order to divert sus-
picion from himself, allowed it to fall upon the Christians is as
follows : — -
" With this view he inflicted the most exquisite tortures on
those men who, under the vulgar appellation of Christians,
were already branded with deserved infamy. They derived
their name and origin from Christ, who, in the reign of
Tiberius, had suffered death, by the sentence of the procurator
Pontius Pilate.
NERO 77
" For a time this dire superstition was checked ; but it again
burst forth, and not only spread itself over Judaea, the first seat
of this mischievous sect, but was even introduced into Rome,
the common asylum which receives and protects whatever is
impure, whatever is atrocious. The confessions of those who
were seized, discovered a great multitude of their accomplices,
and they were all convicted, not so much for the crime of set-
ting tire to the city as for their hatred of human kind. They
died in torments, and their torments were embittered by insult
and derision. Some were nailed on crosses ; others sewn in the
skins of wild beasts, and exposed to the fury of dogs ; others
again, smeared over with combustible materials, were used as
torches to illuminate the darkness of the night.
" The gardens of Nero were destined for this melancholy
spectacle, which was accompanied by a horse-race, and hon-
oured with the presence of the emperor, who mingled with the
populace in the dress and attitude of a charioteer.
" The guilt of the Christians deserved, indeed, the most
exemplary punishment, but the public abhorrence was changed
into commiseration, from the opinion that those unhappy
wretches were sacrificed, not so much to the public welfare, as
to the cruelty of a jealous tyrant " {Annals, bk. xv., chap. xliv.).
Tacitus was a child of six years when the persecution of
the Christians took place. He began writing late in life, so
that half a century lay between the events and his description.
Concerning the main facts of the persecution there can un-
fortunately be no doubt. They are abundantly vouched for
by the statements of other writers. But in matters of opinion
Tacitus can be freely criticised. He was certainly wrong in
his estimate of the Christians, concerning whose real character
and faith he could have been at no pains to inquire. He may
have been equally far wrong in believing that Nero deliber-
ately singled out the Christians as scapegoats to bear away
suspicion from himself. It is very likely that the emperor
had scarcely heard their name before.
Perhaps in the course of police investigation suspicion was
78 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
cast upon the new sect. They met in secret ; they worshipped
one who had been executed as a criminal ; they refused to
attend public assemblies where the emperor was worshipped ;
they must be misanthropes, enemies of mankind. Strange
stories were rife as to what they did in their assemblies ; they
were suspected of being cannibals and worse. In China in the
present day Christian missionaries have been suspected of
doing horrible things, and even in civilised Europe Jews have
been accused of mixing their jmssover cakes with the blood of
babes. Need we wonder if the Roman populace, at that time
as degraded as any populace could well be, easily believed the
foulest lies concerning this new sect which was everywhere
spoken against.
Though we may doubt whether Nero had anything to do
with the original charge against the Christians, he certainly
took advantage of it and made no effort to clear them. If he
did not find the scapecoat himself it suited him that a scape-
coat should be found. Accordingly the most law-abiding,
virtuous, tender-hearted people in the Roman Empire were
cruelly persecuted and done to death.
We have mentioned that the Apostle Paul was in Rome
before the fire. He had to stand his trial on the appeal from
the court of Festus, and the verdict was non liqitet (not
proven). Afterwards Paul was set free and travelled, prob-
ably visiting Spain amongst other places. After the fire he
was again arrested, and on two charges it is believed. For
being concerned in the conflagration, and for bringing confusion
into the Roman Empire by the introduction of a new religion.
The first charge was easily disproved, but Paul knew that the
second would mean death. It was when he was remanded and
waiting the trial upon this charge that he wrote the very
pathetic Second Epistle to Timothy : —
" I am now ready to be offered, and the time of my de-
parture is at hand.
" I have fought a good fight, I have finished my course, I
have kept the faith."
NERO 79
" Do thy dilio^ence to come shortly unto mo : "
" Do thy diligence to come before winter ".
Alas, the trial came on sooner than the apostle expected,
and long bei'ore winter he was with his Lord. As he had ex-
pected the second charge proved fatal. Paul was condemned,
and lest there might be a disturbance if he were executed
within the city he was taken by soldiers outside Rome, and
there beheaded.
With regard to the Apostle Peter there is no certainty at
all. He may have gone to Rome about the time that Paul
died. The sad plight of the Christians would have attracted
a man like Peter. Perhaps he was crucified on the Janiculum,
as tradition asserts, in the very end of Nero's reign.
After the fire Nero rebuilt Rome in a much more enduring
fashion. Stone was used instead of timber, the streets were
made broader and straighter, and every " insula " of houses
was surrounded by an open colonnade. Arrangements were
made for a better water supply. The expense was met by
heavy taxation on Italy and the provinces.
Nero also built a new palace, afterwards called the Golden
House. The palace covered a vast area, having magnificent
gardens, woods and lakes. Before its entrance there was
erected a statue of the emperor 120 feet high. Temples were
pillaged in order to find funds and to supply the palace with
works of art. Rome had a large percentage of poor folk
amongst its inhabitants and the building of the Golden House
caused doubtless a good deal of discontent.
During the reigns of Claudius and Nero there was much
war between Rome and Parthia, the bone of contention being
Armenia. Roman territory and administration extended to
the frontiers of Armenia, and it seemed necessary to maintain
the Roman ascendency in that land. At the commencement of
Nero's reign the matter had reached an acute stage. The
Parthian king Vologeses occupied Armenia and provoked
war. Corbulo, the Roman general, recovered the country, but
it was lost again. At last a compromise was effected. The 66.
80 THE KOMAN EMPIBE
crown of Armenia was t^iven to Tiridates, brother of the Par-
thian king, who came to Rome and was formally invested in
the Forum with his authority by Nero, the Roman emperor.
65. The year after the great fire saw the upspringing of a
serious conspiracy against Nero. It is known as the con-
spiracy of Piso, because C. Calpurnius Piso was the man
chosen by the conspirators to fill Nero's place. The emperor
was now so unpopular that the conspiracy seemed likely to
succeed, and many nobles joined it. But the secret leaked out.
The discovery of the Piso conspiracy ushered in a reign of
terror, in the course of which the innocent sufiered with the
guilty. Seneca was one of the first to fall. Whether he was
really implicated in the conspiracy or not we cannot say, but
his name had been mentioned as a possible successor along with
the name of Piso.
This year also Poppsea died. It is said that her death
was brought on by a kick given by Nero in a fit of passion
or, perhaps more probably, of drunkenness. She was em-
balmed, honoured with a public funeral and buried in the
royal sepulchre. At a later period the Senate decreed that
Divine honours should be paid to her and a temple was dedi-
cated to her memory.
66. Next year Nero paid Greece a long visit. The four great
games at Olympia, Delphi, Isthmus and Nemea, which were
celebrated in successive years, were crowded into one year for
his sake. He competed in music and chariot racing, and won
prizes. It would have been better for Nero's dignity if he had
not competed, but there really was no harm in his going to
Greece and patronising the national sports. They were in-
finitely more respectable than the gladiatorial sports to which
the Romans were accustomed. Nero's artistic tastes were
genuine and he had a sincere admiration for the Greeks.
During the emperor's absence from Rome, Helius, a freed-
man, governed in his stead. This was displeasing to the
nobles and there was discontent. Rumours came also of dis-
content in tlio -svesteni provinces and even in the armies.
NERO 81
Helius hurried to Greece and advised the emperor to return at
once if he would save his power. Nero accordinf^ly returned 68.
and made a triumphal entry into Rome. But the triumph
was short lived.
Nero had many enemies and few friends. The reign of
terror after the discovery of the Piso conspiracy had made
many long for revenge, and when once the spirit of revolt
spread to the armies it became merely a question who would
take tlie lead.
The standard of revolt was raised first by Vindex, a
Romanised Celt, governor of part of Gaul. He collected a huge
force in Gaul. It was undisciplined and he saw that without
regular troops to help him he must fail. Accordingly he asked
the help of Galba, the governor of Hither Spain. After some
hesitation Galba also rebelled. But before there was time for
him to take the field news came to him that Vindex had been
defeated and slain.
Galba's position now seemed desperate. All Rome knew
of his defection, Nero had seized his property and an expedi-
tion was being prepared for his overthrow. Perceiving that
his only chance of safety lay in instant action, he harangued
his troops, expatiated on the crimes of Nero, was saluted im-
perator and marched towards Rome. But it was a long way
from Hither Spain, and had Nero been a man of decision
and courage he could yet perhaps have saved himself. The
Praetorian guards were still faithful to him, but, whilst he
delayed, emissaries from Galba made them such vast promises
that they threw him up. The sentries left the palace, his
attendants deserted him, and at length, accompanied by four
freedmen only, he left Rome. One of the freedmen, Phaon,
offered refuge in his villa in the subui'bs and there he lay hid.
At last, hearing that Galba had been proclaimed as emperor
and that the sentence of death had been passed on himself, he
escaped the vengeance of his enemies by suicide.
Nero's remains were treated respectfully. The body was
cremated and the ashes buried in the Domitian sepulchre on
VOL. II. 6
82 THE EOMAN EMPIES
the Pincian Hill. The liatred of the senators followed him
after death. His very statues were overthrown. But the
common people pitied him ; they forgot his faults, they re-
membered only how open-handed he had been, and his grave
was covered annually with wreaths of flowers.
CHAPTER X.
A WAR OP SUCCESSION.
The Julian line ceased with Nero. The family, natural and
adopted, had claimed the allegiance of the Roman people for
more than a century and had obtained a hold upon their
affections and imagination. Julius and Augustus had been
deified, and their worship cast a glory over their descendants.
However bad the emperor might be he was descended from a
god, and ruled by divine right.
On the whole the men had done their work well. It is in-
evitable but unfortunate that history should have to make so
much of the king and so little of the people. One is apt to
imagine that during the reigns of men like Gaius and Nero all
must have been confusion in the empire. It was not so. The
excesses of the emperors made little difference to the staljility
of the empire. Rome was excited at times. But the provinces
were tranquil, and the empire was prosperous as a whole.
Wliat the people in the provinces heard of Nero's conduct
may not have satisfied them. But he was a Caisar, and they
looked indulgently upon him. The wise amongst them knew
that the alternative was anarchy. Better have a bad Caesar
than none at all.
Such was the hold that the Caesarean house had obtained
upon the public mind that it is probable that if Nero had
begotten a son the people would have bestowed the imperium
upon him. But he had none, and a change of dynasty was
inevitable.
The actual decision lay with the soldiers. Had these been
of one mind all would have been well. But this was far from
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84 THE EOMAN EMPIRE
being the case, and the result was a war of succession which,
though it lasted but a twelvemonth, saw four emperors upon
the throne, and plunged Italy into civil strife.
There were important armies in Gaul, Spain, on the Rhine,
and in Syria. There were also the household troops in Rome.
The Gallic army had shot its bolt and missed, and Galba had
won the guards over to his side.
When Galba heard of Nero's death, he assumed the title of
emperor, and the Senate recognised him and sent a deputation.
Galba was an able man. He had filled various public offices.
He was wealthy and of good family. Had he been a younger
man he might have held his own. But he was over seventy
years of age, and not brilliant in any way.
63. As Galba marched towards Rome he allowed his path to be
stained with bloodshed. When approaching the city itself his
troops attacked and slew some marines who were stationed at
a bridge. They were Nero's soldiers, but he was dead, and
the men could have had no serious thought of resisting Galba's
progress. His severity, therefore, produced a bad impression
in Rome.
Promises of huge donatives had been made to the Prsetorian
guards in the name of Galba. He did not fulfil them, in fact
he could not. The treasury was empty, and the sums pro-
mised had been absurdly high. But it is easy to see how such a
failure would operate on tlie minds of the soldiers, and how
they would be alienated at a time when their help was of the
very first importance.
Money was necessary, and Galba had to find it, but his
financial measures were weakly conceived. He tried to make
all those who had profited by Nero's liberality disgorge their
wealth. This was a particularly unwise measure. Galba
made little money out of it, for with most of Nero's friends
it had been a case of " light come light go ". But the measure
implicated many and alarmed more. If these matters were
to be gone into, where would it end ? The contrast between
Nero's open-handedness and Galba's meanness was quickly
A WAR OF SUCCESSION 85
pointed out. In a word it was not easy for an old soldier of
seventy to learn the art of ^ov^ernment in a day.
In the hope of making the task of government Hghter,
Galba associated Piso Licinianus with himself. Piso was of
noble family, and little could be urged against him. But he
was not a popular man, and his unpopularity reacted upon
Galba. The choice was to the emperor a source of weakness,
rather than strengtli. Moreover it offended a man of some im-
portance. This was Otho, the former husband of Poppaea,
who was again in Rome. He had returned from Lusitania
deeply in debt, and willing to do any desperate deed for the
sake of mending his fortunes. He had supported Galba from
the first, and had hoped to be associated with him, and per-
haps be eventually his successor. This hope was now taken
away, and Otho determined to act on his own account. He
easily corrupted the guards, among whom he had many friends.
Galba's failure to pay the donative had exasperated them,
they mutinied, Galba and Piso were slain, and Otho was de-
clared emperor.
Galba had reigned for but six months, Otho reigned but 69.
about three. Even whilst he was compassing the destruction
of Galba there was a rival in the field. The legions in Gaul
and Spain had tried their hands at creating an emperor, and
the legions in Germany saw no reason why they should not do
the same. Accordingly the soldiers refused to take the oath
of allegiance to Galba, and saluted their own general Vitellius
as imperator. Vitellius himself was not at all keen about the
position. He had received his appointment as general from
Galba, and did not desire to be unfaithful to his trust, and
news of Galba's death had not yet reached his camp. More-
over, he was an easy-going, indolent and sensual man, who pre-
ferred ease to ambition. Really he was suited neither for the
post of general nor that of emperor. But his subordinate
officers, especially Cascina and Valens, would take no denial,
and he allowed himself to be persuaded.
The legions advanced upon Rome in three sections. Cse-
86 THE KOMAN EMPIEE
cina with one army marched through Gaul, Valens marched
through Helvetia, Vitellius himself followed with the main
body.
Before the armies reached Italy they heard that Galba was
dead and that Otho had succeeded him. This made the legions
more eager than ever, and perhaps quieted certain qualms of
conscience in the breast of Vitellius. Whatever claims to
allegiance Galba might have had, Otho had none. Accordingly
the armies pressed forward.
Otho knew that the Germanic legions were formidable, and
made overtures to his rival, offering him anything in reason if
he would retire. Vitellius would perhaps have acceded, but
his soldiers would not hear of any drawing back, and the war
went on.
The armies encountered each other at Placentia, and in the
first engagements Otho's forces were successful. Otho himself
showed great energy, and for a time it seemed as if the con-
test would be decided in his favour. But the forces of
Vitellius were coming up in increasing numbers all the time,
and at last Otho's legions were defeated with great loss. Even
then there seemed no need to relinquish the struggle. His
soldiers were still faithful, the Praetorian guards had scarcely
been in action, reserves were coming from Illyricum. But
Otho lost heart, or possibly lost confidence in his generals, and
finished the matter by suicide.
In Rome the death of Otho brought about a feeling of relief.
All dreaded civil war being brought near the city, and hoped
that they would now escape. The Senate accordingly met and
elected Vitellius as emperor without further question.
With all his indolence Vitellius had common sense, and his
administration was not unsatisfactory. He endeavoured to
conciliate the Senate, checked processes for treason, and dis-
turbed the arrangements made by his predecessors as little as
he could. His generals, Csecina and Valens, had, however, an
undue influence in the ati'airs of state. It was through their
efibrts that Vitellius had obtained his position, and they made
A WAK OF SUCCESSION 87
the most of their opportunity. Nevertheless, had Vitellius
been left alone he might have risen to the occasion as many
another has done, and ended by giving a good account of his
stewardship. But this was not to be.
There had been much stir amongst the legions in Syria and
Judfea. At first they seemed to care little what happened at
Rome. They accepted Galba, and they accepted Otho with
indifference, and even when Vitellius became emperor they
accepted him though without enthusiasm. The character of
the man was known, and they doubtless thought that a better
might have been chosen. When, however, the news came that
Galba had been nominated by the legions in Spain, that Otho
had been nominated by the Praetorian guard, and that Vitellius
had been nominated by the legions on the German frontier,
they had searchings of heart. Why should they be left out in
the cold ; why should not they also set up a king ? Doubtless
they believed that all these other legions had been richly
rewarded by their nominees, whilst they had received nothing.
The choice of the Eastern legions fell first upon Mucianus,
the proconsul of Syria, but he refused ; upon which they
turned to Titus Flavins Vespasianus, the legatus of Judaea-
He was a man of humble origin, who had risen high by sheer
merit. He had distinguished himself in Britain in the reign of
Claudius. During the reign of Nero a serious rebellion had
broken out in Judaea and Vespasian had been entrusted with
the task of suppressing it. When Nero died Vespasian ceased
hostilities for a time. It was desirable that he should have the
approval of his successor before he proceeded much farther.
Vespasian was widely and favourably known, and when once
the suggestion was made that he should be emperor the armies
of the East adopted it with enthusiasm. But Vespasian was
cautious, and did not accept the position until both Mucianus,
the proconsul of Syria, and Tiberius Alexander, the prefect of
Egypt, urged it and promised their support. When he knew
that Egypt, from which Rome had her corn supply, was on his
side he hesitated no longer. Tiberius Alexander proclaimed
88 THE EOMAN EMPIRE
69. him emperor at Alexandria, and the Judsean legions did the
same at Caesarea. Mucianus, who had refused the supreme
power himself, threw all his strength on the side of Vespasian,
and the vassal kings of the East gave in their adhesion.
In a council at Berytus the campaign against Vitellius was
planned. It was decided that Vespasian should occupy Egypt,
and thus obtain possession of the food supply of Rome, that
his son Titus should succeed him as legatus in Judsea, and that
Mucianus should march on Rome.
The army of Mucianus was not large, less than 25,000 men,
but he expected to be joined by the Illyric legions, who had
been loyal to Otho and were intensely hostile to his successor.
Mucianus marched slowly. He knew that the German legions
were formidable, and he hoped that by moving slowly he might
avoid bloodshed. The stoppage of the food supplies would
have a great effect at Rome, perhaps even cause a revolution.
But all his cautious planning was upset by the enthusiasm
of the Illyric legions. These were under the command of
Anton ius Primus, a dashing and impetuous officer who deter-
mined to take Italy by surprise. He would not wait for the
Eastern forces, therefore, but marched at once and quickly.
His judgment was justified by results, for he overcame all
opposition, gained a decisive victory over the forces of Vitel-
lius at Betriacum, and captured Cremona. The town indeed
capitulated, but the soldiers paid no respect to the capitulation
and burned it to the ground.
Vitellius had entrusted the command of his armies to Caecina
and Valens. Csecina played him false ; Valens was too slow.
He lost all his chances and at last fled. He took refuge in
Gaul, but the procurator of that country had declared for
Vespasian and Valens was captured and beheaded.
The Vitellians now saw that the struggle was becoming hope-
less. The legions of the Western provinces, Britain, Spain and
Gaul declared for Vespasian. The East was already his and
Italy was divided.
Vitellius saw that his cause was lost, and when Primus
A WAR OF SUCCESSION 89
offered him a safe retreat in Campania and Mucianiis confirmed
the offer by letter he would readily have agreed ; but there
were now two parties in Rome, the Flavians and the Vitellians.
The Flavians espoused the cause of Vespasian and demanded
that his terms should be accepted ; the Vitellians, amongst
whom were many soldiers of the Praetorian guard, were per-
fectly irreconcilable. They would not hear of yielding and
took care that Vitellius should not escape. Fierce riots en-
sued, and the Capitol was burned to the ground. In the midst
of the tumult Primus reached Rome and his forces broke into
the city, driving its defenders before them. There was pro-
longed street fighting and terrible slaughter. Then tlie Prae-
torian camp was stormed. Fifty thousand men are said to
have fallen, and amongst them was the emperor.
For a time Rome was in the hands of the soldiery and was
treated as a conquered city. But Muciauus arrived and took
control. All licence was now sternly repressed, the Senate met
in proper form, and the impcrium was conferred upon Ves-
pasian by the usual decrees.
This had been indeed an eventful year. It has been called
the year of the four emperors, for within a twelvemonth Galba,
Otho, Vitellius and Vespasian had ruled in Rome. It was a
striking object lesson to the empire on the merits of dynastic
succession as opposed to military nomination. Between the
succession of Augustus and the death of Nero a century had
elapsed, and but five monarchs had reigned. They were not
perfect. Two of them. Gains and Nero, had been very imper-
fect indeed. But they had succeeded to one another without
civil war, and the machinery of state started by Augustus had
kept moving whether the ruler were good or bad.
Now for the moment dynastic succession had failed, and
with what result ? Rome had seen four emperors in twelve
months, and both country and capital had been plunged into
all the horrors of a destructive civil strife. The principle of
dynastic succession might not work to perfection, but it was
manifestly better than the alternative.
CHAPTER XI.
VESPASIAN.
69. Titus Flavius Vespasianus, with whom began the second
imperial dynasty, was one of the most useful of Roman em-
perors. Not that he was either a very great or a very clever
man. But he was a strong man, and at this time a strong
man was sorely needed at Rome.
Vespasian was a man of the people and proud of it. A
solid, squarely built man, fond of rough humour, impervious
to flattery, accessible to all. A good soldier and a good ad-
ministrator. There have been many United States Presidents
of the same stamp.
The elevation of a man of humble birth to the supreme
position in the State was a new thing in Rome. Hitherto the
emperors had been aristocrats. From Julius Ca3sar to Nero
they had been of the same distinguished family. After Nero
it had been much the same thing. Galba was a patrician ;
Otho of good Etruscan family ; Vitellius the son of a senator
and grandson of a knight.
Vespasian was a Sabine. His grandfather had collected
small debts ; his father had been in the customs. It was a
great change for the Romans to have such an one emperor, the
forerunner of greater changes that were to come.
The new emperor did not at once come to Rome. Vitellius
was slain on the 21st of December, 69, and Vespasian did not
reach Rome until the summer of 70. Before he arrived the
Senate had begun to rebuild the Capitol. It was on the
foundations of the old one, but was raised to a greater height.
During Vespasian's reign there were serious revolts among
the Batavians and the Jews.
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VESPASIAN 91
The Batavians lived on the Delta of the Rhine, in a part of
what is called the Netherlands. They were excellent soldiers
and had been greatly used as auxiliaries by the Roman
generals. They were capital swimmers, and when Plautius
was invading Britain it was Batavians who swam across the
Thames and turned the British flank.
During Nero's reign two of their principal officers, Julius
Civilis and Claudius Paulus, had been accused of treason.
Paulus was executed by the governor of Lower Germany,
Civilis was sent to Rome and thrown into prison. When Nero
fell Galba released him. Then followed the death of Galba
and soon thereafter the death of Otho.
The Batavians helped Vitellius in his war against Otho,
but when the struggle Ijetween Vitellius and Vespasian followed
they supported Vespasian. Civilis was now amongst them
and at their head. Acting at first in the name of Vespasian,
he roused not only his own people but the troops of Germany
and Gaul. Soon he had a formidable array at his command and
the generals sent against him b}" Vitellius were easily overthrown.
When Vitellius perished and Vespasian had been declared
emperor the war should have ceased. But the Batavians and
Gauls had many grievances, and even longed for their old
independence. It was easier to induce them to take up arms
than to persuade them to lay them down. The effort on behalf
of Vespasian now became a revolt and spread until much of
Gaul was involved. Beginning against Vitellius, it was now
directed against Rome and there was talk of a Gallic empire.
Had there been perfect harmony between the Batavians
and the Gauls the revolt would have been serious indeed, but,
fortunately for Rome, there was much jealousy between them.
The Batavians were just as little inclined to be the subjects of
a Gallic empire as they were to be the subjects of Rome.
Accordingly when Vespasian sent Cerealis with a large army
to crush the revolt he succeeded, though not without difficulty.
Civilis made good terms for his people, and Vespasian, remem-
bering how the revolt began, wisely let bygones be bygones.
92 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
When Vespasian was nominated as emperor he was engaged
in quelling a revolt in Judaea. The Jews had long been con-
sidered a trouble in the empire. The religious views to which
they held with such tenacity brought them into frequent
collision with the civil power. It was not easy for a free-
thinking Roman governor to understand why Jews should
make so much fuss about their particular form of religion,
should refuse to worship dead emperors and to place statues of
living ones in their synagogues. Nor did the Jews make it any
easier for the Romans than they could help. They thought it
a disgraceful thing to be under the heel of idolaters, and were
generally in a condition of unrest. Thus both principle and
prejudice combined to make the Jews difficult subjects, and
only the wisest of governors could prevent disturbance. On
the other hand, any unscrupulous official could bring the Jews
almost at any moment into collision with the Roman power.
During the reign of Tiberius when Pontius Pilate was
governor there had been tumult and massacre in Judsea. In
the reign of Gains matters became worse, for the emperor
ordered that his statue should be placed in the Holy of Holies,
and civil war was only prevented by his death.
During the reign of Nero, the disaffection was widespread,
tumults were incessant, and Jews were massacred in many
cities. In Alexandria, Tiberius Alexander, the governor, him-
self of the Jewish race, is said to have slaughtered tens of
thousands of them. At Csesarea 20,000 are said to have been
slain.
In Jerusalem the Jews were in a great majority, and, mad-
dened by the reports which were brought from other places,
they rose against their enemies and defeated them with great
slaughter, cutting the Roman garrison to pieces.
Cestius Gallus, the governor of Syria, now marched upon
Jerusalem with 30,000 men, but the fortifications were too
strong for him, and he had to retreat with heavy loss. After
his defeat the rebellion spread quickly, and soon the whole
country was in the hands of the insurgents.
VESPASIAN 93
The news of these untoward events reached Nero when he
was in Greece, and he saw that the crisis demanded the utmost
energy. Accordiii^-ly he sent Vespasian, wlio had the reputa-
tion of being one of the best officers in the Roman army, with
full power to deal with the matter.
Vespasian entered Palestine with 50,000 men and deferred
an advance upon the capital until he had recovered the coun-
try. He proceeded slowly, capturing the cities one by one.
Perhaps Vespasian's most memorable siege was that of
Jotapata in which Josephus, the famous Jewish historian,
Hgured. The siege lasted forty-five days, and Josephus, who
was in command, escaped with his life. He was taken into
favour by Vespasian and used as an ambassador in his com-
munications with the Jews. He took the name of his patron
Titus Flavins Josephus.
After the death of Nero, Vespasian suspended military
operations, waiting probably until his instructions were con-
firmed by Galba. When afterwards he was himself proclaimed
emperor, he left Titus, his elder son, who had been his right
hand during the war, to finish the task.
In the spring of the year Titus marched upon Jerusalem. 70.
The city was torn by faction. There were three main parties ;
there had been much bloodshed and confusion reigned. But
when Titus approached all united against the common foe.
The Roman army was of vast size, numbering 100,000 men,
one of the finest armies Rome had ever placed in the field.
The city was thronged with people from all parts. Many
persons, driven from their homes in the surrounding districts,
had hurried to the capital for refuge. It was also the time of
the passover, a time when Jerusalem was always crowded.
No adequate stores had been laid in for a siege, and the Jews
would have been well advised had they yielded upon almost
any terms. But this was far from their thoughts, and Titus
encompassed the city with his army.
The siege lasted for five terrible months. Greater misery
than that endured by the inhabitants of Jerusalem during
94 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
those months has rarely been recorded in the history of man-
kind. The desperate wild-cat courage which rarely fails the
Semitic race when driven to bay, which fought at Tyre against
Alexander the Great, and at Carthage against Rome, was now
displayed at Jerusalem.
Had the Jews been united, and had the city been properly
prepared and provisioned for a siege, the Romans might have
been baulked in the end. But overcrowded and unprovisioned
as it was it could not long resist the fury of the Roman assault.
Breaches were made, walls were scaled, and then house by
house, street by street, quarter by quarter, the city was taken
and destroyed. The number of victims we can only guess at.
Josephus declares that over a million perished. If we divide
his figures in half they are yet terrible. Herod's temple, the
wonder of the world, was burned to the ground, and the city
was heaped in ruin.
The destruction of Jerusalem, and perhaps especially the
destruction of the temple by Titus, was a blow from which
Jewish nationality never recovered. For a thousand years
Jerusalem had been the Jewish centre, and every stone was
precious in their sight. It was now levelled with the dust.
Many Jews still clung to Palestine, and efforts were made to
rebuild the city. In the time of Hadrian the Jewish popula-
tion had so greatly increased in Judaea that they were able
to carry on a warfare with the Roman armies for three years.
Once more they were crushed, and once more Jerusalem was
ground to powder. A Roman legion encamped on its ruins,
and the Jews were forbidden even to dwell in its vicinity.
The destruction of Jerusalem by Titus did not of itself
scatter the Jewish race. Jerusalem has been often destroyed,
and the Jewish race has been often scattered. It is a couimon
complaint made by Jews when they are reproached because
their fathers crucified Christ that their fathers had left Jeru-
salem centuries before the dawn of the Christian era. This
is true, yet every Jewish heart turned towards Jerusalem,
the temple was there, it was the common home of their race.
VESPASIAN 95
This feeling must now, for many centuries at least, be at an
end. Jerusalem indeed was rebuilt, but the temple was never
rebuilt, and the city itself has since been a pagan centre, a
Christian centre, and a Moslem centre, but never again a
Jewish centre. The destruction of the temple by Titus, and
the double destruction of the city by Titus and Hadrian were
final. The Jews were crushed in the centre of their religious
and national life, and did not again rally round a common
purpose. They accepted their cruel fate, and went forth wan-
derers, found everywhere, yet everywhere " a people dwelling-
alone, and not reckoned among the nations ".
After the revolts in Gaul and Judjsa had been quelled, the
reign of Vespasian was peaceful and the empire prospered.
Rome had not yet recovered from the great fire, nor had the
treasury recovered from the extravagance of Nero and the
waste of civil war. Vespasian had therefore to face serious
financial difiiculties, but he faced them with resolution. He
had to increase taxation, and he exacted a strict account from
the tax collectors. But he showed a good example by himself
living a frugal life and curtailing the expenses of court.
Vespasian paid special attention to the guarding of the
frontiers, and thus gave his successors an example which
several of them followed. The idea of world-wide empire
was unpopular now, and Rome aimed chiefly at preventing
aggression. Vespasian reorganised the Danubian flotilla, and
moved the camping gi*ound of the legions to the river bank.
Farther north he began a line of fortifications on the eastern
side of the Rhine. Adventurous Gauls had taken possession
of waste lands across the river. They were outside the pro-
vince, but paid tithe to Rome. Vespasian began to build a
wall for their protection, and Domitian completed it. On the
eastern frontier Vespasian made Cappadocia a kind of county
palatine, placing it under the command of a legate of consular
rank, who had the task of defending the upper Euphrates.
Himself a provincial, Vespasian sympathised witli the pro-
vinces, and improved the status of the towns and municipali-
96 THE EOMAN EMPIRE
ties. Many of these had been formed under the lex Julia
municipalis, a law passed by JuHus Caesar.
Durin^^ Vespasian's reign the Imperial position became
better defined. The title of " Imperator Caesar Augustus"
was made common to the emperors. The claims of hereditary
descent were appreciated and more fully recognised. Vespasian
fortunately had two sons old enough to succeed him, Titus
and Domitian. The heir apparent took the name of Caesar,
his head appeared with that of the emperor upon the coinage,
and his name was associated with his in public prayer. The
theory that the king should never die was beginning to be
understood.
The old system of dual control between emperor and
Senate was now largely ignored. The powers of the magis-
trates in Rome fell mostly into the hands of the prefect of
the city, and of the prefect of the guard, both of whom were
appointed by the emperor. The emperor still used the decrees
of the Senate (senatus considta) as convenient instruments of
legislation, but they were merely his own decrees, introduced
in an imperial speech and formally acclaimed by them.
The senatorial order itself was changed. Vespasian ad-
mitted men of merit to the Senate freely, and his successors
followed his example. Thus the old families who had been
such a source of trouble throughout Roman history became
less powerful. The Roman aristocracy became now more like
the aristocracy of England at the present time. Wealth, in-
fluence, faithful service, legal knowledge and the like were the
keys which opened the senatorial door.
Vespasian found economy necessary, and was therefore
accused of meanness. But he was not mean. Many important
works were begun and carried out during his reign. The
great fire had provided abundant opportunity for the erection
of new public buildings, and Vespasian took advantage of it
The words " Roma resurgens " are found on coins of this reign.
The most famous of Vespasian's buildings is the Colosseum.
In early times the theatres had been built of wood. One had
VESPASIAN 97
been built of stone, but burned down in the great fire. Ves-
pasian began, Titus carried on, and Domitian completed the
vast amphitheatre which, even in ruin, is still the most im-
pressive sight in Rome. In its perfect state it accommodated
90,000 spectators. The great public buildings known as the
baths of Titus were also begun by Vespasian.
Vespasian had his enemies, and conspiracies were formed
against him. He crushed them but without undue severity.
When advised to pass more severe sentences he said : "I do
not kill dogs that bark at me ".
Vespasian's good humour rarely forsook him. When the
king of Parthia wrote him, loftily inscribing his letter,
" Arsaces, King of Kings, to Titus Flavins Vespasianus," the
Roman emperor replied, " Titus Flavins Vespasianus to Arsaces,
King of Kings ".
Vespasian was an indefatigable worker, never sparing him-
self. In his seventieth year, feeling his health failing, he re-
visited the home of his boyhood, a little town in the Sabine
hills. But he got a chill and came back worse. Though he
realised that death was approaching he went on with his work.
" An emperor," he said, " should die on his feet."
After his death a decree of the Senate consecrated him, as
Julius, Augustus and Claudius had been consecrated. No one
would have been more amused at it than Vespasian himself.
VOL. II,
CHAPTER XII.
TITUS.
79. Titus Flavius Sabinus Vespasianus, commonly called Titus,
now succeeded to the throne, his age being thirty-eight years.
His father, Vespasian, had been a favourite with Claudius,
and Titus was brought up in the imperial court and edu-
cated along with Britannicus. He is said to have been at the
banquet early in Nero's reign when Britannicus was poisoned,
and the curious ideas of the Romans with regard to poisoning
actually led them to attribute his death twenty-five years later
to the alleged fact that he had taken a sip from Britannicus'
cup.
When a young man Titus served with credit as military
tribune both in Britain and Germany. When Nero entrusted
Vespasian with the subjugation of Judaea, Titus had command
of a legion. When Vespasian was proclaimed emperor he
left his son to finish the task, and especially the capture of
Jerusalem. Titus carried out the work by sweeping the city
from the face of the earth and slaying its inhabitants, man,
woman and child. His conquest of Jerusalem gave him a great
military reputation at Rome.
71. The year after the fall of Jerusalem Titus returned to Rome
and joined his father in the customary triumph. Some years
later the well-known Arch of Titus was built at Rome on the
Via Sacra to commemorate the conquest of Jerusalem. The
sculptures on the monument represent Jewish trophies, cap-
tives and the like.
Vespasian, following the example of Augustus with regard
to Tiberius, admitted his son Titus to a share in the govern-
ment of the empire. The proconsular imperium and the
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TITUS 99
tribunician power were bestowed upon him. Vespasian also
made him praetorian prefect so that his share in the task of
government was substantial, and his ultimate succession was
assured.
Though the military reputation of Titus was high he was
not at this time a favomnte with the people of Rome. This
was partly owing to the fact that he had brought with him a
Jewish mistress from Judaea, Berenice, the sister of Agrippa.
Both she and her brother were lodged in the palace, and it was
said that Titus meant to marry her for his third wife. The
Romans did not mind how many concubines Titus had, but
they did not want a Jewess as empress, and the intended union
gave dissatisfaction. Perceiving this, and doubtless influenced
by his father's advice, Titus sent Berenice back to Judsea.
After the death of Vespasian she returned to Rome, hoping
that he might then marry her, but he declined. His life proved
a short one and he did not again marry at all.
When Vespasian died Titus succeeded without demur. His 79.
reign had been looked for with some apprehension. He had
been fond of dissipation, and it was feared that he might
prove another Nero. But when he obtained power he braced
himself up for a time. What might have happened had his
reign been long continued we cannot tell ; but it only lasted
for two years.
Vespasian had governed Rome with rare ability. Realising
the extraordinary importance of careful finance he had exer-
cised strict control over the collection of the revenue and had
seen that everything was carried out with economy. The ex-
travagance of Nero had emptied the treasury, Vespasian had
the task of refilling it. Of course he got little thanks, and has
been handed down to posterity as a parsimonious emperor.
The reign of Titus was, whilst it lasted, a reaction against
his father's policy. He exercised little control over the public
officials, and they quickly fell back into their dishonest habits.
The money which his father had left in the treasury he scat-
tered with both hands. None ever went from his presence
100 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
empty away. His famous saying, " I have lost a day," was
not uttered because during that day he had done no kind
action, but because during that day he had bestowed no gift.
Looked at in this h'ght it loses much of its significance. It
evidently never occurred to Titus that money raised by the
taxation of the people was trust money, which should be ear-
marked for the business of the state and not lavished upon
favourites. Nero also had begun like this, and had been a
prime favourite whilst the money lasted, and Titus would also
have remained a favourite, " the darling of the human race,"
just so long as the money lasted, and not a day longer. His
popularity was based on no true foundation, he was building
his house upon the sand. But he died before the treasury was
quite empty, and bequeathed the unpopular task of refilling it
to his successor.
Short though the reign of Titus was it contained within
itself incidents of tragic importance. Scarcely had he suc-
ceeded to the purple when there was an extraordinary eruption
of Vesuvius, an event of which recent circumstances have un-
happily again reminded us. For centuries Vesuvius had been
quiescent, so that it was looked upon as an extinct volcano.
The mountain was covered with verdure, vineyards and villages
abounded on its slopes. Nestling at its foot were several towns,
of which Pompeii and Herculaneum were the most important.
Virgil speaks of the beauty of the region, even yet one of the
most enchanting places in the world.
Pompeii and Herculaneum were favourite resorts of the
Roman aristocracy, the wealthy amongst them had villas there,
built and ornamented luxuriously in the Greek fashion. The
confidence of the residents had been rudely shaken sixteen
63. years before the date of the eruption by a serious earthquake,
which did much mischief in Pompeii, and overturned some of
its principal buildings. The private houses, being of lower
height, were not much injured, and the disaster had passed
from the minds of the people. Then all at once came the great
eruption.
TITUS 101
The description of the eruption has been preserved for us
by Pliny the younger, who was an eye-witness. He was
eighteen years of age at the time, and was staying at the house
of his uncle Pliny the elder, a man famous for his painstaking
work as a naturalist. The uncle was admiral of the imperial
fleet which was stationed in the harbour of Misenum, and he
dwelt in a villa on the Misenian promontory twenty miles dis-
tant from the summit of Vesuvius.
Whilst the uncle and nephew were sitting at their studies
they noticed that a strange-looking cloud was hanging over
Vesuvius, spreading out from a slender vertical stem in tree-
like fashion. The uncle ordered his cutter to be manned at
once and crossed to the mountain, but the nephew preferred
not to leave the work on which he was engaged.
When the admiral arrived on the scene, he was met by
crowds of fugitives, beseeching help to get to sea. He gave
instructions that the largest vessels of the fleet should sail to
the most dangerous points and stand by to save as many
people as they could. There can be no doubt that Pliny, by
this promptitude, saved many lives. The researches made so
industriously have shown that comparatively few lives were
lost in Herculaneum and Pompeii. Evidently the inhabitants
of the towns and villages in proximity to the mountain took
warning early and escaped in time. Many would go inland,
some were carried away in private vessels, some in the vessels
of the fleet.
Unfortunately though Pliny thus wisely provided for the
escape of others, he himself fell a victim. It was really his
own blame. Not dreaming how serious the eruption would
be, he delayed unduly, passing the night at a friend's house
which stood well within the dangerous circle. In the night
matters became so alarming that the servants aroused him,
and aided by torches, for the sky was densely overcast,
they made their way to the shore. So close was the danger
that they had 'to envelope their heads to protect them from
the hot cinders. When they reached the shore no boat
102 THE EOMAN EMPIRE
was visible and Pliny could go no farther. He lay down
and the terrified servants deserted him. Three days after-
wards his nephew found him lying dead. His face was calm
and there were no signs of burning. He may have died from
the effects of the poisonous gas which accompanies an eruption
and sinks to the ground by its own weight. Or he may
have died from ordinary heart failure. He was an old man
an<l corpulent, and had been hurrying beyond his strength.
The direction of the wind carried the fire and cinders over
the city of Pompeii, and it was buried under ashes to a depth
of fifteen feet. Herculaneum perished in a different way. It
was engulfed in streams of lava or liquid mud. More recent
eruptions added to the depth of lava, so that the city was
buried by a bed more than seventy feet thick.
After danger from the eruption had passed, the scene was
visited by the former inhabitants in hope that something
might be done to repair the damage. But the destruction had
been complete, and the position of the cities could only be
guessed from the landmarks. At last the cities became little
more than legend.
In the beginning of the eighteenth century, in sinking a
well in the village of Resina, the excavators found mosaics,
and suspected that they belonged to Herculaneum. Little
more was done at that time, but about the middle of the
century systematic exploration was begun. The city of Pom-
peii was comparatively easy of access, and from that time the
work of discovery has gone on, both at Herculaneum and
Pompeii. The museum at Naples abounds in interesting
relics, and the discoveries made in the two cities have added
greatly to our knowledge of the arts and habits of the Romans.
80. In the following year, that is, about six months after the
eruption, there was another disaster; a terrible fire in Rome,
which did almost as much damage as had been done by the
fire during the reign of Nero. The Capitol, destroyed in the
riots during the last da3^s of Vitellius, and rebuilt by Vespasian,
was again destroyed ; the Pantheon also was burnt, and many
TITUS 103
public buildings. It is noteworthy that though the former
fire had been unhesitatingly laid to Nero's charge, no one
dreamt of implicating Titus in this almost equally serious con-
flagration.
The fire was followed by a pestilence, and great numbers
of the people died. The pestilence was attributed by some of
the Romans to noxious gases wafted from Vesuvius during its
eruption. This is, of course, absurd, seeing that Rome is a
great distance from Vesuvius, and that the eruption had taken
place many months before. Doubtless the plague followed the
fire because of the way in which the homeless people were
huddled together, and the miserable sanitary conditions under
which they lived.
As some professed to believe that these afflictions be-
tokened the wrath of the gods, Titus sought to propitiate
them. Accordingly he hurried on the building of the Colos-
seum, and dedicated it with games of extraordinary magni-
ficence. The opening was premature, for the structure was
not entirely finished until the time of Domitian his successor.
How the games were to gratify the gods we do not know.
Probably their propitiation was but an excuse, and the real
reason was the desire to distract the minds of the people and
lead them to forget their sorrows for a time. They had been
greatly tried by the fire and the plague.
The games included many gladiatorial combats, in some of
which women took part. Five thousand wild animals were
slaughtered, and the games lasted for three months. There
were several dramatic representations, including one descrip-
tive of the siege of Syracuse. There was also a sea fight, for
which the arena was filled with water. Vast gifts of food
were distributed to the people after the performances. The
idea of distracting the minds of the people was doubtless
benevolent, but it would have been wiser had Titus refrained
from thus wasting the national resources.
Shortly after these events Titus died. He was not a
strong man, and the hardships of war and, it is to be feared,
104 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
the inroads of dissipation ruined his constitution. He tried
many physicians, but all were in vain. He died under forty
years of age, having reigned but two years and two months.
One thing must be mentioned to the credit of Titus.
When he ascended the throne he determined that he would
not inflict capital punishment upon Roman citizens, and during
his short reign he kept his word. It is a pity that his tender-
ness of heart did not lead him also to discountenance gladia-
torial exhibitions.
The worst feature of the government of Titus was its
wastefulness. Another year would have made him bankrupt :
then would have come taxation, oppression, recrimination. It
was well for his reputation that he died comparatively young.
CHAPTER XIII.
DOMITIAN.
Titus Flavius Domitianus Augustus, the younger son of si.
Vespasian, now ascended the throne. He was thirty years of
age, and had ah'eady shared some of the dangers that sur-
round a throne. When his father was proclaimed emperor by
the legions in the East he was resident in Rome and narrowly
escaped being murdered by the Vitellians. During the riots
which followed he took refuge in the Capitol with his uncle
and some other relatives. When the Capitol was stormed his
uncle was slain, but he hid in a porter's hut and escaped.
When the Illyrian legions arrived and Vitellius was over-
thrown Domitian was greeted as Caesar and installed in the
palace, but Primus, the commander of the legions, kept the
power in his own hands. Shortly afterwards Mucianus arrived
and governed in the name of Vespasian. Domitianus was only
eighteen years of age at the time, and was put on one side.
When the Batavian War was in progress Domitian was
eager to obtain military employment, but Mucianus feared to
interfere with Cerealis, the general who was conducting the
operations against Civilis. Domitian was therefore permitted
to accompany Mucianus to Lugdunum (Lyons), but had no
military duties.
After his father returned to Rome Domitian was kept in
the background, rather more perhaps than was necessary.
Evidently Titus was Vespasian's favourite son. But there is
no reason for affirming that Domitian was neglected. He was
well educated, and received all the honour due to an emperor's
son.
After Vespasian's death Domitian is said to have hoped
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106 THE, EOMAN empire
that Titus would recognise him officially as consort and ulti-
mate succesGor. This may have been. But it seems hardly
likely, as historians affirm, that he was bitterly disappointed
because Titus did not do this at once. It was not usual for an
emperor, himself comparatively young, to begin his reign by
indicating his successor. After all, Titus was likely to marry
again, and might have sons of his own. At any rate there was
plenty of time. No one could have foreseen that the popular
favourite would have so short a reign.
On the death of Titus, Domitian hastened to Rome and,
having been approved by the Praetorian guards and accepted
by the Senate, he succeeded unchallenged to the throne.
Domitian reigned for fifteen years, and reigned success-
fully. One would not gather this from some of the cri-
ticisms of his reign. Rarely has any emperor been more dis-
paraged than Domitian. Pliny, Tacitus and the rest have
treated his memory in the most venomous way, and modern
historians have too readily accepted their verdict. Yet, putting
aside malice, and judging Domitian purely by his actions, he
will be found greatly superior in the virtues of kingship to his
much-lauded brother, and worthy to stand, not in the first but
certainly in the second rank of Roman emperors.
Domitian's enemies were amongst the members of the
senatorial party, and they had substantial reasons for their
hatred.
First, Domitian diminished their authority. There was a
theory that the emperor could not elect a senator. This was
the business of the censor and the censor's was a senatorial
office. This was the theory, but the practice had long been
otherwise. The emperor himself had been elected censor and
had thus controlled the assembly. Claudius and Vespasian
had been censors, and had elected and ejected whom they
willed. But they so far regarded tradition as to lay down the
censorship at the end of the year. Domitian made a new
departure. He assumed the censorship for life. He could elect
and eject, and the Senate was entirely in his power.
DOMITIAN 107
Next, the senatorial party hated Domitian because he
seized their money. The extravagance of Titus had emptied
the treasury. The war in Britain which had been for several
years in progress, and the subsequent Dacian War were costly.
The buildings destroyed in the great fire in the reign of Titus
had to be rebuilt, and the games and distributions of food
which were, unfortunately, so common in Rome had to be paid
for. Where was the money to come from ? The nobles had
it. They were the landowners, the house owners, the slave
dealers, the merchants, the money-lenders, not merely in Rome
but throughout the empire. Much of their wealth had been
obtained by robbing the poor. Seneca the philosopher, who
was executed in the reign of Nero, was a millionaire, and had
made his fortune lending money to wretchedly poor people in
Britain at enormous interest. The revolt of the Iceni is said
to have been due in some degree to his having suddenly called
in his investments. Domitian preferred to plunder the classes
rather than to increase the tribute and oppress the masses of
the people. Hence some of their hatred.
The senatorial party had good reason to hate Domitian in
the end because of his severity. The emperor had no son. He
was the last of the Flavians, and the question of the succession
became serious. For the moment Domitian solved the diffi-
culty by patronising the infant sons of Flavins Clemens, his
cousin, and letting it be understood that one of them would
succeed him. But the nobles would have preferred one of
themselves and began to conspire. L. Antonius Saturninus,
the governor of Upper Germany, revolted. He was of noble 88.
family, and had accomplices among the senators. He induced
two legions to proclaim him imperator, and sought help from
the German tribes. Domitian went forth himself to suppress
the revolt, but on his way learned that Saturninus had already
been defeated and slain by Norbanus, a subordinate officer.
When the emperor returned to Rome he made strict inquiry
into the Saturninian conspiracy, and found that many were
involved. Several senators were executed and the leading
108 THE EOMAN EMPIRE
officers in the rebellious legions were put to death. Perhaps it
was in accordance with law and with the custom of the time,
but it would have been better for Domitian had he shown
a more merciful spirit. If a man is caught red-handed killing
him may be condoned, but to kill a man on suspicion of treason
is to make a bitter enemy out of every member of his family.
Some part of the unpopularity of Domitian was owing to
the fact that he made a serious effort to improve the morals of
the metropolis. The condition of Rome was horrible, and the
wealthy were the chief offenders. Domitian endeavoured to
carry out laws, some of which had already been passed by
Augustus, against the grosser forms of evil. Amongst the
laws enforced were those against adultery and unnatural crime.
In connection with the former Domitian had the courage to do
what few have attempted, and punished both sexes equally.
A vestal virgin was condemned and executed in accordance
with the barbarous custom of the time. The partner of her
guilt, a member of the knightly order, was scourged to death
in the comitium. One can well imagine the anger of the young
aristocracy at such even-handed justice.
Domitian also endeavoured to check the production of licen-
tious plays and ballets upon the public stage. With perfor-
mances in private houses he did not interfere. The emperor
also made an earnest effort to put down the horrible practice of
mutilating lads and making them eunuchs. This practice, one
of the bye-products of polygamy, had been imported from the
East, and was becoming prevalent in Rome. Domitian de-
serves great credit for discountenancing it.
The fire in Rome had rendered much rebuilding necessary.
Domitian finished the Colosseum, rebuilt the Capitol, completed
on a somewhat reduced scale the palace Nero had begun,
created a Stadium in the Campus, and an Odeum for musical
performances. He also built the Temple of Vespasian and Titus
at the western end of the Forum. Some pillars of this temple
are still standing.
The patronage of men of letters was a feature of Domitian's
DOMITIAN 109
reign. Under despotic rule thought is not free, and literature
can flourish only on certain lines. This was very marked
during the reign of Augustus. It is an incident of despotism
even when the despot is benevolent. Nevertheless, in Domi-
tian's reign literature was in a healthy state, and an eftbrt was
made to raise the standard of taste.
Among the literary men of the period were Quintilian, who
wrote a sensible treatise on oratory, and Sextus Julius Fron-
tinus, the eminent strategist, who wrote on engineering and
military subjects. Two epic poets flourished during the reign,
Silius Italicus and Papinius Statius. Another poet, Martial, a
Spaniard by birth, wrote epigrammatic poetry. Domitian was
the means of helping forward two men who afterwards be-
came famous historians, Tacitus and Pliny the younger. Their
historical work was done after his death, and they repaid his
kindness by blackening his memory. Juvenal, the satirist,
did some of his work during this reign.
The foreign policy of Domitian was successful. Its interest
centred in Britain, and in the Rhenish and Danubian provinces.
We have seen how, in the reign of Claudius, Britain was
subdued by Plautius as far west as Bath, as far north as Col-
chester. We have also seen how Ostorius Scapula carried the
conquest somewhat farther, overthrowing the British leader,
Caractacus, and sending him prisoner to Rome.
Suetonius Paulinus who became governor in the reign of 59.
Nero, set himself to further subdue the West. He established
a Roman camp at Chester, and from thence subjugated North
Wales and Anglesey. Whilst he was engaged in this work,
the Iceni, an important tributary State on the eastern side of
the island, revolted. The revolt was caused by oppressive
tax-gathering and the ill-treatment of women, the usual sources
of rebellion in conquered countries. The Iceni were led by
Boadicea, widow of their late king. W^hen this high-spirited
woman dared to resist the robbery to which her estate was
subjected, she was publicly flogged, and hei' daughters were
outraged. She drove from tribe to tribe rallying her country-
110 THE EOMAN EMPIRE
men, and they rose in great numbers. At tirst they were suc-
cessful. Colchester and other Roman cities were stormed, and
for a moment they carried all before them. But when the
Romans had concentrated their forces, discipline and superior-
ity of weapons prevailed. The Britons were slaughtered in
heaps, and Boadicea slew herself that she might not fall into
the hands of the enemy.
The rebellion of the queen was not in vain. Suetonius
was recalled, and his successors adopted conciliatory methods.
Roads were built, Watling Street to the west. Ermine Street
to the north, the roads crossing at Londinium. Loudon, Col-
chester, Chester, Silchester, Cirencester, and other places
began to develop. London gradually became an important
commercial centre. The people began to prosper, and pros-
perity brought a measure of content.
During the reign of Vespasian, Cerealis, the general who
had crushed the revolt of the Batavi, was sent to Britain. He
extended the northern boundary as far as Lincoln. He was
succeeded by Sextus Frontinus, and he again by Agricola.
Agricola governed Britain for seven years, retaining the
confidence of Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian. Aspiring to
subdue the whole of Britain, he pushed northward to the
Tyne, and built a chain of forts between that river and the
Sol way. Then he went farther, moving along the east coast
by the Firth of Forth. There for a time his progress north-
ward was stayed, but he fortified the narrow neck between the
Forth and the Clyde, and carried his arms westward to the
extremest limits of Scotland. From Wigtonshire he sighted
Ireland, and was most anxious to invade it. But when he
applied to Domitian for another legion it was refused, and
Ireland never became part of the Roman Empire.
Agricola then penetrated farther into Caledonia, marching
by the east coast, supported by a fleet coasting round Fife.
The Caledonians gathered their forces, and a pitched battle was
fought with Galgacus their leader near Forfar or Brechin.
The battle resulted as usual in a Roman victory.
DOMITIAN 111
After the battle, some part of Agricola's fleet sailed north-
ward round the Pentland Firth, and as far as Cape Wrath.
Having thus seen the extent of the island they returned by
the same route to the Firth of Forth. They did not circum-
navigate the island as some have thought.
Before his fleet returned Agricola had been recalled. Taci- 84.
tus, who was Agricola's son-in-law, declares that the recall was
owing to the jealousy of Domitian. The accusation is ridicu-
lous. Agricola had been for seven years in Britain, an un-
usually long term of office. He had a large army, perhaps
30,000 men, and a fleet. His expenses were huge, and his
campaigns barren. What profit was to be gained by long
marches over Caledonian moors ? The country was evidently
poor, and the conquest of the whole would not add anything
to the Roman exchequer. Domitian who had the greatest
difficulty in finding mone}^ for pressing needs, determined to
leave Caledonia alone. And his determination was wise. Agri-
cola accepted his retirement with dignity, and it would have
been better had his son-in-law done the same.
Under Domitian the need for strengthening the defences
along the Rhine and Danube was clearly perceived. Many
Gauls had settled on the waste lands across the river. The
districts thus occupied were called the agri decumates because
the settlers paid a tithe of the produce of their fields to the
Roman exchequer. They were subjected to attacks from the
German tribes, and as they had no garrison, Vespasian tried to
put their district upon a better footing for defence. He built
roads, and also began a fortification on the eastern side
similar to that used in Roman camps, a rampart and a ditch.
Castella and watch towers were added.
Aided by the skill of Sextus Frontinus, Domitian extended
and improved this line of defence. In fm-therance of this
object he made an expedition against the Chatti early in his
reign. Members of that tribe were occupying districts which
he wished to include within the rampart. The expedition
was successful, the Chatti entering into a treaty which gave
112 THE KOMAN BMPIEB
him all that he desired. Much contempt was cast upon the
expedition by the enemies of Domitian, but it was really of
first-class importance. In connection with it Domitian built
the first permanent Roman bridge over the Rhine.
After his campaigns on the Rhine Domitian had to attend
to the Danubian frontier. Vespasian had improved the de-
fences of this part of the empire somewhat, but they were still
85. insufficient. The Dacian king Decebalus crossed the Danube,
and invaded Moesia. Oppius Sabinus the Roman governor
was slain and the land was ravaged, Domitian gave Cornelius
Fuscus the Praetorian prefect the conduct of the war. He
drove the enemy from Moesia, and chased him into Dacia.
But there the Dacians turned, and with great efiect. The army
was destroyed, and Fuscus was slain.
Julianus was sent by Domitian to retrieve the disaster.
He defeated the Dacians with great loss, but when he would
have carried the war to their very capital he was recalled by
Domitian, who had determined to rest satisfied. He made a
treaty with Decebalus, and by a little timely concession saved
much trouble. As a result of the war the province was now
divided into Upper and Lower Moesia. Each section had its
governor, and looked after its own defences. The peace with
Dacia was kept for ten years.
The wars in Britain, with the Chatti, and with the Dacians
prove Domitian to have been a man who did not fight for the
mere pursuit of glory, but in order to attain some definite pur-
pose. When the purpose was attained he went no farther.
In the last years of his reign relations between Domitian
and the senatorial party became even more strained than
before. The knowledge that they were plotting against him
made him suspicious and cruel. Cruelty led to further plotting,
and so the mischief grew. At length his wife Domitia, whom
he had divorced because of a suspected intrigue, but afterwards
recalled, formed a conspiracy against him in his own household
and he was assassinated.
The Senate rejoiced grea,tly at the death of Domitian. His
DOMITIAN 113
statues and busts were torn down, his name was erased from
all monuments, and he was refused decent bui-ial. But neither
the soldiers nor the people sympathiseil with these unworthy -
manifestations.
Rome had many worse rulers than Domitian. So far as
we can judge by his actions, he was capable and just. He knew
that he was well hated by the nobility and cared little about
it. The people liked him and the soldiers loved him, and he
thought this of far greater importance.
Suetonius, the writer of several learned works, though he ^
has little favour for Domitian, yet leaves the following testi-
mony to his merit : —
" In ministering justice he was precise and industrious.
Many a time, even in the common place sitting on the tribunal,
he reversed the sentences of the centumvirs, given for favour
and obtained by flattery. He warned the commissioners and
judges not to accommodate themselves and give ear to per-
suasive and rhetorical assertions. Judges that were bribed
and corrupted with money he noted and disgraced, together
with their assessors on the bench. He ordered the tribunes of
the commons to accuse judicially a base and corrupt aedile for
extortion, and to force him to restitution, and to order the
Senate to have a jury, impanelled upon him. Moreover so
strict was he with the magistrates in Rome and with the
rulers of the provinces that never at any time were they more
temperate or just."
Like the rest of the Roman emperors Domitian had his
faults. But he was a great monarch, the greatest of the
Flavian line.
VOL. II.
CHAPTER XIV.
NERVA.
96. DOMITIAN had treated the senatorial party with scant cour-
tesy, and they determined that his successor should be more
amenable. Accordingly they elected one from their number,
M. Cocceius Nerva, a man sixty-five years of age, somewhat
colourless perhaps, nevertheless one who had held important
offices and was generally esteemed.
The senators had no idea of restoring the republic or of
adding anything to the liberties of the people. Their con-
ception of a government for the Roman Empire would have
been a senatorial oligarchy with the emperor as their own
elected president, and the chief offices of State divided among
themselves. If they could not obtain this, they at least
wanted an emperor who would respect their ancient privileges
and give them a substantial share in the government.
There was a distinct difference between the conception of
government which the senators had in their minds, and that
which had now come to be the imperial conception. The
senators cared little how Italy and the provinces might fare,
so long as Rome was supreme, and so long as their little
oligarchy was supreme in Rome. The best of the emperors
had emancipated themselves from this narrow-mindedness.
Julius Caesar was the first to see with clearness of vision that
Rome was no longer a city but an empire. Augustus followed,
fully realising his responsibilities to the provinces which Rome
had herself undertaken to rule. Tiberius, Claudius, Vespasian,
Domitian worked on the same lines.
Nerva's short reign was retrogressive in this respect. He
attended to Rome first, to Italy a little, to the provinces least
(114)
NERVA 115
of all. But his reign was so short that we have no wish to
judge him harshly in this matter.
Italy certainly needed attention. The country was poor.
It had fallen in great measure into the hands of great land-
owners. Grain was little grown, wine was the chief produc-
tion, and much of the land was not cultivated at all. Nerva
tried to help by methods which seem painfully modern. He
tried to tempt the people back to the land by planting agri-
cultural colonies here and there. But little came of the pro-
ject. He also started a scheme for helping poor parents in
the country to educate their children, and the scheme was
encouraged by succeeding emperors, so that it lasted for a
time. Nerva deserves credit for these efforts. But they were
run by the senatorial party, and had the usual pauperising
tendencies. It is not by means like these that a healthy
nation is built up.
Nerva was a kindly man, and he did his best to please. He
suspended trials for treason, recalled exiles, and took oath that
he would never condemn a senator to death. This, of course,
was a purely selfish measure. If men were to be condemned
to death by the emperor at all, there was no reason why
senators should be exempt.
Nerva's views on certain subjects coincided with those of
Domitian, and several of his acts were retained. Nerva, more-
over, refused to proscribe the adherents of the fallen emperor.
The Praetorian guards had not opposed the election of
Nerva, but they demanded the execution of the murderers of
Domitian, and Nerva found it necessary to comply with their
demand.
Nerva had, like every other Roman emperor, much trouble
with finance. It is to his credit that he ventured to retrench
upon the expenditure in games and spectacles, and even in re-
ducing the doles of corn to the people. He could do this the
more confidently as he also sold masses of imperial property,
including superfluous furniture and jewellery. He showed
some courage in abolishing a tax upon the Jews which Ves-
116 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
pasian had instituted, and wliich was the occasion of much
discontent.
All that we know of Nerva is satisfactory. But he was
fortunate in the brevity of his rei^-n. He was a little too fair-
minded and kindly to please his senatorial friends. They
would have been better satisfied had he been less tolerant of
the friends of the former monarch. Accordingly, short though
Nerva' s reign was, there was time for conspiracy, Calpurnius
Crassus, a noble of haughty disposition, thought himself better
suited for the imperial purple than Nerva and conspired. But
he received little support and was easily overthrown. Nerva
did not take his life as he well might, but only banished him
to Tarentum.
As Nerva was advanced in years he perceived the de-
sirability of adopting an imperial consort and successor. As
no member of his own family was suitable, his choice fell upon
M. Ulpius Trajanus, the legatus of Upper Germany. To him
accordingly Nerva wrote, but without waiting for his consent
he adopted him. The Senate approved, and conferred upon
Trajan the usual powers with the usual formalities.
98. Nerva died very shortly after the adoption of Trajan,
having reigned for the short period of sixteen months. He
was too old when he became emperor to hope to be a popular
monarch, but his rule was decidedly beneficent, and he de-
serves to be remembered with esteem.
CHAPTER XV.
TRAJAN.
^Iarcus Ulpius Trajanus who now ascended the throne was 98.
by birth a Spaniard, a native of Italica, a town near Seville, in
the south of Spain. His father had been in the Roman army,
and fought against the Parthians and Jews. He commanded
the tenth legion at the storming of Joppa. He had been consul
at Rome and proconsul in Asia.
The news of Nerva's death and of his own accession reached
Trajan in Upper Germany where he was engaged strengthening
and completing the fortifications across the Rhine which had
been begun by Vespasian and extended by Domitian. Trajan
did not hurry back to Rome. He spent the summer in the
German and the winter in the Danubian provinces. At the
beginning of the following year he reached Rome, and was 99.
hailed with enthusiasm.
The fact that the Romans accepted Trajan as emperor with-
out question is noteworthy, for he was the first foreigner who
sat upon the imperial throne. Doubtless his family was of
Roman origin, but he was born in Spain. Vespasian was the
first Italian, Trajan the first provincial emperor. Rome had
travelled far since the days of Augustus, when a provincial
might not even enlist in the guards.
Trajan was fortj^-six years of age when he became emperor :
he had- occupied civil posts with credit, and he was a successful
soldier. In Rome he moved amongst the people in a simple
fashion and ma<le himself popular. But he could be very cruel
at times. Towards the guards who had demanded the execu-
tion of Domitian's murderers he acted with undue severity,
towards the delators of Domitian's reign whom Nerva had
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118 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
declined to punish, and who were perhaps after all little more
than detectives or secret service men, he acted with ferocity.
Trajan was an excellent fighting man and his military ex-
ploits form his only claim to greatness. His prowess was
chiefly displayed in Germany, Dacia and the East. His work
in Germany was drawing to a conclusion when he ascended
the throne. It was useful work. Germany was attracting the
special notice of the Roman people at this time, because of the
writings of Tacitus, whose Germania had just appeared.
The Dacian campaigns of Trajan extended over five years.
Historians take infinite pains to find reasons for the annexation
of Dacia, a province which lay across the Danube, apparently
quite beyond the sphere of Roman influence. The mistakes of
Domitian, the disloyalty of Decebalus, the raids of the Dacians,
are pleaded. But perhaps we need not seek so far for a reason.
Dacia was reputed rich in mineral wealth, gold, silver and iron,
and the Romans coveted its treasures, as they had formerly
coveted the mineral treasures of Britain. This was probably
the most substantial reason for the annexation.
101. Trajan invaded Dacia with a mighty army and bore down
all opposition. When he reached the capital, a town now
102. known as Gradischtje or Varhely, King Decebalus capitulated,
and Trajan returned to Rome. But this invasion had been a
mere reconnaissance. In two years Trajan was back on the
104. Danube with a yet greater army. The Dacians now perceived
that the Romans meant to seize their country and fought
fiercely for their independence. When their every effort was in
vain Decebalus slew himself and many nobles perished with him.
Trajan now declared Dacia a Roman province and returned
to Rome carrying with him a vast amount of booty. With the
Dacian treasure he rewarded his troops, gave great gifts to the
populace, and built a Forum in which stands Trajan's column,
still one of the sights of Rome. The incidents of the war are
carved round the column in a spiral band, and form almost the
only record of the campaigns. Trajan wrote an account of his
conquest, but it has not survived.
TEAJAN 119
Having thus acquired and in many places devastated Dacia,
Trajan proceeded to settle colonists there. Skilful miners es-
pecially were sent, and the produce of the gold mines enriched
the Roman treasury for many years. A permanent stone
bridge was built across the Danube at Turnu Severin.
Whilst Trajan was thus employed Cornelius Palma, the
governor of Syria, added to the empire a strip of land on the
east side of his province. This rectification of frontier was
justifiable, because in this way the caravan routes between
Egypt and the Euphrates were better protected. The new
boundary extended to the Red Sea, embracing the Sinaitic
peninsula and the old land of Midian. It included Petra, a
city which had been important in the days of Augustus and
became more important now. Its ruins are still magnificent.
From this city the district was called Arabia Petraea.
After the conquest of Dacia Trajan undertook no other
great military enterprise for seven years, but attended to the
affairs of civil government.
The emperor was conciliatory with the Senate, but restored
to it no real power. Indeed he rather extended the imperial
influence over local administrations and provinces hitherto sub-
ject to the Senate.
Trajan was careful in administering justice and established
a court to deal specially with fiscal suits.
Finance was more easily managed during the reign of
Trajan because of the large increase of revenue which was
derived from the Dacian mines. But Trajan had established a
precedent by giving after the Dacian Wars huge gifts of
money to the people of Rome, for which his successors gave
him no thanks.
The harbours of Ostia, Civita Vecchia and Ancona were
improved during Trajan's reign, roads were constructed, public
baths were built and the water supply was extended.
Following Nerva's example, Trajan granted State endow-
ments to various Italian towns to help in the education of
the children of poor parents. He also granted State loans
120 THE EOMAN BMPIKE
to small landowners at low interest, in order to improve
agriculture.
Some of Trajan's legislation was of doubtful value. Of
such was the legislation which compelled provincials who be-
came senators to invest in Italian land ; legislation to check
emigration from Italy to the colonies, and legislation which
made the condition of slaves and freedmen less tolerable. Tra-
jan's dread of corporate action amongst the people amounted to
a mania. When Pliny was governor of Bithynia and a con-
flagration took place in one of the towns, he asked Trajan's
permission to organise a fire brigade. Trajan refused permis-
sion because corporations, whatever name they bore, were sure
to eventually become political societies. Let Pliny supply ap-
paratus, warn property owners to be careful, and, in case of
need, employ the populace.
During Pliny's governorship matters of much interest
happened in connection with the Christians. At first they
were treated as a Jewish sect, and shared in the toleration
which Jews generally enjoyed. But the difference between
Jew and Christian became manifest when it was found that
the Christians made proselytes freely.
Evidently in Bithynia those professing Christianity had
become so numerous that ordinary temple worship was neg-
lected, and the trade of the priests and of those who sold beasts
for sacrifice was interfered with. Pliny accordingly wrote to
Trajan for advice. He said : —
" I have never been present at trials of Christians, and
consequently do not know for what reasons, or how far, punish-
ment is usually inflicted or inquiry made in their case. Nor
have my hesitations been slight : as to whether any distinc-
tion of age should be made, or persons however tender in
years should be viewed as differing in no respect from the full-
grown : whether pardon should be accorded to repentance,
or he who has once been a Christian should gain nothing
by having ceased to be one ; whether the very profession
itself if unattended by crime, or else the crimes necessarily
TKAJAN 121
attaching to the profession, should be made the subject of
punishment.
" Meanwhile, in the case of those who have been brought
before me in the character of Christians, my course has been
as follows : I put it to themselves whether they were or were
not Christians. To such as professed that they were, I put
the inquiry a second and a third time, threatening them with
the supreme penalt}^ Those who persisted, I ordered to execu-
tion. For, indeed, I could not doubt, whatever might be the
nature of that which they professed, that their pertinacity, at
any rate, and inflexible obstinacy, ought to be punished. There
were others afflicted with like madness, with regard to whom,
as they were Roman citizens. I made a memorandum that they
were to be sent for judgment to Rome. Soon, the very hand-
ling of this matter causing, as often happens, the area of the
charge to spread, many fresh examples occurred. An anony-
mous paper was put forth containing the names of many
persons. Those who denied that the}^ either were or had been
Christians, upon their calling upon the gods after me, and
upon their offering wine and incense before your statue, which
for this purpose I had ordered to be introduced in company
with the images of the gods, moreover, upon their reviling
Christ — none of which things it is said can such as are really
and truly Christians be compelled to do — these I deemed it
proper to dismiss. Others named by the informer admitted
that they were Christians, and then shortly afterwards denied
it, adding that they had been Christians, but had ceased to be
so, some three years, some many years, more than one of them
as much as twenty years, before. All these, too, not only
honoured your image and the effigies of the gods, but also
reviled Christ. They affirmed, however, that this had been
the sum, whether of their crime or their delusion ; they had
been in the habit of meeting together on a stated day, before
sunrise, and of offering in turns a form of invocation to Christ,
as to a god ; also of binding themselves by an oath, not for
any guilty purpose, but not to commit thefts, or robberies, or
122 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
adulteries, not to break their word, not to repudiate deposits
when called upon ; these ceremonies having been gone through,
they had been in the habit of separating, and again meeting
together for the purpose of taking food — food, that is, of an
ordinary and innocent kind. They had, however, ceased from
doing even this, after my edict, in which, following your
orders, I had forbidden the existence of fraternities. This
made me think it all the more necessary to inquire, even by
torture of two maid servants, who were styled deaconesses,
what the truth was. I could discover nothing else than a
vicious and extravagant superstition ; consequently, having
adjourned the inquiry, I have had recourse to your counsels.
Indeed, the matter seemed to me a proper one for consultation,
chiefly on account of the number of persons imperilled. For
many of all ages and all ranks, aye, and of both sexes, are
being called, and will be called into danger. Nor are cities
only permeated by the contagion of this superstition, but
villages and country parts as well ; yet it seems possible to
stop it and cure it. It is in truth sufficiently evident that the
temples, which were almost entirely deserted, have begun to
be frequented, that the customary religious rites which had
long been interrupted are being resumed, and that there is a
sale for the food of sacrificial beasts, for which hitherto very
few buyers indeed could be found. From all this it is easy to
form an opinion as to the great number of persons who may be
reclaimed, if only room be granted for penitence."
To this letter Trajan sent the following reply : —
" You have followed the right mode of procedure, my dear
Secundus, in investigating the cases of those who had been
brought before you as Christians. For, indeed, it is not pos-
sible to establish any universal rule, possessing as it were a
fixed form. These people should not be searched for ; if they
are informed against and convicted they should be punished ;
yet, so that he who shall deny being a Christian, and shall
make this plain in action, that is by worshipping our gods,
even though suspected on account of his past conduct, shall
TEAJAN 123
obtain pardon by hi.s penitence. Anonymous informations,
however, ought not to be allowed a standing in any kind of
charge ; a course which would not only form the worst of pre-
cedents, but which is not in accordance with the spirit of our
time." (Pliny's Letters, x., 97, 98, translation by J. D. Lewes.)
One is struck by the air of smug satisfaction with which
men like Pliny and Trajan clad in a little brief authority sat
in judgment upon and rebuked persons who were infinitely
better than themselves. Pliny could order to the torture
gentle deaconesses who were leading holy lives, and trying to
help their fellow-creatures ; he could only see obstinacy and
madness in the conduct of persons who had pledged themselves
not to commit theft, robbery, adultery or breach of trust ; yet
the poor miserable creature could see nothing but that which
was estimable and wise in worshipping emperors, both dead
and alive, in practising degrading and often abominable rites
at the temples, and in guiding the conduct of his life by the
steaming entrails of a newly killed beast.
The quotation from the writings of Pliny is of special
interest because it shows, from the standpoint of a magistrate,
and a man who had no sympathy whatever with Christianity,
just how that faith stood at the beginning of the second cen-
tury. It is evident that Christians were numerous in Asia
Minor, that they practised a morality more pure and strict
than that of ordinary citizens, that they submitted to torture,
that they were even ready to die for their faith. So wide-
spread was the profession of Christianity in Bithynia at this
time that the temples were in some places almost entii-ely
deserted. Complaints of this state of affairs reached the new
governor from the priests and attendants at the temple and
from the dealers in beasts and birds used for sacrifice. Such
was the position of the Christian Church in Bithynia sevent}^
years after the crucifixion, at a time when there were still
alive various persons who had known the Apostles.
Sixteen years after his accession Trajan made war upon 113.
Parthia. There had been peace between Rome and Parthia
124 THE EOMAN EMPIRE
for a good while, ever since the time when Tiridates came to
Rome and received the crown of Armenia from the hands of
Nero. Nor was there any reason now for war. There was
merely a pretext. The Armenian throne had become vacant,
and Trajan placed Axidares, a son of the former king, upon
the throne. Chosroes, the king- of Parthia, thinking him un-
suitable, placed his brother Parthomasiris there instead. This
seemed a violation of the treaty made with Nero, but it could
easily have been adjusted. Neither Parthia nor Armenia
desired war ; they were willing to make almost any concession
to avoid it. Parthomasiris was quite willing to go to Rome
and swear allegiance to Trajan if he required it.
The Romans had nothing to gain by the subjugation of
Armenia. It was an inhospitable country. There was no
mineral wealth worth fighting for. And in its independent
state it was a valuable bulwark against Parthia. Tlie posses-
sion of Armenia could only increase the difficulties of frontier
defence. But for all this Trajan cared not a whit. He loved
war ; he was tired of peace ; he wanted to emulate Alexander
the Great ; he meant to carry the Roman eagles across the
Euphrates,
On his way east, at Athens, Trajan was met by a Parthian
embassy pleading for peace. At Antioch another cnd)a,ssy
appeared. But their eflbrts were fruitless. Trajan had deter-
mined to turn Armenia into a Roman province, however short-
sighted the policy might be.
At Erzcroum Parthomasiris liimsclf came seeking for
peace. Trajan treated him contemjjtuously, and told liim that
Armenia belonged to Rome and would henceforth be ruled by
a Roman governor. Trajan then sent him awa}- with an
escort of Roman cavalry. Soon after tliey had left the camp
the king was murdered by the escort. It was a foul deed and
brands Trajan as a worthless man. No escort would have
dared to perpetrate such a crime without his explicit instruc-
tions. After the death of their king the Armenians niade no
further resistance.
TRAJAN 125
From Armenia Trajan marched throucrh Mesopotamia to
the Persian Gulf. The Parthian king fled at his approach,
and he found the country an easy prey. Accordingly he or-
ganised Mesopotamia as a Roman province, and returned to
winter at Antiocli. Whilst he was there the city was partially
destroyed by an earthquake, and he narrowly escaped with
his life.
Next year Trajan resumed operations in the Euphrates 116.
valley, and captured Ctesiphon, the Parthian capital. He then
descended the Tigris to its mouth, and would have gone farther
but that news reached him of rebellion in his rear. Babylonia
and Mesopotamia, the provinces which had seemed to submit
so easily, were now in revolt. The revolts were suppressed,
though not without difficulty. Trajan then declared Parthia
a conquered country, and placed his nominee upon its throne.
After these events he returned to Antioch.
Trajan was now apprised of serious distua'bances in various 117.
parts of the empire, in Africa, the Danubian provinces, and
Britain. There had also been terrible disturbances in connec-
tion with the Jews, in Cyprus, Cyrene, and Egypt, In Cyprus
and Cyrene the Jews being in a majority had triumphed over
their enemies ; in Egypt, where they were less numerous, they
had been almost exterminated.
Clearly the emperor's presence was sorely needed at head-
quarters, and the Senate urged his immediate return. Trajan
set out, but he never reached his capital. He had been ailing
for some time, and at Selinus in Cilicia his illness proved fatal.
He was sixty-five years of age when he died, and had reigned
over nineteen years.
It is the fashion to speak of Trajan's reign as brilliant, but
there is little reason. He was a good administrator and
governed honestly. Had he clung to the humdrum duties of
civil government he might have done well. But he preferred
war, and must needs carry fire and sword amongst peoples
who were doing him no harm. The empire was already too
large. It needed governing not expanding. Augastus had
126 THE EOMAN EMPIKE
begged his successors to rest content with what they had, and
he was wise. But Trajan thought he knew better, and added
to its already unwieldy bulk. Little, however, came of his
efforts. The province of Dacia was financially profitable, and
his successors clung to it for a time. But his other conquests
were quickly abandoned. His eastern exploits resulted in only
one permanent addition to Roman territory, the province of
Arabia Petrsea.
CHAPTER XVI.
HADRIAN.
Trajan left no children, and was well advanced in years when 117.
he died, yet he had neither adopted a colleague in the empire,
nor plainly indicated a successor. He had with him, however,
in the East a young relative, Publius iElius Hadrianus, to
whom he had shown favour, and whom he would probably
have adopted had not death prevented.
When Trajan's serious illness and the disquieting news
which reached him about revolts in various parts of the
empire compelled him to turn westward, he left Hadrian in
command of the forces in the East.
Plotina, the wife of Trajan, was with him when he was on
his death-bed, and professed that he had signed, or at least
assented to, a letter of adoption. This she sent to Hadrian,
and he received it two days before he received the news of
Trajan's death. Whether the letter was genuine or not, all felt
that Hadrian was the only possible successor. Accordingly, as
soon as it was known that Trajan was dead the soldiers pro-
claimed Hadrian emperor. Hadrian then wrote a diplomatic-
ally worded letter to the Senate asking for their approval,
and regretting the precipitate action of the soldiers in acknow-
ledging him as emperor before his election by the Senate.
The letter produced an excellent impression, and Hadrian
became emperor by common consent.
The new emperor was born at Rome 76 a.d., and was there-
fore forty-one years of age. He had been a soldier from boy-
hood, and had also filled important offices of state.
Like many of the world's best soldiers Hadrian was not
fond of war. He took therefore Augustus as his example
(127)
128 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
rather than Trajan, and preferred tlie victories of diplomacy to
the victories of arms.
His first acts showed tliat he considered Trajan's aggres-
sive poHcy a mistake. He made peace with Parthia and
Armenia, relinquished all conquests beyond the Euphrates, and
allowed Armenia to resume her former position of qualified in-
dependence. Arabia Petrsea was retained, and Dacia ; the
former because it was a valuable protection to commerce, the
latter because there were so many Roman colonists in the
province that it could not well be abandoned.
Hadrian did not at once return to the capital. Eastern
affairs took some time to settle, and it seems likely that he
visited Palestine and Egypt to expedite ihe suppression of the
118. Jewish revolts there. Travelling thence by way of Illyricum,
he reached Rome early in the following year. After his arrival
Rome saw the strange spectacle of a triumph for a dead em-
peror, the body of Trajan being carried in a triumphal car.
Before Hadrian had been long in Rome, he had again to
leave in consequence of the invasion of the Danubian provinces
by the Sarmatians, tribes occupying districts in Southern
Russia.
During his absence a conspiracy was planned to dethrone
him. Some eminent men were implicated, and Hadrian left
Marcius Turbo to deal with the Sarmatians and hurried back
to Rome. When he arrived he found that the Senate had
already crushed the conspiracy and executed the conspirators.
Hadrian reigned for twenty-one years and spent only
seven years in Rome. During the rest of the time he was
travelling about the provinces. No considerable part of the
empire was left unvisited and many parts were visited twice.
There are extant medals struck in commemoration of visits to
twenty-five difierent countries.
The emperor doubtless enjoyed sight-seeing. " He looked
into the crater of Etna, saw the sun rise from Mount Cascus,
ascended to the cataracts of the Nile, heard the statue of
Memnon." But Hadrian's travels had a higher purpose than
HADEIAN 129
that of mere sight-seeing. He devoted himself to the con-
solidation of his vast dominions. His sharp eye and trained
judgment detected misgovernment where it existed, and the
provinces were never better looked after than during his reign.
He may not have been a genius like Juliu.^ Caesar and Augus-
tus, but he realised that the prosperity of his subjects, and
not foreign conquest, was his first business. War he avoided
wherever possible. Imperial expansion and military glory
were with Hadrian only means to an end.
Acting upon these principles Hadrian refrained from any
further extension of the empire, and confined his attention to
the strengthening of the existing frontiers. When the Sarma-
tians had been driven back by Turbo, Hadrian constructed im-
portant lines of fortification in order to make invasion in that
corner of the empire harder in future. It is said that he
partially destroyed the bridge which Trajan had built across the
Danube at Turnu Severin. This may, however, only mean that
he cut off one end of it and transformed it into a draw-bridge.
In scheming his fortifications on the frontier Hadrian
added to the natural defence of water the artificial defences of
embankments, ditches, and stone walls. He also encouraged
the development of frontier towns. The villages chosen for
camps often became commercial centres. As the presence of
the garrison both encouraged and protected trade, merchants
settled in the villages, and veteran soldiers when their time was
up, also settled there with their families. Thus the camp be-
came a town, and perhaps the town a city. Several of the
Roman stations still exist, and have become important cities.
Hadrian was an indefatigable army reformer. The phalanx
made so famous by the Greeks and Macedonians was substi-
tuted in an improved form for the old Roman battle array.
Various changes were made both in tactics and in armour.
Heavy cavalry was introduced and improvements were made
in the military engines which accompanied the armies. Dis-
cipline was strictly maintained, but the soldiers were treated
kindly and there were no mutinies.
VOL. II. 9
130 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
121. Hadrian's travels into the provinces in his capacity as
emperor began with a visit to Gaul. From Gaul he went to
122. Germany and thence to Britain. There had been satisfactory
progress in the island province, though it was now causing
some anxiety. About fifty towns had been established in
Southern Britain, and the inhabitants of the province were
prosperous and contented. But this very prosperity made
them less warlike, and more envied by their neighbours, and
the northern tribes raided the province from time to time. To
check their raids, Hadrian began a wall from Bowness on the
Solway by way of Burgh on Sands, Carlisle, Gilsland, House-
steads, Chesters, and Newcastle to Wallsend near the mouth of
the Tyne.
The wall was about seventy miles long and had fortified
stations at about every fourth mile. The fortification was in
three parts, a stone wall facing north, an earth wall facing
south and a road between. The stone wall was about 7 feet
broad by 20 high. The earth wall consisted of a mound, a
ditch, and a double mound. Remnants of the fortification
are yet to be seen, particularly at Housesteads (Borcovicium),
where there is a continuous stretch of walling. The fortifica-
tion was the work of several emperors, indeed it is likely
that the stone wall was built eighty years after by Septimius
Severus. But the work was designed by Hadrian, and it has
always been associated with his name.
The British wall was not only serviceable as a frontier bar-
rier, but also as an elongated camp in an enemy's country.
There were unsubdued tribes south as well as north of the
wall, and it prevented co-operation between them.
Hadrian was a man of culture, and, partly for this reason
no doubt, showed much favour to Greece, He adorned many
cities with new buildings, and tried to make Athens once more
a power in Greece. He helped the city financially and it
flourished for a time. Hadrian visited Greece twice, making a
prolonged stay on each occasion.
Hadrian also visited Africa and travelled very carefully
HADEIAN 131
through the Asiatic provinces of the empire. The inhabitants
of Antioch insulted him in some way and he was much dis-
pleased. The city was specially immoral and luxurious.
During Hadrian's reign a terrible rebellion broke out in
Judaea. The Jews, notwithstanding the miseries to which they
had been subjected in the reign of Vespasian, were still numer-
ous. In the end of Trajan's reig"n Hadrian had been employed
by him to suppress Jewish rebellion and had done it with
wholesale slaughter. When he ascended the throne he de-
termined to root out what he thought the Jewish superstition
altogether. Accordingly he prohibited circumcision, the ob-
.servance of the Sabbath, and the reading of the law. He also
threatened to convert Jerusalem, which with marvellous vitality
was again lifting its head above the ground, into a Roman
colony.
The Jews bore patiently with Hadrian's tyranny for a 131.
time, but at last rose upon their oppressors. Believing that a
man named Bar-Cocaba (Son of the Star) was their promised de-
liverer, they rallied to his standard, captured the site of Jerusa-
lem, and for a time carried their arms victoriously throughout
Judaea. Hadrian himself visited the scene of action, but put
the conduct of the war into the hands of Julius Severus. The
war lingered on for three years, but was at length crushed with
more than usual barbarity. Bar-Cocaba was slain in battle, the
Rabbi Akiba, an old man who had championed his cause, was
flayed alive, Jerusalem was again levelled with the ground, and
Palestine was turned into a wilderness.
The emperor now carried his threat concerning Jerusalem
into effect, he settled a colony in the city under the name of
^lia Capitolina, and erected a temple to Jupiter Capitohnus
on the site of the Holy Place. Jews were forbidden to enter
the city on pain of death, and to make them less inclined a
swine in marble was set over the gate leading to Bethlehem.
In this war about 1,000 towns and villages and 600,000 men
were destroyed. This brutal treatment of the Jewish race is
an ugly blot upon Hadi'ian's memory.
132 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
Our last chapter contained a correspondence between Pliny
and Ti-ajan concerning the persecution of the Christians. This
persecution went on under Hadrian and even increased. We
cannot, however, make Hadrian personally responsible for the
persecution. Governors of provinces sometimes persecuted
for the sake of pleasing the heathen priests, and looked on
with indifference when mob violence was perpetrated in
order that they might not incur unpopularity with the people.
It must be said to Hadrian's credit that when he was passing
through Greece he permitted two learned Christians of Athens,
Quadratus and Aristides, to present to him defences of the
Christian Faith. As a result he issued an imperial order for-
bidding mobs to assemble against the Christians.
Fragments remain of the Apology of Quadratus. In one
the following words occur : " Our Saviour's works were real.
The sick whom he healed, the dead whom he raised, were
constantly to be seen, not only during his sojourn on earth,
but long after his departure, so that some of them have sur-
vived even down to our own times."
The Apology of Aristides was believed to be lost, but a
part of it has been lately recovered.
Hadrian organised the civil service in a way never before
attempted. The old and pernicious system of tax-farming,
which had gradually been dying out, was now almost entirely
abolished. A financial bureau was established, with a minister
of finance at the head of it. The taxes were levied with some
regard for equity, and Hadrian ordered that the valuation of
property, which formed the basis of taxation, should be revised
every fifteen years.
A consultant body, the consiliarii Augusti was formed.
This privy council consisted of skilled men, mostly jurists, who
received salaries, and were ready to advise the emperor on
all occasions when he required their services. This gave the
emperor's advisers an official position, and he need no longer
be accused of having favourites.
Hadrian's reign forms somewhat of an epoch in juris-
HADEIAN 133
prudence. For two centuries Rome had been famous for its
jurists. Augustus encourao^ed the profession, and gave certain
of the leading men a semi-official position. Interpretations of
the law given by the king's counsel, if we may so term them,
were to a certain extent looked upon as if given under Imperial
sanction. Hadrian went farther than Augustus. He gave to
the decisions of the select jui'ists the force of law if they were
all in agreement. If the jurists consulted by the judge dis-
agreed, he might make his choice. To appreciate the point of
this we must remember that the Roman judex was not like
the modern judge necessarily a skilled jurist. This imperial
patronage gave a status to the profession, and induced able
men to enter it. It also led to the growth of a mass of legal
decisions, real and hypothetical, which were afterwards col-
lected by Justinian, and have been of the greatest importance
in moulding European law.
The praetors in Rome had a habit of issuing on their
election edicts stating the rules by which they meant to regu-
late their decisions during their term of office. These edicts
were generally merely a repetition of former edicts, with such
additions or amendments as might to them seem desirable.
The edict had become cumbrous, and the system introduced un-
certainty into commercial transactions. Hadrian accordingly
employed an eminent jurist named Salvius Julianus to edit a
general edict, which should be a rule and guide to all succeed-
ing praetors. It was called the edictum perjjetaum, and a
senatus considtum gave it the force of law. After this, i3l.
magistrates might only use their own discretion when there
was nothing in the edict to meet the particular case.
The legislation of Trajan with regard to the unprotected
classes had been retrogressive, and Hadrian reversed some of
it. He punished masters and mistresses for cruelty to slaves,
forbade the sale of slaves for immoral purposes, and revived
an old law which prohibited a master from killing a slave, and
compelled him to hand him over for trial before the court.
Hadrian was an enterprising builder. He restored temples
134 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
in Rome, constructed a new bridge across the Tiber, and began
the imposing mausoleum, called Hadrian's tomb, now known as
the Castle of St. Angelo. It was completed by his successor,
and was for some time the burying-place of the emperors. At
Tibur the emperor erected the magnificent villa which is still a
place of popular resort.
In his later years Hadrian's health failed. It was a dis-
appointment to him to know that, notwithstanding a life-time
of earnest work, he was popular neither with the people nor
with the aristocracy. Notwithstanding this he was a useful
monarch, and the empire was well governed during his reign.
But for certain actions, and especially for his brutality towards
the Jews, he would deserve a very high place among Roman
emperors.
136. Hadrian had adopted a man named iElius Verus as his
successor. Verus was unworthy of the position, and the
adoption was an unpopular act. Fortunately, he died before
Hadrian. The emperor then adopted Titus Antoninus, a man
of consular rank, fifty-two years of age ; and of an excellent
138. disposition. A few months after the adoption of Antoninus,
Hadrian died. His important reign had lasted nearly twenty-
one years.
CHAPTER XVII.
ANTONINUS PIUS.
Titus Aurelius Fulvus Boionius Antoninus (Antoninus 138.
Pius) now ascended the throne. He had not been eager for the
dignity, for when Hadrian, who was only ten years his senior,
offered to adopt him, he took a month to consider whether he
should accept the honour or not. Fortunately for Rome he did
accept it, for he was one of the best of her emperors.
As Antoninus was himself also childless, Hadrian required
that he should nominate two heirs, Marcus, the nephew of
Antoninus himself, better known as Marcus Aurelius, and
Lucius Verus, son of that ^lius Verus who had so lately died.
At the accession of Antoninus, Marcus Aurelius was seven-
teen years of age, whilst Verus was a child of eight. Some
years after Marcus Aurelius married Faustina, the niece of
^lius Verus, and was admitted by Antoninus as consort, being 147.
then about twenty-five. He also received the title of Caesar,
and was presumptive successor. He was not entrusted for
some time however with much active share in the adminis-
tration. Lucius Verus, on the other hand, did not receive these
public acknowledgments, and it seems clear that Antoninus did
not mean that the supreme power should be divided, Marcus
was meant to be the successor, but should he die, Verus would
be chosen.
Antoninus reigned for twenty-three years, and so well that
there is little to record concerning his reign. The empire had
rest. There were wars on the frontier, but not wars of much
consequence. Hadrian's skilful policy followed by the peace-
ful attitude taken up by Antoninus secured a period of quiet.
In Britain only was there any serious trouble. The north-
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136 THE EOMAN EMPIRE
ern tribes rebelled but were reduced by the prefect Lollius
Urbius, To check the incursions of the Caledonians a ram-
part was constructed from the Clyde to the Forth. Agricola
had attempted this some years before. It was now done thor-
oughly. The rampart consisted of a ditch forty feet wide and
twenty feet deep, and an earth wall. On the south side of
the ditch ran a military road, and there were ten entrenched
camps. Portions of the rampart still exist, known as Graham's
dyke.
This formidable rampart was originally about thirty-seven
miles long. It extended from Carriden on the Forth to
West Kilpatrick on the Clyde. Like Hadrian's wall between
the Sol way and the Tyne it served a double purpose. It kept
back the outer barbarians and made the inner barbarians more
peaceful. As a result the district between the walls was soon
filled with colonists and became prosperous.
Hadrian had travelled in the provinces so continuously that
he had been unpopular in Rome. Antoninus went to the other
extreme, for he only left Italy once during his reign. But the
provinces were not neglected. He endeavoured to prevent
oppression in tax-collecting, and encouraged long periods of
office so that provincial governors might better understand their
work and more fully identify themselves with the people whom
they governed.
By avoiding fresh conquest, wastefulness in public displays,
and extravagance at Court, Antoninus was able to reduce
taxation, deal generously with the people, and leave a magnifi-
cent balance in the treasury at his death.
In the field of legislation and jurisprudence Antoninus laid
the foundation for much excellent work. The able men
amongst the Romans, deprived of the sphere for the exercise of
mental energy which a modern finds in parliamentary duties,
devoted much of their time to the study of legal subtleties
with results which still benefit the civilised world. Roman
law is the most abiding monument of the Roman Empire.
Augustus had greatly encouraged legal stud}'-, and Hadrian,
ANTONINUS PIUS 137
acting under the advice of the jurists of his time, and especi-
ally of Salvius Julianus, the most eminent, had, by the draw-
ing up of the edictiim, perpetuum and the extension of the
jus respondendi, further systematised legal procedure.
Antoninus proceeded further in the same direction. He
appointed Salvius Julianus to be prefect of the city, and gave
other eminent men much encouragement. By this wise action
he substantially helped forward the golden age of Roman
jurisprudence which is generally placed in the beginning of the
third century.
The Institutes of Gaius were written in this reign, and
published perhaps the very year in which Antoninus died. On
this work nearly four centuries later Justinian based his Insti-
tutes, but, though this was known, no copy of the writings of
Gaius had ever been found. At last, in 1816, Niebuhr, a
German specialist, discovered in the library of Verona a
palimpsest. On careful investigation he found that a parch-
ment with the Institutes of Gaius had been scraped and the
letters of St. Jerome written above. With the aid of chemicals
and the microscope St. Jerome was removed and Gaius stood
revealed. Some of it could not be deciphered, but enough was
found to greatly widen our knowledge of Roman law.
Antoninus was no mere patron of lawyers, he was himself
a legislator of merit. He alleviated the condition of slaves,
greatly circumscribed the use of torture in examination, and
laid down the principle, now universally accepted, even if
somewhat indifferently acted upon, that every accused person
should be deemed innocent until he has been proved guilty.
Antoninus also laid special stress upon the consideration of
equitable principles as well as legal rules. To use his own
words : —
" Etsi nihil facile mutandum est ex sollemnibus tamen ubi
sequitas evidens poscit, subviendum est ". Which we may
translate: "Although customary rules are not to be lightly
set aside, yet when equity clearly demands it they must be "
(Dig. iv., 1, 7).
138 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
The emperor was a religious man and zealous for the
national faith. But his zeal did not incline him to persecute
others, and when he heard that the populace in certain cities
were harrying the Christians, he issued rescripts ordering that
the outrages should be repressed,
Justin Martyr's first Apology for the Christian faith was
addressed to Antoninus at Rome about 148 a.d. Afterwards
Justin inscribed a second Apology, a sort of appendix to the
first.
Justin appeals on behalf of the men who are hated and
reviled by the whole human race. He demands that they
should not be condemned unheard, but that the charges
against them should be investigated. If they can be sub-
stantiated let punishment be awarded ; but if no one can con-
vict the Christians of any crime, then true reason forbids that
the emperor, on account of a wicked rumour, should wrong
blameless men, or rather wrong himself, which he would do if
he decided not by judgment but by passion. He concludes by
saying; "If these things seem to you to be reasonable and
true, honour them ; but if nonsensical, despise them as non-
sense ; only do not decree death against those who have done
no wrong. For we forewarn you that if you continue in the
course of injustice, you cannot escape the impending judgment
of God."
We cannot say whether Justin's efforts produced any eflfect
on Antoninus, or suggested his action in favour of the
Christians. But we thankfully acknowledge that the emperor
was mild and tolerant towards them, and protected them from
the violence of the mob. Such, indeed, was -his reputation
among the Christians for toleration that some even looked
upon him as favourable to their creed.
Marcus Aurelius, in his Meditations, gives a picture of
Antoninus which we may produce, translating freely : —
" He was meek, constant, free from vanity, assiduous,
accessible to all, impartial, and moderate. He examined
accurately into affairs, and heard the opinions of others with
ANTONINUS PIUS 139
patience. He avoided favouritism, yet was careful never to
neglect his friends. He had a contented mind and a cheerful
countenance. He disliked flattery, and adhered strictly to
economy, even though some accused him of meanness. He
was of mature mind and sound judgment, able to govern both
himself and others."
From all that we know of Antoninus Pius we believe this
judgment to be just. He lived a singularly blameless life, and
ruled the Roman world with discretion. Rome had greater
emperors than Antoninus Pius, but no emperor more worthy
of our esteem.
Antoninus died in his villa at Lorium in the seventy-fourth 161,
year of his age, having reigned for twenty-three years.
CHAPTER XVIII.
MARCUS AURELIUS.
161, Marcus Aurelius Antoninus was born at Rome 121 a.d., and
was, therefore, forty years of age when he ascended the throne.
No Roman emperor has been handed down to posterity with
greater encomiums. This makes it less easy to deal with his
memory in the present instance. Perceiving with what bias
ancient historians write we have endeavoured to judge every
man by his works, and we think the principle just. But if we
apply it in the present instance we shall find ourselves greatly
out of harmony with the prevailing sentiment.
The reign of Marcus Aurelius was an unhappy one for
Rome. In it for the first time the symptoms of imperial
decline are unmistakably seen. We cannot blame Marcus
Aurelius for this, for the disease that killed Rome was one of
long standing. If it came to the surface in his reign he can-
not be held responsible. Yet he did nothing to check the
disease and some things to make it more desperate.
Apart, however, from this aspect of the case, we can see
little to praise in this emperor. He was a bad financier, a
feeble general, and, there is much reason to believe, a cruel
man. Why, then, has posterity so lauded him ? Partly at
least because he was a philosopher and left behind him an
interesting book of meditations which present him in a some-
what favourable light.
With the emperor as a philosopher we are not concerned.
He may have been an excellent one. But history has shown
that good philosophers may be bad kings, and that philosophers
can be as cruel as other men. Whatever, therefore, the merits
of Marcus Aurelius may be in this respect they should not in-
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MARCUS AURELIUS 141
fluence our judgment concerning his reign. A king must be
judged by his deeds. Thus judged we find little in the reign
of Marcus Aurelius deserving of esteem, far less of fulsome
praise.
Antoninus Pius had by the command of Hadrian adopted
two heirs, Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus. He made the
former his colleague and showed b}^ this and by his death-bed
instructions that it was his desire that he should be his suc-
cessor. Accordingly the succession took place with general
concurrence.
Marcus began his career with an action which was good-
natured but dangerous. He requested the senate to confer
upon his adoptive brother, Lucius Verus, equal rights and
privileges with himself. This was an innovation. It had been
common enough for an emperor to have a consort with sub-
ordinate powers and a lien upon the succession. Marcus
AureHus had been such an one himself. But the joint rule
of two equal emperors was a different matter. Fortunately in
the present instance it made little difference, for Lucius was
easy going and let Marcus govern. Moreover he did not live
very long.
The attitude of the emperor towards the Senate was satis-
factory. He refused to bind himself as his predecessors had
done never to condemn a senator to death. He also used his
power of election to the Senate freely. But he showed the
senators deference and laid important matters before them.
Thus even if he did not take their advice he gratified them by
letting them know what was going on. His treatment of the
senate had probably much to do with the favour shown him
by historians of the period.
Marcus improved the civil service by the introduction of
under-secretaries in the various departments. He curtailed
the freedom of municipalities, but he gave greater freedom to
public associations, thus reversing the suspicious attitude of
Trajan.
As a financier the emperor was a failure. Antoninus Pius
142 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
had been extremely careful, and had thus been able not only
to carry out important public works and reduce taxation, but
to leave a balance of £21,000,000 in the treasury when he died.
Marcus praises his carefulness in words already quoted, yet he
did not follow in his footsteps for a single hour. He was
lavish and imprudent from the beginning. Following the
example of the worst class of emperors he began his reign by
giving huge gifts to the soldiers. Each soldier of the Praetorian
guard received £160, and the other soldiers in proportion. He
also bestowed much largess upon the Roman people and in-
creased the number of those who were entitled to receive doles
of food. In this way he obtained a fleeting popularity, but
his action was unjust to the taxpayers throughout the em-
pire and injurious to the character of the already sufficiently
pauperised inhabitants of Rome.
In these foolish ways the treasure left by Antoninus was
speedily dissipated. The consequences were serious, for in the
reign of Marcus Aurelius the peace which had characterised
the empire during the days of Hadrian and Antoninus came to
a sudden end, and the empire had not only to face war in the
East but also the most formidable attack from the barbarian
tribes that it had yet encountered.
Moreover, during this reign a terrible pestilence afflicted the
empire. Had Marcus been the most prudent of financiers he
would have found his task hard. As things were, the imperial
finance collapsed. The crown jewels were pawned, the gold
coinage was depreciated until it went out of circulation, and
even the silver coinage was called in that it might be reissued
in depreciated form.
Shortly after the accession of Marcus Aurelius war broke
out with Parthia. The Parthian king, Vologeses, an able man,
who had again united the Parthian realm, endeavoured to
regain the ascendency in Armenia which Parthia had lost, and
presumed to set Pacorus, his nominee, upon the throne. The
matter could probably have been adjusted by negotiation as it
had been before, but Severianus, the governor of Cappadocia,
MAECUS AUEELIUS 143
acted with undue precipitation, crossed the Euphrates and
invaded Parthia. Even had war been desirable his Ibrces were
inadequate ; they were annihilated and he slew himself. The
Parthians, elated by their victory, carried the war into Roman
territory, invaded Syria and again defeated the Roman forces.
The matter was now serious and Verus, the joint emperor,
proceeded to the East with reinforcements and undertook the 162,
conduct of the war. Being, however, destitute of military
talent, he wisely remained at Antioch enjoying himself whilst
his officers did the work. Of these the leaders were Priscus
Verus and Avidius Cassius.
Priscus Verus recovered Armenia and placed a Roman
nominee upon the throne instead of Pacorus. Avidius Cassius,
who became governor of Syria, invaded Mesopotamia and
carried the Roman arms as far as Media. Seleucia and Ctesi-
phon were destroyed.
Thus the Parthian war ended, successful from a military
point of view, but carrying with it dire results of which
no one could have dreamt. There was at the time of the
war a virulent plague in the Euphrates Valley, and the
Roman armies brought it with them to Europe. Wherever
they marched the infection spread. Those were the days of
Galen, so celebrated as a physician, and he left a description of
the symptoms. " Pustules," he says, " appeared upon the body,
accompanied by inward heat and putrid breath, with hoarse-
ness and cough. If the imposthumes broke there was a chance
of recovery, if not, the patient was certain to die." The
ravages of this plague have been compared to those of the
Black Death in the fourteenth century. Italy especially
suffered. In Rome immense numbers died. In the rural
districts towns were left almost without inhabitant. Niebuhr
has said that the ancient world never recovered from the blow
thus inflicted upon it, and there can be no doubt that it had
far-reaching results.
Scarcely had the joint-emperors enjoyed their triumph for
success in the Parthian War than war broke out on the Euro- 166,
IM THE EOMAN EMPIRE
pean frontiers of the empire. The war arose out of a vast
tribal invasion in which many tribes took part. Of these the
Marcomanni and the Quadi were the most prominent. The
tribes broke into the Danubian provinces and overran Dacia,
Pannonia, Raetia, and Noricum. Nay, more, they did that
which no barbarian tribes had presumed to do for two cen-
turies, they invaded the sacred soil of Italy itself, crossing the
Julian Alps and laying siege to Aquileia.
The barbarians were doubtless encouraged to greater effron-
tery from the fact that a portion of the army of the Danube
had been withdrawn for the Parthian War. It is probable,
however, that the invasion did not proceed primarily from the
deliberate action of the frontier tribes, but that they were
forced across by the tribes behind them. It was, in fact, the
first of a series of movements destined in the end to change
the whole character of the Roman empire.
168. Both emperors went to the front. As they advanced the
invaders retreated and would have been glad of peace. A
Roman camp was formed at Aquileia, but the plague con-
tinued to be so virulent, and the legions were so thinned by
sickness and death, that it was not easy to keep a fighting
force in the field. It is interesting to know that Galen was
consulted about the health of the camp, but at such a time he
could do little.
169. Verus died and Marcus had to carry on the war alone. It
lasted with slight intermissions until his own death eleven
years later. For some time the Romans had no success, but
gradually the tide turned. Marcus made terms with certain
of the tribes and persuaded them to fight the others. This
method of meeting the barbarian difiiculty became popular
with the Roman government in later years.
In the end the integrity of the frontier was maintained,
but the exhausting effects of the combination of war and pes-
tilence were long felt in the empire. Perhaps the most im-
portant result of the war was that from it dates the policy of
transplanting barbarians to the Roman side of the frontier.
MARCUS AURELIUS U5
Marcus endeavoured to settle the question in this way. He
made settlements in Pannonia, Moesia and Dacia. He even
endeavoured to establish a barbarian colony near Ravenna,
but it did not succeed as the colonists endeavoured to seize the
city itself. Elsewhere, however, the arrangement was per-
manent. Whole tribes were granted lands in the frontier
provinces, the colonists being bound to perform military
service.
The policy of transplanting had in the end disastrous
results so far as the integrity of the empire was concerned, for
it was destroyed quite as much by sympathisers with invaders
inside the empire as by the invaders themselves. But though
the filling up of vacant places with Teutonic tribes may have
ruined the empire, we cannot contend that it was not for the
ultimate good of mankind. And had there been less selfishness
and more foresight in high places, the policy of transplanting
need not have been injurious even to the empire itself.
Whilst Marcus was engaged on the Danubian frontier,
there was a serious revolt in Syria. Avidius Cassius, the
general who had been so successful against the Parthians, was
governor there. The reign of Marcus had not been so success-
ful as to inspire much loyalty, and there was a general impres-
sion that he was better at philosophy than at government. A
rumour reached the troops that he was dead, so they pro-
claimed their general Cassius emperor in his stead. But when
the rumour of his death was contradicted, and it was known
that he was on his way to the East, the soldiers, not very
keen on the business, murdered Cassius. Marcus treated the
other conspirators with lenity, and so the rebellion was at an
end.
When the emperor returned to Rome he found that war
had broken out again on the Danube, and he had to go thither.
This time he was accompanied by his son Commodus. We
have few details of the war, but Marcus seems to have been
successful on the whole. Whilst it was yet in progress the
emperor died at Vindobona, whereupon Commodus at once
VOL. II. 10
146 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
180. granted favourable terms to the Marcommani and the QuadI
and returned to Rome.
During the reign of Marcus Aurelius the Christians were
bitterly persecuted. Since the days of Nero they had enjoyed
a certain amount of rest. Vespasian had not persecuted.
Domitian persecuted to a certain extent. Nerva was kind.
Trajan said, somewhat illogically, that Christians need not be
sought out, but that if informations were laid against them
they must be punished. In the beginning of Hadrian's reign
there was persecution, but when his attention was called to it
he forbade it, and it ceased. When Antoninus Pius heard
that the Christians were being hunted down in certain parts
of the empire he at once checked the persecution. We have
said that he may have been influenced in his benevolent action
by Justin's Apology. At Rome Justin addressed his first
Apology to the emperor about 148 a.d. Afterwards, perhaps
in 161, he inscribed a second Apology to Marcus Aurelius.
It is highly probable that the emperor was acquainted
with the contents of these Apologies. Yet, reversing the
policy of Antoninus, his adoptive father, he allowed the
Christians to be persecuted during his reign without let or
hindrance.
The persecution was worse than anything that had gone
before. Nero's persecution was probably limited to Rome,
that during the reign of Marcus Aurelius was carried through-
out the empire. Moreover, whereas formerly persecution had
been largely the work of the ignorant mob, local governors
and judges now took it up ofiicially. Disregarding Trajan's
rule that Christians should not be sought out, they instigated
informations and examined witnesses by torture in order to
obtain evidence against their victims.
Some contend on behalf of Marcus Aurelius that he may
have been ignorant of what was going on. Even this would
l^ve been reprehensible, and would have demonstrated his
uniitness for the imperial position. But the supposition is
inconsistent with facts. His own writings show that he knew
MAECUS AUEELIUS 147
about the Christians, and he issued rescripts upon the subject
of the persecution.
Nor was the emperor misled by the wild charo-es made
by the vulgar against the Christians. Those charges received
no official sanction. The Christians were officially accused of"
refusing to worship the national gods and of nothing more.
The gods that were good enough for an emperor and a
philosopher should have been good enough for them. It was
" obstinacy," that was all.
Accordingly, during this reign, no effort was made to check
the passions of the mob or the yet more deadly hatred of the
official. Nor was the emperor's position merely passive. In
177 A.D. he issued a rescript providing for the punishment of
new sects, and when there was some doubt as to how in certain
cases Christians should be dealt with, Marcus Aurelius in a
second rescript ordered that those who denied the faith should
be set free, and that those who confessed it should be beaten
to death. "This did not apply to Roman citizens over whom
a governor had not power of life and death" (Bury, Roman
Empire, p. 580).
Many Christians of both sexes were tortured and put to
death in this reign, the persecution extending over almost the
whole area of the empire. Among those who suffered was
Justin, surnamed the Martyr, of whose efforts to defend the
Christians we have spoken. He was a Samaritan, born at
Nablus, the ancient Shechem. The martyrdom took place
165 A.D., about four years after the presentation of the second
Apology. He was beheaded at Rome.
In Asia Minor the persecution raged violently. Amongst
many martyrs the aged Polycarp stands prominent. He had
known the Apostle John personally, and may have been
appointed by him to the see in Smyrna. He may even have
been the Angel of the Church at Smyrna referred to in the
Apocalypse. " Revile Christ," urged the proconsul, " and I
will set thee at liberty,"
" Revile Christ ! " answered Polycarp. " Eighty and six
148 THE KOMAN EMPIEE
years have I served him, and he never did me wrong ; how
can I revile him, my King, my Saviour ? "
In Gaul also the storm of persecution was severe, especially
in the cities of Lyons and Vienne. There was no regard of
age and sex. The leading members of the Churches were
apprehended, and the most cruel tortures were used, even
upon delicate women. A few drew back, the great majority
endured suffering and met death with constancy.
Amongst the sufferers was Pothinus, Bishop of Lyons. He
was ninety years of age, and might well have been spared.
Yet he was dragged about, and beaten and kicked to death.
Attains, a Roman citizen, was placed in an iron chair at
the games and. roasted to death.
Blandina, a woman, was subjected to unheard-of torture,
and at last was enclosed in a net and gored by a bull. Re-
peatedly tossed, yet still living, she was despatched with the
sword.
All these horrors were perpetrated during the reign of
" the wise, the virtuous, the much-suffering Aurelius," whom
an eminent historian. Dean Merivale, has ventured to compare
with our great and good King Alfred.
There is a common saying that the best kings have been
the worst persecutors. May it not rather be that the worst
persecutors have been handed down to posterity as the best
kings ? Until comparatively modern times the writing of
history was in the hands of the official and ecclesiastical
classes, who believed in the repression of all who would not
conform to the worship prescribed by the State, and who
doubtless considered the attitude of Marcus Aurelius towards
Christianity all that could be desired.
CHAPTER XIX.
ROMAN LITERATURE UNDER THE EARLY EMPERORS.
L. Ann^us Seneca, the famous philosopher, was born at 3 a.d.
Corduba, in Spain. He was brought to Rome as a child and
educated there. Afterwards he became an ardent rhetorician
and philosopher, professing Stoicism,
Seneca was banished to Corsica by Claudius, but was after- 41.
wards recalled through the influence of Agrippina, who was
now married to the emperor. He was made tutor to Nero, her
son by a former husband, and he had a great influence over
Nero during the early years of his reign.
Though he owed his recall and his position to Agrippina, he 60.
cUd all he could to rob her of her son's aflfections, he was a
party to her murder, and he wrote a letter to the Senate to
justify it. There is too much reason to beheve that he en-
couraged Nero in profligacy in order to undermine his mother's
influence. Some writers pretend that Seneca was Nero's
victim, but seeing that Seneca was more than fifty years of age
when Nero became emperor, and that Nero was then a mere
stripHng, this is absurd.
Seneca used his position at court to enable him to amass
vast wealth. He was a moneylender of the worst type, and
one of the saddest rebeUions in Britain, that which ended in
the death of Queen Boadicea, is said to have been in great
measure the result of his extortions. At length he lost liis
position at court and retired, but being involved in the con-
spiracy of Piso, he was ordered to commit suicide.
Seneca was neither a good man nor a great man, but he
was a voluminous writer and a man of much mental power.
Of liis works which are extant the most important are twelve
(149)
150 THE EOMAN EMPIRE
books of philosophical dialogues, discoursing on anger, pro-
vidence, the brevity of life and such matters. Two of the
books discourse on clemency. They were written after Nero's
accession, and it is from one of these that the famous anecdote
is taken about Nero's wish that he could neither read nor write
in order that he might not have to sign a warrant for execution.
Seneca's writings show that his knowledge extended over
a wide area. But he was neither original nor profound, and
probably wrote rather for political influence than for literary
reputation. He said some good things, however. " God dwells
in the soul of the slave as well as in that of the knight," and
"The wise man receives neither injury nor insult," may be
mentioned as examples. The sayings are neither very deep
nor very original, but the truths are clearly expressed.
23. C. Plinius Secundus (Pliny the Elder) was born at Como.
He came of a wealthy family, was well educated, and filled im-
portant public offices. He had travelled widely and served
both in the army and navy. At the time of his death he was
admiral of the fleet which lay at Misenum, in the Bay of Naples.
Pliny the Elder was an indefatigable student, and had a
habit of taking notes upon every subject that interested him.
He left a mass of undigested notes behind him when he died.
The only work of his which has come down to us is a
natural history. This title in those days covered a wider area
than it would now. The work, which is dedicated to Titus
and is in thirty-six books, deals with astronomy, botany,
geography, mineralogy, physics and zoology. Some one has
said that it touches upon 20,000 matters of importance, and
draws its materials from 2,000 volumes. It is, however, merely
an accumulation of matter in which the true and the false are
so intermingled that it is void of scientific value. Pliny also
wrote a history of the German wars, a grammatical treatise,
and various other books.
He died at Vesuvius, 79 A.D., and the manner of his death
is described in a letter from Pliny, his nephew, to Tacitus. We
EOMAN LITEEATUEE UNDEE EAELY EMPEEOES 151
have already referred to this in tlie chapter which deals with
the reign of Titus.
C. SiLius Italicus was a lawyer, and filled various public 25.
offices. He was consul in the year in which Nero perished,
and was afterwards pro-consul of Asia. When seventy-five
years of age he was smitten by an incurable disease, and
suffered so much that he starved himself to death.
The great work of Silius was entitled the Punica, a heroic
poem in seventeen books. It has come down to us entire. It
narrates incidents of the Second Punic War, and is neither
original nor interesting. Silius was a devoted admirer of
Virgil, and his work abounds in imitations of his favourite poet.
A. Persius Flaccus (Persius) was born at Volaterra, in 34.
Etruria. He was a writer of satire, not very original, for he
copies Horace somewhat closely. The want of originaHty is
hid under mannerism, and his writing is often strained and
even obscure. But he died in 62 A.D., only twenty-eight
years of age, so that he might have grown out of his man-
nerisms. He seems to have been an earnest-minded man, and
there is much to commend in the six short satires which he
has left.
M. Fabius Quintilianus (Quintilian) was born at Gala- 35.
gurris, in Spain. He came to Rome in Galba's train, practised
at the bar, and was successful both as an advocate and a
teacher. Among his pupils was the younger Pliny.
Quintihan was the first to hold the professorial chair of
rhetoric at Rome, owing his appointment to Vespasian who
founded it.
The most important work of this writer wliich we have is
Institutio Oratorice, the training of an orator. Tliis book
begins with the most elementary education, and goes on to
describe what should be the training of a man destined for
pubHc life. It is a good book, laying down sound rules, and
pointing the students to the best models.
152 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
39. M. Ann^eus Lucanus. — This genius was a nephew of
Seneca, and was born at Corduba in Spain, He came to Rome
at an early age, and quickly became famous as a reciter in
Latin and Greek. At first he was favourably noticed by Nero
but was afterwards viewed with jealousy, and even forbidden
to recite. Unfortunately he was mixed up with the con-
es, spiracy of Piso. Alarmed for his safety, he turned informer,
and caused the death of several. At last he slew himself. He
was only twenty-six years of age, and the poem of Pharsalia,
the only extant production of his of which we are possessed,
shows considerable power. Had he lived he might have de-
veloped into a great poet.
43. M. Valerius Marti alis (Martial) was an epigrammatic
poet. He was born at Bilbilis in Spain, came to Rome 66 a.d.
and died in Spain 104 a.d. He left an enormous number of
short poems, some 1,500 in all. They deal with an infinite
variety of subjects, and show an abundance of wit and a fertile
imagination. They also probably describe a certain side of
Roman life as it was in his day. But it was a bad side, and
Martial's writings show that he must have been a bad man.
Making every allowance for the fact that he was probably
poor, and wrote in order to attract favour, he must be con-
victed of having prostituted his pen. But he was very clever.
45. P. Papinius Statius, born at Naples, was the son of
Domitian's tutor. His father was also a poet, and wrote on
the burning of the Capitol. A number of his works are ex-
tant, enough to show that he had a poetical gift, though not of
a very high order. His most ambitious work was the Thebaid,
a heroic poem in twelve books. Another heroic poem dealt
with the exploits of Achilles. Statius was a court poet, and
flatters the emperor and his favourites unduly.
54. C. Cornelius Tacitus was probably born in one of the
last years of Claudius, or in the first of Nero, that is about 54
A.D. His parentage and family are unknow]i, and such per-
EOMAN LITEKATURE UNDER EARLY EMPERORS 153
sonal history as we have concerning him comes from his own
works or from tlie letters of the younger Pliny who was his
personal friend. Eleven of Pliny's letters are addressed to
Tacitus. It is probable, however, that he belonged to a family
of some standing, because he was admitted to the quaestorship
and Senate at an early age.
It is Hkely that Tacitus was at some time a pupil of Quin-
tiHan, and that he was a young man of good character and
promise, for when about twenty-three years of age he was 77.
betrothed to the daughter of Agricola, then consul. His early
days were spent at the bar, his official career began under
Vespasian, and he received favour from both Titus and Domi-
tian. When in the prime of life he was associated with Pliny lOO.
in the prosecution of Marius Priscus, pro-consul of Africa ; and
an inscription from Mylasa in Caria shows that he was for a
time pro-consul of Asia.
There is no evidence that Tacitus left any children, but he
was claimed as an ancestor by his namesake the emperor Taci-
tus in the tliird century. The people of Terni claimed the
historian as their citizen, and erected a tomb to him, which was
destroyed in the latter part of the sixteenth century by Pius
V. as that of an enemy of Christianity. The Dialogue on
Orators is generally accepted as the first work of Tacitus. It
was probably written in the earlier part of Domitian's reign.
It shows strong republican sympatliies and anti-imperial bias.
It is clear from the writings of Tacitus that he hated the em-
pire, and only accepted it because there was no alternative.
In the Dialogue on Orators Tacitus traces and explains the
decline of oratory in Rome.
The Agricola was written by Tacitus, most probably in
the reign of Trajan. It gives an account of the life of his
father-in-law, especially of that part of his career which was
associated with the invasion of Britain, The campaigns are
described, and a superficial account of the island is given.
Tacitus shows what we may describe as an amiable weakness
in over-rating his father-in-law. He draws his life and charaC'
154 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
ter in very bright colours, and gives him a higher place in
history than fairly belongs to him.
The Germania describes the geography of Germany and
the manners and institutions of the German tribes. It con-
trasts the simplicity and purity of German life with the arti-
ficiality of life in Rome. Some have even believed that the
book was meant as a satire upon Roman hfe. But this is not
probable. As it stands, the book gives an interesting sketch
of the manners and customs of our Saxon forefathers, em-
bellished no doubt, but as nearly correct as Tacitus could judge.
Tacitus wrote a History, consisting of fourteen books, of
which unhappily only four and a portion of the fifth remain.
The work gave an account of the history of twenty-seven
years, between the deaths of Nero and Domitian.
The work called the Annals must have been a history of
great importance. It began with the reign of Augustus and
went on to the death of Nero. Much of it has been lost, but
much remains. In the Annals the chief events are arranged
chronologically, and Tacitus of course does not write as a con-
temporary historian.
Tacitus was a master of style. His work is always good,
sometimes brilliant. But as a historian he leaves much to be
desired. He wrote for eft'ect and he sacrificed fact for art
when it suited his purpose. Probably he did not mean to be
unfair. But in the empire he saw only Rome, and in Rome he
saw only the Senate. It was nothing to him that emperors
Hke Tiberius and Claudius were working earnestly for the wel-
fare of the many miUions in the provinces so long as they
disregarded the interest of a score of Roman aristocrats, who
thought that the world revolved for their special benefit. This
spirit, which is unfortunately not peculiar to Tacitus but is
shared hj many ancient historians, permeates his writing and
diminishes its historical value. If an emperor did not please
the Senate, then all that was good in his life is treated lightly
and anything that was evil is painted in the blackest colours.
The picture is effective but too lurid to be true to nature.
ROMAN LITERATUEE UNDER EARLY EMPERORS 155
To Tacitus belongs the honour of having been the first
heathen writer to distinctly notice Christianity. We have
already quoted the passage in dealing with the reign of Nero.
Tacitus was a child of about six years when the persecution of
which he speaks took place. He does not beheve in the charge
of incendiarism which was brought against the Christians, but
thinks they were criminals and deserving of the severest
punishment. PHny the Younger writes in much the same
tone, and from their views upon this subject we can see how
httle we can rely upon the opinions of ancient historians
where those opinions are not supported by the evidence of
facts.
Decimus Junius Juvenalis (Juvenal) was born at Aqui- 55.
num. He was a rhetorician, but had served in the army
and was in Britain with Agricola. Sixteen satires written
by him are extant, published in five books, and dealing with
the social vices of his age. The verses are forcible but often
coarse, and it would seem that Juvenal only saw one side of
life, and that by no means the best side. Some of his satire,
such as that wliich describes love of finery and pride of birth,
is widely applicable even at the present day.
C. Plinius C.ecilius (PHny the Younger) was nephew 61.
and ward of PHny the Elder, and was born at Como. He
studied under QuintiHan, became an advocate, and afterwards
filled many pubhc oSices. What we know of his life is derived
chiefly from his own letters. These were collected by himself
and were written in some measure with a view to pubHcation,
but they are not the less interesting on that account.
The most valuable part of the collection is to be found in
the letters from PHny to Trajan with Trajan's repHes. From
these we can gather some fight as to the methods of Rome's
provincial rule. We have already noticed in dealing with the
reign of Trajan two of the letters, one which shows how greatly
averse Trajan was to the establishment of associations which
however harmless they might appear to be he thought always
156 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
tended to become political ; and the other written concerning
the treatment of Christians in Bithynia, This last letter with
Trajan's reply is of the greatest interest, but has already been
fully dealt with in our historj^ Like Tacitus, Pliny had no
evidence against the Christians ; they met early, sang hymns,
and took oath not to commit crimes, that was all he could find
out about them ; nevertheless it was clear that they followed a
perverse and extravagant superstition, and were worthy of
death.
Another of Pliny's letters, already noticed, gives an account
of the eruption of Mount Vesuvius, in connection with which
the elder PHny met his death. The letter is to Tacitus, and is
of much interest.
Phny's letters give good pictures of the Roman society of
his day, and show that their writer, though by no means great,
was a highly cultured man.
75. C. Suetonius Tranquillus was a friend of Pliny and
private secretary to Hadrian. He fell out witli the emperor
and was dismissed, after which he employed himself at litera-
ture. The chief work of his which is extant deals with the
lives of twelve emperors, from Juhus Csesar to Domitian. The
work is rather biographical than historical ; he has collected a
large number of anecdotes about the emperors, sometimes
scandalous, mostly exaggerated, and often untrue. Neverthe-
less they give a picture of a sort of the court hfe of that day.
Suetonius also wrote the biographies of certain illustrious
men, of which are extant in part the hves of Terence, Horace,
Lucan and the elder Phny.
100. M. Cornelius Fronto, a Numichan by birth, and a man of
considerable learning, was chosen by Antoninus as tutor to his
adopted sons Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus. A paHmpsest
found at Milan gives a number of letters which had passed be-
tween Fronto, Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurehus, Lucius Verus
and various friends, as well as some short essays. Afterwards,
EOMAN LITEEATUKE UNDEE EAELY EMPEEOES 157
upwards of 100 new letters were discovered on a palimpsest in
the Vatican Librar}^
Fronto was famous in his time, and a sect of rhetoricians
arose who were called Frontoniani. His letters also are in-
teresting because of the glimpses they give of the simple daily
life of Antoninus Pius and of other matters. But the style is
strained and affected, and the composition gives little evidence
of ability of a liigh order.
Though we have mentioned in this chapter the names of
a certain number of historians, poets and rhetoricians who
flourished in the first two centuries of the empire's history, we
must not forget that under the empire for more than five
centuries a very large proportion of Roman literary work was
not performed upon any one of these lines, but was carried on
in connection with Roman jurisprudence. If poetical talent
was becoming somewhat feeble in the empire, legal talent was
during those centuries at its best. Some of the greatest minds
of that or any other age were at that time devoted to legal
study with momentous results. In certain important countries
of Europe Roman law is still accepted as common law ; in
other important countries it has a direct influence ; in all
European countries its influence is felt. We have already
dealt Avith this subject incidentally as occasion demanded, and
want of space and perhaps tlie nature of our work renders
more detailed reference impossible. But it is worth remember-
ing that if in its later years the Roman Empire did not produce
any very important poets, it did produce some of the greatest
lawyers the world has ever seen.
CHAPTER XX.
COMMODUS.
180. The historians who have been so indulgent to Marcus Aurelius
have dealt out very hard measure to his son. With the excep-
tion perhaps of Nero, no other Roman emperor has had so many-
opprobrious epithets heaped upon his head. He was "atro-
cious," " monstrous," " worthless," contemptible," no name was
bad enough for him. There are, however, no facts in his brief
reign to justify such epithets. They are largely the product
of senatorial spite. The record of his evil doings has been
exaggerated, and some of the tales about him are apocryphal.
The story of the two reigns can be given in a few words.
Marcus Aurelius flattered the senators, and Commodus per-
secuted them, therefore the former was an angel of light, and
the latter a spirit of darkness. We do not justify Commodus
for persecuting the senators. But his action was not alto-
gether unreasonable as we shall see.
Commodus, like Nero, succeeded at a fatally early age to
the imperial throne, and was subjected to temptations which
would try the strongest and the most virtuous. But there is
no reason to believe that he was worse than the young nobles
by whom he was surrounded, and in some respects his actions
were greatly to be commended. During his reign, for example,
the persecution of the Christians ceased. Indeed, they enjoyed
favour. Hippolytus tells us that Marcia, the concubine of
Commodus, sent for the Bishop of Rome to inquire what
confessors were then in the Sardinian mines, the usual place of
exile for Roman Christians, chosen because of its unhealthiness.
On his supplying a list of the names, Marcia obtained an order
of release from the emperor, and sent it by a presbyter to the
governor of the island, who delivered up the prisoners.
(158)
COMMODUS 159
Irengeus tells us that the Christians during the reign of
Commodus enjoyed all the privileges of the commonwealth,
were permitted to go unmolested by land and sea wherever
they chose, and were even found in the imperial palace.
Seeing how many hard things have been said against Com-
modus and Marcia let these at least be remembered to their
credit.
The accusations against Commodus begin with the usual
Roman lie. He is suspected, says Dion Cassius, of having
hastened the death of his father by the administration of
poison. Of course there is no atom of foundation for the sug-
gestion. Marcus Aurelius died of fever at the age of fifty -nine,
a worn-out man.
Commodus is next attacked, and even by modern historians,
because at his father's death he at once made peace with the
tribes and returned to Rome. It is assumed that he thus aban-
doned results which his father was just on the point of achiev-
ing. As details of the war are most meagre this is mere guess
work. It is probable that Marcus Aurelius had difficulty in
holding his own in these frontier wars and only did so by
yielding to the tribes and giving them settlements in Roman
territory. Both emperor and empire were exhausted in wars
which were yielding no recompense for the hardships they
entailed. It is just as likely that in hastening to make a
treaty with the tribes Commodus was acting in accordance
with his father's dying instructions.
More disingenuous still is the suggestion that Commodus
abandoned the war because he desired to return to the licen-
tious pleasures of the capital. The accusation consorts badly
with the fact that for the first three years of his reign Com-
modus is acknowledged to have ruled well.
During his early years Commodus ruled with moderation
and success. Like his father he had refused to bind himself
never to take the life of a senator, but there was at first no
bad feeling between himself and the senatorial body.
In the third year of his reign, as he was returning from the
160 THE KOMAN EMPIEE
amphitheatre to the palace through a dark portico, an assassin
rushed upon him with a drawn sword, shouting : " The Senate
sends you this ". The assassin was seized by the guards and
Commodus was uninjured, but the incident made a deep im-
pression upon his mind. The responsibility for the attempted
assassination was shifted on to the shoulders of Lucilla, the
widow of Lucius Verus, the late emperor, who is declared to
have been jealous of the reigning empress, and, therefore, tried
to kill Commodus. As this lady was remarried and to a
senator the attempt to lay the crime upon her shoulders seems
irrational. In any case certain senators were implicated.
Commodus believed so at all events, and had ground for his
belief. From that time he became suspicious of the senatorial
body. He could see that they were unfriendly and would
supplant him if they could. We can hardly wonder if he sus-
pected them as secret enemies, and did not wait until they had
time to strike again with the assassin's knife. Public informers
were again employed and some of the senators were executed.
The execution of one enemy breeds ten and so the evil spread.
The usual charges were made against Commodus concern-
ing the employment of favourites and probably with the usual
lack of foundation. In the majority of cases such charges were
the offspring of envy. Favouritism was but another name for
ministerial government,
Perennis was for a time the chief minister. He was prefect
of the Praetorian Guards and apparently a man of great ability.
He aimed, however, at ousting the senators from military ap-
pointments and substituting men of the equestrian order. This
was enough, his enemies accused him of aspiring to imperial
power, and so worked upon the emperor that at last they
obtained the warrant for his execution.
Perennis was succeeded by Cleander. Of him a great his-
torian writes : " He was a Phrygian by birth ; of a nation,
over whose stubborn but servile temper blows only could pre-
vail. He had been sent from his native country to Rome, in
the capacity of a slave."
COMMODUS 161
Gibbon's judgment with regard to the Phrygians is based
upon an expression in one of Cicero's speeches, scarcely suffi-
cient evidence upon which to condemn a whole race. But such
is history. As for Oleander having been made a slave it was
his misfortune. Slaves sent from their native countries to
Rome were often better men than their masters, in education
and even in birth. Much of the literary work and most of the
commercial work of Rome was in the hands of slaves and
freedmen. Oleander is said to have sold justice to the highest
bidder. If this be true then he was worthy of condemnation.
We cannot condemn him as others have done for erecting baths,
porticoes, and places of exercise " for the sake of diverting the
public envy ".
During the reign of Oommodus Rome suffered from 189.
another outbreak of the plague. It is said that as many
as 2,000 persons died daily. Pestilence and famine often
stalk side by side, and this was the case in Rome. The
people, filled with misery, rioted and demanded a victim. The
enemies of Oleander easily persuaded the people that he was
responsible for the famine, and his head had to fall before the
riots could be quelled.
Two accusations are made against Oommodus, which seem
mutually contradictory. He is said to have been grossly
licentious, and at the same time a magnificent sportsman.
Very likely Oommodus was bad enough. The tone of
Roman society was hopelessly immoral, and a young emperor
would inevitably be tempted. But ancient historians are
notoriously unreliable in matters of this sort. It was their
constant habit to accuse those of whom they disapproved of
everything that was abominable. Throwing mud was their
greatest delight. But even in this there should be some
attempt at consistency. It is difficult to understand how
Oommodus could have been at once a profligate of the very
lowest type, and a sportsman of the very highest, " equalling
the most skilful of his instructors in the steadiness of the eye
and the dexterity of his hand."
VOL II. 11
162 THE KOMAN EMPIEE
" Whether he aimed at the head or heart of the animal,
the wound was alike certain and mortal. With arrows, whose
point was shaped into the form of a crescent, Commodus often
intercepted the rapid career and cut asunder the long bony-
neck of the ostrich. A panther was let loose ; and the archer
waited till he had leaped upon a trembling malefactor. In the
same instant the shaft flew, the beast dropped dead, and the
man remained unhurt. The dens of the amphitheatre dis-
gorged at once a hundred lions; a hundred darts from the
unerring hand of Commodus laid them dead as they ran rag-
ing round the arena " (Gibbon, i., p. 92).
Making every allowance for exaggeration and for the pre-
cautions which would certainly be taken to protect the person
of the young emperor, we cannot believe that these things
could have been performed by one who spent the balance of
his time " dissolved in luxury," and in the enjoyment of
pleasures of the basest sort. Superb archery such as has been
described demands an amount of nerve, a clearness of vision
and a steadiness of hand which those who have mingled with
sportsmen are not wont to associate with gross licentiousness
and loose living. If critics are inclined to say that in any
case such exhibitions were beneath the dignity of a Roman
emperor we may agree with them, yet let us not forget that
Commodus was only between twenty and thirty, just at the
age when the best and most noble of our English youth are
passionately addicted to sport, and are encouraged to excel at
it by the plaudits of the best of the English people.
Finally, Commodus is said to have attained the summit of
infamy by daring to enter the lists as a gladiator. "The
meanest of the populace," we are told, " were affected with
shame and indignation, when they beheld their sovereign
. . . glory in a profession whicli the laws and manners of the
Romans had branded with the justest note of infamy."
The laws and manners of the Romans were responsible for
many inconsistent things, and amongst other things for this
that they compelled men to fight to the death, in order that
COMMODUS 163
the citizens might have sport, and counted them infamous
because they did it. A gladiatorial show was infamous if
you like. But the infamous persons were not the wretched
combatants but the spectators, the lords and ladies whose
signals determined whether the defeated and prostrate victim
should have his throat cut out of hand, or be spared in order
that he might afford their highnesses further sport. When
Commodus descended into the arena, and fought as a gladiator
in engagements which we are informed were seldom san-
guinary, his conduct was undignified, but it was plucky, and
the word infamous should not have been used. Fighting wild
beasts and gladiators in the arena was not sport fit for an em-
peror, but it was, after all, nobler sport than hounding Chris-
tians to death.
There is some doubt as to the manner of the emperor's 192.
death. Fatigued with hunting, he ate and di-ank freely, and
then fell asleep. Some said that Marcia, his mistress, em-
ployed a man to strangle him, others that he died of apoplexy.
Death under such circumstances is not uncommon, and the
body often presents the appearance of strangulation. We
need not, therefore, believe the worst.
Commodus was thirty-two years of age, and had reigned
for thirteen years.
CHAPTER XXI.
PERTINAX, JULIANUS, SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS.
192. Pertinax. — When the senators learned that Commodus was
dead, they met, and with tumultuary votes, that is, votes
moved by one senator and chanted by the rest, declared his
memory infamous, reversed his honours, erased his titles from
monuments, and threw down his statues. They even insulted
his dead body, though we may hope that the best of them
held aloof. It was at times such as these that the senators
showed how little they could govern themselves, and therefore
how unfit they were to govern the Roman people.
At daybreak the leaders of the guards and the senators
met in conference and elected a new emperor. Their choice
fell upon P. Helvius Pertinax, one of themselves. Pertinax
was an excellent man, who had risen from the ranks, had
become a general of distinction, and had filled important
public offices. He was now prefect of the city, and sixty-six
years of age.
Pertinax ruled well, fully justifying the Senate in its
choice. Following the example of Antoninus Pius, he made
over his private property to his wife and son, thus separating
his private purse from the public money. Exiles were re-
called, informers were disgraced, public expenditure was re-
duced, and taxes were remitted, Pertinax is credited with
still wider reforms, both fiscal and agrarian, but he could
scarcely have done more than to have contemplated these
seeing how short was his reign.
The new emperor pleased neither soldiers nor populace.
Commodus had been open-handed, and this was remembered
in the face of the economy of Pertinax. Commodus had been
(164)
PERTINAX, JULTANUS, SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS 165
indulgent to the soldiers : Pertinax was severe. Accord-
ingly when he began to introduce military reforms and to
touch the privileges of the guards, they would have none of
him. Two abortive attempts were made to assassinate him,
and then some hundreds of soldiers marched to the palace and
slew him in cold blood.
The reign of Pertinax lasted for but eighty-six days. He
was a good man and worthy of a better fate.
DiDius JuLiANUS. — Elated by their success in getting rid 193.
of Pertinax the guards negotiated with Flavins Sulpicianus,
his father-in-law, pi-efect of the city, demanding to know what
donative he would give if they raised him to the throne. We
need not judge Sulpicianus harshly for thus negotiating with
the murderers of his relative ; had he refused the guards in
the temper in which they then were, he might have shared his
fate.
Whilst negotiations were pending, a wealthy senator named
Didius Julianus was also approached, and agreed to give the
soldiers £200 apiece for the prize. His offer was accepted,
and he was hailed as emperor. The senators made the best
they could of it, and conferred upon their enterprising col-
league the imperial power.
The open sale of the imperial dignity to Didius Julianus
was only another step in a very degrading process which had
been at work amongst the soldiers for some time. Claudius
was the first who gave a donative to the soldiers on his accession.
Since his reign it had been the rule. Marcus Aurelius though
he succeeded quietly gave £160 to each of the guards. The
practice was most injurious to the interests of the empire.
Clearly it was to the advantage of the soldiers that the
emperor should be often changed, for a new emperor meant a
new donative.
Being at headquarters the Praetorian guards were the first
to profit by this way of choosing emperors. But they were
not to have a monopoly of the speculation. There were regi-
166 THii EOMAN EMPIEE
ments more powerful than theirs, and it had already been dis-
covered that emperors could be made elsewhere than at Rome.
The news that the chief magistracy of the empire had been
sold to the highest bidder spread, and was received with in-
dignation by all the soldiers who had not shared in the plunder.
Amongst these the most indignant were the soldiers of the
frontier armies. There were three of these, one in Britain
commanded by Albinus, one in Pannonia commanded by Sep-
timius Severus, and one in Syria under the generalship of
Niger.
The three armies were well-balanced as regards strength,
the soldiers were in good fighting trim, they had confidence in
their generals, and they were full of contempt for the show
regiments who had presumed to constitute themselves king-
makers for the empire. Each army accordingly declared its
own general emperor, and demanded to be led to Rome.
Of the three armies that of Severus was nearest to the
capital. Accordingly, the soldiers were assembled and Severus
harangued them, promising them £400 apiece if they put him
on the throne, twice the sum that Julianus had given. The
soldiers were well satisfied ; they hailed him as emperor and
set out without delay.
Advancing by forced marches Severus soon approached the
city. Julianus was panic-stricken, and the guards knew that
they could not cope with the army of the Danube. Accord-
ingly, when Severus sent messages to Rome declaring that his
only mission was to punish the murderers of Pertinax, and
when he privately informed the guards that if they yielded
he would spare them, they deserted Julianus with one accord.
The Senate then met, deposed and executed the wretched
emperor of sixty-six days, and elected Severus in his stead.
193. Severus. — Though L. Septimius Severus had gained the
throne in such an irregular fashion he was not unworthy
of it. He was an African by birth, but of good family, and
had held important military commands under Marcus Aurelius
PEETINAX, JULIANUS, SEPTIMIUS SEVEKUS 1G7
and Commodus. He was a tried soldier and a successful
general.
On his arrival at Rome Severus ordered the soldiers of the
guard to lay down their arms and then disbanded them, and
banished them on pain of death to the distance of one hundred
miles from Rome. He then proceeded to deal with Niger and
Albinus. They were able and popular men, and Severus would
probably have been willing at first to consent to joint-rule to
conciliate either or both. But it was not so to be.
Severus first marched against Niger and defeated him in
two engagements, the former near the Hellespont, the latter in
Cilicia. In Cilicia Niger was slain. Byzantium was strongly
garrisoned and refused to surrender, so Severus laid siege to
that city. Whilst the siege was in progress he crossed the
Euphrates, and reduced some parts of Mesopotamia. Byzan-
tium resisted with great pertinacity for three years, and at
last only yielded to famine. Its inhabitants were put to the i96.
sword and its fortifications were demolished. This was an
error of judgment, for the city presented a strong bulwark
against Asiatic invasion.
Whilst these matters were in progress Severus had secured
the neutrality of Albinus by making him Caesar and promising
him the succession. But now that he had disposed of his
enemies in the East the emperor had no fancy for divided rule
and turned his forces westward. Albinus was governor both
of Britain and Gaul, so that he mustered a powerful army.
The forces encountered in Gaul near the city of Lyons and a
very terrible battle was fought. It ended with the defeat and
death of Albinus.
Severus was now undisputed master of the Roman world,
and he might well have been magnanimous to the partisans of
his defeated rivals. But it was quite otherwise. Large
numbers of provincials whose only crime had been that they
obeyed their Roman governor, were punished with exile, con-
fiscation, even death. The cities which had supported his
rivals had to purchase pardon at a great price. The senators
168 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
suffered terribly. They had cursed Commodus because he
treated them badly. But Severus' little finger was thicker
than his loins. Twenty-nine senators were condemned to
death, their estates were confiscated, their families were in-
volved with them in ruin.
198. After these things the emperor set out again for the East
to repel the invasion of the Parthians who were ravaging
Mesopotamia. He crossed the Euphrates and carried out a
series of brilliant military operations. He remained in the
East for three years, and visited Arabia, Palestine and Egypt.
From the East Severus returned to Rome and remained
there tranquilly for seven years. During those years he
ruled despotically, but not without regard for humanity and
justice His government rested entirely upon military force.
He had dismissed the guards who numbered 10,000, and sub-
stituted his own soldiers who numbered 50,000. They were
the picked troops of the frontier armies, soldiers drawn from
many nationalities, and they held Rome in awe.
The troops in Rome were well paid, and their officers lived
extravagantly, so that they were no small burden upon the
State. But this was the least of it. The worst feature of the
case was that the proximity of so many troops to Rome had
a most injurious effect upon civil jurisdiction. Whilst the
troops were under the iron hand of a man like Septimius
Severus their influence might not be so malign, but should an
emperor arise who either could not or would not control them
civil jurisdiction would be paralysed and Rome would be under
martial law.
Severus carried on the dole system in Rome on a more
lavish scale than had yet been attempted, and the displays
by which he amused the populace were specially magnificent.
He also built freely, and the arch which commemorates his
triumphs is still one of the sights of Rome. The provinces
were justly governed. It was the policy of Severus, himself a
provincial, to level distinctions between Italy and the provinces
as much as he could.
PERTINAX, JULIAN US, SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS 169
iEmiliarma Papinianus, the most celebrated of Roman
jurists, flourished in this reign. He was the teacher and
i'riond of Severus, who made him praetorian prefect jointly
with Ma3cius Lsetus, and supreme judge of Rome. Papinian
was a man of high moral worth, and in matters where he was
concerned we may be sure that the law was administered with
impartiality. Other eminent jurists, such as Paulus, Modes-
tinus and Ulpian, also flourished about this time. They were
pupils of Papinian.
Unfortunately Jews and Christians had little reason to
thank Severus. He issued an edict forbidding, under severe
penalties, conversion either to Judaism or Christianity. Many
Christians sufl'ered martyrdom dm^ing his reign, especially in
Africa and Egypt.
Near Carthage the martyrdom of Perpetua, Felicitas and
their companions took place. The narrative of the martyrdom
is well authenticated. Perpetua and Felicitas, both young
married women with infant children, were stripped, enclosed
in nets and gored by a wild cow. Wounded, but not killed,
Perpetua rose and asked permission to bind her dishevelled
hair that she might not appear to the crowd to be mourning.
Seeing Felicitas lying wounded and crushed, she went to her
and lifted her up. Then the two women, the one a lady by
birth, the other a slave, but both equally noble in the sight of
God, stood side by side awaiting the end. They were merci-
fully despatched by the sword. There is a mosaic of Perpetua
in the archbishop's palace at Ravenna.
Severus married as his second wife a distinguished Syrian
lady, Julia Domna. By her he had two sons, Bassianus (better
known as Caracalla) and Septimius Geta. Severus associated
both of his sons with himself in the imperial dignity.
After remaining about seven years at Rome Severus found 20S.
it necessary to proceed to Britain, where the province was
suffering greatly from the inroads of the Caledonians. He
took his two sons with him. He was no longer young, and
being a martyr to gout had to be carried in a litter.
170 THE KOMAN EMPIEE
Severus made a brave effort to conquer the Caledonians
and went far north, meeting the enemy in several battles. The
Caledonians seem to have avoided a general engagement for
the most part, but to have done great mischief to the Romans
by cutting off stragglers and by ambuscades. The weather
also tried the soldiers greatly. Severus, therefore, was not un-
willing to grant peace when they asked for it.
On this occasion Severus strengthened the earthwork be-
tween the Forth and Clyde (Graham's Dyke), and completed,
if he did not entirely build, the stone wall alongside Hadrian's
fortification between the Sol way and the Tyne.
The emperor had long been in failing health and he died at
York in the sixty-fifth year of his age, having reigned for
eighteen years.
CHAPTER XXII.
CARACALLA, MACRINUS, HELIOGABALUS.
Caracalla. — Severus desired that his sons, Caracalla and 211.
Geta, should reign as joint-emperors, and the soldiers, loyal
to his memory, proclaimed them as such. The young men
returned to Rome, were formally approved by the Senate, and
administered jointly. The arrangement would have been try-
ing under the best of circumstances, but was made specially
difficult in this instance from the fact that there was enmity of
long standing between the brothers.
In order to make things easier it was proposed to separate
the interest of the brothers by dividing the empire between
them. In a treaty which was being drafted it was arranged
that Caracalla, the elder brother, should take Europe and
Western Africa, while Geta took Asia and Egypt, the Bos-
phorus dividing the empires. The Romans are said to have
received these suggestions with surprise and indignation, but
in the reign of Diocletian the geographical division of the
empire between two or more emperors was made a principle of
government.
Whilst the treaty was being considered Geta was murdered. 212.
The deed was done by some centurions in the presence of Julia
Domna, the mother, who was wounded in trying to save him.
Caracalla may have directly instigated the deed or the cen-
turions may only have believed that he would be glad to have
his brother out of the way. Caracalla is said to have been
present at the murder, but the description of the event seems
coloured and unreliable. Geta's name was afterwards men-
tioned with respect, he was buried with all honour, and medals
are still extant which show that he was consecrated. This
(171)
172 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
does not carry with it the impression of wilful and deliberate
fratricide.
Caracalla now reigned alone. The legal name of the em-
peror, and the one which appears on medals and inscriptions
was Marcus Aurelius Antoninus. Caracalla was a nickname
derived from his favourite dress, the long tunic worn by the
Gauls. But it is the name by which he is best known.
The murder of Geta was followed by a proscription, and
the exile and execution of all presumed to be enemies of Cara-
calla. Twenty thousand persons are said to have suffered
death, but we may safely assume this to be a great exaggera-
tion. Two thousand would probably be nearer the figure.
Amongst those who fell was Papinian, the jurist, of whom
we have already spoken. Severus greatly esteemed him, and
it is likely that he accompanied the emperor to Britain and
was present at his death at York. Severus is said to have
commended his sons to his care. Papinian was praetorian
prefect, but Caracalla on his accession deposed him from this
office, which does not seem to have been one for which a
lawyer would be specially suitable. It is said that after the
murder of Geta, Caracalla requested Papinian to write a vindi-
cation to be read before the Senate, but that he refused. This
may have been partly the reason, but the true cause of his
execution probably was that the soldiers disliked him exceed-
ingly, and that Caracalla let his head fall in order to please
them.
That same year Caracalla took a step of enormous import-
ance to the subjects of the empire. He extended the citizenship
to all persons who were not slaves. Thus all governed by Rome
now called themselves Romans, and Italy and the provinces
became equalised. The change is said to have been made
primarily in order that the emperor might raise succession
duty over a wider area. This would be one legitimate effect
of the change, but the reform was none the less laudable.
The military consideration would certainly weigh with
Caracalla as much as the financial. Great changes were tak-
CAEACALLA, MACEINUS, HELIOGABALUS 173
ing place in the army. Italy no longer supplied the best
recruiting ground. The army was largely composed of pro-
vincials. Surely it was better that these should realise their
citizenship.
But there was another reason for the change. This was
the most important reform which had been carried in the
Roman Empire since the days of Augustus. Those whose
prejudice against Caracal! a prevents them from believing that
he could do anything praiseworthy, profess either that he de-
graded the citizenship by his action or that Roman citizenship
was now scarcely worth having. In speaking thus slightingly
of the reform they are thinking chiefly of the sutirage and are
forgetting the private law aspect of the case. In the Roman
Empire the peregrinus or alien had only the rights which be-
longed to the law of nations, that is, the common, natural rights
of man. He was debarred from all civil law rights, these were
confined to the citizen. One favoured class of aliens called
Latini had certain rights of the citizen but not others. The
provincials were mostly looked on as aliens though the jus
Lata had been conferred as a favour on particular communi-
ties. Vespasian had bestowed the jus Latii on the whole
province of Spain. The difference between the full citizen
and the alien, equally born in the empire, was a very real
difference, felt at every turn. The alien could be treated with
gross cruelty and injustice and had scarcely any appeal. A
man not legally in the citizen class was under the greatest
disability at private law and was baulked of justice at every
turn.
The Emperor Caracalla bestowed Roman citizenship on all
the provinces. After this the word alien had its modern
significance. It applied to persons born outside the limits of
the Roman empire, and to citizens who for some offence had
their citizenship taken away. This extension of Roman
citizenship was therefore of enormous importance, and must
have been felt as the greatest of blessings by millions of Cara-
calla's subjects whom he thus by one act of justice relieved
174 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
from the continual and vexatious burden of their alien con-
dition. By this act which some historians pass over so lightly
Caracalla did more for the happiness of the people than he
could have done had he added many provinces to the empire.
Other useful enactments date from this reign. There are
200 constitutions of Caracalla extant in the Code.
213. After these events Caracalla left Rome and travelled in the
provinces, carrying on successful campaigns on the Rhine, in
Egypt, and on the Euphrates. Some say that he never returned
to the capital, but there are indications that he revisited Rome
in 214 A.D. after his Rhine campaign.
Caracalla is represented by historians as a monster of
iniquity, who made every province in turn the scene of rapine
and cruelty. We are not inclined to defend war at all, but
we fail to see why it should be deemed laudable in one reign,
and spoken of as rapine and cruelty in another. Caracalla
seems to have carried out his father's policy both in civil ad-
ministration and military affairs with ability, and there is no
reason to believe that the wars waged by him had any element
of cruelty from which wars in general are free.
215. One of the worst acts of Caracalla is said to have been a
massacre ordered at Alexandria, in consequence of some allu-
sion by the citizens to the assassination of his brother. This
is a distorted view of the matter. There had been serious
conspiracies in Egypt, and Alexandria was the scene of many
tumults. The city had given the Emperor Severus much
anxiety. Perhaps the fact that he was a native of the West
African province did not commend itself to the Egyptians.
Evidently Caracalla thought a severe lesson necessary, so he
gave the city over, not to massacre, but to plunder. Doubt-
less in defending their goods many were slain. The act was
harsh and cruel, if you like, but it was not the capricious
petulant act which so many have represented it to have been.
216. From Egypt Caracalla went to Mesopotamia, where he
crossed the Euphrates and reduced the country beyond. He
had a high admiration for Alexander the Great, and perhaps
CAKACALLA, MACRINUS, HELIOGABALUS 175
some vague idea of emulating his exploits. Admiration for
Alexander was a feature of the age.
Caracalla further developed the phalanx which, it will be
remembered, Hadrian introduced. Those who understand the
subject declare that Caracalla's further development was a
great benefit.
During his second campaign in Mesopotamia, whilst visit-
ing the temple of the Moon at Carrhse, Caracalla was assas-
sinated by a soldier to whom he had refused promotion. The
assassin was instantly killed by a soldier of the guard.
Caracalla was an able man, and a useful emperor. He was
no angel, but to speak of him as " a monster whose life dis-
graced human nature" (Gibbon, chap, vi.) is absurd. He was
neither better nor worse than the rest.
Macrinus. — Macrinus, the praefect of the Praetorian Guards 217.
had accompanied Caracalla to the East, and it is said to have
been at his instigation that the emperor was assassinated. The
story, however, seems very doubtful. Certainly, if Macrinus
had anything to do with the assassination he would have done
his best to conceal the fact, for Caracalla was popular with
the soldiers, and had they suspected Macrinus, he would prob-
ably have fallen a victim to their fury.
For the moment there seemed no better choice than Ma-
crinus, so the soldiers proclaimed him emperor, and the Senate
approved the choice. Both soldiers and Senate were half-
hearted for Macrinus was not a distinguished man.
Macrinus carried on the war against the Parthians for a
time, but was defeated with heavy loss, and had to retire to
Syria, where he made Antioch his head-quarters. The defeat
greatly diminished his prestige. He also lost popularity with
the soldiers by trying to reform the army, and especially by
reducing their pay and privileges. True this was for the
moment confined to the new recruits, but the veterans feared
that it would be their turn next.
There lived at Emesa a sister of Julia Domna the widow of
176 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
Severus, by name Julia Msesa. Her grandson, a boy of thir-
teen, was a priest in the temple of the sun-god, and had taken
the name of Elagabalus or Heliogabalus, in honour of the
deity. His real name was Bassianus, so that he was both
nephew and namesake of Caraealla.
There were many Easterns in the army, and the soldiers,
seeing the boy in the temple, handsome and richly dressed,
declared that he had his uncle's features, and a report spread
that he was Caracalla's son. When therefore Macrinus became
unpopular in the army, the grandmother put the boy forward
and the troops stationed at Emesa proclaimed him emperor.
Macrinus did not instantly crush the mutiny and it spread
quickly, for the temple of the Sun was rich and could bribe
freely. The mutiny spread throughout Syria, and when
Macrinus marched against the rebels he was defeated and fled
in disguise. Shortly afterwards he was seized in Chalcedon
and slain, and the armies joined forces under the banner of the
boy-emperor.
218. Heliogabalus. — Varius Avitus Bassianus, who is better
known to us as Heliogabalus, now sat upon the imperial throne.
He took, in compliment to his reputed father, the name of
Marcus Aurelius Antoninus.
The records left by historians concerning this prince repre-
sent him as a very vile person indeed, but we believe his
wickedness to have been exaggerated. The reason for the
exaggeration is not hard to find.
First, however, let us remember that Heliogabalus was
scarcely more than a child when he became emperor and that
he reigned for less than four yeax's. All the enormities which
have come down associated with his name must have been
perpetrated between his fourteenth and eighteenth years.
Some think that he may have been a year or two older, but
not much. He was, therefore, the merest lad from the time
that he was crowned until the time when his mangled body
was thrown into the Tiber.
CARACALLA, MACRINUS, HELIOGABALUS 177
If, then, Heliogabalus became so corrupt, on whom must
we lay the blame ? The boy was being trained as a priest in
the temple of the sun-god at Emesa when the soldiers found
him. The worship of the sun as the giver of life was very
ancient and not specially degrading. Certainly the idea was
more elevating than the worship of images as it was carried on
in Rome. We may presume, therefore, that Heliogabalus did
not learn to be vicious in the temple at Emesa. If he became
vicious, he became vicious in Rome. A boy of fourteen is
taken from his mother's side, placed upon the Roman throne
and surrounded by so many temptations that in less than four
years he is only fit to be thrown into the Tiber. It is little to
the credit of Rome.
We think, however, that the ancient historian has blackened
the character of Heliogabalus with a purpose, and that the
truth must be found by reading between the lines. Helio-
gabalus began his life as a priest of the sun-god and knew
little or nothing of any other religion. He ascribed that which
he fondly imagined to be his good fortune to this deity, and
he arrived at Rome full of gratitude to his celestial patron.
Arrived there, he determined to at once introduce sun-worship.
Knowing nothing of theological differences and the bitterness
engendered by them, he thought that his task would be easy.
He built a magnificent temple on Mount Palatine and tried to
make it the centre of Roman worship. The Roman emperor
was the pontiff", and he desired to be high priest for the
people. So little did the boy understand about the matter
that he even wanted the Jews and the Christians to worship
in his temple, and look upon him as their high priest. " Dice-
bat praeterea, Judaeorum et Samaritanorum religiones, et Chris-
tianam devotionem illuc transferendam, ut omnium cultm^arum
secretum Heliogabali sacerdotium teneret" {Scriptores Hist.
Aug.).
To this temple of the sun-god he either removed or tried to
remove the objects which the citizens specially venerated.
Amongst these were the palladium and ancilia, the statue and
VOL. II. 12
178 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
shields which fell down from heaven, and upon the preserva-
tion of which the safety of Rome depended. It reads strangely
that one of the crimes charged against Heliogabalus was his
superstition.
But cannot we imagine the storm of wrath which Helio-
gabalus would bring down upon his head by such well-meant,
but hopelessly inconsiderate, action. Imagine the consterna-
tion and wrath of the priests who had charge of the palladium
and ancilia, and had thriven for centuries upon that particular
superstition, at finding their occupation gone and Syrian
priests taking the very bread out of their mouths. There
were hundreds of temples in Rome and thousands of priests.
They belonged to the wealthy families, for their occupation
was most lucrative, and every individual pagan priest in Rome
would pour out venom upon the young emperor. And so they
did. Vile stories about what was done in the temple of the
Sun ; vile stories about the nature of the worship which Helio-
gabalus 1 wished to introduce, instead of the good old religion
which had served the state for a thousand years ; vile stories
about the boy himself.
There was another weapon ready to the hands of the
priesthood, and we doubt not that it was freely used. When
a young emperor was inclined to be too much in earnest in a
cause there were ways of diverting him well understood by
the Romans. Nero had been ruined in this way, why not
Heliogabalus ? We doubt not that those who surrounded
the boy did their best to corrupt his mind, and if there is
any truth in the tales which are related to his discredit we
blame him less than the vile men and women of the Roman
court.
Some of the things we read about this boy-emperor, over
which historians make such ado, are harmless enough. Before
he reached Rome he sent to the senators a picture of himself.
He thought that it would please them, but, instead, it filled
them with disgust. Yet it was but an ordinary picture of a
gaily attired and decorated Eastern prince in robes of silk and
CAEACALLA, Mx\CKINUS, HELIOGABALUS 179
gold, with many gems and bracelets and a tiara. Any one
who has lived in India has seen the same sort of costume a
hundred times. There was no need to be disgusted with a
young Oriental prince for dressing according to the custom of
his country.
It is related as a matter to his discredit that he carried his
mother with him to the Senate-house, and demanded that she
should always be present when matters of importance were
debated.
On many occasions the boy-emperor acted foolishly. He
played tricks upon reverend signors, not realising the immense
store placed by a Roman upon his dignity. But if the Romans
were foolish enough to turn a child into an emperor what else
could they expect ? Pretending to smother his guests with
roses at one time, and at another letting loose wild beasts upon
them, whose teeth had been drawn and their claws carefully
pared, were tricks quite beneath the dignity of a Roman
emperor, but not beneath the dignity of a schoolboy, and
Heliogabalus never was more.
These things we can understand, and we can also regret-
fully believe that through the temptations pressed upon him
the lad fell into evil ways. But that a boy of fourteen could
change into a devil incarnate and contrive to compress into
three years and nine months the catalogue of crime laid to his
charge we cannot believe.
When Heliogabalus had been three years king he adopted
his cousin Alexander, and invested him with the title of Caesar.
Alexander was but thirteen years of age, so that the state-
ments concerning his virtues are only made for the sake of
throwing a deeper shadow upon the character of his rival.
It was easy to find an excuse for rebellion, and the Praetorian
guards always on the outlook for a donative, and eager, no
doubt, to preserve the dignity and morals of the Roman court,
murdered the wretched boy and threw his corpse into the
Tiber.
Gibbon says : " His memory was branded with eternal
180 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
infamy by the Senate ; the justice of whose decree has been
ratitied by posterity ". This is quite true, but how far pos-
terity has been content to accept the verdict of the Senate
without troubling to think out the question for itself is another
matter.
CHAPTER XXIII.
ALEXANDER SEVERUS, MAXIMIN, THE GORDIANS, MAXIMUS
AND BALBINUS, GORDIAN III., PHILIP.
Alexander Severus. — The year before his assassination 222.
Heliogabalus had adopted his cousin Alexander as his suc-
cessor, and he now ascended the throne. He was born 208
A.D., and was, therefore, but thirteen and a half years old on
his elevation.
Alexander was a PhcEnician by birth, and had spent his
childhood mostly at Emesa. When Heliogabalus was chosen
as emperor he and his mother Julia Mamsea accompanied him
to Rome.
Owing to Alexander's youth the direction of political affairs
rested chiefly in the hands of the queen mother, who was a
woman of great capacity.
For the guidance of affairs of state a council was elected
consisting of sixteen senators, before whom important ques-
tions of legislation and administration were brought. At the
head of the council was Ulpian, a man of Phoenician birth, like
the emperor himself, and a distinguished jurist. A second
member of the council was Paulus, a third Modestinus, both
distinguished jurists.
The fact that such men were on the council sufficiently
proves its merits. By its influence better men than formerly
were placed in office, and reforms were introduced into both
civil and military administration. But the virtues of Alex-
ander and his able ministers were more hateful to the soldiers
than the vices of former monarchs. There was much discon-
tent and rioting, and street fights often took place between
the guards and the populace. Then there was a mutiny
(181)
182 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
against Ulpian himself. He had been made praetorian pre-
fect, though we do not know the date of his appointment. As
prefect he was not popular and the soldiers suspected, prob-
ably with good reason, that he was the author of the reforms
to which they objected. Accordingly they broke into the
228. palace and murdered him in the very presence of the emperor
and his mother.
The eminent historian Dion Cassius, who had served several
monarchs in succession, also became obnoxious to the guards,
and they clamoured for his life. Dion escaped to Campania,
and afterwards obtained permission from the emperor to
retire to Nicsea in Bithynia, his native town. There he lived
quietly until his death.
232. After some years of peace Alexander became involved in
war with Persia. The Persians, so great in former times, had
for many years been under the heel of Parthia. Of late they
had risen against their oppressors, and under a leader bearing
the ancient name of Artaxerxes had again formed a Persian
kingdom. Artaxerxes was the descendant of one Sassan from
whom the dynasty which he formed was called that of the
Sassanidae. This dynasty ruled Persia for four hundred years.
It was overthi'own by the Moslems. The last king, Yezdegird,
was assassinated in 651.
The Persians now demanded that Rome should surrender
the provinces which she had taken from the Parthians. In
the war which ensued Alexander claimed to have been vic-
torious. Some doubt has been cast upon this, but it is clear that
the Persians were checked in their Western advance. Seeing
also that no provinces were restored and no ground lost to the
empire in any way, Alexander must have had a fair amount of
success. But he had to return hurriedly as news reached him
that Gaul was being attacked by German tribes.
233. After celebrating a triumph in Rome, Alexander set out for
Gaul. The Germans were devastating the countrj^ and it
seems likely that the soldiers did not deem him strong enough
to deal with the difficulties of the situation. Before, therefore,
MAXIMIN 183
he had made any progress in the campaign they mutinied and
slew him. Julia Mamgea his distinguished mother perished 235.
with her son.
All that we know of Alexander is to his credit. Though
not a Christian, he was kind to Christians. He placed an
image of Christ in the chapel of the Imperial Palace. Statues
of Abraham, Orpheus and others were also there. Christians
were welcomed to the palace, and Christian bishops were re-
ceived at court. The emperor copied the Christian method of
electing office-bearers in electing civil magistrates, ordering
that the names of the candidates should be published before-
hand. The Christian maxim " as ye would that men should
do to you, do ye also to them " pleased him so much that he
placed this rendering over the door of his palace : —
" Quod tibi fieri non vis, alteri ne feceris ".
Maximin. — When Alexander Severus was assassinated the 235.
general of the troops in Gaul was Maximinus, a Thracian.
He was a remarkable man, of gigantic stature and herculean
strength, who had enlisted in the reign of Septimius Severus,
had attracted the attention of that monarch by his extraor-
dinary feats, and then had risen step by step until he was now
general of the fourth legion.
On the death of Alexander the soldiers proclaimed Maximin
emperor. It is said that he was the head of the mutiny against
his prince and planned his assassination, but from what we can
judge of Maximin's character in other ways we are inclined to
doubt it. The Senate detested Maximin and spread abroad
stories about his wickedness, for which we fancy there was
little foundation.
Maximin was a rough, uneducated soldier. His life had
been spent in camp, and for him the army was all in all. As
a Thracian he had no special regard for Italy, or Rome, or the
Senate, and during the three years of his reign he never visited
Rome once. But he knew his work and he did it. The Ger-
mans were across the frontier and ravaging Gaul and Maximin
184 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
steadily fought them back. He was far better able to cope
with the dangers that then beset the empire than Alexander
had been.
During Maximin's reign the government of Rome was car-
ried on by his representative, Vitalian, the praetorian prefect,
who probably had diflficulty in keeping the senators in check,
and, therefore, governed tyrannically.
Maximin seems to have been a shrewd, well-meaning and
capable man, not at all the brute the historians declare. Had
he been so his wife PauUina would not have had so much
influence over him. By all accounts she was a gentle and
benevolent woman.
Maximin is accused of having robbed the temples of their
treasures, and compelled the cities to lay aside their games in
order that his avarice might be satisfied. This is most unfair.
The defence of the empire was a very serious business. Maxi-
min was fighting on the Rhine and Danube with all his might
and the least the people could do was to support him. It was
little enough that the temples should part with some of their
hoarded wealth and that the people should postpone their
amusements at such a time.
At length a revolt arose in Africa on a question of taxa-
tion. Some gilded youths, pressed by the tax-collector to part
with a portion of their wealth for the service of the State
killed the tax-collector and proclaimed Gordianus their pro-
consul emperor. Gordianus was eighty years of age, but he
had a son of forty-six, whose name was associated with his
own in the proclamation. Apparently neither father nor son
had either qualification or desire for the high position. But
they accepted it under pressure, and the senators eager to get
rid of their Thracian emperor, ratified the election and declared
Maximin a public enemy.
238. The Two Gordians. — The tenure of office enjoyed by the
Gordians was brief. Capelianus, the governor of Mauretania,
remained faithful to Maximinus, and took the field against the
MAXIMUS AND BALBINUS 185
usurpers. The younger Gordian met him but was defeated
and slain. The elder Gordian then slew himself. He had •
reigned for two months.
The news from Africa terrified the Senate and the people
of Rome, But they had gone too far to withdraw, and two
senators, Maximus and Balbinus, were found willing to be
elected emperors instead of the Gordians. With them, that
all parties might be conciliated, the Senate nominated a boy,
grandson of the older Gordian, as Crown Prince.
Maximin heard of these doings with wrath and crossed the
Alps at the head of his legions. The Senate meanwhile had
ordered the country round about to be devastated and had
thrown garrisons into the cities. Maximin laid siege to
Aquileia, but the inhabitants resisted strenuously and he made
poor progress. It was feared, however, that he would relin-
quish the siege of Aquileia and march upon Rome, so influence
or bribery was brought to bear upon some soldiers of the Prae-
torian guard and he was murdered whilst asleep in his tent.
His son was also slain and several officers who were faithful to
him.
Maximus and Balbinus. — The two senatorial nominees 238.
now entered Rome in triumph, but not without dread. The
soldiers watched the proceedings with sullen looks. Maximin
had been chosen by the army, and with all his roughness was
a man equal to the emergencies of empire, and able to cope
with the dangers by which Rome was surrounded. Their man
had been foully murdered and the senators had placed men
upon the throne for whom they cared nothing. Not only had
this been done without their consent, but it had been done in a
way which carried with it the appearance of wanton insult.
Accordingly when the palace guards were for the most part
amusing themselves at the Capitoline games a body of soldiers
broke into the apartments of the emperors, seized and mur-
dered them, and flung their bodies contemptuously into the
street.
186 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
238. GoRDiAN III. — The boy Gordianus, who had been nomin-
ated Crown Prince by the Senate, was spared, and, as there
was no one else at hand, the soldiers carried him to the camp
and saluted him as emperor. He was little more than twelve
years of age when these things happened. He was assassi-
nated before he was nineteen and we know little of what
happened between.
As the emperor was so young, affairs of State were con-
ducted by his ministers. The chief of these was Timesitheus,
who seems to have been a man of much ability. Gordian
married his daughter and was under his influence, which was
wisely exercised.
242. The Persians invaded Mesopotamia and even threatened
Antioch. War was therefore considered necessary and an
army marched for the East. Timesitheus had the chief control,
but the young emperor was with the army. On its way it
halted in Thrace and cleared the province of barbarian in-
vaders, Alans, Goths and Sarmatians.
Owing to the abilities displayed by Timesitheus, the
Persians were defeated. Carrhae and Nisbis were captured,
and the Roman army prepared to march upon Ctesiphou. Un-
fortunately, at this important juncture Timesitheus died. He
was succeeded as prefect of the Prsetyrian guard and com-
mander-in-chief by Julius Philippus, an'' able but perhaps less
worthy man.
Philip is said to have used his high office as a means of
fomenting discord, and to have headed a mutiny against the
young emperor. One cannot be quite sure about it. Gibbon
seems to think that since Philip was an Arabian he must have
been a scoundrel, but it does not follow. All we can be sure of
is that Gordian was slain and that Philip was, by the votes of
the soldiers, declared emperor in his stead.
244. Philip I. — M. Julius Philippus was an Arabian by birth.
He had entered the Roman army and risen to high rank. On
the death of Timesitheus he was made Praetorian prefect, and
PHILIP 187
on the death of Gordian was made emperor. He proclaimed
his son Caesar, concluded peace with the Persians and returned
to Rome. At Rome he was favourably received by both Senate
and people, and as he had been elected by the soldiers there
seemed some prospect of a long and prosperous reign. But it
was not so to be.
The great event of Philip's reign was the celebration of the 248.
Roman millennium, the thousandth year of her existence as a
city. The event was celebrated by games of extraordinary
pomp and magnificence. The religious ceremonies were con-
ducted in accordance with pagan rites, and were peculiarly
solemn and impressive. It has been asserted that Philip was
a Christian, but his participation in the rites and ceremonies
connected with the games makes this doubtful. It is cer-
tain, however, that his disposition towards Christianity was
friendly. Origen, writing during his reign, says that God had
given the Christians the free exercise of their religion. He
even spoke hopefully of the ultimate conversion of the empire.
Another writer says of Philip that he exhibited a genuine and
religious disposition with regard to the fear of God.
Scarcely were the games at an end when a mutiny broke 249.
out among the soldiers in Moesia and Pannouia. A senator
named Decius, an I Syrian by birth, was dispatched by Philip
to queU the mutiny. Decius was a man of presence and
ability, and the soldiers perceiving this put their own leader
aside and proclaimed him emperor. There is no proof that he
instigated this disloyalty ; the chances are that he had to
choose between death and the purple.
Decius avowed that he was not responsible for what had
happened, but Philip had no alternative but to take the field.
Gathering what forces he could, he marched towards the fron-
tier ; but at Verona he was killed, though whether by assassi-
nation or on the battle-field is not clear. His son, also named
Philip, who had the title of Caesar and whom he had left at
Rome, was assassinated by the Praetorian guards, so that
Decius had now no rival.
CHAPTER XXIV.
DECIUS, GALLUS, ^MILIANUS, VALERIAN, GALLIENUS.
249. Decius. — Decius now succeeded to the imperial throne. This
monarch has been lauded for the excellence of his administra-
tion. As he only reigned for two years we fear that the
praises of the historian are partly attributable to the fact that
he initiated a fierce persecution against Christianity.
We have said that Philip, the former emperor, was well-
inclined towards the Christians, and that they had much pros-
perity during his reign. With the accession of Decius all this
was changed. Partly this has been accounted for by assuming
that Decius looked upon the Christians as partisans of Philip.
This may have been, but it would not account for all. We
think that Decius was probably a convinced pagan, that he
believed that the Roman empire and paganism must stand or
fall together, and that he looked upon Christianity as hostile
to Rome's best interests. He, therefore, determined to crush
it once for all.
The persecution was the more terrible because it was so
unexpected. In many parts of the empire the Churches had
been undisturbed for thirty years, in some provinces for a yet
longer period, so that a generation had arisen which scarcely
knew what persecution meant.
The persecution which now burst forth was bitter beyond
measure. The prudent counsel of Trajan that Christians were
not to be sought out was disregarded, and rigorous search was
made for all suspected of non-compliance with the State
religion. The inquisition began at Rome, and extended
throughout the provinces.
In every city on receipt of the imperial rescript a day was
(188)
DECIUS 189
appointed for the Christians to present themselves before the
magistrate, renounce their relitrion and sacrifice at the altar.
Some yielded, others stood firm. Those who refused to con-
form were thrown into prison and tortured. Such as fled
were outlawed, and had their goods confiscated. The clergy
wrote : " The world is devastated, the ruins of the fallen are
on every side".
The fury of the emperor raged specially against the
bishops. The bishops of Rome, Antioch, and Jerusalem were
put to death. Others were exiled or thrown into prison.
Some withdrew from their sees for a time, hoping that in their
absence the members of their Churches might be spared.
The attention of Decius was diverted from the Christians
by an invasion of the Goths. This is the first time we have
had occasion to speak of this remarkable race, who would one
day take rank amongst Rome's greatest enemies.
There is a province in Sweden called Gothland, and legend
makes this the cradle of the Gothic people. But it is more
likely that they were German, that they lived on the southern
shore of the Baltic, and that they invaded Sweden and settled
in the province which bears their name. They were of much
the same race as our Anglo-Saxon forefathers.
The Goths are first marked historically by Tacitus as
dwelling at the south-east corner of the Baltic, that is in
Eastern Prussia. West of the Goths dwelt the Vandals, west
of the Vandals the Saxons, with whom the Britons had after-
wards to deal. They were all folk of the same sort, hardy,
brave and adventurous.
Nowadays these prolific races find room for enterprise and
overflow in the United States of America, but in earlier times
this outlet was not accessible. Accordingly, when population
became congested the lust of conquest seized them, and they
sallied forth in huge companies to find room for themselves
by force of arms.
From the Baltic where we find the Goths in the days of
Tacitus they wandered southward to the Black Sea. Perhaps
190 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
this was in the second century. At any rate in the third we
find them firmly planted there, now divided into three nations,
the Ostrogoths, or Eastern Goths, the Visigoths, or Western
Goths, and the Gepidae.
The plains where they dwelt had been roamed over for cen-
turies by tribes vaguely called Scythian. These had swarmed
from Asia, from Tartary and Turkestan. Many Scythians still
dwelt amongst the Goths. But the Goths themselves were
Teutons, and had no inclination to proceed eastward. They
therefore lay on the Black Sea with their faces towards the
temperate climate of the Roman Empire.
In the reign of Decius the Goths had a king called Cniva.
249. He crossed the Danube at Novograd, and fought against Gallus
the governor of Mcesia and Decius the young Caesar. He then
laid siege to Philippopolis a very wealthy city. The younger
Decius came to its relief, but was utterly overthrown. The
citizens then surrendered, many were massacred and a great
deal of treasure was taken. It would also seem that Priscus
the governor of Macedonia, having been taken prisoner, was
persuaded by the Goths to let them proclaim him emperor in
opposition to Decius.
250. Hearing of these things Decius set out from Rome. With
his departure the persecution of the Christians abated. Priscus
was killed and for a time all went well. The Goths, partly de-
moralised by their success at Philippopolis, retreated and ofiered
to relinquish both captives and spoil if they might go home in
peace. But Decius would not hear of it, and ordered Gallus to
get between them and their homes whilst he attacked them
from behind. A terrible battle was fought in the Dobrudscha.
251. The Goths, knowing the country better than the Romans, sta-
tioned themselves near a morass and by feigning flight drew
the Roman troops into it. Thus trapped they were hopelessly
beaten. The younger Decius was slain early in the fight. The
emperor himself with thousands of his followers perished in the
swamp. His body was never seen again.
GALLUS 191
Gallus. — The death of Decius and his son left Gallus the 251.
commander-in-chief of such forces as survived, and the soldiers
proclaimed him emperor. With the usual Roman fondness
for slinging accusations about, one historian accuses Gallus of
treachery, but that is a cry easily raised after a defeat.
Though the Goths had been so successful they were glad to
make peace, and Gallus was glad to make peace with them.
The terms were hard ; they were to return to their own land
with their booty and prisoners, and were to receive an annual
payment from the empire so long as they left the province un-
disturbed. The Romans were far from satisfied, for it was the
first time that Rome had actually purchased a peace by paying
a tribute, but probably Gallus had no alternative.
The tribes who made the peace were faithful to their agree-
ment, but others, encouraged by their success and not bound
by their obligations, swarmed over the Danube and invaded
lUyria. They were successfully opposed by vEmilianus, the
governor of Moesia and Pannonia, whose soldiers, flushed with
victory, hailed him imperator on the battle-field. Gallus set 253.
out to encounter his revolted oflficer, and had reached the plains
of Spoleto in Umbria when his soldiers, bribed perhaps by the
emissaries of ^milianus, revolted, and slew both him and his
son.
During the short reign of Gallus a terrible pestilence visited
the empire. It came from Ethiopia, down the valley of the
Nile, and through the Asiatic and Illyrian provinces to Italy.
Many provinces were afflicted by pestilence, drought and
famine, and there was great misery throughout the empire.
In hope of obtaining deliverance from these calamities an
edict was issued ordering all persons to sacrifice to the gods.
It was observed that the Christians did not obey this edict
and the fury of the populace was directed against them. The
pestilence lasted for fifteen years, and though it brought per-
secution and death to many Christians it showed to the pagans
how kind Christians could be. When the pestilence was at its
worst and some wretches were even plundering the houses of
192 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
the dying, the Christians extended help to all who needed it.
In the hope that their enemies might be won by love they
divided the cities into districts, buried the dead, nursed the
sick, and alleviated misery as far as their means would allow.
253, ^MILIANUS, — Though ^Emilianus had been proclaimed em-
peror by his troops he was not yet acknowledged by the
Senate. He was still with the troops in Umbria and nego-
tiating with Rome when a rival arose. At the time when
Gallus first heard of his revolt he sent the censor Valerian, a
noble of distinction, to bring the legions of Gaul and Germany
to his aid. Valerian arrived too late to save Gallus, but he
determined to avenge him. Accordingly he marched to Spoleto
and confronted his legions.
Fortunately a battle was avoided. The forces of Valerian
were so greatly superior to those of ^Emilianus that the soldiers
of the latter deserted, slew their leader, and ranged themselves
under the banner of Valerian.
253. Valerian. — Gallus and ^Emilianus were dead and P. Lici-
nius Valerianus was proclaimed emperor by the soldiers, and
willingly accepted by the Senate. He seems to have been a
man of acknowledged merit ; but he was now over sixty years
of age, almost too old to face the difficulties by which the State
was surrounded. His son Gallienus was proclaimed Augustus
and became his colleague.
Many foes were now assailing the empire. The Franks or
" Freemen " tribes, who lived on the Lower Rhine and Weser,
were swarming into Gaul . Gallienus went to oppose them. He
could not drive them back, but he evidently persuaded them to
change their plans, for they passed through Gaul, crossed the
.Pyrenees and invaded Spain. Here they remained for some
years, then they passed across the straits to Mauretania, the
West African province. They were the first of the northern
races to invade Africa and their fair hair caused great astonish-
ment to the natives.
GALLIENUS 193
Trouble came also from the Alemanni, the " All Men," de-
scendants of the Suevi, who two centuries before had so
fiercely opposed Julius Ceesar. They now crossed the Alps and
invaded Italy, advancing as far as Ravenna. Aurelianus,
afterwards emperor, went against them and restored peace,
but he had to let them settle south of the Alps.
Another peril came from the eastern side of the empire.
We have seen how the Persian monarchy, so long dormant,
was restored by Artaxerxes. This monarch was succeeded by
Sapor, an equally able man, who conquered Armenia, captured
Carrhse and Niblis, and even reached Antioch. Valerian took
the field in person against this conqueror, and set out with a
considerable army. But the way was long and the army was
so weakened by famine and pestilence that Sapor found it
an easy prey. There is no certainty about the events which
followed. The Romans seem to have been surrounded and
captured or slain. Very few escaped. Valerian disappears 260.
from this time, leaving no trace.
Gallienus. — P. Licinius Gallienus, who had been co-ruler
with his father, now reigned alone. Though he has been
severely censured by critics, as most unsuccessful men are,
there is no reason to doubt that he was a well-intentioned and
able man. Only a very great man, indeed, could have grappled
with the misfortunes which now overtook the empire.
After the defeat of Valerian, Sapor overran Syria, Cilicia
and Cappadocia with his victorious arm3^ He sacked Antioch,
laid Tarsus in ashes, and destroyed Caesarea, the chief city in
Cappadocia. Returning laden with booty, he received an un-
expected check at Palmyra. This prosperous and independent
city was governed by Odenathus, " Prince of the Saracens ".
The name of Saracen, scarcely known until this time, was
afterwards applied to the followers of Mohammed and became
very famous. At present it was applied to the mixed Syrian
and Arabian tribes over whom Odenathus ruled.
Odenathus, recognising Sapor's superiority, was willing to
VOL. II. 13
194 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
be his liegeman and sent him a present. But Sapor received
his advances with scorn, and thus made him his enemy. Ac-
cordingly Odenathus harassed the Persians on their homeward
journey and inflicted heavy loss upon them before they crossed
the Euphrates. For this service Gallienus gratefully conferred
upon Odenathus the title of King of Palmyra. Unfortunately,
Odenathus was assassinated a few years after, whereupon
Zenobia his wife took possession of the throne as Queen of the
East.
Whilst the Romans were thus suffering disaster in Persia,
the Goths were again assailing the empire. We have seen how
the Gothic tribes spread from Prussia southward until they
reached the Black Sea, on the northern shores of which they
settled down. When they found that the Black Sea was a
lake they built ships, and sailed hither and thither, ravaging
the cities along its shores.
Many Goths had settled in the Crimea and its neighbour-
hood, and there their ships could be well sheltered. One set
of Goths sailed round the Asiatic coast of the sea, sacked
Trebizond and returned laden with spoil. Other Goths sailed
through the Bosphorus, captured Chalcedon and ravaged the
rich province of Bithynia. Another expedition sailed as
262. far as Ephesus and plundered the well-known Temple of
Diana.
267. Later still, a great expedition captured Byzantium, passed
through the Sea of Marmora, ravaged the islands of the Archi-
pelago, and landing in Greece, sacked Corinth, Sparta and
Athens. Coasting round, the expedition sailed up the Adriatic
and viewed the coast of Italy. Here they divided, and half
went home by land across Moesia, the rest returned with the
fleet through the Black Sea.
These expeditions caused widespread alarm and misery.
The condition of the empire was one of deep gloom. Foreign
tribes were pouring into the provinces in the north ; in Eastern
Europe the Goths were working their will ; in Asia the Per-
sians were invincible, and in Egypt civil war was raging. To
GALLIENUS 195
crown all, the pestilence which had so long afflicted the empire
was still uncontrolled.
Economically the position of the empire was as bad as it
could well be. Population had dechned, poverty everywhere
abounded, taxes could scarcely be collected at all. The coinage
had been tampered with until it was little more than base
metal washed with silver.
Under these distressing circumstances we can hardly won-
der if the central power was paralysed. The legions on the
frontier had to do the best they could, every one for itself.
Their permanent camps had now become towns ; they had
families and farms, and they had to look out for themselves.
Moreover the unarmed provincials looked upon the legions as
their natural protectors. Little wonder if they chose their own
leaders as " imperatores," and ignored the central power. Thus
independent princes sprang up in every direction.
In the reign of Gallienus nineteen of these able officers
came into existence. They are called " pretenders," and alluded
to as if they were tyrants and traitors, but this is a misuse of
terms. Some of them amply justified their existence. In Gaul
Postumus repulsed the invaders and restored tranquillity to the
province. He really established a subordinate empire which
was maintained for a time by his successors, and which gave
peace and security to Gaul. In the East we have seen how
Odenathus did good service to the empire. On the Danube
and in Greece the " pretenders" were not so successful.
One of the nineteen independent princes was Aureolus.
He commanded the legions in Illyria, but not content with
guarding his own province must needs invade Italy. Against
Aureolus Gallienus marched. He defeated him and besieged
Milan where he had taken refuge. But when success seemed
assured to Gallienus a conspiracy was fomented against him
and he was assassinated. Before he died he nominated Marcus 268.
Aurelius Claudius as his successor.
We have described the sorrows of the Christians during
the reign of Decius, and again when the plague first attacked
196 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
the empire in the reign of Gallus. The year which saw the
death of Gallus and the succession of Valerian saw the death
of Origen, a renowned theologian of Alexandria. Though mis-
taken in some of his views, Origen was a man of high courage
and deep devotion. During the Decian persecution he was
tortured, cast into an unhealthy dungeon, and loaded with
chains. He was afterwards released, but his sufferings killed
him in the end. He was the first to write a regular commen-
tary on the Scriptures.
When Valerian ascended the throne he treated the Christians
with clemency, but afterwards, falling under the power of the
pagan priests, he became their bitter enemy. Hoping that if
their bishops were away the congregations would conform
he drove the bishops and teachers into exile. Amongst the
banished was Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage, a writer whose
works have come down to the present day.
When Valerian found that the congregations still assembled
he issued a more rigorous edict : —
258. " Let bishops, presbyters, and deacons be immediately put
to death by the sword : let senators and knights be first de-
prived of their rank and possessions, and if they still continue
Christians, let them suffer the due punishment of death ; let
women of condition be deprived of their estates and banished.
Christians in the service of the palace are to be treated as the
emperor's private property, and distributed to labour in chains
on the imperial estates" (Neander, i., p. 192).
Under this edict many suffered. At Rome Bishop Sixtus
and four deacons were surprised in the act of celebrating Divine
service in the catacombs and were put to death. Sixtus was
the fifth Bishop of Rome in succession who had suffered mar-
tyrdom in eight years. Four days after, Laurentius, another
deacon, was roasted alive. Bishop Cyprian returned from his
place of exile to Carthage, and after ministering to the Church
for twelve months was beheaded.
260. To the credit of Gallienus be it said that as soon as Vale-
rian his father was taken prisoner and he reigned alone he
GALLIENUS 197
stopped the persecution. He even issued an edict permitting
them to worship freely, and restoring their lands, church build-
ings and cemeteries. Thus he recognised the Christian Churches
as legal corporations, for only such could hold property accord-
ing to Roman law.
In a former chapter we commented upon the strange cir-
cumstance that certain historians said hard things against the
emperors who befriended the Christians and lauded those who
treated them with cruelty.
No man showed more animosity to the Christians tlian
Marcus Aurelius who is lauded to the skies. His son Corn-
modus befriended the Christians and his memory is heaped
with insult.
Septimius Severus persecuted the Christians and was a
fine fellow, his son Caracalla did not persecute and was a
monster.
Philip was an Arabian robber of no merit, but was favour-
able to Christianity, Decius who succeeded him persecuted
with fury and was a burning and a shining light.
Valerian was a most worthy emperor and Valerian per-
secuted, his son Gallienus abruptly stopped the persecution
and reinstated the Christians in their privileges as citizens,
and Gallienus is handed down to posterity as a worthless
fellow.
Facts like these are worthj^ of some consideration. In an
age when historians were too often mere partisans and when
they belonged to the literary classes to whom the priests also
belonged, it seems clear that the attitude of the emperor to-
wards the State religion influenced the attitude of the historian
towards the emperor. Christianity was no longer the faith of
a despised few. The edicts of the emperors show what a hold
it was taking upon society. The State religion was in danger
and there seems good reason to believe that the worth of the
monarch was measured primarily by an ecclesiastical standard.
CHAPTER XXV.
CLAUDIUS, AURELIANUS, TACITUS, PROBUS, CARUS, CARINUS
AND NUMERIAN.
268. Before Gallienus died he was able to advise his officers to
choose as his successor Claudius, a general who was command-
ing an army near Pavia. Claudius was an Illyrian by birth,
and had risen to distinction under Decius, Valerian, and Gal-
lienus. Gallienus had shown him no little kindness. To this
kindness Claudius made but a poor return, for he wrote a
letter to the Senate in which he insulted the memory of his
benefactor, and bragged about the wonderful things which he
himself would accomplish.
Claudius reigned for two years. During his reign there
was a vast influx of Goths. They poured into Thrace and
Macedonia, no longer as raiders but as settlers, bringing their
wives, their children, and their worldly possessions with them.
The total number is estimated at 320,000, and they were sup-
ported on the rivers by 2,000 skiffs.
Against this host Claudius marched forthwith. A battle
was fought at Naissus (Nisch) in Servia and the Goths were
defeated. Such as were neither slaughtered nor captured were
driven into the Balkans where they speedily perished of cold
and famine.
Claudius announced his victory to the governor of Illyricum
in a bulletin, as follows : " Claudius to Brocchus. — We have
destroyed 320,000 of the Goths ; we have sunk 2,000 of their
ships. The rivers are bridged over with shields ; with swords
and lances all the shores are covered. The fields are hidden
from sight under the superincumbent bones ; no road is free
from them ; an immense encampment of waggons is deserted.
(198)
AURELIANUS 199
We have taken sucli a number of women that each soldier can
have two or three concubines allotted to him."
It would perhaps be too much to expect that Claudius
should have considered whether there might not be a better
way of dealing with tribal movements than by wholesale mas-
sacre. Other emperors had already permitted tribes to settle
in the empire: could not he have done the same. Clearly
the Goths had come in the hope of settling and if Claudius
had met them in a proper spirit all would have been well.
The Roman Empire was sadly depopulated. There was room
for all who cared to come. Kindly dealt with the Goths would
in one or two generations have looked upon the empire as
their home.
Some writers give Claudius and men like him great credit
for their energetic policy. We cannot see matters in this
light. We believe the policy to have been miserably short-
sighted and cowardly. There is little more reason for praising
the policy of Claudius than there would be for praising an
American president who chose to meet the 400,000 emigrants
who annually cross the Atlantic with fire and sword.
If we need not blame emperors overmuch for not under-
standing better the signs of the times, on the other hand we
need not commend them for butchering and enslaving hundreds
of thousands of their fellow-creatures. They did no good to
the Roman Empire by this policy. They only made it yet
more hateful and heaped up wrath against the day of wrath.
That which followed seems almost like retributive justice.
So vast was the number of unburied corpses that they bred a
pestilence and Claudius caught it and died.
AuRELiAN. — Before Claudius died he nominated Lucius 270.
Domitian Aurelianus as his successor. Aurelian was also an
Illyrian by birth. He had commanded the army of the
Danube, and was an excellent soldier.
The first act of the emperor deserves high commendation.
The Goths, encouraged by the death of Claudius once more
200 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
pressed into the empire, and Aurelian offered to relinquish
the province of Dacia to them, doubtless on condition that they
would not cross the Danube to molest Moesia. He withdrew
the Roman forces from Dacia, and the Danube became again
the frontier of the empire.
By this action the empire was somewhat curtailed in area,
but this was greatly to its advantage. Dacia became well
populated, and well cultivated, and as an independent state
formed a splendid barrier between the empire and the regions
beyond. The Roman subjects in Dacia either remained under
Gothic rule or removed south of the Danube, and added
strength to Moesia and Pannonia.
Excepting for about ten years during the reign of Con-
stantine, there was peace after this settlement between Rome
and the Goths for nearly a centuiy. Had the same wisdom
been shown elsewhere the empire would have been reduced in
size, but increased in strength.
The same methods were not adopted with the Alemanni.
They invaded Italy on the Rsetian frontier, but were defeated
and surrounded. A conference was held, but they were
treated haughtily, and little effort was made to come to terms.
Accordingly they broke through the Roman cordon, crossed
the Alps, ravaged Lombardy, and marched towards Rome.
They defeated the Romans at Placentia, but in Umbria were
themselves defeated, and hewn to pieces.
The audacity of the Alemanni in thus advancing on the
sacred city, caused a panic in Rome, and the fortifications were
looked into. The walls of Servius Tullius, the original defence
of the city, had a circuit of seven miles. A new city had
grown up outside these practically undefended, so walls were
built enclosing all. The new fortification, known as the wall
of Aurelian, was twenty-one miles long.
Aurelian's Eastern policy was not admirable. We have
seen how Zenobia succeeded her husband Odenathus, becoming
Queen of Palmyra. She now ruled a considerable portion of
Syria, and her State served as a buffer between the Roman Em-
AUEELIANUS 201
pire and Persia. Zenobia was a woman of rare ability, and
not unfriendly to Rome. She had indeed given her sons a
Roman education. She was ambitious and in the neglected
condition of the empire had become suzerain of provinces
which theoretically belonged to Rome. But this might have
been adjusted. The remote Asiatic provinces were a source of
weakness to the empire, and it would have been better had
Aurelian strengthened the hands of Zenobia, and fostered her
State. But this would not have been in accordance with
Roman traditions. Aurelian determined to destroy Zenobia, 272.
so he attacked her, defeated her, and besieged her capital.
When the qiieen saw that resistance was vain she fled, but was
captured before she could cross the Euphrates. 273.
PalmjTa now surrendered, and Aurelian, having robbed it
of its treasures and left a garrison, set out for Italy. On his
w&y he heard that his garrison had been slain. He returned,
massacred the inhabitants, and destroyed their city. This was
the end of Palmyra, A small village took its place, and still
stands, amidst the ruins of the great city of the past. Thus
did a short-sighted and over-bearing emperor blot out a beauti-
ful and useful city, destroy a kingdom which was fulhlling a
useful purpose, and bring to nought the lifework of a queen
who was ruling her people with wisdom and acceptance. The
life of Zenobia was spared, and, after she had graced in chains
the triumph of her conqueror, she was allowed to end her days
in comfort at Tivoli.
Before leaving the East Aurelian crushed out a revolt in
Egypt where Tirmus, a wealthy paper manufacturer, had be-
come an independent prince. Having accomplished this
Aurelian proceeded to Rome.
About the same time the empire of the Gauls came to an
end. For some years Gaul had managed its own affairs. It
became independent under Postumus the governor, who ruled
well for ten years. Laelianus succeeded him, and after a few
montlis Victorinus, who reigned for a year. On the death of
Victorinus, Victoria, his mother, reigned for a time. Thinking
202 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
the weight of empire too great a burden for a woman to bear,
Victoria unhappily transferred her power to Tetricus. He
betrayed the Gallic army and province to Rome. His army
fought fiercely, notwithstanding its betrayal, but was defeated
at Chalons. Tetricus was rewarded for his villainy with the
governorship of a province.
274. Aurelian now returned to Rome for his triumph, and accord-
ing to the standards of the time he doubtless deserved it.
Notwithstanding his success Aurelian was unpopular and a
conspiracy was formed against him in Rome. He crushed it
with merciless severity. The prisons were thronged and the
executions were numerous. Shortly after these things Aure-
lian set out for Persia, perhaps partly to distract people's
minds and find occupation for his troops. But he had made
275. irreconcilable enemies, and on his journey he was assassinated
by members of his stafi".
275. Tacitus. — The vacancy caused by the death of Aurelian
was not at once filled. The private soldiers were fond of him
and angry at the assassination, and they refused to nominate
any of their officers as his successor, or to permit them to profit
by Aurelian's death. They therefore referred the matter to
the Senate and desired that they should make the appoint-
ment. But this was not easily done. Since it had become the
fashion to assassinate emperors, the position was not so much
coveted and six months passed before any one could be per-
suaded to fill the post.
At length Marcus Claudius Tacitus was appointed. Tacitus
was a descendant of the historian, and would have been quite
suitable for the position had he been twenty years younger.
But he was seventy-five years of age. Nevertheless, as election
to the post of emperor seemed practically equivalent to sen-
tence of death, the Senate doubtless thought that an old man
had less to lose by accepting the office than a young man would
have. Perhaps, also, they hoped that the soldiers would respect
his grey hairs.
PROBUS 203
Even old men cling to life, and Tacitus protested vigorously
against being made emperor, but when his protests were un-
heeded he bravely accepted the situation and did his best. He
dealt wisely with some Scythian tribes who had overrun Asia
Minor. They had a legitimate grievance against Rome, and
Tacitus, by acknowledging the grievance and meeting them
with justice and liberality rather than with the sword, induced
them to retire. Scarcely was the arrangement carried out
when he died. He had reigned for six months.
Florianus. — On the death of Tacitus the soldiers were 276.
divided as to the choice of an emperor, some supporting Flori-
anus, the half-brother of Tacitus, whilst others rallied round
Probus, the governor of the East. Florianus marched against
him but was deserted by so many of his soldiers that he saw
the hopelessness of his cause, and either slew himself or was
slain by his own men.
Probus. — Marcus Aurelius Probus, who now ascended the 276,
throne, was a native of Sirmium in Pannonia, and forty -four
years of age. He had distinguished himself as a soldier and
had been appointed by the Emperor Tacitus governor of the
East. After the death of Tacitus his soldiers pressed him to
become emperor, and the Senate approved of their choice.
The first task undertaken by Probus was the never-failing
one of freeing Gaul from German settlers. The better to
accomplish this, he is said to have offered a piece of gold for
every German head brought in by the soldiers. We read that
400,000 were thus slain and paid for, but for the sake of our
common humanity we will hope that this is an exaggeration.
Probus led an army across the Rhine and as far as the
Elbe. He contemplated reducing Germany to a province.
Seeing that this had proved an impossible task in the palmy
days of the empire, it was scarcely worth his while to attempt
it. Ultimately he abandoned the idea, and, instead, built a
high wall, 200 miles long, between the Rhine and the Danube.
204 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
Unless Probus did this for the sake of giving his soldiers
employment, it was waste of time. Rome was no longer in a
position to defend a wall of this character, and in a few years
it was in ruins.
During the reign of Probus a remarkable voyage was under-
taken by Franks. Some members of the tribes who lived in
Holland had been either tempted or coerced into settling upon
the coast of Pontus. Becoming home-sick they seized a fleet
which was lying in the Black Sea and set sail. They passed
through the Sea of Marmora and into the Mediterranean.
There they sacked several coast ports, including Syracuse.
Thence they made their way through the Straits of Gibraltar,
the Bay of Biscay and the North Sea, until they at last
reached Holland. The voyage was a daring one, and their
success must have encouraged the spirit of adventure which
afterwards took such hold upon the tribes dwelling in that
part of Europe.
The reign of Probus was not free from civil war. Satur-
ninus, the commander of the eastern provinces, was proclaimed
emperor at Alexandria, apparently against his will. Probus
defeated his forces and would have spared his life, but his own
soldiers slew him.
Having conquered his enemies Probus celebrated his vic-
tories by a triumph of special splendour. On this occasion
eighty gladiators, reserved with 600 others for the brutal
sports of the arena, broke from their confinement. They were
chased and massacred by the soldiers, but not until they had
sold their lives at a high price.
Doubtless with laudable intentions, Probus endeavoured to
utilise the idle moments of his soldiers by employing them
upon works of public utility. But the life of soldiering does
not fit men for patient toil, and they resented this interference
with their leisure. At last, being set to drain the marshes of
Sirmium, a feverish and disagreeable task, they mutinied, and
slew the emperor.
CARINUS AND NUMERIAN 205
CarUvS. — Carus, PraBtorian prefect under Probiis, was elected 282.
emperor in his stead. As he was sixty years of age, he asso-
ciated his sons Carinus and Numerian with himself in the
government. Carus was an able man, somewhat of a Spartan
in his habits.
Leaving Carinus to take care of the West, Carus marched
against the Persians, Numerian, his younger son, being with
him. He ravaged Mesopotamia and the cities of Seleucia, and
Ctesiphon surrendered. But one night a thunderstorm burst
upon the camp, and Carus died, but whether by a natural
death, for he was ill at the time, by lightning, or by the hand
of the assassin, we cannot say.
The soldiers, who were informed that the emperor had been
struck by lightning, demanded that the war should be aban-
doned, and Numerian started with them on the homeward
journey. On the way he also died under suspicious circum-
stances. For his death Aper, his father-in-law, was blamed,
but it is not easy to discern any substantial motive for such a
deed. He could scarcely have hoped to succeed Numerian
seeing that Carinus was upon the throne.
Carinus. — When Carus died his son Carinus, who had 283.
been associated with him in the empire, and had remained in
charge of the West, was recognised at Rome as his successor.
Numerian was, as we have seen, returning with the army
from the East, but the brothers never met again.
During the tumult that followed the death of Numerian, 284.
the army of the East proclaimed Diocletian emperor. Aper,
father-in-law of Numerian, was placed upon his trial, but
Diocletian, with a fine show of righteous indignation, slew him
before he could open his mouth in his defence.
The action of Diocletian was most suspicious, and leads us
to fear that he was at least partly responsible for the death of
Numerian and, perhaps, also of Carus. He was captain of the
body-guard, and little could presumably have been done
without his concurrence.
206 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
Hearing what had happened Carinus set out to meet
Diocletian. Carinus had a good army and was an energetic
man. He gained early success, and won what seemed a de-
cisive battle at Margus, a town in Moesia, near the Danube.
But after the battle, and in the midst of victory, Carinus was
assassinated. The vices of Carinus are given as the reason for
the assassination, but it is easy to blacken the character of an
unsuccessful man. Had Diocletian died after the battle and
Carinus continued to reign we wonder what the verdict of the
historian would have been.
CHAPTER XXVI.
DIOCLETIAN.
When Diocletian ascended the throne the condition ot" the 284.
Roman Empire was far from satisfactory. The frontier ter-
ritories had sullered greatly from the ravages of war, the
central districts had not been entirely spared. Italy had been
invaded, and the capital had been so seriously menaced that
new fortifications had become imperative. War, famine, and
pestilence had thinned the population, lands lay waste, towns
were almost without inhabitant. Poverty abounded, taxes
were collected with extreme difficulty. The empire was dis-
solving, and if Diocletian by the new methods of government
which he introduced postponed the hour of dissolution even for
a time it must be remembered to his credit.
Diocletian was an lUyrian, about forty years of age, who
had served under Probus, Aurelian, and Carus. After the
deaths of Numerian and Carinus he had no rival. He was a
politician as well as a soldier and had sane ideas about govern-
ment.
Diocletian was the first emperor who looked facts squarely in
the face and acknowledged that the vast area of the Roman
Empire could not be ruled from one centre. Though the period
of transition was a lengthy one the partition of the Roman Em-
pire into East and West may be said to date from his reign.
Of course there had been assistant emperors before, but terri-
torial division and the deliberate sharing of the responsibilities
of government, so that each man became a sovereign within his
allotted area, had not been before attempted.
Diocletian began his reforms by associating with himself 286.
Maximian as colleague. Maximian was a Pannonian, a rough
(207)
208 THE EOMAN EMPIRE
man, but a most capable soldier. To Maximian he allotted the
northern frontiers, and the care of the Western portion of the
empire, whilst he himself governed the East. Theoretically the
emperors were equal, but Diocletian had practically by right
of priority a superiority in rank, and he always maintained a
mental and moral ascendency over his colleague. Strictly co-
ordinate jurisdiction was in fact not part of Diocletian's scheme,
he always intended that no matter how many emperors there
might be one should be supreme.
In a few years it became clear that even two emperors did
not suffice to grapple with the Roman problem so two subor-
dinate emperors, " Caesars," were added. The men chosen
293. were Galerius and Constantius, of whom the former married
Valeria, daughter of Diocletian, the latter Theodora, step-
daughter of Maximian. The empire was partitioned amongst
the four ; Diocletian taking control of Thrace, Egypt, Syria
and Asia Minor ; Maximian of Italy and Africa ; Galerius of
the Danubian provinces and Illyricum ; Constantius of Britain,
Gaul and Spain. Each ruler had sovereign executive power,
but Galerius and Constantius had no legislative power, nor had
they power over the imperial revenue, nor the right of appoint-
ing imperial officers. Their military powers also were sub-
ordinate to Diocletian and Maximian, who triumphed for their
victories.
Thus there were four distinct centres of political life and
the empire became for a time federal. Doubtless by agreement
not one of the sovereigns lived in Rome. Diocletian made
Nicomedia, a city of Bithynia, his capital ; Maximian lived in
Milan ; Galerius at Sirmium ; Constantius at Treves.
The city of Rome was hard hit by these arrangements. Of
the four sovereigns not one was Roman or had any special
sympathy with Rome. Diocletian never visited the capital as
emperor until he went to celebrate his triumph. He had then
been ruling for nearly twenty years. The city that had dom-
ineered over the world and concentrated all power within her
walls was now pushed aside. The Senate lost such power and
Diocletian 209
consideration as it still enjoyed. The Praetorian guards, who
had wrought so much mischief in Rome, were abolished and in
their place two regiments kept the peace. This alteration in
the position of the city of Rome was permanent and it was the
most important issue of Diocletian's rule.
The imperial authority was now entirely emancipated from
constitutional limitation. The emperor was autocrat pure and
simple. Diocletian assumed the state of an Oriental sovereign.
He wore a diadem, his palace attendants were eunuchs, visitors
prostrated themselves before his throne.
Italy and Rome were finally reduced to the level of the
provinces. A uniform system of administration was estab-
lished throughout the empire, controlled by the emperor and
his ministers. The new system was more expensive perhaps
than the earlier. There were four imperial courts, and a
greater number of important officers. In the presence of much
poverty this was of consequence. Yet the greater efficiency
must have been an ample compensation.
In many respects the new system was an obvious improve-
ment. The soldiers of the rival armies were better satisfied,
since each army had now its own imperator. The risk of
assassination was less for it was hardly worth killing one man
out of four. The risk of disputed succession was less, for
the crown princes were ready to step into the emperors' places
when they passed away. Doubtless also the various localities
received more attention and profited from the fact that their
ruler was at hand. Diocletian's system could not give per-
manent satisfaction, for it did not restore to the people the
right of self-government of which they had been deprived.
But the new system was an improvement, and though it did
not endure yet it tided the empire over its immediate difficul-
ties and prolonged its life for a time.
Before the appointment of Galerius and Constantius several
important things had happened. In Gaul there had been a
serious rebellion. The Gallic peasantry had long been treated
with much cruelty. They were mere serfs, slaves indeed, often
VOL. II. 14
210 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
working in fetters for the benefit of Gallic nobles and Roman
colonists. They rose in arms against their oppressors, and
were so successful that their leaders ventured to assume im-
perial functions. But Maximian's legions crushed them and
their condition seemed more hopeless than ever.
In Britain there was also revolution. It arose in a most
unexpected way. The Franks and Saxons, who dwelt on the
coasts bordering the North Sea, had taken to piracy on a
large scale, and were roaming the seas and ravaging the coasts
of Britain and Gaul. Diocletian and Maximian accordingly
appointed Carausius, a hardy seaman, as admiral in that region,
with the duty of guarding the coasts and suppressing piracy,
Carausius made Boulogne his head-quarters and built a fleet
with which he did good service. So emboldened was he with
his success that he revolted, threw off the authority of the
288. emperors, seized Britain and assumed the purple. He held
his own for seven years and may be spoken of as the first
British emperor, though he was not in any true sense the
head of a British nation. Medals struck during his reign are
still extant. Besides governing Britain, Carausius held Bou-
logne and the adjacent districts. His fleets commanded the
Channel and the North Sea and even sailed into the Mediter-
ranean.
290. For a time Diocletian and Maximian recognised Carausius
and professed to accept him as a colleague. But the recogni-
tion was only meant to be temporary. When they appointed
Galerius and Constantius as Caesars, it was understood that
the latter would destroy Carausius.
Constantius proceeded to carry out his task with much de-
liberation. First he blockaded Boulogne, building a mole
across the harbour-mouth, and then besieging the city from
the land. Boulogne defended itself with obstinacy, but was at
length captured and with it a considerable portion of the
British fleet.
Constantius then spent three years in securing the coasts
of Gaul and in preparing a fleet for the invasion of Britain.
DIOCLETIAN 211
Whilst these arrangements were in progress Carausius was
assassinated and succeeded by Allectus his lieutenant. When 294.
Constantius was ready he despatched his fleet and it made a
successful landing somewhere west of the Isle of Wight.
Allectus was lying with his army near London and he hurried
west to meet the invaders. He was defeated and slain and 296.
the fate of the island was decided in a single battle. When
Constantius shortly after landed in Kent all opposition was over.
There were also about this time revolts at Carthage and in
Egypt. The former was in Maximian's jurisdiction and was
speedily quelled. The Egyptian revolt was more serious. It
lay in Diocletian's sphere and he invaded Egypt and besieged
Alexandria. The siege lasted for eight months. When the
city fell he treated both it and the rest of Egypt with great
severity. This was natural, but we cannot sufficiently regret
his conduct in ordering the destruction of as many scientific
books as could be found in Egypt. He was particularly severe
upon those which dealt with alchemy, the precursor of modern
chemistry. The Egyptians were deeply versed in this science,
and Diocletian, by his barbarism, probably threw back chemical
science for many centuries.
The war in Egypt was followed by war in Persia. When
Armenia was conquered by Sapor I., Tiridates, the infant heir
to the Armenian throne, was carried to Rome for safety and
education. In the fulness of time this prince was produced,
appointed by Diocletian to the Armenian throne and sent back
to his own country to foment rebellion.
At first Tiridates was successful, but afterwards he was
driven out by the Persians. Diocletian then sent Galerius
with a great army to enforce his will. Galerius made the
mistake Crassus had made centuries before, and took the de- 296.
sert route to Mesopotamia, The result was equally disastrous.
In the sandy desert the heavily armed Roman was no match
for the Persian light cavalry with their bows and arrows, and
they were shot down in thousands. Galerius escaped with a
handful.
212 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
297. Next year Galerius again set forth, but this time advanced
by way of Armenia, where the Romans could light under
better conditions. They were now more than a match for
their enemies, and compelled them to agree to a humiliating-
peace. Persia ceded Mesopotamia and five provinces beyond
the Tigris to Rome, The Khabour became the boundary of
the empire, and Tiridates was restored to the Armenian tlirone.
The treaty was not likely to be permanent, but it kept the
peace for a time,
302. After these victories Diocletian and Maximian triumphed
in Rome. The incident is noteworthy, as this was almost the
last grand triumph celebrated in that city. Rome had already
ceased to be the capital, and soon her emperors ceased to
conquer.
Sad to relate, the reign of Diocletian — a wise reign in
many respects — was disgraced by the most terrible persecu-
tion which Christianity had yet endured. During his early
years the emperor did not manifest any hostility to the Church.
His wife and daughter were Christians, as well as many others
in the palace. There were also Christians in the army, both
among the officers and the privates.
Soldiers were excused from taking part in heathen sacri-
fices, even though they might be on duty when the sacrifices
were being offered. On certain occasions the priests com-
plained that the rites lost their efficacy because of the presence
of Christians — profane persons, as they termed them. Dio-
cletian now issued an order that all who lived in the palace
should sacrifice to the gods, and that soldiers should either
sacrifice or leave the army. Many officers at once threw up
their commissions and soldiers retired from the ranks. Dio-
cletian was very angry, and one centurion named Marcellus
was beheaded, but the persecution did not go farther for the
moment.
303, In the nineteenth year of his reign Diocletian was visited
at Nicomedia by Galerius, his son-in-law. Galerius came to
deliberately propose measures for the extirpation of Christi-
DIOCLETIAN 213
anity. To us this suggestion seems terrible and inexcusable,
but perhaps we should in fairness to the persecutors remember
certain things.
Galerius and Diocletian were pagans from their youth.
The good old Roman religion, " the religion of their fathers,"
as Galerius would doubtless term it, was being crushed out by
this upstart faith. The Christian Church was becoming
stronger every day, and its bishops were in many places more
influential than the prefects. It was apparently becoming a
dangerous imperium in imperio. Unless something were
done, and done speedily, the Church would not only thrust
aside paganism, but would dominate the empire itself. There
must be immediate action and there must be no half measures.
Perhaps this is how men like Diocletian and Galerius would
have viewed the matter. So they fought Christianity and
fought it fiercely, but Christianity won the day.
Diocletian was at first very unwilling to persecute on any-
thing like the scale which Galerius advocated. He called a
council to discuss the matter. But the council voted with
Galerius, and when he consulted the soothsayers they gave the
same advice. He yielded, but stipulated that no life should be
taken.
The campaign against Christianity began by the demolition
of the church in Nicomedia. The soldiers, after vainly search-
ing for an image of the Christian's God, burned the sacred
books which they found and pulled the church down. Next
day an edict was published. All Christians were to abjure
their faith or be degraded, deprived of civil rights, debarred
from bringing actions in the courts. They were liable to be
examined by torture. All sacred writings were to be delivered
up and burned, the churches were to be demolished and Church
property was confiscated. A gentleman who tore down the
edict in indignation was arrested and roasted to death before
a slow fire.
The edict was published throughout the provinces and it
created the utmost consternation. Christianity had made
214 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
much progress and had its converts amongst all classes of
the people.
Some magistrates carried out the edict willingly, some
sought to evade it. Vast numbers of sacred books were
burned, and this deplorable fact explains why there are so few
manuscripts dating before the reign of Diocletian. Earlier
emperors had tried to destroy Christianity by removing the
bishops and teachers, Diocletian and Galerius tried to ex-
tinguish it by getting rid of its sacred books. So little did
the enemies of Christianity understand what it really meant.
Scarcely had the persecution begun when an untoward
event happened in Nicomedia. The palace caught fire twice
within a fortnight and the emperor's bedroom was in danger.
The Christians were blamed, but it is just as likely that the
work was done by their enemies. Galerius was still in Nico-
media, and knowing that Diocletian was half-hearted he may
have wanted to push him on. Galerius now left Nicomedia,
declaring that his life was in danger, and Diocletian began to
persecute more fiercely. There was now no stipulation about
sparing life. His wife and daughter were compelled to con-
form, and court officials were burned, beheaded and drowned.
A second edict ordered that all Church officers should be
cast into prison. When the prisons were so crowded with
Church officers that there was no room for malefactors a
further edict ordered that torture should be used to compel
the prisoners to worship the gods. A final edict extended the
penalties to the entire body of Christians.
The persecutors evidently looked upon these edicts as de-
cisive, for medals were struck to commemorate the triumph of
Diocletian over Christianity.
The persecution happily did not rage over the whole em-
pire. Constantius, who ruled in the West, was favourable to
Christianity, so that Britain, Gaul and Spain were compara-
305. tively free. But as it was necessary to issue the edict, which
applied to the whole empire, and to appear to obey it, Con-
stantius pulled down a few churches to save appearances,
DIOCLETIAN 215
When, however, shortly afterwards, Diocletian and Maximian
abdicated, and Constantius became himself an emperor, he
boldly protected the Church in the Western provinces. Over
the rest of the empire the persecution went on.
" From East to West," writes Lactantius, an eye-witness,
" except in Gaul, three ravenous wild beasts (Diocletian, Max-
imian and Galerius) raged incessantly. In the East, under
Galerius, the common mode of torture was burning at a slow
fire. The Christians were fastened to a stake ; at first a mode-
rate flame was applied to the soles of the feet ; then torches
were applied to all their limbs, so that no part of the body
should escape. All the while water was poured upon their
faces and mouths lest they should expire too soon ; and when at
length after hours of agony the heat penetrated to their vitals
the dead bodies were burned, their bones ground to powder
and thrown into the water."
The persecution was not the work of the people, but of the
officials and priests. Many of the pagan citizens sympathised
^^ ith the Christians in their distress and imperilled their own
lives by trying to save them.
In the twenty-first year of his reign Diocletian abdicated. 305.
He was only about sixty years of age, but he was ill, and de-
sired to pass the rest of his life in quietness. He had built a
magnificent palace at Salona, on the Adriatic, and to this he
retired. He lived about ten years longer, the precise date of
his death being uncertain.
When Diocletian retired he insisted on Maximian also re-
tiring and Maximian obeyed him, though much against his
will. Thus the supreme power passed to the two Caesars,
Constantius and Galerius.
CHAPTER XXVII.
THE SIX EMPERORS.
305. With the abdication of Diocletian and Maximian, the Caesars,
Constantius and Galerius, became emperors, the former ruling
the West, the latter the East. Galerius was Diocletian's son-
in-law and had much influence over him, so that he was
allowed to nominate both the succeeding Caesars. He chose
Maximinus, his nephew, and Severus, allotting to the former
Syria and Egypt, to the latter Italy and Africa, He himself
had control over Illyricum and Asia Minor, whilst Constantius
continued to rule over Britain, Gaul and Spain. But in
making this settlement he left out two men whose interests
should have been considered, Constantine, the son of Con-
stantius, and Maxentius, the son of Maximian.
Constantine, known afterwards to history as Constantine
the Great, was the son of Constantius. When Constantius
was chosen by Diocletian as a Caesar and went to live in Gaul,
Constantine was serving with Galerius. He remained in his
service and was quickly promoted. He was handsome and
popular, and Diocletian designed that he should be one of the
crown princes when his father became emperor.
When Galerius passed over Constantine he took alarm and
determined to join his father. He therefore left Nicomedia
hurriedly and travelled post haste to Gaul. He found his
father at Boulogne, on the point of departure for Britain, so
he joined the expedition.
306. When, shortlj^ afterwards, Constantius died at York, Con-
stantine was present, and the soldiers proclaimed him emperor.
He sent word to Galerius who, though he was exasperated,
could not mend matters. He contented himself therefore with
(216)
THE SIX EMPEBOES 217
allott/infr the higher title to Severus and nominating Constan-
tine a Caesar. Constantine wisely accepted the compromise.
It made little real difference. He continued to administer the
provinces his father had administered, and reckoned his sue- *
cession as emperor from his father's death. He resided at
Treves, as his father had done, and governed well.
Maximian, who had abdicated with reluctance, was in-
censed because his son Maxentius had been passed over in the
new settlement, and Maxentius was equally angry. Together
therefore they fomented rebellion amongst the guards and
people of Rome. The Romans were the more ready for re-
bellion as they had been neglected for many years. When
therefore Maxentius, who was then residing near Rome, pro-
mised to remedy their grievances, they gladl}'' proclaimed him
emperor.
Maxentius was not himself a brilliant soldier, but Maximian, 306.
his father, who came eagerly to his help, made up for his de-
ficiencies in that respect. At the request of the Senate
Maximian again assumed the imperial purple.
As Italy lay in the dominions allotted to Severus, it was
his duty to oppose Maxentius. Accordingl}?- he marched into
Italy, but the father and son were too strong for lijjn ; his
legions deserted him and he fell back on Ravenna : where he
surrendered and put an end to his life.
Galerius, perceiving that immediate action was imperative,
gathered a powerful army and invaded Italy. But Maximian
had fortified the cities and he could effect nothing. When
therefore he had advanced within sixty miles of Rome he
perceived the danger of his position and retreated with some
precipitation. Maximian was in Gaul and Maxentius con-
tented himself with hanging upon the rear of the retreating-
army. He avoided a general engagement.
As a last resource Galerius appealed to Diocletian. The
old emperor consented to a conference, and promised to use
his interest with Maximian. The conference was held at
Carnuntum, Maximian and Galerius being present. At the 307,
218 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
conference Diocletian again persuaded Maximian to abdicate.
It was decided that Licinius, a comrade of Galerius, should be
made an emperor, and that Maxentius should be excluded from
• the succession. Seeing that Maximian and Maxentius were at
the head of a victorious army, there was little chance of the
arrangement being carried out.
After the conference Maximian visited Constantine in Gaul,
confirmed the title of Augustus which he had probably already
assumed, and gave him his step-daughter Fausta in marriage.
Meanwhile Maximinus, the nephew of Galerius, whom he
had made a Cassar, determined not to be behind the others in
dignity, and assumed the purple. Thus there were at one
time six men claiming the imperial title, besides Diocletian,
who was in retirement : Maximian, Galerius, Constantine,
Maxentius, Licinius and Maximinus.
Though Maximian, who was now an old man, had pro-
fessed to abdicate he hungered after power, and was looked
upon by the others as a somewhat dangerous character. His
son Maxentius, impatient of his interference, drove him from
Rome. He retired to Illyricum, but Galerius drove him
thence. He then took refuge in Gaul with Constantine his
son-in-law. In Gaul he might have ended his daj^s in peace,
but during the absence of Constantine at the Rhine he some-
what too readily believed a rumour of his death, and attempted
to seize the throne. Constantine returned quickly and chased
him to Marseilles. He surrendered and was imprisoned for a
310. time, but exhausted Constantine's patience, and at length died
in prison, probably by command.
One emperor had passed away, but five remained. Of
these Galerius died in the following year. He had been a
311- hard man, and was the one chiefly responsible for the persecu-
tion of the Christians in Diocletian's reign. But he became
afflicted at last by a grievous disease, and it softened him, for
a few days before his death he revoked his edicts against the
Christians and besought their prayers.
There were now four emperors: Constantine and Maxen-
THE SIX EMPEEOES 219
tius dividing the western, Licinius and Maximinus dividing
the eavstern portions of the empire.
Constantine and Maxentius were the first to fall out. The
origin of the quarrel is disputed, but both emperors raised
large armies and prepared for serious conflict. Constantino
crossed the Alps, and the first battle was fought in the plains
of Turin. Maxentius was heavily defeated, and fell back on
Rome. Constantine again advanced, and a great battle was
fought at Saxa Rubra. Maxentius was again defeated, and in 312.
the retreat was drowned.
The Romans received Constantine with gladness, and as
usual heaped insults upon the memory of his unfortunate pre-
decessor. Constantine slew the sons of Maxentius, but as
regards the rest passed an act of oblivion. He also erected a
triumphal arch which still stands.
There were now three emperors, Constantine, Licinius, and
Maximinus. Constantine desired alliance with Licinius, and
gave him his sister Constantia in marriage. Whilst the
nuptials were being celebrated at Turin, word came that
Maximinus had marched from Syria, and was invading the
dominions of Licinius. Licinius hurried back and defeated
him. Shortly afterwards he died at Tarsus. After his death 313.
Licinius barbarously slew his relatives, together with all whom
he deemed inimical to himself. Amongst those who perished
were Prisca, the wife of Diocletian, and Valeria his daughter,
widow of Galerius. Prisca and Valeria were Christians and
had suffered many things, both from Diocletian and Galerius.
After the death of Galerius, Maximinus had tried to persuade
Valeria to marry him, though he had a wife alive. She re-
fused, so he drove her with her mother into exile. Their
murder by Licinius was a piece of inexplicable barbarity.
Diocletian was still alive, living in retirement at Salona. He
died this same year, his last hours doubtless embittered by the
cruelty of Licinius.
The Roman world was now divided between two emperors,
Constantine and Licinius. They also fell out, and East and
220 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
314. West joined issue. The civil war was soon over. In two
battles, at Cibalis in Pannonia, and at Mardia in Thrace, Con-
stantine gained decisive victories, and Licinius sued for peace.
Constantine granted peace, but curtailed his dominions, leaving
him only Thrace, Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt.
Constantine had now to turn his attention to the northern
tribes. He spent several years warring against them, con-
quered Sarmatia, and made a treaty with the Goths by which
they undertook to furnish him with 40,000 recruits to the
Roman armies.
323. The reconciliation between the emperors lasted for eight
years, after which war broke out again. Licinius concentrated
his forces at Adrianople, Constantine mobilised at Thessalonica.
Then Constantine advanced, defeated Licinius, and drove him
out of Europe into Asia. Licinius gathered another army in
Bithynia, and Constantine, crossing the Bosphorus, defeated
him at Scutari. Licinius then yielded, on the understanding
that his life should be spared. He was sent to Thessalonica,
but an excuse was soon found for his execution.
The Roman Empire was now reunited, and Diocletian's
scheme had in great measure fallen to the ground. He had
divided the imperial authority amongst colleagues, subject to
the general control of the senior emperor. So long as his
powerful hand guided all, the arrangement answered, but no
sooner had he abdicated than trouble began. Twenty years of
conflict followed, and now the failure of the plan was apparent.
When, after some years the empire was again divided, the
idea of a single central authority was absent.
We have spoken of the persecution of Christians under
^ Diocletian. Shortly after his abdication persecution ceased in
307. the western provinces, but Galerius and Maximinus still carried
on a reign of terror in the East. Most of those who are cele-
brated as Diocletian martyrs suffered between 308 and 311 a.d.
that is, after the abdication of the emperor.
311. At length Galerius himself gave up the struggle and issued
an edict of toleration, In this edict he reproached the Chris-
THE SIX EMPEROES 221
tians with forsaking the gods of their fathers, and explained
how the emperors had tried to bring them back to the true
faith. He acknowledged that their efforts had been in vain,
and declared that so long as the Christians did nothing con-
trary to the good order of the Roman State they might hold
their assemblies unmolested, and live quietly in their own
homes. Shortly after issuing this edict, Galerius died.
The deliverance of the Christians filled them with joy.
From prison and exile they flocked homeward singing hymns of
thanksgiving. Maximinus continued to harass them, but from
this they were soon delivered by his death. In the previous
year Maxentius had been defeated and slain so that Constantine
and Licinius divided the empire between them. Then came
the defeat and death of Licinius, and Constantine ruled alone.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
CONSTANTINE THE GREAT.
CoNSTANTiNUS I. was the eldest son of the Emperor Con-
stantius Chlorus and his wife Helena. He was born 274 a.d.
at Naissus in Moesia. His father was one of the two Caesars
appointed by Diocletian and Maximian in 292, and received
the government of Britain, Gaul and Spain, with Treves as
his residence. At the same time he divorced his wife Helena
and married Theodora, the step-daughter of Maximian.
Helena, therefore, remained in the East whilst her former
husband was reigning at Treves. Constantine also remained
in the East. He did not seriously quarrel with his father about
the divorce, for his father acted under irresistible influence, but
there was an estrangement. Constantine was deeply attached
to his mother, and the unkindness to which she was subjected
drew them together. When Constantine became emperor in
after years he promoted his mother to high honour, giving her
the rank of Augusta. Helena was in her later years a devout
Christian, but whether she became a Christian before or after
her son's conversion is not certain. Her influence over him,
however, was always for good.
Constantine was trained in the service of Diocletian and
Galerius, and developed into a brave and capable man. When
305. Diocletian and Maximian abdicated and Galerius and Con-
stantius became emperors, the nomination of the new Caesars
fell into the hands of Galerius. Constantine was passed over,
and seeing that there was no future for him with Galerius,
and that his life was barely safe he escaped to Gaul. He
found his father sailing for Britain on an expedition against
(222)
CONSTANTINE THE GREAT 223
the Picts and joined him. That same year his father, who had
been ailing for some time, died at York. 306.
Constautine now laid claim to a share in the empire and
the legions enthusiastically supported him. Galerius dared
not contest the matter so he acknowledged Constantine as his
father's successor but with the title of Csesar only. That
same year as we have seen Maximian and Maxentius seized
the imperial power at Rome, and held Italy against both
Severus and Galerius, A conference with Diocletian followed
of which the only practical issue was the appointment of 307.
another emperor, Licinius, a comrade of Galerius.
Five years after these events, when Galerius from his 311,
death-bed issued the edict of toleration of which we have
already spoken, Constantine and Licinius both signed it.
The incidents accompanying the death of the old emperor
Maximian have already been recorded. After his death
Constantine fell out with Maxentius, his brother-in-law, and
invaded Italy, He defeated him at Turin, and again at Saxa
Rubra, and in the latter battle Maxentius was slain. 312,
A picturesque account is given of a vision which Constantine
is said to have had on his march against Maxentius. Per-
plexed in his mind he is said to have seen a luminous cross in
the sky with the words " By this conquer," and this vision is
said to have decided him to become a Christian, If we hesitate
to believe the narrative it is not because we doubt the pos-
sibility of a vision but because we do not think the Redeemer
of mankind would have encouraged war at all, by vision or
otherwise. Probably Constantine passed through a time of
anxiety on the march and spoke to his friends about it. The
rest would soon be added. Lactantius, a contemporary his-
torian, says : " Constantine was told in a dream to cause the
heavenly sign of God to be placed on the shields, and thus
to proceed to battle. He did as he was commanded." This
puts the matter in a reasonable light.
The year following Licinius visited Constantine in Milan 313.
and married his sister Constantia. During this visit the fa-
224 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
mous edict of Milan went forth. It emanated from Constantine,
but Licinius concurred.
The edict of Milan proclaimed full religious toleration, alleg-
ing the sacred rights of conscience as its motive. It gave no
ascendency to Christianity, but declared liberty of worship to
Pagan, Jew and Christian alike.
The edict ordained that the civil and religious rights of
which the Christians had been deprived should be restored;
that the places of worship and lands which had been confiscated
should be given back ; and that every man should have the
right to follow the religion which he preferred.
Strict obedience to the terms of the edict was enjoined upon
governors of provinces, and the emperors gratefully acknow-
ledging the Divine favour, declared that they were only
actuated by a desire to propitiate the Deity and consult the
happiness of their people.
Great part of the charm of this edict lay in its non-dog-
matic form. When Constantine in after years avowed himself
the patron of Christianity he published edicts specially in its
favour. The edict of Milan was not of that type. It did not
patronise Christianity nor condemn any other faith. It simply
acknowledged that the civil power should not step between
man and God. Every one might worship the Deity as his
conscience dictated, and no one was to be under civil disability
on account of his religious views. This was the true Christian
spirit, the spirit of Him who said : " My kingdom is not of
this world ". So far as we are aware Constantine was the first
civil ruler to boldly affirm this principle, and though he after-
wards departed from it and many centuries were to pass before
the principle would be accepted, if indeed it is yet accepted,
Constantine deserves credit for its annunciation. Whether
Constantine truly understood all that Christianity implied at
this time we may doubt. But we do not doubt that the edict
of Milan was inspired.
During the years that followed this edict Constantine's
laws had a distinctly religious tone. He discouraged, though
CONSTANTINE THE GREAT 225
he could not entirely prevent, gladiatorial shows ; abolished the
punishment of crucifixion, and on some occasions refused to
take part in pagan rites. He retained, however, the office of
Pontifex Maximus, and took part in heathen ceremonies when
they came in the form of imperial functions. He promoted
the emancipation of slaves,, enacting that they might be freed
in church as well as before the magistrate. He even issued an
edict concerning the observance of Sunday, but this was prob-
ably on general rather than on Christian grounds. That the
edict might not offend his pagan subjects he styled the Lord's
day dies solis (Sunday). Necessary operations of agriculture
were made an exception. Constantine issued a form of prayer
to the Supreme Being for the use of the army, wisely making
it of such a nature that it could be used by men of every
religion.
The prayer was as follows : —
" We acknowledge Thee to be the only God : we own Thee
as our King : we entreat Thine aid. Through Thee we have
won our victories : through Thee we vanquish our foes. We
give Thee thanks for all our present benefits, and trust in Thee
for favours yet to come. We are all Thy suppliants : we
beseech Thee to preserve to us in length of life, in safety and
in triumph, our Emperor Constantine and his royal house"
(Eusebius, Life of Constantine, bk. iv., chap. xx.}.
Unfortunately Constantine did not confine himself to the
removal of the disabilities under which Christians suffered, but
went on to distinguish the Christian Church by special marks
of royal favour. He endowed churches from public funds or
from revenues derived from the confiscation of heathen temples,
made gifts of public money to the clergy, and endeavoured to
relieve them from taxation.
Constantine further permitted the bishops to usurp the
jurisdiction of the civil courts, allowed the clergy to receive
deathbed gifts and to hold lands. This policy, well meant but
most unwise, has brought confusion into many States, and,
even in his own reign, Constantine perceived that he had made
VOL. II. 15
226 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
a mistake. Unworthy men received ordination merely in
order that they might enjoy the privileges and immunities of
ecclesiastics, and great masses of property fell into the hands
of the Church. It was said that had Constantine presented
the Churches with two entire provinces they would not have
gained more than they did under his legislation.
313. Constantine's first personal interference with matters of
ecclesiastical jurisdiction was in connection with a dispute in
the Numidian province. There was a controversy there con-
cerning Church discipline, between the Donatists and those
whom we may for convenience call the Catholics. The Dona-
tists strongly advocated a pure Church, and refused to recog-
nise many professing Christians as members of the Church of
Christ at all.
The Donatists, persecuted by Caecilian their bishop, made
the mistake of invoking the aid of Constantine. Their petition
to the emperor closed as follows : —
" We address ourselves to thee, most excellent prince, be-
cause thou art of righteous parentage, and the son of a father
who did not persecute us, as did his colleagues, the other
emperors. Since, therefore, the regions of Gaul have not fallen
into the sin of surrendering the Scriptures, and since there are
disputes between us and other prelates of Africa, we supplicate
thy piety, that our case may be submitted to judges drawn
from Gaul " (Cooper's Free Church, pp. 365, 366).
This is the first important instance in which Christians
asked the aid of the State in settlement of their religious
afiairs. It was an unfortunate precedent.
At one time Constantine's own views on the matter were
clear enough. In a letter to the Council of Aries he says : —
" They demand my judgment who myself expect the judg-
ment of Christ. . . . O what audacity of madness ! After the
manner of the heathen they appeal to me " {Diet. Christ. Biog.,
i., p. 640).
Nevertheless Constantine was induced to accept the posi-
tion of arbiter, and after a time came to believe that the duty
CONSTANTINE THE GEEAT 227
of settling disputes in the Church belonged to him. It was
the easier for him to glide into this position because, as he
himself put it, the heathen already appealed to him. As
Pontifex Maximus he was supreme judge in their religious
matters.
In response to the request of the Donatists a synod was 313.
held at Rome in the palace of the Lateran. The decision was
against the Donatists. Next year there was a fiu:1)her hearing
at Aries, the parties and judges being brought there at public 314.
expense. There were 200 bishops present, and the decision of
the previous council was confirmed. The Donatists then en-
treated the emperor to take the matter into his own hands.
He did so, and the case was argued before him at Milan with 316.
the same result.
Irritated at the obstinacy of the Donatists in declining
even yet to accept their defeat, Constantine now enforced the
decision of the councils by the aid of the secular arm. The
Donatists were proscribed, deprived of their churches, their
property was confiscated, their bishops were exiled. When
they still remained refractory Constantine sent an army, and
for the first time in the world's history Christians slaughtered
Christians. Fire and sword swept over the country. Such
were the first-fruits of the alliance between Church and State.
At length Constantine perceived that schism could not thus 317.
be ponquered, and ordered his soldiers to stay their hand. At
the same time he advised Csecilian to treat his opponents
kindly, and leave vengeance to God. It must, however, in
fairness be said that a contemporary historian declares that
the harsh treatment of the Donatists was against the wishes
of the Catholic bishops. At all events Constantine interfered
no more with the Donatists, and they so increased that in
A.D. 330 their synod was attended by 270 bishops.
We have seen in the last chapter how Constantine and
Licinius went to war in 314, and how Lieinius was defeated.
After his defeat he seems to have again become the champion
of paganism. The struggle between the emperors was renewed
228 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
323. some years later, and resulted in the defeat and death of
Licinius. Constantine was at last master in an undivided
empire.
Constantine now became openly the patron of the Christian
Church. He did not suppress heathen worship by force, though
he prohibited rites involving immorality or sorcery. Moreover,
in Byzantium, to which he removed the seat of his government,
he only allowed Christian worship. But offices and other
rewards were given to Christians, and it was soon seen on
which side favour la}^ The inevitable result followed. There
were large additions to the Christian Church from the ranks
of the heathen. Some were doubtless sincere, but many, we
fear, were led by interest. Soon imperial favour was a greater
danger to the Church than imperial hostility had been.
323. At the time when Constantine became sole emperor the
Arian controversy was distracting the Christian Church, It
had originated in a dispute between Alexander, the Bishop of
Alexandria, and Arius, a presbyter. The dispute was con-
cerning the true relationship of the Father and the Son. The
contention of Arius logically involved the question of the
divinity of Christ, though he would not allow that his views
were unsound.
Constantine did not realise the gravity of the dispute, and
wrote a letter to Alexander and Arius jointly, saying that they
were disputing about an insignificant matter, and entreating
them to suffer him to spend his days in peace.
But this well-meant letter did not settle the dispute, and
Constantine determined to call a council. Accordingly he sum-
325. moned the famous council of Nicsea. To this council bishops
came from all parts of the empire, each bishop being allowed a
retinue of two presbyters and three slaves. Careful posting
arrangements were made and all invited to the conference
travelled and were entertained at the public expense. The
most distinguished champion on the orthodox side was Atha-
nasius, a young deacon of Alexandria.
Constantine presided over the council himself, and his
CONSTANTINE THE GEEAT 229
dignified and courteous bearing inspired high respect. The
theologians attacked one another with acrimony and the coun-
cil lasted for two months. An effort was made to attain the
impossible by fixing upon a declaration of faith to which the
whole Church would agree. After a keen dispute between the
Arians and the orthodox, the latter triumphed and the Nicene
creed was the result.
The Nicene creed as read in our churches is not the same
as the original creed. In later years the creed was modified,
the doctrine of the Holy Spirit was more clearly set forth, and
certain condemnatory clauses were omitted. The creed as it
now stands is a distinct improvement on the original.
At first a goodly number refused to subscribe to the
creed, but when they found that the penalty for non-
compliance would be loss of place and of imperial favour
most of them yielded. A few, among whom was Arius,
held out.
The time for celebrating Easter was also settled by this
council and those who refused to conform were declared ex-
communicate.
At the end of the council Constantine gave a banquet to
the bishops and presented gifts. Then exhorting them to be of
one mind, to live at peace, and to pray for himself, his children
and the empire, he bade them farewell.
During the Niceean Council Constantine displayed great
moderation, but afterwards he was severe. Arius was banished
and his writings were burned. Some of his supporters were
also banished.
Persecution did not end with the Arians. Constantine was
persuaded to pass a penal law against various kinds of dis-
senters, forbidding them to meet in churches or private houses,
and ordering that their houses of prayer, " if they deserved to
be called so," should be pulled down and confiscated to the
Catholic Church. Thus, no sooner was the Church free from
the persecution of idolaters than Christians began to persecute
one another, the direct result of the patronage of the Church
230 THE EOMAN EMPIRE
by the emperor, and the invoking by the Christians themselves
of the aid of the secular power.
The irony of the situation appeared when a little time
afterwards Constantine modified his views and favoured the
Arians. He restored their bishops, recalled Arius and ordered
that he should be received back into the Church. But this was
not so easily arranged. Athanasius, now head of the orthodox
party in Alexandria, refused to take him back even when
threatened with deposition and banishment. Constantine re-
spected his firmness and forbore to proceed to extremities.
He declared that whatever the views of Athanasius might be,
he was a man of God.
The enemies of Athanasius persisted in attacking him and
Constantine was at last obliged to agree to his trial. It was
the thirtieth year of Constantine's reign, and he had invited
many bishops to the dedication of a church which he had
erected over the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem. The emperor
ordered them first to meet at Tyre to consider the case of
Athanasius, but that prelate begged for a change of venue to
Constantinople. The request was granted and he was ulti-
mately exiled to the important and comfortable city of Treves.
Arius now returned to Alexandria, but the Christians there
would not receive him. He therefore returned to Constanti-
nople, and Constantine ordered that he should be installed in
the church there. But the bishop refused to open the church
doors and the friends of Arius were talking of making a
forcible entry when Arius suddenly died. He was over eighty
336. years of age and probably the prolonged excitement proved too
much for his strength.
The building of Constantinople was the great event of this
reign. Born in Servia, bred in Asia, and crowned in Britain,
Rome was to Constantine a foreign city. The enemies of the
empire lay in the East and North-east, and Rome was an incon-
venient residence for an emperor who desired to watch the
Danubian and Asiatic frontiers. Diocletian had lived at Nico-
media, a city on the Asiatic side of the Sea of Marmora, and
CONSTANTINE THE GEEAT 231
Constantine had his usual residence there. But struck with
the superior suitability of Byzantium he determined to build a
new capital on its site.
Byzantium had been founded by the Greeks nine centuries
before and had already passed through many vicissitudes. The
new capital covered a much larger space. Constantine took a
personal interest in the work, superintending the laying out of
the walls and the building of the city. He spent vast sums in
public buildings and decoration, and despoiled other cities of
their treasures for its sake. When the city was ready for
habitation he removed to it the seat of government, and invited
persons of wealth and influence to take up their abode there.
The city was called New Rome at the first, but the name Con-
stantinopolis was more appropriate and has endured.
It is as a rule a dangerous experiment to start a new city,
but in this case the experiment was absolutely successful. The
position was ideal, and notwithstanding very rough treatment
and temporary destruction at times the city still endures.
The building of Constantinople, which was perhaps the
logical outcome of the scheme of Diocletian, helped to still
further depose Rome from her imperial position, and paved
the way for the final separation of East and West. This separa-
tion was not part of Constantine's plan, but it was coming, and
the provision of a suitable capital on the Bosphorus helped it
forward.
In the year 326 Constantine went to Rome to celebrate the
twentieth anniversary of his reign, and the festival was blighted
by a sore tragedy. His eldest son Crispus was apprehended
during the festival, exiled to Istria and executed. Some of his
comrades were executed at the same time. It is possible that
Constantine acted too hurriedly, and it is even said that he
afterwards erected a monument to Crispus with the words :
" To my son whom I unjustly condemned ". But the whole
matter is obscure.
During the latter part of Constantine's reign there were
wars between the Sarmatians dwelling in Upper Hungary and
232 THE KOMAN EMPIEE
the Goths. Constantine went to the aid of the Sarmatians
332. and defeated the Goths. But when the war was renewed the
Sarmatians, unable to withstand the pressure, entreated Con-
stantine to permit them to settle in the empire. Accordingly
334. he gave them lands in lUyricum and Italy and 300,000 of them
emigrated at this time.
Three years later Sapor II. began hostilities on the Persian
frontier. Constantine prepared to march against him, but fell
ill at Nicomedia. Realising that his illness was mortal he
desired to be baptised. Calling the bishops together in his
palace he said that it had been his desire to receive baptism in
the Jordan, but God had ordained otherwise. His purple robes
having been removed the ceremony was performed, after which
he was clothed in white and laid upon his bed. He died in the
337. sixty-fourth year of his age and the thirty-first of his reign.
His body was taken to Constantinople where it lay in state for
a time. It was then buried with great pomp in a tomb pre-
pared by himself and in the Church of the Apostles which he
had built. The site is now occupied by a mosque. He is said
to have been mourned with wonderful lamentation, and he
deserved to be for he was a good man and a great king.
The Christian Church, grateful for many favours, canonised
Constantine, as well as his mother the Empress Helena. At
Rome he was enrolled among the gods and incense was oftered
before his statue.
CHAPTER XXIX.
THE HOUSE OF CONSTANTINE.
Const ANTiNE the Great left three sons, Constantinus, aged 337.
twenty-one ; Constantius, aged twenty ; and Constans, aged
seventeen. He left instructions that after his death his do-
minions should be divided between the three sons and two
nephews. But Constantius, his second son, who was on the
spot, secured the empire to his brothers and himself by a
wholesale massacre of his relations. Only two children, Gallus
and Julian, were spared, probably because too young to be
considered dangerous. Though Constantius receives most of
the blame for this massacre, it was probably rather the work
of the ministers and troops than of the prince himself. The
empire was now divided between the brothers, Constantine II.
obtaining Britain, Gaul and Spain ; Constans having Italy, and
Constantius ruling the East.
This settlement did not give satisfaction. Constantine II.,
the eldest brother, quarrelled with Constans and attacked him,
expecting an easy victory. But the young prince was well
served by his generals, and Constantine was led into an ambus-
cade at Aquileia and slain. Thus Gaul, Britain and Spain 340.
passed to Constans, who now ruled two-thirds of the empire,
the remainder being ruled by Constantius.
When Constantine the Great died the empire was on the
eve of a Persian war, and Constantius, falling heir to the East,
fell heir to this also. Sapor II. took advantage of the death of
Constantine the Great and invaded Mesopotamia. He made
rapid progress, winning battles and capturing cities, but in the
midst of his success he was threatened by a barbarian invasion,
and was glad to make a truce with Constantius, who, for
(233)
234 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
reasons which shall shortly appear, was equally glad of the
respite.
During the years that followed his succession to the do-
minions of his elder brother, Constans saw much fighting in
Gaul. As he was young and more fond of pleasure than war,
active operations were left in the hands of his generals. The
ablest of these was Magnentius, a German, who had risen from
the ranks, and was in command of the picked regiments.
Magnentius conspired against Constans and was proclaimed
emperor by his men. Constans taken at a disadvantage fled,
but was overtaken and slain. When the news of the murder
of their lawful emperor reached the Ulyrian regiments they
also determined to elect an emperor, and induced Vetranio to
assume the purple. Vetranio was loyal to the house of Con-
stantine, but accepted the position rather than see another
proclaimed.
350. Constantius was warring on the Persian frontier when he
heard of these events, so he arranged the truce with Sapor
already mentioned, and turned westward to meet the usurpers.
Vetranio gladly resigned his power into the emperor's hands,
so that he was left with only Magnentius to face. After being
353. defeated in two campaigns Magnentius put an end to his life,
and the Roman Empire was again united under one ruler.
That his hands might be free for dealing with Magnentius,
Constantius had given Gallus, one of the boys spared at the
massacre, the title of Caesar, and had left him in command of
the East. Gallus is said to have ruled badly, and certainly he
made many enemies. Constantius ordered him to appear be-
fore him at Milan to answer for himself, and he set out, but on
the way was arrested, imprisoned and executed.
354. Thus of the house of Constantine the Great only Constan-
tius, a son, and Julian, a nephew, brother of Gallus, now sur-
vived. Julian was born at Constantinople, 331 A.D., so that
he was six years of age when his uncle died. He had been
educated with care, but watched with jealousy. After the
execution of Gallus, Julian complained because his brother had
THE HOUSE OF CONSTANTINE 235
been condemned without a trial, and for a time his own life
was in danger. For some months he was kept under strict
surveillance, but he at length managed to pacify the emperor,
and was allowed to proceed to Athens. After a few months in
that city he had the title of Caesar conferred on him, and was
sent to active service in Gaul. The German tribes had crossed
the Rhine and were ravaging the province, and Julian was
entrusted with the task of driving them back. He showed
much ability, defeated them in four campaigns, and carried
the war across the Rhine into their own country. He also
governed the province well, and gained goodwill on every side.
Constantius had been equally successful on the Danubian
frontier, but from this he was called to Mesopotamia to meet a
fresh invasion of Sapor, the Persian king. That he might do
this the more effectively he requested Julian to send him four
legions from Gaul. Doubtless he wanted the men, partly also
perhaps he dreaded the progress Julian was making in popular
favour, and desired to weaken his hands. Julian suspected
that the latter was the chief reason, and his troops shared his
opinion and refused to march. They were in Paris at the 360.
time, and there they proclaimed Julian emperor. Julian ac-
cepted the position with some reluctance. He did not wish to
break with Constantius, so he wrote to him explaining the
circumstances, signing himself by the lower title of Caesar, and
asking Constantius to confirm the higher title. But Constan-
tius was furious, and both men prepared for war. Julian
hastened southward with his forces, marching from the Rhine
to Illyricum. Constantius marched westward from Syria, but
near Tarsus, in Cilicia, he fell sick and died. He was but
forty-five years of age, and had reigTied for twenty-five .years. 361.
Thus civil war was averted ; Julian had now no opponent, and
when he reached Constantinople the whole city came out to
greet him. He was in the thirty-second year of his age when
he thus obtained undisputed possession of the empire.
Julian. — Julian has been unfairly treated by historians in
being branded with a surname which prejudges his character.
236 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
The emperor was a sincere idolater, and wrote philosophical
works in favour of the ancient faith. There was nothing
extraordinary in this, for notwithstanding the conversion of
Constantine the Great and his long patronage of Christianity,
more than half the population of the empire still held to idol
worship. Julian had been educated in Christian doctrine, but
had never been a Christian at heart, and should not be spoken
of as an "apostate". There had -been, moreover, little in his
experience calculated to incline him towards Christianity. His
uncle Constantine the Great was a good man, but he had
scarcely known him. He was but six when the great emperor
died. The three " Christian " emperors who succeeded Con-
stantine began their career by foully murdering his relatives.
Until Julian was twenty years of age he was practically a
prisoner, and his life until he became Caesar was never safe.
Nor was Julian likely to be favourably impressed by such
fruits of Christianity as he saw around him. The palace in
the days of Constantine the Great had been respectable, but it
was now grossly licentious. With the poorer Christians,
amongst whom such true religion as there was mostly dwelt,
he would be little in touch. The ecclesiastics with whom
Julian came into contact spent their lives in intrigue and in
senseless and acrimonious disputes upon obscure questions in
theology, leaving the corruption and misery of the empire un-
alleviated and unreproved. Christianity had been the estab-
lished religion of the empire for forty years, and this was the
outcome. Can we wonder if there was a reaction, and if men
of philosophic mind like Julian began to wonder whether
Christianity was any improvement upon the ancient faith ?
As soon as Julian became emperor he avowed himself an
idol wojrshipper. He did not persecute Christians, but pub-
lished an edict of universal toleration. He desired to be impar-
tial, but we can well understand how difficult was the position
which he occupied. The Christian Church had been favoured
by Constantine above all other religious bodies, and his un-
worthy sons had in this respect followed in their father's
THE HOUSE OF CONSTANTINE 237
footsteps. Christians had been preferred in making public
appointments, temples had been destroyed or allowed to fall
into decay, idol worship had been forbidden in certain parts
of the empire, and revenues devoted originally to the temples
had been confiscated for the benefit of Christianity. To reverse
this policy even in part was a most difficult matter. When one
religious body has enjoyed pre-eminence over the rest, and has
monopolised the good things of the State for a long time, any
attempt to touch its peculiar privileges by placing it on an
equality with other religious bodies is looked upon as persecu-
tion. Yet it was inevitable that Julian should put idolaters
into office, and should order the restoration of ruined temples
and confiscated revenues.
Doubtless there was active persecution during the reign of
Julian, though against the will of the emperor and without his
knowledge. The idol worshippers, though a majority of the
people, had been roughly thrust aside ; they had old scores to
pay back, and priests, governors and officials, especially in the
country districts, flushed with victory, would find their oppor-
tunity to oppress. Nor can Julian be entirely freed from
blame. He issued an order forbidding Christians to teach the
classics or the writings of the heathen philosophers. His
reason .was logical enough. Seeing that Christians did not
believe in the gods, he thought they should not intermeddle
with heathen philosophy.
Julian was a most active legislator. Though he reigned for
but twenty months, fifty-four of his laws appear in the codes
of Theodosius and Justinian.
The emperor waged war against the many abuses which had
grown up in the court of Constantius, particularly against the
pernicious influence of the eunuchs, strange residents to find in
a Christian court. He was himself a good man, living an un-
selfish and virtuous life. Had he been spared he would have
had an excellent influence in many ways, and his sincerity
might have led him to embrace Christianity in the end. But
his reign was so short that neither the attempted restoration of
238 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
idolatry nor his war against corruption had much permanent
effect.
When Julian succeeded to the throne Alexandria was in a
turmoil. One George of Cappadocia, a defaulting army con-
tractor, had taken to theology and embraced Arian doctrine.
He was clever and zealous, and was appointed eventually to the
see of Alexandria, notwithstanding much popular protest. He
used his power corruptly, and when Julian came to the throne
he deposed and imprisoned him. After twenty-four days the
people, impatient of judicial delay, broke open the prison and
lynched their enemy. But in slaying the man they created
the martyr, for his crimes were forgotten and the Arians held
his memory in reverence. Accordingly, when the crusaders
entered the East in 1097 they found George canonised and
honoured as a warrior saint. At the siege of Antioch in 1098
this saint was thought to have helped them, and he was adopted
as one of their patrons. About 1350 Edward III. associated
him with the Order of the Garter, and he became the St.
George of Merry England.
Though he had no sympathy with their religious ideas,
Julian patronised the Jews, and even encouraged a scheme for
rebuilding Jerusalem and planting there a Jewish colony. The
scheme was supported by wealthy Hebrews and a great deal
of money was subscribed. Contemporary writers declare that
the work was stopped by supernatural manifestations, but
their statements may be disregarded. The death of Julian
and the succession of a Christian emperor put an end to the
plan.
The beginning of Julian's reign had been associated with
the Persian war, and it was fated that the end of his reign
should have a similar association. In the hope of recovering
some of the territory which the empire had lost, the emperor
363. gathered a great army at Antioch and set out, moving down
the Euphrates Valley. He had brilliant success until he reached
Ctesiphon. Here he defeated the Persian army, but as the
city was powerfully fortified and surrounded by water and
THE HOUSE OF CONSTANTINE 239
morass he did not besiege it, but marched inland, hoping to
force the Persians to give him battle in the open plain.
Julian had been attended by a great fleet which had sailed
down the Tigris, but this he burned together with his magazine
and stores, hoping to find suflScient support for the troops in
the surrounding country. The Persians, however, adopted
Fabian tactics. They refused to give battle but hovered round,
cutting off stragglers and attacking parties of soldiers when-
ever they safely could. Meanwhile they drove away their
cattle and devastated the country, so that Julian could not
obtain provision for his troops. The soldiers were soon in
great straits, and many sickened and died. At last retreat
became inevitable. Whilst retiring they were attacked by the
whole force of the Persian army, but notwithstanding the dis-
tressing circumstances the soldiers fought well and the assaults
of the enemy were repulsed again and again.
Julian showed unflinching courage on the retreat, but his
utmost efforts could do no more than save the troops from
annihilation. At length in repulsing a serious attack he was
shot through the liver and fell senseless to the ground. When
he recovered consciousness he wished to renew the struggle, but
the surgeons told him that his wound was mortal. He then
retired and spent the few remaining hours of his life in con-
versation with his friends.
Julian was only in the thirty-second year of his age when
he died, and his reign had lasted less than two years. Yet he
had shown great qualities, and had he lived longer he might
have proved worthy to be reckoned among the great Roman
Emperors. Both as crown prince and emperor he had toiled
hard for the good of the State, he was upright in his ad-
ministration, and he lived a life of virtue and of self-
control.
There is a legend that when on his deathbed Julian uttered
the words, " Oh, Galilean, thou hast conquered ! " Though the
narrative is without foundation, yet it would be correct to say
that Julian's effort on behalf of paganism made no enduring
240 THE KOMAN EMPIRE
impression. He was succeeded by Christian emperors, and
that which he had done was undone.
Julian was a man of scholarly attainment and an author
of merit. Many of his works are still extant. One was
against the Christians. The work is lost, but extracts are
given in writings of the Fathers who replied to it.
Julian left no son, and the race of Constantine died with
him.
CHAPTER XXX.
JOVIAN, VALENTINIAN I., VALENS, GRATIAN.
Jovian. — When Julian fell, the army which he had led 363.
against the Persians was in a position of extreme peril. It
was essential that a successor should be at once appointed.
Hurriedly and almost by accident Jovianus, the head of the
imperial household, was chosen, and to him fell the task of
rescuing the army from the peril by which it was surrounded.
The task was rendered the harder from the fact that the
death of Julian greatly encouraged the Persians. They
attacked the Roman forces with renewed vigour and though
they were repulsed it was with difficulty and by desperate
fighting.
Clearly there was no alternative for the Romans but to make
peace if they would save the remnant of their army. Jovian
accordingly entered into negotiation with Sapor and conditions
of peace were laid down. They were very hard. Five pro-
vinces on the Tigris were restored to the Persian monarchy :
the impregnable city of Nisbis and other fortresses were handed
over : the suzerainty of Armenia which had cost so many wars
was abandoned. Hard though the terms were they were agreed
to, a truce of thirty years was arranged, and hostages were
given on both sides. The Romans now marched homeward,
but they were almost without provisions and it was not until
they had journeyed for a week and suffered terrible hardsliip
that they reached the city of Ur and found adequate supply.
Jovian sent messengers all over the empire announcing
his accession and the peace he had concluded with Persia, and
the election was accepted on the whole with tranquillity. The
remains of Julian were interred at Tarsus, which he had se-
voL. II. (241) 16
242 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
lected as his burial place because his mother's family resided
there.
On the homeward journey, at a small town on the frontiers
of Bithynia and Galatia, after a reign of little more than seven
months, Jovian suddenly died and " the throne of the world was
again vacant ".
364. Valentinian I. — The election of Jovian had been hurried,
the election of Valentinian was deliberate. An assembly of
chiefs both civil and military was held at Nicsea, and he was
selected. He was absent at the time, and his formal installa-
tion took place ten days later.
Valentinian I. was an Illyrian of humble origin but com-
manding presence. He was a professing Christian of the
orthodox sort, and had held important military appointments.
When in the act of haranguing the army a cry arose that
Valentinian should at once elect a colleague. He asked time
to consider, and then elected his brother Valens as joint em-
peror. Valens was a commonplace man, greatly inferior to his
brother, but he was unswervingly loyal to him and as a
subordinate emperor did well enough.
In dividing the empire Valentinian took the West, Gaul,
Italy, Illyricum, with Milan as his capital. Valens took the
East, Asia Minor, Syria, Egypt, with Constantinople as his
capital. For a time, SaUust, a liberal-minded man, acted as
prefect and chief adviser to Valens, but he was thrust aside in
favour of Probus, Valens' father-in-law, who governed with
much severity.
The empire was now menaced on every side by barbarian
tribes. In Britain the Picts, the Scots and the Saxons gave
the quieter people of the Roman province much anxiety ; on the
Upper Rhine the Alemanni frequently crossed the river and
ravaged Gaul, the Sarmatians and Quadi roamed over Pannonia
and the Goths overran Thrace.
The tribes dwelling on the shores of the Baltic and North
Sea were giving ever increasing trouble. They were capital
seamen and splendid fighters, and united the trades of fishing
JOVIAN, VALENTINIAN I., VALENS, GEATIAN 243
and buccaneering with considerable skill. They used simple
vessels, made partly of skins, and so light that they could be
carried across country on carts. They had made a settlement
for themselves in the north of Gaul, and were united in a loose
military confederation for rapine and defence.
To contend with the buccaneers the Romans had an official
known as the Count of the Saxon Shore, and Valentinian en-
trusted the conquest of the tribes in Northern Britain to
Theodosius, father of the future emperor of that name. Theo-
dosius drove the tribes to the north and recovered the territory
between the walls of Hadrian and Antoninus, which they had 367.
overrun. The territory thus recovered became the province of
Valentia.
Some years later Theodosius was employed in Africa, where
a serious revolt had arisen under a usurper named Firmus. 374.
Here also Theodosius was successful. Next year Valentinian
died, and the year after, lamentable to relate, Theodosius was
beheaded at Carthage by order of Valens. His only crime was
that his name began with the letters Theod, and a soothsayer
had declared that Valens would be succeeded by someone whose
name began thus.
Valentinian was a strong and upright man, but exceedingly 367.
cruel at times. He associated his son Gratian with him in the
empire whilst he was still a boy. He had hard work to defend
the frontiers of the Rhine and Upper Danube from the incur-
sions of the Alemanni and the Franks, peoples from whom the
names of Allemagne and France have sprung. In order better
to defend the frontiers, Valentinian built many fortresses.
These were efficacious for a time, but at a later period became
centres of rebellion and did more harm than good.
In religious matters Valentinian showed much toleration.
Julian's anti-Christian legislation was repealed, and it was
clearly understood that the empire was to be Christian, but
Valentinian announced that every man might freely practise
" that form of worship which he had imbibed with his soul ".
Those who were supposed to practise divination and witchcraft
244 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
were, however, mercilessly persecuted both by Valentinian and
Valens, and such was the prevailing ignorance that the crusade
against witchcraft practically resolved itself into a crusade
against science. During this superstitious spasm many good
men suffered unjustly, and many books of mathematical and
scientific value were destroyed. Opportunities are afforded at
times like these for the gratification of private malevolence,
there were many prosecutions upon false information, and cruel
deeds were done.
Notwithstanding many faults Valentinian's reign was dis-
tinguished by wise and tolerant legislation, amongst other laws
passed were statutes prohibiting the exposure of infants, ap-
pointing public physicians, and restraining ecclesiastics from
acquiring property by undue influence.
The wise concessions of territory made by certain far-seeing
emperors had given peace on the Danube frontier for nearly a
century. The Goths had formed a confederacy and had power-
ful leaders, of whom Hermanric, the Ostrogoth, is not yet for-
gotten. They helped the Romans against their enemies, many
Gothic auxilliaries serving in the Persian campaigns. Unfortu-
nately quarrels arose. The Quadi, a tribe of Sclavonic origin,
were greatly aggrieved because Valentinian, in pursuance of
his usual frontier policy, built a fortress on their side of the
Danube, and some violent spirits amongst them crossed the
river and ravaged Pannonia. Valentinian, full of wrath, at-
tacked them with a powerful army, and the Quadi sent an
embassy to explain how the trouble had arisen and to beg for
peace. The ambassadors found Valentinian at Bregetio on the
Danube. He received them in great pomp, but in the midst of
375. an impassioned speech was struck with apoplexy and died.
He was fifty-four years of age, and had reigned for twelve
years. His remains were carried to Constantinople and buried
in the Church of the Apostles.
"When Valentinian I. died his son Gratian, a boy of sixteen,
who had been associated with him in the empire, was at Trier.
Valens was at Antioch, and there was a fear that an emperor
JOVIAN, VALENTINIAN I., VALENS, GEATIAN 245
might be chosen who was not a member of the reigning liouse.
It happened, however, that Justina, the second wife of Valen-
tinian, was in the camp. She had an infant son, and her friends
hurriedly proclaimed him as monarch. When Gratian heard
what had been done he approved and accepted his infant half-
brother as partner. He reserved Britain, Gaul and Spain as
his special dominion, and gave Italy, Africa and lUyricum to
Justina to rule for Valentinian II. Valens kept the East.
The reign of Valens in the East had not been so successful
as that of Valentinian in the West. Early in his reign he had
been confronted with an insurrection led by Procopius, a
Cilician, and relative of Julian, the former emperor. Pro-
copius incurred the suspicions of both Jovian and Valens, and
lay in concealment for two years. Tiring of an outcast life and
taking advantage of some dissatisfaction amongst the soldiers,
Procopius got a following and was proclaimed emperor in Con-
stantinople.
The tidings of this revolt reached Valens and Valentinian 365.
speedily. Valentinian was too much occupied in Gaul to per-
mit of his giving active assistance, and the burden of the con-
test fell upon Valens. At first he was greatly alarmed, and even
spoke of resigning the purple, but braver counsels prevailed,
and he marched to meet his rival.
The struggle between Valens and Procopius extended over
portions of the years 365-6. For a time Procopius was success-
ful, but the older men and the more staid amongst the soldiers
and people held with Valens, and at last many of Procopius'
followers deserted his banner. He was then somewhat easily
defeated, captured and executed. 366.
The insurrection of Procopius brought the empire into
collision with the Gothic tribes living north of the Danube.
Ten thousand Gothic auxiliaries had crossed with the intention
of helping Procopius. They arrived too late to be of service,
and they were captured by Valens and detained in captivity.
Their prince remonstrated, declaring that they had acted under
the impression that Procopius was the nearest representative of
246 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
the family of Constantine and the lawful emperor ; if they had
committed an error of judgment, he begged that they might be
forgiven.
Valens, however, determined to be avenged upon the Goths,
367. and the Roman legions crossed the Danube. The war extended
over three years, at the end of which time peace was granted to
the Goths. They were forbidden to cross the Danube, and two
places only were assigned to them as market towns in which
they might carry on their trade with the empire. The treaty
369. was ratified by Valens and Athanaric, who met on a merchant
ship which had been moored in the middle of the Danube.
Circumstances were, however, soon to arise which would make
the fulfilment of the treaty impossible.
Whilst these events were transpiring in Europe, events
were also transpiring in Asia which were destined to bring
about many changes in the Roman Empire. In this great con-
tinent there had been upheavals from time immemorial, and
these were again becoming serious. The Huns, a vast Tartar
horde, impelled by some unknown force, appeared on the fron-
tiers of the territory inliabited by the Gothic tribes, and pressed
forward into their domains. The Tartar faces of the invaders,
their ferocity, their squalor, filled the Gotlis with alarm. The
372. Alani of the Don were easily subdued, and then with a sudden
rush the fertile districts under the sway of Hermanric, king of
the Ostrogoths, were overrun. Hermanric escaped from the
375. ruin of his empire by suicide, and the Huns, having destroyed
the Ostrogothic Empire, pressed on against Athanaric and the
Visigoths.
376. Athanaric was defeated and driven from the Dneister back
to the Pruth. The Huns then seem to have paused, but the
Goths, stupefied and panic-stricken by their onslaught, came to
the conclusion that there could be no safety for their people
until they had put the broad Danube between them and their
enemies.
The prince of the Visigoths whose territories lay nearest
the Danube was Fritigern, a Christian, and he undertook to
JOVIAN, VALENTINIAN I., VALENS, GRATIAN 247
negotiate with Valens and obtain permission for his people
to cross and dwell on the southern side of the river. The
negotiations were carried on by Ulfilas, a famous missionary
bishop, and permission was at last granted. Had Valens been
a far-seeing man he might, by exercising a wise and kindly
poHcy, have turned the Visigoths at this crisis into an iron ram-
part wliich would have preserved the empire from much future
trouble. Unfortunately no wisdom was shown and the results
to the empire were most disastrous.
The Goths were permitted to enter the empire but on con-
dition that they handed over their weapons, and gave up their
children as hostages to be distributed throughout the empire.
These conditions destroyed the grace of the concession and
should never have been laid down. The Goths crossed in vast
numbers, the children of the wealthier classes were torn from
them, and in too many cases were prostituted to Roman lust.
No arrangement was made for feeding the multitude. All was
left to chance, and the Goths must either starve or buy pro-
visions at a rate wliich soon reduced them to beggary. Slaves,
money, household goods were parted with, and many sold their
children into slavery rather than see them perish.
For some months the Visigoths endured all tilings rather
than break their promise. But news of the treatment they
were receiving reached the Ostrogoths, and they drew near to
the Danube. Valens had refused permission to them to cross ;
it was well for them, and ill for him. They were under no
obligation ; they had made no promise. At last they made a
dash across the Danube and invaded Moesia. Fritigern would
fain have joined them but for his promise. At length his
scruples were removed by the Roman general liimself. Fore-
seeing trouble, he invited Fritigern to a banquet and attempted
his assassination. Breaking out from the banqueting hall,
sword in hand, Fritigern put himself at the head of his people.
In their first encounter with the legions they slew so many that
there was no lack of arms. " That day," says Jordanes, " ended
the hunger of the Goths and the security of the Romans."
248 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
After this success Fritigern marched upon Hadrianople.
He could not capture it at once and wisely raised the siege and
marched westward and southward over the rich province of
ThracC; a province which at this time oflficially reached north-
wards to the Danube. Everywhere the Goths were joined by
their countrymen, some of whom were in the Roman military
service, others had been detained as slaves.
During this turmoil Valens was at Antioch wasting his
strength upon foolish wars with Persia. He now came to
terms with that country, and gathering every available force
marched into Thrace. For a time the Roman generals were
successful, and the invaders were driven across the Balkans.
378. Valens now joined the army at Hadrianople and prepared
for the supreme effort. He had corresponded with Gratian,
his nephew, and knew that he was approaching with large
reinforcements. But Valens was jealous of Gratian, who was
popular and successful, and was eager to obtain a victory be-
fore he came. Hearing, therefore, that the enemy was near,
and absurdly underestimating his strength, Valens determined
to give battle. Both sides hesitated to begin,- and some time
was spent in negotiation. Valens seems to have doubted at the
last moment whether he had not better postpone the engage-
ment, and Fritigern's cavalry was absent. But the cavalry
suddenly arrived, and swept upon the Roman army like a hur-
ricane. The Roman generals were either taken by surprise or
showed great incapacity. Their cavalry got separated from
their infantry, and the infantry were so crowded that they
could not use their weapons. It was Cannse over again. The
slaughter was terrible, the slain lay in heaps. At length such
of the Romans as survived fled in confusion, and night fell.
Valens was never found. It is said that he took refuge in an
outhouse which was burned to the ground, the emperor perish-
ng in the flames. But there is no certainty.
Two-thirds of the Roman army fell at Hadrianople, in-
cluding very many ofiicers of high rank. Had the Goths
known how to take advantage of their victory and been
JOVIAN, VALENTINIAN I., VALENS, GEATIAN 249
civilised enough to undertake the government of that which
they had conquered, the eastern half of the Roman Empire
would have been at their feet. But the weakness of the
Gothic organisation pohtically made this impossible, and Rome
had time to recover.
CHAPTER XXXI.
THEODOSIUS.
378. After the terrible battle in which Valens fell the Goths
marched upon Hadrianople, hoping to capture it with ease.
But many fugitives had already reached the city, and with
their help the garrison made a resolute defence. At length the
Goths drew oft' their forces and the city was saved. They then
marched upon Constantinople, but only to meet with further
failure. They had not learned enough of the art of war to
enable them to capture fortified cities, and they had to content
themselves with the spoil of the provinces. Retiring therefore
from Constantinople they ravaged the country even to the
north-eastern confines of Italy. The Romans, defeated in the
field, took a cruel vengeance by murdering the youthful hostages
who were scattered over the empire.
The death of Valens left Gratian, his nephew, at the age of
twenty master of the empire, having none but the infant
Valentinian II. and Justina, his stepmother^ to share his power.
Wisely recognising that he could not cope singlehanded with so
many enemies, and anxious to choose a colleague of ripe experi-
ence, he sent for Theodosius, the son of the eminent general
379. whose brilliant career and sad ending we have already described.
Theodosius came at his call, and he proclaimed him Augustus at
Sirmium on the Save. He gave to him the Eastern Empire just
as Valens had it, but added Thrace and Eastern lUyricum. The
whole duty of quelling the Gothic tribes, therefore, fell upon
the new emperor, who was now thirty-four years of age.
Matters were in a critical state. The Goths were marching
in triumph wherever they listed, the Romans were cowed.
Theodosius acted with much wisdom and ran no risks. He
(250)
THEODOSIUS 251
fixed his headquarters at Thessalonica, a central position from
which he could more readily observe the seat of war. He re-
frained from giving the enemy battle in the field, but garrisoned
the cities and strengthened their fortifications. When favour-
able opportunities occurred the garrisons sallied forth and
attacked small parties of Goths. When they had thus re-
covered confidence they made more daring expeditions. By
this cautious policy Theodosius was successful, Fritigern, the
great Gothic leader, died ; Athanaric, now an old man, made
his peace ; the younger Goths broke up into bands and were
easily dealt with. Soon they were driven beyond the Balkans.
Theodosius fell sick and had to summon Gratian to his aid. 380.
The death of Fritigern made negotiation more easy, and Gratian
found an opportunity of entering into a covenant with the
Goths and making peace. Theodosius was laid aside for some
months, but when he got better he gladly consented to the
peace. The Goths were to be aUies of the empire, bound on
imperial summons to muster under their own chiefs and fight
for the empire. Thousands of the younger Goths joined the
regular forces ; the rest were provided with lands. Thus, four
years after the death of Valens, peace again reigned.
Two men who had been very powerful among the Goths
passed away about this time. Ulfilas, the great missionary
bishop whose life we shall deal with in the next chapter, and
Athanaric, so long their king. Athanaric spent the last months
of his life in Constantinople. Theodosius treated him with much
courtesy, and when he died gave him a magnificent funeral,
himself riding before the bier of the old chieftain. By actions
such as these Theodosius showed his wisdom and did much to
conciliate his Gothic subjects. Peace was finally concluded on
the 3rd of October, 382, and in the same year Alaric, of whom 382,
we shall hear more hereafter, succeeded to the chieftainship of
the Goths.
During these events a revolution had taken place in the
Western Empire. Gratian had become unpopular. There
were various causes for his unpopularity, of which, perhaps,
252 THE EOMAN EMPIEB
the favour shown by him to the barbarian soldiers may have
been the most important. He had a body-guard of Alani, and
preferred barbarians not infrequently in appointing to important
commands. There was, at all events, discontent in the army,
and unscrupulous men took advantage of it.
Maximus, who was in command of the troops in Britain, was
proclaimed emperor and crossed into Gaul at the head of three
regiments. Whether he was the instrument or the author of
the mutiny we cannot say. Gratian had a considerable army
and advanced to meet his rival, but his soldiers deserted whole-
sale. At length it was clear to the young emperor that his
only safety lay in flight. Accordingly he fled, but was inter-
cepted at Lyons and assassinated. He was but twenty-five
years of age.
383. Magnus Maximus now ruled the western countries of
Europe. He sent an embassy to Theodosius offering friend-
ship, and Theodosius, whatever his private views may have
been, accepted the alliance. He had only just brought the
struggle with the Goths to an end, and was in no mood to begin
a new war at that time. Theodosius stipulated, however, that
the ambition of Maximus should be satisfied with what he had
attained, and that the youthful emperor Valentinian II. should
be undisturbed in Italy and Africa.
For a time Maximus respected the undertaking, but gradu-
ally began to threaten Valentinian, who sent Bishop Ambrose
as an ambassador on more than one occasion to plead for peace.
Ambrose was too overbearing a man to win much diplomatic
success, but the substitution of a new ambassador, Domninus, a
Syrian, was yet less fortunate. Domninus was well received,
and Maximus proposed that, as a token of friendship, he should
send troops to help Valentinian against the barbarians in Pan-
nonia. Domninus agreed, the forces crossed the Alps as his
guard, and when he reached Italy he found that he had been
outwitted. Other forces crossed while the advance guard held
387. the passes, Valentinian fled and Maximus obtained possession
of Italy without a blow,
THEODOSIUS 253
Theodosius protected Valentinian and promised him his
support. He married Galla his sister as a second wife, and
made his preparations for the campaign with great care. At
length he was ready, and, having divided his army into three
bands, he crossed the Julian Alps and descended on Italy.
Though Maximus had had plenty of time to prepare, he made
no opposition worthy of the name. His armies were driven
back ; Aquileia, where he had taken refuge, was easily taken .
and he was captured and executed forthwith.
The western province was now confirmed to Valentinian, 388.
Gratian's dominions being added to Italy and Africa. But
Theodosius was recognised as supreme over the whole empire.
He had now two sons, Arcadius and Honorius, and the former
was associated with him in the government.
The wars in wliich Theodosius had been engaged were
costly and taxation was oppressive. Theodosius was not a
good financier, and taxes were not collected in an equitable
way. There were riots in many places, and a specially serious
one at Antioch. The people acted foolislily, dishonouring and 387.
even destroying statues of the emperor, and the civic authori-
ties did not check them with sufficient zeal. Antioch had been
a trial to many emperors, and Theodosius determined to teach
the citizens a lesson. Accordingly he issued an edict closing
the theatre and liippodrome and pubhc baths, discontinuing the
doles of corn, and degrading the city from the rank of capital
to that of a village dependent upon Laodicea. Commissioners
were sent to inquire judicially into the whole matter and to
punish the guilty parties. During the trials the citizens of
Antioch were in a state of the utmost terror. Flavian, the
aged bishop, undertook a journey of 800 miles across Asia
Minor in order to intercede for the people. Fortunately the
commissioners carried out their duties with forbearance, and
Theodosius forgave the city and restored its privileges.
After the defeat of Maximus, Theodosius resided at Milan, sss.
Here he came in contact with Bishop Ambrose. We shall have
more to say about Ambrose in a later chapter. He was a well-
254 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
meaning man, who supported what he beheved to be the rights
of his Church on every occasion with blind zeal. He had used
his power over Valentinian II. and Justina in most unsparing
fashion and he endeavoured to treat Theodosius in the same
way.
There were serious disturbances in the East at CaUinicum, a
city on the Euphrates, in the course of which the Christians
burned a Jewish synagogue, and some orthodox monks burned
the temple of a " heretic " sect. Theodosius ordered that the
monks should be punished and that the bishop should rebuild
the synagogue. The award was just, for the bishop could
have stopped the mischief but encouraged it instead.
The dispute was not one with wMch Bishop Ambrose had
any right to interfere, but he took up the cudgels on behalf of
the other bishop, and addressed Theodosius in most arrogant
and offensive language. He spoke of a synagogue " as the
haunt of infidels, the home of the impious, the hiding-place of
madmen, under the damnation of God Himself ". He declared
that the bishop of CaUinicum would be a traitor to his office if
he obeyed the imperial decree and rebuilt the synagogue, and
he hoped that he would prefer martyrdom to betrayal. Other
language he used even more impertinent. When Theodosius
received the letter in dignified silence he preached at him from
the pulpit, comparing the absolutely just action of Theodosius
to that of David in liis adultery with Bathsheba and murder of
Uriah.
When a bishop, and more particularly a CathoHc bishop,
speaks thus, his action is not brave but the reverse. He
knows well that his position makes retahation impossible.
Pressed thus unfairly by the bishop, Theodosius yielded and
injustice triumphed.
389. In the eleventh year of liis reign Theodosius visited Rome
for the first time. The visit of an emperor to the imperial city
was now a rare event. The city had ceased to be of poHtical
importance, and its social condition was full of corruption.
Rich and poor hved for pleasure alone. GambHng, drinking,
THEODOSIUS 255
racing, gaming made up the day. A small percentage were
Christiana, honourable men and women.
Next year, whilst Theodosius was at Milan, a terrible inci- 390.
dent occurred at Thessalonica. Brotheric, the commandant of
the city, had imprisoned a popular charioteer for abominable
crime, and the people, enraged because their favourite could not
race, rioted and murdered Brotheric and his staff. After
the murder they dragged their bodies through the city in
triumph. The riot was absolutely without excuse, and the
perpetrators of the crime deserved the most condign punish-
ment. Theodosius and his officers were justly enraged. But
if the crime was bad the method by which it was punished was
worse. Thinking perhaps that a judicial inquiry would be
difficult and not sufficiently striking in its consequences, Theo-
dosius sent an army to occupy the city. The citizens were
invited to public games, and when the circus was full the
soldiers were let loose upon them. About 7,000 men, women
and children were massacred.
We must not forget that Theodosius was in Milan, and that
matters may have been carried further than he intended. But
he must be held responsible, and he fell under the severe re-
proof of Bishop Ambrose, who forbade him to enter the church
until he had undergone penance. After some time Theodosius 390.
yielded and was absolved.
Next year Theodosius returned to Constantinople, leaving 391.
Valentinian II. to rule alone. But Valentinian's further reign
was brief. He was amiable and unselfish, but weak, lacking
the strength necessary for the high position in which he was
placed The real ruler of the Western Empire was Arbogast, a
brave Frankish captain, who for many years had done excel-
lent service. Arbogast was hard, rough and fond of power, but
had many good qualities and was adored by the soldiers.
Realising that Arbogast was master rather than servant, 392.
Valentinian endeavoured to dismiss him, but Arbogast treated
his efforts with contempt, secure in the loyalty of the army.
Worried, and believing his life to be in danger, Valentinian be-
256 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
came seriously ill, and died somewhat suddenly and mysteri-
ously. It has been assumed that Arbogast connived at his
murder, but it is just as likely that the young emperor com-
mitted suicide or even died a natural death. The fact that
Arbogast permitted the body to be carried to Milan for burial
tells somewhat against the theory of murder, and the fact
that Valentinian had actually threatened to take his own hfe
tells in favour of the theory of suicide. But he was in a
depressed condition and may well enough have died a natural
death.
Arbogast did not himself seize the throne, but set up
Eugenius, a professor of rhetoric and an official in the civil ser-
vice. Eugenius was a man of unblemished character and un-
doubted ability, and there is no need to speak disparagingly
either of him or of Arbogast. It is clear, moreover, that
Eugenius did not covet the position of emperor, for his eleva-
tion did not take place until three months after the death of
Valentinian.
An embassy came from Eugenius to Constantinople and
pleaded eloquently for peace, the Gaulish bishops who accom-
panied it declaring that Arbogast was not responsible for
Valentinian's death. Theodosius does not seem to have been
eager for war. Arbogast he knew to be a brave and well-tried
soldier, the best general in the empire. The Frank, indeed,
had been appointed commander of the Gallic armies by Theo-
dosius himself. But Theodosius was married to Galla, the
sister of Valentinian, and her influence probably left the
emperor no choice but to avenge her- brother's death.
More than two years elapsed after Valentinian's death be-
fore Theodosius invaded Italy, and just before the army set
3^4. out Galla died. Theodosius marched through lUyricum to-
wards Aquileia, crossing the shoulder of the Julian Alps. He
gained the summit of the pass with little opposition, and de-
scending engaged the forces of Eugenius. The first day's
battle was doubtful, but on the second day the forces of Theo-
dosius were successful, and Eugenius was captured and slain.
THEODOSIUS 257
Arbogast fled, and then, finding capture inevitable, fell on his
sword and slew himself.
After the defeat Tlieodosius showed much clemency and soon
won the loyal adhesion of all who had been against him. But
he was a worn-out man, and he died within a year of the battle
not yet fifty years of age. When he perceived that the end 395.
was approaching he made a disposition of his dominions. To
Honorius, a boy of eleven, he bequeathed the Western Empire ;
to Arcadius, who was eighteen, and whom he had left as regent
at Constantinople, he gave the Eastern Empire. He appointed
^tihcho, an extremely able and trustworthy officer, chief ad-
ministrator under Honorius, and _Ru.finus chief administrator
under Arcadius. He commended both his sons to the kindly
care of Bishop Ambrose, who was with him when he died.
But the bishop did not long survive him.
The remains of Theodosius were removed to Constantinople
and buried in the Church of the Apostles. Theodosius is com-
monly called " The Great ". This title is a misnomer. He was
an able man, an eminent man, so far as his light went a good
man ; but he was by no means a great man.
VOL. II, 17
CHAPTER XXXII.
RELIGIOUS LEADERS OF THE FOURTH CENTURY—
ATHANASIUS.
Having now brought the poHtical history of the Roman Em-
pire to the end of the fourth century it is well that we should
glance for a little at the progress of Christianity among the
people. In an earlier chapter we saw how Christianity, slowly
living down calumny and persecution, gained a position in the
empire, and became a force to be reckoned with. The patron-
age of Constantine opened a new era to the Church, happier in
some ways, less happy in others. The Church rapidly lost its
pristine purity. In earUer days few joined it who were not
sincere, but now that it was under royal patronage communi-
ties professed Christianity in a mass. The spiritual nature of
the Church of Christ was lost sight of, and assent to a creed
took its place. Moreover, no sooner was the Church itself free
from persecution than it became a persecutor.
When Constantine died there were two great parties in
the Church, the Catholic or orthodox party, and the Arian.
At first Constantine favoured the orthodox party, afterwards
he became inclined towards the Arian, and it was in the ascen-
dant at his death. But Constantine wasii fair-minded Christian
gentleman who allowed men to think for themselves. So long,
therefore, as he reigned there was comparative peace. When
he died he was succeeded by three sons, of whom Constantius
succeeded to the throne of the Eastern Empire, and eventually
became sole emperor. Constantius was not a Christian at all
in the true sense of the word, but he was an intense partisan,
and he threw himself into theological discussion with abundant
energy. " Council was held against council ; creed was set
(258)
EELIGIOUS LEADEES OF THE FOUETH CENTUEY 259
against creed ; anathema was hurled against anathema." Theo-
logical controversy became the fashion of the day, and amongst
all classes of the people. Nor was controversy confined to
words. Frequently it ended in blows and bloodshed.
The accession of Julian and the triumph of idolatry during 361.
his reign was a blessing to the Church, for it united Christians
and put at least a momentary end to their quarrels.
Julian was succeeded by Jovian, a professing Christian, but 363.
a broad-minded man who allowed freedom of opinion to all,
leaving Christians and idolaters alike unmolested.
To Jovian succeeded Valentinian I. in the West and Valens
in the East. Valentinian I. was orthodox but quite tolerant,
both to Arians and idolaters. Valens, on the contrary, was an
Arian and a persecutor. Good men were driven from the
priesthood, some suffered martyrdom. On the death of Valens
the Cathohcs recovered their power, and the Arians, after that
time, never regained their former influence.
Gratian who succeeded his father Valentinian I. in the 375.
Western Empire was less tolerant of paganism than he had
been. By this name, which signified peasant religion, the wor-
ship of idols was now known. Gratian dechned the position of
Pontifex Maximus, and took from the priests and temples
many of their privileges. His successor, Valentinian II., in-
fluenced by Ambrose, acted on similar lines.
Up to the reign of Theodosius idol worship, though dis-
couraged, had been tolerated, but this powerful monarch en-
deavoured to suppress it altogether. Harsh and inquisitorial
laws were passed. Sacriticing to idols, once the test of patriot-
ism, was now considered equivalent to treason, and entailed loss
of house and property. Theodosius doubtless meant well, but
he did not realise that it was as sinful to persecute idolaters as
to persecute Christians.
The people quickly took the cue from their rulers, and
mobs of so-called Christians, led by fanatical priests, attacked
the idol temples. At Alexandria there were terrible riots. 391.
Bishop Theophilus led a crusade against the shrines for which
260 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
the city was famous, and notwithstanding the desperate resist-
ance of the pagan party, the temples were destroyed and the
images were overthrown. The overthrow of paganism was not
undertaken in a Christian spirit, but was sought to be effected
by murder and massacre.
Theodosius had been baptised into the orthodox faith, and
did his utmost to obtain conformity. At a general council held
381. at Constantinople the Nicene Creed was finally established, with
a clause stating in express terms the divinity of the Holy
Spirit. The alteration brought the creed into the form which
we now find in the liturgy of the Church of England, except
that the procession of the Holy Spirit from the Son was not
mentioned at that time. The first appearance of the words
"Filioque" (and the Son) in the Creed was at the Council of
Toledo, in Spain, a.d. 589.
After the council at Constantinople Theodosius issued a
decree commanding uniformity of doctrine throughout the
empire : —
" We order those who follow this law to assume the name
of Catholic Christians ; we pronounce all others to be mad and
f ooHsh, and we order that they shall bear the ignominious name
of heretics, and shall not presume to bestow on their conven-
ticles the title of churches : these are to be visited, first by the
Divine vengeance, and secondarily by the stroke of our own
authority, which we have received in accordance with the will
of heaven ".
Next year a yet more stringent edict was issued : —
" Let there be no place left to the heretics for celebrating the
mysteries of their faith, no opportunity for exhibiting their
stupid obstinacy. . . , These doctrines are abundantly proved to
us : these are to be reverenced. Let all who do not obey them
cease from those hypocritical wiles by which they claim the name
— the alien name — of the true religion, and let them be branded
with the shame of their manifested crimes. Let them be kept
entirely away from even the thresholds of the churches, since
we shall allow no heretics to hold their unlawful assemblies
EELIGIOUS LEADERS OF THE FOURTH CENTURY 261
within the towns. If they attempt any outbreak we order that
their rage shall be queUed, and that they shall be cast forth
outside the walls of the cities, so that the Catholic Churches
throughout the whole world be restored to the Orthodox pre-
lates who hold the Nicene Faith" (Hodgkin, Italy and Her
Invaders, i., 368).
Persecution is always sad, but it is doubly sad wlien the
ortlio«;lox persecute. For three centuries the Church had strug-
gled on, far from perfect, yet maintaining a certain purity and
sincerity which compelled the admiration of unbelievers. In
the fourth century a good king, Constantine, took it under his
patronage and gave it an official status and the salt quickly
lost its savour : —
" Whilst the sanctifying and beatifying doctrines of the
Gospel which point to the conversion of the inner man were
suffered to lie inactive, every one from the emperor to the
beggar occupied liimself with incredible earnestness in the
discussion of propositions, concerning which the Gospel com-
municates just so much as is profitable to us and necessary to
salvation ".
" This contentious spirit has torn asunder the Church ;
thrown cities into commotion, driven the people to take up
arms, and excited princes against one another ; separated the
priests from the congregation and the congregation from the
priests. Everything which bears a holy name lias been pro-
faned ; . . . and we are divided, not merely tribe against tribe,
as was Israel of old, but house against house, family against
family, nay, almost every one is distracted within liimself "
(Ulmann's Gregory of Nazianzum).
The stirring events of the fourth century were fruitful in
producing theologians whose names have been handed down to
posterity. Unfortunately these men have the title of saint
prefixed to their names and have thus been removed to a plane
above that occupied by ordinary mortals, and endowed ^^^th
semi-supernatural qualities. As a matter of fact they were
ordinary men, not materially different from the hard-working
262 THE EOMAN EMPIRE
ministers of the Gospel by whom we are surrounded in the
present day. It has suited certain persons to invent legends
about them at which they would have been the first to laugh,
and painters have placed halos above their heads. But they
were merely clergymen who had their virtues, and, unfor-
tunately, also their faults, for some of them, as we shall see,
were bad tempered and overbearing. If we can forget all about
this spurious saintship and think of the Fathers of the Church
as men of hke passions with ourselves we shall profit in a much
greater degree by reading the story of tlieir lives.
Athanasius. — The greatest theologian of the fourth cen-
tury was Athanasius. The name of this great fhvine has been
associated with a creed of a stern and uncompromising charac-
ter, and if we would appreciate the man we must begin by
realising that he did not write the creed. It is of much later
date.
Athanasius was born in Alexandria in 296. His first public
325. appearance was at the Council of Nicasa, which he attended in
company witli his superior, the bishop of Alexandria. He was
then twenty-nine years of age, a man with a diminutive figure
and a slight stoop, but with a beautiful face, keen eyes, and a
most keen intelligence.
The council was summoned to decide the Arian controversy,
and Athanasius evidently felt that in opposing Arianism he was
defending the honour of his Lord. His dialectic gifts were
manifest to all, and he was quickly recognised as the most dis-
tinguished champion present on the orthodox side.
Three years later Bishop Alexander died and Athanasius
was chosen to succeed him. For nearly half a century after
his election he led the orthodox party, liolding to his opinions
against all comers, and amidst all vicissitudes, with the utmost
pertinacity.
As Arius was a presbyter of Alexandria, the battle between
orthodoxy and Arianism raged in that city with special fury.
After the Nicene Council Arius and certain of his followers,
ATHANASIUS 2G3
among whom was Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, were excom-
municated and exiled. When, shortly after, Constantine modi-
fied his views he recalled Eusebius, and gave Arius permission
to return to Alexandria. Eusebius requested Athanasius to
readmit Arius into the Church, but he refused, and when the
emperor himself interfered, and even threatened punishment,
Athanasius stood firm, Constantine, himself great, could re-
cognise greatness, and forbore to carry matters to an extremity.
Later, when charges were brought against Athanasius by his 332.
enemies, the emperor honourably acquitted him, declaring him
to be " a man of God ",
The somewhat unreasonable attitude taken up by Atha-
nasius led to disturbances, and further charges were brought
against him. Constantine did not credit the charges, but
thought it better that Athanasius should leave Alexandria, and
accordingly banished him to Treves. The banishment was 336,
only nominal, for Treves was a beautiful city, the seat of
government of Constantine's eldest son, who treated Athana-
sius with every courtesy. He spent two and a half years in
the city, corresponding freely with his old friends in Alex-
andria. Arius died shortly after, and soon Constantine him-
self passed away. The son, now one of three emperors, sent
Athanasius back to his see, and he was received with rejoicing. 333
Under the successors of the great emperor Athanasius had
a stormy career. As bishop of Alexandria he was subject to
Constantius, who was an Arian. Plots were laid for his over-
throw, and Gregory, an Arian bishop, was sent to depose him.
Athanasius withdrew and went to Rome. This was his second
exile. He was accompanied by two youthful Egyptian monks, 341.
Ammonius and Isidore. These were dressed in monkish garb,
and were at first ridiculed in Rome, but afterwards made a deep
impression.
Athanasius remained in Rome three years, and did much
to confirm the Latin Church in its adhesion to orthodoxy. He
may be said also to have introduced monasticism into Rome.
Constans befriended Athanasius, and persuaded his brother 343.
264 THE EOMAN EMPIKE
Constantius to meet him in conference on religious matters at
Sardica, a town in Moesia. At this conference the innocence
of Athanasius was declared, and the famous canon was enacted
which provided for a reference in certain cases to the bishop
of Rome.
345. When Gregory died Constantius reinstated Athanasius, and
he returned to Alexandria, the whole population pouring forth
to greet him.
350. By the death of Constans Athanasius lost a protector, for
Constantius who now ruled in the West as well as in the East
was an Arian. New plots were formed for his ruin, and the
Councils of Aries and Milan pronounced against him. After
355. the Council of Milan the emperor proceeded to eject Athanasius
from his see by force. He gave orders to the general of the
Egyptian army, who encompassed a church in which Athana-
sius had taken refuge. There was much disorder and blood-
shed, but Athanasius withdrew safely from Alexandria. During
this his third exile he lived in the desert, liiding in monastic
cells, cottages and caves. He wrote much during this period,
and if his words were at times passionate it is not to be greatly
wondered at.
361. When JuHan succeeded, being an idolater and indifferent to
Christianity, lie permitted exiled bishops to return to their
362. sees. Athanasius returned among the rest, but opposed idol-
atry so vigorously that Julian threatened his life and he had
to fly for the fourth time. Julian's reign was brief, and when
Jovian, who was an orthodox Christian, succeeded, Athanasius
again returned to his flock.
Jovian's reign was also brief, and he was succeeded by Valen-
tinian I., who governed the Western Empire, committing the
care of the Eastern to his brother Valens,
365. Valens, who was an Arian, endured Athanasius for a time,
but afterwards issued an order that all bishops expeUed by
Constantius and recalled by Julian should be again expelled,
so Athanasius had again to fly. During this, his fifth and last
exile he is said to have lived for four months in a tomb. The
ATHANASIUS 265
manner of burying the dead in Egypt is peculiar and tombs
are not unsuitable for habitation, so it is likely enough.
At length an order of reinstatement was made, and Atha- 366.
nasius, now seventy years of age, was led back to his church.
He was not again driven forth, and for seven years lived in
peace, toiling earnestly at literary and pastoral work. His
writings were numerous, and such as remain are liighly prized,
but the creed which bears his name was not composed by him.
It was probably written about the middle of the fifth century,
and its real author is unknown.
Athanasius was a great man, religious in a true sense,
reverent, and loyal to liis Redeemer. He was of a sensitive
disposition, and affectionate to his friends. To his enemies he
was perhaps over severe, but something may be forgiven to a
man who was chased about so incessantly for conscience sake.
His persistence did not spring from obstinacy but from the
conviction that on the view which he advocated the very
existence of Christianity depended.
Firm though Athanasius was, he always deprecated the use
of violent means.
" Notliing," he said, " more forcibly marks the weakness of
a bad cause than persecution, Satan, who has no truth to
propose to men, comes with axe and sword to make way for
his errors. Christ's method is widely different. He teaches
the truth, and says : ' If any man will come after Me and be
My disciple, . . , ' If we open He comes in : if we will not
open He retires ; for the truth is not preached with swords
and spears, not by bands of soldiers, but by counsel aud per-
suasion" (tr. from Witnesses for Christ, Backhouse & Tylor,
vol. i., p. 37).
CHAPTER XXXIII.
EELIGIOUS LEADERS OP THE FOURTH CENTURY—
(' ULFILAS, BASIL.
In the third century, during the reigns of Valerian and Gal-
lienus, the Goths ravaged the Eastern Empire, and, crossing
into Asia, invaded Cappadocia and Galatia. They returned
laden with spoil, bringing many captives. Amongst the cap-
tives were Christians, and these induced some of their con-
querors to embrace Christianity, and made the beginnings of
a Church. Tliat Christianity made progress amongst them is
clear from the fact that a certain Theopliilus, bishop from
Goethia, was present at the first Nicene Council in 325. The
ancestors of Ulfilas, the apostle of the Goths, are believed to
have been amongst the Cappadocian captives.
311. Ulfilas was born about 311, and was well educated. Whilst
still young he was sent as one of an embassy to the court of
332. Constantine, and he remained at Constantinople perhaps as a
hostage for some years. Durmg this period he made himself a
master of the Greek and Latin languages. He also became
acquainted with Eusebius, the Arian bishop of Nicomedia, by
whom he was consecrated bishop of the Goths. As we have
seen he was not the first who had borne that title.
343. After his consecration, being now thirty-two years of age,
Ulfilas returned beyond the Danube, and preached the Gospel
to his countrymen. So successful were liis labours that Atha-
naric, prince of the Goths, believing Christianity to be conceived
in the Roman interest, began to persecute its professors. So
bitter did the persecution become that Ulfilas obtained the per-
mission of Constantius to bring a party of Gothic Christians
across the Danube and within the limits of the empire. They
(266)
ULFILAS 267
were well received by the emperor, and settled in Moesia, re-
ceiving lands at the foot of the Balkans. Here they cultivated
small holdings and struggled on, Ulfilas dwelling among them
as teacher and governor.
That Ulfilas might the more freely spread the Gospel among
his countrymen, he translated the Bible into Gothic. The Runic
alphabet used by the Goths being unsuitable he invented a new
alphabet of twenty-five letters based upon the Greek. This
work marks an era in Church history. It was the first mis-
sionary Bible, the first translation of the Scriptures into the
tongue of an unlettered people.
Ulfilas translated all the Bible except the Books of Samuel
and Kings. These he omitted lest they should encourage his
countrymen to war, of which they were already sufficiently fond.
Ulfilas' translation of the Bible was lost for many centuries,
but in the beginning of the sixteenth century a manuscript was
discovered in a Westphalian monastery containing about half
the text of the four Gosj^els. This manuscript is now at
Upsala. It is known as the Codex Argenteus, and is on
purple vellum in letters of silver, a few words at the beginning
of each section being in gold. It is believed to have been
written in Italy, perhaps at Ravenna, about a century after
the death of Ulfilas. Other manuscripts have been since dis-
covered, by means of which a considerable portion of Paul's
Epistles and parts lacking from the four Gospels have been
supplied, as well as verses from Nehemiah and the Psalms, and
references to passages in the Books of Genesis and Numbers.
The manuscripts thus recovered are of priceless value. They
form amongst them the greatest monument of the Gothic lan-
guage extant ; a specimen of a Teutonic language three cen-
turies earlier tlian any other that has been preserved. By
means of these writings the philologist can trace the affinity
between the Gothic of Ulfilas and the English of to-day. They
also form an important link between ancient Sanscrit and the
Teutonic tongue.
In his old age Ulfilas still retained his influence. When a
268 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
schism arose in the ranks of the Arians and no one else could
heal it Theodosius sent for Ulfilas. He came, but the journey
383. was too much for his strength, and in Constantinople he sickened
and died.
The translation of the Bible made by their great bishop was
long regarded by tlie Goths and Vandals with superstitious awe.
They carried it with them on their wanderings through Europe.
It was taken to Rome and thence by the Vandals through Spain,
across to Africa, and back to Rome. They had a habit of con-
sulting it on the battlefield before the fight began, opening it by
chance in the hope of finding a passage which would give them
a favourable omen. If the Gothic method seems to us to be
simple we must at least confess that it was a wonderful advance
upon the method of the philosophic Greeks and warlike Romans
who chose the auspicious moment from the appearance of the
entrails of newly slain birds. Indeed the old Gothic habit finds
reverent imitators among simple-minded folk even to the present
day.
Ulfilas was a great man and used his life in a truly great
way. To retranslate the sacred books into the language of
culture as so many have done is a great task, but to translate
them into the language of an unlettered race is a greater. It
has been often done since, but the Gothic missionary showed
men the way. And he did what he did not in the interest of
philology, or in order to make himself famous, but merely that
he might carry the Gospel to his people.
Ulfilas was not orthodox and there may have been many
things in his views to which we would take exception. But we
may speak of him as Constantine spoke of Athanasius. Ulfilas
was a true " man of God," and the Teutonic races owe him a
great debt of gratitude for his self-denying labours.
Basil. — We may regard Athanasius as a representative of
the African and Ulfilas as a representative of the Gothic
Church, and shall now deal with a representative of the Church
in Asia Minor.
BASIL 269
Basilius, commonly called Basil the Great, was born at 329.
Caesarea, the chief city of Cappadocia. Hi.s parents were
Christians, and he was trained in his early years in the
Christian faith. His mother Emmelia and his sister Macrina
were both devoted Christians.
After distinguishing himself at school in Csesarea Basil 351.
went to Constantinople, and thence to Athens. Among his
fellow students at the university there were Prince Julian, the
nephew of Constantine, and Gregory Nazianzen, both of whom
were destined to become famous. Gregory and Basil, both
very much in earnest, became fast friends. " We knew," says
Gregory, " only two streets of the city : the first which led to
the churches and the ministers of the altar ; the other to the
schools and the teachers of the sciences. The streets which led
to the theatres, games and other places of unholy amusement,
we left to others. Holiness was our chief concern ; our sole
aim was to be called Christians, and to be such."
Basil spent five years at Athens and then returned to
Caesarea, where he practised as an advocate and taught rhe-
toric. He was successful and became worldly and proud. His
sister Macrina found him acting the fine gentleman and remon-
strated with him. Unfortunately at this time the theory was
current that one must either be a worldling or a recluse, so
Basil determined to abandon his profession and retire from the
world.
As a preliminary to retirement Basil left Caesarea and spent 357,
some time wandering over Syria and Egypt, visiting the more
famous of the ascetics who lived there. He resolved in some
degree to imitate their example, and, reminding Gregory of
early vows, begged him to join him in retirement. Gregory
was living with his parents and was loth to leave them in their
old age, so he proposed that Basil should live with him near his
home. Basil agreed, but when he came to Arianzus he found
the place so uncongenial that he did not continue to dwell there.
Returning home he fixed on a spot near Annesi in Pontus
where his mother and sister had estabHshed a sisterhood. Here
270 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
he lived for live years and acquired such a reputation for
sanctity that devotees gathered around him until the retreat
became hke a village. Gregory joined him for a time, but was
not happy, and declared that he should have been starved to
death but for Basil's mother.
Though there were monastic institutions before the time of
Basil, he generally gets the credit for having established them
as agencies of the Christian Church. There had long been
hermits, indeed from the very earliest times. But Basil per-
ceived the superiority of the monastic to the solitary life. He
tried the latter for a time, but found, as he very correctly puts
it, that he was only like a man who being sea-sick tried to
escape the rolling of a ship by getting into a boat. For the
hermit he thought the temptation to idleness was too great to
be overcome, and he thus made little spiritual progress. He
advised, therefore, that a man should not go into the wilderness
by himself, but that he should seek out a few like-minded men
and live in communion.
Basil did not believe in idleness. His monks prayed hard,
worked hard and lived hard lives. He ruined his own health
by asceticism, and most of the Fathers did the same. But he
obtained a high reputation for sanctity, and monasteries sprang
up on all sides as the result of his preaching.
Basil did well, but he would have done better had he rea-
lised that sanctity is best attainable in connection with the
family life which the Creator has ordained for man, and that
nobility of character is best developed, not by flying from the
evil which is in the world, but by bravely lighting it. The
views of Chrysostom, of whom we shall speak later, were much
more rational upon this matter than those of Basil.
" The monk," Chrysostom writes, " lives in a calm, where
there is little to oppose him. The skill of the pilot cannot be
known till he has taken the helm in the open sea in rough
weather. Too many of those who have passed from the seclu-
sion of the cloister to the active sphere of the priest or bishop,
have lost their heads ; and often, instead of adding to their
BASIL 271
virtue, have been deprived of the good qualities which they
already posessed. Monasticism often serves as a screen to
failings which active life draws out, just as the qualities of
metal are tested by fire " (Stephen's Life of St. Chrysostom).
When Julian ascended the throne it was his desire to have
his early associates around him, and he invited Basil to Con-
stantinople. But as the emperor had declared himself on the
side of paganism, Basil very properly refused to come. Julian
was much offended, and some time afterwards, taking occasion
from some riotous conduct in Csesarea, he fined Basil 1,000
pounds of gold. The fine was probably not meant seriously,
and Basil pointed out how absurd it was to ask such a sum
from a man who had scarcely enough to buy a meal. Julian
was angry with both Basil and Gregory, and threatened to
punish them when he returned from his Persian campaign.
Probably he would have thought better of it, but in any case
he never returned.
At this time Basil was not ordained. He shrank from the
priesthood, and was ordained by Eusebius, the bishop of
Csesarea, greatly against his will. Gregory had been ordained 362.
notwithstanding similar reluctance shortly before. It is not
easy for a modern to understand the theory of ordination which
led to such results. After ordination Basil was of great use to
the bishop of Coesarea. Valens was then reigning, a strong
Arian, and it required much courage to keep the banner of
orthodoxy flying.
When Eusebius died Basil believed that it was essential to 370.
the well-being of the Church in Cappadocia that he should be
his successor. Elections of bishops in the Church were at this
time not conducted in anything like reputable fashion. Since
the days of Constantine the bishop was of political as well as
ecclesiastical importance, and where political feeling ran high
the election was accompanied by tumult and even bloodshed.
The true qualifications for such an office were little considered.
One man was recommended because he was of aristocratic
family, another because he was rich, a third because he was an
272 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
ardent politician. Bribery and undue influence were freely
resorted to.
The election of Basil led to unseemly canvassing and to a
deceitful action on his part which was the cause of estrange-
ment between him and Gregory, and which made an ugly stain
upon his character. It was unfortunately too much the habit
for ecclesiastics in the early Church to argue that the end justi-
fied the means. There was not that robust regard for truth
among the clergy to which we are happily now accustomed.
Basil was appointed, and soon his fame as a bishop spread
far and wide. Many came to visit him, and his influence was
not bounded by his diocese. But the times were troublous, for
Valens reigned and Arianism was triumphant in the Eastern
Empire. Basil stood up valiantly for the orthodox faith; re-
sisting Valens and all the influence he brought to bear with a
courage unsurpassed even by Athanasius himself.
Basil tried hard to persuade Gregory to be his coadjutor,
but Gregory had not forgotten his deception and declined the
office. Afterwards the friendship was resumed, but Basil
treated Gregory so badly that the finer nature of Gregory
again revolted, and the friendship was permanently broken.
Meanwhile Basil had been warring strenuously against
Valens, who was carrying on a crusade against the Catholics.
Many provinces had yielded to Arian influence, but Cappadocia
still held out and its fate depended upon Basil. When a band
of bishops arrived, accompanied by imperial officers, hoping to
overawe the bishop by their numbers and importance they
could not move him.
When Modestus, prefect of the Pretorium, threatened con-
fiscation, exile, torture, death, Basil said that such threats were
powerless to move one whose sole wealth consisted of a ragged
cloak and a few books, to whom the earth was but a pilgrim-
age, whose feeble body would expire at the first stroke of
torture, and to whom death would be a relief.
When Valens himself visited the bishop and entered the
Church of Caesarea with bis retinvie, he was so impressed by
BASIL 273
the sincerity of the preacher and the solemnity of the vast
congregation that he refused to exile him as he had intended.
The invasion of the Goths at length put an end to persecu- 377.
tion, and Valens perished in the terrible battle at Hadrianople.
Gratian, the emperor of the West, belonged to the Catholic
party, and so did Theodosius, whom he summoned to the Eastern
throne. There would therefore have been happier times for
Basil had he lived. But liis frame was worn out, and he died 379.
at fifty, old before liis time.
Basil left many writings, including nearly 400 letters full
of human interest. He was a proud man, very masterful, and
having impHcit confidence in himself. With less self-confidence
he would have had more friends. He did much service at a
critical time, and was a valiant defender of the faith, and but for
liis self-sufficiency and the crookedness of his methods at times
he might have had a claim to greatness. But lie fell short of
being a great man.
Some of his words show that at times he lived on a high
spiritual level.
" We naturally love the beautiful. . . . What more admir-
able than the Divine beauty ? What conception more attractive
than the Majesty of God ? "
" Our Lord Jesus Christ, who endured a most shameful
death that He might restore us to the glorious life, exacts no
recompense, but is satisfied if He be only loved for what He
gave. When I tliink of these tilings, I am in an ecstasy of
fear lest ever, through inattention of mind or occupation with
vanities, I should fall from the love of God, and become a re-
proach to Christ " (Smith, >S^. Basil the Great).
VOL. II. 18
CHAPTER XXXIV.
RELIGIOUS LEADERS OF THE FOURTH CENTURY— GREGORY
NAZIANZEN, AMBROSE.
Gregory Nazianzen. — In speaking of Basil we had frequent
330. occasion to mention his friend Gregory. Gregory was born at
Arianzus in Cappadocia, in the diocese of Nazianzus, of which
liis father was bishop. His mother was sincerely rehgious, but
unfortunately also narrow minded, refusing to hold friendly
intercourse with the heathen, of whom there were still many in
the empire. Gregory met Basil at school in Csesarea, and at
the university of Athens they became fast friends.
356. When Gregory left Athens, at the age of thirty, he was
anxious to consecrate his powers to God's service. As his
parents were aged, he very properly desired to dwell with
them, and endeavoured to make full consecration harmonise
with daily duty. Unfortunately his idea of consecration
involved monkish practices not easily carried out in private life.
The thoughts which were in his mind at this time found utter-
ance in exquisite lines which have been translated by Cardinal
Newman ; —
Long was the inward strife, tijl ended thus :
I saw, when men lived in the fretful world,
They vantaged other men, but missed the while
The calmness, and the pureness of their hearts.
They who retired held an uprighter post.
And raised their eyes with quiet strength toward heaven ;
Yet served self only, unfraternally.
And so, 'twixt these and those, I struck my path,
To meditate witli the free solitary,
Yet to live secular, and serve mankind.
Gregory did not find it easy to be in the world, and yet not
of the world, and, although we beHeve this to be the ideal life,
(274)
GEEGOEY NAZTANZEN 275
yet we can understand how the semi-idolatrous society of that
time was so permeated by corruption that f^ood men were
driven to despair, and came to tlio conclusion that one wlio
desired to live a holy life must leave the world.
Gregory tried to live a hermit life at Arianzus, and in^^ted
Basil to join him. Basil came, but was not enamoured of the
place, so ho returned and startcul a monastery ol' liis own. 'J\)
this retreat he invited Gregory, and they lived together for a
time. But however much Gregory might enjoy the com-
munion, he found Basil's conception of cloister life too severe
for his somewhat delicate frame. " Never shall I forget," he
writes, perhaps partly in jest, "the brotli and the bread;
bread so hard that the teeth made no impression, and when
they did effect an entrance were set fast as in a paste. Unless
that true lady-bountiful, thy mother, had promptly come to
my help, I had been dead long ago." Yet he could also say :
" O that I could live again the sweet time we spent in the
study of the Divine Oracles, and enjoy the light which, through
the guidance of tlie Spirit, we found in them ",
Gregory was in the path of duty at home, for his father,
the bishop of Nazianzus, was extremely aged, and needed his
son's support in his declining years. His father insisted on his
ordination, and at length he yieldt^d. Like Basil, he shrank
from the priesthood, but the shrinking in each case arose from
a perverted view with regard to the nature of the lioly office.
Instead of looking upon the priest as the servant and loving-
instructor of the people, they regarded him as a mediator be-
tween God and man. For tliis office they counted themselves
unfit, and they were right.
After ordination Gregory fled for a time from his charge,
and so offended the Church that, when he returned, the people
demanded a public apology. Gregory replied in a dissertation
upon pastoral duty, which remains famous until tliis day.
When Basil was contesting the election to the bishopric of
Coesarea, he desired to obtain the help of Gregory, and fearing
that his friend would shrink from the business in hand he pre-
276 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
tended to be dangerously iD. When Gregory discovered the
fraud he was intensely grieved and was never again so friendly
with Basil. Afterwards he tried to forgive and forget, but
Basil dragged him into a quarrel which he had with a neigh-
bouring bishop. He went further, for entirely against Gre-
gory's better judgment he coerced him into accepting ordination
as a suffragan bishop to a see which he had himself created. It
was at Sasima, an obscure town where Gregory's talents would
have been quite buried, and it landed him in constant conflict
with a rival bishop. Gregory's gentle nature revolted, he
refused to act, and the friendship between the men was broken.
Basil was a man bent upon having his own way ; Gregory was
sensitive and yielding by nature. But even Gregory could be
severe at times. His attacks upon Julian are not pleasant
reading, and manifest very little of the spirit of Christ. His
fulsome praise of Constantius is even harder to understand.
This emperor, who began his career by wholesale assassination,
and continued to support impiety and to persecute good men, is
spoken of as " the most divine and Christ-loving of emperors,
whose great soul is summoned from heaven ".
Basil and Gregory were good men, and did good work at a
time when good work was sorely needed. They were inferior
to Athanasius in spirit, though perhaps his equals in mental
endowment. They lived in difficult times, and we who live in
easy times must not judge them harshly. But it would be
absurd to imagine that they were possessed of qualities which
entitle us to consider them superior to other Christiana in the
matter of saintship.
374. Gregory acted as his father's coadjutor until he died, dis-
regarding the bishopric of Sasima to which Basil had appointed
him. After his father's death he entered a monastery in
Isauria and lived for three years in seclusion.
The long persecution to which the orthodox faith had
been subjected by Valens had so discouraged and reduced its
adherents that, in Constantinople, they were now but a small
flock without church or bishop. When Valens was slain
GEEGOEY NAZIANZEN 277
and Gratian was for a time sole emperor the Catholics took
courage and invited Gregory to be their pastor. Having
assented, he began liis ministrations by preaching in a private
hoase. His preaching attracted attention and he soon became
famoas. Daring this period one of his adherents was Hiero-
nymous, better known as Jerome. Jerome speaks of Gregory
as a " most eloquent man from whom I learned to expound the
Scriptures ".
When Theodosius became emperor Gregory was appointed 380.
bishop at Constantinople. But his enjoyment of the distinction
was brief. It was a time of bitter conflict, and Gregory was
not a party man. When therefore he found that he could not
persuade the clergy to live at peace, he resigned his charge and
again went into retirement.
" If any of our friends," he writes, " should inquire about
Gregory, say that he is enjoying in perfect quiet a philosopliical
Ufe, and that he troubles himself as little about liis enemies as
he does about persons of whose existence he knows nothing."
Invited to attend a synod at Constantinople, he replied : 382.
" I am in such a temper of mind that I shun every assemblage
of bishops, because I have never yet seen a good issue to any
synoil, have never been present at any which did not do more
for the multiplication than for the suppression of evils ".
Gregory's preaching was very practical and often very
elevating in character. We have blamed him for his invective
against Julian ; let us praise him for the following : —
" Do not rashly condemn thy brother. It is like pulling up
with the weeds the hidden fruit which is possibly of more value
than thou art. Raise up thy brother gently and lovingly.
Learn to know thyself in the spirit of humility and to search
out thy own inflrmities. It is not one and the same thing to
pull up or destroy a plant or a man. Thou art an image of
God and thou hast to do with an image of God — thou who
judgest wilt thyself be judged. In our Father's house are
many mansions, and the ways which lead to them are Narious."
Gregory was a poet of considerable merit. We have already
278 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
seen some of his lines ; let us conclude our sketch with others,
which will not only help us to appreciate his devotional char-
acter, but also show us how little after all, the thoughts of
men have varied throughout the centuries.
What lies before me ? Where shall set my day ?
Where shall these weary limbs at length repose ?
What hospitable tomb receive my clay ?
What hands at last ray failing eyes shall close ?
Whose eyes will watch me — eyes with pity fraught,
Some friend of Christ's ? Or those who know Him not ?
Or shall no tomb, as in a casket, lock
This frame, when laid a weight of breathless clay,
Left without burial on the desert rock,
Or thrown in scorn to birds and beasts of prey,
Consumed and cast in haudfuls on the air,
Or ^^unk in some dark stream to perish there?
This as thou wilt. The day will all unite,
Wherever scattered, when thy word is said ;
Rivers of flame, abysses without light.
Thy great Tribunal, these alone I dread :
But Thou, Christ, art fatherland to me,
Strength, wealth, repose, yea all, I find in Thee.
340. Ambrose. — This celebrated leader of the Christian Church
was born in Gaul. His father, a prajtorian prefect, devoted him
to the legal profession, and in this he advanced rapidly until he
became consular magistrate at Milan.
374. When Ambrose was thirty-four years of age the bishop of
Milan died, and a fierce dispute arose between the Catholics and
Arians as to his successor. At one election meeting held in a
church there was so much excitement that a riot was feared,
and Ambrose was called in as magistrate to restore peace.
Whilst he was remonstrating with the throng some one shouted,
" Ambrose for bishop," and the suggestion was taken up with
the utmost enthusiasm. Ambrose was not in holy orders, was
not even baptised, but he was a man in whom the people had
full confidence. They would take no refusal, and notwithstand-
ing his strenuous opposition he was elected and consecrated to
the office.
AMBEOSE 279
After his appointment Ambrose threw himself whole heart-
edly into his work, giving himself wholly to the study of
theology and the administration of his diocese. The dignity of
the magistrate and the zeal of the Churchman combined with
considerable mental endowments to produce an ecclesiastic of a
type then somewhat unusual. " Ambrose," says Milman, " was
the spiritual ancestor of the Hildebrands and the Innocents."
Ambrose fell in with the mistaken notions about celibacy
which were then taking hold of the priesthood, and went even
so far as to praise girls who took the veil without their parents'
consent. He also fostered the rage for relics, and the belief
that they were capable of curing disease. It must also be noted
that the first clear sanction of the invocation of angels is in the
wi-itings of Ambrose. But there were times when he showed
clearer vision. The Gothic invasions had brought much misery
upon the inhabitants of Thrace and Illyricum, and many had
been carried into captivity. Ambrose set himself to redeem
the captives. Collections were made in the churches, the
treasure chests were emptied, and, when all did not sufiice, the
sacramental vessels were melted down and sold for the good
cause. " The Church," Ambrose wrote, " possesses gold, not to
hoard, but to distribute for the welfare and happiness of men."
Ambrose had a long tenure of ofiice and saw many em-
perors, Valentinian I., Gratian, Valentinian II., and Theodosius
reigned during his time, and though he was a domineering
man, he was useful, and his relations with them were generally
satisfactory.
Gratian passed ordinances confiscating the property of the
temples and taking away the privileges of the heathen priests.
Through the influence of Ambrose, Gratian refused to amend
the ordinances, and when Valentinian II. succeeded, through
the same influence they were confirmed.
When Gratian was preparing to assist Valens against the
Goths, knowing that his colleague was an intense Arian, he
asked Ambrose to write a treatise for him in defence of the ortho-
dox faith. The treatise known as De Fide was the result.
280 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
At times Ambrose carried his zeal for orthodoxy so far as
to be unjust. When he was asked to allow even one church to
386. be devoted to Arian worship in the city of Milan he refused.
There were many Arians amongst the Gothic auxiliaries in
Milan, and the action of Ambrose was as tyrannous and narrow-
minded as it would be for the British Government to deny to
Catholic soldiers the consolations of their religion. When the
dowager-empress, who was herself an Arian, first pleaded with
him and afterwards tried to coerce him, he attacked her from
the pulpit, calling her a Jezebel and a Herodias. The young
emperor, a boy of fourteen, protested against this treatment of
his mother in vain.
In a former chapter we saw how Ambrose erred in another
matter. When the Jewish synagogue at Callinicum had been
burned by a Christian mob, and Theodosius ordered that the
bishop should rebuild it, Ambrose stood forth as champion of
the wrongdoers.
" I protest," he said, " that I myself would have burnt the
synagogue. ... If the bishop shall comply with the man-
date he will be an apostate. . . . What has been done is but
a trifling retaliation for the acts of plunder and destruction
perpetrated by the Jews and heretics against the Catholics."
Ambrose knew not what spirit he was of.
When Theodosius persisted Ambrose attacked him from
the pulpit, and, by threatening to withhold communion, com-
pelled him to cancel the order. Thus do we perceive how in
the history of the Cliristian Church superstition and priestly
tyranny have ever advanced hand in hand.
390. Two years later the massacre of Thessalonica, of which we
have also already spoken, took place. Brotheric, the com-
mandant, had imprisoned a popular charioteer for abominable
crime. The races came on and the people demanded that their
favourite should be released, and when Brotheric refused they
murdered him and his staff. Theodosius was justly enraged.
Ambrose pleaded for mercy, but he had already condoned the
riot at Callinicum, and the household officers determined that
AMBEOSE 281
he should not condone tliis. According-ly they obtained secret
instructions from Theodosius with the terrible results already
recorded.
Ambrose called the emperor to repentance, and when he pre-
sented himself at the church refused him admittance. At the
end of eight months Theodosius performed penance publicly.
Laying aside his royal garments, he lay prostrate upon the
pavement, crying, " My soul cleaveth unto the dust, quicken
Thou me, according to Thy word ".
The massacre of Thessalonica was a sad stain upon the
character of Theodosius. But the provocation was terrible
and the repentance was sincere. We should admire the atti-
tude of the bishop more did we not know that Theodosius had
but carried out the doctrine of retaliation which the bishop had
laid down. The mighty emperor, who humbled himself in the
presence of his Maker and before the people, was nearer the
kingdom of God than the haughty and inconsistent prelate.
It is pleasant to know that Theodosius bore Ambrose no
grudge for his severity, but rather esteemed him the more. 395.
On his death-bed he committed his sons Arcadius and Honorius
to his care. But two years later Ambrose himself passed 397.
away.
Ambrose had much musical taste, and improved Church
music, especially of the antiphonal order. Amongst the writ-
ings wliich he left are several hymns. The following verses
were favourites of Augustine, who declared that he owed much
to the influence of Bishop Ambrose : —
HYMN AT THE COCK-CROWING.
Eternal Maker of the world,
Who rulest both the night and day,
With order'd times dividing Time,
Our toil and sorrow to allay.
The watchful herald of the dawn
Announces day with trumpet shrill ;
Lamp to the wayfarer at night,
Night from itself dividing still.
282 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
The morning star arising bright
Dissolves the darkness from the sky ;
And, startled from their baleful schemes,
The arm^d powers of darkness fly.
The mariner reknits his strength ;
The stormy sea is lull'd to sleep ;
And Peter, called the Church's Rock,
Hearing this sound, his sin doth weep.
Jesus, upon the falling look.
And looking, heal us, Lord, we pray ;
For at Thy look the fallen rise,
And guilt in tears dissolves away.
Do Thou, our Light, illume our sense,
Do thou our minds from slumber free ;
For Thee our voices first proclaim.
And with our lips we sing to Thee.
CHAPTER XXXV.
RELIGIOUS LEADERS OF THE FOURTH CENTURY— JOHN
CHRYSOSTOM, JEROME.
John Chrysostom. — The name by wliich this distin<^^ui.shccl
Father of the Church was known during his life was John.
The surname " Clirysostom " (golden mouthed), was a compU-
ment added during the fifth century.
Chrysostom was born at Antioch. His fatlier was a mili- 347.
tary officer, but his mother, a sincere Christian, was left a
widow at twenty, and determined not to marry again in order
that she might devote herself wholly to the education of her
boy.
After his early studies Chrysostom became an advocate, but
after some experience of the profession determined to abandon
it in favour of the monastic life. His mother, however, having
given up so much for him pleaded that he would not desert her,
and like Gregory Nazianzen he determined to lead a conse-
crated life without leaving his home.
After the death of liis mother Chrysostom retired to a
monastery on the mountains to the south of Antioch. Here
he spent four happy years. But finding the monastery too
comfortable for his purpose he left it and took up his abode in
a cave. Here lie spent two years in hardship and solitude.
The result was that he returned to his home in Antioch in
broken health.
Chrysostom taught as a deacon for five years, and then was 386.
ordained presbyter. In tliis capacity he toiled hard for ten
years, preacliing several times weekly. Whenever he preached
the church was thronged, and there is a modern suggestiveness
in the fact that he liad to warn his hearers to beware of pick-
(283)
284 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
pockets. But Chrysostom was not carried away by popular
applause. " Most men listen," he said, " not for improvement,
but to be pleased, and to criticise, just as though a player or
musician were before them." The habit of congregations has
not altered materially in tliis respect. In other matters habits
have altered, for it is interesting to know that in the days of
Chrysostom the congregation stood and the preacher remained
seated.
After the death of Theodosius I., Arcadius his son became
emperor at Constantinople, and Eutropius was his chief minister
of State. The bishop of Constantinople died about the same
time, and Eutropius elected Chrysostom to the see.
Chysostom would naturally expect that liis sphere of use-
fulness would be increased in the capital, but this did not
prove to be the case. His predecessor had been a free living
man, and neither court nor clergy desired to have a bishop who
lived an ascetic life and despised social intercourse. But Chrys-
ostom lived on simple fare and avoided the company of the
great. Moreover, he endeavoured to reform the Church, and
attacked the prevailing corruption fearlessly from the pulpit.
Thus he raised up many enemies. He had himself to thank in
some measure for this, for he did not attempt to keep his
temper under control, and he rather enjoyed hitting hard. This
delighted the common people and they thronged to hear him,
but the court party and the clerical dignitaries did not enjoy it.
Chrysostom did excellent work among the Goths. They
were now numerous in the neighbourhood of the capital, and
he set apart a church for Divine service in their native tongue.
The Bible was read in Ultilas' version, and sermons were de-
livered by Gothic preachers. Sometimes the bishop himself
would preach, using an interpreter. Chrysostom also sent
missionaries to the tribes on the Danube and to the nomads of
Syria.
For a time Chrysostom enjoyed the favour of Eudoxia, the
empress, and he praised her devotion highly in his sermons.
But when he attacked the court she turned against him. We
JOHN CHRYSOSTOM 285
cannot altogether blame her. Chrysostom used langxiage
which was perfectly indefensible, forgetting that he was
speaking of a lady and of liis queen. The people thronged his
church the more, but the words sank deeply and bore bitter
fruit. At length the court party and the clergy opened a
campaign against him. The Arians, eager to recover some of
their lost influence, joined the ranks of his enemies. He was
tried on various pretexts, condemned, deposed, banished.
The people would have defended their popular preacher by
force, but Chrysostom bowed to the storm and was carried on
board a ship bound for Bithynia. The following night there
was an earthquake. Earthquakes were not uncommon in Con-
stantinople, but the people believed this one a judgment on the
city for its treatment of their favourite, and raised a riot.
Eudoxia also was superstitious about it and begged the emperor
to recall him.
Chrysostom returned amid popular rejoicing, and it seemed
as if there might be peace. He was once more on good terms
with the empress, and praised her in his discourses. For
the breach which followed he was responsible. A statue of
the empress had been cast in silver and set up in the market
place in front of the Church of St. Sophia. It was dedicated,
as one would expect, with pomp and revelry, and the sound of
the music and dancing was heard in the church and disturbed
the service. Instead of exercising a Httle patience, Chrysostom
lost his temper, and is reported to have used offensive language
against the empress : " Herodias is once more maddening ; is
once more dancing ; once more she demands the head of John
on a charger". The words were conveyed to Eudoxia, and she
was naturally incensed.
The bishop's enemies again gathered, a council was called, 403.
and sentence of deposition was passed. Arcadius acquiesced,
and when Chrysostom refused to cease his ministrations the
church was cleared by the soldiers. Arcadius then signed a
decree of banishment, and Chrysostom was conveyed to the
Asiatic shore. That night the cathedral, a magnificent building
286 THE EOMAN EMPIRE
erected by Constantino the Great, was totally destroyed by
fire. The coincidence was too striking to be overlooked.
Chrysostom's friends were suspected and hunted down with
merciless severity.
Chrysostoin was conveyed to Nicsea and thence to Cucusus,
a village in the Taurus mountains, chosen because of its incle-
mency. The journey was distressing, but when Chrysostom
reached Cucusus, all was well. His reputation had preceded
him, and he was received with much kindness. Comforts were
provided by admiring friends, many came to visit him, he had
a voluminous correspondence, and the three years he spent
there he declared to have been the happiest of his life. But
this did not suit his enemies. They desired his death, and,
angry that he should still be living a useful life, they obtained
a rescript from the emperor transferring his place of exile to
Pityus on the Black Sea. Eudoxia cannot be blamed for this,
for she was dead. It would almost seem as if the empress
protected him somewhat whilst she lived. His most bitter foes
were probably from amongst those who dreaded lest some turn
of the wheel of fortune might bring about his recall.
Guards were sent to convey Chrysostom to Pityus. They
had their instructions, and he was hurried from place to place
on foot, even with blows. At last his strength gave way, and
407. near Comana he was carried into a chapel, where, at the altar,
he breathed his last. He was sixty years of age.
Thirty-one years later, in the reign of Theodosius II., the
remains of Chrysostom were reverently carried from Comana
to Constantinople, and interred with pomp.
John Chrysostom was a man of strong will, pure life and
noble purpose. But ho was tactless and passionate. His early
austerities ruined his health and his temper. But ho had a
touch of humour amidst it all. A brutal official once threatened
to tear his liver out. " I wish you could," said Chrysostom,
" for ft has been nothing but a trouble to me for years."
Chrysostom was the author of numerous treatises, exposi-
tions and homilies, from which much of merit may be culled.
JEROME 287
What could be better than his plea for Bible study ? It is a
mistake to imagine that the Scriptures were scarce in those
days. Copies were numerous. " Even Britain," says Chrysos-
tom, " abounds with the Word of Life."
" Give yourselves," he said, " to the reading of Holy Scrip-
ture ; not merely at church, but when you return home take
your Bible in hand and dive into the meaning of what is
written therein. . . . Seating yourselves, as it were, beside these
waters, even although you may have no one at hand to inter-
pret, yet will you by diligent study acquire great benefit. . . .
Divine Providence ordained that the Scriptures should be
written by publicans, fishermen, tent-makers, shepherds, goat-
herds, that they should be intelligible to all, that the artisan,
the poor widow, the slave might derive advantage from them.
. . . Let no one say, ' I am fully occupied with business in court,
or the interests of the State, or my craft ; I have a wife to
care for, children to maintain, a household to manage ; I am a
man of the world and it is not for me to read the Scriptures.
The duty belongs to those who have betaken themselves to the
mountains for that purpose.' How ! is it not forsooth because
thou art surrounded with worldly cares that thou hast more
need than they to read thy Bible ? "
It was Chrysostom's practice to give out his text before-
hand, in order that the congregation might prepare for the
sermon b}^ Scripture study. He was eloquent and evangelical,
and approached nearer our modern conception of what a
preacher should be than any other of the Fathers.
Jerome. — Eusebius Hieronymus, better known as Jerome, 340.
was born at Stridon, near Aquileia, on the Adriatic. His
parents were Christians and prosperous people, and he was
educated at Rome. There he lived loosely, but when he
reached manhood he reformed and was baptised.
At the age of twenty-five Jerome was in Aquileia, one of a
circle of young men devoted to asceticism and sacred stud}''.
But the company was suddenly broken up. The reason is not
288 THE EOMAN EMPIRE
precisely known, but it is possible that even thus early Jerome
was showing a capacity for making enemies which followed
him through hfe.
373. Along with Rufinus, the bosom friend of Jerome's youth,
but his bitter foe in riper years, Jerome travelled through
Thrace and Asia Minor, as far as Antioch. On their travels
they made the acquaintance of Basil, and met many monks by
whom Jerome was inspired with a desire for the hfe of solitude.
Jerome afterwards took up his abode in the desert of Chal-
cis, about fifty miles east of Antioch. In this desert monks and
hermits abounded, and here he hved for five years. But after
the first charm had passed away Jerome was miserable. He
studied hard and wrote diligently. But he found that a man
did not escape from himself even in the desert. Moreover,
even among the monks of the desert there was bitter theo-
logical strife, and Jerome was not on the popular side. The
monks thought him Kttle better than a heretic and persecuted
him. They even took away his paper, so that he was reduced
379. to writing on rags. At last he fled to Antioch. In Antioch
he accepted ordination, only stipulating that after ordination
he should have freedom to live as he hked.
380. After these things Jerome went to Constantinople. There
he made the acquaintance of Gregory Nazianzen, of whom he
speaks with high respect. His eyes troubled him at this time,
and he had to dictate to an amanuensis. This became habitual
to him, though he did not entirely give up writing with his
own hand.
382. Jerome next went to Rome. His reputation as a scholar
had preceded him and for a time he had influence. He was
even looked on as a Hkely successor to Damasus, the bishop
of Rome. He spent his time in revising the translation of the
Scriptures and in theological controversy. Especially did he
advocate asceticism. He was an uncompromising advocate of
celibacy and wrote a treatise on the subject. Advocates of
cehbacy for the most part found their views with regard to
sexual intercourse upon that which is ilHcit and vile. Of the
JEKOME 289
pure and saintly institution of marriage and the family life,
tlie Creator's best eartlily gift to man, they have no experience
and little conception. This was Jerome's case. In his youth
he had led a sensual life and he knew little of any higher.
Unfortunately, Jerome was now surrounded by women
who hung upon his words, and he made converts among Ro-
man ladies of rank. To these he was guide, pliilosopher and
friend. But he was not a safe guide. " The letters which he
wrote to these ladies," says Maitland, " are a fearful monument
of the social eftects of the monastic system."
Jerome was a dauntless man and a splendid worker. But
there is wonderfully Uttle proof either in his life or writings
that he had any experimental knowledge of Christianity. This
we may at least affirm of liis youth and riper years. Perhaps
at eventide when he had passed through much suffering, and
was poor and apparently little esteemed, there may have been
Ught.
Jerome soon found his life in Rome unbearable. His
fanatical aversion to marriage and the fact that he made con-
verts to his views amongst ladies of good family raised up
enemies and gave rise to much scandal. His style of argu-
ment, moreover, did not make matters easier, for he was
always supercilious and often scurrilous. Accordingly he .be-
came very unpopular, calumny was busy with hi-^ uame, he
was hooted in the streets, and people spoke of throwing him
into the Tiber.
At this period bishop Damasus died. Under ordinary cir-
cumstances Jerome would have been elected pope, but now,
notwithstanding his scholarship, he was impossible, and a rival
was elected. Bitterly disappointed, but never realising how
much he had himself to blame for his failure, Jerome left Rome
and determined to return to a life of solitude.
Amongst Jerome's admirers the most important was Paula, a
noble and devout widow. Paula resolved to share her teacher's
exile, and with other ladies in her company set out on the pil-
grimage. After visiting many sacred places in Palestine they
VOL. II. 19
290 THE KOMAN EMPIEE
settled at Bethelehem, then much frequented by pilgrims.
Here, by degrees, they built a monastery, three convcints, a
church and a hospice.
In Bethlehem Jerome spent the remaining thirty-four years
of his life. Adopting as his personal abode one of the rock-
hewn chambers which are still to be seen there, he surrounded
himself with his books and toiled unceasingly. By earnest
application he had become a master of Hebrew, Greek and
Latin. At Rome he had corrected the Latin version of the
Gospels ; he now corrected the Latin version of the Old Testa-
ment.
Afterwards Jerome undertook a work of high importance,
a complete retranslation of the Scriptures. The Old Testament
was translated from the Hebrew, the New Testament from the
best Greek manuscripts that could be found. Upon this work
Jerome bestowed infinite pains, consulting the best available
authorities, and travelling through Palestine to identify sacred
places. The Vulgate is in substance the result of Jerome's
work, the edition of the Scriptures recognised by the Roman
Catholic Church, and appearing in English as the Douay
Bible.
Jerome's earnest work did not prevent him from carrying
on (^Dntroversy in quite the old spirit. A discussion with his
friend Rv^^^^\>s about the views of Origen led to permanent
estrangement. Augustine, deeply grieved to see good men
quarreling, entreated Jerome not to scatter such hard words
abroad, but his pleading was in vain.
With Augustine also Jerome had a controversy, but on this
occasion he had a legitimate grievance, for Augustine wrote
letters attacking him and published them, although Jerome
had never seen them, and did not see some of them for years
afterwards.
From Bethlehem Jerome also attacked Jovinian, a monk
who dared to write a book upon what we would now term
Protestant lines. He controverted the perpetual virginity of
Mary, which was now becoming an article of faith in the
JEEOME 291
Church ; denied the superior merits of celibacy, and maintained
that the ordinary Christian hfe was or ought to be as holy as
the monastic. Jovinian's common sense was regarded as gross
impiety, and all who dared to think with him were excom-
municated.
Ambrose spoke of Jovinian's statement that there was no
difference of merit between the married and unmarried as " a
savage howling of ferocious wolves scaring the flock ", Jerome
also took up the cudgels and called Jovinian's views " the
hissing of the old serpent by which the dragon expelled man
from Paradise ". It never apparently occurred to either Am-
brose or Jerome that by their vulgar abuse they were proving
Jovinian's contention. Jerome's language shocked even those
who were in sympathy with liis views, and they begged him not
to publish his book, but he persisted.
Paula died at the age of fifty-six. Concerning her deep 404.
sincerity and devoutness there can be no controversy. She
shortened her life by useless austerity, and beggared herself
by indiscriminate almsgiving. But she was a good and gracious
woman. She loved the Scriptures and stored them in her
memory. Her self-denying faith, her care for the poor, her
childlike trust, were genuine marks of a true follower of Jesus
Christ. The words wliich Jerome wrote in her memory are
amongst his best.
" Farewell, O Paula, and help by thy praj^'ers the old age of
him who bears thee a religious reverence. Thy faith and works
have joined thee to Christ, and being now present with Him,
thou wilt the more easily obtain what thou desirest. ... We
do not weep because we have lost her ; we thank God that we
once possessed her. What do I say ? We possess her still, for
the elect who ascend to God still remain in the family of those
who love them."
At this time the Roman Empire was in evil case. The
northern nations had broken down the barriers, and were
pouring in like a flood. The Isaurians laid waste Northern
Palestine, and for a time the colony at Bethlehem seemed in
292 THE KOMAN EMPIRE
such peril that all assembled on the shore ready to set sail.
Then came news that the invaders were passing on the north
of Lebanon.
410. At last Rome herself was captured by Alaric the Goth.
Amongst the inhabitants who fled some found their way
even to Bethlehem. Jerome was amazed at the course of
events.
" The world crumbles, our head knows not how to bow
down. Tliat which is born must perish, that which has grown
must wither. There is no created work which rust or age
does not consume ; — but Eome ! who could have believed that
raised by her victories above the universe, she would one day
fall, and become for her people at once a mother and a tomb."
416. Jerome's later years were stormy like the rest. The
Pelagian controversy raged, and he flung himself into it with
ardour. A dialogue published against the Pelagians so roused
the ire of the monks of Jerusalem, who were mostly Pelagians,
that they took up arms, attacked the colony at Bethlehem, and
destroyed some of the buildings.
419. Jerome's health was never robust, yet he lived to be an old
man. He was very feeble before he died, and used to raise
Inmself in his bed by the aid of a cord fixed to the ceiHng, the
plan so common still in our hospitals. The date of his birth is
disputed, and his age is therefore uncertain. It is variously
reckoned from seventy-four to eighty-nine.
Jerome died in great poverty, but continued his Biblical
work to the last. It is pleasant to know that in his last days
Paula, a grandchild of his devoted disciple, ministered to him.
Opinions will differ with regard to the character of Jerome
and the value of his personal influence. But concerning his
extrordinary diligence, his tenacity of purpose, and the high
value of liis labours there can be no difference of opinion. Nor
should we forget the courage with which Jerome persisted in
his work of trauslation in the face of opposition. The Sep-
tuagint was looked on as itself inspired, and in daring to
correct it Jerome was believed to be shaking the foundations
JEEOME 293
of the Christian faith* Even Augustine tried to turn liim
from his purpose.
During the Ufetime of Jerome his version of the Scriptures
was coldly received, but by the seventh century it had won its
way and was superseding the older versions. At last in 1546
the Council of Trent decreed that the Vulgate edition should
be held for authentic in public lectures, disputations, sermons
and expositions, and that none should dare to refuse it.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
AUGUSTINE.
354. Augustine was an African, born at That^aste in Numidia.
His father, Patricias, was a pagan ; his mother, Monica, a
Christian,
Having received such education as the schools of Thagaste
could give, Augustine was sent to the university of Carthage.
He was then seventeen years of age. His father had died and
his mother was not rich, but she was enabled by the generosity
of friends to complete her son's education.
Augustine's university career was unsatisfactory. He
studied with some industry, and his natural genius kept him
well in the front, but he was dissolute. He kept a mistress,
and had an illegitimate son whom he named Deodato. Monica
had the sorrow of seeing her son leaving the university an
unbeliever in Christianity and apparently an unprincipled man.
But she prayed earnestly for him, and in due time her prayers
were answered.
383. After teaching rhetoric in Carthage for a time, Augustine
resolved to go to Rome. Monica was greatly against this, and
Augustine went surreptitiously. Monica was frantic with
grief, not knowing that in this way God was reall}^ S'iving her
her heart's desire.
From Rome Augustine went to Milan. Ambrose was bishop
there, and the young rhetorician had an introduction to him.
The bishop received him kindly, and he attended his church
services. He did this to begin with out of respect for the man
and admiration for the orator, but gradually he fell under the
influence of his preaching and changed his attitude towards
Christianity. Others also helped him, and at last he saw the
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AUGUSTINE 295
light. His mother was now with liim in Milan and could re-
joice in answered prayer.
After his baptism Augustine proceeded with his mother to 387.
Rome, intending to return home to Africa. But at Ostia,
when they were resting in order that Monica might gain
strength for the voyage, she died. She was a noble-minded
and altogether lovely woman to whom her son owed every-
thing.
After Monica's death Augustine stayed a year in Rome. 388.
Thence he went to Africa, and dwelt at Thagastc, his native
town, in a small religious community of like-minded men.
Three years later having gone to Hippo, a city in Algeria 391.
now called Bona, he was ordained by Bishop Valerius, after
which he removed to that city and established his monastery
there.
When Valerius died Augustine was elected as his successor. 396.
He was popular, and the episcopal residence became a school of
theology and a monastery combined. The clergy lived in
celibacy and poverty but without display of asceticism.
Augustine's views were of the high Catholic order. Like
many good men he did not sufficiently differentiate between
the community of believers which Christ calls his Church, and
the visible human organisation which men call the Church.
This organisation was to him an ark outside of which there
was no salvation. Sincerely believing this he regarded perse-
cution as quite admissible. Surely it was better to drive men
into the ark by blows than to leave them outside to drown.
So warped was his judgment in this matter, that he claimed
as Scriptural warrant for oppression our Saviour's words in the
parable " compel them to come in ".
The views held by Augustine brought him quickly into
conflict with the Donatists, a sect very numerous in Northern
Africa. They had separated from the Church on the ground
of discipline. They believed that the existence of a Church
depended upon the holiness of its members, and objected to an
organisation which held both believers and unbelievers within
296 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
its pale. Holiness was above everything else, and unless a
Church were holy it was no Church at all, no matter how cor-
rectly its succession from the Apostles might be traced.
Though views much like those of the Donatists will always
be held wherever Christianity exists, the sect as such was
largely confined to the North African province where the
Donatists were as numerous as the Catholics. The African
Church was in fact divided into two rival communities, and
Augustine confounding the true Church of Christ with the
organisation to which he belonged determined to bring the
Donatists back to the fold.
At first Augustine sought to influence the Donatists by
argument. He declared himself eager to confer, but as he
evidently looked upon himself as the sole possessor of truth,
and upon the Donatists as wandering sheep, conferences were
in vain.
When Augustine found that he could not win the Donatists
to reunion by the magic of his arguments, he determined to
bring them back by force, and encouraged the government to
persecute them. Their worship was forbidden, they were
ordered to surrender their churches, their clergy were com-
manded to return to the one true Church. The persecuted
Christians appealed to the emperor Honorius in vain. He
412. even issued a decree enacting penalties yet more severe. The
Donatists were heavily fined, their property was confiscated,
they were scourged and banished. Many yielded, some pre-
ferred to endure the loss of all things. Three hundred bishops,
and thousands of inferior clergy were driven into exile.
The persecution of the Donatists was no whit less bitter
than the Huguenot persecution of later date. And what was
the result ? The triumph, doubtless, of the Catholic Church ?
No ; but the destruction of Christianity in North Africa.
This Christianity, which in the days of Augustine had such q,
hold on Africa that thousands of clergy could be driven out of
one section of the Church, where is it to-day ? It is repre-
sented by a handful of foreign missionaries surrounded by tlie
AUGUSTINE 297
hardest and most uncompromising hostility to Christianity
that the world can show. For this lamentable result Augus-
tine must take a large share of blame. Had the bishop of
Hippo refrained from beating his fellow-servants, and devoted
his extraordinary powers to the evangelisation of Africa, it
might not have become the dark continent which it has been
from tliat day to tliis. It is sad to find so good a man as
Augustine advocating coercion in religious matters and de-
fending his position by sophistry. It is the more sad to know
that his sanction of persecution became a precedent of great
authority in the Catholic Church, and led to a vast amount of
spiritual despotism and intolerance. Even the inquisition may
be said to have been the legitimate result of Augustinian
teaching.
Whilst the Donatist controversy was in progress Augustine
threw himself also into the Pelagian. The doctrines of Pe-
lagius are as old as the Church, and will remain while there
is a Church, but they came prominently into notice at this
time.
Pelagius was a Briton, perhaps a Welshman from Bangor
university. The name has the same significance as Morgan,
sea-born.
At the end of the fourth century Pelagius went to Rome,
and was greatly shocked at the condition of tlie Christian
Church in that city, and at the inconsistent lives which pro-
fessing Christians, whether lay or clerical, were leading. Per-
ceiving that this arose, to some extent at least, from the idea
many had that if they were connected by baptism with the
Christian Church they were secure, he took up the attitude of
the Apostle James, and emphasised the necessity there was for
manifesting faith by the performance of works. Pelagius also
insisted on the freedom of man's will as a primary factor in
the problem. He had many followers, among whom Caelestius,
a native of Ireland, was the most prominent.
After the sack of Rome by Alaric, Pelagius went to Pales- 410.
tine and Ctelestius to Carthage. Both men were tried for
298 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
heresy. There was httle in the charges formulated against
them that would shock modern theologians, but the fight
spread and waxed fierce, until it shook the Western Church,
There were other issues, but the fundamental question was
between Free Will and Predestination. Pelagius emphasised
man's side of the redemptive scheme, Augustine and those
who were with him emphasised God's side. Both went to
extremes, and were partly right and partly wrong. The Pe-
lagians were m danger of losing sight of the absolute need for
the regenerating influence of the Holy Spirit, the others were
fooHsh enough to imagine that they could reduce the eternal
decrees of God to a formula.
Referring to Augustine's teaching in this matter, Canon
Mozley has well said : —
" If revelation as a whole does not speak explicitly, revela-
tion did not intend to do so ; and to impose a definite truth
upon it when it designedly stops sliort of one, is as real an
error of interpretation as to deny a truth which it expresses ".
The emperor Honorius at length interposed in the argu-
ment, declared the Pelagians to be heretics, and subjected
them to pains and penalties in the usual way. Pelagius,
Cailestius and their adherents were banished.
429. The last days of Augustine's life were stormy enough.
The Northern tribes had devastated the empire, and the
Vandals had crossed from Spain and were overrunning Nor-
thern Africa. The CathoHcs now experienced some of the
miseries which they had so wantonly inflicted on their
brethren. Many refugees came to Hippo, where Augustine
dwelt, and his house was open to all. Then Hippo itself was
besieged. In the third month of the siege he was seized with
fever, and after a short illness he died, being then seventy-six
years of age.
Augustine was the last bishop of Hippo, and with him set
the sun of the African Church. At the time of the Vandal
conquest there were in the province 500 Catholic bishops ;
thirty years after only three remained. Had the Cliurch
AUGUSTINE 299
leaders of Augustine's time shown greater wisdom, and been
content to preach the Gospel instead of embarking in a piti-
less crusade against the Puritan section of their Church, the
result might have been very different. The Vandals were not
averse to Christianity, They carried with them and regarded
with superstitious awe the Bible, which had been translated
into the Gothic tongue by Ulfilas, their great apostle. But
the best Christians had been driven out of Africa, and those
who remained melted away in the hour of trial.
Augustine was a voluminous writer and had a clear and
acute intellect. The influence of his writings was immense and
lasting, and many good men have greatly admired liim. Luther
declared liimself deeply indebted to him ; Calvin called him
the best of the Fathers. Concerning the importance of Augus-
tine's writings as a formative influence in the Catholic Church
there can be no question. Whether we think that tliis mighty
influence was for good or evil \viU depend upon our point of
view. Those who are inclined towards high CathoUc doctrine,
who beHeve in the exaltation of the authority of the visible
Church, the concentration of that authority in the Roman See,
the doctrine of Purgatory, with its corollary of prayer for the
dead, and who hold strong views with regard to the efficacy of
the Sacraments, will find much to gratify them in the writings
of Augustine, Strangely enough also the hyper-Calvinist will
find in Augustine aft important ally. But those of a simpler
turn of mind, who beHeve that " the end of the commandment
is love out of a pure heart," wiU have more difficulty in arriving
at a favourable verdict. For ourselves we think that Augustine
as a writer has had wide influence. But he was not a gi'eat
man and he was not a saint.
CHAPTER XXXVII.
ALARIC THE GOTH.
395. When Theodosius died, leaving Honorius, a child of eleven,
nominal ruler of the West, and Arcadius, eighteen years of
age, ruler of the East, he had two friends on whom he could
imphcitly rely, Ambrose, bishop of Milan, and Stilicho, his
principal minister of State. To these he left the guardianship
of his sons. Ambrose died within two years, but Stilicho lived,
and was faithful to his trust.
Probably Theodosius desired that Stilicho should have a
general guardianship over both princes, but this was not pos-
sible. He was prefect of the West, and could control Honorius,
but Rufinus, another important minister, was prefect of the
East, and Arcadius was under his control. The West gladly
accepted Stihcho's regency, but he was viewed with suspicion
and animosity at Constantinople.
StiHcho was a Vandal, son of a chieftain who had been in
the service of Valens. He had early attracted the attention of
Theodosius, both by reason of his capacity and his princely
bearing, and he had been permitted to marry Serena, niece of
the emperor. His position at the court of Honorius continued
extremely honourable, Honorius, whilst still a boy, married
his daughter Maria, and when Maria died he married Ther-
mantia, her sister.
Whilst Theodosius was aHve Stilicho became commander-
in-chief, and at his death he commanded the united forces of
the empire, both the Eastern and Western armies, of which the
former was largely Gothic, the latter German and Frank.
When the emperor died and the empire fell into two parts
Stilicho remained general of the united forces.
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ALARIC THE GOTH 301
When Theodosius marched against Eugenius, his Gothic
auxiharies were commanded by Alaric, a Christian, and a Visi-
gothic cliieftain of great distinction. After the emperor's
death Stilicho, the Vandal, and Alaric, the Goth, were the most
powerful men in the empire.
When Theodosius had passed away and the empire fell into
the hands of young and, as it happened, unpopular princes, the
Goths became restless. They wished no ill to the empire, but
they thought that they had fought Rome's battles long enough
and that it was time they looked after their own affairs.
Accordingly they elected Alaric as king, and he set about
endeavouring to further the interests of liis people.
Alaric stationed himself wath his followers in the mountains
of Illyricum, and from tliis point of vantage invaded Mace-
donia and threatened Greece. Arcadius could do nothing
against liim, for the forces of the Eastern Empire were in the
West under Stilicho. Arcadius therefore had to request StiHcho
either to come to liis defence or to return the Eastern troops,
and StiHcho hastened eastward with his united army. But
when he had almost reached Thessalonica and would have given
Alaric battle, the court at Constantinople, fearing StiKcho more
than they feared Alaric, ordered him to desist from further
advance, to withdraw with the legions of Honorius and to
send the Eastern section of the army to Constantinople.
Stilicho obeyed, and^ the Eastern army marched away under
their general, Gainas, a Goth. But Gainas was a great friend
of StiHcho, and when the troops reached Constantinople they
murdered Rufinus, the chief minister of Arcadius, whom they
blamed for the withdrawal.
The foUowing year Alaric invaded Southern Greece and 396.
ravaged the country. With Athens he dealt gently, but Corinth,
Argos and Sparta fell before liim. StiHcho equipped a fleet and
carried the army of the Western Empire across to Corinth.
There he encountered Alaric, and skilfuUy drove liim back into
the mountains about Elis. But when he seemed to have lum
at his mercy Alaric escaped across the Gulf into Epirus. Un-
302 THE EOMAN EMPIRE
doubtedly Alaric and he were in negotiation. Stilicho re-
spected the Gothic king, and beheved that he might some
day in the future serve the empire as he had served it in the
past. Alaric also had a high regard for StiHcho, though he
felt bound to place the interests of his own people first.
Alaric wanted certain provinces set apart for his people,
and wished also to receive a grant of money for them from
the empire. If he could obtain these favours he would be the
empire's faithful ally. Stilicho, on the other hand, wished to
maintain the integrity of the Western Empire, to increase its
area if possible, and to infuse new blood into it by absorbing
barbarians. Both Stilicho and Alaric were statesmen.
As Arcadius found that he could not check the devastations
of Alaric he came to terms with him, entering into an agree-
ment by wliich Alaric was made commander of the forces in
lUyricum. This gave liim a splendid vantage ground. It was
actually as a Roman officer that Alaric prepared his troops for
the campaigns which ended in the fall of Rome.
Rome was now of little consequence politically. Except
in a sentimental sense it was no longer the capital. Diocletian
had been the first to realise that the world could no longer be
ruled from an Italian city. He had parceled out the empire
amongst four persons, of whom not one dwelt in Rome.
Shortly after that the building of Constantinople had practi-
cally assured the permanent division of the empire. The chief
of the State was no longer necessarily even an Italian. Dal-
matia, Illyria, Pannonia, Moesia, Spain, Phoenicia and other
provinces had supplied their quota to the imperial throne.
Few of the later emperors had any connection with the
ancient capital, some had never seen it.
Honorius visited Rome sometimes, but was mostly at
Milan, and in 402 he took up his residence permanently at
Ravenna. Whilst he was at Milan the empire was threatened
on two sides by barbarians. Alaric descended into Venetia
from the East, and Radagasius, an Ostrogoth, acting probably
in concert, invaded Italy from the North.
ALAEIC THE GOTH 303
The news of this double invasion created a panic in Italy.
Honorius and the Italian nobles around him proposed to fly to
Gaul. But Stihcho's heart did not fail him. Alaric was en-
gaged reducing the fortresses of Venetia, and this gave Stilicho 410.
a breatliing space. Dealing witli Radagasius first he went north-
ward to Rsetia, gathered forces, and in a winter campaign
drove the invaders across the border. Having then reinforced
his army by enlisting friendly tribes and drawing in legions
from the frontiers he was ready to deal wath Alaric.
The rival forces met at Pollentia, about twenty miles from 402.
Turin. Alaric was taken at a disadvantage, and though the
battle was not decisive the Gotlis were discouraged and wilhng
to negotiate. Stilicho was wise enough to offer easy terms,
and a treaty was entered into. The Goths then retired in
leisurely fashion, nor did Alaric again invade Italy until
Stihcho was dead.
Honorius and Stilicho celebrated a triumph at Rome for 404.
tliis somewhat shadowy victory over the Goths. The occasion
is noteworthy, because tradition has it that an Eastern monk
named Telemachus interfered between the combatants at the
gladiatorial games. It is said that he was slain but that the
gladiatorial spectacles ceased. Such an incident may well
have happened and may have had its effect, but there were
glacUatorial games some years after tliis.
Next year Radagasius again invaded Italy. His forces went 405.
in difterent directions. One large body marched towards Rome,
but Stilicho succeeded in hemming them in amongst the moun-
tains near Florence. There they were starved into surrender.
Many were sold into slavery. Radagasius was put to death.
Another section of the invading force pressed on through Gaul,
crossed the Pyrenees and entered Spain.
It seemed almost as if Alaric and Radagasius had failed in
their attempts upon Italy. But the indirect effect of the in-
vasions was great. In order that he might successfully en-
counter them Stilicho had denuded the Rhine of troops and
had even brought a legion from Britain. The pressure of the
304 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
tribes upon the Rhine provinces was always great, and now
the Vandals, Sueves and Alans began to pour into Gaul, a
province which was never again effectively controlled by the
empire.
In Britain also there was a serious change. The soldiers
407. there, perceiving how weak Honorius was, mutinied and elected
one of their number named Constantine to the purple. Con-
stantine crossed with most of the troops into Gaul, where he
409. was well received. In a short time he withdrew aU the Roman
troops from Britain. Nine years later a contingent was sent
across at the earnest entreaty of the inhabitants, but they
only stayed for a brief space. Thus Britain fell entirely from
Rome, and Gaul and Spain ceased to be any source of strength.
Though these results seemed to flow from the invasions of
Alaric and Radagasius, they were really inevitable. The West-
ern Empire was played out. Italy could now barely defend
herself. Not that the empire dissolved at once. At the death
of Honorius in 423 only Britain had formally broken loose.
But in many other places the emperor's authority was only
nominal. Throughout Gaul and Spain the tribes were setthng
freely. They had come to stay.
It would be a mistake to imagine that the tribes now pour-
ing into the empire wished it harm. It is scarcely possible for
us to realise the position which Rome occupied in the minds
of men at this time. It had lasted for a thousand years, it
embraced the civilised world, it was a sort of terrestrial pro-
vidence.
" When Rome, the head of the world, shaU have fallen,"
writes I^actantius, " who can doubt that the end is come of
human things ; aye, of the earth itself. She, she alone is the
State by which all things are upheld even until now."
The barbarians did not desire to destroy Rome. Many of
them were already Roman citizens, and the others wished to
be. The movements which in their result disintegrated the
empire were colonising movements caused by the land hunger
of the tribes and the ambition of their leaders. The peoples
ALARIC THE GOTH 305
knew that the lands of the empire were only half occupied,
their kinsfolk were already prospering in the empire ; why
should not they ?
In earlier days the Romans thought it good policy to kill
or drive back the immigrants. When they found that they
were not strong enough to do tliis, they thought it a clever
thing to foment quarrels between the tribes in order that
they might slay each other. This way of dealing with immi-
gration was no longer possible. The native population had
decayed in numbers, wealth and spirit. There were not enough
natives to man the ramparts. It was no more possible for the
Roman in the fifth century to say " Stand back " to the in-
vading tribes than it would be in the twentieth for the native-
born American to order back the wave of immigration which
sweeps over his country and will sweep over it until it is
adequately peopled.
We have seen how Alaric. after crossing swords with
Stilicho at Pollentia, returned to Illyricum, keeping the peace
for the moment but ready for anything that might occur. He
corresponded with Stilicho, who would gladly have utilised him
in an attempt to detach Illyricum from the dominions of Arca-
dius and to add it to those of Honorius. But other matters
claimed Stilicho's attention, and he was never able to carry out
his plans. In connection with these plans Alaric performed
certain services for which he claimed pajmient. The emperor
and Senate met at Rome to discuss the claim and it was paid, 408.
though grudgingly. The payments to Alaric, the loss of Gaul,
and the revolt in Britain made Stilicho unpopular. He was a
Vandal, and the Roman party had many grievances against
him. The power had passed from their hands, and they saw
Goth and Vandal everywhere usurping the offices which they
formerly monopolised. Accordingly they banded themselves
into a conspiracy to destroy Stilicho.
At this juncture Arcadius died leaving one son, Theodosius,
a mere child. His wife Eudoxia, whom we have already had
occasion to mention in connection with the life of Chrysostom
VOL. II. 20
306 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
had died in 404. Honorius proposed to go to Constantinople
to assume guardianship of his nephew, but Stilicho determined
to go instead. This was a mistake. No sooner had he de-
parted than his enemies declared to Honorius that he meant
to put his own son Eueherius upon the Eastern throne. Hono-
rius believed it and issued the warrant for his execution, and
Stilicho was overtaken at Ravenna and slain.
The death of Stilicho gave the Roman party a momentary
triumph. They lost their heads in their exultation and mas-
sacred his friends. They went farther, and with cowardly
spite massacred the wives and children of such barbarian
auxiliaries as were with the army. As a result 80,000 auxili-
aries left the Roman standards, joined Alaric and cried out
for vengeance.
Alaric knew that in Stilicho he had lost a good friend and a
gallant enemy. But he did not desire war, and he offered to
serve Honorius on fair terms. Accordingly he sent messen-
gers with proposals, but Honorius, now back in Ravenna and
safe behind its fortifications, refused to treat.
Seeing that negotiation was useless, Alaric crossed the
Julian Alps once more and descended into the plain. Aquileia
and Ravenna he passed by, determined to waste no strength
upon smaller sieges. Crossing the Po and marching with great
rapidity he was soon in front of Rome.
The citizens of Rome, panic-stricken, could think of nothing
better to do than to murder Serena, the widow of Stilicho, and
Eueherius his son.
Alaric attempted no assault, he merely blockaded the city
so that provisions could not enter. The result was not long
doubtful. For a brief space the citizens hoped that Honorius
would help them, but when no help came and famine and
pestilence pressed heavily they begged for terms.
When the Roman ambassadors in their usual fasliion began
to use swelling words Alaric laughed at them. They were still
numerous, they said, and prepared for war. " Tliick grass is
easier to mow than thin," he replied. When he demanded all
ALAEIC THE GOTH 307
their gold, all their silver, all their treasure as the price of
peace, they cried in horror, ''What shall we have left?"
" Saivalos," he replied, " your souls." At length, however, he
accepted easier terms, and the first siege of Rome was over.
After the settlement Alaric did not return to Illyricum for
he was needed to keep down insurrection in Italy. After the
siege thousands of slaves fled from Rome and wandered about
in armed bands pillaging the country. Alaric repressed these
\\'ith a strong hand. The Romans seeing how useful he might
be as a protector would fain have made treaty with him.
Alaric was wilhng, but Honorius refused to sanction such a
proceeding.
When Alaric found that no proposals of his, however
moderate, were hstened to by Honorius, and that he turned a
deaf ear to the appeals of the citizens of Rome themselves, he
determined to teach him a lesson, and sat down to besiege
Rome a second time. But the Romans dreaded another block-
ade and proposed to Alaric that Honorius should be left out of
their calculations and another emperor appointed in Rome.
Alaric agreed, and Attains, prefect of Rome, became emperor,
\vith Alaric as his commander-in-chief. But the new arrange-
ment did not last. Attains was as foolish in his way as Hono-
rius, and at last Alaric thru.'st liim aside. Once more he
renewed liis overtures to Honorius, and when the conferences
failed he marched southward in grim earnest to the sack of
Rome.
Only meagre details remain to us of tliis siege. There was 4io.
apparently no blockade, and no serious effort to defend the
city. Towards the end of August the Goths arrived, and the
city fell almost at once. They broke in by the Salarian Gate
which stood near the Pincian Hill. Alaric gave his soldiers
permission to spoil the city but to do no more. Life was to be
spared, churches were not to be injured, the right of asylum
was to be respected. It would be inconceivable that a city
like Rome should be captured and looted without mischief
of other sorts being done. The palace of Sallust, which
308 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
stood near the Salarian Gate, was burned, and no doubt among
so many barbarians there were some who defied Alaric's in-
structions and were guilty of brutahty. Nevertheless, it has
been conjectured that Rome suffered less from the barbarians
in 410 than Paris did from the Commune in 1871.
The fall of Rome was a world-wide object lesson and its
moral effect was tremendous. We have in a former chapter
quoted the words of Jerome with regard to the catastrophe.
The story of the three sieges, the capture and the sack reached
him at the same moment in his cell at Bethlehem and created
a profound impression. Augustine was scarcely less impressed.
There was an outcry against Christianity. Men declared that
Rome had fallen because the people had forsaken the gods of
their fathers. To refute this theory Augustine was impelled
to write the most important of his treatises, The City of God.
The Goths only tarried for a few days in Rome. Then with
vast spoil and many captives they wended their way south-
ward through Campania into Calabria. There they gathered
a fleet intending to cross to Sicily and thence to Africa, pressed
probably by want of supplies of corn. But when a portion of
the army had embarked a storm arose and there was great
damage and loss of life. This delayed matters, and whilst the
army still lingered near Reggio, Alaric died.
If the career of the great Goth had been striking his burial
was not less so. Fearing lest Italian hands might desecrate
the tomb of their hero, the soldiers, with much pains, diverted
the river Busento^from its channel. In the bed of the river
thus dried up they dug a deep grave, and in it, wrapped in rich
spoils of Rome, the body of the king was laid. Then they filled
the grave, broke down the barrier, and the river rushed over
the sepulchre of their king.
One may not perhaps speak of Alaric as a great changer
of history. But he stood on guard, a noble and heroic figure,
whilst history changed.
CHAPTER XXX VIII.
THE BREAKING UP OF THE WEST.
In a former chapter we saw how Maximus, wlio was Roman 3S3.
governor in Britain, was proclaimed emperor by the soldiers.
Had he been content to remain in Britain, and govern the
island properly, it would have mattered httle what name he
went by. But not content with the dominion which he might
so easily have retained he must needs govern the empire. Ac-
cordingly he crossed to Gaul, and when he had obtained posses-
sion of it seized Italy. Then came the inevitable reverse and
he was slain. But the soldiers whom he had brought from
Britain did not return and the garrison was greatly weakened.
We have also seen how some years after this the soldiers 407.
who remained in the island proclaimed one of their number
named Constantine emperor. Had he only remained where he
was the election might have been a good tiling both for Britain
and for the empire ; but he also must seek wider dominions,
so he crossed the channel bringing most of the remaining
troops with liim. There were now few soldiers left in the
island and two years later Constantine withdrew these also.
Afterwards when the inhabitants, sorely pressed by the Cale-
donians, appealed to Honorius for help, he gave them to under-
stand that the empire had enough to do to ward off the attacks
of barbarians nearer home, and that they must henceforth pro-
vide for their own defence. Thus Britain ceased to form part
of the Roman Empire.
Constantine proved a man of capacity, and his usurpation
met wnth a measure of success. He crossed to Gaul, and was
well received by the legions there. He also checked for a time
the inrush of tribes over the Rhine frontier. Constantine sent
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310 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
his son Constans into Spain and the young man was successful
there and sent back to his father two important Spanish leaders
as prisoners of war. Constantine cruelly slew them. In so
doing he signed his own death warrant, for they were cousins
of Honorius, whose father Theodosius was a Spaniard, and
Honorius nursed his revenge.
Having established his court at Aries, Constantine wrote
to Honorius, asking to be recognised as joint emperor, and
Honorius, sore pressed at this time by Alaric, agreed, and sent
him the purple. But the new emperor (^d not long enjoy his
distinction. Gerontius, a British lieutenant of Constantine,
mutinied in Spain, drove Constans out, and followed him into
Gaul. He captured Vienne, slew Constans and besieged
Constantine in Aries.
Seeing that the two usurpers were destroying each other,
Honorius sent an army under his general Constantius to win
back the Gauls. Constantine was now menaced by two armies.
But the soldiers of Gerontius solved one part of the difficulty
by deserting their leader and joining the imperial army.
Gerontius fled to Spain, and died there by his own hand after
fighting Hke a hero.
Aries held out for some months, but Constantine at last
perceived that all was over and surrendered. He was sent as
a prisoner to Ravenna, but when thirty miles from the city
was executed by orders from Honorius.
On the death of Alaric the Goths, who were then in the most
southern part of the peninsula, elected Adolphus, his wife's
brother, as king. There was at that time in the Gothic camp
a maiden hostage, Placidia, daughter of Theodosius by his second
wife Galla, and therefore younger sister of the emperor
Honorius. Adolphus fell in love with Placidia, and she with
liim, but Honorius refused consent to their marriage for four
years.
412. The relations between Adolphus and Placi(iia made the
former anxious to be on friendly terms with Honorius, and he
drew his followers slowly northward, out of Italy, across the
THE BEEAKING UP OF THE WEST 311
Alps and into Gaul. Two years after the sack of Rome the
Visigothic army of Alarie had left Italy never again to re-
turn. Perhaps Gaul seemed a richer prize than Italy, perhaps
Adolphus hoped thus to concihate Honorius and win his bride.
At length Honorius gave his consent to the union and the 414.
marriage was solemnised at Narbonne with great splendour.
Unluippily the wedded life was very brief. A son was born
and named Theodosius after liis maternal grandfather. But
he died after a few months. His parents grieved greatly over
him, and he was buried in a silver coffin at Barcelona, for
during these months the Visigcjths had crossed the Pyrenees,
and they were now in Spain. Unfortunately worse was to
foUow. Shortly after_,^Ld£dphus was assassinated by one of
liis own Gothic servants apparently in revenge.
Adolphus was succeeded by one Siuo^eric, who was privy to
the assassination, but when lie had reigned for seven days he
was himself slain, and Walia, a much better man, was elected
king of the Goths.
In accordance wnth the dying wishes of Adolphus, Placidia
was now restored to her brother Honorius, by whom she was
received with regal pomp. After a time she married as her
second husband Constantius, the general already mentioned,
a rough but honourable man. They had two children, the
elder a daughter, Honoria, the younger a son, who on the
death of his uncle Honorius succeeded to the throne as
Valentinian III.
After the Goths had left Italy Honorius helped the people
to repair some of their ravages. The portions of Rome which
had been destroyed were rebuilt, and in certain provinces the
tribute was lightened for a time. The provinces thus favoured
were Picenura, Tuscany, Campania, Samnium, Apulia, Calabria,
Bruttium and Lucania. The Hst is interesting, because it
shows the path of the invasion. Evidently the greater part
of Italy had been traversed by the Gothic army.
Walia began liis reign by organising an expechtion into
Africa, probably in search of corn. He proposed to cross at
312 THE KOMAN EMPIRE
Gibraltar, but his ships were shattered by a storm and he
abandoned the idea. He then carried the Visigothic arms over
Spain, warring with the Sueves, Vandals and Alans who had
preceded him. His services to the empire were recognised,
419. and the emperor granted to the Visigoths a permanent home
in South-western Gaul. Thus the Visigoths who could find
no home in Illyricum or in Italy became established in a
spacious province wliich lay on both sides of the Pyrenees,
extending from the Loire to the Straits of Gibraltar. The
capital of the province was Tolosa.
During the last years of Honorius the Burgundians ob-
tained the supremacy in Eastern Gaul, the Franks in the
North. The Western Empire was now quite broken up. The
Franks held the North of France from the Rliine to the
Atlantic, with Paris, Orleans, Cologne as their important cities.
South of the Franks eastward dwelt the Burgundians wdth the
important city of Geneva. South-west dwelt the Goths, stretch-
ing across the Pyrenees and battling with the Vandals and the
Alans for Spain. The Suevi were in the North-west corner of
the peninsula, the Alans in Portugal, the Vandals in Andalusia.
The Western Empire was now divided up amongst the
tribes, but, as we have explained, these were not necessarily
hostile to the empire. They rather viewed it with veneration
as something without which the world could scarcely hang to-
gether. They were willing to perform military service for the
emperor and to recognise him as overlord. Their great men
aspired to lead the imperial armies, and we shall find that they
were soon called upon to take a leading part in saving the
empire from the Huns.
It should be carefully remembered that the barbarians, as
we must call them for want of a better name, were men in
whom the sense of justice was strongly developed. They did
not always seize the land which they coveted with the strong
hand and eject the owners by force and without compensation.
Whenever possible they compensated them, and held them-
selves bound to them by the ties of hospitality. The tribes
THE BEEAKTNG UP OF THE WEST 313
whose very names are synonyms for barbarism, were not the
uncouth beings we often imagine them to have been. They
were for all practical purposes (jf the same breed as the Angles
and Saxons who invaded oar own island, and from whom we
are ourselves descended. They brought with them their
healthy German habits, their reverence for authority, their
ideas concerning the sanctity of the home, their respect for
women. There arc not very many victorious generals who
would have waited four years for the permission of a beaten
foe to marry a captive maiden. Tlie old order was changing,
the empire was passing away, but something healthier was
taking its place. There was hope for the world now that the
" barbarians " had conquered Rome.
Four years after his marriage with Placidia Constantius
was associated with Honorius on the throne of the West,
Placidia receiving the title of Augusta. Constantius only
reigned for seven months, long enough, however, to make 421.
him regret that he had exchanged the position of a private
gentleman for that of a king.
After her husband's death Placidia's life at Ravenna Avas
not comfortable, so she went with her two children to the
court of her nephew, Theodosius II., at Constantinople.
Soon afterwards Honorius died. By some absurd intrigue 423.
an obscure man, Joannes, was raised to the throne. But Theo-
dosius II. interfered on behalf of his cousin, and Joannes was
deposed, though not until he had reigned for eighteen months.
Placidia's boy succeeded as Valentinian III., and the mother,
herself only tliirty-five, acted as regent. Placidia ruled the
Western Empire for twenty-five years, first as regent for her
son and afterwards as his adviser. The capital continued to
be at Ravenna, which abounds in interesting memorials of her
reign.
Placidia had the misfortune to add Africa to the hst of
provinces which had already fallen from the Western Empire.
Its loss came about in this wise. The queen had two generals,
Bonifacius and ^tius. They were brave and able men but
314 THE ROMAN EMPIEE
jealous of one another. It has been said that either man
could by himself have saved the empire, but together they
destroyed it.
Boniface first comes into notice in 412 when he repelled an
assault of the Goths under Adolphus upon Marseilles. After-
wards he went to Africa and became governor of that pro-
vince. He was loyal to the house of Theodosius and had a
most honourable reputation.
-i^tius had led a somewhat exciting and changeful career
but entered the service of Placidia in Ravenna and became
count of Italy and her chief adviser. Jealous of the high
regard which his royal mistress had for Boniface, ^Etius
plotted against liim, so misrepresenting matters to him that
Boniface believed the queen meant to have his life ; and so
misrepresenting matters to Placidia that she believed that
Boniface contemplated rebellion. Deeming himself in immi-
nent danger Boniface sought help from the Vandals, who, at
that time were struggling with the Visigoths in the Spanish
429. Peninsula and not holding their own. Glad of the diversion
the Vandals crossed to Africa under Gaiseric their king. The
Spaniards furthered their departure by lending them ships,
and Gaiseric crossed with all his followers, their families and
their goods.
Scarcely had the Vandals arrived in Africa, when Boniface
found that he had been the victim of a plot and deceived about
the feelings and intentions of Placidia. He now eagerly en-
treated the Vandals to return to Spain, making magnificent
promises. But they laughed at his promises, for Northern
- Africa was fair, and in any case their return was for ever
impossible.
432. Boniface had accordingly no help for it but to oppose the
men whom he had invited to be his allies. But they were too
strong for him, and at last, utterly beaten, he fled to Italy.
Placidia received him kindly, but he engaged in a duel with
/Etius and was mortally wounded.
The treachery of yEtius displeased Placidia, and for a tinae
THE BEEAKING UP OF THE WEST 315
he was under a cloud. But lie was too powerful to be set
aside, and he was restored to power and was her chief minister
for the last seventeen years of her reign.
Meanwhile the Vandals ravaged the African province.
Their task was easy because for some time the province had
been chsintegrated and torn asunder by the persecution of the
Donatists. Many indeed looked upon the Vandal incursion as
a direct visitation from the Almighty, a judgment upon the
Catholics for their cruel treatment of their Christian brethren.
We have already dealt with this in our sketch of the life of
Augustine and have seen how he died wliilst the Vandals were
besieging Hippo, the seat of his bishopric.
The Vandals did not spare the country, and it was impos-
sible for the empire to render effective help. Carthage held
out for some years, but at length surrendered, and with its
fall the African province was finally severed from the empire.
The city of Rome felt the loss of Africa most keenly of all. 440.
In earlier times her corn supply had come chiefly from Egypt,
but for centuries Africa had been her granary. That the
country from which she drew her food supply should be in the
hands of enemies was indeed serious. As a consequence the
population of Rome which had increased again after the death
of Alaric began rapidly to fall. The city had never been self-
sufficing, nor had it paid for its food by honest labour. Great
numbers of its citizens were little better than paupers, depend-
ing upon imperial doles. For this class there was now httle
room in Rome.
Strangely enough there were still families in Rome pos-
sessed of vast wealth. We have it on record that some families
had revenues of £200,000 per annum. Famihes with only
£50,000 per annum were considered of the second rank. These
huge incomes were not the product of legitimate industry, but
were acquired from huge monopolies of land, of house pro-
perty and of slave labour.
Placidia died at Rome in the sixtieth year of her age. That 450.
year the imperial court had been removed from Ravenna to
316 THE EOMAN BMPIEE
Rome, but Placidia's remains were carried back to Ravenna.
By some strange fancy her embalmed body was set upright in
a chair in the mausoleum, arrayed in royal robes. So it re-
mained for a thousand years, the most extraorcUnary sight in
Ravenna. Unhappily, in 1577, an accident happened, the
robes caught fire, and in a few minutes only a handful of ashes
remained. .
CHAPTER XXXIX.
ATTILA THE SCOURGE.
We have seen how the Northern races of Europe gradually-
encroached upon the Southern until they had vanquished
them so far that tliey could settle almost where they liked
within the empire. In this contest European vanquished
European, and though the victors may not have been so highly
cultured in some respects as the vanquished, they had many
good qualities and were superior in many ways to the races
among whom they settled. The triumph of the Teutons was
a blessing to Europe,
But scarcely had the new-comers become thoroughly settled
in their holdings when a dark cloud arose in the East, threaten-
ing a storm which seemed likely to engulf both victors and
vanquished. This new danger came from the Huns, a nation-
ality belonging to the Turanian or Tartar race.
It is not known with certainty how the Huns first came
to Europe, but Chinese history gives us a clue. From it we
learn that the region between Turkestan and the Chinese
frontier, north of Tibet, and now spoken of as Mongolia, was
in early times inhabited by a nomadic race called the Hiong-
Nu, Even before the Christian era the Chinese had fought
continually against this people, and the great wall of China,
1,500 miles in length, was built to guard Eastern China from
the Hiong-Nu or Hun.
Early in the Christian era the Huns broke in twain, and
one section of them allied themselves with the Chinese empire,
whilst the others wandered towards Europe. The old bar-
barian empire of the Hiong-Nu came to an end, and such of the
Huns as were dissatisfied with Chinese suzerainty migrated
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318 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
westward and settled round the Caspian and the Sea of Azof, in
the rec^ions watered by the Ural, Volga and Don.
For nearly three centuries the Huns made little stir. Pro-
bably they longed for the East whence they had come, but
warlike races of their own breed now filled the regions their
forefathers had abandoned, and return was impossible. As
therefore they increased in numbers and got back the old
fighting spirit, they moved westward.
The regions beyond the Rhine and the Danube, which lay
between the empire and the Huns, were inhabited by the
Teutonic tribes, of whom so much has already been said, who
had swarmed down from the shores of the Baltic. They also
were great fighters, and the Huns for a long time hesitated
to meddle with them. But as time went on the Goths settled
down to peaceful pursuits and prospered, and the Huns, who
preferred a wandering hfe, began to raid their more wealthy
neighbours.
Those who have seen Tartars can imagine the dread with
which the Teutons first beheld this strange-looking race that
had fallen upon them. When the Tartar countenance becomes
familiar it is pleasing enough, but at first it strangely repels.
When, therefore, in the fourth century the Huns pressed
westward, many of the Teutons, rather than live with this new
and, as they thought, loathsome people, determined to migrate.
In a former chapter we saw how when the Ostrogoths had
been defeated by the Huns and they were pressing forward
upon the Visigoths, the latter besought Valens to let them
enter the empire. We have also seen how he assented, and
what important results followed. This was in the Danubian
provinces, but farther north in the Rhine provinces the Teutons
also crossed in great numbers about this time, and settled in
Gaul and Spain.
By the Teutonic migrations some part of Eastern Europe
was left derelict, and the Huns flocked in until their leaders
became supreme through the regions lying beyond the Rhine
and Danube, from the Baltic even to the Black Sea. For a
ATTILA THE SCOURGE 319
time they were content with this eastern sovereignty, and left
the empire undisturbed, some of them even serving as auxih-
aries in tlie imperial armies. But gradually they began to
reahse their own strength and Rome's weakness, and then
their tactics changed.
Early in the fifth century, Rugila, king of the Huns,
claimed lordship over all Europe east of the Danube. When
Rome made alliance with some Danubian tribes whom he
claimed as subjects, he threatened war and was only pacified on
receiving tribute from Theodosius II.
Rugila died and was succeeded by his nephews, Attila and 433.
Bleda. They reigned unitedly for twelve years, then Bleda
died and Attila reigned alone. Attila was neither a great
general nor a hero. He was merely a fighter and a bully, and
he ruled by terror. He was a land pirate and might fitly have
fought under the black flag. But his style suited the Huns
and they flocked to his standard until he could put half a
milUon fierce and unscrupulous warriors into the field.
At the time when Rugila died an embassy was on its way
to liim from Theodosius. Many deserters had fled from his
yoke and taken refuge in the empire. Rugila demanded their
surrender, and Theodosius sent ambassadors to discuss the
question. Attila met them and entered into an agreement
by which the tribute promised by Theodosius was doubled.
During the following seven years Attila carried his arms
over Eastern Europe. Opposition to such a man with such an
army seemed futile, and he terrorised Europe as far as the
Zuyder Zee. Some think that the considerable migi'ation of
Angles and Saxons to Britain at this time may have been
caused in part by their desire to escape from the hordes of
Attila.
Attila's personal dominions were in Hungary, and his bar-
baric capital was situated in the neighbourhood of Buda Pesth.
Though the name Hungary is suggestive, and though traces
of Tartar origin are not wholly absent from the people, the
connection of the modern Hungarian with the Hun is remote.
320 THE EOMAN EMPIRE
The Hungarians of the present day derive their origin rather
from tlio Turks or Magyars who occupied Hungary towards
tlie end of the ninth century.
441. At last Attila fell foul of the Eastern Empire. The bishop
of Margas had madly crossed the Danube on a marauding
expedition and robbed a treasure house of the Huns. Attila
demanded his surrender, and, seeing that this was imminent,
the bishop determined to anticipate matters, crossed to Attila,
and treacherously offered to put him in possession of the city
of Margus if he would spare his life. Attila agreed, the Huns
crossed and Margus was destroyed.
447. Some years later Attila, now sole ruler of the Huns, invaded
the Eastern Empire in force, defeated such armies as were sent
against him, and ravished Thrace, even to the walls of Con-
stantinople, Anatohus, a Roman of high rank, went to his
camp to negotiate peace. He got peace, but on hard terms ;
the yearly tribute, which had been doubled by Attila, was now
trebled, and a huge sum had to be paid down as compensation
before the Huns would retire. The raising of these sums of
money from an already impoverished people caused great suffer-
ing in the Eastern Empire. Torture was sometimes resorted
to by the revenue officers in order to compel payment of the
assessed taxes.
Perceiving the abject condition of the court at Constan-
tinople Attila took full advantage of his opportunity, sending
ambassadors quarterly and extorting money on the most ridicu-
lous pretexts. In order to get rid of the robber a plot was
hatched at Constantinople against his life, but he discovered it,
and war was only averted by humble apologies and rich gifts.
450. When Theodosius II. died he left no son, and he was
succeeded by liis sister Pulcheria, who married Marcian, a
noble. Pulcheria and her consort determined not to yield
as tamely to Attila as Theodosius had done, and withheld the
tribute. Attila blustered, but they were firm, and he, per-
ceiving that affairs in Constantinople were being managed in a
different way, and perhaps knowing also that there was httle
ATTILA THE SCOUEGE 321
more to be gathered from the East in any case, now turned his
attention towards the M^estern Empire.
Valentinian III. ruled at Ravenna, with i^tius as his prime
minister. iEtius had been a friend of the former king of the
Huns and had even utihsed the services of the Huns in his
own interests. But he had nothing to gain by helping Attila,
and he did his very best for Italy and Valentinian.
After several insulting messages had been received from
Attila it became evident that he intended to attack the empire,
and JEtius prepared for a very serious conflict. The Italians
were not fit to cope with the Huns by themselves, and had
Attila invaded Italy at once the result might have been fatal.
Fortunately for Europe he took Gaul first. He had some idea
that he would obtain allies in Gaul. The Alans who dwelt
round Valence and were themselves of Turanian origin had been
in correspondence with him and he hoped that they would
fight on his side. He therefore determined to invade the
empire by way of Gaul.
More than half Gaul was now governed by Teutonic races,
the Franks, the Burgundians and the Visigoths. The last
named, whose settlements lay on the Bay of Biscay and
stretched, as we have seen, across the Pyrenees into Spain,
were the most important. Theodoric, their king, was popular
and warhke, so also was Thorismond, liis son. But whether
they would rise at Rome's bidding to defend the empire re-
mained to be seen.
Recognising the importance of dividing his foes Attila sent
two embassies, one to Theodoric, one to Valentinian. To
Theodoric he professed to come as a dehverer, and entreated
him to rise against the Romans, the enemies of his people. To
Valentinian he sent an embassy declaring that he only desired
to punish his old enemies the Goths, Of course he deceived
neither, and both armed for the fray, -^tius got together
such forces as he could command with all speed, but the Goths
were slow to move, nor did they actually take the field until
the tide of battle threatened their borders.
VOL. II. 21
322 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
451. Attila moved westward with an innumerable host. His
troops crossed the Rhine in two sections, half near its mouth,
half in the neighbourhood of Strasbourg. City after city fell,
and soon all Gaul north of the Seine was a desert.
When they had sacked many cities the Huns reached
Orleans (AureHani), an important city belonging to the Franks
but near the territory of the Visigoths. Anianus, the bishop
of the city, anticipated the siege and resolved to make a stout
defence. He visited iEtius at Aries, and stipulated that relief
should come at latest before 24th June. Then he returned to
the city, and inspired his people to vigorous resistance, ^tius
did his best to hasten matters, but the promised day had
arrived before the relieving army reached the city, a breach
had been made, and the Huns were fighting their way in . At
this critical moment the relieving forces arrived, and the
besieging party were driven from the city with great loss.
Attila knew now that he had men to deal with, and rea-
lising that a serious defeat in the middle of Gaul would mean
destruction, he retired Rhineward for a hundred miles until he
reached the plain in which the city of Troyes now stands.
Near this city, at a place now called Mery-sur-Seine, a battle
big with fate was fought. Both sides realised the import-
ance of the struggle.
Attila showed little generalship. He commanded the Hun
centre, and threw himself with all his might on the centre of
his foe. He succeeded in breaking through, but this proved of
little consequence. His enemies were fighting in two sections
in any case, on the right. King Theodoric with his Visigoths,
on the left, iEtius with the Romans. The centre was their
weakest point, for there they had placed the Alans in whom
they had little confidence. The Visigoths were confused for
a moment by the flight of the Alans, and then, regaining con-
fidence, rushed upon the Huns with the utmost intrepidity.
iEtius also did his part. Both wings of the Huns were beaten,
and then the forces so pressed on the centre that Attila had
much ado to fight his way back to camp, where, sheltered by
ATTILA THE SCOURGE 323
the waggons, his forces ralHed. The slaughter was terrific,
about three hundred thousand were slain. So numerous
were the forces and so widely spread was the fighting, that
Thorismond and ^tius lost their way and knew not how the
battle had sped until morning, when they also learned the sad
news that Theodoric the king of the Goths had fallen.
Next day Attila clung to his camp, and it was evident that,
though not utterly defeated, he had received a repulse which
made his retreat inevitable. Thorismond and -^tius therefore
determined not to imperil the success they had attained by
storming the camp. Thorismond, chosen king on the field of
battle, hurried to Toulouse, his capital, to make his succession
sure, and ^tius drew back and watched the foe. Attila was
astonished at not being attacked, and ^Etius has been blamed
for not attacking him ; but he knew his own business best.
The Hunnish force was still immense, and the force which had
defeated them was small in comparison. It was better to let
well alone.
As for Attila, this serious clieck left him no alternative.
Thankful to be allowed to retire in peace he recrossed the
Rhine and returned to his home in Hungary. He had been
well beaten, and knew that the Goths were his masters. He
determined that next time he would invade Italy and leave
the others severely alone.
Next year Attila again took the field, and having crossed 452.
the Julian Alps laid siege to Aquileia. This important city,
which had already successfully resisted many invaders, made a
stubborn defence. When at last it fell it was abandoned to
the rage and lust of the Tartar horde, and then levelled with the
ground. Henceforth the city virtually disappears from history.
After the fall of Aquileia the invading host spread over the
plains of Venetia and Lombardy, ravaging the country and
destroying city after city. When at length the cities ceased
to resist and opened their gates on his approach, Attila spared
the buildings but looted the cities and carried their inhabitants
into slavery.
324 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
It is contended by some that the first inhabitants of the
islands on which Venice is built may have been fugitives from
Aquileia and other cities which Attila destroyed. The idea is
picturesque and may be true. But Venice did not become of
commercial importance for some centuries after this time.
When the valley of the Po had been wasted, the invaders
halted, doubtful whether to march upon Rome or not. Valen-
tinian and iEtius had retired to that city from Ravenna. The
Roman court, taking advantage of the breathing space, sent an
embassy to treat with the Hun. The chief ambassador was
the bishop of Rome, Pope Leo I., a man of high character and
stately presence. He met Attila on the banks of the Mincio,
and made so favourable an impression upon the barbarian that
he promised to return home and henceforth live at peace with
the Romans. Apparently Attila's officers counselled modera-
tion, and it is not unlikely that the Huns had gathered as
much booty as they could conveniently carry and were anxious
to convey it safely home.
453. A few months after his return to Hungary Attila died in
his bed, suffocated by breaking an artery in a drunken fit.
Attempts have been made to compare Attila with other
military conquerors. But there are few important names
known to history that would not be insulted by the compari-
son. Men have fought for conquest, country, plunder, love of
fighting. Attila ravened like a mad beast from mere lust of
blood. Through terror a vast tract of country submitted to
his will, but he attempted no government and organised no
empire. When he died no loyal band of followers rallied round
his offspring. His empire died with him. Men awoke as if
from a nightmare and thanked God that a new day had
dawned.
CHAPTER XL.
THE VANDALS.
The death of Attila was followed by the dissolution of his 453.
empire. He left heirs indeed, several sons of suitable age^
who proceeded to cUvide their father's empire between them.
But the empire decUned to recognise them. Attila's influence
had been purely personal. Surrounded by a multitude of un-
scrupulous warriors he had crushed out opposition in Eastern
Europe and compelled obedience. The tribes thought it better
to submit than to be destroyed, better to plunder with Attila
than be plundered by him.
Of the tribes who had joined the confederacy some were
Teutons, some were Huns. Between these races there had
never been any love lost, and the great battle in Gaul had not
improved their relationship. When, therefore, Attila's per-
sonal influence was removed they fell into two camps and were
speedily at one another's throats.
A battle was fought in Hungary, and the Huns were de- 454.
feated. Thirty thousand were slain, amongst whom was EUak,
Attila's first-born. Thus weakened the Huns lost confidence
and retired across Dacia and the Carpathians to the regions in
Southern Russia whence they had issued three centuries be-
fore. The Huns never again appeared as a separate nation to
trouble Europe, but we find the same wild spirit and the same
daring horsemanship amongst the Cossacks, a mixed race but
having much Tartar blood.
Whilst Attila terrorised Europe, iEtius, Rome's one gen-
eral since Stilicho, was indispensable. He gained great in-
fluence, and therefore also raised up for himself many enemies.
Amongst these was Valentinian III., the emperor, a small-
(325)
326 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
minded man, jealous of his minister, and easily persuaded that
he had revolutionary designs. With the help of HeracHus,
another minister who was jealous of iEtius, he enticed him
into the palace without an escort and slew him with his own
hand. A few months later Valentinian and Heraclius were
themselves assassinated, and iEtius was avenged.
Valentinian III. left no son, and with him the house of
Theodosius became extinct. Maximus, a distinguished senator
of advanced years, was chosen by the army and people as
emperor. Maximus did not reign wisely, and soon lost his
popularity. Hoping to better consolidate his power he en-
deavoured to persuade Eudoxia, the widow of Valentinian, to
marry him, but she refused. He was twice her age, and she
may have suspected him of comphcity in the murder of her
husband, though this is unlikely. The story goes that, en-
raged at liis importunity, Eudoxia invited the Vandals to in-
vade Italy, and that Gaiseric came at her invitation. It is
true that three months after the death of Valentinian III. an
immense Vandal fleet under Gaiseric appeared oft* Ostia, the
port of Rome. But though Eudoxia may have looked upon
the coming of the Vandals with equanimity she could have
had nothing to do with the expedition. An expedition of such
magnitude must have been long in preparation, and the entire
reign of Maximus only extended over three months.
Doubtless from the time when Attila made so easy a con-
quest of Northern Italy, but left Rome untouched, Gaiseric
had his eye upon that city. When Attila died he probably
began to prepare. Then came news of the murder of ^tius,
the only general whom he had to fear. When this was fol-
lowed by the murder of Valentinian Gaiseric knew that the
hour had come.
That we may better understand the events wliich follow, it
is desirable that we should recall the main facts about the
Vandals.
The Vandals had come from Northern Germany hke the
Goths and other Teutonic peoples, they were all of the same
THE VANDALS 327
stock and were, in appearance, laws and language closely
akin.
In the third century the emperor Aurelian made a treaty 271.
with the Vandals by which they promised to supply a stated
number of horsemen to the Roman army. They kept their
promise, and for a long time there was a Vandal wing in the
imperial army. Many Vandals entered the service of the
empire in this way, and some rose to distinction. Of these
StiKcho was the chief.
Constantine permitted the Vandals to settle in Western 330.
Hungary, and they were faithful subjects of the empire. Many
of them became Christians, adopting the Arian doctrine which
Ulfilas, the great apostle of the Goths, had preached. So
greatly did they reverence the memory of Ulfilas that they
carried a copy of his Gothic translation of the Scriptures with
them in their wanderings, and consulted it as an oracle when
perplexed.
Early in the fifth century the tribes began to pour into 406.
Gaul, and a confederacy of Vandals, Sueves and Alans crossed
the Rhine. They fought their way southwards through Gaul,
crossed the Pyrenees, and entered Spain.
Some years later the Visigoths also crossed the Pyrenees 414.
under Adolphus, and Spain became a battleground for the
Teutonic nations. The country suffered terribly, but gradually
the tribes settled down, the Sueves in the North-west, the Visi-
goths in the North-east, the Alans in Portugal, and tlie Vandals
in Andalusia. The Alans, who were of Hunnish extraction,
were cut to pieces by the Visigoths, and became so reduced in
numbers that they joined the Vandals, and one man was king
over both.
We have in a previous chapter seen how count Boniface, 429.
alarmed at the threatenings of the court at Ravenna, sought
help from the Vandals, and how they crossed to Africa at his
request. They were glad to leave Spain, for they were over-
shadowed by the Visigoths. Gaiseric, king of the Vandals and
Alans, gathered his people together, old and young, male and
328 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
female, near Gibraltar. They were not very numerous, only
80,000 all told, of whom 20,000 were able to bear arms.
Scarcely had the Vandals landed in Africa when Boniface
repented of his rash act and begged them to return, offering
bribes. But return was now impossible to them even had they
been willing, and they laughed him to scorn.
Though their host was small, the Vandals carried every-
thing before them. Parts of the province had never taken
kindly to the Roman yoke, and it is likely that some even
joined the invading army. The province also had been rent
in twain by rehgious persecution, and many of those who
would under ordinary circumstances have been the invader's
strongest foes, looked upon his coming as a relief and did not
liinder even if they did not actively help his progress. .
Soon Gaiseric had gained all the province except the im-
portant cities of Hippo, Cirta and Carthage. He besieged
430. Hippo, where Boniface, the count of Africa, had taken refuge.
Hippo was the home of Augustine. He was bishop there, and
had a great share of responsibihty for the persecutions which
had so weakened the province. He and the other bishops
were now sore at heart, because they were receiving from the
Vandals the measure they had meted out to their brethren.
During the siege of Hippo Augustine died.
Gaiseric found that though he could overcome the Romans
in the field he could not capture walled cities, so he gave up
the attempt. But when the Romans had been reinforced and
again defeated, and Boniface had fled to Rome, the imperial
court decided to give up the struggle. Peace was accordingly
made on the understanding that Hippo should be surrendered
to the Vandals and that Carthage should be spared. After a
few years, however, Gaiseric captured Carthage, and the Van-
dals were now masters of the entire province.
Supreme in Africa, Gaiseric soon won for the Vandals the
supremacy of the Mediterranean. He built a fine fleet, and
for thirty years sailed hither and tliither on marauding ex-
peditions. It may have been partly in connection with these
THE VANDALS 329
expeditions that the name of Vandal obtained its pecuHar signi-
ficance. But it may also partly have sprung from the religious
pohcy of the Vandals in Nortli Africa. They retaliated upon
the orthodox CathoHc party for the treatment which the Arians
had received from them there and elsewhere throughout the
empire. Undoubtedly the Arians had been badly treated. It
will be remembered, for instance, that bishop Ambrose refused
to allow them a single edifice in Milan where they could wor-
ship according to their consciences, and this although many
of the soldiers were Arians and the empress herself was
an Arian. Similar treatment had been meted out to them
wherever the orthodox party had the upperhand. It must
be confessed that when the Arians had the advantage they
generally sliowed a similar spirit. They tUd it now in
Africa. The orthodox bishops were persecuted and exiled,
and such churches as were not utihsed for Ari-in worship
were destroyed.
It is probable also that many of the Donatists, smarting
under the recent persecution, made common cause with the
Vandals, and took this opportunity of paying some of their
persecutors back in their own coin.
But there is no substantial proof that the Vandals were
specially cruel, and the association of the word with wanton
destructiveness is unjustifiable. The idea that the Vandals were
the most fierce of the northern nations is equally incorrect. On
the contrary, up to the time of Gaiseric, they were considered
the least warHke.
It is interesting to know that the Christians of North
Africa had the habit which we generally associate with the
Puritans of giving or assuming names in which the name
of the Deity appears. One bishop was named Habet-Deum,
He has God ; another Quod-Vult, What God wills ; a third
Deogratias, Thanks to God. Augustine's son, it will be re-
membered, was named A-deo-datus, Given by God. Amongst
the Hebrews this practice was very common,*and the same is
true of the Assyrians and Babylonians. The throne names of
330 THE EOMAN EMPIRE
their kings were generally taken in compliment to their patron
deity.
455. When the Vandals had been supreme in North Africa for a
quarter of a century, and had also become supreme in the
Mediterranean, they determined to attack Rome itself. Taking
advantage of the unsettled state of the city, when iEtius, the
commander-in-chief, and Valentinian III., the emperor, had
been murdered, Gaiseric sailed with a formidable armament
and suddenly appeared before Ostia.
Rome was panic-stricken, and the people believing them-
selves betrayed and demanding a victim, slew Maximus, the
respectable and unfortunate senator who had been rash enough
to ascend the throne. Maximus was no more to blame for the
Vandal invasion than any one else, but an emperor has to take
his chances.
A few days after the death of Maximus, Gaiseric and his
forces appeared before the gates of Rome. Pope Leo I., who
had formerly negotiated successfully vrith Attila, was again in
requisition and sent to meet the great Vandal. The Vandals
had no special grudge against either Rome or the Romans ;
they merely wanted plunder. Accordingly the bishop bar-
gained that if the people took peacefully the spoiling of their
goods there should be no wanton destruction and no bloodshed.
The Ijargain was hard, but it was the best he could do.
For two weeks the city was searched, systematicaUy and in
leisurely fashion, and everything that could be carried and was
worth carrying was put on board the fleet. There was no out-
rage, no massacre, and very little demoHtion of buildings. But
gold, silver, precious stones, and merchandise of every sort was
sought out and taken away. The Vandals began stripping the
golden roof of a church, but desisted when they found out that
it was only copper-gilt.
Perhaps the most interesting of the spoils taken to Africa
were the sacred vessels of the Hebrew temple which had been
brought from Jerusalem by Titus, and are to be seen depicted
upon his arch at Rome. They were now taken to Africa
THE VANDALS 331
and kept in the palace. Eighty years after, as we shall see,
Belisarius, Justinian's great general, invaded Africa, overcame
Gehmer, king of the Vandals, and recovered much treasure, the
vessels of the temple amongst the rest.
It vrould have been well had the Vandals contented them-
selves with gold and silver. Unfortunately they also carried
with them to Africa many captives, both male and female. At
last Rome knew something of the bitterness of the draught she
had made so many of the nations drink.
The captives were of every rank, from Eudoxia, the em-
press, with her daughters, downwards. Eudoxia was treated
with consideration, and one of her daughters afterwards mar-
ried Hunneric, the son of Gaiseric. As regards the rest of the
captives they were sold as slaves and scattered over North
Africa. The bishop of Carthage did what he could to alleviate
the miseries of the unfortunates. He turned churches into
hospitals, ransomed as far as his means would allow, and en-
deavoured to keep families from being torn asunder. Rome
herself never made any attempt at ransoming on a large scale,
and the descendants of the captives must still be numerous in
Northern Africa.
Just 600 years had gone by since the Romans, blinded by
ignorance and pride, had razed Carthage to the ground, burned
its ruins and passed the plough over its site. And now from
Carthage issued forth the armament which sacked Rome and
carried thousands of her citizens into captivity.
CHAPTER XLI.
THE LAST DAYS OP THE WESTERN EMPIRE.
455. When Gaiseric left Rome the silence of despair fell upon the
city. The throne was vacant and no one dared occupy it. At
last after a three months interregnum news came from Gaul
that Avitus, a nobleman of Auvergne, had assumed the purple
at Aries.
Avitus was a good man who had already done the State
service. As a boy he lived at Toulouse, and was intimate with
the family of the Gothic king. Afterwards he joined the
imperial army and served under iEtius. Then he retired to
Auvergne and lived privately. When Attila invaded Gaul
and vEtius was eager to gain the support of Theodoric, he
remembered the old f riendsliip between him and Avitus, and
sent the latter as an ambassador to his court. On that occasion
Avitus did splendid service by persuading the Goths to enter
the alliance by means of which Attila was driven out of Gaul.
Theodoric I. had been succeeded by Thorismund, and he
by Theodoric II., who now reigned. The old friendship be-
tween Avitus and the Gothic court continued, and when news
came that Maximus was dead Theodoric II. advised him to
assume the purple, and promised his support. Avitus agreed,
the Gauls acquiesced, and Rome accepted the new emperor
without demur.
456. There was, however, in the Roman army a general named
Ricimer, a man of much ability and ambition. He was Suevian
on the paternal side and a grandson of Walia the Goth on the
maternal. His sister was married to the king of the Bur-
gundians. Thus he was a man of distinction and influence.
Winning an important victory over a Vandal fleet which was
(332)
THE LAST DAYS OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE 333
lying off Corsica and seemed to threaten Rome, he became
popular, and determined to overthrow Avitus. Avitus saw
that he could not successfully oppose him, and abchcated.
Ricimer could now have ascended the throne without diffi-
culty. But he knew the danger of the position and avoided it.
He preferred to be king-maker, and as such was virtual head
of the commonwealth for sixteen years.
After a short interregnum Ricimer elevated Majorian to 457.
the throne. Majorian was a leading official who had served
under ^tius, and had helped Ricimer to overthrow Avitus.
For this service he was first made commander-in-chief and
then emperor. He was not unworthy of the position. He
passed laws against the rapacity of tax-collectors, against
illegal exactions by officials, against celibacy and about the
currency. He tried to prevent the destruction of historic
buildings and ancient monuments. The city officials were
puffing these down on the pretext that the stones were wanted
for other works, both public and private. Majorian decreed
that those who did this should be beaten with clubs and have
their hands struck off — " those hands which have deffied the
ancient monuments which they ought to have preserved".
Those of an antiquarian turn of mind will agree with the edict,
though the punishment may have been somewhat severe.
Some of the laws of Maj orian found a place in the Theodosian code.
As a soldier Majorian distinguished himself by defeating a
Vandal band in Campania, and driving them to their sliips.
Encouraged by this, he determined to attack them in Africa.
Making Spain the base of his operations, he prepared a fine
fleet in Cartagena, and when it was ready marched round
from Italy and Southern Gaul with a formidable army. Gai-
seric was alarmed and sent ambassadors, but also used strata- 460.
gem, and with the connivance of traitors got into the harbour
of Cartagena and destroyed the fleet. The preparation of three
years was destroyed in a few hours, and Majorian returned to
Rome a disappointed man. Three months later he was de-
throned and executed.
334 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
461. Ricimer chose Severus II. as the next emperor. He reigned
for four years and little is known of him. During this period
Italy suffered greatly from Vandal pirates. The destruction
of the Roman fleet at Cartagena had left the coasts at their
mercy, they actually carried horses in their ships and scoured
the country where they landed with hght cavalry.
467. After the death of Severus II. there was an interregnum
for twenty months. Such was the unhappy condition of Italy
that Ricimer asked Leo, emperor at Constantinople, for help
against the Vandals. Leo promised help on condition that
Anthemius, his nominee, should be placed on the throne, and
Ricimer agreed.
468. Next year the Eastern and Western Empires united in a
campaign against the Vandals. Leo spared no expense. A
thousand ships and a hundred thousand men were assembled.
MarceUinus, a Byzantine general, sailed with one expedition to
Sardinia and drove the Vandals from that island. Heraclius,
another Byzantine general, sailed to Tripoli, landed, subdued
that district, and marched towards Carthage.
Unfortunately the command of the main body was en-
trusted to BasiHscus, brother-in-law of Leo, but an incompetent
man. He landed his troops forty miles west of Carthage, and
had he marched at once must have captured the city. But
he lingered, actually granting Gaiseric five days to consider
whether he would surrender or no. Gaiseric made a good use
of the time. Gathering his ships together and favoured by
the wind he flung the Carthaginian fleet with many fire sliips
against the Roman vessels. A panic ensued, BasiHscus was
routed and returned to Constantinople defeated and disgraced.
Thus ended the expedition against the Vandals. Gaiseric was
now left to work his will, and the coasts of Italy, Asia and
Greece were at his mercy.
470. The failure of Leo's expedition led to a quarrel between
Ricimer and Anthemius, and Ricimer retired to Milan. His
friends gathered around him, and when he had a sufficient
472. army he marched on Rome. The city stood out for five
THE LAST DAYS OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE 335
months, after which the gates were opened and Anthemius
was put to death. Six weeks later Ricimer himself died.
The next emperor, Olybrius, only reigned for three months,
but died a natural death. After a brief interregnum Glycerius 473.
succeeded. But Leo, the emperor of the East, claimed the
right of appointment, and nominated Julius Nepos, a Dalma-
tian. Glycerius preferred not to contest the matter, and when
Julius Nepos landed in Italy he retired.
During the brief reign of Glycerius the Ostrogoths in- 473.
vaded Italy, led by their king, Widemir. Glycerius persuaded
them to cross Italy and enter Gaul, where they made alliance
with the Visigoths.
Julius Nepos reigned for fourteen months. During his 474.
reign the Visigoths pressed into Roman Gaul, and the emperor
bought peace by the surrender of Auvergne. Of all Gaul the
Romans only held Provence, the small territory in which the
Riviera is situated.
The surrender of Auvergne was inevitable but unpopular.
Even a decaying State clings to its provinces. There was a
mutiny amongst the soldiers and they offered the supreme
power to Orestes, their commander. Orestes refused it for
himself, but nominated liis son Romulus, a boy of fourteen, as
emperor. Nepos declined a contest and retired to Dalmatia.
Though Orestes was the real monarch, Rome was now 476.
nominally governed by one who bore the name of its legend-
ary founder. He proved to be the last emperor, so that the
founder and the last emperor had the same name. The boy
emperor who was surnamed Augustulus reigned but ten
months. During his short reign the Teutonic troops who
formed the major part of the army demanded that one-tliird
of the land of Italy should be divided amongst them. Orestes
refused, whereupon they mutinied and invited Odovacar, a dis-
tinguished general of Hun descent, to be king. The mutiny
was successful, and Orestes was slain. Augustulus was spared.
Odovacar gave him a pension and assigned to him the magni-
ficent viUa Lucullus for a residence.
336 THE KOMAN EMPIRE
477. Odovacar declined the title of emperor, and at his sugges-
tion Augustulus and the Senate sent an embassy to Zeno, now
emperor at Constantinople. The embassy disclaimed the ne-
cessity or even the wish of continuing the imperial succession
in Italy. One monarch was enough, they said, for both East
and West, and they were content that he should dwell at Con-
stantinople. They had chosen Odovacar, not as emperor, but
merely to defend their interests, and they would be grateful
to Zeno if he would recognise him as patrician and entrust the
diocese of Italy to his care. Zeno at first demurred to the
change but afterwards acquiesced. He invested Odovacar with
the title of patrician, accepted the position of sole emperor,
and had his statues erected in Rome.
478. Thus simply was carried out a revolution of world-wide sig-
nificance, no less than the winding up of the affairs of the
Western Empire. After seven centuries of republic and five
of empire, Rome stood stripped and bare, her possessions lost
and her glory departed.
CHAPTER XLII.
WHY THE EMPIRE PELL.
We have now reached that point at which it is usual for his-
torians to moraUse about the causes which led to the fall of the
Roman Empire. It is less necessary that we should do this to
any very great extent in the present instance as we have en-
deavoured to point a moral whilst the history has proceeded.
But a few words will be appropriate.
First, let us say, that we do not accept, or, at any rate,
accept with great quahfication, the opinion so uniformly ex-
pressed that the Roman Empire was a blessing to humanity.
That the Almighty brings good out of evil, and overrules all
things with wisdom we are sure, but we cannot find in this
belief any justification for aggrandisement and oppression.
The acquisition of new territory by a State may sometimes
be quite justifiable, and sometimes, if not altogether justifiable,
at least excusable. When a country is sparsely peopled and
other countries are full and overflowing, it may be natural and
right that population should migrate and occupy the empty
land. America is a case in point. When it was discovered, the
territory now occupied by the United States and Canada was
inhabited by a mere handful of wandering Indians who hved
by hunting and were eternally at war. The population in-
habiting those territories has now reached about 100,000,000,
of whom a large proportion have come from congested dis-
tricts. Such a readjustment of population is undoubtedly in
the interests of humanity.
Sometimes, indeed, a nation may find a sufficient excuse for
the acquisition of new territory in the pressing need of har-
bours for its produce or of an adequate frontier for its defence.
VOL. II. (337) 22
338 THE EOMAN EMPIRE
There was no reason for Rome confining lier political organisa-
tion within her civic boundary. A city cannot easily be self-
sufficing, and Rome was naturally entitled to surround herself
with as much territory as would supply her wants. She might
also as a matter of natural right secure for herself such a
frontier as would guarantee her against the incursion of hostile
bands. The limits of legitimate expansion were reached with
the ocean and the Alps, and perhaps with the acquisition of the
adjacent island of Sicily. Had Rome been content with these
limits, the limits, in fact, of the Italy of to-day, she might have
lasted in undiminished splendour from that day to this. She
could have gone on developing her own peculiar institutions in
her own way, an example instead of a warning, a blessing
instead of a curse.
The Roman Empire declined in the first place, therefore,
just because it was an empire. Had Rome been content to
remain a kingdom she need never have declined at all. The
essential idea of a kingdom is that of a race ruhng itself. The
essential idea of an empire is that of a race possessed of superior
physical strength and warHke vigour undertaking to rule other
races. Such a government lasts whilst the ruling race so tran-
scends the others in strength that rebellion is hopeless, or so
long as it is manifestly to the advantage of the subordinate
nationalities that they should remain subordinate.
But empire is always unstable, and it is better for humanity
that it should be. It is far better for nations in the long run
that they should be permitted to govern themselves and work
out their own destiny. It is good neither for men nor for
nations that they should be held in leading strings. And there
is perhaps no nation that would not rather be governed in-
differently by men of its own race than governed well by
strangers.
The Roman Empire may for a time have served a useful
purpose. It represented certain principles of law, government
and culture. Whether the nations whom it undertook to govern
would not have done better even on these lines than the Romans
WHY THE EMPIRE FELL 339
did for them is a matter that may be fairly discussed. Family
life was purer in Germany than in Rome, and constitutional
freedom was at a higher level. If Rome was great in anything
it was in law, and we must ascribe high honour to the Roman
jurist. Yet the legal principles which underlie English common
law to-day are not Roman but Saxon,
The disease which ultimately killed the Roman Empire
therefore began to take root when her generals crossed the Alps
and the ocean in order to subjugate other nationalities. This
was the initial error. But it soon led to others. When a
nation assumes the right to govern it easily persuades itself
that it has the right to enslave. For Rome the development
was fatally easy and terribly disastrous.
Slavery had existed in Rome, as indeed it existed over the
whole world from the earliest historic times, but it was slavery
of the old-fashioned patriarchal order, and its influence was not
malignant. But when Roman speculators found that vast
fortunes could be made by sweeping the tribes into the slave
market slavery completely changed its character. To begin
with, the facility with which this new wealth could be acquired
encouraged aggressive warfare. Whilst Roman generals went
forth poor and returned poor war had few charms. But when
they went forth poor and returned millionaires it was a dif-
ferent matter. There was money in war, and general, governor
and speculator became partners in the nefarious enterprise.
Rome expanded, not that she might find food for her people, or
ports for her produce, or a scientific frontier for her defence,
but for the sake of ill-gotten and unholy gain.
Nor did the miserable consequences of this sort of imperial
expansion end in the slave market. The nation whicli en-
slaves others ends in being itself enslaved, and Rome was no
exception. Soon she was the bond servant of idleness and im-
morality. We have seen in former chapters how slave labour
kills free labour just as inevitably as bad money displaces good.
Whilst slaves are few certain tasks may be allotted to them and
the evil influence of slavery may not be severely felt. But
^40 fHE ROMAN EMPlEI^
when they are numerous they absorb the manual labour of the
country. In Rome matters were still worse. Generally speak-
ing slaves are uneducated and only fit for manual labour. But
the Romans made slaves of whole tribes, rich and poor, and the
slaves were often better men than their masters, both in edu-
cation and birth. The masters saw this and made it a means
of gain, either using the men themselves in responsible posi-
tions or hiring them out to those who could. Thus it came to
pass that the shopkeeper, the artisan, the engineer, the clerk
in the counting-house, the commercial traveller, the business
manager, might all be slaves working for some aristocrat who
allowed them a scanty pittance and became fabulously rich
upon the balance of their gains. It has been estimated that
at one period there were 50,000,000 slaves in the empire.
Even a poor man would have ten slaves, and a well-to-do
citizen might have 10,000 or 20,000.
The result of this unprecedented development of slavery
was fatal. The middle class, the backbone of every well-ordered
State was squeezed out of existence. Those who were enter-
prising emigrated, finding homes in Gaul, Asia, Dacia, and
other provinces. Those who remained sank into the condition
of paupers. The freeman, whose hardy ancestors had fought
Rome's battles, found no place for himself in this social organ-
isation, and drifted towards the metropolis, where he might
at least become a sharer in the public dole. His ancestor had
been a hero ; his child was a mendicant.
The pauperisation of the Roman proletariat by free distri-
bution of bread was partly a cause and partly a result. The
pernicious habit began under the Republic and before slavery
had attained the proportions which it did in later years. In
the earliest times the common people were oppressed, then they
were pampered. Generals and governors in grain-producing
provinces purchased popularity by sending huge gifts of
grain. The fact that food could often be had for nothing in
the capital drew paupers there, and as slave labour extended
in the rural districts paupers became more and more numer-
WHY THE EMPIRE FELL 341
0U8. Thus the giving of doles, begun as a luxury, became
a necessity.
This abnormal development of slavery greatly weakened
the defensive power of the empire. The hardy peasant, who
had for centuries been the backbone of Roman power, disap-
peared, pressed out by the huge plantation worked by slave
labour. Now slaves could be depended upon to raise money
for their owners, but not to defend the empire. For a time,
though Rome lacked men, she had money, and with the money
she bought soldiers. For centuries her frontiers were de-
fended, and even her conquests made by foreigners. In the
subjugation of Britain, for instance, comparatively few Italian
soldiers were employed, the Dutch, the Belgians and the Gauls
did most of the work. Gradually the old-fashioned Roman
soldier became extinct and his place was filled by mercenaries
of every race, the Teutonic predominating. This could not
last for ever. The time came when Rome could not afibrd to
buy armies, and when the surrounding nations declined to be
bought. Then the frontier was easily crossed, and the empire
was found to be hollow. The Teutonic armies marched hither
and thither scarcely encountering an enemy. Slaves there
were in abundance, but why should slaves fight ? Between the
first and second sieges of Rome by Alaric 40,000 slaves fled
from their masters and took refuge in his camp. A State
wliich cannot reckon on its own inhabitants to resist its
enemies is doomed.
With the wider slavery came also deeper corruption. Slav-
ery terribly avenges itself. The wretch who is bought and
sold like a beast is not always the worst sufferer. The com-
munity that thus deals with its fellow-man loses all delicacy of
feeling. The standard of morahty is lowered, and crimes which
in other countries would be regarded with horror are perpe-
trated without a blush. In a slave-owning country life is held
cheap, murder and outrage are of everyday occurrence, and
ordinary commonplace virtue almost ceases to exist. Old and
young become alike saturated with immorahty. In Rome, with
342 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
its population of wealthy idlers, slaves and paupers, the moral
code was practically in abeyance.
The fall of Rome was undoubtedly hastened by the wretch-
edness of her finance. During her palmy days the city thought
but of conquest. Why trouble about economy when generals
were adding provinces to the empire and sending home ever-
increasing quantities of plunder ? Account keeping was work
for slaves. As a result Rome produced no great chancellor of
the exchequer and taxes were levied with little regard for
equity. If an emperor occasionally endeavoured to rectify
matters he was looked upon as mean. Those who, like Titus,
threw away money with both hands, were fine fellows.
The way in which the taxes were raised was villainously
oppressive. The revenue demanded for legitimate State ex-
penses was not excessive, and had it been fairly raised it would
not have unduly oppressed the people. But the Roman financier
not only relied upon the worst forms of taxation, but raised
the taxes in the worst possible way. The taxes were largely
farmed, and farming means the bitterest oppression and the
most abominable waste. The fiscal methods of Rome over much
of her empire were on a par with the fiscal methods which we
are accustomed to associate with Turkish rule.
Thus such members of the middle class as survived the
institution of slavery, were ruined by fiscal extortion. In the
early days of the empire there were many prosperous pro-
vincial towns. Local government and imperial government
prospered side by side. But the nobles who owned the huge
slave plantations evaded taxation, and the pauperised lowest
class had nothing to give. Taxation therefore fell in great
measure on the towns. The small remnant of industry that
was left in Italy had to support the burden of local taxation,
the burden of imperial taxation, and the hundreds of thousands
of idle ruffians whom Rome fed on doles. The result was
lamentable. Trading at a profit became impossible, the towns
fell to pieces, grass grew in the streets. To accept municipal
office meant ruin. If a man tried to evade his military duties
WHY THE EMPIEE FELL 343
he was made a town councillor, and became responsible for the
taxes. It was the worst penalty that could be inflicted. Guizot
has said that the destruction of the middle class by fiscal oppres-
sion was of all causes the most powerful in ruining Rome.
Certainly the destruction of the middle class was infinitely
powerful. When Italy ceased to produce defenders there was
no longer any hope.
But we must remember that the abnormal development of
slavery ^vith its attendant evils, the spread of immorality, the
pauperisation of the proletariat, the oppression of the fiscus
and the destruction of the middle class had but one origin.
All Rome's troubles came upon her through lust of empire,
which is only another name for greed of gain. Nor were these
troubles the fruit of any one reign or even of any one century.
They came to be in the very nature of things. When Rome
emerged from the second Punic war nearly two centuries be-
fore the Christian era she had already taken the wrong turn-
ing. A hundred and fifty years later, when Julius Caesar was
carrying her eagles triumphantly over Gaul, she was on the
broad road that leads to destruction. From that road the
empire never made any effort to emerge and every " glorious
victory " and every added conquest made her ultimate destruc-
tion more certain.
Some eminent historians have attributed the fall of the
empire in some degree to the rise of Christianity. We ques-
tion if this was even a remote cause. Christianity did far
more to bind than disintegrate. On more than one occasion
it helped to save the State ; it never injured it in any way.
CHAPTER XLIII.
THEODORIC THE GREAT.
453. When Attila was dead and his Hunnish Empire had fallen to
pieces the Ostrogoths recovered their independence. This
important branch of the Teutonic family of nations had tra-
velled from East Germany to the districts lying between the
Danube and the Don, where they had settled, ruled by kings
of their royal house of Amal. During the ascendency of
Attila their fighting men joined his army, and their kings
reigned as his vassals.
After Attila's death three brothers, princes of the royal
house, named Walamir, Theodemir and Widemir, ruled the
nation between them, Walamir, the eldest, being the king.
They entered into relations with Valentinian III. and settled
on lands in Pannonia, with the promise of gifts from Constan-
454. tinople in return for living a peaceful Hfe. About this time
Theodemir had a son whom he named Theodoric and who be-
came known to history as Theodoric the Great. He was
worthy of the name, for he was the greatest ruler that the
Gothic nation produced.
When Theodoric was a boy of seven the subsidies from
Constantinople fell into arrear and the Goths ravaged Moesia.
They were pacified however, and entered into a treaty, the
boy Theodoric being sent to Constantinople as a surety for its
due observance. At the Eastern capital Theodoric remained
for ten years. The emperor, Leo I., was very fond of him,
and he was kindly treated. He learned field sports and war-
like exercises, and mingled with men of affairs. But his
literary attainments were not great, for when he became a
king he had to use a stencil-plate in order to sign his name,
(344)
THEODOEIC THE GEEAT 345
The Ostrogoths had many wars with the surrounding 470.
nations, and in one of these Walamir, the eldest brother, was
killed, Theodemir, the father of Theodoric, then became king,
and the youth, now seventeen years of age, returned home.
Scarcely had he returned home when he distinguished himself
by making an excursion against the Sarmatians in which he
was victorious, capturing Singidunum (Belgrade), their capital.
Finding Pannonia too strait a place for their nation, Theo-
demir and Widemir determined to divide forces and enter the
empire, Widemir trying his fortune in the West and Theo-
demir in the East.
Accordingly Widemir invaded Italy, but he died whilst on 473.
the march, and Glycerins who then ruled persuaded his son
and successor to cross Italy peaceably and enter Gaul. There
he made aUiance with the Visigoths, and his people settled
down under their king.
Theodemir marched south until he reached Thessalonica,
wliich he besieged. Negotiations were opened with him by
the court at Constantinople, and he obtained a settlement for
his people near Thessalonica. Thus half the Ostrogoths settled
in Gaul, the other half in the East. Immediately after these
events Theodemir died, and Theodoric became king.
When Leo I. died, the year in which Theodoric succeeded 474.
to the kingship of the Goths, he bequeathed the Western Empire
to his grandson Leo II. As Leo 11. was only five years old
his father Zeno acted as regent, and when the boy died Zeno
became emperor. A revolt headed by Basiliscus, the general
who showed such incompetence in Africa, drove him from the
throne, and BasiHscus reigned for two years. Then he also was
defeated and exiled to Cappadocia, where he perished.
Theodoric had helped Zeno against Basiliscus, but Zeno
showed little gratitude. Theodoric had a rival, a prince of
the same name, and Zeno played off the one against the other.
The rival, however, was accidentally killed, and Theodoric was
left undisputed king of the Ostrogoths.
For some years Theodoric conducted marauding expeditions
346 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
throughout Macedonia, Thessaly and Thrace ; chiefly, it would
seem, seeking food for his people. At last he determined to
find more fertile lands and proposed to invade Italy. Odo-
vacar ruled there, acknowledging Zeno as suzerain, but they
were not friendly and Zeno did not object to Theodoric taking
Odovacar's place if he could win it. In any case he was glad
to get rid of him.
488. Theodoric accordingly set out for Italy, accompanied by his
whole following, in all, about a quarter of a milhon, of whom
50,000 carried arms. On their way they were attacked by the
Gepidee, but they fought their way through them, and then,
having crossed the Julian Alps, descended into Italy.
489. At the river Isonzo Odovacar disputed the passage of the
Goths, but Theodoric defeated him, and at Verona, a month
later, was again victorious. Odovacar fled to Ravenna and
Theodoric entered Milan in triumph. The siege of Ravenna
was entrusted to Tufa, a former general of Odovacar, but he
proved a traitor to Theodoric and his treachery delayed the
conquest of Italy for about three years. At length, however,
Ravenna, reduced by famine, capitulated. By the terms of the
capitulation Odovacar's Hfe was to have been spared, but The-
odoric slew him with his own hand. Odovacar had mercilessly
slain some of Theodoric's friends before, nevertheless this
breach of faith leaves a stain upon the character of Theodoric.
493. Theodoric reigned over Italy after the death of Odovacar
for thirty-three years. The position was not an easy one, for
he had to satisfy both Roman and Gothic subjects. But he
did his work splendidly. By birth a Goth, he had spent many
years amongst Romane and he understood their ways. It was
long since Italy had known such a time of happiness. There
was peace within her borders and she enjoyed an amount of
prosperity to which she had been unaccustomed for centuries.
The Goths were armed and the Romans did not carry arms.
But they suffered no detriment, for it was understood that the
Goth was the soldier and that he carried arms not to attack
but to defend his Roman compatriot.
THEODOEIC THE GREAT 347
In the task of government Theodoric had the benefit of the
services of two able ministers. For the first seven years of liis
reign Liberius was his right-hand, and afterwards Cassiodorus.
With their help the various departments of the government
were placed upon an excellent basis.
Finance was so reformed that a treasury found bankrupt
was without oppression replenished. Taxes were hghtened
and their incidence made more equitable. Public works of
importance were taken in hand. The Pontine Marshes were
drained, harbours were constructed, the city walls were re-
paired. Public buildings were restored, the Appian Way and
many other roads were repaired. Bricks have been found
stamped with the name of Theodoric.
A royal commission with Liberius as president appor-
tioned lands to the Goths and managed matters so tactfully
that the settlement was efiected to the satisfaction of Roman
and Goth alike.
Most important of all, agriculture began again to flourish,
and Italy, formerly dependent upon Africa for food, now ac-
tually herself exported grain.
Theodoric dwelt chiefly at Ravenna, but sometimes at
Verona and Pavia. He visited Rome and was well received.
During liis reign Theodoric was recognised as head of the
Teutonic race, not only in Italy but throughout much of
Europe. This position he consoHdated by matrimonial alliances
with the various royal families of the barbarians. He was
brother-in-law of the king of the Franks and of the king of
the Vandals, and the king of the Visigoths and the crown
prince of the Burgundians were married to his daughters.
His niece was married to the king of the Thuringians. Thus
Theodoric was a kind of patriarch amongst the barbarian royal-
ties, and his influence promoted the peace and happiness of
Europe.
Theodoric promulgated an authoritative exposition of
Roman law known as the Edictum Theodorici. This edict, of
which Liberius may have been compiler, is said to have been
348 THE EOMAN EMPIRE
published in order to keep intact reverence for public right, and
to ensure that laws might be known and observed by all. The
edict had 154 sections, and covers a great variety of subjects.
It is interesting to know that Alaric II., king of the Visigoths
who reigned from 485 to 507, published a collection which is
sometimes called Lex Romana Visigothorum, and sometimes,
from the name of the king, Breviarium Alaricianum. Alaric
was son-in-law to Theodoric, and the edicts seem to have been
pubUshed about the same time, the one in Italy the other in
Gaul.
With regard to rehgious affairs Theodoric was in a delicate
position. He was an Arian, like most of the Goths, whilst the
inhabitants of Italy mostly belonged to the Catholic Church.
Theodoric solved the difficulty by allowing the fullest religious
freedom, and ruled so justly that the orthodox, equally with the
Arians, loudly praised his fairness and moderation. " We can-
not command the religion of our subjects," he said, " since no
one can be forced to beheve against his will."
Theodoric's spirit of impartiality was extended to men of
every faith. When there were anti-Jewish riots in Ravenna,
Milan and Rome, and synagogues were burned, Theodoric
ordered their restoration and severely punished the rioters.
As a result the Jews were unswervingly loyal to the Gothic
rule in Italy.
Theodoric's impartiahty gave him great moral influence,
and when there was division among the Cathohcs and two
popes were elected by rival sections of the Church, Theodoric
was asked to arbitrate between them.
There was Uttle of the barbarian about Theodoric. Though
his literary education may have been neglected, he was cultured
in his own way, and governed with much astuteness. He
never forgot that he was king both of the Romans and the
Goths, and that each had to be ruled by their own laws. Had
time been given, the Goths, influenced by their surroundings,
would have blended with the Italian people, and the population
of Italy would have been compounded of Roman and Teutonic
TilEODORlC THE GREAT 349
elements. This amalgamation took place in Gaul, and also in
Spain, but not in Italy, because, as we shall presently see,
Justinian undid all that Theodoric had so patiently done.
Quite early in Theodoric's reign he showed his large-hearted-
ness in a striking way. The Burgundians had made serious
raids into Liguria and had carried away many captives, who
were now living amongst them as slaves. Theodoric asked
Epiphanius, an eminent bishop, to cross to Burgundy as his
ambassador to Gundobad, the ruler there, and to ransom as
many captives as he could. Epiphanius, an old man, departed
on his mission with great gladness, not even waiting until
winter had passed away. Gundobad received liim with much
kindness. All the captives under his own control he released
at once and without pajonent. Those in the hands of his sub-
jects were released on moderate terms, Epiphanius brought
back 6,000 persons, and Theodoric settled them in their old
homes and helped them to restock their farms. Tliis one inci-
dent, differing so greatly from the usual custom of that time,
stamps Theodoric as a great and good man.
In his later years Theodoric had sore trouble. Roman in-
fluence was strong at court, for the king had chosen the best
men as officials whether they were Goths or Romans, Arians
or Catholics. Now Theodoric had no son to succeed him, and
the heir presumptive was a grandson, a mere child. The
Romans thought that when he died there would be a chance
of getting back their supremacy, and they corresponded behind
his back with the court at Constantinople about the succession.
When Theodoric learned what was going on he was greatly
exasperated, and he determined to make an example. Accord-
ingly Bcfithius, a very eminent man, was tried, condemned and 523.
executed. The trial was conducted by the Senate, and Theodoric
was not to blame, though Boethius was probably a mere scape-
goat. Unfortunately Theodoric went further and committed a
crime for which there can be no excuse. Symmachus was father-
in-law of Boethius, and a worthy man against whom no charge
of treason had been laid. But Theodoric, fearing apparently that
360 THE EOMAN EMPIEfi
he would be disaffected because of his son-in-law's execution,
ordered that Symmachus should be slain also. The crime was
no sooner committed than it was bitterly repented of, and it
caused Theodoric much remorse when on his deathbed.
Another unfortunate incident happened. Justin I. now
sat on the throne at Constantinople, a narrow-minded man,
but orthodox. He persecuted Arians unmercifully, and Theo-
doric who had reigned for tliirty years in Italy without per-
secuting CathoHcs thought he had a right to complain.
When no notice was taken of his complaints, Theodoric
sent Pope John, bishop of Rome, to Constantinople, to remon-
strate and, if necessary, to threaten. He could not have chosen
a worse messenger, for John, himself a CathoKc, was also a
narrow-minded man, who looked indulgently on the persecu-
tion, and was not over loyal to Theodoric
John was received at Constantinople with great pomp, Jus-
tin, the emperor, going some miles to meet him, and prostrat-
ing himself in his presence. Theodoric saw that all this was
merely a demonstration against himself, and considered that
John, by accepting the favours which were showered upon him,
compromised his position as an ambassador. Accordingly when
526. he returned to Ravenna Theodoric threw him into prison, and
as he was in feeble health he died in confinement. Theodoric
acted as most kings would have done, but the death of a bishop
in prison turned a very commonplace man into a martyr.
The same year Theodoric himself died. On his deathbed
he bewailed the deaths of Boethius and Symmachus who were
both good men. Yet the historian says it was " the first and
last act of injustice which he had committed against any of liis
subjects: and the cause of it was that he had not sufficiently
examined into the proofs, before he pronounced judgment upon
these men ".
Theodoric deserves a high place in history. He ruled Italy
for more than thirty years under trying circumstances with
even-handed justice. Few of the earth's monarchs have been
of greater merit. Had the pohcy of Theodoric been continued,
THEODOEIC THE GBEAT 351
in another generation Goths and Italians would have mingled
beyond the possibility of separation. Unfortunately Justinian,
the emperor of the East, must needs interfere in the name of
a hollow and worthless suzerainty, and by his armies Italy was
once more rent asunder. Once more the Goths became an
armed host in an alien land, and, lacking leadership and the
old warlike aptitude, they were driven from the peninsula,
leaving scarcely a trace upon Itahan soil. With their great
king the nation also passed away.
Theodoric was buried in Ravenna in the magnificent tomb
wliich still stands bearing his name. It is of white marble, in
two storeys, and is crowned with a monolith of enormous
weight. But the body is no longer there. It is said that it
was stolen by the priests and buried elsewhere to give currency
to a fable that the great Arian monarch liad been carried away
by the devil.
About half a century ago navvies engaged in dock works
in the neighbourhood found a skeleton in golden armour with
a sword by its side. The armour was broken up and divided
amongst them, but pieces were afterwards recovered, and they
are in a museum. There is reason to believe that the remains
were those of Theodoric.
, Theodoric had several children by concubines, but by his
royal wife only one daughter, Amalasuntha. This lady married
Eutharic, a lineal descendant of the great Hermanric, so that
their son Athalaric was of royal Gothic lineage on both sides.
Had Eutharic survived Theodoric he would have been king,
but he died before him. When, therefore, Theodoric liimself
lay dying he commended Athalaric, his grandson, to the Gothic
nobles, asking them to be loyal to their new sovereign, and
begging them to be kind to the Italians among whom they
dwelt. As Athalaric was only ten years of age his mother,
Amalasuntha, became regent, Cassiodorus, so long the trusted
minister of Theodoric, remaining first minister of the crown.
Amalasuntha was a woman of liigh intellectual gifts, but 526.
without tact, and having no sympathy with tlie Gothic people.
352 THE EOMAN EMPIEE
She was cultured, she could speak Greek, Latin and Gothic,
but all her sympathies were Roman ; the rough, honest, brave
but uncultured Goth had no place in her affections. As a
result there were frequent disputes, tyranny on her side, covert
rebellion on theirs.
The bad feeling between the regent and her Gothic nobles
led her to correspond privately with Justinian, now emperor
at Constantinople. From him she got much sympathy, and
he offered her a refuge in case she had to fly. But the unfor-
tunate woman was really acting the part of a traitor, and she
did infinite and irreparable mischief to her people.
In his very last years Theodoric had quarrelled with the
Vandals in Africa about their treatment of his sister Amala-
frida. He had threatened war and they had threatened
reprisals. Amalasuntha carried on the quarrel, and though it
passed there was bad feeling between the courts at Ravenna
and at Carthage.
531. When Amalasuntha had been regent for five years a
serious quarrel arose between Gelimer, king of the Vandals,
and Justinian, and the latter fitted out an expedition for the
conquest of North Africa. Partly because she hated the
Vandals, partly because of her pro-Roman sympathies, Amala-
suntha placed Sicily at the disposal of Justinian's general,
Behsarius, for re-fitting and re-victualling his fleet. It was a
wicked thing to do, and in the end it led to the destruction of
the Vandal kingdom in North Africa and of the Gothic
kingdom in Italy.
534. Behsarius was entirely successful in Africa. The Vandals
were taken by surprise and utterly defeated. Carthage was
captured, and Gehmer, the Vandal king, was carried in
triumph to Constantinople.
The Goths in Italy soon saw the mistake that had been
made in allowing the Vandal monarchy to be thus crushed, and
relations between the Gothic nobles and the regent became
very strained. Justinian offered to protect her, and prepared
a palace for her reception at Dyrrhachium. Amalasuntha
THEODOEIC THE GEEAT 353
went so far as to embark the wliole of the national treasure.
Before she set sail she gave orders' that three Gothic chiefs
should be assassinated. Her orders were carried out, and she
was so elated at her success that she determined to remain.
At this juncture Justinian sent an embassy demanding the
surrender of Lilybreum, a port in Sicily, which had been for-
merly part of the North African province. Amalasuntha pre-
tended to refuse his demand, but secretly offered to surrender
the whole of Italy to him.
Athalaric died, and Amalasuntha, eager to keep power,
asked Theodahad, a nephew of Theodoric, to share the crown
with her. He agreed, but almost at once turned upon her.
She was seized, imprisoned and murdered. Amalasuntha was
a woman of great gifts, but few women have done more mis- 535.
chief than she, and there is no need that we should sympathise
with her over much.
Theodahad now ruled in Italy. Had he been a good man
he might even yet have pulled things together. Unfortu-
nately, as we shall see in a subsequent chapter, he was a worth-
less fellow.
VOL. II. 23
CHAPTER XLIV.
EIGHT EMPEEORS OF THE EAST.
Our last chapters have dealt for the most part with the affairs
of the Western Empire. We shall now turn our attention to
the East.
It will be remembered that on the death of Theodosius his
sons, Arcadius and Honorius, succeeded, the former ruling in
Constantinople, the latter in Italy. With the reign of Hono-
rius we have already sufficiently dealt.
Arcadius. — Arcadius, the elder son of Theodosius, was
born in Spain and educated in Constantinople. He became
395, emperor of the East on the death of his father, and at the age
of eighteen. Rufinus was his chief minister, but we have seen
in a former chapter how he was murdered.
After the death of Rufinus the power at Constantinople
fell into the hands of Eudoxia, the empress, Eutropius, chief
officer of state, and Gainas, commander of the forces, who had
been the chief instrument in the murder of Rufinus.
At this time Alaric the Goth was devastating Macedonia,
and Stilicho had taken the field against him. But the court
at Constantinople had no favour for Stilicho and resented his
interference. They dreaded him quite as much as they did
Alaric, so they came to terms with the latter. Perhaps there
was an understanding that he should leave the Eastern Empire
alone and turn his attention to the Western, it is not easy
397. otherwise to account for the fact that he was made master of
the forces in Illyricum. At all events he spent five years in
that position, training his forces and preparing for the invasion
of Italy.
(354)
EIGHT EMPEEOES OF THE EAST 355
During this reign John Chrysostom was bishop of Con-
stantinople. He owed liis position to Eutropius chiefly, but
there was little in common between the men. Eutropius be-
came unpopular, and would have been slain but that Chrysos-
tom gave him sanctuary. He escaped in disguise from the
city, but was taken and beheaded.
Gainas now became chief minister. He was a Goth and an
Arian, and he tried to obtain freedom of worship for his
countrymen in Constantinople. But the influence of Chrysos-
tom was too strong for him. Exasperated by this and by other
matters that transpired, Gainas rebelled and fled from the city.
He took up arms, but was defeated and driven beyond the
Danube. There the Huns captured him, and their king sent
his head as an offering to Arcadius.
Eudoxia was now all-powerful in Constantinople. We have 400.
in a former chapter dealt with the quarrels between her and
Chrysostom, quarrels which ended in the banishment of the
sincere but tactless bishop.
Arcadius professed the orthodox faith, and with the hearty
assistance of Chrysostom persecuted the Arians unmercifully,
confiscating their churches. At length Arcadius died, leaving
one son, Theodosius, and several daughters, of whom Pulcheria
is best known to fame.
Theodosius II. — Theodosius, the only son of Arcadius, was 408.
but eight years of age when his father died. Anthemius,
grandfather of one who ultimately became for a time emperor
of the West, assumed the position of guardian of the young
emperor, Anthemius discharged his duty faithfully. During
his guardianship great walls were built in order to better fortify
Constantinople.
After a few years Pulcheria, sister of the emperor, became 414.
regent, with the title of Augusta. She was an excellent
woman, with strong religious convictions of the ascetic order,
and her brother followed on the same lines. He was a good
man, but narrow, and severe against those whom he was
356 THE KOMAN EMPIRE
pleased to consider heretics. He enacted a law forbidding
marriage with a deceased wife's sister. The marriage was de-
clared incest, the children bastards.
421. Theodosius married Athenais, a heathen lady who embraced
Christianity before the marriage, and was baptised as a Chris-
tian with the name of Eudocia. They had a daughter Eudoxia,
who in 437 married her second cousin Valentinian III., emperor
of the West.
Theodosius deserves high credit for two most important
acts, the foundation of a university at Constantinople and the
publication of the code which bears his name.
The university was meant to further the cause of Christi-
anity by superseding to some extent the university of Athens,
long famous as a stronghold of paganism. Theodosius pre-
ferred not to attack the university of Athens directly, and in
this he was wise. We shall find that a century later his great
successor Justinian was not so scrupulous. In the university
at Constantinople the schools of philosophy and law were
specially prominent.
The Theodosian code was issued under the joint authority
of Theodosius II., the emperor of the East, and Valentinian
III., the emperor of the West. It was an elaborate collection
of constitutions issued from the days of Constantine down-
wards. It was drawn up by a Royal Commission, of which
the most important member was Antiochus, the Praetorian
prefect and chief law adviser to the emperor. This code was
used freely by Justinian's legal advisers when they compiled
under his patronage the immensely important work which is
associated with his name. The Theodosian code established
for a time uniformity of law in the Eastern and Western
Empires.
We followed in a former chapter the fortunes of Placidia,
the daughter of Theodosius I. and aunt of Theodosius II. We
saw how she first married Adolphus, the Gothic king, and
after his death married Constantius, Honorius' commander-
in-chief. When he also died Placidia found that residence
EIGHT EMPEEOES OP THE EA8T 357
with her brother Honorius was unpleasant, and took refuge
with Theodosius II., her nephew, at Constantinople. When
Honorius ched a usurper seized the throne, and Theodosius 423.
sent an army which defeated him and established Placidia's
son, Valentinian III., in his place.
Whilst Valentinian III. was still young, Gaiseric invaded
Africa at the head of his Vandal host, and Placicha, at her wits'
end, besought the help of Theodosius. An expedition was
sent under Aspar, a leachng senator, but it was defeated. In
this expedition one Marcian served. He was made a prisoner,
but was afterwards released and allowed to return to Constan-
tinople.
During the last years of Theodosius II. his dominions were
harassed by Attila, whose ravages began in 441 and continued
for six years. In 447 the Huns even approached Constanti-
nople, and Theodosius, who was not a warlike man, had to
make peace by paying a sum of money and relinquishing a
belt of territory.
After reigning for forty-two years, the emperor was killed
by a fall from his horse.
Marcian. — On the death of Theodosius II., Pulcheria, his 450.
elder sister, who had the dignity of empress and upon wliom
had fallen much of the detail of government, married Marcian,
the distinguished officer above mentioned. Marcian proved
an excellent colleague. He was a man of resolution and
courage. When Attila, as he was wont, sent a peremptory
demand for money he found that he no longer had Theodosius
to deal with. Marcian firmly refused to pay any more tribute,
and though Attila was enraged he thought it wiser to expend
his wrath upon the Western Empire.
The death of Attila and the dissolution of his Hunnish 453.
Empire relieved both East and West of intolerable anxiety.
The Ostrogoths, having first broken the power of the Huns,
now began to press forward and to fill up the empty places in
the empire.
358 THE EOMAN EMPIRE
454. After tlie death of Piilcheria, Marcian continued to reign
with undiminished popularity. At this time the Western Em-
pire was passing through much bitter experience, ^tius had
been murdered by Valentinian III,, then the emperor himself
had fallen, and Gaiseric, king of the Vandals, benefiting by
the confusion, had sacked Rome and carried thousands of her
citizens into captivity.
Two years after these events Marcian died. He had proved
an honest and wise ruler, and had maintained peace in the
Eastern Empire at a time when the very foundations of
Europe were being shaken,
Leo I. — The death of the empress Pulcheria, followed a few
years later by that of Marcian, brought the Theodosian dynasty
to an end. The choice of a new emperor was left to the army,
and Leo, a native of Dacia, a man without literary education
but with plenty of sense, was chosen. He was crowned by
AnatoHus, bishop of Constantinople ; an early instance, if not
the first, of a Christian sovereign receiving the crown from the
hands of a priest. In time the practice became general, and
upon it the clergy soon based preposterous claims.
465. During the reign of Leo there was a great fire in Constan-
tinople, It lasted four days and destroyed a wide area. Some
of the best houses in the city were burned down and many
public buikhngs,
Ricimer, the king-maker, was now at the height of liis
power in Italy. Anxious to crush the Vandals in Africa, he
proposed a joint expedition, and Leo I. consented on condition
that Ricimer accepted his nominee, Authemius, as emperor of
the West. Anthemius had married the daughter of Marcian, and
was the grandson of that Anthemius, already mentioned, who
guided the empire during the youth of Pulcheria and Theodosius.
Ricimer accepted the condition and Anthemius was
468. crowned. But the expedition against the Vandals was grossly
mismanaged and failed miserably, after which Ricimer drove
Anthemius from the throne.
EIGHT EMPEROES OF THE EAST 359
The failure of the expedition caused bitter disappointment
in Constantinople. The common cry of treachery was raised,
and some leading men fell victims to the popular fury. But
the expedition failed not through treachery, but through the
incompetence of Basiliscus its commander, who obtained his
appointment because he was brother-in-law to the emperor.
During the reign of Leo, Theodoric, a boy of seven, son of
Theodemir, a Gothic prince, was sent to Constantinople as a
hostage. Leo took a fancy to him and treated him well.
When Theodoric was seventeen he returned to his people.
His residence in Constantinople gave him an insight into
Roman ways which nothing else could have done, and must
have helped liim greatly when as emperor in Italy he had
to govern both Roman and Goth.
During Leo's reign heavy afflictions befell the empire.
Antioch was visited by a severe earthquake, and over many
parts of the empire inundations destroyed much property.
There was an eruption of Vesuvius and ashes are said to have
fallen in Constantinople. The fire in the capital itself we have
mentioned above.
Leo's reign lasted for seventeen years, and he ruled wisely.
Leo II. — On his death-bed Leo I. nominated his grand-
son as his successor. He was but four years old, the son of
Ariadne, Leo's daughter, and Zeno, her husband, an Isaurian.
Zeno at once assumed control, and when, a few months after,
the cliild died, Zeno was proclaimed emperor.
Zeno. — Isaurians, mountaineers from the Taurus, many of 474.
whom were in the army, were not popular in Constantinople,
and the reign of Zeno was not cordially welcomed. Scarcely was
he seated upon the throne when the dowager-empress, Verina,
intrigued for his overthrow. Zeno had to fly to Isauria, and
BasiUscus, the brother of Verina, and the man who had failed 475.
so lamentably in the expedition against the Vandals, seized the
throne. But the government of Basiliscus became extremely
360 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
unpopular. Taxation was heavy, and the emperor did not
satisfy the clergy. There was during his short reign another
terrible conflagration in Constantinople. The destruction of
property was enormous, and, worst of all, the Basilike Kbrary,
founded by the emperor Julian, and containing more than
100,000 volumes, was destroyed. Many of the volumes were
of priceless value, and the loss was irreparable. At length
Basiliscus had so few friends that Zeno marched on Constanti-
477. nople and entered it without opposition. His rival was deposed
and banished to Phrygia, where he and his family were im-
mured and allowed to die of hunger.
Zeno had been helped in his war against Basiliscus by
Theodoric, but he showed him little gratitude. For a time he
played ofl" against him a dangerous rival, Theodoric Triarius.
But the latter was killed accidentally, and Zeno then made
peace with Theodoric, the son of Theodemir. Shortly after
Zeno encouraged him in his determination to invade Italy and
displace Odovacar who had made himself objectionable to them
both. Chiefly, however, Zeno was glad to see the Eastern Em-
pire relieved of the presence of the Ostrogothic nation. Before
the conquest of Italy was completed by Theodoric Zeno had
died.
491. Anastasius. — On the death of Zeno, through the influence
of his widow Ariadne, Anastasius, a popular oflScer of the house-
hold, was chosen emperor. A few weeks later he consolidated
his position by marrying her. Anastasius was well educated
and intelligent, worthy of his high position.
During the first years of the new reign there were several
revolts. The Isaurians were not satisfied to lose the influence
which they had enjoyed under the former monarch. The dis-
turbances began in the capital where there was much street
fighting. Unfortunately, also, there were further conflagrations
and much of the city was destroyed.
An Isaurian war followed and lasted for five years. The
Isaurians were a stout-hearted, mountaineering race, and their
EIGHT EMPERORS OF THE EAST 361
homes in the Taurus were inaccessible so that they were not
easily subdued.
The Isaurian war was followed by one with Kobad, king of 502.
Persia. There had been peace with Persia for more than half
a century, but it was now broken. The war lasted for three
years, and the Romans lost on the whole. But Kobad had
other enemies and he was glad to make peace, accepting the
payment of an indemnity from Anastasius.
The withdrawal of the Ostrogoths from Thrace and Illyri-
cum had left land unoccupied, and the northern tribes, tlie
Slavs and the Bulgarians, began to flock in. Lest they might
come too far, Anastasius built a fortified wall across the isthmus
to defend the capital. It was fifty miles long, it isolated
Constantinople, and served as a valuable defence to it for many
centuries. Parts of it still stand.
Anastasius was provident and economical, and though men
called him parsimonious, the empire stood sorely in need of a
ruler of his sort. He reformed the finance, commuted tithes,
and abolished taxes which were specially oppressive. Leo's
unsuccessful expedition against the Vandals had emptied the
treasury, and Zeno had done little to improve matters. But
Anastasius gave the strictest personal attention to finance.
Thus he was able to carry out important works, to reduce
taxation, and to leave a well-filled treasury when he died.
Anastasius was the first sovereign against whom sentence
of excommunication was uttered. He was heterodox, and had
the courage of his opinions. Tliis did not please the priest-
hood, they fomented rebellion, and he retaliated by banishing
some of the bishops. A bull of excommunication was accord-
ingly issued by Symmachus, bishop of Rome.
The emperor was not naturally a persecutor, but in his
declining years he was harassed by meaningless and ferocious
disputes between the rival factions into which Constantinople
was divided, and thus was led into acts of harshness and even
cruelty. He reigned for twenty-seven years, and thed more
than eighty years of age. He was not a great man, but he
362 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
was a man with noble qualities, sympathetic and generous,
and his reign was prosperous.
518, Justin I. — On the death of Anastasius Justin, his trusted
officer and commander of the guards, was proclaimed emperor.
He was orthodox, and his appointment gave general satisfac-
tion. He was a brave and experienced soldier but was un-
accustomed to civil affairs, and illiterate. Moreover, he was
nearly seventy years of age. Accordinglj'' he interfered httle
in matters of civil government, leaving that department to his
qu8Gstor Proclus, by whom he was faithfully served.
Shortly after Justin's accession he adopted his nephew
Uprauda as his colleague and ultimate successor, Uprauda
took the name of Justinian in honour of his uncle, and became
one of the most famous of Roman emperors.
During Justin's reign Theodoric was ruling in Italy, and
we have already seen how correspondence of a somewhat trait-
orous character was carried on between his senate at Ravenna
and Justin's court at Constantinople, We have also seen how
Justin, who was orthodox, persecuted the Arians in the Eastern
Empire, whilst Theodoric, who was an Arian, allowed the fullest
liberty of conscience in the Western. Theodoric remonstrated,
and Justin's refusal to give the Arians fair play led to much
ill-feehng. The embassy of Pope John from Theodoric to
Justin, and all that came out of it, has been already dealt with.
527. Justinian, the nephew of Justin, was born about 483, as-
sumed the consulate in 521 and in 527 was created Augustus.
In the same year, by the death of his uncle, he became sole
monarch.
CHAPTER XLV.
JUSTINIAN.
We have now to deal with the reign of a monarch who left an 527.
indelible mark upon history. Not that he was a truly great
man. But he was able, versatile, industrious, and clever at
choosing his servants. He must also have had dignity and
determination, for he kept his prestige amidst many difficulties
and never allowed any officer, however great, to undermine his
influence.
Justinian married Theodora, daughter of the keeper of the
menagerie in Constantinople. The father died, and the widow
and children were left without means, so Theodora, who was
exceptionally beautiful and clever, went on the stage. The
acting profession was considered degrading at that time, and
an actress was looked upon as a disreputable person. This pre-
judice has lasted even to our own day, but it was extremely
strong amongst the Romans. Not that they objected to seeing
plays acted, their objection was solely to the actor. We must
accept this with much else that was illogical in the Roman
moral code. The Romans deemed the gladiator, perhaps a cap-
tive appointed to die to make a Roman holiday, an iiifamous
person. Thus did they salve their consciences when they saw
him weltering in his blood. Romans deemed the eunuch,
robbed of his manhood in infancy by the brutality of others,
a very infamous person indeed; and if, in spite of every dis-
advantage, he struggled into greatness, they deemed all to
spring from the lowest motives and the most unworthy ambi-
tion. So also the slave, often enough in birth and breeding
a better man than his master, was infamous ; and the poor
actress, struggling in the hardest of professions to earn a crust,
(363)
364 THE BOMAN EMPIRE
was the most infamous of all. We must accept this want of
enlightenment amongst the ancients as we find it, but we need
not adopt their standard. Yet some modern historians, even
amongst those accounted great, have done this. By them also
the gladiator, the slave, the eunuch, the actor are consigned to
shame and everlasting contempt. Many characters have suf-
fered in tliis way, none more than Theodora. We dismiss with
contempt the gross and often palpably ridiculous tales about
the empress, culled from a wicked and unreliable book called
the Secret History. Had Theodora been the vile creature
described, Justinian, who was far from being a fool, must have
known it well. Yet he married her, not hastily, but with de-
liberation, having first obtained the repeal of the law which
forbade that one of senatorial rank should marry an actress.
He had enough influence also to prevail upon his uncle, Justin
I., to confer upon her the lofty title of patrician. Moreover,
he, who thought most highly of the dignity of the imperial
oflfice, insisted on Theodora being crowned with himself, "an
equal and independent colleague in the sovereignty of the em-
pire". Justinian, a man remarkable for self-restraint and
austerity, joined the name of the empress with his own with
equal honour in all his pious and charitable foundations ; he
celebrated her prudence ; he spoke of her as a gift from God ;
and he remained her devoted husband for a quarter of a cen-
tury. We prefer to judge Theodora by these incontrovertible
facts rather than by the wicked tales concerning her wliich
have passed current for liistory. All that we need say is that
Justinian married a very beautiful girl of humble parentage, who
was driven to the stage for a living and became a successful
actress. After her marriage this lady retained the aftection of
her husband and filled her exalted position with dignity. She
was extremely benevolent ; she cared for orphans, emancipated
slaves, and, mindful of the temptations which had surrounded
her own girlhood, she built the first institution for the reclama-
tion of fallen women known in Christendom.
Justinian earned his title to immortality by codifying
JUSTINIAN 365
Roman law. Roman law consisted mainly of two elements,
the decrees or constitutions of the emperors and the opinions
of eminent jurists. There was a mass of literature on the sub-
ject, and previous attempts had been made at codification, but
much remained to be done. In the first half of his rei^n,
aided by Tribonian and the best lawyers available, Justinian
gathered the law together in a great work called the Corpus
Juris Givilis. This is in three parts, the Code, the Digest or
Pandects, and the Institutes. In the Code, the decrees or con-
stitutions of the emperors are carefully collected, such as are
obsolete being omitted. In the Digest, the decisions of the
most important lawyers of the past are edited and arranged.
The Institutes, based in great measure upon an earlier work
by Gains, form a commentary on the principles of Roman law.
The whole of the work is done in so practical and efficient a way
that after thirteen centuries the Corpus Juris Civilis stands
unsurpassed as a treasury of legal knowledge and a whetstone
for the legal mind.
As an administrator, Justinian left much to be desired.
Anastasius had left a full treasury, Justinian left it empty.
His people at home and abroad were ruined by taxation.
Misery abounded and insurrections were frequent throughout
his reign. Some part of the financial strain was the result of
Justinian's passion for buUding. In tliis he was indefatigable.
Not merely in Constantinople but all over the empire, no
matter with what difficulty money was obtained, and no matter
how greatly it might be needed elsewhere, Justinian's mania
for building must be satisfied. New towns, new churches,
aqueducts, bridges, fortifications, baths, palaces sprang up on
all sides. Some of the work added to the prosperity of the
empire, but much was vain show. The building of St. Sophia,
now a mosque, cost a fabulous sum, and although it might
have been justifiable had Justinian been wealthy, it was un-
justifiable in an empire which was becoming poorer every day.
Though Justinian's expenditure upon public works was
lavish, it was by foreign war that the people were cliiefly bled.
366 THE KOMAN EMPIEE
Had he remained at peace the rest might have been borne.
But he tried to reconstruct the Roman Empire. The countries
which had formed the empire were at peace. In Africa, where
the Vandals ruled, population was increasing and the people
were prosperous. Sicily, though nominally under the rule of
the Goths, was practically independent and quite content. In
Italy, where Theodoric had ruled with much wisdom, and
where his daughter Amalasuntha was now ruling, taxation
was Hght, agriculture was thriving, and Roman and Goth were
slowly welding together. But Justinian was not content to let
well alone. He must needs play the grand monarch. In
Belisarius and Narses he found generals capable of carrying
out his warlike schemes, and he was encouraged in them by
priests eager to spread orthodoxy even by the sword. So on
one pretext or another Justinian sent forth liis armies, until
Africa was a desert, Italy was depopulated, and his own home
provinces were bloodless, breathless and miserable. Yea, even
when he was so beset at home that he could scarcely protect
his own capital, and barbarian raiders were snatching his
subjects into captivity from before his very eyes, he was
sending his armaments to Africa, Italy and Spain, eager
to extend an empire which he could neither defend nor
govern.
528. Justinian inherited a feud with Kobad, king of Persia, and
hostilities broke out the year after his accession. Next year
BeHsarius, then a young man, was made general of the army
in the East. He defeated the Persians in the great battle of
530. Daras. Next year Kobad died, and was succeeded by his son
Chosroes I., who carried on the war.
It is probable that at a very early period in his reign Jus-
tinian set liis heart upon the destruction of the Teutonic king-
doms and the reunion of the Roman Empire. He was young,
he had a good army, a brilHant general, and great store of
treasure. The Teutonic kingdoms were weak and divided.
Justinian's orthodox soul, moreover; was vexed by the fact that
the Teutons were Arians, and the orthodox clergy, who had
JUSTINIAN 367
mucli influence at his court, assured him that the triumph of
his arms would be the triumph of true rehgion.
Justinian determined to begin his attack on the Teutons by
crushing the Vandals in Africa. For this he required the ser-
vices of liis great general, so he ordered him to bring the
Persian war to a conclusion and return to Constantinople,
Behsarius accordingly arranged a treaty with Chosroes and
returned
Whilst Belisarius was in Constantinople serious riots 532.
occurred. The citizens were divided into factions, taking
opposite views upon political and religious questions. Party
feehng ran high, and every public assembly was made an
occasion of rioting and bloodshed. Generally speaking one of
the two great factions, the blues and the greens, enjoyed
imperial favour and sided with the court. But the severity of
the taxes alienated all parties and riots broke out which
amounted to a revolution. The streets were thronged with the
populace, many buildings were set on fire, and blood flowed
freely.
So serious was the aspect of affairs in Constantinople that
Justinian's ministers counselled flight. But the empress would
not hear of it and her advice was followed. Belisarius and
Narses laid plans for crusliing the revolution, and it was
crushed, but not until thirty thousand had been slain.
Constantinople was now at peace, and Justinian proceeded
with his schemes of conquest. There was much opposition to
his African expedition. John of Cappadocia, the finance min-
ister, and as such the most unpopular man at court, tried
to dissuade the emperor from the enterprise. For a time he
hesitated, but ambition, orthodoxy and apparently in-bred
hatred of the Teutonic race carried the day.
An armament sailed from Constantinople to Sicily. The 533.
island was under Gothic rule and should have sympathised
with the Vandals. But Amalasuntha, the Gothic queen, was
pro-Roman in her sympathies. She had been in correspond-
ence with Justinian, and she had a grudge against the Vandals.
368 THE EOMAN EMPIKE
Accordingly she gave Belisarius every facility for provisioning
and refitting his expedition in her island. It was a pity, for
in thus furthering the destruction of the Vandals, she de-
stroyed her own people.
Belisarius crossed from Sicily, and landed his troops a
hundred and thirty miles west of Carthage. The Vandals
were wholly unprepared. Gelimer, their king, was in Numi-
dia; his brother with the flower of the Vandal army was
in Sardinia.
As Belisarius marched on the city of Carthage he kept his
troops well in hand and paid for all supplies. This moderation
pleased the people, and as the CathoHc clergy and men of
Roman nationality sympathised with him, his march was for a
time unopposed. Ten miles from Carthage he was attacked by
Gelimer, whose forces he routed. When the Vandal army
returned from Sardinia the brothers again tried their fortune,
534. but in the battle of Tricamaron they were finally overthrown.
Gelimer surrendered, and graced the triumph accorded to
Behsarius at Constantinople. Justinian treated liim kindly
and gave him an estate in Asia. Amongst the spoils were the
golden vessels from the temple of Jerusalem. They had been
taken to Rome by Titus and to Africa by Gaiseric. Justinian
sent them back to Jerusalem and they were lodged in the
Church of the Holy Sepulchre.
The re-establishment of Roman rule in Africa did not bring
peace. The soldiers whom Belisarius had left as a garrison
were the most discontented of all. They had not received the
rewards they had looked for, they were heavily taxed, and
their very reHgion was under a ban. For they themselves
were barbarians, they had married Vandal wives, and such
religion as they had was of the Arian form. But Justinian
had now established orthodoxy and they could not even baptise
536. their children in their own faith.
There was a mutiny in Africa and Belisarius, who was in
Sicily, had to return. He crushed the mutiny and returned to
Sicily. The mutiny broke out again and was eventually ex-
JUSTINIAN 369
tinguished by Germanus, the nephew of Justinian. Africa
was now at peace, but it was the peace which heralds the
approach of death. Year by year the fertile province, once
the granary of the empire, sank more deeply into decay.
Those who had anything to lose left a country where prosper,
ity could no longer be looked for. Tribes from the interior
ravaged the land ; the imperial tax-collector took anything
that was left. During the reign of Justinian the population
of the pro\dnce of Africa fell 5,000,000. Thus did this em-
peror wantonly destroy that which might have proved an
irresistible barrier to arrest the progress of Mohammedanism.
After his success in Africa Justinian turned his attention
to Italy. The son of Amalasuntha had died, the queen herself
had been murdered, and Theodahad, her cousin, was king.
Against him Justinian declared war. Making Sicily once more 535.
the base of his operations, Belisarius arrived there from Con-
stantinople with 7,500 men, and the Sicilian towns quickly
opened their gates. So alarmed was Theodahad that he opened
negotiations with Justinian and offered to abdicate if he would
guarantee him an annual income. Justinian agreed, but Theo-
dahad changed his mind and the war proceeded. Belisarius
advanced, captured Rhegium and Naples, and was master of
Southern Italy. Then he marched on Rome. As Theodahad
had done nothing to check the Romans, the Goths deposed
him and elected their general Witigis in his stead. The choice
was unfortunate. Witigis was a brave enough soldier, but in-
capable of coping with a general like Belisarius. His career
was a series of blunders. Not that his task was easy, for Italy
was greatly divided. Benefits are soon forgotten, and the
long, wise reign of Theodoric was a thing of the past. The
native ItaHans, who were in the majority, probably preferred
that Justinian should triumph.
Witigis garrisoned Rome and fell back on Ravenna. This
was a mistake. Pope Silverius, the bishop of Rome, at once
sent messengers to Belisarius ottering to surrender the city,
and the soldiers of the garrison knew that they were in the 536.
VOL. II. 24
370 THE EOMAN EMPIRE
midst of traitors. When therefore Behsarius advanced and
entered by the Porta Asinaria, the garrison departed through
the Porta Flaminia. Behsarius then repaired the fortifications,
provisioned the city, and settled down in the position of van-
537. tage which Witigis had so easily abandoned.
Having gathered a great army, Witigis now returned and
laid siege to Rome. But neither at blockade nor assault could
he match Behsarius. At last, when a year had been wastet'
538. and their army had greatly dwindled, the Goths raised the
siege and departed, their courage rendered useless by the in-
capacity of their king.
539. After these things the war dragged on slowly. The Franks,
seeing the divided state of the country, marched into Italy
a hundred thousand strong, and warred against Goth and im-
periaHst ahke. They wasted the valley of the Po and for
some years held part of Northern Italy.
540. At length only Ravenna, and two or three northern cities
held out against Justinian. Behsarius laid siege to .Ravenna.
When the siege had been some time in progress the Goths
proposed that he himself should become emperor and reign in
Italy. Behsarius pretended to agree and thus obtained peace-
540. able possession of the city. But when he had disbanded the
Gothic army he ruled in Justinian's name.
Behsarius was now recalled. His work in Italy seemed
at an end, and a war had broken out with Persia. This
war had been incited by Witigis, and had it begun earher
it might have greatly helped the Gothic cause. But the
diversion came too late to be of service. When Behsarius
departed he carried Witigis with him to Constantinople as
a prisoner, the second Teutonic king whom he had van-
quished.
Alarmed at the progress that Justinian was making, and
fearing that he would himself be the next victim, Chosroes, the
king of Persia, again took the field, marched up the Euphrates
valley and attacked Northern Syria. Beroea was sacked,
Hierapolis ransomed at a price, and Antioch besieged. This
JUSTINIAN 371
important city was taken and plundered, and Chosroes returned
to his winter quarters laden with spoil.
Next year Belisarius appeared on the scene, but Chosroes 541.
raided in another direction and thus avoided meeting the oreat
general in the field.
The year after a terrible plague arose in the East. Persia 542.
and the empire were alike swept by it. Originating apparently
in Egypt it spread through Palestine into Persia, and by way
of Constantinople into Europe. It raged in Constantinople
for four months. Justinian himself caught the infection but
recovered.
Next year BeKsarius was recalled. The plague had terribly 543.
aggravated the already wretched concUtion of the empire. Com-
merce was at a standstill ; over huge districts there was no
longer any population to tax ; the emperor himself had been
smitten, and was old before his time. Constantinople was
suffering from famine as well as plague.
The following year, the plague having abated in Persia, 544.
Chosroes invaded Mesopotamia and besieged Edessa. There
were three experienced generals in the city at this time, and it
was defended with remarkable ability and enthusiasm. At last
Chosroes accepted a bribe from the citizens and departed. Next 545.
year he concluded a five years' truce with Justinian.
When BeKsarius left Italy to take part in the Persian war
disaster fell upon the Roman arms. There was indeed general
dissatisfaction. The Roman soldiers left by Behsarius had not
received the promotion and gifts to which they were entitled,
and the ItaHan people were ground down by taxation. Jus-
tinian had expected a rich revenue from Africa and Italy, and
had set comptrollers of taxes over both countries. But the tax-
collectors scarcely paid their way. Africa was all but bank-
rupt, and money was obtained from Italy only by the severest
pressure and by bringing forward the most monstrous claims.
Under Gothic rule taxation had been extremely light, so the
contrast was great. The Itahans regretted their precipitancy
in changing masters, and the Gothic cause revived.
372 THE EOMAN EMPIRE
540. When Witigis was carried into captivity the Goths elected
Hildibad as his successor. He was murdered and succeeded by
Baduila or Totila, who reigned for eleven years. Totila was an
excellent leader, a chivalrous enemy, and a far-seeing man.
Soon all Italy, except Rome, Spoleto and Ravenna was in his
hands. Gladly would he have come to an understanding with
Justinian, but the emperor detested the very name of Goth.
544. When Belisarius returned from Mesopotamia Justinian sent
him back to Italy. The forces with which he entrusted him
were, however, so meagre that he could achieve little. His-
torians have attributed this want of support to jealousy and
intrigue, but it seems needless to suspect such reasons. The
shadow of the plague was still resting on the empire and Jus-
tinian had probably neither men nor money to send. Had he
recognised this and left Italy altogether alone it would have
been a blessing.
Notwithstanding the best efforts of Belisarius, Totila
marched throughout Italy and invested Rome. The siege
546. lasted for a year and the city was captured and plundered.
It throws an interesting light upon Gothic character to know
that though the soldiers were allowed to slay the men they
were strictly forbidden to touch the women in the conquered
city. Totila did not love Rome, and he determined that he
would not hold it. Accordingly he broke down the walls,
burnt the gates and withdrew. For forty days Rome was
without inhabitant, but after that Belisarius occupied it and
repaired the walls, Totila, disgusted, returned and thrice
assailed it, but finally withdrew and left the city alone. The
possession of Rome had ceased to be of much importance.
During Justinian's reign it changed hands five times.
548. After five years in Italy Belisarius was again recalled. He
had done little, for his resources had been inadequate. More-
over the exactions of the tax-collector had changed the views
of the Itahans with regard to imperialism, and they were not
now well inchned towards Justinian.
During the four years that followed the departure of Beli-
JUSTINIAN 373
sarins the power of Totila reached its zenith. He recaptured
Rome, occupied Sicily, and pillaged the coasts of Sardinia and
Epiras. Justinian would now perhaps have been glad of peace,
but his court was full of Roman refugees who pressed him to
continue the war.
At length a new expedition was despatched to Italy, with 552.
Narses in command. The choice was a strange one, for Narses
was seventy-five years of age. But he was an able general,
and the result justified the choice. His army was barbarian
for the most part, Heruh, Lombards and Gepidae, perhaps
20,000 strong. Cleverly evading forces sent to intercept him,
Narses reached Ravenna without striking a blow. Then he
marched towards Rome and met Totila at Taginae in Umbria.
The Goths fought with their usual courage but were out-num-
bered, out-manoeuvred and utterly overthrown, Totila was
slain, and darkness only saved them from annihilation.
Such Goths as escaped the slaughter of Tagin^e fled to
Pavia and chose Teias, one of their generals, as king. But he
made no headway against Narses. Rome was easily recaptured
by the imperial troops, and then came the final struggle. A
battle was fought near Naples, the Goths fighting with the
courage of despair. When Teias and most of the warriors had
fallen, the remnant submitted. Narses granted quarter on con-
dition that they should leave Italy, and never again war
against the empire. A thousand Goths refused to pledge 553,
themselves and broke away. The rest marched sadly to the
Alpine passes and so out of Italy.
Teias had appealed to the Franks for aid against Narses,
and they came, but too late to be of service. They divided
their force in twain and half marched down the east coast and
half down the west. One of the armies was destroyed by
famine and pestilence, the other by Narses. Few escaped.
The Gothic power in Italy was at an end, and the country
ravaged and ruined was again a part of the empire. Every
trace of the kingdom of Theodoric had disappeared, and Narses
was the first governor of the reconquered peninsula.
374 THE ROMAN EMPIEE
Whilst the conquest of Italy was in progress the armies of
Justinian were also engaged in Spain. The success of Beli-
sarius in North Africa and Italy alarmed the Visigoths, and
544. Theudis, their king, invaded the newly created imperial pro-
vince in Africa. His army was, however, almost annihilated.
550. Some years after there was a disputed succession in Spain
and Athanagild, one of the rivals, begged Roman aid. Justi-
551. nian sent Liberius, the governor of Africa, and many towns on
the south-east coast opened their gates to him. Alarmed at
the progress of the Romans the Goths united under Athana-
gild and accepted him as king. Athanagild now greatly
desired the departure of the Romans, but they were not easily
got rid of. They did not acquire more territory, nor did they
penetrate into the interior of Spain, but sixty years passed
before all the towns which they had acquired were recovered
by the Goths.
When the five years' truce with Persia ran out hostilities
550, were renewed. This time the fighting was at Colchis in Cau-
casia. Here Justinian had an advantage, for he could bring
his troops by sea, whereas the Persians had to reach the Col-
chian coast by way of Armenia or Iberia. This wretched war
dragged on for some years, and then a fifty years' peace was
562. arranged. Chosroes surrendered his claim on Colchis, and
Justinian undertook to pay him £18,000 annually. The first
seven instalments were to be paid at once.
Justinian's last years were neither peaceful nor prosperous.
The Slavs were now making their entrance into history and
were ravaging the provinces of the empire and threatening
Constantinople. AlHed with the Bulgarians they ravaged the
Balkan peninsula as far as the Gulf of Corinth, and took, it is
said, 100,000 prisoners back with them beyond the Danube.
558. The Huns also crossed the Balkans and ravaged Thrace.
Four thousand of them even rode up to the gates of Constanti-
nople. There was a great panic, and Justinian appealed to
Belisarius to save the empire. The veteran general had but a
handful of reliable troops and a levy of half -armed peasants,
JUSTINIAN 375
but so skilfully did he manipulate them that the enemy ima-
gined him to have an immense army behind him and fled. It
was one of the best things that BeHsarius had done.
In Justinian's last years there was a conspiracy against 562.
him, and BeHsarius was suspected of having known of it. He
was under a cloud for eight months, but after that time was
received back into favour. The stories told about his excessive
poverty in old age are mythical. He died in the possession of 565.
his riches and honours in March, .565, and Justinian died in
December of the same year.
Justinian was a great lawyer. His work in connection
with Roman jurisprudence entitles him to high honour. But
this is about all that can be said for liim. Had he avoided
aggressive warfare his reign might have been a blessing. But
he must eternally meddle with other peoples, so his reign be-
came a curse. The weakness of the Roman Empire when he
ascended the throne was already very great. Justinian bled it
to death. Africa relapsed into barbarism. The fair provinces
in which Phoenicians, Romans and Vandals had thriven became
desert. Italy had recuperative power, and though depopulated
and impoverished, it recovered in the end. But Africa never
did. Nor was the condition of the Eastern provinces much
better. The tax-collector ruthlessly drained their substance,
and for years Justinian was spending the capital of his subjects,
living upon their vital energies. No revenue could keep pace
with his wastefulness, and when he died his very name was
abhorred.
Justinian's ecclesiastical policy was as mistaken as his
foreign policy and scarcely less disastrous in its results. He
regarded himself as the final authority in Church affairs, began
life orthodox, ended it a heretic, and all the time persecuted
those of the contrary opinion without mercy. Forced conver-
sion was the order of the day. In Asia Minor alone 70,000
persons were baptised under compulsion. Certain forms of
heresy were considered capital offences. Pagans and heretics
were excluded from the privilege of citizenship.
376 THE ROMAN EMPIRE
Justinian suppressed the schools of philosophy in Athens.
The professors were pagans, but the schools were so famous
that they drew students from all parts of the world, and many
of the Fathers of the Church had been educated there. The
teachers fled to Persia in search of rehgious freedom. But
they did not find it, and at last by the intercession of the king
of Persia they were permitted to return to the empire and end
their days in peace.
During Justinian's reign the Saxons and Britons were
fighting for supremacy in the island which had once belonged
to Rome. It is strange to have to record that this once
important Roman island, in which Constantine had been
proclaimed emperor, was now so thoroughly forgotten in
Constantinople that it had become the subject of legend. The
fishermen of Northern Gaul had, so says the legend, the task
of rowing boats laden with ghostly forms across to Britain by
night. They accomplished the voyage in the space of an hour,
whereas ordinary mortals could only cross in a day and a night.
As the oarsmen departed they could hear voices speaking to
the souls whom they had left in this uncanny land.
THE SARACENS.
THE SARACENS.
CHAPTER I.
ARABIA.
Before the days of Mohammed little was known of Arabia,
and, indeed, little is known of it yet. There is not the same
ignorance with regard to the Arabian. He has kept well in
touch with the world. In early times, before the ship of the
desert was superseded by the ship of the sea, the Arabians
enjoyed a large share of the carrying trade between Europe
and India. The Phoenicians, the Romans, and the Byzantines
traded with India, Abyssinia and East Africa by way of Arabia,
and a country, not itself rich in natural productions, became
rich as an entrepot, and as an agent and carrier for the mer-
chants of other lands.
The Arabian himself was therefore well in evidence. His
caravans, his horses, his camels, were familiar objects in the
market places of Syria, Persia and Egypt. His qualities were
well understood. He was predatory by instinct ; seldom hesi-
tating to plunder when he got the chance, but scrupuloiisly
honest in matters of trust, ready to defend with his life, if need
were, the person or property formally delivered to his care.
Perhaps this last was less a virtue than a necessity. Had it
been otherwise, the carrying trade of Arabia must soon have
passed away.
The fighting qualities of the Arabian were also appreciated.
From the earliest times robber bands on horses and camels had
issued from Arabia, raided the border countries, and hurried
back with their spoil to regions so waterless and desolate that
(379)
380 THE SAKACENS
none dared follow. Sometimes their conquests had been more
permanent. Arabian dynasties had ruled in the Euphrates
Valley, and the Hyksos kings who governed Egypt for cen-
turies were probably Arabian.
Arabia had never been fully subjugated by a foreign power.
Alexander the Great contemplated its conquest, but death inter-
rupted his project. The Romans during the reign of Augustus
B.C. 25. invaded Western Arabia. They were in possession of Egypt
and wanted to command the Red Sea and get the Indian trade
entirely into their hands. An expedition was accordingly sent
under ^Elius Gallus, an officer holding a high post in Egypt,
but the men, though the natives gave them little trouble, suf-
fered so severely from disease and hunger that they were thank-
ful to beat a precipitate retreat.
The fringe of the country had been subjugated from time to
time ; in the north by Romans, Byzantines and Persians ; in
the south by Persians and Abyssinians. But the central
plateau had never been subjugated, never even explored by the
foreigner. To this the inhospitable nature of the country was
in early days the chief obstacle, for the people themselves were
disunited, and there was no independent state of such power or
importance as could have opposed any considerable resistance
to an adequate military force.
The south-west comer of Arabia was caUed Yemen, some-
times Arabia Felix. Saba (Sheba) was an important city there
in early times, and its queen visited Solomon a thousand years
before the Christian era. Fifty years before the birth of
Mohammed the Abyssinians, who were Christians of a sort,
overthrew the native dynasty in Yemen, and ruled there.
Then the Persians interfered, the Abyssinians were expelled,
and the province fell under Persian rule.
Travellers on the Red Sea have noticed the mountain ranges
of red sandstone at varying distances from the coast, sometimes
almost touching the water's edge, sometimes standing farther
back. The mountains form the side of a vast plateau, which
the heat of the sun and the lack of water make for the most
AEABlA 381
part arid and unproductive. Yet here and there, in hollow
places, springs break forth, and green and fertile oases greet
the weary traveller.
Between the plateau and the sea lies a strip of level and
fertile land of varying width. This strip is well populated and
much of it has been explored. Yemen, the south-west corner
already mentioned, is the most prosperous part, having the
ancient city of Aden, now a British possession. Aden traded
with Tyre three thousand years ago, and is mentioned in
Ezekiel.
Above Yemen, on the western shore, lies the province of
Hejaz, with the seaport of Jeddah and the cities of Mecca and
Medina. As Hejaz and Yemen could be commanded from the
sea, they were vulnerable, and Yemen was, as we have seen,
sometimes subdued. But only the seaboard was affected, in
the mountains the Arabs maintained their independence.
Though the soil and climatic conditions of Arabia forbid
agriculture over most of its area, yet there are fertile nooks
here and there, whence spices, perfumes and fruits are exported.
In such places there are settled populations, and they afford
resting-places for the caravans. Inns, stabling and the various
industries connected with the carrying trade spring up ; villages
develop, and sometimes towns. Fairs are held periodically at
some of the towns, and increase their importance. The horses
and camels of Arabia, bought largely at fairs, have been famous
from antiquity.
For the protection of pilgrims and of merchants going to
the fairs, the Arabs, like the Greeks of earlier days, observed
a truce during certain months of the year, three at one time
and one at another, four months in all. The truce was well
observed, because so manifestly for the common good. To
attack an enemy during the sacred months was considered
sacrilege.
The city of Mecca was specially well-placed. It stood forty
miles from Jeddah, at the intersection of two important caravan
routes. A little east lay the town of Ukaz, where was held
382 THE SAEACENS
annually one of the most popular of Arabian fairs. In Mecca
stood the Kaaba, or cube, a temple of antiquity famous
throughout Arabia. There were several other centres of pil-
grimage in Arabia, but the Kaaba was pre-eminently the temple
of Allah, the Supreme God, and vows taken, covenants made,
and curses uttered in its vicinity had special significance. The
sanctity of the Kaaba extended to its precincts, some square
miles in aU, As fighting was not permitted within this sacred
area, men traded in Mecca with special security.
The religion of the Arabs before the days of Mohammed
was a medley of superstition. They worshipped the heavenlj^
bodies, spirits benevolent and malevolent, stocks and stones,
anything and everything. Fetiches and charms were common.
The talisman is peculiarly Arabic. They had many local
gods, each tribe its own. But though each tribe or even
family might have a patron deity, like most idolaters they had
some conception of one supreme, all-ruling providence. Allah
Taala, the Most High God was over all, but was too busy to
attend to the individual, and not to be lightly invoked. The
Kaaba was specially dedicated to Allah, but the tribes had
also their patron deities there, so that there were hundreds of
idols in and around the sanctuary.
Before entering the sacred territory of the Kaaba the
pilgrims divested themselves of their clothing, and donned
raiment supplied by the custodians of the temple. Any food
they had brought with them they left with their clothing out-
side the sacred boundary, so that they were clothed and fed
during the days of pilgrimage by the temple custodians. They
were superintended in their devotions by appointed guides ;
they visited the Kaaba, kissed the sacred black stone ; walked
seven times around the building ; seven times ran up the hills
Safa and Marwa and down again; walked round Arafat, a
hill ten miles east of Mecca ; threw stones at three pillars in
the Mina Valley and sacrificed. Then the head of the pilgrim
was shaved, and his nails were pared, and with the burial of
the hair and parings the pilgrimage was complete.
ARABIA 383
The Kaaba was an ancient sanctuary, dating several cen-
turies before the Christian era. The legend declared it to have
been built by Seth, and restored by Abraham and Ishmael,
under the direction of the angel Gabriel. The black stone in
the eastern angle was said to have been originally a jacinth of
brilliant whiteness, but to have become black by absorbing the
sins of its devotees. Probably the stone was meteoric. A
mosque has been built round the Kaaba, which has been
destroyed and renewed on several occasions, and the stone worn
and broken is bound together by silver bands.
The Arabians are fond of tracing their descent to Abraham,
and various places round the Kaaba are connected with his
name and that of Ishmael. It is likely enough that Ishmael-
itish tribes mingled with the Arabs, but Arabia was peopled
thousands of years before the days of Abraham, and the Arabs
are a mixed race. The legends about Abraham were grafted
on to the Arabic native legends after the Jews began to settle
in Northern Arabia, and the early part of Arabian genealogies
has been copied from Jewish books.
The Jews became numerous in Arabia. Palestine had been
often raided, and its inhabitants were scattered again and
again. Sargon, Nebuchadrezzar, Pompey, Vespasian, and
Hadrian, had each in his turn dealt roughly with the country,
and many Jews had been driven into exile. For such Arabia
lay temptingly near. Into its desert wilds the enemy dared
not penetrate. Medina, formerly called Yathrib, was a Jewish
colony.
There were also a good many Christians in Arabia, and the
parts of Syria adjacent. As a rule they belonged to sects
counted heterodox, and had been driven into exile by the
orthodox Church. The fathers probably had been sincere and
earnest men, but their descendants, like most Christians of that
period, sadly lacked the spirit of Christianity. They were
more fond of discussing subtleties of doctrine than of preach-
ing the Gospel. Though, therefore, Mohammed met Christians
and conversed with them he never understood Christianity.
384 THE SARACENS
Had he, early in life, met some single-minded Aquila or
Priscilla to instruct him in the things of God, the history of
the Eastern world might have been different. But in the sixth
century the Christianity of the East was exceedingly corrupt.
Image worship was widely prevalent and rites and ceremonies
were credited with magical power. There was often little
difference between the Christians and the idolaters by whom
they were surrounded.
Generally speaking, the idol worshipper is a tolerant man.
He has his own god, and is willing that you should have yours.
He does not ask that you should worship his god, he does not
even desire it, for you might rob him of a share in its favours.
The Romans of old carefully concealed even the name of their
civic deity, lest she might be tempted away to another city.
Before the days of Mohammed, therefore, the Arabians did not
object to the presence of Jews and Christians in their midst.
But Christianity made little progress amongst them. The
whole temper of the tribes, their vindictive codes, their love of
fighting, their plundering propensities, their vagrant habits,
were all antagonistic to Christian teaching. With the Jew
the Arab had more affinity. But he was content to claim
descent from Abraham, and graft the picturesque narratives of
the Jewish Scriptures upon his own legends. The Arab faith
borrowed something from Judaism, but yielded nothing to its
influence. It remained a deep-rooted idolatry.
Before the time of Mohammed there was in Arabia no
common central government. Each tribe, whether it wandered
in the desert or lived an urban life, was self-governing. Every
free-born Arabian had his tribe, and claimed its protection. If
he misbehaved grossly he might be disowned, but until he was
disowned the tribe was responsible for his action and protected
his person. If a member of a tribe was slain, either the were-
gild must be accepted and paid, or blood must atone for blood.
The blood feud, the vendetta, was the curse of Arabia. A
thoughtless insult, an unpremeditated blow, might involve
tribes in years of retaliatory warfare. But for the rigid
ARABIA 385
observance of the sacred months life would have been at times
intolerable. Doubtless the tribal system had advantages. The
fact that every man was protected by his tribe made his enemies
careful. A blood feud was not a penalty to be lightly incurred.
But for the protection afforded to him, often unwillingly
enough by his tribe, Mohammed's course would have been
soon run.
Though the tribal system of Arabia was specially suited to
the nomadic and pastoral part of the population, it existed
with almost equal force in the cities. There was little muni-
cipal government in a modern sense in Arabia. Even in the
cities each tribe dwelt in its own quarter and guarded itself.
Often there was conflict between the tribes, and there was
always jealousy. The need for protection as well as esprit de
corps bound the members of a tribe together. Mohammed
could walk the streets of Mecca, not without insult perhaps,
but without fear of physical violence, because men dreaded the
retaliatory vengeance of his tribe. Yet so little sympathy had
this same tribe with its obstinate member that Abu Lahab,
one of his uncles, followed him about, advising people not to
listen to his follies, and throwing clods at him. The uncle
might do this with impunity, but had a member of another
tribe attempted it, Mohammed's family would have risen as
one man. Nowhere in the world has the tribal system been
so permanent as in Arabia. Tribes live there to-day in the
same localities, bearing the same names, and boasting the
same descent as they did in the days of him whom they call
their prophet.
VOL. II. 25
CHAPTER II.
MECCA.
The Kuraish, a group of tribes having a common ancestor,
were dominant in Mecca in the sixth century, and the custody
of the Kaaba was in their hands. Tliey were not priests in
the ordinary sense, but they took care of the building, repaired
it, if necessary even rebuilt it, and supervised the religious
services connected with it. As this duty carried with it the
right to fees, and to supply food and raiment to the pilgrims
during the days of pilgrimage, it was valuable and highly
prized. The groups of families claiming Kuraish blood dwelt
side by side in Mecca, each group distinct, and divided the
duties and emoluments of the Kaaba between them. The
family group of Hashim, to which Mohammed belonged, in-
terests us more particularly.
570. Mohammed was born at Mecca just five years after the
death of the Roman emperor Justinian. His father Abdalla
died at Medina, whilst absent from Mecca on a business journey,
just before Mohammed was born. Amina, the widowed mother,
gave her child to Halima, a Bedouin woman, to nurse ; and he
remained with her tribe in the desert until he was five years of
age. At the age of four he had a fit, and he had a tendency to
fits throughout his life. They were, however, never severe and
they were often feigned. They did not interfere with his
bodily development, nor keep him from exposing himself in
active military service.
576. In Mohammed's sixth year Amina took him to Medina, the
home of his father's maternal relatives. When they had so-
journed there for a time and were returning, Amina fell sick
and died. She was buried at Abwa, a village midway between
(386)
MECCA 387
the two cities. Mohammed returned to Mecca and was taken
care of by his grandfather, Abd al-MuttaHb. Two years later
the old man died and left the guardianship of the child to Abu
Talib, Mohammed's uncle. Abu Talib was a poor man with
many responsibilities, but he treated his orphan nephew kindly
and was faithful to his trust.
When Mohammed was twelve years of age he accompanied 582.
his uncle on a caravan journey to Syria. The journey lasted
several months, the caravan going to Bozra (Bostra), a busy
city on the road to Damascus. Prolmbly Mohammed accom-
panied various Meccan caravans after this time, and saw
several foreign countries. The Koran shows an acquaintance
with travelling which must have been acquired at this time.
He speaks of the Euphrates and of Egypt. It is probable that
he had seen the Dead Sea and sailed upon the Red Sea.
Mohammed was not educated in the ordinary sense. He
was not taught as a child to read or write, and what know-
ledge of letters he gained in after years must have been slight.
But he had a capacity for picking up information and for
utilising it. And there was a great deal of miscellaneous in-
formation to be picked up on a caravan journey, conversing
with the merchants and the strangers who attached themselves
to caravans for the sake of safety, and listening to the tales
told round the camp fires. On his journeys Mohammed saw
Christian churches and monasteries, and passed through various
Jewish settlements. With the Jews especially he had inter-
course, and his knowledge of Christianity, which was strangely
incorrect, seems to have been largely obtained from Jewish
sources. Conversing with Jews he learned the narratives of the
Old Testament, and acquired a sort of Biblical phraseology which
gives a tone to the Koran. But the lack of accuracy in his in-
formation reveals itself, as, for instance, when he thinks that
Mary the sister of Moses and Mary the mother of Jesus arc
the same.
When twenty-five years of age Mohammed went with a
caravan to Syria in charge of the merchandise of Khadija, a
388 THE SAEACENS
widow. She was pleased with his management of her affairs,
and a friendship sprang up between them which led to mar-
riage. Khadija was older than Mohammed, and had been
married twice before, but she was a good woman and had an
excellent influence on his early life. She bore him two sons
and four daughters. The sons died in childhood and the
daughters were not long-lived, though the youngest, Fatima,
saw her fortieth year. When Mohammed found that he was
not likely to have a son to succeed him, he adopted Ali, a young
cousin, son of Abu Talib, the uncle who had shown him so much
kindness.
As Khadija was wealthy Mohammed had leisure, and he
spent much time in meditation. His favourite subjects for medi-
tation were theological, the religious condition of his country-
men greatly exercising his mind. Certainly there was enough
in this to disquiet a thoughtful man. Doubtless there were in
Arabia some whose hearts turned towards the great author of
their existence, and who worshipped Him in sincerity and in
truth. But the mass of the people were in dense spiritual
darkness. Vice, infanticide, highway robbery, drunkenness
abounded. And their gods, what were they ? Three hundred
and sixty-five deities in the Kaaba, blocks of wood. True
there were in Arabia both Jews and Christians. These pro-
fessed not to worship idols, and spoke of the one living and
true God. But they were foreigners, they made few converts,
and their creeds, so far as Mohammed could piece them together,
were contradictory and confusing.
After much pondering Mohammed came to the conclusion
that all men had gone astray, that all had departed from the
truth as it had been revealed. Jews, Christians, Arabian
idolaters had alike forgotten the great first cause, Allah Taala,
the Most High God. He must begin there. There is one God.
He was right. He had reached the rock of eternal truth.
Would that he had rested upon it.
For a time Mohammed was content to preach against idol
worship. That was no easy task, for he was in a nation of
MECCA 389
idolaters, and in a city consecrated to idolatry. If idols were
not to be worshipped, what would become of the Kaaba ? If
the Kaaba ceased to attract, what would become of Mecca ?
And who was he who thus dared to speak against the worship
of his ancestors ? Mohammed, the camel-driver, a man who
C(juld scarcely write his own name.
Mohammed gained adherents but slowly. Khadija his wife
supported him loyally ; an old man Waraka, who died soon
afterwards, is said to have given him his blessing ; Zeid, his
freeman ; Ali, his adopted son, a child of eleven, and Abu Bekr,
a well-to-do cloth merchant, accepted his teaching. These were
adherents, with the exception perhaps of Waraka we cannot
speak of them as converts. Conversion implies a change of
heart, and of this neither Mohammed nor his followers had any
experience. In declaring that there was but one God Moham-
med enunciated a great truth, but farther than that he could
neither go himself nor lead his followers. There is nothing in
Mohammed's life to show that his heart was touched by his
doctrine. He had no personal knowledge of the God whom he
proclaimed. Whilst he lived in Mecca he walked circumspectly,
for he had no alternative, but when he got the upper hand he
showed himself bloodthirsty, revengeful, cunning and impure.
Mohammed was intellectually correct, but intellectual correct-
ness is of small account in dealing with the God who sees the
heart. The humblest worshipper in the Kaaba who turned
with a broken heart to such vision of God as he had and
prayed that his sins might be forgiven was nearer God than
the intellectually correct " prophet ".
From an early period in his ministry Mohammed adopted
the role of a prophet. He had heard much of Moses and of
Jesus, and he knew that they claimed to be divinely inspired.
They were messengers from God, and had produced revelations
from Him, why should not he do the same ? The world had
wandered from their teaching and needed to be recalled. He
would recall it, he, Mohammed, the last and greatest of the
prophets.
390 THE SARACENS
There is no need to imagine that Mohammed was insincere
in desiring to place himself upon this level. He was merely
an ignorant man with only the most crude hearsay knowledge
of the subjects he discussed. His knowledge of Christianity
was curiously vague. So ignorant was he of the fundamental
doctrine of the Christian faith, redemption through the death
of the Son of God, that he thought himself to be defending
Christianity when he contended that Jesus never was crucified,
but one resembling Jesus, and mistaken by the Jews for him.
In claiming, therefore, to be the successor of Moses and Christ,
and a greater than either, it did not occur to him that he was
doing anything out of the way. Several so-called prophets
had arisen in Arabia before Mohammed ; indeed there was one
in Central Arabia at that very time of whom tradition makes
Mohammed a pupil.
Having claimed inspiration, Mohammed felt bound to pro-
duce specimens of his power. Here again the ignorance of the
man was his strength. Had he been able to read the Scrip-
tures something of their unapproachable grandeur might have
dawned upon his soul. Haply, indeed, he might have seen how
fully they met the wants of his own people. Had he been ac-
quainted with books of any sort he would have seen how much
he had to learn. But, entrenched in sublime ignorance, he sat
self-satisfied and dictated the scraps which have been preserved
for us in the book known as the Koran. The Koran was not
wholly composed by Mohammed. Some of the best sentiments
may, it is believed, have been added by enthusiastic followers
after his death when his utterances were being collected. It is
also probable that had Mohammed lived to superintend the col-
lection of his utterances he would have carefully edited some of
the suras (or chapters) before sending them forth to the world.
But we have to take the Koran as we find it. It is not wholly
contemptible. There are bright bits in it here and there. But
a brief study of its contents will convince any reasonable man
that to even discuss the question of inspiration in connection
with it would be to insult the Most High. Mohammed, how-
MECCA 391
ever, was well satisfied with his work, nay, proud of it. When
the unbelieving demanded a miracle, Mohammed pointed to his
compositions, and asked whether work of that sort could be
produced without superhuman aid. One man, Al-Nadir Ibn
Harith, said it could be, and produced work done in the same
style. His writings were publicly read and approved. But
Al-Nadir had better have left the matter alone. He was made
prisoner at Mohammed's first battle, the battle of Badr, and
though most of the prisoners were released Al-Nadir was exe-
cuted out of hand. Mohammed would have no competitor.
Though Mohammed gained adherents very slowly, yet he
made progress enough to annoy his fellow-townsmen. He
adopted a benign and dignified manner, wore a veil, and could
only be seen by appointment. His followers met with more
or less secrecy in the house of a disciple who lived outside
Mecca. The meetings partook of the nature of modern seances,
sometimes Mohammed was covered with a blanket, and received
a new revelation, sometimes old revelations were again recited.
Zealous disciples learned the revelations by heart. Rules con-
cerning the times and attitudes of prayer were laid down. At
first the system had the charm of a secret society, with a spice
of danger not without attraction to some. How the name of
" Moslem " came to be used we hardly know ; it was probably
given at first in ridicule, for it seems to mean " traitor," but '
Mohammed adopted it, and gave it a new significance. The
name which the members themselves favoured for their society
was " Islam," a word signifying absolute submission to God.
As adherents increased enemies also increased. Mohammed
was attacking the national religion, and declaring that the gods
they worshipped were no gods. The general impression in
Mecca was that the man was mad. Open persecution began.
The influence of Abu Talib saved Mohammed himself from
personal violence, but most of his followers were in poor cir-
cumstances, and they suffered persecution. Mohammed had
to help some of them financially, and Khadija's wealth came
in useful. At last he advised those who could get away to
392 THE SARACENS
emigrate to Abyssinia, and many did so. The Abyssinians
professed Christianity, and received the refugees with kindness.
The Meccans sent an embassy to the Negus, asking that they
might be extradited, but the Negus declined to interfere.
Mohammed's most important disciples were Abu Bekr and
Omar. It might almost be said that but for Abu Bekr there
would never have been any Mohammedanism, and that but fca.*
him it would have died with Mohammed. Abu Bekr was a
true hero-worshipper, and his persuasion was the chief means
of winning adherents in the beginning. After Mohammed's
death, when Islam was falling to pieces, he saved it by uniting
the tribes of Arabia into a great plundering fraternity, and
turning them loose upon the world.
Omar was a later acquisition. He was a swashbuckler,
but not without good points. He struck his sister because she
joined Islam, and then was so vexed with what he had done
that he joined Islam himself. His first overtures were received
with alarm, it was thought that he meant mischief. But he
proved to be loyal, and Mohammed made him one of his cabinet
council, and issued his instructions in the names of "I, Abu
Bekr and Omar ",
Omar's accession inspired confidence amongst the disciples.
He was a man of great physical strength, and not very par-
ticular as to the use he made of it. He could be very cruel at
times. He was a coarse, rough man, and when he changed
from a persecutor to a convert the disciples were greatly en-
couraged. They could now perform their prayers in public
places, even in the precincts of the Kaaba.
The Meccans, exasperated at the turn affairs had taken,
now resolved to boycot the Hashim clan until they turned their
unruly member adrift. Yet, though the Hashimites disliked
Mohammed, such was Arab fidelity to family ties, that they
stood out against the ban for two or three years. At the end
of that time the others were tired of being unkind, and a com-
promise was effected. Mohammed conceded the intercessory
value of certain favourite Meccan gods, and the Meccans de-
MECCA 393
clared themselves satisfied. But Mohammed found that he
had compromised himself. Such of his supporters as were
sincerely opposed to idol-worship objected to the concession,
and he had to retract. This made the opposition more im-
placable than ever.
Khadija, Mohammed's wife, and Abu Talib, his uncle, died 619.
in the same year, and in them Mcjhammed lost two excellent
friends. Khadija encouraged her husband, and stood by him
loyally from the beginning. Her means gave him leisure,
her sympathy sustained him, her wisdom kept him on right
lines. So loyal had Khadija been to him, that whilst she
lived he dared not bring other women to his home. After her
death he changed for the worse. Within two months he
married a second wife, within the year he was betrothed to a
third, and after that, paying no regard to the rules which he
himself had laid down in the Koran, he gave the reins to his lusts.
The loss of Abu Talib was scarcely less serious than that
of Khadija. Abu Talib never believed in Mohammed, but he
would not desert the nephew whom he had reared. For forty
years he befriended him, and for several years he actively
interposed between him and his enemies. On his death-bed he
commended him to the protection of the rest of the family,
but how much that might mean none could tell.
Mohammed's means were now straitened. When he
married Khadija she was rich, and her purse was at her
husband's disposal. But before she died most of her substance
had been spent.
So critical was Mohammed's position that he decided to
leave Mecca and try his fortune in another city. First he
thought of Taif, a prosperous city about sixty miles to the
east. He went there and interviewed the chief men. But 620.
they would have none of him, and he had to fly, chased from
the town with stones. It may be that at this time he thought
of following his people to Abyssinia, and had he done so it
would have been better for the world. But circumstances
turned his mind towards Medina.
394 THE SAEACENS
Medina or Yathrib, originally a Jewish colony, had long
been in the possession of Arab tribes, of whom two, the Aus
and the Khazraj, were continually at war. The city was
weary of civil strife, and ripe for the intervention of any one
who would bring peace. Unlike the Meccans they had no
special financial interest in idol-worship, and there were so
many Jews amongst them that they were accustomed to hear
it condemned. Mohammed was not altogether a stranger to
Medina. His father's maternal relatives belonged to their
city, and his father was buried there.
It happened that Mohammed had an opportunity of ex-
pounding his doctrines to some Medina pilgrims, and they
listened with appreciation. Encouraged by their attitude he
asked them whether they would protect him if he came to
Medina. They promised to consult their friends and report at
the next pilgrimage.
621. Next year they reported favourably. Twelve pilgrims
pledged their faith to Mohammed, and they promised to do
still better if he would wait another year. Mohammed now
sent a missionary to Medina : Musab, a young and zealous con-
vert, who could recite the Koran, and knew how to conduct
religious exercises in Moslem fashion. Under Musab the
cause flourished, and when the time of pilgrimage came round
622. again more than seventy adherents pledged themselves. A
secret meeting was held by night, and Abbas, Mohammed's
uncle, and head of the clan, handed him over formally to their
protection.
The Meccans heard something of what was going on, and
renewed their persecution. A general emigration of Moham-
med's adherents ensued, and, within two months, from one to
two hundred had fled to Medina. At last only Mohammed,
Abu Bekr, and Ali remained. When these knew that the
others were safe they prepared for flight. The Kuraish held
a council, and appointed a deputation to see Mohammed, but
he, fearing imprisonment or worse, evaded them, and escaped
with Abu Bekr, Ali remaining to cover the retreat.
MECCA 395
The two friends hid for three days in a cave south of
Mecca, and, as the road to Medina stretched northward, their
pursuers were baffled. When they learned tliat the pursuit
was at an end, they mounted swift camels, made a circuit, and
got away safely. This is the year of the " Hijra," or emigi-a-
tion, from which all Moslem dates are reckoned.
CHAPTER III.
MEDINA.
622. Mohammed rested for a few days at Kuba, a village outside
Medina, and there Ali joined him. Medina was called Yathrib
at this time ; the name Medinat-al-Nabi, " the city of the pro-
phet," is of later date. Mohammed had now many disciples in
the city, and was received by them with enthusiasm. The
other citizens, little imagining what the future would bring-
forth, were interested and hospitable. Temporary homes were
provided, a place suitable for a mosque was found, and the
refugees settled down.
The mosque built at Medina was simple in character ; a
coui'tyard and shed lightly thatched, and a roof supported on
wooden pillars, against one of which Mohammed leaned when
he was preaching. Afterwards a pulpit was introduced. As
public worship was at fixed hours, and there were no clocks
among the refugees, an Ethiopian named Bilal called them to
prayer. The Jews used a trumpet, the Christians a gong or
tell, the Moslems the human voice. The shed was used not
only for worship but for the transaction of Mohammed's busi-
ness and as an audience chamber.
Alongside the mosque quarters were provided for Moham-
med's household. He had but one wife for the moment, Sauda.
He was betrothed to Ayesha, aged nine, and she went to live
with him shortly after his arrival in Medina. She developed
into a keen-witted woman, and remained his favourite wife to
the end. When he had many other wives and they complained
that Ayesha had more than her share of his affections, he
silenced them with a pretended revelation.
Khadija had left four daughters, Rukayyah, Zeinab, Umm
(396)
MEDINA 397
Kulthum and Fatima. Of these Zeinab remained in Mecca
with her husband, the others were in Medina.
Had Medina been like the cities to which we are accus-
tomed, Mohammed and his adherents would have soon merged
with the population and become subject to the common law.
But in Arabian cities each tribe lived in its own district and
was governed by its own elders. Hence the refugees settled
down by themselves, with Mohammed as their chief.
The refugees showed their chief great reverence. They
treasured the clippings of his hair and nails, and sometimes
even drank the water he washed in. Mohammed kept up his
dignity and surrounded himself with court etiquette. It was
the more necessary as his dwelling was in such a frequented
place.
Mohammed led public prayers in the mosque, and attend-
ance was compulsory. The others stood in rows behind him
imitating his movements. New suras were produced from
time to time and recited in the mosque. They criticised cur-
rent events and were the medium of legislation. There would
have been little to say against them had not Mohammed pro-
fessed that they were inspired.
When Mohammed came to Medina he tried to win recog-
nition from the Jews. From the beginning he had partially
identified his system with theirs, adopting Old Testament nar-
ratives, appealing to Jewish witness, and even observing the
Fast of Atonement. Had the Jews acknowledged him as a
prophet they would have retained his friendship. Unfortu-
nately for them they scarcely took pains to conceal their con-
tempt. Mohammed's friendship, therefore, turned to hate, they
were an annoyance to him and a menace, for their very school-
boys could expose his ignorance. He determined to destroy
them or drive them out of his way. About eighteen months
after his arrival in Medina he first showed signs of his deter-
mination. It had been his rule to turn towards Jerusalem
when in the attitude of prayer, but he suddenly changed this
castom and turned towards Mecca, declaring that he had re-
398 THE SAEACENS
ceived a revelation to that effect. He also substituted the Fast
of Ramadan for the Fast of Atonement. The Fast of Rama-
dan is observed to this day. But it is only a fast in name.
From sunrise to sunset the Moslems taste neither food nor
water, it is true, but from sunset to sunrise they indulge in
revelry. During the day they sleep off the effects of the
revelry of the night.
The refugees, now thrown upon their own resources, were
often in dire poverty. Those who had any means left helped
the rest until all were poor together. They earned a crust as
they best could. Ali carried water at a date a bucket, Abu
Bekr peddled clothes, Othman fruit, others milk, and so on.
Often enough they lacked bread. They were ready for des-
perate deeds.
The caravan trade of Mecca was very valuable. Year after
year at certain seasons the caravans passed to and from Mecca
and Syria. Medina lay temptingly near the route, and Mo-
hammed resolved that if his followers could not thrive by
honest labour they should by plundering. They had friends
in Mecca with whom they corresponded, and it was easy to
learn when caravans were about to start or were expected soon
to arrive.
Up to this point there is room for difference of opinion with
regard to the character of Mohammed. Had he continued, as
many a true man has done, to bear poverty for the sake of
principle, there would have remained room for difference of
opinion. But from the moment when he elected to live by
plundering it is not easy to see how honest men can differ with
regard to his character. Whatever his inclinations may have
been in the beginning he now became a highway robber of the
worst type, one who broke truce and did not stop short of
assassination.
623. The first attempts at robbery made by the refugees were
failures, but the men learned discipline, and gained confidence
in each other. The sacred months were a sad trouble, for
during these the best of the caravans passed. But Mohammed
MEDINA 399
had a revelation permitting him to disregard such small
matters, and after that all went well.
News reached Medina that a caravan of special importance 624.
was returning from Syria, led by Abu Sufyan, the chief citizen
of Mecca. Mohammed sot out to attack it with 350 men, but
Abu Sufyan was warned, and by forced marching got out of
danger. Meanwhile the Meccans had heard of his peril and
gone to his relief. Though they learned that the caravan was
safe they went on, determined to punish the raiders. But when
the forces met at Badr the Moslems were victorious.
Mohammed was not a brave man and, like many who are
not brave, he was cruel. He gloated over the dead, taunting
them as their bodies were thrown into a ditch. When the head
of a special enemy was cast at his feet he said : "It is more
acceptable to me than the choicest camel in Arabia ". Out of
forty-nine prisoners two were executed in cold blood. They
were both men who had wounded his pride. One was Al-Nadir,
the reciter, who has been already mentioned. The other was a
man called Ukbah. Before he was cut down he cried out :
" Who will take care of my little girl ? " " Hell-fire," replied
Mohammed.
The victory of Badr was a turning-point in Mohammed's
career. Had he been defeated his enemies in Medina would
have taken heart. But the victory, and, above all, the booty,
brought many over to his side.
After Badr, Mohammed degenerated with rapidity. His
spies were everywhere, and men were ready to assassinate at
his command. A woman in the city had written satirically
about him. A Moslem plunged his sword through her body as
she lay asleep. Next day at morning prayer Mohammed wel-
comed the murderer with effusion. He asked if there would
be trouble. " None," said Mohammed, " two goats will not
knock their heads about it." An aged Jew who dared to pro-
test against tyranny was murdered in the same way. A reign
of terror had begun.
Shortly after the Battle of Badr Mohammed had a quarrel
400 THE SAEACENS
with the Banu Kainuka, the Jewish goldsmiths of Medina. The
quarrel arose out of a drunken row in which Mohammed's
uncle Hamza was a chief actor. Mohammed had been insulted
by his uncle, and the Jews had shown their contempt for the
whole family somewhat too openly. Accordingly he attacked
their settlement, and after a fortnight's resistance they some-
what pusillanimously surrendered at discretion. With extra-
ordinary brutaUty Mohammed ordered that they should be
massacred, but Abdallah, who had been chief man in Mecca
before Mohammed's advent, insisted on the order being can-
celled. At last Mohammed changed the sentence into exile.
" Let them go," he said, " God curse them, and you also."
Great spoil resulted from the outrage on the Banu Kainuka,
and the Moslems found themselves in the possession of habita-
tions and comparative wealth.
The drunken scene of which mention has been made had
one result which must be considered satisfactory, the abolition
of the use of intoxicating liquors among the Moslems. The
date of the prohibition is uncertain, but it became the subject
of a revelation, and Moslems who had not got rid of their
liquor after warning had been given were compelled to pour it
out. The use of wine was forbidden even as medicine, or in
the form of vinegar. Though there is still drunkenness
among the Moslems, especially among the wealthier classes,
Mohammed's prohibition has been on the whole remarkably
effective.
The dangers to which their caravans were now exposed led
the Meccans to try another road, and a heavily laden caravan
was sent by the new route. It was in vain ; Mohammed's spies
sent him word, and the expedition which he sent to attack the
caravan returned with much booty.
Mohammed was now a rich man, so he added Hafsah, the
daughter of Omar, to his harem. To Othman, a leading fol-
lower, who had married his daughter, Rukayyah, who was
now dead, he gave another daughter, Umm Kulthum, to wife,
Fatima, his youngest daughter, he gave to Ali, his nephew.
MEDINA 401
Hasan and Hosein, the sons of Ali and Fatima, were after-
wards very famous in Moslem history.
The Meccans, perceiving that their commerce would be
ruined if they did not take action, determined to attack
Medina. Three thousand strong they marched, Abu Sufyan
leading. The rival armies met at Uhud, and the Meccans,
numerous though they were, were broken at the first charge.
But the Moslems fell too quickly to plundering, and Khalid, a
Meccan leader, who had kept his cavalry in hand, charged
upon the Moslem rear and turned the tide of battle. The Mec-
cans recovered, the Moslems fled. Mohammed was wounded,
but the cry that he was slain saved his life. He was huddled
by Ali into a ravine, and kept there until the danger was past.
Had the Meccans been well led in this battle they might have
made an end of Islam. But instead of fighting to a finish, they
rested content with the advantage they had gained, and set
out for home. On the way back they realised their mistake,
and some would have turned, but it was too late.
The defeat at Uhud weakened Mohammed's influence among
the unbelievers for a time, but a revelation explained it to the
rest. Some small excursions were organised to cheer the down-
hearted, and a few special enemies were silenced by assassination.
When money ran short again Mohammed once more turned
to the Jews. This time he picked a quarrel with the Banu
Nadir, and besieged their quarter. When they had seen the
specially fine date-palms, by the cultivation of which they
lived, cut down, they surrendered, and were permitted to go
into exile. As there had been no bloodshed, their possessions
went to Mohammed, who disposed of them as he saw fit.
About this time Mohammed tried the faith of his followers
by adding Zainab, wife of Zaid, his adopted son, to his harem.
By Easterns such marriages were highly disapproved, and
Mohammed had himself legislated against them. But Zaid
preferred not to oppose his patron's amorous inclinations, and
divorced his wife. A revelation did the rest.
VOL. II. 26
402 THE SAEACENS
" When thou saidst to him on whom God hath bestowed
favour, and upon whom thou too hast bestowed favours :
' Keep thy wife to thyself, and fear God ' ; and thou coneealest
in thy mind what God was about to make known, and thou
f earedest man — whereas God is more worthy that thou shouldest
fear him. And when Zaid had fulfilled her divorce, we joined
thee in marriage unto her, that there might be no offence
chargeable to believers in marrying the wives of their adopted
sons, when they have fulfilled their divorce ; and the command
of God is to be fulfilled " (Sec. xxxiii.).
Mohammed was now getting on in years, and had six
wives, mostly young. Evidently they needed watching, so
the seclusion of the purdah and veil were enjoined. As usual,
the instruction came from heaven.
" And when ye ask anything of his women, ask it of them
from behind a curtain, that will be more pure for your hearts
and for their hearts. It is not fitting for you that ye give
uneasiness to the Apostle of God " (Sec. xxxiii.).
And again : " O prophet ! Speak unto thy wives and thy
daughters, and the wives of the believers, that they throw
around them a part of their mantles. This will be more seemly
that they may not be subject to annoyance ; for God is gracious
and merciful " (Sec. xxxiii.).
The seclusion and veiling of women have become integral
parts of Mohammedanism, and are practically essential where
polygamy is practised, and where there is unlimited facility of
remarriage and divorce. Men and women cannot be trusted
to mingle freely when every man, married or unmarried, can
look upon every woman, married or unmarried, as a possible
wife.
g27 As the Moslem raiding still went on, the Meccans once more
gathered their forces to attack Medina. Adjacent Arab tribes
joined them, and they set out 10,000 strong. Mohammed had
a large following, but did not venture to face so large an army
in the field, and persuaded the people of Medina to dig a great
trench round their city. The trench effectually checked the
MEDINA 403
Meccans, and when they had demonstrated for some days, and
found that the Moslems would not come out to fight them, the
weather also being stormy, they went home. The last chance
of breakmg Mohammed's power was thus wasted for lack of
competent leadership.
The Banu Kuraizah, the only Jewish tribe now remaining
in Medina, had sympathised with the Meccans, though they
did not dare to render them active assistance. On the depar-
ture of the Meccan army Mohammed wreaked his vengeance
on them. They were besieged, and after a brief resistance
capitulated, expecting no greater doom than exile. But the
order went forth, for the men death, for the women and
children slavery. Trenches were dug in the market-place,
and, Mohammed superintending, the captives were brought
forth in companies, five or six at a time, their hands tied behind
their backs, and, kneeling on the brink of the trench, were
beheaded and cast in. One aged Jew was offered his life.
" Nay," he said, " leave me not to that bloodthirsty man who
has killed all dear to me. Slay me also, I entreat." And
Mohammed answered, " Yea, let him join them in the fire of
heU ".
When eight hundred victims had been thus disposed of,
and the earth smoothed over their remains, Mohammed re-
turned from the massacre. He had been attracted by the
beauty of Raihana, a captive Jewess, and she was set apart
for him. He asked her to be his wife, but she said : " Nay, let
me be thy slave ; it will be easier ".
The frequent division of spoil among the Moslems made
them rich, and induced many to join their ranks. The rest,
terrified, held their peace.
Having by these unscrupulous methods consolidated his 628.
power at Medina, Mohammed turned towards Mecca. Six
years had passed since he left that city, but his spies had kept
him well informed of its concerns. His relatives were there,
and there were some who argued that it would be better to
come to terms with them. They were flattered when he
404 THE SAEACENS
acknowledged the sanctity of their city by turning towards it
in prayer. The way in which Mohammed brought the Meccans
over to his side is a strong argument against his sincerity.
He found a way of grafting the worship of the Kaaba into
his system, and thus showed how superficial was his objection
to idolatry. He had but one God, it is true, but that God was
himself.
Apparently oblivious of the fact that he was thus giving
the lie to all the professions of his early life he now organised
a pilgrimage to the Kaaba. Fifteen hundred men accompanied
him, all professing to come as pilgrims, and with peaceful in-
tent. But when they reached the precincts their way was barred
by an armed force. Negotiations ensued, a truce was arranged,
and an agreement entered into. Mohammed undertook to retire
peacefully, on condition that he might return the year follow-
ing. Mecca would then be evacuated for three days, and he
and his followers, being unarmed, would be permitted to per-
form the customary rites.
Mohammed had acted wisely, but his followers grumbled,
and he had to find a way of satisfying them. Accordingly he
organised another plundering expedition, this time against
Khaibar, the richest village in the province. Khaibar was a
Jewish colony, and Mohammed's experience of the Jews had
not impressed him with their fighting qualities.
With 1,400 men Mohammed set out, and reached Khaibar
by forced marches. The people were taken by surprise, but
fought better than had been expected. At last they yielded.
Khaibar was too far away to be occupied by his followers, so
Mohammed left the villagers in their holdings, but made them
subject to a tax of half their produce. Their portable goods he
carried away as booty. Safiyah, a famous beauty, was re-
served for his harem, her father, husband, and brothers having
first been murdered in cold blood, lest they should stand in his
way. A Jewess of Khaibar tried to poison him, but failed.
The spoil of Khaibar made the Moslems rich, the more, as
other villages, dreading attack, hastened to make terms.
MEDINA 405
If we seek for a time when Islam became the open enemy
of the human race we may find it now. Hitherto Mohammed
might have pleaded necessity or revenge as an excuse for his
iniquities. But Khaibar was 100 miles north of Medina, and
its people had never crossed his path. He attacked it for
plunder alone.
That Mohammed's views regarding conquest were widening
is shown by the fact that about this time he sent letters to
various potentates, demanding that they should acknowledge
his mission. Among the rulers thus distinguished were He-
raclius, the Byzantine emperor ; Chosroes, king of Persia ; the
king of Abyssinia, and the governor of Alexandria. A docu-
ment has been discovered which may be the actual letter sent
to Egypt, and the others were probably in the same vein. It
is sealed with the words : " Mohammed, the prophet of God,"
and runs as follows : —
" In the name of Allah, the Rahman, the Merciful. From the
Apostle of Allah to the Mukaukis, chief of the Copts. Peace be
upon him who follows the guidance. Next, I summon thee with
the appeal of Islam. Become a Moslem and thou shalt be safe.
God shall give thee thy reward twofold. But if thou decline,
then on thee is the guilt of the Copts. O ye people of the
Book, come unto an equal arrangement between us and you,
that we should serve none save God, associating nothing with
Him, and not taking one another for Lords besides God. And
if ye decline, then bear witness that we are Moslems" (Mar-
goliouth, Mohammed, p. 365).
It is said that Heraclius received the letter politely, that
Chosroes tore it up in a rage, and that the king of Abyssinia
expressed agreement with Mohammed so far as he could under-
stand his views. The governor of Alexandria gave the ambas-
sador a favourable reception, and sent presents, a white mule
and two Coptic maidens. Well pleased, Mohammed took Mary,
one of the maidens, into his harem. It made trouble amongst
his wives, but a revelation from heaven put that right. By-
Mary he had a son, but the child died.
406 THE SARACENS
629. The time had now come for the promised pilgrimage, and
Mohammed set out at the head of 1,200 Moslems. Two hundred
horsemen accompanied the party, bringing a stock of arms with
them for fear of accidents. They waited on guard outside the
sacred territory until the others had finished their pilgrimage,
and then performed the ceremonies in their turn.
The Meccans evacuated the city according to agreement,
but stood on the surrounding heights watching the spectacle.
Seven circuits of the Kaaba were made, Mohammed leading on
his camel, the others following, all reciting together. Next day
Bilal, the crier, summoned the pilgrims to prayer in Moslem
fashion, and Mohammed led their devotions. It was a strange
mixture of idolatry with the pretended worship of the one true
God.
During the three days spent in Mecca Mohammed had in-
tercourse with leading citizens, and found arguments which
conciliated some. Then he departed, taking with him another
denizen for his harem. He had now ten wives and two concu-
bines. The Koran allowed a maximum of four.
Three important men joined Islam after these events;
Khalid, who had fought so bravely at Uhud, Arar and Othman.
Khalid and Amr became distinguished generals. Othman had
been a leading chief in Mecca and custodian of the Kaaba.
Mohammed now held a strong position, and Mecca was almost
within his grasp.
CHAPTER IV.
LAST YEARS OF MOHAMMED.
Mohammed's visit to Mecca had been in February, and during 629.
the following summer he sent out several marauding expedi-
tions. In the autumn he sent an expedition into Syria which
proved of great importance, for it brought the Moslems into
contact with Byzantium. One of the envoys who had gone
fortli with the letters already mentioned had been slain, and
Mohammed determined to avenge his death. Accordingly he
collected 3,000 men and sent them forth under the command of
Zaid. But the district invaded was under Byzantine protec-
tion, and when the Moslems came within sight of the enemy
they saw that they had to contend with a well-appointed force.
They fell back on Mutah and there gave battle. In the
enemy's centre were Byzantine infantry, and Arab cavalry on
either flank. The Moslems fought well but were over-matched.
Three leaders, Zaid, Jafar and Abdalla fell in succession, and
Khalid, hastily chosen, could do no more than draw off" the
beaten survivors and bring them home.
Mohammed had made a ten years' truce with Mecca, but
only waited a decent excuse for breaking it. This was pro-
vided by a tribal quarrel in Mecca in which blood was shed*
The aggrieved persons sought Mohammed's interposition, and
he espoused their cause. Abu Sufyan was sent to Medina to
represent the other side of the case, but found that Moham-
med's mind was made up and that preparations for attacking
Mecca were already begun.
Mohammed set out for Mecca with 10,000 men. Abbas, his
uncle, joined him on the road, and, as he neared the city, Abu
Sufyan sought an interview. Clearly the Meccans had to
(407)
408 THE SAKACENS
choose between submission and destruction, and they chose to
submit. A few desperate men held out but were soon chased
away and the city was taken almost without bloodshed.
Mohammed did not tarry long in the city. The images
surrounding the Kaaba were broken down and the pictures
defaced. Public prayer was performed in Moslem fashion.
Orders were issued that household gods should be destroyed,
and parties of soldiers went round to receive the submission of
the adjacent villages.
Though Mohammed destroyed the images he perpetuated
the sanctity of Mecca. He saluted the Kaaba and made the
seven circuits in the prescribed way. The figures were re-
moved, but the Kaaba was as much an object of worship as
ever. And so it remains. The change made by Mohammed
was but a change of ritual. Mecca with its Kaaba and its
round of ceremonies has never ceased to be a centre of idola-
trous worship.
630. The fall of Mecca made a sensation throughout Arabia.
The first to be affected were the inhabitants of Taif. Their
city was near Mecca, and having driven Mohammed from it
with stones they expected little quarter. Accordingly they
besought the help of adjacent tribes. Mohammed marched
against the confederation, and a battle was fought in the Valley
of Hunain. The Moslems won the day, but not without con-
siderable loss. The booty was enormous. Taif was then be-
sieged, but the city was well fortified and provisioned and made
a brave resistance, until Mohammed at last lost patience and
raised the siege. Afterwards the citizens of Taif thought better
of it, and sent deputies to Medina to tender their submission.
630. This year a son was born to Mohammed by Mary the Copt,
but the child only lived eleven months. There were domestic
jars in the prophet's household which would not be worthy of
mention in a history but that he settled them by a revelation
which is preserved in the Koran. The prophet's wives were
warned that if they remained obstinate he might divorce them
and marry a new set.
LAST YEAKS OF MOHAMMED 409
Mohammed had not quite maintained his early popularity.
There had been grumblino-, especially when spoil was divided.
Mohammed had a way of buying new friends with great gifts,
which tried the faith of the older ones. After the battle of
Hunain he was mobbed. The domestic scandals also tried the
faith of the more respectable of the believers. For these
reasons, and because also rumours reached him of hostile
gatherings on the Syrian frontier, he resolved upon a military
demonstration which would surpass anything yet attempted
and divert the minds of his followers. Between 30,000 and
40,000 men were collected, and a march northwards was begun.
After a most fatiguing journey they reached Tabuk, a city not
far from the Gulf of Akaba. There they learned that the
rumours of hostile gatherings were false. That the expedition
might not be wholly in vain Mohammed persuaded some of the
adjacent communities to promise allegiance, others tribute.
Then they marched back.
Next year 300 pilgrims set out for Mecca with Abu Bekr 631.
as chief. This was the first pilgrimage presided over by a
Moslem official. Ali accompanied them to read a manifesto to
the assembled tribes, said to be a revelation from God to his
apostle. The tribes were warned that after four months they
would remain idolaters at their peril. The instructions were as
follows : —
" And when the forbidden months have elapsed, then fight
against the idolaters, wheresoever ye find them ; take them
captive, besiege them, and lay in wait for them in every
ambush ". The Meccan pilgrimage was also from henceforth to
be purified from the presence of unbelievers.
News of the manifesto spread throughout Arabia and the
tribes hastened to conform, dreading the consequences of delay.
When once submission became the fashion, men made haste
lest rivals might obtain an advantage. A title from Moham-
med was now essential to peaceful occupation of ten'itory, and
as he was ignorant of local conditions those who came first
were best served.
410 THE SAEACBNS
The destruction of images soon ceased to be a difficulty.
The Arab was not a religious man in any case. He had wor-
shipped his fathers' gods as a filial duty, but since Mohammed's
god was stronger, he did not hesitate to change. And when it
was found that the household gods did not retaliate upon their
destroyers iconoclasm became popular.
Amongst those who came to make peace with Mohammed
at this time were deputies from Najran, an Arabian Christian
community. The deputation included the chief man of the
community and the bishop. They wished to show Mohammed
how near he was to Christianity, and to discuss the points of
difference. But Mohammed would have none of their discus-
sions, and fell back upon revelation. When they were still un-
moved he proposed a cursing match. " Come," said he, " let us
curse each the other." The Christians declined this way of
settling theological disputes, fearing lest Mohammed's curses
might be carried into effect by Moslem swords. They therefore
agreed to pay tribute in the usual way. The Najran Chris-
tians remained in possession of their lands until the caliphate
of Omar. He expelled them from Arabia, and some settled in
Syria, some near Kufa. With another Christian embassy Mo-
hammed made terms, permitting them upon payment of tribute
to profess their religion, but forbidding them to baptise their
children.
In various ways Mohammed made it clear that Christianity
must expect no quarter. The oppressions to which Christians
were subjected were so serious, and the temptations held out to
converts to Islam so enticing, that most were drawn to the new
faith. Such as professed Islam paid a moderate tithe, the Jews
or Christians paid sometimes ten times as much. Christians
were held in semi-slavery, and soon disappeared from Arabia.
When tribes submitted to Islam, Mohammed did not inter-
fere with their local government. The chiefs were confirmed
in their rights, only two officials were sent, one to collect the
taxes, the other to conduct religious services.
The manifesto read at Mecca by Ali had served its purpose
LAST YEARS OF MOHAMMED 411
well, and Islam had now such a powerful position that Moham-
med resolved to conduct the next pilgrimage himself. Accord-
ingly when the time came round he set out accompanied by his
household, and followed by a great multitude of people. He
performed the ceremonies with special care, that they might be
a standard for all succeeding time.
On the second day of the pilgrimage Mohammed addressed
the people, sitting on his camel in the Mina valley. Fragments
of the discourse have been preserved, and if they are a fair
sample there was little worth preserving. The paragraph
concerning the treatment of women runs as follows : —
" Ye people ! ye have rights demandable of your wives, and
they have rights demandable of you. Upon them it is incumbent
not to violate their conjugal faith, neither to commit any act of
open impropriety ; — which things if they do, ye have authority
to shut them up in separate apartments and beat them with
stripes, yet not severely . . . and treat your women well, for
they are with you as captives and prisoners ; they have not
power over anything as regards themselves."
Mohammed abolished the intercalary method by which
Arabian scientists had adjusted the calendar. He declared that
the changing of the months was an excess of infidelity, and
ordained that the year should consist of twelve lunar months.
The Arabian month, therefore, guides as to the condition of the
moon but not as to the season of the year.
The profession of Islam made the Arabians more peaceful
among themselves. Mohammed insisted that all Moslems
should be brethren. This meant much in Arabia where blood
feuds had been so common. Unfortunately though Moslem
might not war with Moslem, he might war with the rest of the
world.
Mohammed was now a busy man. He kept the reins of
government in his own hands, and did not spare himself. He
received deputies, sent out embassies, and dictated correspond-
ence. He also administered justice, settled the law, and led
the public worship. His life had been a hard one, and in his
412 THE SARACENS
632. sixty-third year his health showed signs of breaking down.
Nevertheless, knowing how necessary it was to keep his
followers occupied, he organised an expedition against the
Byzantines to avenge the defeat at Mutah, An army was
gathered, and Osama, son of that Zaid who had been killed at
Mutah, was made general. Before the army could set out
Mohammed was taken ill. His wives said it was pleurisy, and
he said it was poison. It may have been typhoid, for he was
careless about what he drank, having a theory that water could
not be contaminated. For several days he struggled to keep
on his feet, then he prescribed a cold douche for himself. Con-
vulsions followed, he rapidly sank, and on 7th June died.
The death of Mohammed caused much excitement. Omar
went into a frenzy, but Abu Bekr kept his head and calmed the
people. Some of the Moslems had evidently believed that their
prophet would be immortal. That afternoon the citizens of
Medina met to appoint a leader from among themselves, deter-
mined to be no longer under the dominion of the refugees.
Abu Bekr and Omar hurried to the meeting, and showed them
that this would end in chaos, and after a stormy discussion
they chose Abu Bekr himself. He had already been indicated
by Mohammed as his successor, having been instructed to lead
public prayer during his illness.
Abu Bekr was the best choice possible. Had any other
been chosen Islam would assuredly have fallen to pieces. But
the choice did not give universal satisfaction. Some thought
that Ali, Mohammed's cousin and son-in-law, should have been
his successor.
Mohammed's body lay in state for twenty-four hours, and
was then buried in the house of Ayesha, his favourite wife.
Abu Bekr, her father, was afterwards buried in the same apart-
ment, and in time Omar also. Ayesha survived Mohammed
forty-seven years.
The character of Mohammed has given rise to much con-
troversy. To us he seems to have been a man who had his
chance and missed it. In the beginning of his career he had a
LAST YEARS OF MOHAMMED 413
certain .spiritual insight. He learned a truth, he saw further
than some. Had he taught what he learned with humility,
God would have given him more light, and he would have be-
come a prophet indeed. But he put his own glory on an
equality with that of God, and the light that was in him be-
came darkness. And how great was that darkness ! Since
the world began no man has so blighted humanity. Moham-
med taught Arabia that there was one God, but the God that
he revealed was not the God that rules in heaven. The God of
ignorance, of immorality, of slavery, of assassination, of truce
breaking, of rapine, of bloody war, that was Mohammed's God.
And the heaven that he dangled before the eyes of his followers,
was but a house of ill-fame. To crown all, Mohammed con-
centrated his teaching in " revelations " which he declared to be
communicated to him by the Divine Being, knowing well, for he
must have known it, that he was forging the name of the Most
High.
The most wonderful thing about Islam seems to us to be
its permanence. There was nothing wonderful in the estab-
lishment of a new religion. Nor was the rapid spread of
Mohammedanism wonderful. The exhaustion of Byzantium
and Persia sufficiently accounted for that. But the wonder to
us is that in the twentieth century there should still be found
educated men revering the memory of one so worthless.
It is a mistake to imagine that Mohammedanism is an
advance on idolatry. It is itself idolatry of a peculiarly de-
grading type, the worship of a bad book and a bad man. As
for the God whose name is so constantly on Moslem lips, he is
not in all their thoughts.
The fruits of Mahommedanism and of idol-worship can be
seen, and the merits of the systems compared in countries like
British India, where the two religions live side by side. There
the Moslem is either a soldier or a servant ; positions demanding
special intelligence are generally filled by the Hindu. The
Moslem is backward because he is denied freedom of thought ;
is doomed to starve his intelligence, his heart and his spirit
414 THE SAKACENS
upon a worthless book ; and is tied to a code of legislation and
a system of worship which originated in the mind of a common-
minded, ignorant man. The Hindu, on the other hand, has
freedom of thought. He worships the gods of his fathers, but
if he is intelligent, they are little more to him than the patron
saint is to the Catholic ; the true adoration of his heart goes
out to the Supreme Being.
Above all, the Hindu realises his sinfulness before God, and
seeks the Divine mercy with an earnestness which might often
put Christians to shame. And though he may think very
imperfectly, and the cry for mercy may ascend from a poor
ignorant heart, yet, because it is from the heart, we dare not
doubt but that the God who knows the heart hears the cry.
For the Moslem there is no self-abnegation, no true repentance,
scarcely any sense of sin. Wrapped in his self-satisfied bigotry
he stands, thanking God that he is not as other men. Lust
and murder his sacred book allows, and if there be any other
crime, it is paid for by the eternal parrot-cry : " There is one
God, and Mohammed is his prophet ".
CHAPTER V.
THE EARLY CALIPHS.
Mohammed was dead, and Abu Bekr now reigned. He was 632.
father of Ayesha, a man of about the same age as the prophet,
and his staunch friend almost from the beginning. He believed
in Mohammed, yet just what he did believe it might be hard
to say. Mohammed had no confidants, and Abu Bekr was not
an accomplice but a disciple.
We have said that some would have preferred that Ali
should have succeeded. He seemed to have even a better claim
upon the office than Abu Bekr. He had joined Mohammed
when a boy of eleven, he also had been staunch, he was
husband of Fatima, and their children, Hasan and Hosein, had
been greatly beloved by Mohammed. Believers in hereditary
succession supported All's claim, and looked on Abu Bekr as
a usurper. Ali did not press his claims, but he was not
cordial. Fatima, however, died within the year, and Ali then
fell in with the majority. But the feeling in favour of his
claims did not pass away, and we shall see later how, em-
bittered by subsequent events, it led to a permanent cleavage
in Islam.
Abu Bekr's first action was to send Osama to Syria on the
expedition which Mohammed had proposed. It seemed a rash
thing to do, for it left Medina defenceless, and it was quite
possible that the death of Mohammed might be followed by a
revolution. But Abu Bekr thought the boldest course the
safest, and he proved to be right. Osama hastened to Syria,
avenged Mutah, and returned triumphant, laden with tooty,
and ready for fresh service.
Throughout the peninsula there was much apostasy. The
(415)
416 THE SAEACENS
tribes had never relished the supremacy of Mecca and Medina,
and they now made a determined effort to shake it off. They
would pray as the caliph saw fit, but they would not pay
taxes. But Abu Bekr refused to compromise. Summoning
tlie faithful to his standard, and dividing Arabia into districts,
he sent out flying columns to subdue the rebellious. The
heaviest work fell on Khalid, the chief who had already dis-
tinguished himself at Mutah by saving the defeated forces
from annihilation. Khalid swept Central Arabia with the
sword and overcame all opposition. He was cruel and utterly
unscrupulous. He attacked a submissive tribe because its
chief had a beautiful wife, slew the chief in cold blood, and
wedded his wife on the spot. Complaint went to Medina, and
Omar was full of wrath, for the chief was a friend of his, but
Abu Bekr dared not dispense with so useful a soldier as Khalid,
and condoned the crime.
The expeditions sent to other parts of Arabia were almost
equally successful, and within a year of Mohammed's death
Islam was re-established. Not that the Arabs were loyal
at heart. But they saw that the yoke could not be easily
shaken off, and fear kept them quiet. Just then Abu Bekr,
consciously or unconsciously, took a step which changed the
whole aspect of affairs and welded Islam into one.
Arabia is surrounded on three sides by the sea. Northward
lies Syria and the districts watered by the Tigris and Euphrates.
The more southern of these districts, that lying on the Arabian
frontier, was called Irak of the Arabians to distinguish it from
Persia or Irak of the Persians. Very little of the stretch of
country lying between Arabia and the Black Sea was indepen-
dent. It was subject either to Byzantium or Persia, and its
suzerainty had been a source of contention between the empires
for centuries. Both empires were now extremely weak. Hera-
clius, the Byzantine emperor, had indeed done wonders for a
time. He had galvanised Byzantium into activity, and had
destroyed the power of Chosroes, king of Persia. But he had
now broken down physically, and was no longer able to take
THE EAELY CALIPHS 417
the field. The financial resources of both Byzantium and
Persia were greatly impaired ; their subjects were discon-
tented ; and wlien collision with the border tribes led Abu
Bekr to send troops into the realms governed by these empires,
neither empire could render serious resistance. The moment
was opportune.
The kindling of the fire of foreign war had a result which
Abu Bekr could scarcely have foreseen. It united Arabia. The
first battles were successful ; wonderful stories of spoil to be
had for the taking spread through the peninsula ; and tribe
after tribe, scenting plunder, offered its services to the caliph,
and hastened northward eager for the fray. SuUenness gave
place to loyalty : all were willing to fight for Islam, now that
fighting for Islam meant rapine, outrage and spoil.
Khalid went north-west and fought his way through Irak 633.
Arabi. The carnage was frightful, many towns were 'sacked,
others surrendered, promising yearly tribute.
Whilst Khalid was carrying all before him in Irak, the
campaign in the West against the Byzantines and their Bedouin
allies was less successful. Heraclius sent an immense force to
the front, and the Moslems were checked. The armies faced
one another on the Yermuk River, east of the Sea of TilDerias.
When much time had been spent in skirmishing, without de-
finite result, Abu Bekr ordered Khalid to cross the desert and
bring matters to a conclusion. On his arrival he forced a 634.
battle, and though the Moslems were greatly .outnumbered they
fought with such determination that the Bj^zantines were
utterly overthrown. During the battle Khahd received a letter
informing him that Abu Bekr was dead, and that Omar, his
successor, had deprived him of his command.
In his short reign Abu Bekr had done gi'eat things for
Islam. He had quelled the insurrection in Arabia and hum-
bled two empires in the dust. Moreover, the Bedouin tribes
of Syria, hitherto hostile, now only waited a chance to join the
Moslems and share the plunder.
VOL. II. 27
635.
636.
418 THE SAKACENS
Under Rustein, a general of Khorasan, the Persians put
forth their utmost strength. In the first encounter the Mos-
lems were driven back, 4,000 being slain. But reinforcements
reached them, and under Motanna, their general, they overthrew
the Persians at Boweib, near Kufa. The Persians did not yet
give up the struggle. Their young prince, Yezdegird, was placed
on the throne, and the nobles rallied round. Motanna had to
fall back, and died before he could turn the tide. But Moslem
reinforcements arrived, and at Kadesia one of the most terrible
of battles was fought. It lasted three days, and the Persians
were utterly overthrown, Rustem was slain, Yezdegird fled.
The spoil was immense. After Kadesia the Persians ceased to
be dangerous, and the Bedouin tribes, hesitating no longer,
hastened to join the Moslem ranks.
The Moslems now marched on Damascus. The city held
out for some months, but an entrance was made, and the By-
zantine governor capitulated in time to save the city from
being sacked. Other cities fell in quick succession, Fihl
(Bella), Hems (Emesa), Aleppo, and at last Antioch. Heraclius
tried to rally the tribes in vain.
Immensely encouraged by their success the Moslems now
turned upon Palestine, the chief cities of which were still gar-
risoned by Byzantine troops. Amr, a Moslem general, defeated
the Byzantines at Ajnadein and drove them back on Jerusalem.
Gaza, Lydda and Joppa feU, and at last Amr laid siege to Jeru-
salem itself. The Byzantine general lost heart and withdrew
to Egypt, and the patriarch sued for peace. Influenced by an
old prophecy he asked that the caliph should himself come to
receive the surrender, and Omar crossed the desert. The terms
of the surrender were humiliating, but the Christians had no
choice. Though severe, Omar was not cruel, for Jerusalem
was venerated by the Moslems, standing next to Mecca in their
regard. In later years the law concerning the treatment of
Jews and Christians in Moslem countries became exceedingly
intolerant, and was regulated by a so-called " ordinance of
Omar ". But Omar was not responsible for this ordinance. It
THE EAELY CALIPHS 419
was of slow growth, and is still law in Mohammedan countries,
though not often carried out. During his stay in Jerusalem
Omar selected a site for a mosque, made arrangements for the
government of Syria, and planned an invasion of Egypt.
Soon all Syria was lost to Christendom. It may seem
strange that it should have fallen so quickly. But Byzantium
had little hold upon the affections of its subject populations, the
Jews and Christians were ever at variance, and the Christians
were at variance amongst themselves. The subject peoples,
moreover, hoped that the Moslems might prove more indulgent
masters than the Byzantines.
In Persia further progress was also made. Under the
leadership of Sad the Moslems crossed the Euphrates and
cleared the country as far as the Tigris. They then advanced
on the royal city of Medain (Ctesiphon), through which the
Tigris flowed. Yezdegird abandoned the western city and
offered to surrender all territory west of the Tigris if the Mos-
lems would leave him the east. It was a fair offer, but the
Moslems would not accept it. They crossed the river by swim-
ming, and the Persians fled panic-stricken. The spoil of
Medain was rich beyond conception. When the more distin-
guished had been rewarded, and the treasury had received its
share, there remained enough to make the soldiers independent
for life.
Omar would not allow a further advance into Persia at that
time. But afterwards the Moslems captured Sus (Shushan)
and Yezdegird made another effort. The battle of Nevahend
followed, the Persians were utterly routed, and the famous city
of Hamadan fell into Moslem hands. The country was re- 642.
duced province by province, Yezdegird was ch-iven across the
Oxus and assassinated. With him the male line of the Sassi- 651.
nides became extinct after ruling Persia for four centuries.
Great inducements were held out to the Persians to profess
Islam, and by degrees it became the religion of tlie people.
The extraordinary success of the Moslem arms was followed
by a constantly increasing national revenue and necessitated
420 THE SAEACENS
new arrangements for division of the spoil. Omar therefore
organised a diwan or exchequer charged with the distribution
of the booty. A register was prepared for each tribe, and the
booty was divided according to fixed rules. The revenue was
enormous, for to spoil had to be added tribute, tithes and
assessment of confiscated lands. The Arab race was living
upon robbery and blackmail, and the proceeds were divided
as scrupulously as if the wealth had been earned by honest
trading. The income of the nation depended on successful
war, and the chief who could add the spoil of a city or the
tribute of a province to the treasury was a public benefactor.
The reduction of Chaldaea and Syria led to the development
of two cities, Bassora, in the delta of the Euplirates, and Kufa,
near Hira, south of Babylon. These cities were meant to be
advanced posts and were riclily endowed with confiscated lands.
Tempted by the endowments many Arabs migrated to them,
and they became large and important. They also became hot-
beds of sedition and discontent. Kufa is now a ruin, Bassora
still exists.
640. The Moslem eye now fell covetously on Egypt. This
country, formerly the granary of Rome, was now the granary
of Constantinople, and Alexandria, its capital, was the second
city in the Byzantine empire. The capital was cosmopolitan
and luxurious, but over the rest of the country there dwelt a
poor, hard-working people, ground down by taxation, and
thoroughly disloyal. From the Egyptian people as a whole,
therefore, Amr, who commanded the Moslem forces, met with
little opposition, and soon he was able to lay siege to Alex-
andria. Heraclius died during the progress of this siege, and
641. as no help came from Byzantium, the citizens surrendered, and
promised to pay tribute, on condition that the city should not
be sacked.
Amr would have made Alexandria the seat of government
for Egypt, but Omar thought it too far away, and an encamp-
ment was formed near Memphis, called Fostat at the first, but
afterwards Cairo. Some years later, during the caliphate of
THE EARLY CALIPHS 421
Othman, the Byzantines succeeded in wresting Alexandria
from the Moslems. Amr besieged it the second time, and
when at length he took it by storm, he sacked the city, and 646.
razed its fortifications to the ground The seat of government
was then finally removed to Cairo.
When Mohammed died his so-called revelations existed
only in a very fragmentary form. Some were written on
palm leaves, some on mutton bones, some more permanently.
Moliammed had made no collection, nor any arrangement for
preserving his sayings. Some Moslems knew portions of " the
reading," for this is the meaning of the word Koran, by heart,
but they were a decreasing number. Omar, therefore, fearing
that the revelations would be lost, commissioned Zeid, who had
been one of Mohammed's secretaries, to collect the fragments
and embody them in a volume. Zeid did so. He was pains-
taking, but his work was crude, and there was difference of
opinion concerning some of the readings. Othman, who suc-
ceeded Omar, appointed a revision committee, therefore, with
Zeid as chairman, and a canonical copy was prepared. To
prevent fm-ther disputes, the other codices were burned.
When Omar was in his sixtieth year, having reigned ten 644.
years, a Persian captive, who had become a Moslem, appealed
to him for justice against his master. Omar refused to inter-
fere, and next day in the mosque the man stabbed him mor-
tally. Omar lingered for several days, and tried to make
arrangements as to his successor. When Abd al Rahman,
whom he thought most fitting, refused the ofiice, Omar asked
Ali, Othman, Zabeir and Sad, to consult with Abd al Rahman,
and choose one of their number. Then he died, and was bm-ied
in the house of Ayesha, where Abu Bekr and Mohammed
already lay.
Words ran high between members of the electoral committee,
but at length the choice lay between Ali and Othman. Ali had
been husband of Fatima, the daughter of jVIohammed, who was
dead ; Othman had been the hasband of Rukayyah and Umm
Kulthum, both daughters of Mohammed, but dead also. Ali
422 THE SAEACENS
was favoured, for he had two sons, of whom Mohammed had
been fond, but as he made difficulties concerning the principles
which were to guide him in governing, Othman was chosen
instead.
We have said that there were many Moslems who believed
that the caliphate should have descended in Mohammed's family
line, and who thought Abu Bekr and Omar usurpers. Such
persons were now doubly exasperated when Ali was again
passed over. Both Othman and he were of the Kuraish, but
Ali was a Hashim, and Othman was an Omnieyad, Mohammed
had been a Hashim, and Abu Sufyan, his chief opponent for
so long, was an Ommeyad. There was an old rivalry between
the families, the present dispute intensified it, and gradually,
as we shall see, it led to results of the most lamentable
character.
Othman had another source of discontent to deal with.
The Arab tribes did most of the fighting, the men of Mecca
and Medina got most of the plunder. They claimed a virtual
monopoly of the official positions and governorships, and looked
upon themselves as the aristocracy of Islam. Othman was too
much under their influence, he laid himself open to the charge
of nepotism, and soon became unpopular. There were rebel-
■ lions here and there, and he did not grasp the nettle. Indeed
he was too old for the caliphate. Kufa and Bassora were now,
as always, centres of discontent ; Egypt was seriously dis-
affected. Muavia, the governor of Syria, son of Abu Sufyan,
and nephew of Othman, was loyal, but ho was far away. He
warned Ali to protect the old man, but Ali nursed his grievance
and let things slide. Disaffection spread, insurgent bands
marched on Medina and demanded the abdication of Othman.
656. The caliph's house was stormed and he was slain. Ali might
have saved him, but made little effort. Muavia had sent forces
to his help, but, hearing of his death on the march, they re-
turned home.
During Othman's caliphate we hear for the first time of a
Moslem fleet. Omar dreaded the sea, and forbade Muavia to
THE EAELY CALIPHS 423
build ships. Othman withdrew the prohibition, and a fleet
was built. Its first exploit was the capture of Cyprus. Three 649.
years later a Moslem fleet defeated a Byzantine one at
Alexandria.
During Othman's caliphate also, after Alexandria had been
lost and again captured, the Moslem arms were carried success-
fully along the northern coast of Africa, almost to Carthage.
CHAPTER VI.
HASAN! HOSEIN!
656. The assassination of Othman was a senseless crime. An old
man of eighty, he would not long have stood between his rivals
and their ambition. His murder caused widespread diso-ust.
His blood-stained garment wrapped round the severed fingers
of Naila, a faithful wife who had tried to ward off the fatal
blow, was carried to Damascus. Muavia hung the garment
and fingers on the mosque pulpit, and the spectacle roused the
worshippers to frenzy.
For some days anarchy reigned in Medina. There was no
caliph, and, as two had been assassinated in succession, it was
not easy to get any one to occupy the fatal post. Three names
were proposed : Zobeir, who was favoured in Kufa ; Talha
favoured in Bassora ; and Ali. Ali was the most likely, but
much as he had coveted the post before, he now dreaded it.
Zobeir and Talha were equally reluctant. At last Ali was
persuaded, and Talha and Zobeir swore allegiance.
No sooner had Ali become caliph than his troubles began.
Zobeir, Talha and other leaders demanded office, and when they
did not at once obtain it they stirred up malice against Ali.
They now clamoured for vengeance on the murderers of Oth-
man, though not one of them had supported him whilst he
lived, or tried to save him when he died. Ali pointed out the
helplessness of his position. The insurgents who had slain
Othman had come from many parts, from Kufa, Bassora,
Egypt. How could he track them down ? Moreover, he knew
the hypocrisy underlying the demand.
Zobeir and Talha now went to Mecca and made that city
a centre of intrigue. Ayesha was there, " the mother of the
(424)
HASAN! HOSEIN! 425
faithful ". She detested Ali, against whom she had an old
grudge. His promotion filled hei with bitterness, and though
she had conspired against Othman whilst he lived, she gladly
joined Zobeir and Talha in trying to overthrow his successor.
Ali, brave in the field, was a poor diplomatist, not a good pilot
for the ship of state in stormy weather.
The ablest man in the empire at this time was Muavia, the
governor of Syria. We have said that he was a son of Abu
Sufyan, and nephew of Othman. He had been governor of
Cyprus and had captured Rhodes. Omar had appointed him
governor of Syria, and Othman continued him in authority.
Othman had allowed him to build a fleet, and now the name of
Arabian was feared in the Eastern Mediterranean. Since the
death of Othman Muavia's influence had greatly increased.
All's wisest counsellors advised him not to meddle with
Muavia, but Ali hated him and refused to confirm him in his
governorship " even for a day ". Accordingly he sent another
governor in his place. But Muavia declined to relinquish his
command, and the substitute was glad to escape with his life.
War with Muavia was now inevitable, but before Ali could
cross swords with him he had to deal with rebellion nearer
home. Ayesha, Zobeir and Talha set out from Mecca with a
rebel army and seized Bassora. Ali followed them, and at
Kariba, near Bassora, the famous " battle of the camel " was
fought, so named because Ayesha was present throughout
seated on a camel and protected by an iron cage. The carnage
was great. Talha, Zobeir and 10,000 with them were slain.
Ali was victorious. Ayesha, treated with a courtesy which she
little deserved, was sent to Medina to end her days in peace.
After the victory of Bassora Ali changed the seat of govern- 657.
ment from Medina to Kufa. From Kufa he marched against
Muavia, who, now entirely alienated, had assumed the title of
caliph. Making a circuit, Ali invaded Syria from the north,
and encountered the army of Muavia at Siffin on the Eu-
phrates. After much desultory fighting there was a pitched
battle. It lasted for three days, and Ali was on the point of
426 THE SAEACENS
victory. Seeing this Muavia furnished his foremost troopers
with sheets of the Koran which they fixed upon their lances,
shouting " The law of the Lord, let that decide between us ".
Ali's troops, glad of an excuse to end the fray, joined in the
shout, and thus victory was snatched away. Arbitrators were
appointed ; Muavia got eight months breathing space, and the
arbitration came to nought. Worse than all, Ali by entering
into the negotiation displeased a section of his soldiers whom
he could ill afford to lose. These were the Karejites, who seem
to have been a kind of Moslem Puritans. They did not make
the allowances for Ali which they well might have done, and
658. went home in wrath. Next year when Ali again took the
field against Muavia the Karejites refused to join him and
stirred up an insurrection. Ali had to begin the campaign,
therefore, by marching against them, and by the time they had
been disposed of, his Arab forces were tired of the war and
could not be held together. The expedition against Muavia
had consequently to be abandoned.
At this time Ali also lost Egypt. He had acted unwisely
in changing the governor twice. The second governor, Moham-
med, son of Abu Bekr, and brother of Ayesha, was not a strong
man, and Amr, the former conqueror and governor of Egypt,
easily wrested the province from him. The loss of Egypt
preyed upon Ali's mind. He made overtures to Muavia for
peace, and would have recognised the divided caliphate, but
Muavia felt now so sure of ultimate success that he was un-
willing to share the empire.
There were now three rulers in Islam, Ali at Kufa, Muavia
at Damascus, and Amr in Egypt. They were competent men ;
and, in the interest of good government, the division was not
unsatisfactory. But Muavia and Ali could not agree, and in-
cessant war went on. Men were distracted with the divided
condition of Islam and wondered how it could be reunited. At
last three zealots, desperate men, entered into a conspiracy to
destroy the chief actors in the drama. Ali, Muavia and Amr
were marked for destruction, and simultaneous attempts were
HASAN! HOSEIN! 427
made on their lives in the mosques of Kufa, Damascus and
Fostat (Cairo). The day chosen was Friday, the 17th of the
month Ramadan, the occasion morning prayer, Amr was not
officiating on that day so he escaped, and his deputy was killed ;
Muavia was severely wounded, but survived ; Ali was killed.
He was sixty years of age, and had reigned for five years.
AJi had many good qualities ; he was a brave man, and he
had been most faithful to Mohammed. But he lacked personal
magnetism, and had not the spirit and determination necessary
for grappling with the difficulties of his position. He made a
fatal mistake in not supporting Othman. Had he waited until
the old man died in the course of nature, he would have been
chosen as successor with general approval. Ali was not very
popular while he lived, and after his death for a generation
he was held of little account. But as time went on the hard
luck of the man, and the cruel fate of his progeny, raised a
feeling of profound sympathy with the family, and Ali, who
had been made little of during his life, received almost divine
honours in after years.
Ali left two sons, Hasan and Hosein, and Hasan, the elder,
was chosen as caliph. He was a man of loose character and
little merit and is said to have exercised the Moslem power of
divorce seventy times. He loved an easy life, and felt himself
no match for Muavia. Accordingly he abdicated in his favour
on condition that he should have protection for his relatives
and a handsome pension for himself. He then retired into
private life at Medina where he was poisoned some years after
by one of his wives. Tradition declares that Muavia insti-
gated the deed, and Hasan's name is accordingly coupled with
that of Hosein as a martyr. But there is no sufficient reason
for believing that Muavia had anything to do with his death.
Muavia was now sole caliph, with his capital in Damascus.
Though not at first universally acknowledged, he gradually
overcame all opposition, and the dynasty of the Ommeyads
which he founded lasted for nearly a century. The capital
being in Syria, the relative importance of Arabia, and with
428 THE SAEACENS
it of Mecca and Medina, declined, until they became little
more than they are to-day, interesting places for the resort of
pilgrims.
Muavia was well served by his generals, and was successful
in foreign affairs. In the East much progress was made.
Herat was stormed, and Kabul, Ghazni, Balkh and Candahar
also fell. Then the Moslems crossed the Oxus and conquered
Bokhara. Two years later the Turks were driven out of
Khorasan. Other Moslem generals penetrated to the Indus.
In North Africa also the Moslem arms were successful. A
formidable army passed from Syria to Alexandria, and then
westward towards Tunis. A hundred miles south of ancient
677. Carthage, Okba, the Moslem general, founded the settlement
of Kairwan, and strongly fortified it. Some years later he
carried his arms victoriously westward through Algiers and
Morocco, until he reached the Atlantic. But when he turned
he found that the Berbers had risen in his rear, and in the pass
of Tehuda his army was surrounded and almost annihilated.
During Muavia's caliphate the Saracens made their first
attempt to capture Constantinople. A vast armament was
prepared and sent against tlie city under the leadership of
Yezid, Muavia's eldest son. Muavia hoped that Yezid would
gain glory from the enterprise. But no glory was gained.
Constantinople was as yet too strong for the Moslem arms,
and although the war lingered for several years, and the
districts surrounding the city were ravaged again and again,
the besiegers could make no impression upon the city itself.
Slowly the attacking army melted away under the influence
of disease and battle, and at last retreat became imperative.
The retreat was not less disastrous than the siege. The fleet
was broken to pieces by storms, and the land army, discouraged
and demoralised, was cut to pieces by the pursuing Byzantine
678. troops. Muavia was now thankful to make a treaty with
Byzantium, and even to promise tribute in return for peace.
As the election of caliph had given rise to so much trouble
in the past, and Muavia was anxious that his son Yezid should
HASAN! HOSEIN! 429
succeed him, he declared him heir-apparent, and required the
chief of the people to swear allegiance. Most did this without
demur, a few refused, amongst whom were Hosein, son of Ali,
and Abdalla, son of Zobeir.
Muavia died at the age of seventy-five, and was buried in 680.
Damascus. He had failed at Constantinople, but otherwise
his caliphate had been to the glory of Islam.
Yezid now became caliph without election, though not
without trouble. Abdalla, son of Zobeir, raised the standard
of revolt at Medina. Hosein retired to Mecca, where he was
surrounded by friends.
The people of Kufa sent embassies begging Hosein to
claim his rights, and promising enthusiastic support. Hosein
had little contidence in them, but when embassy after embassy
came, and a list of more than 100,000 supposed supporters was
placed in his hands he thought he might take the risk. Ac-
cordingly he set out for Kufa with his entire household, and a
trifling body-guard of forty horse and a hundred foot.
Before Hosein reached Kufa he was met by friends from
whom he learned that he had made a mistake. The governor
of the city had called the people together and warned them
of the consequences of revolt, and their courage evaporated.
Yezid also had heard of Hosein's enterprise, and had taken his
precautions.
Still Hosein went on, not towards Kufa indeed, but skirt-
ing the district. He felt that retreat was impossible, and
hoped that those who had invited him would not prove utterly
faithless. But his hopes were not fulfilled. Instead of friends,
foes met him, and at Kerbela, twenty-five miles north of Kufa,
his little band was surrounded by 4,000 men. He might
perhaps have even yet saved his life by laying down his
arms, and taking the oath of allegiance to Yezid, but he pre-
ferred to die. He begged his followers to consult their own
safety by retiring, but they refused to abandon him, and
indeed thirty men actually deserted from Yezid's ranks and
joined his devoted band.
430 THE SAEACENS
Next day, the tenth of Moharram, the tiny force was sur-
rounded. They made a rampart and fought desperately, 200
against 4,000, but were cut down until all but a few women and
children lay dead on the field, Hosein was the last to be
slain. Seventy heads, including his, were carried to Kufa, and
thrown at the governor's feet. " Gently," said an aged specta-
tor, " it is the prophet's grandson. By the Lord ! I have seen
these very lips kissed by the blessed mouth of Mohammed."
The few women and children who survived the massacre
were sent back to Medina, where the story they had to tell
aroused wild lamentation. Soon it spread over the empire,
and with ever-increasing effect. Hosein was in arms against
the lawful caliph, it is true, but his rebellion might have been
suppressed without the annihilation of Mohammed's descen-
dants. All's claim to rule, formerly regarded with indiffer-
ence, was now favourably considered, and his character was
lauded, until a commonplace man was transfigured into a hero.
As for Hosein, he became the most glorious of martyrs.
The pathetic story of the " Family of the tent " is drama-
tised and acted throughout the Moslem world every year, as
the anniversary comes round. Those who have seen the
spectacle can never forget it, the long wailing procession, with,
at intervals, its groups of hired mourners, often stripped to the
waist, and beating their breasts raw, keeping time to the
frantic cry of " Hasan ! Hosein ! Hasan ! Hosein ! " To such a
pitch of excitement are the Moslems still wrought, that even
now, after twelve centuries, governments are glad when the
tenth day of Moharram is safely past.
Hosein was dead, but Yezid was not yet at peace. Ab-
dalla, the son of Zobeir, though Hosein's rival whilst he lived,
now that he was dead, cried out for vengeance. Abdalla was
clever, and soon had Mecca and Medina in a ferment ; they
declared him caliph, and swore allegiance. It was necessary
that strong measures should be taken. Accordingly an army
was sent to attack Medina and Mecca. Medina was captured
682. and for three days given up to the licence of the soldiery.
HASAN! HOSEIN! 431
The force then proceeded to Mecca and laid .sie^^e. The sie^c
lasted for two months, the city being bombarded with stones 683.
and burning naphtha, and the Kaaba was burned to the ground.
When the third month of the siege had begun, news came that
Yezid was dead, and that his son Muavia II. reigned in his
stead. Hostilities at once ceased, and Hasan, the Syrian
general, knowing Muavia II, to be a weakling, offered to make
Abdalla caliph if he would accompany him to Damascus. But
he foolishly refused, so Hasan went home alone, and Abflalla
remained rival caliph, his rule acknowledged over a portion
of the Moslem empire.
CHAPTER VII.
THE OMMEYADS.
683. MuAViA II. succeeded his father Yezid II., but only reigned for
a few mouths. When he died, Abdalla, son of Zobeir, was for
the moment sole caliph, and was obeyed in Arabia, Egypt and
Irak. Had he gone to Syria when Yezid died, as Hasan sug-
gested, he might have established the sole caliphate in his own
family. But as he was not there the Damascenes remained
684. faithful to the Ommeyads, and elected Merwan I., a cousin of
Muavia I., as their caliph, in succession to Muavia II. Merwan
I. reigned but one year. To him succeeded Abd al Melik, son
of Muavia II,, who reigned for twenty years.
Thus there were two caliphs reigning simultaneously, Abd
al Melik ruling from Damascus, and Abdalla ruling from Mecca.
Throughout the Moslem world there was strife, some support-
ing one caliph, some the other, some making vengeance for
Othman their watchword, others clamouring for vengeance for
Hosein.
Abd al Melik determined to end the division of the cali-
phate, and began by attacking Irak, where Musab, brother of
Abdalla, was governor. Musab was slain, and . Abd al Melik
entered Kufa in triumph. He next sent a force against Mecca,
691. where Abdalla himself dwelt. The force was commanded by
Hejaj, a particularly unscrupulous general, who besieged Mecca
for several months, Abdalla made a stout resistance, but his
men gradually deserted him, and he was left almost alone. He
fell fighting bravely,
Abd al Melik was now sole caliph of Islam, He rewarded
Hejaj by making him governor in Arabia, and he ruled it with
a rod of iron. Afterwards Hejaj was made governor of Khor-
(432)
THE OMMEYADS 433
asan, where he exterminated the Karejites who had been again
giving trouble. Their last commander, Shebil), was drowned. 696.
Since the heavy defeat of Muavia I. before Constantinople
the Saracens had been paying tribute to Byzantium. The
tribute was paid in Byzantine coin, for the " Byzant " had been
current for centuries throughout the civilised world. But a
mint had now been established at Damascus, and Abd al Melik
tendered the tribute in Arabian coin. Justinian II., now ruling
in Byzantium, foolishly demurred, whereupon Abd al Melik
declined to pay any more tribute at all, and Justinian was un-
able to force him.
Abd al Melik was strong enough to bring Africa back to its
allegiance. Hasan, his general, reached Carthage and reduced
it. The Berbers held out for a time under Queen Kahina, but 698.
she was captured and executed. Many thousands of Berber
warriors were incorporated with the Saracenic army, and this
strengthened the caliphate for a time.
Abd al Melik was an enlightened ruler as well as an able
warrior. He encouraged literary men, and poets of eminence
flourished during his reign. He was succeeded by his son
Walid I.
Walid I. was a man of luxurious habits and artistic tastes. 705.
He was an industrious builder. He built a mosque at Cairo,
enlarged one at Jerusalem built by his father, and rebuilt the
sacred structures of Mecca. He also built a mosque at Damas-
cus which united happily the architecture of Greece and Persia,
and helped to lay the foundation of the Saracenic style.
Walid's generals were very successful. Their armies rav-
aged Cappodocia, Armenia, Pontus and Galatia, crossed the
Oxus, captured Bokhara and Samarcand, overran Scinde, and
penetrated to the Indus. His fleets ravaged Sicily and Sar-
dinia, and made the name of Saracen a terror in the Medi-
terranean.
Early in his caliphate Walid sent Musa, a leading general,
into Africa to subdue the land. He reached the pillars of Her-
VOL. II. 28
434 THE SAEACENS
cules on the African side of which lay tlie city and fort of
Ceuta, of which one, count Julian, was commandant. Against
count Julian Musa fought successfully. Spain was at this
708. time under the Visigoths, whose king, Witica, had been de-
posed by duke Roderick, between whom and count Julian
there was deadly feud. Julian proposed to Musa that he
should cross to Spain and conquer Roderick, thinking doubtless
that Musa would be content to plunder and return. Musa ob-
tained the consent of the caliph for the enterprise, and having
first sent an experimental expedition followed it by a more
important one under Tarik, his lieutenant. The rock on which
Tarik landed, known to the ancients as Calpe, became after-
wards called Gibel-Tarik, the rock of Tarik, out of which the
name Gibraltar is said to have evolved.
711. A decisive battle was fought between the Moslems and the
Visigoths at Xeres, near Cadiz. The Goths were defeated,
and Roderick was slain. Musa, jealous of his lieutenant's suc-
cess, hurried across the Straits with further forces, and bade
him not advance until he arrived. But Tarik declined to wait,
and advanced into Spain in three divisions, capturing Malaga,
Toledo and Cordova. He then marched northward right
through Spain as far as the Bay of Biscay.
When Tarik at last returned to Toledo to meet Musa, he
was thrown into prison for disobedience. Afterwards he was
released by order of the caliph and restored to his command,
after which Musa and Tarik between them conquered nearly
the whole of Spain. The conquerors had, however, fallen out
so seriously that they were ordered home. Tarik arrived first,
Musa followed leisurely with 30,000 captives and vast booty.
He took care to provide for his family, leaving one son
governor in Spain, another in Western Africa, a third at
Kairwan. When Musa reached Damascus he found Walid
dying, and Soliman, his brother, on the point of succeeding to
715 the caliphate. Soliman had no favour for Musa. He received
him coldly, stripped him of his wealth and deposed his family.
Tarik does not seem to have fared much better at Soliman's hands.
THE OMMEYADS 435
The conquerors of Spain may have been indiscreet, but they
did not deserve the treatment tliey received. The conquest
had been an extraordinary feat. In two years the country
had been subdued, for though a few places, such as Cordova
and Saragossa, were not conquered all at once, the Goths did
not choose a new king, or rally for any general effort of resist-
ance. Only the Basques and the inhabitants of the Asturias
maintained a precarious independence in their mountainous
homes.
The government of Spain was conducted with moderation .
by the Moslems. The conversion of the people to Islam was
out of the question, so the churches were not interfered with •
the Spaniards enjoyed their own religion and were governed
according to their own customs. It was only required that
they should remain faithful to the government and pay tribute.
Soliman's want of interest in the conquest of Spain arose 716.
from the fact that he had determined upon a more important
conquest, that of Constantinople, The moment seemed propi-
tious. The Byzantine Empire was notoriously weak. Six
emperors had been dethroned in twenty-one years. On the
north the Bulgarians had wasted Europe to the very walls of
Constantinople. On the south the Saracens had wasted Asia
even to the Bosphorus. The best Byzantine general was Leo,
the Isaurian, who had command of the Asiatic army, and he
was openly mutinous, and corresponding with the enemy.
Arrangements had been in progress for attacking the city for a
good while. Walid, before he died, had prepared a great naval
and military armament, numbering, it is said, 180,000 men.
Unfortunately for the Saracens, Theodosius III., recognising
his inability to cope with the situation, abdicated, and Leo the
Isaurian was raised to the Byzantine throne. This, of course^
ended his disloyalty ; he turned now to the defence of the
capital with immense energy and determination. At tlie first
encounter Leo destroyed twenty Moslem ships of war. The
fleet could not force the passage of the Bosphorus, so that Leo
continued to have command of and to draw his supplies from
436 THE SARACENS
the Black Sea. Thus the blockade of the city was imperfect,
and the besiegers suffered far more than the besieged. During
the winter especially they were badly housed and badly fed,
whilst the troops in Byzantium had every comfort.
Soliman, hoping that his presence would turn the tide, was
717. setting out for the front when he died. His successor, Omar
II., had no better fortune. The ships were burnt, the soldiers
were starved. To make matters worse the Bulgarians came
south, and 20,000 men sent to check their advance were cut to
pieces. Retreat was imperative, and as usual was disastrous.
As regards the fleet, out of 1,000 vessels only live returned.
It is scarcely possible to overestimate the value of the ser-
vice rendered by Leo the Isaurian in checking the Saracens at
this time. Had he failed, it is not easy to see where else the
conquering hordes could have been checked until they reached
Western Europe.
720. When Omar II. died, Yezid II. reigned in his stead. After
724. four years he also died, and Hisham became caliph. Hisham's
reign was long and eventful. Some years before his accession
the Moslems had made inroads into Southern France. Their
first raid was successful, they ravaged the land as far as
Nismes, and returned laden with booty. Three years later
they again crossed the Pyrenees, stormed Narbonne, and garri-
721. soned its fortress as their permanent headquarters. They ad-
vanced upon Toulouse, but their leader was killed, they were
thrown into confusion and had to retire to Spain. A Moslem
garrison, however, remained in Narbonne, and thus they kept a
foothold north of the Pyrenees.
725. A few years afterwards the Saracens stirred again. Anbasa,
a famous general, set out from Narbonne with a large army and
raided Southern France. With much booty he then returned
to Spain. Anbasa died, and for some years France had peace.
731 Eudo, dv^ke of Aquitaine, liegeman to the Frankish king,
rebelled, and declared himself independent. Charles Martel,
the famous mayor of the palace, crossed the Loire, beat him
in the field, ravaged his province, and drove him into Bordeaux.
THE OMMEYADS 437
Notwithstanding defeat, Eudo was persevering; in his re- 732.
sistance, when another foe attacked him. Abd er Rahman, the
Saracen governor of Spain, crossed the Western Pyrenees at
the head of a huge army, and Eudo, though he put forth all
his strength, was hopelessly routed. Bordeaux was sacked,
the country ravaged on all sides. Eudo's only hope lay in
getting the help of the Franks. Accordingly he sped to Charles
Martel, made submission, and besought his aid.
Charles Martel recognised the gravity of the situation, and
drew together the whole available force of the Frankish realms.
The task was not a light one. The Saracens were flushed
with victory, and the Franks had little experience of their
tactics. At Poitiers the hosts met, and each waited for the other
to take the initiative. At last Abd er Rahman attacked. The
onset of the Saracens was terrific, but they had for the first
time to deal with heavily armed European troops. The French
stood the shock, and the scimitar was broken by the long
sword and the battle-axe. After several furious onslaughts
the Moslems recoiled, leaving thousands dead on the field.
Then Eudo with his Aquitanians assailed their rear. They
wavered, and Charles Martel, seizing the auspicicnis moment,
charged along the whole line. Darkness ended the slaughter,
and when daylight appeared, the Saracens were far away
flying southward.
Thus within a brief space the Saracens had been twice
heavily defeated at the gates of Europe, at Constantinople by 717.
Leo the Isaurian, in France by Charles Martel. These heroes 732.
rendered noble service to Christendom. We do not believe
that the Saracens could have made any permanent conquest in
France, or that Mohammedanism could ever have endangered
the faith of Western Europe. But it was well that the struggle
should be short and decisive. And so it was. The Moslems
accepted their defeat in France as final, and though years
passed before their garrisons were entirely expelled, there were
no more Saracen invasions of Gaul.
The victory of Leo the Isaurian in the east of Europe was
438 THE SAKACBNS
not less important, and was perhaps more praiseworthy, seeing
that it was only gained by long tenacious fighting over a period
of years. Unfortunately, though it threw back the Moslem
conquest of Eastern Europe for centuries, it was not destined
to be final.
The heavy blows which Islam had received under the
Ommeyads did not add to the popularity of the dynasty. It
will be remembered that, with the death of Ali, the caliphate
passed into the hands of Muavia I., son of Abu Sufyan, at one
time Mohammed's most bitter enemy. Muavia was the first
caliph of the Ommeyad dynasty, which had now lasted nearly
a century.
Though Mohammed's lineal descendants perished in the
massacre of Kerbela, there existed a collateral branch, the
Abbassidcs, descendants of Abbas, one of Mohammed's uncles.
Abu Abbas had been kind to Mohammed, and his descendants
were regarded by the Moslems with favour.
Abdalla, chief of the Abbasside family in former years, had
been greatly attached to Ali and Hosein, and when they were
slain he retired to an obscure town on the confines of Arabia.
Here his son Mohammed conceived the idea of supplanting
the Ommeyad dynasty by the Abbasside. He knew that he
could best accomplish this by winning the Alyites to his si<le,
so he declared that a descendant of Ali had on his death-bed
transferred to him his rights of succession. The Abbassides
and Alyites sent emissaries abroad spreading discontent, and,
as the power of the Ommeyads waned, there were many
revolts. Of these the worst were in Khorasan, where Abu
Muslim, a warm partisan, led the movement.
743. When Hisham died, after a reign of twenty years, the
Moslem power had ceased to advance, and the Ommeyad
dynasty was losing its prestige in Islam. Hisham was
followed by Walid II., who reigned for fifteen months ; he by
Yezid III. who reigned five months ; and he by Ibrahim who
reigned but three. Merwan II. then became caliph. He was
744, a strong man, and might have revived the prospects of the
THE OMMEYADR 439
dynasty had matters been less serious. But the caliphate had
lost its hold on Spain and Africa, and Khorasan was full of re-
bellion. The Abbasside movement had greatly advanced, and
the time of open and widespread revolt was at hand.
Hardly had Merwan II. become caliph when the crisis came.
The first revolt was at Hems (Emesa) ; then there was one
near Damascus ; soon they were all around. For some years
Merwan held his own. Then Khorasan rose. Here the
family of Ali was specially strong, and at Merv a new dynasty
was proclaimed. Abu Abbas, chief of the Abbassides, took 749.
possession of the governor's palace in Merv, assumed the title
of caliph, and called the faithful to his banner. They rallied
round and soon he marched at the head of 45,000 men. Mer-
wan made strenuous efforts, and met his foe near Arbela, not 750.
far from that place where, a thousand years before, Darius and
Alexander had tried conclusions. Merwan fought bravely,
but his followers were without enthusiasm, and he had to fly.
He reached Damascus to find its gates closed against him.
Southward he fled, through Palestine, into Egypt. At last in
a small Coptic chapel at Busir on the frontier of the Delta, he
was overtaken and slain. With him the Ommeyad dynasty
came to an end.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE ABBASSIDES.
750. We have seen how Merwan, the last caliph of the Ommeyad
house was defeated and slain, and how Abu Abbas succeeded
him. The Abbasside dynasty, thus founded, lasted for several
centuries, and brought much glory to Islam. Its rule, how-
ever, was never co-extensive with the Moslem empire.
Abbas began his career by trying to exterminate the
Ommeyads. The members of the family were proscribed and
slain wherever found. A few escaped, among whom was
Abd er Rahman, a youth who fled to North Africa and took
refuge with the Berbers. Both North Africa and Spain
favoured the Ommeyads, so Abd er Rahman eventually crossed
to Spain, and was received with honour. Soon he became
prince of the country, founding the caliphate of Cordova,
though the title of caliph was not assumed by him, but by his
successors at a much later date. The caliphate of Cordova
was small, comprising parts of Spain and Northern Africa, but
though small it occupied for three centuries a distinguished
position in Saracenic history.
During the reign of Abd er Rahman Charlemagne invaded
Spain, and met with the disaster at Roncesveaux which is
778. described in another section of our history.
Though the caliphs of Cordova ruled brilliantly, and
triumphed for a time over the small Christian States into which
Spain had been divided, they could not permanently hold their
ow^n in that country. When the last caliph was deposed
1035. Spain broke up into independent principalities. The struggle
between these went on, the Christian States gi-adually gaining
ground. Before the end of the thirteenth century all Spain,
(440)
THE ABBASSIDES 441
except Granada, was aj^^ain in the hands of the Christians.
Granada remained Mohammedan until the days of Ferdinand 1492.
and Isabella, who completed the unification of Spain.
Abu Abbas, the founder of the Abbasside dynasty, reigned
four years and gave governorships to various members of his
family, hoping that this would lead to unity. It led to strife
instead, for when Abu Abbas died and was succeeded by 754.
Mansur, his brother, the governor of Irak, Abdalla, his uncle,
the governor of Syria, rebelled. Abdalla was crushed by Abu
Muslim, who had done more than any other man to establish
the Abbasside dynasty. But Muslim got a poor reward for his
services. His success alarmed Mansur, and he was assassinated.
Mansur decided to establish a new capital, and founded the 762.
city of Bagdad. The Ommeyad capital had been at Damascus,
and the removal of the seat of government to a city so far east
as Bagdad may have been a mistake. The unity of the Moslem
empire was endangered. The religious supremacy of the caliph
of Bagdad was everywhere respected, but his political autho-
rity was of little consequence in the Western provinces,
Bagdad is situated on the Tigris, fifteen miles above the
ruins of Ctesiphon. The fascinating tales of the Arabian
Nights' Entertainvients have familiarised us with the city,
and its very name conjures up visions of splendoui'. Truly a
great change had come over the spirit of Islam. Could con-
trast be greater than that between Omar crossing the desert on
his camel dressed like a beggar man, his meagi-e fare dangling
in his saddle-bags, and the caliph of Bagdad, dwelling in an
everlasting glitter of gold and silver and precious stones ?
To Mansur succeeded Mehdi, his son. Dm-ing his reign 775.
occurred the strange rebellion which has been immortalised to
us by Moore in his poem of Lalla Rookh. Mokanna, the veiled
prophet of Khorasan, headed a revolution and had many ad-
herents. He professed to be an incarnation of the Deity, and
his face was said so to shine that mortals could not bear the
sight. Probably he had instead a face which disease had dis-
figured. Mokanna defeated the governor of Khorasan, but the
442 THE SAEACENS
caliph at length sent against him an army so huge that his
followers deserted his standard. When the end approached
Mokanna destroyed his family, and then flinging himself into
the flames of his burning palace was entirely consumed.
785. Mehdi was succeeded by Hadi. At this time the empress
Irene reigned at Constantinople in the name of her son Con-
stantine IV. She went to war with the Saracens, but was dis-
astrously defeated, and only gained peace by payment of a huge
annual tribute.
Haroun al Raschid next reigned, the fifth caliph of the
786. dynasty. His reign is generally regarded as the summit of
the Saracenic golden age. The empire was prosperous, the
barbarism of the desert had made way for a civilisation, itself
barbaric, but having a splendour all its own. Saracenic art
and architecture were developing, learning was patronised, and
Bagdad was a rendezvous for poets and philosophers.
Haroun al Raschid was contemporaneous with Charlemagne,
and the rulers exchanged courtesies. Haroun sent a clock to
Charlemagne, " of gilt bronze, wherein a clepsyth-a marked out
the twelve hours. As each hour ended, a little golden ball was
released, and, falling on a bell, struck it, and made a sound.
Moreover, the clock had in it twelve horsemen, which issued forth
from twelve windows at the end of the hours, and by the shock
of their issuing forth closed up twelve other windows which
before were open. Many other marvels there were in the clock
too long to tell " (Dean Kitchin, France, p. 133).
Many wonderful clocks have been made since, but it is
worth remembering that three centuries before the Norman
conquest the Saracen clockmakers were not less clever than
English clockmakers of comparatively recent times.
Readers of the Arabian Nights will remember the Barme-
cides. The Barmek family came from Khorasan about the
time that the Abbasside dynasty was founded. One of them
became grand vizier to Abbas, and continued vizier in the
reign of Mansur, his brother. Other caliphs also utilised the
family, finding them trustworthy and possessed of special
THE ABBASSIDES 443
ministerial ability. During the reign of Haroun they rose to
great power. The caliph lived in luxurious ease, and the Bar-
mecides did the work, administering the afiairs of state, en-
couraging commerce and conquering enemies. They were
strong men, and so far as we can judge, honourable men. But
Haroun became jealous of his great ministers, and suddenly
turning against them, destroyed the whole family and confis-
cated their property throughout the empire.
After the destruction of the Barmecides, Haroun did not
find life in Bagdad agreeable, for they had many friends.
Accordingly he spent much of his time at Rakka, a city on
the Euphrates in the north of Syria.
Before the death of Haroun the separate dynasty of the 809.
Aglabites had been founded at Kairwan and Tunis, so that
there were now caliphates at Bagdad, Cordova and Tunis,
The Aglabite government lasted for 140 years.
Haroun was no mean warrior, and during his reign the
Moslems had many successes against the Greeks. Nicephorus
usurped the place of Irene, and refused to pay the tribute
which she had promised. But Haroun invaded Asia Minor,
and so ravaged the land that Nicephorus was glad to purchase
peace at any price.
Haroun left two sons, Amin and Mamun. They shared the
empire between them, Amin taking the west, Mamun taking
Khorasan. But the arrangement only lasted four years.
Mamun was the abler man, and one after another the pro-
vinces fell from Amin to him. At last Amin was slain, and
Mamun reigned alone. The early years of his reign were
stormy. He continued to live at Merv, and allowed a minister
to rule at Bagdad. There were many revolts, and Mamun had
to take the reins into his own hands. After this things went
well.
Mamun reigned alone for twenty years. About this time
the civilisation of the Mohammedans was in advance of anytliing
else in Europe. The empire was well governed in many ways.
There was a postal service, and taxation was evenly distributed.
444 THE SAEACENS
Canals, aqueducts and roads were constructed. Cities of con-
siderable size sprang up ; and Saracenic architecture with its
domes, minarets and horse-shoe arches developed. There were
famous universities at Bagdad, Cairo and Cordova. Philo-
sophy, law, medicine, theology and mathematics were taught
with skill. An Arab mathematician invented the decimal
system in the twelfth century. A treatise on algebra was
written in the century with which we are dealing. Spherical
trigonometry was developed later. The terms sine, cosine,
tangent are Arabian. The Arabs invented the pendulum and
made progress in astronomy. Observatories were built, and on
the sandy plain between Palmyra and Rakka a degi'ee of the
meridian was measured. The Arabs had a real science of medi-
cine and no small knowledge of chemistry. They worked
beautifully in metals, and made pottery and glass. But their
art and civilisation were doomed to perish, trodden in the mire
by Turkish invasion and Turkish control.
About this time the kingdom of Fez was foun<led, and the
islands of Crete and Sicily were conquered by Moslems. Sicily
827. was invaded, and the Saracenic capital of the island was fixed
at Palermo, which gave excellent anchorage to the Moslem fleet.
Syracuse made a prolonged resistance, not submitting until
878, but after its fall conquest was rapid and Christianity
almost disappeared from the island.
The conquest of Sicily led to a revival of piracy on the
Mediterranean. From the shores of Sicily and Africa vessels
sailed forth, making peaceful commerce well-nigh impossible.
Sometimes the pirates sailed in squadrons and pillaged the
846. coast towns. The Tiber itself was entered and churches were
robbed even in the suburbs of Rome. But Pope Leo IV. ar-
ranged an alliance between various maritime communities, and
when the Moslems again sailed into the port of Ostia a com-
bined fleet gave them battle. They were completely defeated
and many became slaves.
. Mamun was a great ruler, and eager to advance learning.
So eager was he that he is said to have gone to war with the
THE ABBASSIDES 445
Byzantine emperor because he forbade a philosopher whom
Mamun wished to engage to leave his dominions. He was
quite heterodox and persecuted Moslems who followed the
Koran too closely. He was succeeded by his brother Motasim.
For some time the caliphs had used Turkish mercenaries,
especially as household troops. The introduction of foreign
soldiery into the capital of an empire has rarely answered, and
Bagdad proved no exception to the rule. So long as the Turks
only numbered a few thousands it mattered little, but when
Motasim garrisoned the capital with them and increased their
number to 50,000, matters became serious. There was little
discipline amongst the Turks, they were insolent to the people,
rioting and bloodshed prevailed. Motasim accordingly tried
another arrangement. He established a cantonment at Samara
on the Tigris, and there the mercenaries were stationed. The
citizens of Bagdad were benefited by the change, but the caliph,
living much at Samara, was more than ever under Turkish in-
fluence. The Mamelukes, as the mercenaries were called, dis-
placed the Arab soldiery, and soon had the caliphate at their
mercy, making and unmaking caliphs at will.
During Motasim's caliphate, Theophilus, the Byzantine em- 836.
peror, foolishly renewed a war which had been temporarily ended
by the death of Mamun, making incursions into Syria, and de-
vastating the country as far as Mesopotamia. Motasim took
a terrible revenge. At the head of 200,000 men he invaded
Asia Minor, drove the Greeks before him, and besieged Amo-
rium, one of the most prosperous cities in the Byzantine. empire.
He captured it, put its inhabitants to the sword, and razed it
to the ground.
Wathek succeeded Motasim, and, on his death, the Turks 842.
placed Motawakkel on the throne. Though himself a profli- 847.
gate and a drunkard, Motawakkel was extremely orthodox,
and persecuted Jews and Christians without mercy, placing
them under ignominious restrictions. He was assassinated,
and the Turks then placed Montaser on the throne. He reigned 861.
but five months, and was succeeded by Mostain. 862.
446 THE SAEACENS
The Moslem world was now torn by faction, both political
and religious. The unity of belief upon which Mohammed had
insisted was a thing of the past. Islam had as many sects as
Christianity, the caliphs were often freethinkers, the authority
of the Koran was openly called in question. In the cities there
was much civil strife. In Samara the populace and the sol-
diery were continually at war. In Bagdad the Turks assas-
sinated each other, and caliphs were put up and pulled down as
the troops saw fit.
870. During the reign of Motamed, Khorasan and Egypt separ-
ated themselves from the empire, and new dynasties became
established.
Among the sects that arose in the Moslem world were the
Ismailians. The Ismailians were Alyites, and believed in the
coming of a Messiah, or Mahdi, who would restore justice on
the earth, and take vengeance on the oppressors of the family
of Ali, They had a more exalted conception of God than is to
be found in the Koran.
Out of the Ismailians sprang the Fatimites. Obeidalla,
pontiff of the Ismailians, professed descent from Ali. He re-
vived the claims of the Alyites, and founded a new Fatimite
dynasty. His capital was at Mahadi, on the African coast,
not far from Kairwan. He subdued the Aglabites, who had
been predominant there, and ruled Africa from Egypt to the
Atlantic. Egypt itself he was unable to conquer, but one of
his successors accom^slishcd this, and a Fatimite dynasty ruled
that country until it was overthrown by Saladin. There are
still several millions of Alyites or Shias, about 5 per cent, of
the total number of Moslems, and the Mahdi, the Messiah, who
will break in pieces the rod of the oppressor, is still longed for
in the deserts of the Soudan.
The Karmathians were a branch of the Ismailians. At
first they seem to have protested against the worldliness which
had taken possession of the caliphate. They held their own
for a long time in Irak, Syria, and Eastern Arabia. They even
captured such cities as Kufa and Bassora. But at last they
THE ABBASSIDES 447
were defeated and driven into Arabia. There they stormed
Mecca, plundered the city, and carried away the black stone
from the Kaaba. It was afterwards restored, but in a shattered
condition. The Karmathians took to plundering caravans, and
in the tenth century were exterminated.
Notwithstanding- their internal dissensions the Saracens
continued to give a good account of the foreign foe. Their
conflicts with the Byzantines were continuous, and the balance
of advantage was generally on their side. Not always, how-
ever. Crete was recovered from them by Romanus, after having 961.
been under their dominion for a century and a half. Attempts
to drive them from Sicily were unsuccessful.
The later caliphs were mostly weak men, the tools of their
soldiers and ministers. Bagdad became the scene of frightful
anarchy, and its magnificence faded. A new dynasty, the
Buvide, the sovereigns of whom claimed descent from Ali, be- 945.
came supreme, and for nearly a century and a half the city was
under its control. The caliph renounced temporal power and
became simply the spiritual head of Islam. The head of the
State was known as the Prince of Princes, and the caliph was
a puppet in his hands. The rule of the Buvides ended when 1050.
the Seljuk Turkish dynasty was established at Bagdad.
After the point of time which we have now reached in Mos-
lem history, it will not be necessary to continue to deal with it
as a separate entity. For the next two centuries the most in-
teresting facts in connection with it may be found by reading
the chapters which deal with the Crusades. After the Cru-
sades and until the fall of Constantinople Moslem history can
be sufficiently followed in the sections which deal with the
Byzantine Empire and with Spain. After the fall of Constan-
tinople the history of Mohammedanism will merge to a con-
siderable extent in the history of Turkey.
THE CRUSADES.
VOL. II. 29
THE CRUSADES.
CHAPTER I.
WHAT LED TO THE CRUSADES?
In the eleventh century of the Christian era began the series
of strange wars called the Crusades, wars which had for their
avowed object the rescue of the Holy Land from the Moslem.
Though the crusades began in the eleventh century they ex-
tended to the thirteenth, so that they were not an outburst of
mere fanatical zeal or momentary enthusiasm. They were the
outcome of a variety of circumstances, partly political, partly
religious. Of these two were specially instrumental in bring-
ing matters to a crisis, the aggression of the papacy and the
aggression of the Turk.
Four hundred and fifty years had passed since Mohammed
drew the sword. The caliphs, his successors, were not con-
tent to confine Islam to Arabia. Perceiving that their followers
must have scope for their raiding propensities, they turned
them loose upon the world, and offered Islam, tribute, or the
sword to all nations. Since the days of Attila, the world had
not seen anything so terrible as this Moslem frenzy. Con-
quest was rapid, for the Byzantine and Persian empires were
exhausted. During Mohammed's life all Arabia accepted the
faith. Within the eight years following, Persia, Palestine,
Egypt, and much of Asia Minor, had succumbed. The Sara-
cens, as the Moslem warriors were called by the Westerns,
received their first serious check from Leo the Isaurian at 718.
Constantinople. Of 180,000 men who gathered to the siege of
that city, only 30,000 survived. Somewhat later the Saracens
(451)
452 THE CEUSADES
received an almost equally severe check in France. Having by
711. degrees conquered Africa, they crossed to Spain and also con-
quered it. From Spain they invaded France and ravaged
Aquitaine, but were overthrown by Charles Martel, near
732. Poitiers. The victory of Charles Martel checked the Moslem
advance in Western Europe for all time, the victory of
Leo postponed their advance in Eastern Europe for several
centuries.
637. Jerusalem had capitulated to the caliph Omar in the
seventh century, and long lay under Moslem rule. When once
they had conquered the Saracens were tolerant. The Mosque
of Omar was built oii the site of the Temple, but the Holy
Sepulchre was preserved to the Christians, and they had, for a
long time, no special cause of complaint. The Saracens were
intellectually in advance of the Westerns. They were patrons
of education, and as time went on they had schools and colleges
of merit. In the West Roman civilisation had been wiped out
by the Northern races, and for many centuries unblushing
ignorance prevailed. In the ninth century the supreme judge
of the German Empire could not write his name. For many
centuries such education as existed in the West was confined to
the priests. The noble signed his name by making his mark,
and was proud that he could do no more. The words which
Sir Walter Scott puts in the mouth of Douglas, " Thanks to
Saint Bothan, son of mine, save Gawain, ne'er could pen a
line," well represent the state of mind of Europe's Western
nobility in mediaeval times. The Byzantines, the Arabians,
the Persians, and the East Indians were much more cultured.
Among the Westerns science was counted little better than
blasphemy, and a clever inventor ran the risk of being con-
demned as a wizard.
Feudalism crushed the life out of the people. The barons
lived in strongholds, and robbed and plundered at will. The
poor man dared not lead an independent life. He must have
a master, and in exchange for protection must surrender him-
self to that master, body and soul. Patriotism was impossible,
WHAT LED TO THE CRUSADES? 453
nor could there be any true sense of obligation from class to
class. The nobles gloried in private combat and private war,
caring not that the people lived in misery and passed away in
bloodshed. The institution of chivalry did a little to redeem
the character of the times, but only a little. Its motives were
not high. The knight thought chiefly of his own glory ; the
women for whom he fought were of his own rank, for the poor
no man cared.
The conditions we have described were not favourable to
the acquisition of wealth. Such prosperity as existed under
Roman rule had been swept away. The industrial arts, long-
neglected, had, in many parts of Europe, almost ceased to
exist. They could at the best only be practised in a few
walled cities, whose burghers managed to maintain their in-
dependence, either by purchase or by force. In open places
baronial strife made high cultivation, or the acquisition of even
moderate wealth, impossible. Why trouble about sowing,
when one knew not who would reap ? Why breed cattle for
the raider to drive away ? So men lived from hand to mouth
in sordid poverty.
In the Christian Church men found little help. Doubtless
there were faithful shepherds here and there. But in the main
ecclesiastical otfices were bestowed with little regard to spiritual
fitness. Something the Chm-ch had done in the interests of
peace. " The truce of God," which bound men to abstain from
fighting during certain periods, saved Europe from becoming
quite a desert. But too often Churchmen utilised the passion
for fighting for their own aggrandisement, winning temporal
advantage where they could, and mercilessly crushing out with
fire and sword every attempt to apply to religion those facul-
ties of reason with which the Creator has endowed mankind.
In the year 1000, many expected the end of the age.
Charters are still in existence beginning with the words " ap-
propinquante termino mundi" (as the world is now drawing
to a close). When the end did not come at that time it was
expected thirty-three years later. The fear of approaching
454 THE CEUSADES
disaster added enormously to the possessions of the Church,
and drove many unsuitable men into holy orders. The con-
dition of the Church at this time was lamentable. At a
council held at Reims it was declared that the Church " was
ruled by monsters of iniquity, wanting in all culture, whether
sacred or profane". In the middle of the eleventh century
one writes : " Everything is degenerate, all is lost, faith has
disappeared ",
There were at this time no strong national governments in
Western Europe. England had just been conquered by Nor-
mans, and between ruler and ruled there was as yet no
sympathy. Germany and France were divided into petty
states, each governed by its own feudal lord, sometimes stronger
than his king. The feudal lord could coin money ; indulge in
private war ; was largely free from taxation, and had power
of life and death over his subjects. His tenants marched to
war at his command. It was this that made the Crusades
possible.
During the tenth and the early part of the eleventh cen-
turies the papal chair was often filled by unworthy and even
disgraceful men. After the middle of the eleventh century
better men were chosen, and an effort was made to reform the
Church and the world. In this effort Hildebrand's influence
was at first paramount. His methods were indefensible, and
his plan failed, but he doubtless meant well. Perceiving the
impotence of the secular power, he conceived the idea of
making the Pope supreme earthly potentate. To him even
kings were to bow. Religious officers were to be chosen by
him, and to him must yield implicit obedience. That they
might be pliant instruments they were to be as far as possible
free from earthly ties. This necessitated celibacy, and priests
already married were to forsake their wives and children.
The badness of the times was the only excuse for Hildebrand's
audacious scheme, the offspring of an ambitious rather than a
far-seeing mind. Had Hildebrand been able to guarantee a
succession of great and good men in the papal chair it might
WHAT LED TO THE CEUSADES? 455
have been different, but history had sufficiently proved that
between kings and popes there was little to choose. In the end
Europe found a better way. The nation became the unit, with
the kin>^' at its centre, and the development of the spirit of
patriotism lx)und class to class. Nevertheless, Hildebrand's
scheme fascinated his successors and died hard. It had a
direct bearing upon the Crusades.
The rapid success of the Saracens alarmed the West. When
they captured Jerusalem, seized Northern Africa, overran
Spain, besieged Constantinople, invaded France, and even
attacked Rome, there was cause for fear. But as time went
on it became evident that the Arab wave was spent. There
was schism amongst the Moslems, and for a time they ceased
to be dangerous. But the general confidence was destined to
be rudely shaken.
Early in the eleventh century Asia began to pour out new
hordes of invaders. These were the Seljukian Turks, greedy
for spoil. They had accepted Islam, but would fight Moslems
as well as Christians if they barred their way. All through
the eleventh century the Seljuks pressed forward, making
steady progress in Persia, Armenia and Asia Minor. Their i07l.
leader Alp Arslan defeated and captured Romanus IV., the
Byzantine emperor, at the battle of Manzikert. His son,
Malik-shah, pressed forward until the Greek Empire had
practically disappeared from Asia Minor, and the Turkish
banners Haunted almost within sight of Constantinople itself. 1Q74.
In their despair the Greeks appealed to Hildebrand (Gregory
VII.) praying for help from Western Europe. Right gladly
would Hildebrand have acquiesced. He saw that a movement
which would combine the Catholics of Europe under papal
command would add enormously to his prestige. Accordingly
he summoned the Christian potentates to the rescue and him-
self proposed to lead their hosts. But the time had not yet
come. The Christian potentates were too jealous of Hilde-
brand to give him more power. Moreover, when he demanded
from the Greeks as a condition of his aid that they should
456 THE CRUSADES
acknowledge his supremacy over the Greek Church, even they
drew back. They would not have his help at such a price.
Thus the first effort to arouse the crusading spirit failed, and
afterwards Hildebrand found so many troubles of his own that
he had little time to give to those of Byzantium.
In the eleventh century the habit of making pilgrimage to
the Holy Land was well established. Early Christianity had
deprecated the idea that one place was more sacred than an-
other. But when the State took Christianity under its wing
and made it the religion of the rich and powerful, many
things changed. The simplicity of early worship passed
away. Stately churches and ornate ceremonial took its place.
Churches were built in memory of martyrs and were adorned
with paintings and images. In the end of the fourth century
the worship of images in the churches had become common.
The attachment of sanctity to particular places easily followed.
In the fourth century, through the piety of Constantine and
Helena his mother, churches were built on the traditional sites
of our Lord's birth and burial. Efforts were made to iden-
tify spots specially memorable. Pilgrimages were the natural
I'Csult. In Constantine's reign a pilgrim went by land from
Bordeaux to Jerusalem, and left a record of liis journey which
is still extant.
Soon pilgrimage became fashionable. Many things con-
spired to this end. The love of adventure was doubtless a
prime motive with some. In days when there were few books,
and few who could read them, men desiring information must
see the world. Others were doubtless influenced by a single-
minded desire to see the places sanctified by the bodily presence
of their Lord. Some of the early Fathers saw danger in this
desire. Augustine bade Christians remember that Christ was
not to be sought in special places but was everywhere present
by faith. Jerome speaks of the uselessness of pilgrimage, yet
himself dwelt for many years in Bethlehem. Paula, the noble
Roman lady who accompanied him and spent a fortune in his
service, said : " Here are Gauls and Britons, Persians and Ar-
WHAT LED TO THE CRUSADES? 457
menians, Indians and i^thiopians all dwelling- in love and
harmony ". By the end of the foiu'th century the practice of
pilgrima<^e had so increased that alms were collected in the
churches for the relief of poor pilgrims at Jerusalem.
As the centuries passed superstition became rife, and men
believed that miraculous power was associated with relics,
images and sacred places. Pilgrimages were undertaken to
the tombs of the saints in the hope of receiving physical or
spiritual benefit. Enormous profits accrued to the churches
from these beliefs, and they were encouraged by the priest-
hood.
Finally, pilgrimage became associated with the idea of
penance and indulgence. In early times, amongst rough folk,
the infliction of penance for certain offences was perhaps the
best way of enforcing discipline. Though prolific of abuse it
doubtless had at times a wholesome eflect upon rude natures.
Sometimes the penance took the form of fasting or scourging ;
sometimes money payment was enjoined; sometimes a pilgrim-
age to the tomb of a saint ; sometimes a journey to Rome or
Jerusalem. Fulk of Anjou, a specially bad man, went thrice
to Jerusalem for his sins. The father of William the Con-
queror went to Jerusalem on his bare feet. He got there
safely, but on his way home died at Nicaea.
In the latter part of the eleventh century pilgrimages in-
creased. The conversion of Hungary to Christianity made the
overland journey more easy. Some came by sea from the
coast ports of Italy. Amalfi, on the Bay of Naples, did a great
trade in pilgrims, and its fleets were under the special protec-
tion of the caliphs. Amongst the pilgrims the French were
most numerous, and the name of Frank was given by the Sara-
cens to all Western Europeans. Men of every class went on
pilgrimage, rich as well as poor. Resting-places, hospitals and
guest houses were built here and there by benefactors, and the
pilgrim's dress ensured a welcome. Of course pilgrimage was
attended with peril at the best of times. In 1064 the Bishop
of Mainz led 7,000 pilgrims to the Holy Land, and only 2,000
458 THE CEUSADES
returned. The mortality amongst pilorims was caused as much
by hardship and ignorance of travel as by the attacks of
robbers. Many of the pilgrims were physically unfit for the
journey. They were ignorant of the dangers attending
Eastern travel, and fell easy victims to sunstroke, typhoid and
dysentery. But if a man returned safely, he was a hero for
the rest of his life.
In the last quarter of the eleventh century the Seljukian
Turk overran Asia Minor and Palestine. Jerusalem fell, and
the Christians soon felt the difference between the rule of the
Arab and that of the Turk. To the Arab Jerusalem had a
sacredness only second to that of Mecca ; to the Turk nothing
was sacred. Pilgrims were insulted, robbed, murdered. Pil-
grimage, formerly reasonably safe, became well-nigh impossible.
Nor were pilgrims the only sufferers. Pilgrimage had
been a source of profit to traders. Some pilgrims were rich,
and paid large prices for supposed relics and for the wares of
the East. Cities on the route grew rich through catering for
them. The Easter fair at Jerusalem drew immense crowds.
But with the advent of the Seljukian Turk all was changed,
for merchants dared no longer bring their wares to Palestine.
1074. This was the state of affairs when the Byzantine emperor
sought help from Hildebrand. Neither emperor nor pope was
thinking of pilgrims at this time. The emperor dreaded lest
Constantinople should fall ; the pope, though statesman enough
to realise how dangerous the fall of Constantinople might be
to Christendom, thought chiefly of augmenting his prestige by
leading a great popular movement. But the movement was
not popular, the Westerns were not moved by the sorrows of
Byzantium.
1086. Victor III., Hildebrand's immediate successor, also advo-
cated a crusade, and promised remission of sins to all who
took part in it. His advocacy was successful, but in an un-
expected way. The Genoese and Pisans took advantage of
the opportunity, and, aided by the volunteers who were in-
spired by the papal preaching, swept the coast of Africa with
WHAT LED TO THE CRUSADES? 459
their fleets, and brout^ht back much spoil. It was piracy, pure
and simple.
Urban II. now became pope. Pilgrims were returning 1088.
with tales of woe, and their stories spread. They told of peril
encountered, of violence, robbery, and oppression endured,
above all, of holy places deliled. Men became excited, and
talked about putting an end to these things by means of a
united effort. Among those who seriously considered the
question was pope Urban II. He knew that Hildebrand, his
great exemplar, had contemplated a crusade, and he felt safe
in following his example. Moreover, it would improve his
position as head of the Church, and this was more desirable,
seeing that there was an anti-pope, Clement III., a nominee of
the German emperor. Doubtless also Urban II. sympathised
with the pilgrims, and was grieved that the sacred places of
Christianity should be in the hands of the Moslem.
At a Church Council at Piacenza envoys from Alexius I.,
who was now emperor in Byzantium, were present, and the
subject was broached. Little was done then, for Piacenza was
in Italy, and the popes have rarely had much influence in
Italy. The council was adjourned to Clermont, and there
the discussion was resumed. Clermont was in France, and
Urban was French, and could harangue the people with ettect.
After the formal conference he spoke from a platform in the
open air to a vast crowd, among"st whom many had been
doubtless already wrought up by his emissaries. Urban said
little about Alexius or Byzantium, but much about the defile-
ment of Jerusalem. He pleaded for the deliverance of the
sacred places from the Moslem, and declared that all who em-
barked on the enterprise would have their sins forgiven and
be sure of a glorious immortality. Urban was an eloquent
man. He was speaking as a Frenchman to Frenchmen, and
he was at once successful. Men like Father Mathew have
swayed multitudes in similar fashion in modern times. At the
end of the speech crosses of red cloth, already prepared, were
distributed, and thousands sewed them on their garments and
460 THE CEUSADES
pledged themselves to the enterprise, scarcely knowing what
they did.
Urban now sent out missionaries to carry on the work he
had begun. The leading missionary was Peter the Hermit,
a man who has got undue credit for the crusade. He was a
monk of Amiens who had started on a pilgrimage to the Holy
Land, but had turned back, probably because of the tales he
heard concerning the violence done to the pilgrims by the
Seljuk Turks. Peter was used by Urban II., but there is no
proof that he influenced him, or even spoke to him before
the Council of Clermont. But Urban knew that more than
preaching was necessary to set so novel an enterprise on foot.
Those were times when it was not safe for men to travel far
from home. Urban therefore proclaimed the inviolability of
the crusader. Be he rich or poor, the red cross was to be
sufficient guard. The truce of God was extended to three
years, and during that time private war was to cease. The
Church took upon itself the care of the wives and families of
crusaders, and the custody of their estates. The assumption
of the cross freed a man from the oppression of his lord,
opened the prison doors for the malefactor, and placed the
debtor beyond the reach of his creditor. Above all, the
assumption of the cross wiped out guilt, however black that
guilt might be. When to these considerations we add the love
of adventure, the hope of bettering one's fortune, and the
joyful thought that passion for fighting could be indulged in
under sanction of religion, we need not be surprised at the
early popularity of the movement. Doubtless some were im-
pelled by high motives, and went to the Crusades from a sense
of binding duty. But this class of crusader was of little use
in the Orient, and his bones soon whitened the plain.
When once the rage for crusading began many had an
interest in keeping it alive. Kings were not sorry to be rid
of the more turbulent of their subjects. The Church benefited
enormously. The pope as protector of the possessions and
even dominions of crusaders was placed, where Hildebrand had
WHAT LED TO THE CRUSADES? 461
formerly desired to place him, above all European princes.
The preaching of the Crusade was an excuse for sending papal
legates into every land, to stir up the people and raise money
for the cause. The prelates and monastic houses became
guardians or mortgagees of lands belonging to crusaders, and
having got hold did not easily let go. If the crusader did not
return, well and good ; if he did he was often so broken with
fever and hardship that he was thankful to spend the rest of
his days in a monastery and endow it with his estate. The
case was even worse with such as took the cross and afterwards
repented. They were subject to excommunication, and were
not released until they had paid heavy penalties for non-per-
formance. In after years the popes sometimes used the hold
thus obtained over men in high position with cruel effect.
CHAPTER II.
THE FIRST CRUSADE.
The effect of Urban's appeal, followed by the preaching of
Peter the Hermit and the other emissaries, was great ; and
when pardon and protection were offered by the Church to all
crusaders, multitudes volunteered. The wiser of the volunteers
made their preparations with care, and arranged to march
under chosen leaders, August, 1096, being provisionally fixed
as the date for setting forth.
Whilst the wisest crusaders were thus setting deliberately
to work, a horde of men, women and children gathered in the
North of France demanding to be led against the Saracen forth-
with. This early multitude was drawn from the humbler
classes. Some were honest enthusiasts, some of desperate for-
tune, some jail-birds, but all were alike unsuitable for the
enterprise upon which they were so eager to embark.
It must have been with a sinking heart that Peter contem-
plated this first fruit of his efforts, and bitterly must he have
repented the freedom with which he and his companions had
given the cross to all comers. But why, even then, either he
or Urban should have permitted such a rabble to set out at all
is a mystery. They knew to a certain extent at least what a
journey to the Holy Land entailed, and must have realised
that most of the wretches were but courting death. Perhaps
they fancied that after a few days' march the most unsuitable
ones would think better of it and return home, and we must
hope that this was the case to a larger extent than history
records.
The Crusades were prefaced by a bloody persecution of the
Jews. The mob, ever eager for an excuse to plunder this un-
(462)
THE FIKST CRUSADE 463
happy people, 8acked and massacred without mercy in Cologne,
Mainz, Verdun, Treves and other cities. At last the emperor,
Henry IV., interfered, and his influence protected them for a
time.
The first section of mob crusaders was composed of persons 1096,
who came mainly from Northern France and followed Peter
the Hermit across the Rhine. Too impatient to wait for the
German contingent which was gathering, they set out by them-
selves. A Burgundian knight, Walter de Poissi, a man of
soldierly qualities, undertook the leadership, and did his best
to keep his rabble following under control. They started by
way of Hungary and Bulgaria, and kept order for a time.
Whilst their money lasted and they were able to buy pro-
visions all went well, but when the money was exhausted they
began to plunder as if they were in an enemy's country.
Bloody retaliation followed, the host was scattered, and great
numbers were killed. The rest struggled on to Nisch, where
the governor kindly furnished them with guides and food, so
that they were able to reach Byzantium in safety. Their
numbers were enormously reduced, for many had been slain,
and many of the unarmed men and of the women and children
had been seized and sold as slaves to pay for the damage which
the host had done.
Peter the Hermit followed with the German contingent.
He was a less competent leader than Walter de Poissi, and his
followers did much as they pleased. At Nisch the governor
would have repeated his former kindness, but some scoundrels
abused his hospitality and set fire to seven valuable mills on the
river. After this he left his people to deal with them as they
liked, and they took a terrible revenge. The crusaders were
attacked, defeated and scattered with the loss of many lives
and such treasure as they were possessed of. Out of the great
company which had set forth only 7,000 reached Constanti-
nople. The rest had been slain or sold into slavery.
A third horde marched under Gottschalk, a German priest.
They were mostly of the vagabond type and soon gave them-
464 THE CRUSADES
selves up to debauchery. Such was the infamy of their con-
duct that Caloman, the king of Hungary, ordered that they
should be massacred.
A fourth crowd composed of yet more unmitigated ruffians
gathered on the banks of the Rhine and Moselle. They had
warriors amongst them, and were led by Volkman, a priest,
and count Emico, a blackguard. Their behaviour was atroci-
ous, and at Merseburg, in Hungary, the people rose upon them.
Many were slain, many drowned ; the survivors struggled
back to Germany or through Bulgaria to Constantinople.
The sorry remnants of these mobs now gathered into one
company outside Byzantium. The emperor Alexius I. was
amazed at this extraordinary result of his appeal ; neverthe-
less he treated the wretches with hospitality, and advised them
to await the arrival of the regular crusading armies. But
finding that they could not restrain their thieving propensities,
but were actually stripping the lead from the church roofs and
selling it, he deemed it safer that they should cross to Asia.
This accordingly they did, and he supplied them liberally with
food until the regular forces should arrive.
Even in Asia they behaved disgracefully. Peter the Her-
mit, finding that he had no control over them, returned to
Constantinople ; Walter remained in Asia. Kilij Arslan, the
sultan of Roum, now took action. A band of crusaders had
seized a deserted fortress and refortified it. He besieged it,
and in eight days the fortress fell. The sultan then marched
against the town of Civitot, round which the other crusaders
were lying in fancied security. He surprised their camp by
night, and slew thousands, Walter among the rest. The sur-
vivors took refuge in a fort, and held it until imperial troops
came to their relief. Of the hosts that had started from
Europe a few months before, only 3,000 survived. Three
hundred thousand lives had been lost, and nothing achieved.
At length the crusading armies began to move. No
1096. sovereign took part in this crusade, the leaders were princes
of the second rank. As it was felt that the numbers of the
THE FIRST CRUSADE 465
crusaders would be too great to permit of marching in one
body, the host divided into five sections, each under its chosen
leader, who made such arrangements as he best could for safe
passage and provision on the route which he followed.
Godfrey of Bouillon was the most prominent of the leaders.
He was son of that Eustace of Boulogne who had accompanied
William the Conqueror to England, and had with him his
two brothers Baldwin and Eustace. His forces were largely
German.
Raymond of Toulouse, lord of Southern France, had a
great following from Provence. With him was bishop Adhe-
mar of Puy, the papal legate, appointed by the pope spiritual
head of the combined hosts.
Hugh of Vermandois, brother of Philip I., king of France,
led the forces of Northern France. King Philip, who remained
at home, was at present under sentence of excommunication,
Robert of Normandy, son of William the Conqueror, led
another host. With him were Robert of Flanders, Stephen of
Blois, and many Norman nobles. He had mortgaged his
duchy to obtain funds for the venture.
Bohemond of Taranto, who led another host, came, deter-
mined to win a principality for himself. He was son of
Robert Guiscard, the Norman ruler of Naples who had made
war upon Alexius. Alexius regarded him with a suspicious
eye, and not without reason. With Bohemond marched Tan-
cred, his cousin, whose virtues have been exaggerated in
romance.
Count Hugh of Vermandois, the brother of the king of
France, was earliest on the march. He passed through Italy
to Bari, and thence crossed the Adriatic to Durazzo. His
fleet was scattered in a storm, and when he landed he was con-
ducted to Constantinople as a prisoner. Alexius treated him
with courtesy, but held him a hostage for the good behaviour
of the rest of the crusaders. We can hardly blame Alexius,
for his experience of crusaders had been strange enough thus
far, and he knew not what might follow.
VOL. II. 30
466 THE CRUSADES
Godfrey marched safely to the Hungarian frontier. There
he was kept waiting until he had given hostages, after which
he traversed Hungary in peace. Arrived at Philippopolis, he
heard that Hugh of Vermandois was a prisoner, so he sent
en\oys demanding his release. When Alexius demurred, God-
frey began to lay waste the country, but when the emperor
pledged himself to release the count, Godfrey ceased to
plunder, and advanced peaceably to Constantinople.
Bohemond and Tancred crossed the Adriatic to Durazzo,
and thence marched overland to Constantinople.
Raymond of Toulouse chose a rough road, skirting the
Atlantic, over the Dalmatian mountains, to Durazzo. His men
suffered severely on the march, and between Durazzo and
Constantinople were often attacked by the tribes. Raymond
retaliated with the cruelty of a savage, cutting off the noses
and ears of such as he captured,
Robert of Normandy came through Italy. With him were
Robert of Flanders, Stephen of Blois, and Odo of Bayeux.
He left his followers at Bari and went to Sicily for the winter.
Whilst he enjoyed himself there, his men had a bitterly hard
time on the coast. Some returned home in disgust. Robert
of Flanders braved the winter storms and went on. In the
spring Robert crossed to Durazzo with the rest of his army,
1097. and at last reached Constantinople. Odo, his uncle, who ac-
companied him, died at Palermo.
Alexius was greatly alarmed at this influx of warlike men.
He had pleaded for ten thousand men to act under his instruc-
tions. Instead, there had come a multitude who scorned his
authority, rode roughshod over his people, and repaid kind-
ness with insolence. Some, such as Bohemond, he knew to be
sworn enemies, the rest he mistrusted. To protect himself he
demanded an oath of fealty from the leaders, and stipulated
that, in return for shipment across the Bosphorus, and facili-
ties for their journey through Asia Minor, they should restore
to the empire whatever places they might conquer, which had
belonged to it in former times. With places which had never
THE FIKST CRUSADE 467
been the property of the empire they might of course do as
they liked. The crusaders objected to the arrangement, but
they were disunited and mutually jealous, and Alexius got his
way. The leaders were then gratified with rich gifts, and
amity was restored,
Godfrey of Bouillon crossed to Asia in March, and in May
the host assembled on the plains of Nicsea. The numbers can
only be guessed. There may have been half a million all told,
but a large number were non-etfectives, women, children and
priests. Many of the crusaders, ignorant of the conditions of
life in the East, had come with the view of settling, ancJ had
brought their families with them.
Nicaea was the Seljukian capital, and the sultan of Roum
had left a sufficient garrison there and taken to the hills with
the rest of his forces. He attacked the crusaders furiously,
but was repulsed. Siege was then laid to Nicaea, but the city
was defended with stubbornness and for some time the issue
was in doubt. Nicaea could not be entirely surrounded, as it
lay upon a lake across which supplies and reinforcements
could be brought, and the crusaders had no ships. They
appealed to Alexius, and the Byzantines brought boats to
Civitot and dragged them overland to the lake. After this
the fall of the city was only a question of time. Alexius pointed
this out to the citizens, and advised them to yield to his
clemency rather than risk the wrath of the crusaders if they
took the city by storm. They agreed to yield, and the
crusaders were amazed by suddenly seeing the Byzantine
banners upon the battlements. For a time they were en-
raged, thinking that Alexius had robbed them of their prey ;
but the emperor had acted wisely, and he compensated them
for loss of booty by giving to them lavish gifts.
Proceeding southward the crusaders were attacked at Dory-
laeum by the sultan. The battle was fiercely contested, and
ended in his entire discomfiture. He fled to the East to obtain
reinforcements, and meanwhile instructed his remaining forces
to hurry southward and devastate the country through which
468 THE CRUSADES
the crusaders must pass. The crusaders had therefore to
march through desolated regions, and their sufferings were
intense, many thousands dying by the way.
From Cilicia, Baldwin, brother of Godfrey, diverged east-
ward to Edessa, hearing that the country there was rich, and
inhabited by Christians who would be glad of protection. He
was well received by the citizens, and won their hearts by
marrying an Armenian princess. He became king of Edessa,
and this, the first principality founded by the crusaders, lasted
half a century. Though Baldwin may have acted from selfish
motives, Edessa was of high strategic importance, providing a
barrier against the Turkish advance, and thus protecting the
later Latin kingdom of Jerusalem.
Antioch was reached in the autumn and besieged for six
1097. months. At first food and wine were abundant, and there
was great waste ; then winter brought famine and terrible
suflfering. To famine pestilence was added, the heavy rains
turned the camp into a morass and thousands died. Desertion
became frequent. Robert of Normandy went to Laodicea, and
only came back under threats. Peter the Hermit tried to
escape to Europe, but was chased and brought back by Tancred,
and made to swear that he would not again fly.
Whilst the siege of Antioch was in progress, envoys came
from the Fatimite caliph of Egypt, off'ering to co-operate with
the crusaders against the Seljukian Turks, who were then in
possession of Jerusalem, if they would recognise his supremacy
in Palestine. He would guarantee to the Christians full free-
dom of pilgrimage to the holy places. The alternative, he
pointed out, must be war, not only between the crusaders and
the Turks, but between the crusaders and the whole Moslem
world. The caliph was justified in putting the matter in this
way, because until the advent of the Turk, for a period of
several centuries, the relations between the Christians and the
Moslems in Palestine had been on the whole amicable, and
pilgrims had experienced no difficulty in Jerusalem. But to
the crusaders, who had very vague ideas of the historical
THE FIEST CEUSADE 469
aspect of the question, one Moslem was the same as another,
and they declared that they would rather fight the whole
Moslem world than leave a stone of Jerusalem in Moslem
hands. These were brave words, but their folly is evidenced
from the fact that with the exception of one brief space
Jerusalem has been in Moslem hands from that day to this.
When the leaders had almost despaired of capturin<j^
Antioch, Bohemond offered to show them how the city might
be taken, if they would promise him the sovereignty. They
agreed, and he then explained that he was in correspondence
with a Moslem captain, who was willing to admit them at his
tower. Accordingly a night was fixed for the surrender, and
the wall was surmounted by a scaling ladder. Gates were
then opened, and the army rushed in. An indiscriminate
massacre ensued.
Affairs now took a strange turn. The city was won, but
the citadel was still in Moslem hands, and whilst the crusaders
were fighting for its possession an immense Turkish army
suddenly came upon the scene. It was led by Kerbogha,
sultan of Mosul, who had gathered a huge host for the relief
of his co-religionists. The besiegers were now themselves
I^esieged, assailed by foes, both within and without. When
matters had gone on for a month like this, and the condition
of the crusaders seemed desperate, their courage was revived
by a trick. Peter Bartholomew, a priest of Marseilles, declared
that in a vision St. Andrew had revealed to him the place
where lay hidden the very spear which had pierced the side
of our Lord ; and had assured him that if this weapon were
found and carried before the host it would bring victory.
After fasting and prayer, twelve men proceeded to dig at the
spot indicated. When midnight came,, and still no spear had
been found, Peter Bartholomew suddenly sprang into the ex-
cavation, and with a shout of triumph held up the head of a
lance wrapped in cloth. The news spread, the drooping spirits
of the soldiers revived, and inspired with fresh zeal they
issued from the city and rushed upon the foe. A tremendous
470 THE CEUSADES
battle was fought, but the crusaders, nerved with the courage
of despair, won the day. Sad to relate, some months after
this the good faith of Peter Bartholomew was impugned, and
he was allowed to subject himself to a fiery ordeal. He
emerged alive from the flames, but died of his wounds. That
he performed a trick is certain, but it was an innocent trick,
which had saved the army, and he deserved a better fate.
Whilst the fall of Antioch was yet in suspense, many even
amongst the nobles had deserted and set out for home. On
their way across Asia Minor they met Alexius marching with
an army to the crusaders' relief. Some of the crusaders,
amongst whom was Stephen count of Blois and Chartres, son-
in-law of William the Conqueror, gave Alexius such a doleful
account of things that he took fright and returned to Constan-
tinople. When the crusaders heard what had happened they
were justly furious, and after their victory they sent Hugh
of Vermandois as an envoy to Alexius to say that unless he
brought forces to their aid, and led their army to Jerusalem him-
self, they would retract their promises of allegiance. Alexius
did not come. He dared not leave Constantinople at so critical
a time, and he knew that even if he joined the ranks of the
crusaders they would not obey him. Hugh of Vermandois
did not trouble to return with Alexius' message of regret, but
hied homeward. As for Stephen, he also went home, but was
so coolly received by his wife that he preferred to set out again
for the Holy Land, and this time he did not return.
Had the crusaders marched at once upon Jerusalem they
might have captured the city with little loss. But the march
was postponed for ten months. During that time the cru-
sading chiefs wandered over Syria, capturing cities for them-
selves. Much time was lost and little advantage gained. On
the contrary, the enemy were enabled to garrison and revic-
tual Jerusalem, and strengthen its fortifications. Worse still
they destroyed the wells and water-tanks in the neighbourhood.
During the delay at Antioch a plague visited the camp,
and thousands perished. Amongst these was Adhemar, the
THE FIEST CRUSADE 471
papal legate. The news of the fall of Antioch brought fresh
crusaders from Europe, amongst them being Edgar Atheling,
the young Saxon prince who had a claim to the English crown.
At last the crusaders left Antioch. So greatly had the 1098.
effective strength of the army been reduced by death and
desertion, that only about 50,000 men set out for Jerusalem.
The march southward was easy enough. The troops kept to
the coast, and were furnished with provisions by a Genoese
and Pisan fleet. But time was wasted attacking minor cities
on the way, and there was much quarrelling. When the army
was before Arkas, ambassadors again came from the caliph of
Egypt, proposing a treaty. Jerusalem had now fallen into
his hands, the Seljukian Turks having been expelled that very
summer, and he was able to guarantee all that he had offered.
He was prepared to give full freedom to pilgrims, and would
bestow splendid gifts upon the crusading chiefs. His overtures
were again rejected.
At last, about midsummer, the crusaders reached Jerusalem. 1099,
The city had been garrisoned by the caliph with 40,000 men,
mostly Egyptians. Perceiving that their forces were not
sufficiently great to enable them to encompass the city, the
crusaders tried an assault. It was repelled with loss, and they
then began a regular siege. But the army suffered so terribly
from want of water that they had at length to try a second
assault. This time they made careful preparation. Battering-
rams, siege towers and engines were constructed, and when all
was ready and the soldiers had been inspired by a religious
procession, the assault began. On the first day it failed. But
breaches had been made, and next day the assault was renewed
with redoubled fury. At last the city was won. The slaughter
that ensued was terrific. Neither age nor sex was spared.
The mere description harrows the soul.
" If you desire to know," wrote Godfrey to the pope,
" what was done with the enemy, know that in Solomon's
porch and temple our men rode in the blood of the Saracen to
the knees of their horses."
472 THE CRUSADES
Another says : " When our men had taken the city there
were things wondrous to be seen. For some of the enemy
were reft of their heads ; others riddled through with arrows
were forced to leap down from the towers ; others, after long
torture, were burned in the flames. In all the streets and
squares were piles of heads and hands and feet."
A third eye-witness says : " The dead were heaped up in
mountains to be destroyed by fire. Such a slaughter of pagan
folk had never been seen or heard of ; none knows their
number save God alone."
When the crusaders were weary with slaughter they went to
the Holy Sepulchre and bewailed their sins. A day or two later,
like giants refreshed, they returned to the work and deliberately
massacred a great number who had been spared, men, women,
and babes at the breast. They evidently looked upon this
second massacre as a sacrifice specially well pleasing unto God.
We cannot attempt to fathom the mental and spiritual con-
dition of men who fancied they were serving God whilst doing
such devilish work. But the case seems more deplorable when we
remember that it was not the Seljukian Turks who were thus
treated, but Moslems who had lived on friendly terms with the
Christians for centuries, whose caliph had twice offered to the
crusaders all the privileges they had formerly enjoyed, and
which his enemies and theirs had taken away.
Jerusalem was now won, and a governor had to be ap-
pointed. For this post there was no very keen competition.
Bohemond had received Antioch, Baldwin had Edessa, Stephen
of Blois and Hugh of Vermandois were in Europe. Robert of
Normandy was anxious to return. Raymond and Godfrey
remained. But Raymond was unpopular and had to content
himself with Laodicea. Godfrey was chosen for Jerusalem,
and a better choice could not have been made. With a
modesty which did him credit, Godfrey refused the title of
king, accepting that of Defender and Baron of the Holy
Sepulchre. With Godfrey remained Tancred with 300 knights
and 2,000 foot soldiers,
THE FIEST CEUSADE 473
Scarcely was Godfrey appointed when news reached Jeru-
salem that an Egyptian army was gathering at Ascalon. For-
tunately the crusaders had not yet scattered, so they were able
to march in strength against the enemy. The Egyptians, taken
completely by surprise, were utterly overthrown, " cut down
as men fell beasts at the shambles ".
After these events the crusaders turned their faces home-
ward. Partly from fear of their prowess, partly from thank-
fulness at their departure, the peoples through whose lands
they passed, facilitated their progress in every way. Most
of them reached home safely, and were heroes for the rest of
their days. Urban was already dead. Peter the Hermit re-
tired to a monastery and appears in history no more. Thus
did the curtain fall upon the first act of the strange tragedy.
CHAPTER III.
THE SECOND CRUSADE.
1099. Palestine had been rescued from the Moslem, and Jerusalem
was the seat of a Latin monarchy. The triumph of the cru-
saders seemed complete. Godfrey appointed a commission to
prepare a code of laws for his kingdom. He did not live to
see the code in operation. It was not finally settled until the
reiffn of Fulk. It was known as the " assize of Jerusalem," and
formed an interesting synopsis of the feudal customs of Europe
as they then existed. The code had little practical bearing
upon government in Palestine. Some centuries later the code,
in an altered form, became law in the Latin kingdom of Cyprus.
The news that Jerusalem was in Christian hands caused
much excitement in Europe. Some who had gone to the
crusade and returned ignominiously determined to go back
and recover by fresh effort the laurels they had lost, others
who had not gone at all went now.
Three huge hosts set forth. Profiting little by the experi-
ence of their predecessors, they marched as if on a pleasure
excursion, men and women of every rank. They got to Asia
with some degree of comfort, but after that their experiences
were terrible. The scorching sun, the scarcity of water, the
incessant attacks of the enemy, made their journey one pitiable
record of misery and death. A few leaders and a handful of
men struggled through, the rest perished. Hundreds of ladies,
many of noble birth, had accompanied the expeditions, antici-
pating a triumphal march from Constantinople to Jerusalem.
Such as did not die on the way were reserved for the slave
market and the harem. Hundreds of thousands of lives were
sacrificed in these meaningless expeditions.
(474)
THE SECOND CRUSADE 475
One striking result of the crusades was the establishment
of three semi-reliirioua, semi-military orders, the Hospitallers
or Knights of St. John, the Knights Templar, and the Teutonic
Knights.
The Hospitallers or Knights of St. John were founded
before the Crusades. Early in the eleventh century, in the 1023.
days when pilgrims were protected by the Moslem rulers, the
caliphs allowed the merchants of the Italian seaport of Amalfi,
who were financially interested in the shipment of pilgrims,
to establish a hospice at Jerusalem for poor and sick Latin
pilgrims. The Amalfi merchants secured a site near the Holy
Sepulchre and built a commodious hospice. The actual patron
of the order was not St. John the Baptist, but St. John
Eleemon (the compassionate), patriarch of Alexandria, but as
this saint was little known the more familiar one became
gradually recognised as patron.
When Jerusalem was captured there were many wounded, 1099.
and the Hospitallers showed them much kindness. When,
therefore, Godfrey de Bouillon was elected governor he re-
warded them with the revenues of his estates in Brabant.
Other princes followed Godfrey's example, and the Hospitallers
became rich. In 1113 their order was formally sanctioned by
the pope, and in 1118, following the example of the Knights
Templar, a younger and rival society, they enlarged the scope
of their order so as to include military duties.
The Knights Templar were established a century later than 1114.
the Hospitallers. Hugh de Payne, a Burgundian knight, who
had himself made the journey to Jerusalem, and witnessed the
way pilgrims were maltreated, associated himself with eight
like-minded knights and formed a society to protect them.
King Baldwin II. gave them quarters on Mount Moriah, near
the site of the Temple, and the Mosque of Omar was for a time
the Church of the order. They were formally approved by
the pope in 1128, and were, like the Knights of St. John,
gradually endowed by their admirers until they became rich.
The Hospitallers and Templars established houses in im-
476 THE CRUSADES
portant centres which served as homes for their aged and
infirm knights, and as recruiting stations for young knights.
Through them there came a constant supply of warriors for the
East.
1128. A third order, the Teutonic Knights of St. Mary's Hos-
pital at Jerusalem, was founded in 1128, its members at first
adhering strictly to religious and charitable work. After-
1190. wards, during the siege of Acre, the order took the sick and
wounded under their care, sheltering them in tents made out
of the sails of the vessels. Thus they gained high patronage
and were greatly esteemed. At a later period when the
emperor Frederick came to Palestine under excommunication
and the other orders held aloof, the Teutonic Knights stood
by him faithfully.
The Knights of St. John wore a black mantle, and upon the
breast an eight-pointed white cross ; the Knights Templar wore
a white mantle and had a plain red cross on the left breast ;
the Teutonic Knights had a black cross on a white mantle.
The military orders were useful to the Latin kingdom
whilst it lasted. They became very wealthy. The Templars
possessed 7,000 European manors. The Knights of St. John
were also rich. Wealth brought abuses on both orders. The
members became avaricious and arrogant, and fought amongst
themselves. The pope had freed the Templars in Europe from
other jurisdiction than that of their grand master and himself.
Thus they became a danger to the states where they were
established ; their power excited fear, their wealth cupidity.
The loss of Jerusalem in 1187 deprived both Hospitallers
and Templars of their head-quarters. They established them-
selves at Acre, and remained there until 1291, when that city
also fell. The Templars then removed their head-quarters to
Cyprus, where they could do little. In 1310 Philip IV. and
pope Clement V, suppressed the order in France. The sup-
pression was justified, but not the cruelty by which it was
accompanied. The members of the order were tried, some-
times on baseless charges ; some were tortured, some even
THE SECOND CRUSADE 477
burned. Others were exiled, and the property of all was
confiscated. In England the order was suppressed by Edward
II., but without the cruelties practised in France. The Knights
were allowed to enter monasteries. The landed possessions of
the Templars were given to the Knights of St. John.
The Hospitallers went to Rhodes when Acre fell, and did
good service by holding that island against the Ottoman Turks.
When the island was conquered in 1522 they established a
new home in Malta. They managed to avoid the jealousy of
monarchs, and thus to escape extinction. They have long
ceased to be a military bodj^-, but as a charitable institution
still exist. One of their establishments is in Clerkenwell,
London.
After the fall of the Latin kingdom in Palestine the Teu-
tonic knights were transferred to the shores of the Baltic, and
entered on a career of conquest there. They carried on a work
of conversion and subjugation amongst the heathen of Lithu-
ania and Prussia, and, holding fast to the lands which they
subjugated, their grand master became the sovereign of the
State which has grown into the modern kingdom of Prussia.
Godfrey de Bouillon reigned as Baron of the Holy Sepulchre
for but one year. Though in the heat of warfare he had
shown himself capable of much cruelty, he ruled with fairness
and wisdom, and died lamented. He was buried in the church
of the Holy Sepulchre, where his tomb is still to be seen.
Godfrey was succeeded by Baldwin L, his brother, who
had been ruling at Edessa. Hearing that Godfrey was dead,
Baldwin transferred the principality of Edessa to his cousin
and namesake, Baldwin du Bourg, and hastened to Jerusalem,
On his way he was attacked by the emirs of Damascus and
Emesa, and defeated them.
Baldwin's election was opposed by Dagobert, the papal
legate, who coveted the position for himself, but Baldwin's
promptitude made Dagobert's candidature impossible, and he
unwillingly acquiesced in the appointment.
After his coronation Baldwin captured Arsuf and Caesarea.
478 THE CEUSADES
Next year, when at Jaffa, he heard that an Egyptian army
1102. was at Ramleh. He had with him at the time but 200 knights,
but lie at once left Jaffa and fell upon the enemy. For the
moment they fell back, but, the smallness of his force becoming
at last apparent, they rallied, and his followers were slain
almost to a man. Amongst them fell Stephen of Blois and
many brave knights. Baldwin escaped.
After the defeat of the Christians at Ramleh, Jaffa, the port
of Jerusalem, was assailed by the Egyptians, Baldwin, seeing
that it was in great danger, embarked upon the ship of Godric,
an English pirate, and broke through the Egyptian cordon
into the harbour. His arrival encouraged the citizens, and
they were able to hold the city until reinforcements arrived.
King Baldwin had many financial difficulties, and was not
particular as to how he raised revenue. Tribute from uncon-
quered towns was legitimate ; promiscuous plunder and the rob-
bing of caravans was less so. He married a rich wife, Adela,
widow of Roger, count of Sicily. She arrived in a ship rich
with gold and gems, and brought 1,000 warriors in her train,
but, after three years' experience of life in Palestine, she re-
turned home.
In his last years Baldwin I. invaded Egypt, and got within
three days' journey of Cairo. But he fell sick and had to
retreat to El Arish, a city on the frontier. There he died,
and his body was buried in the Holy Sepulchre near that of
Godfrey his brother,
1118. The year that saw the death of Baldwin, king of Jerusa-
lem, saw the death of Alexius, the Byzantine emperor. This
monarch has been attacked unsparingly by historians, and to
his perfidy most of the disasters of the early crusaders have
been attributed. There is little need to seek any such ex-
planation. For the most part the crusaders showed a lack of
wisdom and an inability to profit by experience which suffi-
ciently accounts for all the disasters they experienced.
It is usual for nations to believe others less honest than
themselves. Amongst the Romans Punic treachery was pro-
THE SECOND CEUSADE 479
verbial ; amongst the crusaders Greek perfidy passed into a
proverb : and to-day the Oriental is believed by the Western
to be the most treacherous of men. Yet the Carthaginians
were as honourable as the Romans ; the Greeks were no worse
than the crusaders ; and the Oriental is to those who win his
confidence the most faithful of friends. Mutual suspicion is
generally the result of mutual misunderstanding. The differ-
ence between men is largely a question of environment, at
heart they are much the same.
Alexius had a most difficult part to play. As Gibbon well
puts it, he was like a Bengal shepherd " ruined by the accom-
plishment of his own wishes ; he had prayed for water : the
Ganges was turned into his grounds, and his flock and cottage
were swept away by the inundation. ... I cannot believe that
Alexius maliciously conspired against the life or honour of the
French heroes. The promiscuous multitudes of Peter the
Hermit were savage beasts, alike destitute of humanity and
reason ; nor was it possible for Alexius to prevent or deplore
their destruction. The troops of Godfrey were less contempt-
ible, but not less suspicious to the Greek emperor . . . Jeru-
salem might be forgotten in the prospect of Constantinople "
(Roman Empire, chap. Iviii.).
That the fears of Alexius were not groundless, subsequent
history proved, for, in the long run, the crusaders destroyed
the Byzantine empire. For the moment, however, after the
first crusade, the empire seemed to have profited. The Sel-
jukian Turks had been driven from Bithynia ; and the sultan
of Roum had to withdraw his capital from Nicaea to Iconium.
Most of the leaders of the first crusade had now passed
away. Godfrey died at Jerusalem, 1100 ; Hugh of Verman-
dois at Tarsus, 1101 ; Stephen of Blois at Ramleh, 1102 ; Ray-
mond of Toulouse at Tripoli, 1105 ; Bohemond, captured by
the Turks in a petty expedition, 1103, was imprisoned for two
years, during which Tancred ruled at Antioch in his stead.
When Bohemond was released he fell to war with Alexius, who
attacked Antioch, and reduced him to great extremities.
480 THE CEUSADES
Bohemond determined to obtain help from the West, and
realising that his own presence was necessary in order to
obtain adequate assistance, he left Tancred to govern Antioch,
spread abroad a rumour of his death, and escaped from the
city in a coffin. He reached Italy in safety, and thence passed
to France, where he was well received by king Philip I. whose
daughter he married. He then declared a crusade against the
Greeks, crossed the Adriatic with 5,000 horse and 40,000 foot,
and besieged Durazzo. The army was one of adventurers
similar to that with which William the Conqueror had subdued
England. But Bohemond could not fight a decisive battle at
once as William had done, he had to sit down and besiege
Durazzo. Soon he got into such difficulties that he had no
alternative but to make peace with Alexius, declare himself
his liegeman, and engage to hold Antioch as a fief of the
Byzantine empire. He was greatly disappointed, and was
perhaps planning revenge when he died in 1109. Tancred
continued to rule in Antioch as regent but died in 1112.
Robert of Normandy reached home just too late to secure
the succession to England on the death of his brother William
1101. Rufus. He invaded England claiming the crown, but the
English supported his brother Henry and he had to content
himself with Normandy. Quarrels broke out between the
brothers and war ensued. Robert was defeated at Tenchebrai,
taken prisoner, and sent to Cardiff Castle where he died, 1135.
Robert of Flanders survived the crusade eleven years, and
was killed by a fall from his horse.
1118. When Baldwin I. was dying at El Arish he nominated
Baldwin du Bourg, his cousin, who had succeeded him at
Edessa, as his successor in Jerusalem, and he was elected.
Baldwin II. was a man advanced in years, cautious and
capable. Whilst endeavouring to relieve count Joscelyn, now
count of Edessa, Baldwin II. was himself captured and con-
fined at Khartpert. In his absence Eustace Grenier was
regent.
Up to this time the Venetians had held aloof from the
THE SECOND CEUSADE 481
Crusades, thoii<;h the Genoese and Pisans had often helped the
crusaders. The Venetians now determined to share in the
plunder, and offered to assist in the conquest of Tyre on con-
dition of obtaining one-third of the conquest. The city was
accordingly besieged and fell in six months, the Venetian fleet
playing an important part.
A mouth later King Baldwin 11. was released. He reigned 1124.
for seven years longer and then died. He was the last of the
great heroes of the first crusade who had remained in Palestine.
Fulk of Anjou, great-grandson of the Fulk already men- ii3i.
tioned who made three pilgrimages to Jerusalem for his sins,
and son-in-law of Baldwin II., now ascended the throne. He
reigned successfully for twelve years, and died from the effects
of a hunting accident. He also was buried in the Church of
the Holy Sepulchre.
Fulk left two sons, Baldwin, aged thirteen, and Amalric, 1143.
aged seven. Baldwin III. succeeded to his father, Melisend,
the queen, being regent.
A change was now coming over the Moslem world. For a
time despair had seized upon the Mohammedans. " The
Franks," says one of their writers, " were spread far and
wide ; their troops were numerous and their hands extended
as if to seize all Islam." The Frankish possessions stretched
from Egypt to the Euphrates, and the few cities that remained
unconquered paid tribute.
But now a Moslem conqueror arose, Zenghi, the ruler of
Mosul, an important city on the Tigris. Zenghi's first con-
quests were made at the expense of his Moslem rivals who
dwelt between the Tigris and the Euphrates. But when he
had conquered these he still pressed westward. Aleppo yielded
to him, then Hamah, teth Moslem cities.
Zenghi first crossed swords with the Franks by attacking iiso.
Athareb, a frontier fortress. For some years afterwards he
was engaged in civil war, but from this he emerged stronger
than ever. His chief opponent amongst the Franks had been
Joscelin, count of Edessa, to whom Baldwin du Bourg had
VOL. II. 31
482 THE CEUSADES
resigned his principality when he became king of Jerusalem.
But the old, warlike count died, and was succeeded by his son
Joscelin II., a brave but careless man, " who lost the realm his
father had ruled so well ".
1144. Zenghi besieged Edessa and captured it in a month. Ar-
menian citizens were spared, the Franks were slain without
mercy. Two years later Zenghi was assassinated. Hoping to
profit by his death, Joscelin II. tried to recover Edessa and
made a night attack upon the city. He captured the city but
not the citadel, and when Noureddin, the son of Zenghi, came
with a relieving army, the Franks were caught between the
two armies and cut to pieces. Joscelin himself escaped.
The intelligence of the fall of Edessa created alarm through-
out Europe. It was the first great Christian reverse since the
capture of Jerusalem, and it inspired the princes of Europe to
undertake a second crusade. Half a century had elapsed since
the first ; its disasters had been forgotten ; its successes only
were remembered. Eugenius III., the pope at this time, sent
letters to Louis VII. of France and to his chief nobles, and
delegated Bernard of Clairvaux to arouse Europe. Bernard
was about fifty-four years of age, and had a European fame
for sanctity and learning. He was highly intellectual and
eloquent. His influence enrolled the two chief crowned heads
of Europe in the enterprise, and made the crusade at once
popular.
Bernard's first convert was Louis VII. Him he found
eager for the enterprise. He had quarrelled with Innocent II.,
the former pope, and been excommunicated. This had led to
war with the count of Champagne, and in the course of the
war at Vitry 1,300 subjects of the count were burned alive in
a church where they had taken refuge. Louis was so shocked
by the calamity or sacrilege that he made peace with both
count and pope, and determined to quiet his accusing con-
science by a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. When therefore intelli-
gence reached Europe that Edessa had fallen, and that the
Christians were being driven from their dominions, it was a
THE SECOND CRUSADE 483
trumpet call to Louis, and when Eugenius III. exhorted him
to take up arms he consented without demur.
At a council held at Vezelay the French king appeared, 1146.
wearing the royal robes, side by side with Bernard, and when
the monk, after an impassioned harangue, appealed for crusa-
ders, Louis was the first to volunteer. Eleanor, his wife, fol-
lowed, and the nobles and greater portion of the assembly took
the cross.
Bernard next passed into Germany. There he had more
difficulty, for Conrad III., the emperor, thought he had
troubles enough at home without going abroad to seek them.
At length, however, Bernard's eloquence prevailed, Conrad
gave way, and many distinguished princes with him joined
the enterprise.
When the preparations were complete, two great armies,
the one under the command of Louis VII. the other under
Conrad III., set out. The gross numbers were enormous, but
as on former occasions there were many encumbrances, ladies
of the court, soldiers' wives and children.
Conrad was first on the march. He and Manuel, the 11-17.
Byzantine emperor, had married sisters, but were not on
friendly terms, and Manuel viewed the whole enterprise with
disfavour. The crusaders marched through Hungary to the
Eastern Empire. Everywhere they were met by black looks.
The gates of cities were closed against them, and such food as
was supplied was let down in baskets from the walls. Nor
was the suspicion unreasonable, for though many of the
crusaders were honest men, they were accompanied by a great
number of thieves and desperate characters. Troops had to
march parallel with them to restrain their lawlessness.
At last the host reached Byzantium. Conrad did not see
Manuel, but came to some agreement, guides were provided,
and they crossed the Bosphorus.
It was summer when the tableland of Asia Minor was
reached. The crasaders found neither food nor water, and
men and horses fell in crowds. Thus enfeebled they were
484 THE CEUSADES
attacked incessantly by the Turks, and proved an easy prey.
At last they had no alternative but to retrace their steps, but
only one-tenth of the original host reached the shelter of Nicsea.
Louis set forth somewhat later at the head of a noble
liost : 100,000 barons, knights, and fighting-men, besides a vast
number of non-combatants. Starting from Metz, he ci'ossed
the Rhine at Worms, the Danube at Ratisbon, traversed Hun-
gary, and entered the Eastern Empire. Here they met with
many difficulties, and so exasperated were they when they
reached Constantinople that some even proposed to besiege it.
But Louis refused to agree, and made friends with Manuel.
When they had crossed the Bosphorus and reached Nicaea,
the French were joined by the miserable remnant of the
German expedition. The armies combined, and hoping that
he might thus escape Conrad's fate, Louis adopted a different
route. He marched by the coast, by way of Ephesus and then
inland up the Meander Valley. Up to a certain point all was
well, but when they entered Turkish territory the usual
misery began. Not far from Laodicea they were attacked,
and heavily defeated, losing their baggage, and many lives.
After much suffering the remnant of the expedition reached
1148. the seaport of Attalia in Pamphylia. Here Louis, with his
queen and barons, embarked for Syria, leaving 7,000 men
to get to Antioch as they best might. Louis landed safely
at the mouth of the Orontes, the unfortunates who had
been left chose between death, Islam, or slavery. Three
thousand of them preferred Islam.
After resting in Antioch, Louis went to Jerusalem. There
he met Conrad, who had come round from Constantinople to
Acre by sea. A council was held with Baldwin III., the
recovery of Edessa was postponed, and it was determined to
besiege Damascus. The siege ended in a fiasco. Conrad re-
turned to Germany in disgust. Louis remained a year longer,
hoping to win laurels of some sort, and then went home. He
reached Provence with 300 knights, the wreck of the mighty
1149. force with which he had set out two years before.
THE SECOND CKUSADE 485
The disastrous issue of the crusade was a heavy blow to
Europe. The reputation of Bernard of Clairvaux suffered
greatly, for he had predicted its success with confidence. He
now attributed its failure to the vices of its leaders. This
was at any rate as good a reason as the perfidy of the Greeks.
Bernard lived four years longer, but refrained fi-om again
arousing warlike passion amongst the people.
The first crusade had produced much misery, but some
fruit. The second did nothing but mischief. The Latins in
Palestine gained nothing by it, the Moslems learned how little
they had to fear from Western Europe. And in France and
Germany myriads of homes lay desolate.
CHAPTER IV.
THE THIRD CRUSADE.
We have seen how the rise of Zenghi led to the fall of Edessa,
and the fall of Edessa to the second crusade. In this crusade
two great armies, the one German, the other French, were
annihilated, and their leaders, Conrad and Louis, returned to
their dominions deeply humiliated. Joscelin II., count of
Edessa, made another effort to recover his patrimony, but was
1149. defeated, captured, blinded and imprisoned. He died in prison.
The territory he had governed fell into the hands of Noureddin,
son of Zenghi, who crowned his father's work by the conquest
of Damascus.
The years that followed abounded in war and foray ; the
Moslems increasing in strength, the Latins decreasing. Bald-
win III., king of Jerusalem, did his best, but made little
headway, for he had in Noureddin a foeman worthy of his
1159. steel. Baldwin married Theodora, niece of Manuel, the Greek
emperor, and hoped to have his help against his enemies.
The emperor appeared in Syria with a great army, but, ap-
peased by Saracen diplomacy, and alarmed by rumours of in-
surrection at home, he returned, having accomplished little.
Baldwin died some years later, and was succeeded by his
brother Amalric.
1163. The reign of Amalric brings us into touch with Egypt.
Noureddin, sultan of Aleppo, was able to dominate Northern
Palestine, but Southern Palestine could best be dominated from
the Egyptian side. There were at this time two caliphs in the
East, one at Bagdad, one at Cairo. The caliph at Cairo was
a weak man, the creature of his chief officers, of whom two
fought for supremacy. One of these sought the aid of Amalric,
(486)
THE THIRD CRUSADE 487
the Frank king of Jerusalem ; the other the aid of Nom-eddin.
Noureddin saw that, if he could gain Egypt, and thus dominate
the Latin kingdom both from the north and the south, it must
soon fall. He therefore seized the opportunity thus afforded,
and sent as his general Shirkuh, the uncle of Saladin. Amalric
saw the danger that threatened him, and he also took action,
determined either to control Egypt or have it for himself. He
sent an army, and had success, capturing Pelusium and Alex-
andria, and penetrating even to Cairo. He then returned to
Palestine in triumph.
Amalric had married Maria, a grandniece of the emperor
Manuel, and the emperor impressed upon him the weakness of
Egypt, and showed him how easily it might be conquered.
Accordingly Amalric again invaded the countr}'' and captured
Pelusium. But when he advanced on Cairo he found himself
outflanked by Shirkuh, and had to retreat. Aided by a Greek
fleet, he then besieged Damietta, but had to retire foiled. His
withdrawal settled the fate of Egypt, which now turned en-
tirely from the Franks to the Moslems. Shirkuh died, but
was succeeded by Saladin, his nephew, a man of rare merit.
Recognising Saladin's ability, Noureddin deposed the caliph
of Egypt, thus ending a Fatimite dynasty which had ruled in
Egypt for two centuries, and made Saladin governor. Saladin
was not only able but popular, and Noureddin soon saw that
he was more likely to be a rival than a lieutenant. Accord-
ingly he determined to invade Egypt, and take the government
into his own hands, but whilst he was contemplating these
things he died.
Noureddin's heir was but eleven years of age, so Saladin 1174.
seized the supreme power, and proclaimed himself sultan both
at Cairo and at Damascus, He was now in the position to
which Noureddin had aspired, and had the Latin kingdom at
his mercy.
Two months after the death of Noureddin Amalric also
died, and was succeeded by his son, Baldwin IV., a lad of
thirteen, and a leper. Raymond, count of Tripoli, great-
488 THE CEUSADES
grandson of that Raymond of Toulouse who had been a leader
in the first crusade, became regent for Baldwin IV. He did
what he could, but the Franks were now overmatched by
Saladin, whose forces swept the country.
1185. Baldwin IV. died at the age of twenty-three, and was suc-
ceeded by Baldwin V., another child, son of Sibylla his sister
by her first husband, the marquis of Montferrat. Raymond
continued to act as regent, and wisely made a four years' truce
with Saladin. But the Franks were disunited, and, on the
1186. death of the child king, Raymond was thrust aside, and Guy
of Lusignan, Sibylla's second husband, was crowned. Most of
the barons accepted Guy's kingship as an accomplished fact,
but some remained implacable, among whom was Raymond.
About this time Reginald of Chritillon broke the truce
which had been made with Saladin, plundering Saracen cara-
vans, and even threatening to attack Arabia. Infuriated by
the breach of faith, Saladin gathered forces from every side
and proclaimed a holy war.
1187. Saladin's first engagement was with the Hospitallers and
Templars. Led by their grand-masters, they opposed him at
Nazareth, but were overthrown. A general muster of the
Franks was ordered by Guy, and 50,000 assembled, Rajanond,
count of Tiberias, being among the number. Intelligence
reached the host that Saladin was besieging Tiberias, and some
advised Guy to march to its relief. Raymond, who was the
one chiefly interested, advised the king not to attempt to re-
lieve the city, nor to meet Saladin's huge forces in the field at
all, but to retreat and let him weary his men and spend his
strength in sieges. The advice was good, but Guy, believing
Raymond to be his enemy, would not be persuaded, and gave
the order to advance. The result was fatal. At Hattin, near
Tiberias, the crusading army was encircled by the Moslems.
A battle was fought, long and fierce, but in the end the Franks
were routed, and most of their leaders were either captured or
slain. King Guy was among the captives, also Reginald the
truce-breaker. Guy was treated with consideration ; Reginald
THE THIED CRUSADE 489
was slain. Many Hospitallers and Templars were executed
by Saladin for having broken truce.
The Franks had now no army in the field, and Saladin was
everywhere triumphant. Acre, Jericho, Ramleh, Arsuf, Jatia,
Beyrout and Ascalon fell in succession. Tripoli and Tyre were
as yet unconquered, the latter being saved by the heroism of
Conrad of Montferrat, the brother of the first husband of
queen Sibylla.
On 18th September Jerusalem was invested, and on 1187.
2nd October it capitulated. Saladin laid aside all revengeful
thoughts, and treated the inhabitants with a magnanimity to
which the Frankish records afford few parallels. The Mosque
of Omar was cleansed, and again prayers to Allah went up
from Mount Moriah in Moslem fashion.
The fall of the Holy City made a great sensation in Europe.
It is said to have killed Urban III., but he was dead before the
intelligence could have reached him. The pride of the Western
princes was touched, and all were stirred up to avenge so great
a disaster. It seemed intolerable that a Saracen chief should
thus defy Christendom. Frederic I., emperor of Germany,
Henry II. of England, Philip II. of France, Richard of Nor- 11S8.
mandy, the duke of Burgundy, the count of Champagne and
many others assumed the cross.
Two years' delay was given for preparation for the crusade,
and a tax, known as the Saladin tithe, was imposed in Eng-
land and perhaps in France, on all who did not take a personal
share in the expedition. The tax was levied on laity and
clergy alike and continued to be levied long after Saladin's
death.
Frederick I., called Barbarossa because of his red beard,
was the first of the crusaders to move. He was a powerful
king, an astute statesman, and an experienced general.
Though sixty-seven years of age he threw himself into the
enterprise with ardour. He raised a splendid army, and,
determined to avoid the difficulties of former leaders, forbade
^vomen to accompany the expedition, or pilgrims who had not
490 THE CRUSADES
enough money to maintain themselves. Whilst preparing he
sent in knightly fashion a letter to Saladin and received a
courteous reply. In his answer Saladin said : " If you wish
for war we will meet you in the power of the Lord ; but if you
wish for peace we will restore to you the Holy Cross, liberate
all Christian captives, permit pilgrims to come freely and do them
good ". Thus Saladin offered freely all that the Christians had
formerly enjoyed and aU they could hope permanently to enjoy.
But the Western princes were too fond of fighting to receive
as a gift that which they might obtain at the point of the
sword.
1189. Frederick set out from Ratisbon, passed through Hungary,
and reached the Eastern Empire. There, as usual, obstacles
were put in the way of the crusaders, and hostilities broke out.
But Isaac Angelus, the Byzantine emperor at this time, was
soon brought to terms.
1190. Frederick wintered in Thrace and crossed to Asia in the
spring. The sultan of Iconium had promised to aid him, and
obstructed him instead; but Frederick pressed forward, de-
feated his army, and took Iconium by storm. There he ob-
tained every required supply, and having now passed the region
which had been so fatal to former crusading armies he resumed
his march under favourable conditions. But man proposes and
God disposes. As the army passed through Cilicia their
advance was checked by the River Selef. The bridge was
narrow, and whilst the troops were crossing tediously, Frede-
rick either bathed or attempted to cross the river. He was
swept off his feet by the current, and dragged from the water
in a dying state. It was a sad ending for a great man.
Frederick's second son, the duke of Swabia, was in the
host and became leader. But he had not his father's prestige
and he failed to keep the host together. Some returned, some
went to Tripoli, some accompanied him to Antioch. Frederick's
remains were buried there in the Church of St. Peter, and his
eldest son Henry, who had remained at home as regent,
reigned in his stead.
THE THIED CRUSADE 491
We saw how Guy, the king of Jerusalem had been taken
captive by Saladin. Saladin released him on parole, Guy 1188.
undertaking to return to Europe, But paying no regard to
his promise he raised what forces he could and took the field.
First he marched to Tyre, which Conrad of Montferrat still
held, and demanded admittance as his liege lord. But Conrad
bade him go and rest somewhere else. Tyre was his, he said,
and he meant to keep it. Thus rebuffed, Guy departed to
Ptolemais (Acre) and besieged it, thus beginning a notable
chapter in crusading history.
Acre was a city strongly fortified by nature and art, and 1189.
Guy's small army was at first insufficient to invest the city.
But as time went on his forces increased by arrivals from
Europe, until about 80,000 men were engaged in the siege.
These would have sufficed for every purpose had they been
good men and of one mind. But they were neither. The
camp was a centre of debauchery, and between the different
nationalities there was little cohesion. To add to the diffi-
culties of the situation, Saladin seized the surrounding heights
and besieged the besiegers.
The advent of Frederick with his splendid German army 1190.
had been eagerly expected, and the news of his death, and the
arrival of the meagre remnant of his army, created profound
depression in the camp. There was also much pestilence, and
the duke of Swabia was amongst the victims. It was amidst
these troubles that the Teutonic knights distinguished them-
selves by their earnest work amongst the sick and wounded,
and thus earned a high reputation for their order,
Sibylla, the titular queen of Jerusalem, died at this time,
and to other miseries was added a dispute about the succession
between Guy de Lusignan and Conrad of Montferrat. The
claim of Guy was based on his marriage with Sibylla ; that of
Conrad on his marriage with Isabel her sister. As Sibylla was
dead, Conrad's claim was now as good as Guy's. The title was
empty enough, yet the contest waxed furious and split the
camp into two parties. Civil war was only averted by the
492 THE CEUSADES
suggestion that the matter should be left to the decision of
Richard I. of England and Philip II. of France, who were
now on their way.
Richard I. had no sooner been crowned king on the death
of his father Henry II. than he proceeded to raise funds for
the crusade. Henry had already raised funds for that pur-
pose, but the money had been spent on the war between father
and son, so more must be had. Accordingly, money was
raised by hook or by crook. Manors, offices, charters, privi-
leges, including the privilege of staying at home, — everything
that would fetch a price was sold. The king declared that he
would have sold London had he found a purchaser. The Jews
were plundered and, sad to say, massacred as well, forced loans
were raised, and the resources of England were drained to the
utmost. At last, to the general relief, Richard departed from
England with his treasure and a turbulent crowd of followers.
Richard and Philip determined to proceed to the Holy
1190. Land by sea. They met at Vezelai, marched together to
Lyons, and then separated to meet again in Sicily. They
spent six months there and nearly wrecked the enterprise.
Richard quarrelled with Tancred, king of Sicily, about the
rights of Joanna his sister, widow of the former king. In
order to coerce Tancred, Richard seized Messina. But in doing
this he offended Philip who threatened war. Cordiality was
never restored, and matters were made worse when Richard,
who was engaged to Alice, Philip's sister, threw her over
in favour of Berengaria, the princess of Navarre. When
Richard's mother, Eleanor, brought Berengaria to Sicily,
Philip at once sailed for Acre.
Richard sailed a few days later. His fleet was scattered by
1191. a storm, and some ships were wrecked on Cyprus. The crews
were badly treated, and, when Richard arrived shortly after,
he demanded redress. Isaac Comnenus, the king, refused it,
whereupon Richard conquered the island, and made Isaac his
prisoner. In Sicily Richard married Berengaria, and leaving
a garrison set sail for Acre.
THE THIED CRUSADE 493
With the arrival of Philip and Richard at Acre new life
was infused into the siege, and the inhabitants seeing no hope
of relief capitulated. The condition was that their lives should
be spared, and they promised on Saladin's behalf that he would
pay the usual ransom. As Saladin delayed in fulfilling the
conditions thus put upon him, Richard declaring that faith
had been broken ordered 5,000 Moslems to be slaughtered.
The breach between Philip and Richard widened at Acre.
The question of the kingship was referred to them. Guy had
hastened to Cyprus to meet Richard, and obtained the promise
of his support. On the other hand, Philip supported Conrad.
A compromise was at length arrived at. Guy was to hold the
crown whilst he lived, and at his death it was to pass to Conrad
and his heirs.
Philip was now utterly weary of the crusade, so he handed
over the command of the French forces to the duke of Bur-
gundy and went home. This left Richard commander-in-chief,
but of a very disunited army.
The crusaders marched from Acre southward towards Jerusa-
lem. They were continually attacked, but by keeping the
shore and being in constant touch with their fleet they made
progress. Not far from Caesarea there was a general action
with Saladin's army. The battle was fierce but the crusaders
triumphed. Had Richard, pursuing his advantage, marched
instantly on Jerusalem, the Arab historians acknowledge that
it might have fallen. But he did not go to Jerusalem, but to
Jafi'a. Jaffa soon capitulated, but precious time had been lost,
and more time was lost refortifying the city. The army then
marched to Ramleh, but the winter was at hand and the siege
of Jerusalem had to be postponed. The opportunity had passed.
Saladin had reprovisioned and fortified the city, and its capture
was now extremely doubtful.
Whilst affairs were in this state Conrad of Montferrat was
assassinated, and Tyre was held by his widow, queen Isabella.
Henry, count of Champagne, Richanl's nephew, hurried to
Tyre and married queen Isabella, thus becoming, through his
494 THE CEUSADES
wife's rights, titular king of Jerusalem. Richard was acces-
sory to the deed, but he compensated Guy de Lusignan by
giving him Cyprus, which proved a more enduring inheritance,
for the De Lusignan dynasty reigned there for 200 years.
Once more the crusaders advanced on Jerusalem. But
1192. when within sight of the city a council of war decided that
the army was not strong enough for the enterprise. They
were undoubtedly right. The force was insufficient for invest-
ment, they had no commissariat worthy of the name, and
Saladin was in the field with an army which could sever them
from their base at any moment. Even while they considered
the question, Saladin attacked Jaffa, and only the most heroic
efforts on the part of Richard and those who still followed him
saved the seaport from capture.
The crusading army had now practically dissolved, and
Richard saw that peace was imperative. Saladin was not un-
reasonable, and a truce was arranged for three years and eight
months. The Franks were to hold Jaffa, Acre and Tyre with
the strip of coast land between, and pilgrims were to have free
access to Jerusalem. As the Christians had possession of Tyre
before the war, and Saladin had offered free access to pilgrims,
the acquisition of Acre and Jaffa with the strip of coast land
between was the sole fruit of this mighty enterprise which
had so ch-ained the wealth of Western Europe.
Richard I. now turned homewards, but his adventures were
not yet over. His queen and soldiers had preceded him, and
he followed with some companions in a single ship. He met
with storms, and was wrecked in the Adriatic. Trying to
cross Europe in the guise of a pilgrim, he was detected, cap-
tured, and brought to Leopold, duke of Austria, whom he
had grossly insulted during the siege of Acre. Leopold sold
him for 60,000 pieces of silver to the emperor Heniy VI., of
whom also Richard had made a mortal enemy. Henry VI.
guarded him closely, tried him before the Diet of the Empire
at Worms, and at last sold him to his English subjects for
£100,000.
THE TRIED CEUSADB 495
Before Richard's return to England Saladin had passed 1193.
away. He died in Damascus, and before Ids death he ordered
that his shroud should be carried through the streets of the
city, while a herald proclaimed : " This is all that remains of
Saladin, the conqueror of the East ".
CHAPTER V.
THE FOURTH CRUSADE.
The third crusade, followed by the treaty with Saladin, had
left Jaffa, Acre and Tyre in the hands of the Franks, and, by
way of these ports, pilgrims might travel in safety to Jeru-
salem. The treaty was honourably observed, and the Chris-
tians of the East did not complain.
1193. After the death of Saladin, his empire was divided between
his three sons, and Malek-Ahdel, his brother. There was civil
war between these, and pope Celestine III., hoping to profit
by the dissension, appealed for a new crusade. At first there
was no response to his appeal, but at length Henry VI. deter-
mined to emulate Frederick Barbarossa, his father, and to lead
a crusading army to Syria. There was no justification for the
invasion ; the Christians of Syria did not wish to renew hos-
tilities, and declared that war would do them harm and not
good,
1195. Three Teutonic armies set out; one led by the archbishop
of Mayence ; one under the dukes of Saxony and Brabant ;
one under Henry himself. The first army sailed from Apulia
to Acre. When it reached Palestine it began ravaging the
Moslem lands, notwithstanding the protests of the Christians.
The result was that the Moslems healed their differences and
united under Malek-Ahdel. Malek-Ahdel conquered Jaffa, and
things were going badly for the crusaders when the second
army landed at Beyrout, defeated the Saracens and turned the
tide.
Henry VI. had taken the third army to Sicily, of which
island he was nominally king. He had left the government of
Sicily to his officers, and their oppression had raised rebellion.
(496)
THE FOUETH CRUSADE 497
This rebellion he crushed out with brutahty. When he had
thus secured the island for himself, he sent such forces as he
could spare to Palestine.
The three armies were now together, and it was proposed
that they should march on Jerusalem. But winter was ap-
proaching, so they postponed their attack until the spring.
As usual the delay was fatal. To keep the men out of mischief
they occupied themselves with the siege of Thoron, a fortress
between Lebanon and the Mediterranean. Thoron was strongly
fortified, but the besiegers made such progress that the gar-
rison offered to surrender if their lives were spared. But when
they saw from the difference of opinion amongst the crusaders
that some of them meant to have their blood, they determined
to sell it dearly, and fought with such energy that the cru-
saders gave up the contest. Soon after news came that Henry 1197.
VI. was dead, whereupon many of the knights and barons
went home. A remnant of the force was left at Jaffa, and
these were surprised during a festival and massacred to a man.
Celestine died, and Innocent III. now filled the papal chair, iias.
He was an extremely ambitious man, and, notwithstanding
the lamentable experiences above mentioned, he called upon the
rulers of Europe to once more gird on the sword. The rulers
were slow to move, but at last a sufficient number of knights
and nobles gave ear to the appeal and assumed the cross. They
held a conference, elected count Theobald of Champagne as 1200.
their leader, and fixed 1202 as the date of departure. Anxious
to avoid the misfortunes which had so often attended crusaders
on the land journey, they arranged with the republic of Venice
for sea transport. The Venetians undertook to furnish the
requisite ships for men and horses, provisions for a year and
fifty fighting galleys, in return for a large sum in cash, and
half the cities and lands that might be conquered.
It happened that at this time there was a failure of the
inundation in Egypt and a sore famine. To famine had suc-
ceeded plague, and 100,000 people are said to have died in
Cairo alone. In the twentieth century a visitation of this sort
VOL. II, 32
498 THE CEUSADES
would lead to a general subscription on behalf of the sufferers,
but in the thirteenth men could think of nothing better than
adding to the sorrows of an already profoundly miserable
people by bringing upon them the horrors of war. By the
advice of the pope, Egypt was chosen as the destination of the
crusading fleet.
Venice was now a power in Europe. Though her territory
was small, her commercial interests were large, and she was
always eager to further them. But she was at peace with
Egypt, and had a profitable trade with that country. The
Venetians were on good terms with Malek-Ahdel, they en-
joyed special privileges at Alexandria, and they carried on by
way of Egypt an extensive trade with India. It did not suit
the Venetians therefore to transport the crusaders to Egypt,
and Dandolo, the doge of Venice, when he contracted with the
crusaders had no intention of fulfilling that part of the bargain.
Unfortunately, whilst Dandolo was willing to spare Eg3^pt, he
was not so sensitive about other places. From the time that
the crusaders began to gather round Venice, he determined to
use their strength purely in the interests of the republic.
Circumstances conspired to help Dandolo in his schemes.
Alexius III., who now reigned in Byzantium, had deposed and
imprisoned his brother Isaac II., who was himself a usurper.
Isaac's son, also named Alexius, escaped, and took refuge
with his relative the emperor Philip of Germany. Theobald
the chosen leader of the crusade died, and Boniface of Mont-
ferrat, a man of a lower type, was chosen instead. Boniface,
who was also related to the imprisoned monarch, had visited
Philip's court and met young Alexius there. Perhaps it was
even then arranged, with the approval of Dandolo, that the
crusaders should sail by way of Constantinople and place
Alexius on the throne. Such of the chiefs as were open to
bribery would be privy to the plot, the others would be kept in
ignorance.
1202. At the time appointed for leaving Venice onlj^ half the
crusaders had arrived, and less than half the passage money
THE FOUETH CKUSADE 499
had been paid. The crusaders teing at the end of their re-
sources, Dan<lolo offered to cancel tlie balance of the debt if they
would help him to reduce Zara, the capital of Dalmatia, a city
lying on the Adi-iatic and a formidable trade riv^al. Zara was
a Christian city and belonged to the king of Hungary, who
was himself a pledged crusader. The proposal was therefore
monstrous. The pope denounced it, and many of the crusaders
protested. Four hundred and eighty ships, however, sailed
from the lagoons with trumpets sounding and priests chanting.
Zara soon fell, and such of the inhabitants as were not slain
tied, leaving houses and goods. The crusaders wintered at
Zara, but some went home in disgust.
During the winter ambassadors came from Philip of Ger-
many ottering to the crusaders on behalf of young Alexius two
liundi-ed thousand marks of silver, a year's maintenance, and a
reinforcement of 10,000 men, if they would place him on the
imperial throne. To gratify the pope and satisfy the con-
sciences of such crusaders as had any, Alexius further promised
that he would subject the Greek Church to the Roman pontitt'.
The terms were agreed to by the chiefs, but not divulged to the
rank and file, and the combined armament sailed for Corfu.
When the fleet reached Corfu, and all learned their destina-
tion, half the army was rebellious. But it was not easy to
retm'n now, and Dandolo and Boniface persuade<l them to hold
together until they had placed young Alexius, who had now
j(jiued the expedition, upon the throne, and filled their pockets
with Byzantine gold. This done they would all hie away
together to the Holy Land. But for the Holy Land Dandolo
cared not one whit. Venice was to him all in all. He had
used the crusaders in the interests of the republic at Zara, and
he would do the same at Byzantium.
On 23rd June the allies arrived within sight of Constanti- 1203.
nople. The city had been badly governed for half a centurj^
The people had lost heart, the emperors depended upon foreign
troops, and the fleet had fallen into decay. Scarcely twenty
vessels were fit for service.
500 THE CRUSADES
When the huge crusading armament confronted the city
Alexius III. shut his gates and tried negotiation. Assuming
that the Holy Land was their goal, he offered to help them
thither, but warned them that if they attacked the empire they
would be crushed. The Latins replied that they had come to
depose a usurper and restore to young Alexius his heritage.
It is true that Alexius III. was a usurper; but his brother
Isaac had been the same, and Alexius his nephew had no more
right to the throne than the others had.
An assault was determined on, and the crusaders, who had
massed at Scutari, moved to the European side. The crusaders
assaulted the walls on the land side of the city, the Venetians
attacked from the sea. The crusaders failed in their operations,
but the Venetians made good their footing. That night the
emperor Alexius III. fled, and the troops, seeing nothing now
to fight for, gave the crusaders their own way, brought Isaac
out of prison and set him on the throne. They told the
crusaders what they had done and invited them to send in
young Alexius to be co-emperor with his father. Before doing
this the crusaders sent envoys to Isaac to demand a ratification
of their contract with his son. The old man ratified it, but
with amazement, declaring that it could not be carried out.
Isaac and his son Alexius IV. did their best to satisfy the
demands of the crusaders. The treasury was ransacked, the
palace stripped, the monasteries and churches were placed
under contribution. But all did not avail. Moreover the
crusaders had tasted blood, and regretted that the Greek sur-
render had robbed them of their chance of storming and
plundering the city. Some revenged themselves by attacking
and looting the quarter occupied by Moslem traders. When
they were driven back they set the houses on fire, and the wind
being strong the fire raged until a most valuable quarter of
the city was destroyed. The maddened popvilace fell upon the
Latin residents, who fled to the crusading camp for refuge.
1204. These things led to a revolution in the city, the people de-
claring that they would no longer be governed by men who
THE FOUETH CRUSADE 501
had thus sold them to their enemies. Anarchy ensued, Isaac
died of fright, Alexius IV. was strangled, and a noble named
Alexius Ducas, son-in-law of Alexius III., seized the throne.
Alexius V. (Ducas) tlirew himself into his hard task with
spirit, and strained every nerve to ward oft' the impending
disaster. Had the citizens been whole-hearted they might
even yet have resisted successfully. Alexius paid the sokhers,
strengthened the fortifications, and compelled the citizens to
arm in their own defence.
The crusaders and Venetians prepared for the storming of
the city with great deliberation. This time they concentrated
their attack on the sea-wall. The first attack was a failure,
and some of the crusaders, declaring that Providence was
fighting against them, would have retired from the contest.
But the Venetians demanded a second assault. Three days,
therefore, were spent in resting and repairs, and then the
second attack was delivered. This time they were successful.
Such fighting men as were left in the city lost heart, and
would not face the foe. Alexius V. escaped in the night, and
Theodore Lascaris, his general, having first tried to rally the
Greeks in vain, also escaped. Resistance was at an end, and
Byzantium was passive in the hands of her conquerors.
Though fighting had now ended, the crusaders proceeded
to sack the city. Government buildings were guarded, all
private property was given up to plunder. The scenes that
ensued were beyond description. Outrage, robbery, violence,
reigned supreme. The churches were defiled. St. Sophia,
then the grandest Christian edifice in the world, was foully
desecrated. Its altars were broken to pieces, its hangings
were torn down, its sacred chalices were used for drinking
cups. Drunken revellers played dice at its tables, and in the
patriarch's seat a harlot was enthroned. Coffins were broken
open and tombs rifled in search of golden ornaments and geme.
Amongst the rest the tomb of Justinian was desecrated, and
remains were exposed which had lain for six centuries at rest.
Historic monuments and works of art of priceless value,
502 THE CKUSADES
the accumulation of a thousand years, were destroyed in a
moment. Marble statues were broken, bronzes were melted
down for the sake of the copper. The well-known horses on
the portico of St. Mark were saved from the general wreck,
and remain in Venice, a standing memorial of her unutterable
shame.
The priests who accompanied the crusading army were as
bad as the rest. Abbots and monks compelled the Greek
priests on pain of death to surrender their relics and their
treasure. With a strange mixture of blasphemy and folly
one German monk boasted that he had thus obtained a piece of
the cross, an arm of St. James, and the skeleton of John the
Baptist. For some time after the siege there was a market
in relics. Western churches eagerly purchasing all that they
could get. But when it became evident that the supply was
mysteriously keeping pace with the demand, the inquiries
ceased.
Language fails to adequately characterise these proceea-
ings. Even Innocent III. was shocked. The pope who could
doom the Albigenses to destruction, who had given the cru-
saders permission to pillage as long as they did it in the fear
of God, and who rarely allowed conscience to stand between
him ami temporal interest, felt that the crusaders had gone
too far.
" You have given yourselves up to debauchery in the face
of all the world, you have glutted your guilty passions, and
you have pillaged in such fashion that the Greek Church,
although borne down by persecution, refuses obedience to the
Apostolic See, because it sees in the Latins only treason and the
works of darkness, and loathes them like dogs."
Often enough we have spoken of Moslem cruelty. But
never in the world's history has Saracen, or Seljuk or Ottoman
been guilty of greater villainy than was here perpetrated by
men in the name of Christ.
" Arise," Innocent had said in the summons which gathered
them together, " Arise, ye faithful ; arise, gird on the sword
THE FOUETH CRUSADE 503
and buckler ; arise, and hasten to the help of Jesus Christ. He
Himself will lead your banner to victory."
Having ruined Byzantium and divided the spoil, tlic Latins
now proceeded to portion out the empire. Baldwin, count of
Flanders, was elected emperor and crt)wned by the papal legate.
Boniface of Montferrat, who had higlier claims, was not so
popular, and had to content himself with the kingdom of
Thessalonica. The Venetians claimed a three-eighths share,
and took it out in islands and seaports, thus greatly increasing
the wealth and power of their State. The rest of the empire
was divided among the minor chiefs, few of whom got, and
fewer of whom kept, effective possession of their allotted pro-
vinces. Forty thousand men might destroy a city, but they
could not govern an empire.
The Latin Empire lasted for fifty-seven years, and, but for
the strength of the walls of Constantinople, might not have
lasted ten. Baldwin reigned for one year only. He was cap-
tured by the Bulgarians and died in prison. His brother
Henry succeeded him, and did his best, maintaining a defensive
attitude in a gradually narrowing area. Boniface of Mont-
ferrat, who with Dandolo must bear most of the infamy, was
killed in 1207 ; Dandolo was already dead,
Alexius V. was captured by the crusaders and thrown
from the top of a pillar 150 feet high. Alexius III. had
escaped to Iconium. Instead of living a quiet life there he
must needs persuade the sultan to attack Theodore Lascaris,
who ruled at Nicsea. They were defeated, and Alexius ended
his days in confinement.
Theodore Lascaris, who had fought so bravely during the 1206.
siege, was now the acknowledged leader of the Greeks. He
was crowned at Nicsea, and held his own against Latin and
Moslem alike. John Ducas, his son-in-law, succeeded him, an
excellent sovereign. He crossed to Europe and drove the
Franks out of Southern Thrace, and afterwards actually laid 1230.
siege to Constantinople itself. A Venetian fleet came to the 1235,
rescue, and he had to raise the siege.
504 THE CRUSADES
1254. Theodore II. succeeded to Ducas and did well, but died
in four years. His son was an infant, so Michael Paleologus
ascended the throne.
Meanwhile the Latin power in Constantinople had steadily
waned. At last Baldwin II. travelled like a mendicant over
Europe trying to raise money in order to stave off his doom.
He was not without genius, for he got a large sum of money
from Louis IX. of France, commonly called " St. Louis," for
relics which included Moses's rod, the jaw-bone of John the
Baptist, and the crown of thorns. How Baldwin arranged
matters with the monk who had already interned John the
Baptist's skeleton in Germany is not recorded.
1261. Such was Baldwin's poverty that he sold the lead off his
palace roof for cash, and deposited his son and heir with his
bankers as collateral security. At length the end came.
Whilst the Venetian fleet which protected Constantinople was
absent on a marauding expedition in the Black Sea, a sudden
and unpremeditated attack was made upon the city, the
gates were opened by friendly hands, and the Latin Empire
was at an end.
The Latins and Venetians had conjointly wrought terrible
evil. Even now we eat the bitter fruit of the tree which they
planted. For centuries the Greeks had guarded the road to
Europe against the Moslem, wearing out generation after
generation of invaders. Now all was changed. The empire
was torn to pieces, and though Byzantium lasted yet for
two centuries she never again held her own. The Moslems
increased in strength continually until Byzantium fell before
them, and Vienna with difficulty barred their path. The
crusading tragedy, in which the Fourth was so truly lament-
able an Act, handed over South-Eastern Europe to six centuries
of Turkish despotism.
CHAPTER VI.
THE FIFTH AND SIXTH CRUSADES.
The fact that Constantinople was for a time in the hands of
the Frank did nothing to help the Syrian Christians. But
they had rest from another cause. We have spoken of a
terrible famine and plague which visited Egypt. During the 1200.
time of that visitation so many died that the sultan of Egypt
had neither strength nor inclination for aggressive war. More-
over, the plague spread to Syria, and there was much suffering
there. Terrific earthquakes also visited the East, and enormous
damage was done at Acre, Tyre, Tripoli and Damascus. The
walls of Acre were thrown down, and had to be rebuilt by
subscription.
Henry, count of Champagne, whom Richard I. of England
had left titular king of Jerusalem, was killed in 1197. His
widow, Isabella, through whom he had his claim to the title,
died 1205, and the title descended to Mary, daughter of Isabella
by her former husband, Conrad of Montferrat and Tyre.
Philip II. of France was asked to choose a suitable husband
for Mary, and selected John de Brienne, a brave knight of no
very exalted origin, who set out for Palestine accordingly.
He reached Acre safely, was married to the queen, and crowned 1210.
with her at Tyre.
John de Brienne had only brought a retinue of a few
hundred knights, and found himself so surrounded by difficul-
ties that he appealed to pope Innocent III. for another cru-
sading army. Innocent was willing, but the time was not
propitious, and he got little response to his appeal. France
and England were at war, in Germany rival emperors con-
(505)
506 THE CEUSADES
tended for the mastery, and the Albigensian persecution had
plunged Southern France into the deepest gloom.
1212. About this time the children's crusades took place. They
afford a sad indication of the evil spirit abroad among the
people. To-day the minds of our young are poisoned by vicious
tales, in those days they were inflamed by accounts, only too
true, of the crusades carried on amongst the so-called enemies
of the faith. In their very sports boys played at burning
heretics and cutting Moslem throats. Unscrupulous persons
made a gain of the passions thus excited, and the fever spread.
Numberless boys and girls ran away from home, and scoundrels
both male and female encouraged them, and tramped with them
from town to town, emptying the pockets of the charitable,
and disappearing when trouble came. Some children got as
far as the coast ports, begging their way. Each boy would be
a David, each girl a Deborah, and the Mediterranean would
dry up at their approach. The Mediterranean did not dry up,
but they were lured on board vessels and consigned to the
African slave markets.
1216. No properly organised crusade had started in answer to
pope Innocent III.'s appeal at the time of his death, though
John of England, Frederick II. of Germany, and Andrew II.
of Hungary, had each assumed the cross at his request. John
died, Frederick delayed, and the king of Hungary was the
only reigning sovereign who embarked on the fifth crusade.
With him went the dukes of Bavaria and Austria, also forces
1217. from Italy, France, and some islands of the Mediterranean.
A considerable army gathered at Acre, and had the Sara-
cens given battle at once all would have been well. But
Malek-Ahdel had learned from experience wherein the chief
weakness of the crusaders lay, and advised his people to let
them alone. He knew that dissension would soon work more
ruin amongst them than the enemy's sword. The event
showed that he had rightly judged. The camp of idle men
was soon a den of discord and debauchery, and when the
leaders, to keep their men out of mischief, attacked a fort on
THE FIFTH AND SIXTH CKUSADES 507
Mount Tabor, they were repulsed. Recrimination followed,
and some of the leaders went home in disgust. Amongst these
was the king of Hungary. He did not return empty-handed,
however, for he took with him relics, purporting to be the
hand of St. Thomas, the head of St. Peter, and one of the
water-jars used at Cana of Galilee. 121 8.
Other crusaders arriving, John de Brienne persuaded the
army to invade Egypt. Accordingly they set sail and reached
Damietta safely. They besieged the city, and after much toil
captured an important fort. But the siege was tedious, and
many crusaders went home. Others arrived, including car-
dinal Pelagius, the papal legate, an arrogant man who did
much mischief.
Malek-Kamel, the sultan of Cairo, offered to surrender
Jerusalem to the crusaders if they would depart from Dami-
etta and make peace. The military men would have agreed
gladly, for the acquisition of Jerusalem was the main purpose
of the crusade, but the papal legate refused to sanction the
agreement. At last Damietta was taken by storm. The on- 1219.
slaught was unopposed, and when they entered the city the
crusaders found that of 70,000 inhabitants but 3,000 remained
alive.
The Moslems now enlarged their conditions of peace, offer-
ing not only Jerusalem but the Holy Land in exchange for
Damietta, and again the military men would have made peace.
But again the arrogant prelate refused to sanction a treaty and
demanded that the hosts should march on Cairo, the capital of
Egypt. After long delays, waiting for reinforcements that did
not come, they marched. Ignorant of the nature of the country 1221.
they soon got into difficulties. The Nile rose, the Egyptians
broke down the sluices, and the crusaders were caught like
fish in a net. There was no escape for them, and now the
cardinal who had refused such favourable conditions of peace
begged for peace at any price, offering to yield up everything
if only their lives might be spared. The sultan of Cairo,
though he could easily have allowed the host to perish to the
508 THE CEUSADES
last man, granted peace, provisioned the famished soldiers, and
sent his son to lead them in safety from the land which they
had come to destroy. Thus ended the fifth crusade,
Frederick II. of Germany was the hero of the sixth crusade.
He was grandson of Barbarossa, and son of Henry VI. and his
wife Constance, heiress to the Sicilian throne. After Tancred's
death Henry VI. assumed the Sicilian crown, and had wide-
spread dominions, Sicily, Italy and Germany being under his rule.
Frederick was born at Palermo the year of his father's corona-
tion, and the next year Henry VI. returned to Germany, leaving
Constance as regent. The high-handed conduct of his officials
caused revolt, and we have seen in a former chapter how Henry,
after setting two crusading armies in motion, led a third to
Sicily to crush the rebellion. When he had effected this he
sent the troops on to the East to join the others, and was him-
1198. .self about to foUoAV them when he died.
Constance died the year after her husband, and their child
Frederick was left to the guardianship of Innocent III., who
was elected pope just at that time. Innocent was a faithful
guardian, and Frederick grew up a highly cultured man, per-
haps the ablest man of his day.
Frederick had been crowned king of Sicily in his fourth
year, and in his eighteenth he entered into competition with
Otto for the crown of Germany. Otto's power was shattered
at the Battle of Bou vines, and he retired from the contest, so
1215. that Frederick found himself at the age of twenty-one emperor
without a rival. The influence of Innocent III. had been
most valuable to him in connection with this matter, and in
return for it Frederick had promised to lead a crusade.
Frederick had been born and reared in Sicily, and there was
more of the Italian than the Teuton in his disposition. In
Sicily he ruled over men of varied creed, and had grown up
broad-minded and tolerant. He was an excellent linguist,
versed in literature, a mathematician, fond of natural history,
an excellent sportsman and an abstemious man. He had no
love for war ; he preferred diplomacy and statesmanship. He
THE FIFTH AND SIXTH CRUSADES 509
had Moslems amon<rst his Sicilian subjects, and tliey were loyal
to him and spread his Tame abroad. His reputation I'or fairness
reached E^^ypt and Syria and helped him greatly in his negotia-
tions with the Saracens. 1220.
When Frederick was twenty-six years of age pope Hono-
rius III. crowned him emperor. In return he made many
concessions to the clergy, and renewed his crusading vow.
Frederick intended to carry out his promise loyally, but at his
own time and in his own way. He knew the follies that had
been committed by former crusaders, and had no intention of
imitating their example. He therefore refused to join the
expedition already described, in which John de Brienne and
cardinal Pelagius brought a fine army to such unutterable
grief. Honorius was exasperated, and when Damietta was
lost he upbraided Frederick. But they became reconciled, and
Frederick's departure was postponed by agreement. 1225.
Frederick contracted a second marriage with Isabella,
daughter of John de Brienne, heiress, since the death of Mary
her mother, of the kingdom of Jerusalem. This match gave
him a new and personal motive for undertaking the crasade.
Honorius died and was succeeded by Gregory IX., an aged, 1227.
obstinate man, who by his treatment of Frederick and his
foolish belief that his own obstinacy and divine authority were
synonymous did much mischief.
On the da}^ of his accession Gregorj'- IX. issued a procla-
mation to the Western sovereigns requesting them to join in
a crusade, and he threatened Frederick with ecclesiastical
vengeance if he did not at once get ready. Frederick was
willing to go to Palestine, but had no desire to ravage Moslem
lands unnecessarily, or to wade to Jerusalem through seas of
blood. He had many Moslem acquaintances, he understood
Arabic, he had corresponded for some time with Malek-Kamel,
who was now sultan of Egypt, and had found him courteous
and reasonable. He hoped to obtain by treatj'^ more than
could be obtained by war. He believed that the sultan could
be persuaded to recognise his kingship of Jerusalem, and to
510 THE CEUSADES
grant substantial advantages to the Christians without blood-
shed. This was common sense, but it was neither the popular
nor the papal idea of what a crusade should be. If plunder,
outrage, and murder, were eliminated from crusading it would
cease to attract, and where would be the short cuts to Heaven
which had been dangled before the imagination of Europe for
a century.
During the summer a crusading army, containing German,
Italian, French, and even English warriors, attracted by the
expectation of Frederick's leadership, assembled near Brindisi.
But the season was intensely hot; fever broke out, and
thousands died. Amongst the victims was the commander of
Frederick's army. Frederick did actually sail, but, finding
himself ill, put in at Otranto, and the expedition broke up.
Gregory was furious. He could not deny the fever, for
bishops had died, but he held Frederick responsible for it,
though on what pretext it is hard to say. Accordingly he ex-
communicated Frederick, and laid every place where he might
chance to be under interdict.
Frederick replied to the papal fulminations with dignity ^
and appealed to the sense of justice of his fellow-sovereigns,
declaring that the papacy was swollen with avarice and pride,
that its demands were insatiable, and that it presumed to deal
with emperors, kings, and princes as if they were tributaries.
Frederick was popular, the papal emissaries failed to turn his
1228. subjects either in Italy or Germany from their allegiance, and
there was such a tumult in Rome itself that Gregory had to fly.
The pope now forbade Frederick to go to the Holy Land
at all, but he disregarded the prohibition, and went on with
his preparations. When he had sailed and reached Acre in
safety, he found that papal messengers had preceded him,
carrying the interdict, and commanding the faithful to stand
aloof. The patriarch of Jerusalem and the leaders of the Hos-
pitallers and Templars obeyed the pope, but Hermann of Salza,
grand master of the Teutonic knights, and many others, dis-
regarded the papal injunction and supported Frederick.
THE FIFTH AND SIXTH CKUSADES 511
Realising how absurd it was to use brute force where
negotiation was possible, the emperor corresponded with the
sultan of Eg3^pt, and at length concluded a treaty for ten 1229.
years, in which his sovereignty in Jerusalem was recognised,
and by which Bethlehem, Nazareth, Jerusalem, and other
places were restored to the Christians. In Jerusalem the
Saracens only retained the use of the Mosque of Omar for
their worship.
" Thus in a few days," wrote Frederick to the king of
England, " by a miracle rather than by strength, that business
hath been brought to a conclusion which for a length of time
past many chiefs and rulers of the world, among the multi-
tude of nations, have never been able till now to accomplish by
force, however great, nor by fear."
Frederick next proceeded to Jerusalem to be crowned.
The interdict had preceded him, and no priest would assist in
the ceremony, so the emperor took himself the crown from
the altar, and placed it on his own head. Hermann of Salza
read a statement in which Frederick defined his position, and
generously excused the action of the pope on the ground of
ignorance of the facts. The emperor then showed his broad-
minded spirit by visiting the Mosque of Omar. All this was
gall itself to the pope, whose fury could not loe controlled.
The emperor returned to Europe, having won golden
opinions from the Saracens, and Hermann of Salza declared
that he could have obtained more important concessions had
the clergy supported him. He had been thrice excommuni-
cated with tell, book, and candle, yet had done more for the
Christians than any other crusader, and had done it without
the shedding of blood. Pope Gregory, however, repudiated
the treaty, declaring it to be a monstrous attempt to reconcile
Christ and Belial.
During Frederick's absence, John de Brienne, Frederick's
father-in-law, who had quarrelled with him as soon as he
claimed sovereignty in Palestine, was employed by the pope to
devastate his dominions in Naples. But on the emperor's re-
512 THE CEUSADBS
turn the papal troops were quickly driven over the frontier
and the papal dominions themselves were threatened. Seeing
this the pope now begged for peace, and the treaty of San
1230. Germano was the result.
The peace between Frederick and the sultan was not well
observed by either Christian or Moslem. Many on both sides
rejoiced in war and were eager for plunder. Such looked upon
peace as a calamity. Had Frederick dwelt permanently in
Palestine he would have worked wonders, but a non-resident
sovereign had little influence. Collisions occurred between
Moslems and Christians, and pilgrims were often in bodily
fear. Complaints reached Europe, and the pope and emperor,
reconciled for the time, proclaimed another crusade. The
sultan hearing of the preparations for war drove the Latins
from Jerusalem, and the treaty was at an end.
Several nobles, chiefly French, responded to the papal pro-
clamation. But when they met at Lyons to arrange their
plans Gregory had again picked a quarrel with the emperor
and had changed his mind about the crusade. The pope ac-
cordingly ordered the crusaders to go home, but they refused
to obey, nor would they listen to Frederick when he also ad-
vised postponement. When they pleaded their vows, pope
Gregory oflered to relieve them from these, on condition that
they paid into the papal treasury the sum it would cost them
to go to the Holy Land. It is not wonderful that this proposi-
tion caused great scandal among the people.
1239. The crusaders would not be diverted from their purpose, so
they set sail and arrived safely at Acre. Next year they were
joined by Richard of Cornwall with an English band. He also
sailed notwithstanding papal prohibition. The united bands
raided Turkish territory and did much mischief. Fortunately
for them the sultans of Egypt and Damascus were at war,
so the sultan of Egypt renewed the treaty which had been
made with Frederick and gave the crusaders an excuse for
returning home.
Hardly was Jerusalem again in the hands of the Latins
THE FIFTH AND SIXTH CRUSADES 513
than it was again lost, and in a strange way. For some time
the Tartars had been pouring desolation over the world. East-
ward to China, westward to the Baltic, southward to the Per-
sian Gulf the hosts of Genghis Khan had spread. Russia,
Poland and Hungary had been overrun. Even in England
such terror was caused by a rumoured invasion that the east
coast fishermen feared to put to sea.
The Charismians, Turks dwelling south of the Sea of Aral,
only one degree less ferocious than their pursuers, had been
driven from their habitations by these marauders, and had
made themselves new settlements in the Euphrates Valley.
Many became mercenaries, selling their services to the highest
bidder.
The sultan of Egypt, pressed hard by his enemies in
Damascus and Syria, made alliance with the Charismians. As
10,000 or 20,000 of them were galloping south to join his
standard, they suddenly found themselves close to Jerusalem.
Eager for booty they fell upon the city at once, and so unex-
pectedly that no resistance could be made. Such of the in-
habitants as had the chance of flying fled, those who remained
were massacred. With a refinement of cruelty which it would
be hard to parallel, they then displayed Christian banners on
the walls and rang the bells of the churches to intimate to
those who had fled that they might return in safety. When
they did return they also were foully murdered. Thirty
thousand are said to have perished. Not only was the city
sacked, but the very tombs were rifled by these savages. The
contents of the tombs of the Latin kings of Jerusalem from
the days of Godfrey were burned.
Christians and Moslems alike united against this brutal foe,
and an army was gathered at Ascalon. The Saracens, who
best understood the nature of an enemy of this sort, coiuiselled
a Fabian policy, arguing that if the Charismians were left
alone their forces would melt away through the eagerness of
each man to make sure of the booty he had acquired. But the
Christians would not wait, and the foe was thereupon attacked
VOL. II. 33
514 THE CEUSADES
1244. at Gaza. A terrible battle was fought. It lasted for two days,
the carnage was fearful, and the crusading forces were annihi-
lated.
The Christians never again held their own in Palestine.
They now possessed only one or two seaports. The Latin
kingdom in Palestine was at an end.
The Charismians reaped no benefit from their conquest.
They quarrelled with the sultan of Cairo, enemies arose against
them on many sides, and soon they disappeared altogether from
history.
CHAPTER VII.
THE END OF CRUSADING.
There was a time when the fall of Jerusalem would have 1244.
caused much excitement in Europe. But that day had gone
by. Pope Innocent IV. advocated a new crusade, and de-
manded funds from the faithful. But the papal voice had
ceased to charm. Frederick, who was in any case an excom-
municated man, was busy defending his empire against the
Tartars. Italy was distracted by feuds between Guelph and
Ghibelline ; Spain had Saracens at her own doors ; England
was at war with Scotland and Wales, and her barons and priests
were losing no opportunity of remonstrating against papal
rapacity, and protesting against further taxes for crusading.
The only sovereign who responded to the papal appeal was
Louis IX. of France. Louis was a good man and highly
esteemed, religious, ascetic, brave. If self-devotion alone
could have qualified a man to lead a crusading army, Louis
could have led it well. But more than that was needed, and
his unfitness for the post was apparent to all but himself.
Even his bodily constitution unfitted him for the task. He
was far from strong. It was in fact when lying at death's
door that he vowed that, should his life be spared, he would
undertake a crusade. His relatives and councillors, even the
prelates themselves, tried to dissuade him from the enterprise.
But all did not avail. Mistaking obstinacy for conscientious-
ness, Louis persisted in going to the war, and, when his people
saw that he could not be dissuaded, they supported him loyally
both with money and with men.
The expedition assembled at Aigues Mortes, a town on the 1248.
Mediterranean, near the mouth of the Rhone, and when all
(515)
516 THE CRUSADES
was ready Louis sailed, leaving his mother, Blanche of Castile,
to act as regent. Marguerite, his queen, and his brothers,
Charles of Anjou and Robert of Artois, with their countesses,
accompanied him.
They wintered at Cyprus, then ruled by Henri de Lusignan,
and there Prince de Joinville, the famous French chronicler, to
whom we are indebted for a biography of Louis, entered his
personal service.
The wintering at Cyprus did the army no good. It brought
relaxation of discipline, and immorality and pestilence ensued.
During the winter the grand masters of the Templars and Hos-
pitallers came across from Palestine, and expressed their belief
that good terms could be obtained from the Saracens by nego-
tiation with the sultan, and begged that the king should try
this before proceeding to war. But Louis looked upon the
suggestion as casting a slur on his military prowess, and as in
some way derogatory to his vow, so he persisted in war.
During residence in Cyprus it was arranged that the des-
tination of the expedition should be changed, and that they
should proceed in the first instance to Egypt. This was a
mistake. Egypt was now in a healthy condition, and under a
strong ruler. The expedition had been well advertised, and
the delay in Cyprus had enabled the sultan to prepare a great
army and fleet to meet the enemy.
1249. The crusaders sailed in the spring ; a well-equipped fleet
of 800 vessels. The fleet was scattered by a storm, and Louis
had to return to Cyprus with the loss of half his armament.
A second attempt was made, and Damietta was reached in
safety with an armament somewhat reduced but still formid-
able. The landing was opposed, but the crusaders showed
great determination, and the Egyptians retired. That night
Damietta was set on fire by the Moslems and abandoned, and
the crusaders entered without striking a blow.
Had the crusaders advanced upon Cairo in the first flush
of victory all might have been well. Had they garrisoned
Damietta, and proceeded to capture other Egyptian seaports,
THE END OF CRUSADING 517
things might have been .still better. Instead, they lingered at
Damietta for six months, spending the time in forays, feasting
and debauchery. When at last they set out, they found that
the Moslems had not been idle. The sultan had gathered his
forces from every quarter, and a huge army lay at Mansurah,
strongly entrenched.
When the crusaders approached Mansurah they found their
advance checked by a deep and broad canal. Showing a strange
lack of engineering skill, they lay supine for two months,
whilst hostile forces assailed them with discharges of arrows
and stones and Greek fire.
At length a Bedouin revealed a ford not far distant, and
the crusaders prepared to cross. In the early morning their
vanguard dashed to the other side and put a troop of Moslems
to flight. They had done well, but their folly spoiled all.
Instead of waiting to protect the passage of the main body, the
knights who formed the vanguard chased the flying Moslems,
and dashed after them into Mansurah. They had rushed
blindly into a trap. No sooner were they within the walls
than Bibars, the Moslem commander, shut the gates and rallied
his flying forces. Street fighting ensued, from the roofs of
the houses missiles were thrown, and in a few hours 1,500
crusaders, the flower of the army, were destroyed. Worse
followed. Profiting quickly by the terrible blunder of the
vanguard, the Moslem forces gathered on the bank of the canal
and attacked each detachment as it crossed. Unaware for some
time that they were without the protection of their vanguard,
they were thrown into confusion, and only the fiercest heroism
saved the army from annihilation.
Three days later Bibars again appeared in force and another
terrific battle was fought. The French held their own, but
their army was so reduced that further advance was manifestly
impossible. Instant retreat to Damietta would have saved the
remnant, for the city was well garrisoned and could have given
them effective shelter. But there was no wisdom in that camp.
The leaders determined to hold their ground and clung to a
518 THE CEUSADES
place where the very river was putrid with the corpses of the
slain. Meanwhile the Moslems gathered round like kites on
carrion. Soon disease and famine made the choice one between
retreat and death, and the remnant of the host turned. The
misery of the retreat baffles description. Organised defence
was out of the question, the Moslems worked their will. The
king and nobles were captured, the rank and file chose between
Islam and death. Not one man would have left Egypt alive,
but that some Moslems, wiser and more merciful than the
others, reminded them that dead men paid no ransom.
After lingering in prison for a time Louis was released on
promise of payment of a huge ransom and the surrender of
Damietta. A ten years' truce was also concluded between the
Christian powers represented by the king of France and the
Moslem princes of Egypt and Syria.
Louis now sailed for Acre with the remnant of his host.
Though his mother the regent, and the ministers who repre-
sented him in France begged him to return at once the sense
of humiliation was so great that he postponed his departure as
long as he could. For nearly four years he remained in the
Holy Land trying to do some good by restoring the fortifica-
tions of such seaports as were still in Christian hands, and
making a few pilgrimages. He refused to visit Jerusalem
though offered a safe conduct by the sultan.
Louis' residence in the Holy Land was the more tolerable
as the sultans of Egypt and Damascus were at war and each
was eager to conciliate Louis, hoping to obtain his aid against
the other.
The death of Blanche of Castile at length made Louis'
return to France imperative, and he set sail. Fourteen vessels
served to convey such forces as remained ; he had left Cyprus
with 800. The character of the king may be gathered from
the fact that each of the ships had an altar for hourly prayers
during the voyage. The fleet had a stormy passage, but at last
reached France, and Louis made his public entry into Paris
1254. after an absence of no less than six years.
THE END OF CEUSADING 519
After the departure of Louis from Palestine there was fierce
dissension among the Christians, The Venetians and Genoese
fought a great naval battle off Acre, and the Genoese were so
severely beaten that they abandoned the city and established
themselves at Tyre. The Templars and Hospitallers fought a
pitched battle, and scarcely a Templar in Acre escaped alive.
But for their dread of the Tartars who were still pressing on
from the East, the Moslems could easily have driven the Franks
from Palestine altogether. But it was not a time for fresh
conquest when their very existence was in danger.
When the Tartars had overthrown the caliphate of Bagdad
and were marching through Syria towards Egypt, the Mame-
lukes, the bodyguard of the sultan of Cairo since the days of
Saladin, deposed the sultan and put Koutouz their own leader
in his place. Koutouz met the Tartars at Tiberias and de-
feated them,^ But when he returned to Egypt he was assas-
sinated, and Bibars, the general who had so triumphed at
Mansurah, ascended the throne in his stead.
Bibars, the true founder of Mameluke rule in Egypt, was
the most formidable foe the Latins had encountered since
Saladin. He attacked the Latin kingdom in Syria with in-
domitable energy. The land was ravaged, Nazareth, Caesarea
and Arsulf were captured and the great fortress of Safed fell.
Not even then could the Franks unite. The Genoese were
actually attacking Acre from the sea, whilst Bibars was devas- 1268.
tating the surrounding territory on the shore.
In a short time Jaffa was captured and then Antioch fell.
At the fall of this important capital 17,000 of the inhabitants
were massacred and upwards of 100,000 were sold into slavery.
These disasters were fatal to the Christian power and brought
the northern crusading State to an end. In the southern
State, Acre and Tripoli were the only places of importance
holding out against the Moslems.
The end of the Christian power in Syria was manifestly
drawing nigh. Gregory X. preached a crusade throughout all
Europe, but there was little response. One heart was, however,
520 THE CRUSADES
still faithful, Louis, undeterred by former failure, and in spite
of a wasting disease with which he was afflicted, again deter-
mined to try his fortune, turning a deaf ear to persuasion,
and showing that he had learned little from experience. Des-
perate though the enterprise was felt to be, there were many
who were ashamed to decline to go where the king led, and a
numerous body of princes and nobles undertook to join the ex-
pedition. Three of his sons assumed the cross, and his brother
Charles of Anjou, who now ruled the Sicilies, and his nephew
Edward, crown prince of England, undertook to join him.
Louis spent three years in preparing the sheep for the
slaughter. It was not so easy as in former times. Enthusiastic
crusaders willing to go to the Holy Land at their own expense
were no longer forthcoming, and their places had to be filled
by mercenaries. The Prince de Joinville, who had been so
useful to Louis on his first crusade, this time remained at home.
Indeed he openly opposed the project, declaring that the king's
duty was at home, and that those who counselled him in the
enterprise did great evil and sinned mortally. But Louis was
not a man likely to be led by others in such matters. Doubt-
less he was his own chief councillor.
1270. The new expedition sailed like the former from Aigues
Mortes, and after a severe storm gained the Bay of Cagliari in
Sardinia. At Cagliari it was resolved to chvert the course of
the expedition to Tunis. The reason is not positively known.
Some say the Bey of Tunis wanted to become a Christian, but
this would seem a poor reason for sending a warlike expedi-
tion against him. Others say that Charles of Anjou, Louis'
brother, who ruled in Sicily, feared an attack from Tunis, and
wished to break its power, perhaps annex its territory. This is
more probable. All are, however, agreed that Tunis, the home
of innumerable pirates and a perfect treasure-house of plunder,
would have been a fine city to sack. Whatever may have been
the reason, the diversion was fatal to the enterprise. The ex-
pedition reached Africa in safety, and the army disembarked
without opposition and encamped on the site of ancient Car-
THE END OF CRUSADING 521
thage. The ignorance of the troops and the cUmate of Africa
did the rest. Pestilence smote the army in the usual fashion,
and men died faster than they could be buried. Jean Tristan,
the king's son, fell a victim to the plague, and many nobles
with him. Then Louis himself died.
Philip III., the king's oldest son, succeeded to the royal
title. Charles of Anjou, who had been delayed, landed at
Carthage almost at the moment of the king's death. He took
in hand further operations, and there was an improvement in
the condition of affairs. The war went on for two months, and
the French were successful in several engagements. Then they
made terms with the king of Tunis, and set out for Europe.
The fleet was to gather at Trapani in Sicily, but a storm scat-
tered them, many ships were destroyed, the rest sailed for
home. To salve their consciences the crusaders vowed to meet
again in three years. But the vow was not kept. Europe
never again went forth in arms to wrest the holy places from
the Moslem.
Philip's return to France was sad enough, for he brought
with him in mournful procession the remains of no less than
five members of the royal house.
Shortly after Louis' death prince Edward of England ar-
rived at Tunis with a small following. He returned to Sicily
with the others and wintered there ; then, finding that he could
not persuade any French princes to accompany him, he set out
with his own company to the Holy Land. He distinguished
himself by the capture of Nazareth and some other exploits,
but achieved nothing of permanent importance. He only
narrowly escaped assassination by a poisoned dagger, and when
his wounds were healed he made a ten years' truce with the 1272.
Moslems and returned home.
After the termination of the treaty with Edward, the
Christian power in Syria quickly coUapsed. Gregory X.
preached yet another crusade, but the appeal fell on deaf ears.
Bibars died but his successors had an easy task. The smaller
towns fell, and then the rich and important city of Tripoli. As
522 THE CKUSADES
1289. the circle narrowed such Christians as escaped with their lives
took refuge in Acre, which speedily became thronged with a
most cosmopolitan population. Of unity there was none
Every nation and society had its commune, there were seven-
teen independent authorities within the city. Morality, law
and religion were set at nought. It seemed as if the very
dregs of humanity had gathered there.
Pope Nicolas IV. sent 1,700 mercenaries to help to garrison
the devoted city. They were men of a reckless type, for
only such could be persuaded to undertake the task. Their
pay fell into arrears, so they took to plundering. Amongst
their victims were Saracen merchants, who were peacefully
1291. trading in Acre under cover of truce. The sultan Khalil de-
manded redress, and when it was refused he laid siege to the
city.
Having still command of the sea, the citizens might with
unity and courage have defended Acre for a long time. But
as things were, the task was hopeless. Many, recognising this,
took flight at once. Others fought for a time and then fled.
When all had left who could find means for departing, Acre,
the stronghold of the Franks in Palestine for a century, fell
back into Moslem hands. Sixty thousand inhabitants who
still remained were either slain or carried into slavery. The
Templars showed desperate courage. Along with some others
who had taken refuge in their great house they resisted to
the last. At length their fortress was undermined, it fell, and,
together with numbers of their enemies, they perished in its
ruins.
Syria was now entirely in Moslem hands. There were no
more crusades, though the popes of the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries on various occasions attempted to call Europe to
arms. But two centuries of terrible failure had taught the
people wisdom, and they had lost faith in crusades. Unhappily
the lesson had not been learned until untold treasure had been
squandered, and millions of lives had been thrown away.
A \R A B I A
THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE.
THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE.
CHAPTER I.
THE SUCCESSORS OF JUSTINIAN.
In dealing with the history of the Roman Empire we come to a
time when for the sake of clearness it is desirable that we
should divide the subject into sections and deal with each
section by itself. Britain, Spain, Gaul, Germany, have now
for sometime been hving their own lives and the individual his-
tory of each has become an interesting subject for study, and
the time has come when we must go a stage farther, and
separate the liistory of Italy from that of Byzantium. There
is no precise moment of cleavage ; it must be fixed arbitrarily.
But the end of Justinian's reign will be found convenient for
our purpose. Justinian made frantic efforts to reunite the
Eastern and Western Empires under the Byzantine crown.
He failed, and after his death they stood permanently apart.
We shall, therefore, now deal with Byzantium as an inde-
pendent State, never forgetting, however, the great empire
from wliich it sprang. To save confusion we shall also give
continuous numbers to monarchs of the same name.
Justin II. — Justinian died after a reign of thirty-eight 565.
years. The empress Theodora had died seventeen years
before. They left no issue, but Justinian had indicated his
desire that his nephew Justinus, mayor of the palace, who was
married to Sophia, a niece of Theodora, should succeed him.
Accordingly Justin and his wife proceeded to St. Sopliia and
made a declaration of the orthodox faith, after which they re-
(525)
526 THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE
turned to the palace, where Justin was elevated on the shield
and crowned.
The new emperor made many fair promises, and doubtless
meant to keep them. But Justinian had left him a hard task.
By aggressive warfare the old emperor had extended his
frontiers beyond anything that could possibly be maintained.
Before his death the impossibility of the position had become
clear. The people were impoverished ; the armies were sinking
in numbers and efficiency ; the new frontiers were more than
they could guard ; huge tracts of country lay depopulated ;
and enemies were only prevented from invading Roman terri-
tory by the payment of annual subsidies. Justinian had
galvanised the empire into unnatural energy, it was now
paying for that energy by exhaustion.
566. Scarcely was Justin crowned when he had to give audience
to envoys from the Avars, a Tartar tribe dwelling on the north
bank of the Danube. This people, who were akin to the
Huns, had appeared on the frontier in the end of Justinian's
reign, and he had subsidised them on condition that they
should ward off other troublesome neighbours. Justin refused
to continue the subsidies. The refusal may have been brave,
and in a sense justifiable, but it was impolitic. In the condi-
tion in which the empire then was it was better to have peace
almost at any price. The emperor's refusal was the signal for
a long and disastrous war, and for much ruinous depredation.
Up to this time the Avars had not been a race of any great
importance, but they now gained power and territory in an
567. unexpected way. Alboin, king of the Lombards, proposed to
Baian, king of the Avars, that they should unite for the sake
of destroying the Gepidae, a Gothic tribe on the Middle Danube.
They united and the Gepidse were exterminated. Alboin and
his Lombard followers now determined to invade Italy, so
they departed, leaving their own lands and the ill-gotten lands
of the Gepidae in the possession of the Avars, who soon became
a formidable power.
568. War and pestilence had left Northern Italy desolate and
THE SUCCESSORS OF JUSTINIAN 527
almost uninhabited. " The land had," we are told, " sunk into
primaeval silence and solitude." The imperial troops held a few
strong places, but beyond these the country was undefended.
The Goths had gone and now the Lombards came.
The Lombards were the least civilised of the Teutonic
tribes. They were still heathen, and had little culture. Narses
had employed 5,000 of their warriors to help him against
Totila, and they had much to do with the victory at Taginse.
During this campaign the Lombards saw how fair and how
defenceless were the plains of Italy. But their king was old
and they waited fifteen years before they turned their know-
ledge to account.
The whole Lombard nation, men, women, children, slaves
and cattle, now crossed the Alps, descended into the plains of
Venetia, and spread themselves over the territory which still
bears their name.
Only garrisoned towns offered any resistance to the in-
vaders and in only one of these, Pavia, was the resistance
serious. Verona and Milan soon fell, but Pavia held out for
three years. Alboin vowed that he would raze it to the
ground, but afterwards he changed his mind and, impressed
doubtless by the strength of the city, made it his capital.
AJboin was assassinated and succeeded by duke Clepho, 572,
who was assassinated in his turn. After Clepho the Lombards
had no king for ten years, and during these kingless years
their leaders spread out every one for himself and subdued the
land. There were thirty-five independent duchies at one time.
Soon, however, the attacks of enemies showed them the neces-
sity for union, and they again elected a king. He had little
power, the dukes paid him but nominal homage, though wilHng
to rally round him against a common foe.
The speedy success of the Lombards showed how superficial
Justinian's conquest of Italy had been. He had crushed the
Ostrogothic kingdom founded by Theodoric, but he had left
nothing substantial in its place. There was an imperial gover-
nor or exarch in Italy ; at fii'st Narses, then Longinus, after
528 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
him Smaragdus. But without a sufficient army and without
the goodwill of the Italian people, a governor could do little.
The Lombards did not conquer all Italy, however. Ravenna,
Southern Italy and the duchy of Rome stiU remained faithful
to the emperor. Nevertheless the fact remained that within a
quarter of a century from the victories of Narses and the
ejection of the Ostrogoths from Italy, two-thirds of the penin-
sula had been torn from the grasp of the Eastern Empire and
was again in the hands of a barbaric race. Unlike most Teu-
tonic tribes, the Lombards were fond of town life, so that their
settlement in Italy helped forward the development of the
cities.
We have seen how the destruction of the GepidsB and the
emigration of the Lombards left the Avars with greatly ex-
tended territories. They now became a formidable power.
They could afford to defy the emperor, and from this time
forward, during the reign of Justin and in the time of his
successors until they themselves were crushed, they were a
scourge to the empire, ravaging the country up to the Balkans
and desolating the already sorely distressed provinces of Moesia
and lUyricum.
The Avars greatly desired to obtain possession of Sirmium,
a fortress of much strategic value. As it was strongly garri-
soned they did not care to attack it, so they sent an embassy
to Justin demanding its surrender, and also claiming payment
of the subsicHes which Justinian had formerly granted to the
Huns whom they had now subdued. Their demands were
570. refused, but when war ensued and Tiberius the Roman general
had been defeated, a treaty was entered into and an indemnity
paid. The fortress of Sirmium was, however, not handed over.
574. Four years later the Avars again took the field. Again Tiberius
was defeated and he had to promise an annual payment in
order to obtain peace.
When Justin had reigned about nine years he became
insane, and had to be placed in confinement. In a lucid inter-
val he appointed Tiberius as his colleague and successor. After
THE SUCCESSORS OF JUSTINIAN 529
that Tiberius acted as regent until his death. He governed in
conjunction with the empress Sophia, and as she was a proud
and ambitious woman she kept the power as much as possible
in her own hands. Tliis went on for four years, at the end of
which time Justin died, and Tiberius became sole ruler.
Tiberius II. — During the years of his regency Tiberius had 578.
been greatly troubled by the Persians. It will be remembered
that Justinian, some years before he died, entered into a treaty
with Chosroes, king of Persia, by which he undertook to pay
him an annual subsidy. After Justinian's death Justin refused
to continue this payment. In making this refusal he was in-
fluenced to some extent by the promises which he received
from the Turkish tribes who dwelt north of Persia in the dis-
trict still known as Turkestan. Their_^ cliief Dizabul had
quarrelled with Chosroes, and determined to seek aUiance with
the Roman Empire. Accordingly he sent envoys to Con-
stantinople, pressing Justin to break the treaty with the
Persians, and promising that if Justin would attack Persia
from the west, the Turks would attack it from the north,
Justin found another excuse for breaking the treaty in the
appeal of the Christian population of that part of Armenia
which was subject to Persian rule. Thinking that they would
be less oppressed under the Byzantines than under the Per-
sians, they appealed to Justin for help in the name of their
common rehgion.
These causes combined led Justin to refuse the stipulated
annuity and war followed. The war lasted from 572 to 592
and was at last brought to an end by civil war in Persia.
It was quite indecisive ; sometimes the Byzantine troops had
the upper hand, and sometimes the Persian. In the end the
Romans lost no territory, and the amount of ravaging and
desolating was about the same on both sides. But the war
was terribly costly both in men and money, and it served no
useful purpose whatever. The long drain of taxation wliich
had so exhausted the empire during the reign of Justinian
VOL. II. 34
530 THE BYZANTINE EMPlRIl
went on during the reign of his nephew, the empire had no
rest.
In order that he might the more effectually deal with the
Persians, Tiberius entered into a treaty of peace with the
Avars, promising the payments which Justin had so indig-
nantly refused. Being thus free from war in the Balkans he
concentrated 200,000 men on the Persian frontier, and his
troops under Maurice, a distinguished general, won many
successes. Chosroes, who was now old, would gladly have
made peace, but whilst negotiations were pending he died.
579. His son and successor Hormisdas refused to listen to the pro-
posals which Tiberius had made, and the war dragged on.
Maurice continued to be successful, and gained the important
581. victory of Constantia. But this did not end the war, for the
Persians, who could carry on the war at less cost than the em-
pire, hoped to win in the end by exhausting its resources.
582. When Tiberius had reigned as sole monarch for four years,
he was stricken down by a mortal disease, and it became
necessary for him to choose a successor. Following the
example of Justin, he chose not a relative, but the man whom
he beheved the most suitable. His choice fell upon Maurice,
who was then commanding the imperial army in Persia.
Maurice returned from Persia to find Tiberius on his death-
bed. Tiberius nominated him as his successor and he was
accepted gladly by the people. A marriage was arranged be-
tween him and Constantia, the younger daughter of the dying
emperor. Eight days later Tiberius expired.
Tiberius, though a worthy man in some ways, had proved
by no means a good emperor. He had many of the qualities
which endeared Titus to the people in former days. He was
very open-handed, he remitted taxation, and made many gifts.
Not content with giving donatives to the soldiers, and bread
to the people, he sent gifts to all and sundry, jurists, physi-
cians, bankers. He did not beheve in hoarding. The conse-
quence of this recklessness was that he soon drained the
treasury dry, and bequeathed a legacy of debt to his successor.
THE SUCCESSORS OF JUSTINIAN 531
It was well for the empire that he ruled as independent
monarcli for but four years.
Durino; the reitjn of Tiberius an incident occurred which
presents his character in a somewhat unpleasing light. He en-
listed Goths as auxiharies, and they very naturally begged
that a church should be granted them in order that they might
hold religious services in their usual way. Tiberius would
have granted their request, but the bare suggestion aroused the
fury of the orthodox party in Constantinople, and there were
formidable riots. Tiberius yielded to the clamour, and not
only refused the church, but authorised a general persecution
of Arians, lest the populace might suspect him of being well-
incHned towards their doctrines.
CHAPTER II.
MAURICE AND PHOCAS.
582. Maurice. — Maurice succeeded Tiberius, and reigned for twenty
years. He was an able and well-intentioned man, but his
reign was not a success. For this he cannot be held altogether
responsible. Justinian and Justin II. had left him an en-
cumbered inheritance, an empty treasury and a bankrupt
State. Worse still, they had bequeathed a legacy of war.
Both on the north and in the east enemies abounded, on the
one side the Avars and the Slavs, on the other Persia.
Maurice would gladly have ended the wars, for their ex-
pense was great, and so fruitless were they that he had often
the greatest difficulty in finding pay for the soldiers. So hard
was he driven at times that on more than one occasion he cut
down the soldiers' pay even whilst hostilities were in progress.
This chd not answer : the attempt led to serious trouble and
mutiny.
In the last chapter we saw how Chosroes, king of Persia,
was on the point of making peace with Tiberius when he died.
We saw also how Hormisdas his son would not listen to the
terms proposed by Tiberius, but persisted in carrying on the
war.
On the whole Maurice was successful in the Persian war.
He was fortunate in his generals Heraclius and Philippicus,
and won several battles. He would have won more but for
the mutinous spirit raised by liis well-meant but ill-timed
efforts at economy.
At last there was a revolution in Persia. Hormisdas be-
come unpopular; he was deposed and slain, and Varahnes
succeeded in his place. Hormisdas had left a son, Chosroes,
(532)
MAURICE AND PHOCAS 533
and he took refuge in the Byzantine camp. Maurice offered
to support him on certain terms, and he agreed. He returned
to his country and, backed by the Byzantine troops, soon over-
threw Varahnes. Chosroes then ascended the throne and
peace ensued. The war had lingered for nearly twenty years,
and ended, leaving the possessions of the Byzantine and 592.
Persian Empires just where they had been at the commence-
ment of hostilities.
Whilst the Persian war was in progress the empire had
suffered greatly from the incursions of the northern tribes.
In order that he might have his hands free for the conflict
with Persia, Tiberius had made peace with the Avars, promis-
ing substantial payments. But early in the reign of Maurice
they resumed their ravages. Perhaps they looked upon the
treaty as a personal agreement with Tiberius. Maurice tried
to renew the treaty, but their demands were exorbitant, and
it was evident that they could no longer be restrained by
reasonable concession.
Taking advantage of the absence of the Byzantine forces in
the East, the Avars crossed the Danube, and attacked the much-
coveted fortress of Singidunum. They captured it, but could
not have held it long, for eight years after we find them
again laying siege to the city.
Maurice subsidised the Avars in order to keep them at
peace, but we soon find them again in the empire, ravaging
Thrace. They even besieged the most important of the
Thracian cities, and some of them fell. At length they were
heavily defeated, and for about a twelvemonth the European 588.
provinces had rest.
The Avars were not the only northern tribes with wliom
Maurice had to deal. About this time we hear of other tribes
becoming a menace to the empire. Of these the most im-
portant were the Slavs. The Slavs had been dwelling in
Southern Russia, but had moved farther southward to fill up
the open spaces left by the Goths and the Lombards when
they migrated into Italy.
534 THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE
Some of the Slav tribes were subject to the Avars, some
were not. Apparently they crossed the Danube in the first
instance to escape from Avar domination. They entered the
empire in great numbers, but there would have been room for
all had they been content to settle down and till the soil. The
districts of the Dobrudscha and the Balkan slopes where they
chiefly settled were almost uninhabited, and as settlers the
new comers might have prospered well. But the Slavs were
in a low state of civilisation, hardly yet accustomed to till the
soil. They hved by hunting, fishing, and robbing when they
got the chance.
Notwithstanding the peace with Persia, the hands of
Maurice were always full, contending with these warlike tribes.
They were defeated again and again, but their numbers seemed
inexhaustible. When one tribe was exterminated, another
crossed the Danube and stepped into its place. John of
Ephesus, a chronicler of the period, relates how an accursed
people, called the Slavs, overran Greece, Thrace, and the adja-
cent provinces, plundering and burning. They made them-
selves masters of the country, and after years had passed were
still at their ease, ravaging and taking captive.
Maurice did what he could with an empty exchequer, a
mutinous army and a poverty-stricken people. But he had
many misfortunes and apparently little tact. Accordingly he
became extremely unpopular both with the army and with the
people.
599. Qq Qj^e occasion the emperor made a terrible mistake. The
Avars had captured 12,000 prisoners and demanded ransom.
It is probable that many of the prisoners were mutinous sol-
diers, practically deserters, and Maurice naturally hesitated
about the payment. But the Avars accepted his refusal as
final and with horrible brutality massacred them to a man.
Maurice could not have anticipated such an end to the negotia-
tion, but he should not have run the risk. His action was
most impolitic and won him many enemies.
601. Two years later Maurice made another serious mistake.
MAUEICE AND PHOCAS 535
The army of the Balkans had just iinislied a successful cam-
paign against the Slavs and had pursued them across the
Danube. They were waiting to be recalled in order that
they might go into winter quarters, when news came that they
were to stay where they were and spend the winter on the
Wallachian plains. The order was issued apparently in the
interests of economy, but a more unfortunate order could
scarcely have been issued. The soldiers at once mutinied,
drove away their generals, and with Phocas, a Thracian cen-
turion, at their head, marched upon Constantinople. They
did not intend that Phocas should be emperor, apparently they
intended that one of the sons of Maurice should be elevated to
the throne in his father's place.
The emperor, finding himself deserted by both soldiers and
people, crossed to Chalcedon with his wife and children. He
was less unpopular in Asia than in Europe, and hoped that he
might have time to gather forces and recover his throne. With
this view he sent Theodosius, his eldest son, to Persia to beg
help from Chosroes, the young monarch whom he had be-
friended when he was in somewhat similar trouble.
The army of the revolution entered the capital, and find-
ing that the royal family had fled, they proclaimed Phocas
emperor. He was an unsuitable man, but the best they had
ready.
Phocas accepted the honour, and to make his position more
secure sent officers to Asia to execute Maurice. The unfor-
tunate man was dragged from sanctuary, and after some of his
children had been slain before his very eyes he was beheaded.
He died with dignity and resignation. It speaks volumes for
the innate goodness of his heart that when a faithful nurse
concealed the young prince, of whom she had charge, and
offered her own child to the executioner's sword, Maurice
refused to allow the change to be made, Theodosius was
overtaken and slain, and shortly afterwards the empress was
also slain, together with the remaining members of the
family.
536 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
602. Phocas. — Phocas reigned for eight years, years of calamity
and degradation for the empire. He seems to have been an
ignorant and brutal man without redeeming feature. Abroad
there was disaster, at home terror.
On hearing of the death of Maurice and the usurpation of
Phocas, Chosroes declared war. He professed to avenge the
injuries sustained by Maurice, but this was a pretext. Some
time before the death of Maurice his attitude towards the
empire had been threatening.
At this time the imperial forces in the East were com-
manded by Narses. He was an eminent general, and had been
commissioned formerly by Maurice to reinstate Chosroes upon
the Persian throne. Phocas therefore looked upon him with a
jealous eye, fearing collusion. There was, however, no fair
ground for suspecting the loyalty of Narses, and Phocas would
have done better to have made him his friend. But he showed
his suspicion so openly that Narses revolted, occupied Edessa,
and advised Chosroes to begin the war. Phocas then professed
a desire to be reconciled with Narses, and invited him to Con-
stantinople. When he came Phocas ordered him to be arrested
and burnt alive. By this brutal deed he deprived himself of
the only man who was thoroughly capable of grappUng with the
Persians.
The army in the East, deprived in this cruel way of its
favourite general, now fought in spiritless fashion. Ill sup-
ported and badly led it sustained many reverses. Daras was
606. captured by the Persians, they overran Mesopotamia, they
608, ravaged Syria, they laid siege to Antioch, The Byzantine
armies offered little resistance ; and at last the Persians over-
running Cappadocia, Galatia and Bithynia, penetrated even to
Chalcedon and encamped upon ground from which they could
view Constantinople itself.
Whilst Asia Minor and Syria were thus in the hands of the
enemy, and Phocas needed every friend that he had, he
was injudicious enough to stir up persecution against the
Jews, on the pretext that they had betrayed certain cities to
MAUEICE AND PHOCAS 537
the Persians. There may have been reason for the suspicion,
for from ancient times the Jews and the Persians had been on
friendly terms. But it was not an opportune moment for
Phocas to increase the number of his enemies. Asia abounded
in Jews, many of whom were in positions of influence, and by
persecuting them he only added civil war and anarchy to the
other miseries from which the empire was suffering.
Whilst Asia was thus torn asunder, conspiracy was rife in
the capital. But if Phocas was weak against the enemies of
his country he was clever at crushing his own, and various
conspiracies organised in the capital came to nought. At
length the disaffected entered into correspondence with
the governor of Africa. Africa had been enjoying the
blessings of peace, and had therefore prospered. A veteran
soldier named Heraclius ruled there. He had been appointed
by Maurice, and when his patron was slain he refused to
recognise Phocas as emperor.
Certain leading senators of Constantinople, detesting 609.
Phocas and knowing that their own lives were in danger,
sent emissaries to Heraclius begging him to seize the supreme
power. Heraclius was too old a man to care about attempt-
ing such an enterprise on his own account, but he undertook
it on behalf of his eldest son, who bore his name. Accordingly
he fitted out an excellent fleet, which it was arranged should
set out to attack Constantinople, whilst a body of cavalry
moved eastward by the coast to invade Egypt.
So well was the secret of this conspiracy kept that the fleet
under Heraclius the younger reached the Bosphorus unopposed.
Priscus, the commander of the imperial guard, who was privy 610.
to the conspiracy, at once joined Heraclius with his whole
regiment. Phocas, deserted by all, tried to escape in a small
boat, but was captured and beheaded. His last words showed
that he was not without wit. " Is this the way you have
governed the empire ? " asked Heraclius. " Will you govern
it any better ? " Phocas replied.
CHAPTER III.
HERAOLIUS.
610. When Phocas fell and Heraclius ascended the throne a good
man succeeded to a bad. But even a good man could not alter
facts. The empire was under a thick cloud. In the North
the Avars and Slavs, in the South the Persians made life in-
tolerable for the people. Thrace was seldom free from raiding
bands, Syria and Asia Minor were constantly overrun. A
Persian army had encamped at Chalcedon and gazed at Con-
stantinople with expectant eyes.
The imperial treasury was empty, the subjects of the em-
pire were ground down by taxation, everywhere there was
poverty, disaffection and decay. Nor was Heraclius even
sure of his armies. The troops who had accompanied him
from Africa could be depended upon, but they were a handful.
The others were very inefficient. The soldiers had lost all
confidence in themselves and dared not meet their enemies in
the open field.
The generals who led the armies were unreliable. Had
Heraclius been able to take the field and command the armies
in person, all might have been well. But this imperial etiquette
forbade. For two centuries, since the days of Theodosius I.,
no reigning emperor had ever led an army in the field. Herac-
lius had therefore to delegate his power, and the men to whom
he delegated it were always unfortunate when not actively dis-
loyal. Priscus, son-in-law of Phocas, one of those who had
invited Heraclius from Africa, disappointed in the amount of
his reward, and perhaps thinking how easily he might have
secured the purple for himself, was so disloyal that HeracKus
had to depose him. Thus the first years of the reign of the
(538)
HEBACLIUS 539
new sovereign promised no more for the empire than the years
that had gone before. They were but a prolongation of misery.
In the third year of the reign of HeracHus, the armies of 613.
Chosroes again pushed forward, intent upon bringing Syria
and Asia Minor permanently under Persian sway. Damascus
was captured, and then Jerusalem feU. The circumstances of 614.
the capture were terrible. At the first appearance of the
Persians the inhabitants yielded, and received a garrison. But
when Shahr Barz, the victorious general, had retired they rose
and slaughtered the soldiers. Upon this Shahr Barz returned
and gave Jerusalem up to massacre. Ninety thousand Chris-
tians were slain, the city was sacked, and its sacred relics fell
into the hands of the fire-worshippers. All Christendom was
horrified.
Elated by his success in Syria, Shahr Barz pressed into 616.
^SyV^- Egypt had not seen war for centuries, and its people
were never warlike at the best of times. Moreover, rehgious
conflict divided the people, and they had never taken kindly
to Byzantine rule. The Persians, therefore, found their task
easy, and Egypt quickly became a Persian province.
The loss of Egypt affected the empire very seriously. For
a long time Egypt had been an important source of revenue to
the treasury, and Constantinople depended upon it for its
supply of corn. Its ahenation caused great alarm.
The easy success of the Persians in Palestine and Egypt
was largely attributable to rehgious differences. In Egypt
there was constant friction between the Greek Christians and
the Copts; in Palestine there was bitter enmity between
Christian and Jew. The Palestinian Jews had been ahenated
quite recently by persecution. Phocas had compelled many to
be baptised. There had been revolts, and Phocas had crushed
them unmercifully. But the Jews had their revenge when the
squadrons of Chosroes poured over the frontier. They joined
the Persian ranks in thousands, and made the task of the in-
vader easy. They hoped once more to possess their Holy
City, if not in independence, at least under Persian rule.
540 THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE
Since the days of Cyrus, the Persians had never been so hard
upon them as other nations had been.
617. With the empire things went from bad to worse. Once
more a Persian array encamped at Chalcedon, and this time it
remained, its banners and camp fires a terror to the imperial
city. It said something for the popularity of Heraclius that
he kept his throne. But so depressed was he that he thought
of returning to Carthage and even went so far as to ship his
treasures. When the Byzantines heard of his proposed flight
they were alarmed, and exacted a solemn oath from him that
he would not leave the city.
An embassy was sent to Chosroes asking for peace, and
Shahen, who commanded the Persian forces before Chalcedon,
accompanied the embassy, hoping to influence his master in
favour of peace. He met with a poor recompense : the am-
bassadors were thrown into prison, and he was flayed alive.
Chosroes replied to the request for peace at his leisure, and
in a letter written after the style of that written by Sen-
nacherib to Hezekiah : —
"Chosroes, greatest of the gods, king and master of the
whole earth, son of Chosroes the great, to Heraclius his vile
and insensate slave.
" You refuse to submit to our rule, and call yourself a king.
You scatter our treasures and deceive our servants. With
your brigands you incessantly annoy us. Have not I de-
stroyed the Greeks ? You say you trust in God. Has he
delivered Caesarea, Jerusalem, Alexandria out of my hand ?
Have not I subdued land and sea to my laws ? Can I not
also destroy Constantinople ? But come hither with your wife
and children, and I will pardon your faults. I will give you
lands, vineyards, and olive groves. Deceive not yourself with
the hope that Christ can save you, he who could not even save
himself from the Jews who crucified him. If you descend to
the depths of the sea, I will stretch out my hand and seize you."
" Pride goeth before destruction, and a haughty spirit
before a fall." The proposed flight of the emperor and the
HEKACLIUS 541
letter of Chosroes created a crisis in Constantinople. A cru-
sade was declared, the Church lent her treasure, thousands of
volunteers joined the army, and HeracUus determined to lead 618.
the troops in person, and strike at least one fierce blow for
freedom.
Preparations began at once but it was some time before
Heraclius could take the field. The Avars, remorseless and
eager to snatch every opportunity, once more crossed the
Balkans and advanced to the gates of Constantinople. Herac-
lius offered them almost any terms if they would withdraw
beyond the Danube. Their chagan proposed a conference at
Heraclea, and when Heraclius agreed he laid an ambush and
tried to capture him. Herachus learned in time, but only
escaped by hard riding. His pursuers chased him to the sub-
urbs of Constantinople. Notwithstanding this treachery, the
emperor continued to offer terms and eventually a peace was
arranged.
Further delays were caused by Persian attacks from Chal- 620.
cedon. Shahr Barz even built a fleet and tried to cross the
straits. But his efforts were frustrated.
At last Heraclius was able to take the field. He appointed
his son Heraclius Constantinus, a boy of ten, to act as regent, 622.
with Sergius, the patriarch, and Bonus, a patrician, as chief
administrators.
The war that followed lasted for six years. During these
years HeracUus not only proved himself brave, but also showed
himself a consummate master of strategy and leader of men,
worthy to be ranked with Hannibal and Julius Caesar. From
the very first he gained complete ascendency over Chosroes and
his generals, and beat them at every point.
The emperor's first movement showed how carefully he had
planned his campaign. Instead of attacking Shahr Barz at
Chalcedon, or sailing down the Black Sea and landing on the
Armenian coast, he sailed through the Hellespont, and round
Asia Minor to the Bay of Issus. There in a splendidly shel-
tered and easily defended nook he landed his forces. He was
542 THE BYZANTINE EMPIBE
at once close to the important city of Antioch and in a spot to
wliich his supporters might conveniently rally from various
parts of the empire.
When HeracHus had exercised his troops he marched north-
ward into Cappadocia, and thus cut in between Shahr Barz and
the Euphrates Valley. The effect was instantaneous. The
army which had terrorised Constantinople for five years struck
its tents and hastened eastward. Without a battle Heraclius had
relieved his capital, and freed Asia Minor from the presence
of the enemy. When Shahr Barz approached, the emperor
outmana3Uvred him and cut his army to pieces. Then he led
his forces into winter quarters in Pontus, and returned to
Byzantium a hero.
623. Next spring the emperor was again with his troops. Aban-
doning his communication with the sea, he plunged inland and
threatened Persia itself. Chosroes had large forces, but re-
treated before him as he advanced through Armenia. At
Gandzaca Chosroes awaited him with 40,000 men, but on his
approach fled to Nineveh. The winter was spent by the im-
perial forces in Albania, after the emperor had freed 50,000
prisoners, partly from mercy, chiefly perhaps because they
would have been hard to feed.
624. Chosroes, now greatly alarmed, concentrated his forces,
drawing them in from outlying stations, and thus reheving
Syria and Egypt of their presence. When, therefore, spring
came Herachus had to face three great generals : Sarablagas,
Shahr Barz and Saes. Sarablagas was overthrown and slain ;
Saes led his army into districts so difficult that it accomplished
nothing ; Shahr Barz was defeated and fled for his life. Thus
ended a most successful campaign, and Heraclius wintered at Van.
625. Next year the emperor again marched southward. Having
recovered the old Roman cities of Amida and Martyropolis, he
entered CiHcia, At the Sarus Shahr Barz faced him, but was
heavily beaten. He retired with his shattered remnant to
Persia, and Heraclius marched through Pontus and wintered on
the Black Sea.
HERACLIUS 543
That winter Chosroes determined to make a supreme effort. 626.
He sent envoys to the Avars and arranged that they should
attack Constantinople from the north, whilst he attacked it
from the south. Then he levied two great armies. One under
Shahr Barz marched to Chalcedon to co-operate with the Avars,
the other under Saes marched against Heraclius.
Heraclius showed no anxiety about his capital. He had
perfect confidence in Sergius and Bonus, and when he had sent
them instructions and a corps of mail-clad veterans to help in
the defence, he calmly awaited the result and proceeded with
his own plans.
The emperor divided his forces into two sections. One
army he sent southward under Theodore, his brother, to meet
Saes ; with the rest of his forces he remained in Armenia.
As Chosroes had turned the Avars loose on Thrace, Herac-
lius retahated by making alHance with the Khazars, a trans-
Caucasian tribe, and 40,000 of their warriors swept Media to
the very gates of Ctesiphon. Saes was defeated by Theodore,
and rather than face Chosroes he slew himself. Chosroes is
said to have flogged his dead body in impotent rage.
At Byzantium all went well. The Avars and Persians
arrived simultaneously, and their troops gazed at one another
across the Bosphorus. But no junction could be effected be-
tween their forces, for the imperial fleet had command of
the sea and patrolled it day and night. At last the Avars
themselves attacked the city with desperate valour. But
the defence was superb, and assault after assault was de-
livered in vain. Utterly foiled, the chagan vsdthdrew and re-
crossed the Danube. About the same time the citizens heard
of the defeat of the Persian army under Saes.
The attack upon Constantinople having thus miscarried 627.
there was no need for Shahr Barz to remain at Chalcedon.
Chosroes accordingly wrote recalling him. But HeracHus had
the good fortune to intercept the messenger and a letter was
substituted telling him that all was well and bidding him re-
main where he was. Accordingly Shahr Barz did remain to
544 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
the amazement of Cliosroes. Enraged lie now sent a letter to
the second in command, ordering him to slay his general and
send his head forthwith. But the letter was handed to Shahr
Barz himself, who added to his own name the names of all his
leading officers. He then called a council, and with one con-
sent they declared for revolution. Peace was arranged with
the imperial administrators, and Shahr Barz sent word to
HeracHus that his army would give him no more trouble.
Meanwhile another Persian army led by Rhazates had been
destroyed, and Heraclius had no more enemies in the field.
His victorious army pressed on to Dastagerd and destroyed its
palaces. Cliosroes was in full flight, Persia was in revolt,
and Heraclius marched northward, encamped at Gandzaca in
Northern Media, and waited events.
Siroes, the king's eldest son, joined the revolution ; Chosroes
was deposed and slain. Shahr Barz had already made peace
with the emperor and Siroes gladly did the same. All captives,
provinces and treasures that had belonged to the Byzantine
Empire were restored, and Heraclius, leaving his brother Theo-
dore to make final arrangements, returned to Constantinople.
After six years of unbroken victory he enjoyed a well-deserved
629. triumph. Next year he journeyed to Jerusalem and deposited
the sacred rehcs, wliich he had recovered, in their resting place
in the Holy Sepulchre.
Heraclius had restored the boundary of the empire and
permanently broken the Persian power. We cannot pretend
to pity the Persian kings, however much we may sympatliise
with their unfortunate people. They had fought for booty
and mere conquest. They took by the sword and they perished
by the sword. Siroes reigned for eight months, and then was
pushed aside by Shahr Barz. The latter was murdered, and in
the space of four years Persia saw nine rulers. At last it fell
an easy prey to the Moslem, and Islam became the religion of
its people.
When Heraclius returned to liis capital his mind must have
been easier than it had been for many a day. Not only was
HBEACLIUS 546
Persia in the dust, but the Avars had been so seriously re-
buffed that they were not Hkely to trouble the empire again
for a considerable time. All seemed well. Yet at that very
moment a storm was gathering which would engulf Persia and
undo in the empire all that Heraclius had so bravely and so
patiently done.
In another section of our history we have dealt fully with
the history of Mohammed, the prophet of Ai-abia. Born in
Mecca, five years after the death of Justinian, driven from 570.
Mecca to Medina by his fellow townsmen, he had gradually 622.
founded the religion of Islam and become the leader of a
numerous sect. As he became powerful his followers took up
the sword and converted Arabia by force of arms.
When HeracHus was on his last campaign in Persia he re- 628.
ceived the letter which has been already spoken of in Moham-
med's hfe. Chosroes received a similar letter. Chosroes tore
up his copy and threatened terrible things ; Herachus, desiring
not to make any fresh enemies for the moment, sent a polite
reply.
The year after the Persian war had ended the troops of 629.
Herachus had been attacked by the followers of Mohammed at
Muta on the Dead Sea. The excuse for the confhct was the
alleged murder of an envoy, and the Moslems were repulsed
with great loss. Before Mohammed died he resolved to avenge
this defeat and an expedition had been prepared. Abu Bekr,
who succeeded Mohammed, carried out his design ; the expedi-
tion went forth, ravaged the offending province and returned
in triumph.
For a year Abu Bekr had to contend for the existence of
Islam in Arabia itself. At length he crushed the rebeUion and
then made his victory permanent, and won the whole-hearted
devotion of the Arab by a masterstroke. ReaHsing that if he
would keep the Arabs loyal, he must find scope for their
energies, he turned them against the foreign unbeHever and
claimed universal empire for Islam.
" Thus, Hke bloodhounds in the chase, the Arabs were let
VOL. II. 35
546 THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE
loose upon mankind, the world their prey. Maddened by the
taste of blood into a wild and irresistible fanaticism, they swept
their enemies before them, till in a few short years they had
engulfed in common ruin the earliest seats of Christianity and
the path of Zoroaster " (Muir, Life of Mohammed).
No time could have been more opportune for an attack
upon the East. The Byzantine and Persian Empires were
alike exhausted. Persia was a prey to revolution : Byzantium,
though triumphant, was breathless and faint.
Heraclius when he returned unwisely endeavoured to pay
back at once the treasure which the Churches had lent him for
the war. Whether that which belonged to the people and
had been spent for the common good should have been paid
back at all may be a question, but at any rate immediate pay-
ment was a fatal error. Provinces already afflicted by war
were now driven to despair by taxation.
The Persian war came to a conclusion in 628, war with the
Saracens, for by this name the hosts of Islam became best
known, began in 633. Abu Bekr made preparations upon a
great scale. He determined to attack Persia and the empire at
once, and commissioned five armies to offer to the world the
Koran, tribute or the sword. HeracHus did not prepare ade-
quately to meet this new danger. Neither he nor any other
realised the strength of the enemy.
634. After various battles had been fought and several cities had
fallen, Heraclius saw the danger and levied an enormous army.
A decisive battle was fought on the Yermuk, east of Tiberias.
Both sides fought well and the slaughter was terrible. Had
Herachus been himself present he might have conquered. But
he was the victim of dropsy and no longer fit to undergo the
fatigae of war. So the Saracens triumphed, and the imperial
army, driven over a line of precipices, was almost annihilated.
635, This battle decided the fate of Damascus. Its rehef was at-
tempted, but the relieving force was defeated and the city fell.
The sudden unmasking of so terrible a foe and the dramatic
change from overwhelming victory to hopeless defeat was more
HEEACLIUS 547
than could be borne. Heraclius took the field himself and
strove in vain to beat back the tide of war. He failed and
when city after city fell, and he could do no more, he turned
towards his capital. On the way his nerves broke down
utterly. So prostrate was he that he dared not enter a ship,
and a bridge of boats had to be built, covered with earth and
hedged by branches before he could be persuaded to venture
across the strait.
Soon Jerusalem fell. Omar was now caliph and he acted 637.
with moderation, leaving to the Christians their holy places on
condition that they paid tribute and did not proselytise. A
mosque bearing the caliph's name was erected on the site of
Solomon's temple.
HeracUus sent his son to make a final effort. But he was 638.
defeated near Emesa and had to retire. Two years later the
empire did not possess a single stronghold in Asia south of the
Taurus.
No sooner was Syria won than the Saracens fell upon 640.
Egypt. Here they had still less difficulty. The native Copts,
a majority of the people, hated the Greeks and made the in-
vaders welcome. Farma, Belbeis, Babylon, Memphis fell, and
the Greeks retired fighting on Alexandria. Alexandria held
out well and might have been saved had Herachus lived. But
as he was preparing an armament for its rehef he died. He- 641.
racHus was sixty-six years of age, and had reigned over thirty
years. His remains lay in state for three days, and were then
buried near those of Constantine. Thus did the founder of
Byzantium repose beside the hero who had saved the city in
the hour of her direst need.
After the death of Heraclius the citizens of Alexandria lost
heart. Such as had movable property worth saving sailed
away, the rest submitted.
CHAPTER IV.
SEVENTY YEARS OF TURMOIL.
641. Heraclius had expressed the wish that the empire should
after his death be ruled jointly by his two sons, Constantinus
and Heracleonas. The former, Constantine III., died within
three months, and as he had been a general favourite, the
people demanded that his son Constans, a boy of eleven, should
be crowned and take his father's place. Both the emperors
were children, so Martina, the second wife of Heraclius, acted
as regent. This arrangement lasted for one eventful year.
During that year Alexandria fell, the Greeks losing with it
642. their last foothold in Egypt. The battle of Nevahend, which
decided the fate of Persia, was fought within the same year.
At the end of the year Martina and Heracleonas were deposed
and banished to the Crimea, and Constans reigned alone.
During the minority of Constans II., the Senate adminis-
tered the affairs of the empire. In the second year of the
reign, an expedition was sent against Alexandria, and it was
retaken. But Amr, the Arab governor of Egypt, laid siege
to it again, and recaptured it; and this time he massacred
many of its inhabitants, and threw down its walls.
643. The Moslems attacked Cyprus, ravaged it and laid it under
tribute, but had not a sufficiently powerful fleet to enable
them to hold the island permanently. Omar had strenuously
opposed the building of a fleet, but when he died Othman, his
successor, allowed it to be done. The fleet proved of enormous
advantage to the Saracens, and soon gave them command of
the Mediterranean.
Gregory, the Byzantine governor of Northern Africa, re-
belled and proclaimed himself emperor. The Saracens, taking
(548)
SEVENTY YEARS OF TURMOIL 549
advantage of the breach between him and Byzantium, invaded
the province, captured Barca and Tripoli, and slew Gregory.
They thus gained the eastern end of the African province,
but on the death of Gregory, Carthage and Western Africa
reverted to their allegiance to Byzantium. The Moslems did
not become dominant throughout Africa for half a century.
The Moslem fleet did terrible execution. Aradus, a pros-
perous mercantile city built on an island, was captured and
destroyed. Rhodes was captured and occupied for a time, and
the Colossus, which had been thrown down by an earthquake,
was sold as old brass to a Jewish trader of Edessa. He broke
it up, and carried it away in pieces. It made nine hundred
camel loads.
Constans II. proved an able monarch, and fought hard
even if unsuccessfully. He tried to recover Alexandria, but 652.
his fleet was defeated with great loss. Tliree years later Con-
stantinople itself was threatened, Muavia prepared to attack
it, and assembled an armament at Tripolis in Phoenicia. Con-
stans went forth against him, and there Avas a great sea-fight
ofl" the coast of Lycia. The emperor fought valiantly, but was
defeated, and escaped with bare life. It was a crushing blow,
and it seemed as if the Saracens must now carry all before
them. But at tliis crisis Othman was murdered, and a savage 65(S.
civil war broke out between Muavia, governor of Syria, and
Ali, Mohammed's son-in-law, governor of Persia, rivals for the
caliphate. Having, therefore, his hands full, Muavia gladl}'^
entered into a treaty of peace with Constans, and it lasted for
five years.
During this breathing space, Constans tried to strengthen 659.
his frontiers. Certain provinces, Spain, Egypt, and Africa, as
far as Tripoh, were gone beyond recovery. Northward, the
province of Moesia and parts of Thrace and Macedon were in
the hands of the Slavs, who had evidently come to stay. Con-
stans recognised these facts, and wisely devoted himself to
securing that which was left. He was still supreme in Con-
550 T'HE BYZANTINE EMPIBEl
stantinople and the surrounding districts, in parts of Italy, in
Asia Minor, Western Africa, Sicily, and Sardinia.
Taking advantage of the opportunity which followed the
death of Othman, Constans made war on the Slavs, and de-
feated them. But he was content that they should acknow-
ledge his suzerainty, and agree to respect the boundaries of
the province ; he made no attempt to drive them back across
the Danube.
Constans proceeded with tlie re-organisation of the pro-
vincial administration of the empire. Heraclius had begun
this work, and it was not completed by Constans, but he ad-
vanced it considerably. The empire was divided into military
districts called themes. The word signified first a depot of
soldiers, and was then applied to the district protected by the
depot. The divisions varied at different times. The Asiatic
themes were the Obsequian, Tharcesian, Cibyraeot, Anatolic,
Armeniac, and Bucellarian. The western themes were Thrace,
Hellas, Illy ri cum, Sicily, Africa, and Ravenna.
Anxious to conserve the energies of the empire and save
Western Africa and Sicily from the Moslem, Constans resolved
to shift the ruling centre at least for a time. Uncertain, per-
haps, whether he would fix the centre of government at Rome
or Syracuse, he tried to gauge the strength of the Lombards
in Southern Italy. Accordingly he sailed to Italy with con-
662. siderable forces, and landed at Taranto. After some minor
successes he attacked Benevento, the most southern of the
Lombard States. Then, hearing that the Lombards were
mobilising against him, he left Benevento and marched to-
wards Rome, which was still an imperial city.
663. The Romans received the emperor well, but learning that
a section of his army had been cut to pieces by the Lombards
he determined not to settle in Italy. Accordingly he marched
southward by Naples to Reggio, where he crossed and settled
at Syracuse.
664. Syracuse was a convenient centre for the supervision of
the empire, and Constans remained there for four years.
SEVENTY YEARS OF TURMOIL 551
During that time he crossed to Africa and recovered Cartilage
and other cities which had fallen into Moslem hands. But he
suffered a serious reverse at Tripoli, and was content to leave
that as the boundary of the empire.
At Syracuse Constans was assassinated. An Armenian 668.
named Mezecius succeeded him, but when he had reigned for
a few months Constantine IV., the son of Constans, arrived
with an armament and put him to death.
Constans had been a somewhat severe monarch and took
little pains to be popular, but he had done his work weU. He
had reorganised the provinces, improved the army, and kept
the Moslems from further encroachment. In his young days
he had even bearded the pope. Life in Constantinople had
long been made insupportable by bitter theological discussion,
especially about the precise nature of our Lord. Constans,
young enough to believe that such matters could be settled by
edict, issued one known as " The Type," forbidding that the
subject should be again mentioned. Pope Martin held a synod
at Rome, and condemned the edict. Constans said little for
the moment, but some years later he had Martin arrested,
carried to Constantinople, and tried. He was exiled and died
in exile.
When Constantine IV. had put Mezecius to death he re- 66S.
turned to Constantinople. He reigned for seventeen years,
mostly years of warfare. Muavia had won the caliphate and
determined to conquer the empire. Accordingly he attacked
Africa, Sicily and Asia Minor. His forces held Cyzicus in the
Sea of Marmora for four years, and from that base gave Con-
stantinople no rest. But Constantine did not lose heart, and
in the end he proved more than a match for the Saracen.
About this time some one invented a liquid compound called
Greek Fire. It was a mixture of asphalt, nitre, sulphur and
tow, or something of the sort, and when once it was lighted it
burned with great obstinacy. Moreover, it could be squirted
through tubes in a burning state, and Constantine, having
armed some of his sliips with it, played havoc witli the enemy.
652 THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE
When the Saracens had beleaguered Constantinople for
several years and made many attacks upon it, all of which
were repelled by the emperor with great loss, they got utterly
discouraged and retired. The retreat was as disastrous as the
siege. The greater part of their fleet perislied in a storm off"
Lycia, and their land forces were cut to pieces by the imperial
troops. So great was the failure that the caliph willingly
made peace and actually engaged to pay tribute to Byzantium.
The prolonged attack upon Constantinople by the Moslems
had been watched with much concern by the European Powers,
and when it failed representatives came from various Western
nations, including the Franks, to congratulate Constantine upon
his triumph. The congratulations were well deserved. The
history of the Byzantine Empire may at times have been in-
glorious enougli, but for many centuries it held the Eastern
gate of Europe against Antichrist.
Constantine's later years were more peaceful. The Bul-
garians, a non- Aryan race allied with the Magyars and dwelling
north of the Black Sea, crossed the Danube and attacked the
Slavs. Constantine sent an expedition to the mouth of the
679. Danube, but when it was defeated he did not further interfere.
Accordingly the Bulgarians settled amongst the Slavs in the
lands between the Danube and the Balkans, where a mixed
nation sprang up which still bears their name.
685. Constantine IV. was succeeded by his son Justinian II.
He was a boy of sixteen and as he grew older he showed that
he had the family energy, but not the family balance. His
father left the empire at peace with foreign nations, and he
would have done well had he continued on the same lines. But
he preferred a policy of adventure.
Justinian began by invading Bulgaria and trying to push
the Roman frontier back again to tlie Danube. He was suc-
cessful for a time, and returned with 30,000 captives. From
these he picked a Bulgarian corps for service in Asia. It was
a risky thing to do and it proved his ruin.
Constantine had left the realm at peace with the caliph, and
SEVENTY YEAES OF TURMOIL 553
Abd al Melik. now caliph, renewed the peace with his son. In 688.
the renewal it was stipulated that the Mardaites, unconquered
Christian tribes in the mountains of Lebanon, should be mi-
grated by the emperor. There was no suflScient reason for this
step, and much to be said against it. But Justinian agreed
and 12,000 hardy highlanders were transplanted from districts
where they served as a bulwark against the Moslem to districts
where they were not of the same value. It may be, however,
that the emigration was voluntary, in whicli case Justinian
cannot be blamed.
It will be remembered that Muavia, after his failure at
Constantinople, undertook to pay tribute to the Byzantine
Empire. Tlie tribute had been paid faithfully in the coin then
current. But the caliph started a mint of his own and sent
the tribute to Justinian in Arabian coin. With inconceivable
folly Justinian refused to accept the new coin, and the caliph
refused any other. War ensued, the Moslem troops bearing
aloft the torn treaty as a banner. A great battle was fought
and during the battle many of the Bulgarians deserted to the
enemy. It was just what Justinian might have expected, but
so maddened was the emperor that when he returned to Nico-
media he slew such of the Bulgarians as had remained faithful.
Justinian's home policy was no wiser than his foreign. To
obtain money for his foolish wars he taxed tlie people un-
mercifully. His financial ministers tortured unwilling tax-
payers. To make things worse he must needs emulate the
emperor, whose name he bore, by lavishing money on quite
unnecessary palaces.
Oppression at home and defeat abroad will soon ruin a
monarch, and at last Leontius, a general who had incurred the
emperor's displeasure and feared for his hfe, conspired against
him and thrust him from the throne. He was banished to 695.
Cherson, and his chief ministers were slain by the infuriated
people. It would have been better had they slain Justinian
also.
Leontius ruled for three disastrous years. The Saracens,
554 THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE
encouraged by their victory over Justinian, overran Asia Minor
697. and Africa. Carthage, captured by Hassan, was recaptured by
Leontius. But next year the Saracens returned and regained
the city, driving the imperial fleet from the harbour. Whether
the defeated oflficers had been disobedient or not we cannot tell,
but they feared to face Leontius and conspired to dethrone him.
The conspiracy was successful, he was relegated to a monas-
tery, and Aspimarus, the admiral, became emperor in his stead.
£98. Aspimar, who took the throne name of Tiberius II., reigned
for seven years. He defeated the Saracens in Asia Minor, re-
covered Cilicia and occupied Antioch. Had Justinian II. been
slain when he was deposed, Tiberius might have continued to
reign with advantage to the empire. But the exiled monarch
never ceased to plot. Tiberius, aware of the plotting, ordered
that he should be driven from Cherson. He fled to the Kha-
zars and from them to the Bulgarians. The Bulgarian King
lent him an army and he marched upon Constantinople. He
705, had partisans within the city and obtained an entrance. He
captured the palace, seized Tiberius and had Leontius brought
from his monastic retreat. Then he sat in the hippodrome
with his feet upon their necks, amidst the cheers of the fickle
and worthless mob. They were then led away to execution,
Justinian had learned little wisdom by adversity. His
second reign lasted for five years, and during it he was chiefly
occupied in taking vengeance on all who opposed him. The
magistrates of Cherson were roasted on spits, other enemies
were sewn in sacks and cast into the Bosphorus. An arma-
ment was commissioned to level Cherson with the ground. It
was destroyed in a storm and 70,000 perished. Justinian sent
another, but the men, disgusted with their task, joined the
citizens of Cherson in a revolution and proclaimed their general,
Pliilippicus, emperor. The armament then returned to Con-
stantinople, and Justinian, deserted by all, was seized and be-
711. headed. His son, a boy of six, was also slain. They were the
last scions of the house of Heraclius, which had held the im-
perial throne for a century.
SEVENTY YEAES OF TUEMOIL 555
Three rulers, Philippieus, Anastasius II. and Theodosius III.
succeeded each other within six years. During their reigns
the Bulgarians marched up to the very gates of Constanti-
nople, and the Saracens crossed the frontiers of the empire on
every side. They subdued Sardinia and overran Cappadocia
and Pontus. Antioch in Pisidia fell, and much of southern
Asia Minor. Africa was entirely in Saracen hands, and Moslem
hosts had traversed Spain even to the Bay of Biscay.
Walid I., wlio was now caliph, determined to make another
attempt upon Constantinople. Accordingly he prepared a vast
armament, an army of 100,000 men, a fleet of 1,000 sail. He
died before the expedition set forth and left the task to Soliman,
his brother.
There was in the imperial army at this time a general of
marked ability named Leo, a native of Isauria. Anastasius II.
had recognised his worth, and made him commander of troops
in Asia. Theodosius III. was now emperor, a worthy man but
not strong enough to grapple \N^th the difficulties of the time,
and nowise coveting the important position into which he had
been thrust. Aware that the Moslems were advancing on the
capital, Leo's army revolted, left their station in Asia Minor,
and marched home. The troops sent against them by Theo-
dosius were easily worsted, whereupon Theodosius consulted
the Senate and voluntarily abdicated in favour of Leo. Leo
was then formally elected emperor, and Theodosius retired into 717.
private life. He deserves credit for his self-abnegation and
good judgment, for events proved that he had thus peacefully
made way for the one man who could save the empire.
CHAPTER V.
A DYNASTY OF REFORMERS.
717. Leo III. — Leo III. was the son of wealthy parents who had
emigrated from Isauria to Thrace. He was well educated,
entered the army in the reign of Justinian II. as aide-de-camp,
rose rapidly, and was appointed by Anastasius II, governor of
the Anatolic theme.
Leo was not only a successful soldier and a favourite in the
army, but also a man of convictions, having enhghtened views
on economical and religious questions. His descendants fol-
lowed in his footsteps for sixty years, the famous Heraclian
dynasty being worthily followed by the Isaurian. It was well
for the empire and for Europe when Leo began to reign.
Leo ascended the throne in April, and in five months the
Moslems were upon him. But he had had time to prepare,
the capital had been splendidly provisioned, its fortifications
repaired, its garrison strengthened. The emperor also pre-
pared a fleet, not intending to cope with the Saracens in a
great engagement, but hoping to keep tliem out of the Bos-
phorus, so that he might be able to obtain supplies from the
Black Sea. If he could accomplish this he knew that the
blockade would be harder upon the Saracens than upon Con-
stantinople.
In the autumn the Moslems arrived, an innumerable host.
The land forces did not tarry in Asia, but were ferried across
the Hellespont that they might blockade Constantinople on tlie
Thracian side. When the army had crossed, the fleet advanced
through the Sea of Marmora towards the Golden Horn, mean-
ing to secure the Bosphorus. But this was not so easy. Leo
was ready, and when he perceived the heavily laden ships toil-
(556)
A DYNASTY OF KEFOEMEES 557
ing against the stream, he attacked them with swift vessels
armed with Greek fire. Twenty Saracen ships were destroyed,
the rest drew back and did not attempt further passage.
The result of the first engagement encouraged the citizens,
and they bore the winter siege with equanimity. They had
indeed little to bear for they were well-housed, well-clothed,
and well-fed. The besiegers, on the other hand, many of them
accustomed to a warm climate, suffered terribly, men and
horses dying in great numbers. Moslemah, the caliph's brother,
who was in command of the expedition, sent for reinforce-
ments, and in the spring another army and another fleet
arrived. The land forces remained on the Asiatic side of the
Bosphorus, and the fleet crept up the straits as far as pos-
sible, in the hope of cutting off' the city from the Black Sea.
The new ships were mostly from Syria and Egypt, and as
the Moslems had but a limited supply of seamen professing
their own faith, they had pressed many Christian sailors into
their service. These were half-hearted, and when they found
themselves in the neighbourhood of Constantinople, they de-
serted in considerable numbers. Encouraged by the state-
ments of the deserters, Leo took advantage of a favourable
wind, and attacked the Moslem transports as they lay at
anchor. The attack was successful, some of the ships were
burned, some driven ashore, some captured. The Christian
sailors joined the Byzantine fleet, the Moslems fled. Leo's
troops then landed in Bithyuia, and routed the Saracen forces
there.
By these victories on land and sea, Leo isolated the Moslem
army which was lying in Thrace. They could no longer ob-
tain supplies from Asia, and they had exhausted the resources
of Thrace. Famine stared them in the face.
Matters were made worse for the Saracens by the Bifl-
garians, who descended upon them, and in a battle at Hadri-
anople, slew twenty thousand.
Retreat was now imperative and Moslemah raised the siege. 718.
His land forces fought their way across Asia Minor with heavy
558 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
loss, the fleet was annihilated by storms. The mightiest ex-
pedition the Saracens had ever undertaken proved an utter
failure. Such was the effect of the disaster that no similar
attempt was made until centuries had passed.
The issue of this conflict was momentous, and Leo can
scarcely be too highly praised for his achievement. Had he
failed tliere was Httle to check the Moslems short of the French
frontier.
732. Fourteen years after the Saracens had received this rebuff"
at the eastern gate of Europe, they were also defeated by
Charles Martel at Poitiers, and thus driven back from the
western gate. Leo the Isaurian and Charles Martel must
stand in the front rank of the heroes of Christendom.
721. Constantinople being now free from danger Leo was able
to turn his attention to home affairs. Reform was greatly
needed, for the empire had long been under a cloud, and
poverty and ignorance prevailed. Herachus and Leo had
bravely saved the empire from destruction at the hand of
foreign foes, but if the salvation were to be permanent, there
must be a general uplifting of the people.
Leo entered with much earnestness into the work of re-
form. He infused new energy into the military establish-
ment, consohdated the theme system, and organised the armies
in such a way that they ceased to be a menace, and became a
source of strength to the empire.
The emperor also strengthened the police, and did his
utmost to suppress brigandage and piracy. As a result com-
merce revived, and au:riculture, so that districts which had
been reduced to beggary again Hfted their heads. Wealth in-
creased, and with it revenue, so that whilst Leo could obtain
more money by chrect taxation than before, the burden was
not so heavy upon the people.
It is amusing to read that an outcry was raised against
Leo because he tried to introduce the registration of births,
ordering that a register should be kept of aU the males born
in liis dominions. Leo was Hkened to Pharaoh, and it was
A DYNASTY OF EEFORMERS 559
asserted that witli all their wickedness the Sai'acens had never
done anything quite so bad.
Through anarchy in the empire, and lack of education
among the people, jurisprudence had fallen upon evil times.
Few could read Latin, and the works of Justinian were no
longer studied. Magistrates aduiinistered justice either in
accordance with local usage, or upon such principles as seemed
right in their own eyes. Leo accordingly compiled and issued
a legal handbook in Greek, which became authoritative in the
courts of the empire. It was called the Eclogia, and its brevity
and precision made it extremely valuable. The emperor also
sanctioned various minor codes, relating to mihtary, agricul-
tural, and maritime law.
The military code was necessary, because of the changes
that had taken place in the old system, as Asia Minor became
gradually cleared of the Saracens.
The agricultural code shows that the old Roman system of
cultivation by peasants bound to the soil had largely passed
away, and that the laud was now cultivated either by tenants
paying a fixed rent in kind or by villagers holding land in
common. This was a healthy change, for it decreased slavery
and serfdom. It was one of the beneficial results which fol-
lowed the settlement of the freer northern tribes, and the
levelHng up of the classes which frequently follows invasion.
Leo's maritime code shows the state of commercial legisla-
tion and even of commerce itself at that period. Apparently
the trade of the MecUterranean had fallen largely into the
hands of companies, perhaps because the risk of loss by piracy
was too great for the individual to face.
Leo's ecclesiastical reforms were the subject of fierce con-
tention, and have remained the subject of fierce criticism. To
understand them we must remember that the civihsation of
the empire had sunk to a low level. In the most important
cities culture might still be found, but the masses of the people
were extremely ignorant. As a result, many had lapsed into
sometliing hardly distinguishable from idolatry. They wor-
560 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
shipped images, pictures and relics. The more enhghtened,
doubtless, used these things merely as helps to devotion ; but
the majority were simply fetich worshippers.
The priests encouraged the prevailing superstition for the
sake of gain. They pretended to the people that pictures had
been painted by angels and that images had been made -^dth-
out hands. To pictures, images and rehcs they attributed
miraculous powers. Few churches or monasteries were with-
out their private fetich, and the priests drew a fine revenue
from the ignorance of the people. Well might the Moslems
declare that Christians were but idolators under another
name.
This sad condition of affairs throughout the empire was
worsened by the monastic system. There will always be found
a certain number of men and women who beheve that they
can best maintain their souls in health by withdrawing from
that world in which it has pleased the Creator to place them.
So long as the number who thus isolate themselves is not ex-
cessive it is of little consequence. But when the fasliion
becomes common it is a menace to the State, and there are
few countries where monasticism has not at one time or other
had to be checked in the public interest.
In Leo's reign the monastic craze had assumed mischievous
proportions. It was common for wealthy men and women to
endow monasteries and convents with their wealth, and to
retire to them in the prime of life. They thus robbed the
State of three things which it sorely needed : of population, of
wealth, and of honest citizenship. Moreover the monasteries
were hotbeds of superstition and used all their influence against
reform.
With the twin evils of superstition and monasticism Leo
and his successors waged uncompromising warfare. It is not
to be imagined that the Isaurian monarchs were merely puri-
tans. They loved gaiety. They encouraged music and paint-
ing. Constantine V. played the harp, and sent a gift of an
organ to Pepin of France ; the first organ in Western Europe,
A DYNASTY OF EEFORMEES 561
They patronised tlie drama, tliey encoui-aoed popular concerts.
The pope, indeed, accused them of substituting harps, cymhals
and flutes for sacred pictures and images. They were in truth
opponents of austerity ; Lutherans rather than puritans. The
Reformation of tlie eiglitli century was animated in some ways
by the spirit which animated that of the fifteenth.
Though image and picture worship were chiefly attacked,
Leo III. and Constantine who succeeded him were opponents
of Mariolatry and of saint worship as well. Though tliey spoke
of the mother of our Lord with high respect, they denied her
intercessory power, and the intercessory power of saints. They
also denied the magical potency of relics. Like the reformers
of a later date, they entered the lists against superstition, and
spiritual and mental degradation. Constantine, indeed, was so
far advanced that he objected altogether to the use of the word
saint, and spoke of Peter the Apostle, not of Saint Peter.
Unfortunately, like many other religious reformers in high
places, the Isaurian monarchs thought that they could govern
religious belief by edict. Monasteries might be dealt with in
this way of course, so many were abolished and the monks
were given their choice between exile and respectable citizen-
ship. Some chose exile, and large numbers emigrated at this 726.
time to Greece, Sicily and Italy. But the religious attitude of
a people cannot be changed by edict, and in many places the
emperors were defied. Especially was this the case in Italy.
The pope was strongly in favour of image worship, and he
treated the edicts with contempt. We shall see later what
effect this had upon the history of the empire.
Leo was not naturally a persecutor, and he tried to win his
way rather than to force it. As a rule educated laymen were
favourable to his views, the army followed him, and the
eastern provinces acquiesced. Europe was at this time at a
lower intellectual level than the East, and Italy was worst of
all.
Pope Gregory III., the last bishop of Rome for wliose con- 730.
secration the consent of the emperor was asked, held a council
VOL. II. 36
562 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
at Rome and excommunicated the opponents of image worship.
Leo sent an expedition to arrest him, but nothing came of it,
and he saw that it was hopeless to attempt to coerce Italy.
Accordingly he allowed the pope to have his own way in Rome
and Northern Italy, but he deprived liim of ecclesiastical juris-
diction in Sicily, Calabria and Illyricum, placing those districts
under the control of the patriarch of Constantinople. The
change was rendered easier because of the number of Greeks
who had migrated to Sicily and Southern Italy, some flying
from the Saracens, some from Leo himself. Leo was careful
not to press his views unduly amongst these, so they did not
throw off their allegiance. But Rome, Ravenna and Venice
recognised the authority of the pope. Thus began the dis-
tinction between the Latin and Greek Churches, the Western
Latin Church recognising the pope, the Eastern Greek Church
recognising the patriarch. We shall find later that this breach
was further widened in the ninth century, and that in the
eleventh century the Greek and Latin Churches became per-
manently divided.
The later years of Leo's reign were comparatively peaceful.
The Saracens made no further attempt upon Constantinople,
but they invaded Asia Minor on various occasions. The year
739. before Leo died the caliph put three armies in the field, and
did much mischief, but Leo won a great victory at Acroinon
in the Anatolic theme, and the Moslems had to retire. The
imperial boundary was now fixed at the Taurus mountains.
740. Leo died when he had reigned for twenty-three years, and
was succeeded by his son Constantine V., a young man of
twenty-two.
741. Constantine V. — Constantine V. had been his father's
colleague, and was imbued with his spirit. During his reign
many monasteries were dissolved, but his successors allowed
some of them to be re-established.
Early in his reign Constantine had to march against the
Saracens, and during his absence Artavasdos, his brother-in-
A DYNASTY OF REFORMERS 5G3
law, general of the Obsequian tliome, aeized the capital aii<l
proclaimed himself emperor. Constantine returned and be-
sieged the city, and as it had not been specially provisioned
it quickly yielded. Artavasdos fled, but was captured and
rendered incapable of doing further mischief.
During this reign the empire suffered from a bubonic 745.
plague which lasted several years and did great havoc. It
arose in Syria, and travelled by Egypt, Africa, Sicily, Calabria
and Greece to Constantinople. As plague generally follows the
track of commerce, the roundabout route is significant. In
earlier times it would have gone straight across Asia Minor
with the caravans. But now there was little communication
between Asia Minor and Syria, and the direct caravan traffic
between Constantinople and the East had ceased.
When the plague abated Constantine took measures for re- 747.
populating the capital. He induced many Greeks of all classes
of society to emigrate to Constantinople from tl\e continent
and from the islands of the ^Egean. The gaps tlius left were
speedily filled by Slavs, and the population of Greece became
more Slavonic than ever. On the other hand, the population
of Constantinople became more Greek.
Constantine restored the aqueduct which the emperor
Valens had built in the fourth century to supply the capital
with water. It had been broken down by the Avars in the
reign of Heraclius. Seven thousand workmen were emploj^ed
in the restoration. The fact that it was thought prudent to
undertake such a work shows how much more quiet the
northern tribes had become.
In military operations Constantine commanded in person,
and he was a successful warrior. He protected Asia Minor
from Saracen bands, and even extended his sphere of influence
to the Euphrates. In Europe also he was successful, not abso-
lutely subduing the Bulgarians, but fortifying the passes of tlie
Balkans against them, and keeping them well in check.
During this reign there was civil war in Bulgaria, and 762.
200,000 discontented Slavs left the country, and begged for
564 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
admission into the empire. Constantino received them kindly
and settled tliem in Bitliynia. Here ao;ain we see sif^ns of
enlightened policy. Some of the earlier emperors would have
cut them to pieces or sold them as slaves.
Constantine reigned for thirty-five years, so that the reigns
of Leo and his son extended over a period of fifty-eight years.
They were years of progress, and when Constantine died at
the age of fifty-seven he left a full treasury, a devoted army,
and a prosperous realm.
775. Leo IV. — Leo IV., who now ascended the throne, con-
tinued the religious policy of his father and grandfather,
though ill-health made him less active in pursuing it. He
married Irene, an accomplished Athenian lady, and their son
was named Constantine. Leo was consumptive, so to secure
the succession, and with the approval of the Senate, he con-
ferred upon Constantine the title of emperor. Leo only
reigned four and a half years, and was succeeded by his
son, then ten years of age ; Irene acting as regent.
780. Constantine VI and Irene. — Irene was intensely am-
bitious, fond of power for power's sake. She had been edu-
cated in Greece, and favoured image worship. Accordingly
she set herself to reverse the Iconoclastic pohcy of her prede-
cessors. At first she v/alked warily, but when she had got rid
of tlie old officials, and filled their places with men who
favoured her views, she made a determined effort to re-
establish image worship.
The policy of Irene split the empire into factions. Con-
spiracy was rife and the prosperity of the empire was checked.
The Slavs revolted, the Bulgarians ravaged Thrace, and Saracen
armies led by the famous Haroun al Raschid overran Asia
784. Minor. Irene had to buy peace from foreign foes by paying
tribute.
When Constantine VI. came of age, Irene still clung to
power, and though she was for a time set aside, he was weak
enough to accept her as colleague. She used the power thus
A DYNASTY OF REFORMERS 565
recovered to his ruin. He lo.st popularity, and when liis
motlier perceived this she determined to dethrone liini. Tlie
officials were bribed, and the unfortunate man was deposed,
and deprived of his si^ht.
It seems incomprehensible that after such brutality Irene
should have been permitted to rci^-n for five years. Yet it
was so. Durin<^ her reign one of the most striking events in
European history took place, the crowning of Charlemagne as
Augustus Romanorum. That we may understand the signi-
ficance of this event, we must for a moment diverge.
We have seen how by slow degrees, Rome and Constanti-
nople had been falling apart. There is no need to blame the
later emperors for this. If we omit the years of revolution
which followed the fall of Justinian II. we must acknowledge
that from the accession of Heraclius onward for a century and
a half to the accession of Irene the emperors were well up to
the average, and sometimes above it. But they had to face
great difficulties. The Persian and Saracenic wars strained
the empire to the utmost. Whilst these were in progress it
was vain for the emperors to attempt to govern Italy. They
were merely absentee landlords, and like sucli always un-
popular. This inevitable abdication of the functions of govern-
ment left Italy in the hands of two rulers, the king of
Lombardy and the pope of Rome, the former a temporal
monarch, the latter, by pressure of circumstances, temporal as
well as spiritual.
The gulf between Rome and Constantinople was widened
by the controversy about images. The popes objected to Leo's
policy, and defied him. Leo revenged himself as we have seen
by withdrawing certain districts from papal jurisdiction, and
placing them under the patriarch of Constantinople. He could
not coerce the pope, so he cKpped his wings, and left him to
his own devices.
Leo's poHcy left the pope and the. king of the Lombards
face to face. Now, wilhng though the pope was to be a tem-
poral ruler, he was not strong enough to stand alone, and when
566 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
the Lombards overran his dominions he had to seek a cham-
pion. Knowing that there was no hope for him in the East, he
looked westward. The Franks were then well to the front.
732. Charles Martel, Mayor of the Palace, had earned the gratitude
of Christendom by overthrowing the Moslems at Poitiers.
Pope Gregory II. corresponded with him, and Pope Gregory
III. eagerly sought his help. Charles refused to intermeddle,
but his son Pepin, desirous of obtaining the influence of the
bishop of Rome with the Frankish clergy in order that they
might make him king, twice came to the papal rescue. He
defeated Aistulf, the Lombard king, and bestowed upon the
pope the territories which he wrung from his grasp. In
return, the pope gratefully endowed Pepin with the title
Patricius Romanorum. Pepin may have had no right to do-
nate to the pope lands which, properly speaking, perhaps,
belonged to the empire, and the pope may have had no right
to bestow the title. But the fact that these things were done
shows for how little the authority of the Byzantine emperor
now counted in Italy.
773. Charlemagne, son of Pepin, invaded Italy at the solicitation
of pope Hadrian, thrust Desiderius, the Lombard king, from
the throne, himself assumed the crown and added Northern
Italy to his dominions. He also visited Rome, was received
by pope and people as suzerain, and confirmed the donation of
territory which his father Pepin had made to the papal see
twenty years before.
Safe under the patronage of Charlemagne, Italy remained
undisturbed for twenty years. During those years Constan-
tine VI. and Irene were ruling in Constantinople. Towards
the end of the eighth century there were fierce faction fights
in Rome ; accusations were made against Leo III., now pope,
and he had to fly for his life to the court of Charlemagne.
Charlemagne sent him back to Rome with a sufficient guard
and promised to follow him speedily.
800. Accordingly the year 800 found Charlemagne in Rome
with a Frankish host. After inquiring into the charges against
A DYNASTY OF REFORMERS 567
the pope and formally acquitting him, he remained in the city
for a time. On Christmas Day he attended mass in St. Peter's.
When the reading of the gospel ended the pope rose, advanced
to where Charles knelt in prayer, anointed him, and placed on
his head a golden crown, whilst those around, doubtless tutored
for the occasion, cried : " Karolo Augusto a Deo coronato
magno et pacifico imperatori vita et victoria" (Bryce, Holy
Roman Etripire). Thus was the divorce between Rome and
Constantinople formally pronounced, and the marriage between
Rome and the Teuton solemnised.
Three hundred and twenty-four years had passed since
Odovacer compelled the abdication of Romulus Augustulus,
and thereafter by formal transfer permitted the West to sink
into the East. From that time forward Constantinople had
been supreme. But it was supreme no longer.
Perhaps neither the pope nor Charlemagne contemplated
the chvision of the empire. They may have even believed that
their action would promote its union. There seemed to be an
idea that as the empire had been usurped by Irene, a woman
there was no true ruler and the people had a right to choose
Charlemagne, who possessed the real power in the West, as the
successor of Constantine VI. The pope may, therefore, have
thought that his act would lead to the unification of the
empire.
It is possible also that Charlemagne was taken by surprise
by the pope's action, and was not altogether pleased. He was
anxious enough to obtain the imperial crown, but he was
shrewd enough to know that the pope could not donate it, that
it must come by way of Constantinople. Now he was even
then seeking the hand of Irene in marriage. She was then
sole empress, and had he been successful the issue must have
been momentous. But the precipitate action of Leo III.
irritated the court at Constantinople and spoiled his chances.
Two years later Irene was deposed and Charlemagne's oppor-
tunity was gone ^'^v ever.
Instead, therefore, of the coronation welding the empire
568 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
together, it made the severance permanent. The West had set
up a new hne of sovereigns, the East retained the old hne, and
the two did not rule jointly over one empire, as in the olden
time, but ruled as rivals and enemies, " each denouncing the
other as an impostor " (Bryce, Holy Roman Empire).
Still, looking at all the circumstances, it must be confessed
that the papal action was justifiable, and that the cleavage
which perhaps unexpectedly followed was for the common
good.
We have but to add that Irene's selfish and unnatural reigm
was at last stopped by conspiracy. She was sent to a nunnery,
and her treasurer, Nicephorus, ascended the throne. With
Irene's reign the Isaurian dynasty came to an end.
CHAPTER VI.
BYZANTIUM AT ITS ZENITH.
NiCEi'HORUS. — Nicephorus, iirst Irene'.s treasurer and after- 802.
wards her successor, was of Pisiilian birth and Arabian extrac-
tion. When he ascended the tlirone he was in the prime of
hfe. His enemies called him avaricious, but this merely meant
that he was a careful financier. He liked to have a full trea-
sury, but he could spend generously when there was occasion.
He made monasteries and charitable institutions pay taxes.
This had become necessary, for these institutions were with-
drawing much property from the nation and defrauding the
exchequer. Nicephorus therefore made them pay their share,
and if he thereby gained the hatred of the priests he lightened
the burdens of the people.
Nicephorus was a consistent opponent of image worship,
and he reversed the policy of Irene, but he did not persecute.
Unfortunately toleration was not popular in certain circles.
Religion at Constantinople had become largely a question of
the ins and the outs, the spoils went to the conqueror, and
kings who steered between the parties were loved by neither.
Yet there were a few men who believed in freedom of con-
science, and Nicephorus was one of them. He was no weak-
ling moreover. The civil power was with him supreme, and
however the monks might grumble they must obey.
The relations between Nicephorus and Charlemagne were
at first amicable. A treaty was concluded at Aix-la-Chapclle 803.
by which Venice, Istria, the coast of Dalmatia and the south of
Italy were recognised as subject to the Eastern Empire; whilst
Rome, Ravenna and the Penta polls were recognised as belong-
ing to the Western, Unfortunately this peace was broken and
(569)
570 THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE
810. a desultory war ensued. When peace was again concluded,
the frontiers were left as they had been before.
During this reign Venice became the headquarters of the
Venetian government. Heraclea had previously been their
capital.
Nicephorus refused to pay the Saracens the tribute which
Irene had promised. Haroun al Raschid was cahph, a man with
whose name the Arabian Nights have made us familiar. He
was a barbarous man, and he laid Asia Minor waste. The first
army sent against him by Nicephorus rebelled. Nicephorus
crushed the rebellion and himself led an army against the Mos-
lems, but was defeated. Finding it impossible to stop their
ravages, he consented to the tribute and thus made peace. The
809. death of Haroun shortly afterwards gave relief to the empire,
as it was followed by civil war amongst the Moslems.
At this time the Bulgarians again waxed troublesome.
They were now governed by Crumn, a cruel but able king.
Nicephorus crossed the Balkans, and in his first engagement
defeated Crumn, but a few days later the Byzantine troops were
811. surprised in a night attack and overwhelmed. Nicephorus was
slain, and liis son Stauracius was severely wounded. When the
army rallied at Adrianople they elected Stauracius as emperor,
but he was a d}dng man, and he soon made way for Michael,
his brother-in-law.
812. Michael I. — Michael I. reigned only one year, but
managed to do much mischief. He conciliated the monks at
the expense of the people by relieving their institutions from
taxation. To please them also he persecuted the Pauliciaus
with barbarity.
The Paulicians were good people who objected to image
worship. Church establishment and the priestly hierarchy.
They were tlierefore counted enemies of tlie human race. But
the Byzantine emperors had long tolerated them, and they
were loyal subjects. A persecution now began which went
on at intervals for nearly half a century. In the end, after
BYZANTIUM AT ITS ZENITH 571
thousands of them had been slain, many of them escaped to
Mehteue, where they found amongst the Moslems that protection
which their fellow-Christians denied them. "We shall refer to
them again in a subsequent chapter.
Michael acted wisely in recognising Charlemagne as a
legitimate emperor and in treating with him as with an equal.
But the act was not approved by the Byzantines.
Surrounding himself with monks Michael quite reversed
his father-in-law's tolerant policy and removed Iconoclasts
from office both in the civil service and the army. This ex-
asperated the sokliers, who were mostly Iconoclasts, and they
were ripe for rebellion. When, therefore, there was a war with
the Bulgarians, and Michael proved an incompetent leader, they
deposed him and proclaimed Leo, their general, emperor in his
stead.
Leo V. — Leo V. (the Armenian) now reigned. He was an 813.
Iconoclast at heart, but wished to give freedom of opinion to
aU. But the ecclesiastics disapproved, and he had little peace
during his reign.
A few days after Leo's accession Crumn appeared before
the walls of Constantinople. Leo proposed a conference, and
tried to seize his adversary. Crumn escaped, but his attend-
ants were captured or slain. The Bulgarians in their retreat
took terrible vengeance, wasting the country and carrying
great numbers of the people into slavery. But Crumn died 8U.
that year, and when his successor invaded the empire Leo
defeated him with great loss. The Bulgarians now begged for
peace and remained quiet for a generation.
Leo reigned well. He restored discipline in the army, sup-
pressed bribery in the courts of justice, established a court of
review, and collected the revenue on more equitable principles.
He repaired the fortresses in the Balkans, and placed the fron-
tiers in a state of defence. Leo had many merits. But his
merits did not prevent conspiracy, and he was foully mui'dered
whilst at worship in his private chapel.
572 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
820. Michael II. — Michael II. succeeded. He was a native of
Amorium, entered tlie array as a private and worked liis way
up to the rank of general. He had helped Leo to win the
throne, but afterwards fell into disgrace and was under sen-
tence of death when Leo was assassinated. He was brought
from the prison cell to fill his place.
Michael's accession was a signal for widespread rebellion.
The most serious rebellion was that led by Thomas, an Asiatic
general. Thomas espoused the cause of the people, especially
the subject races and the exiles. He was at first rather a social
reformer than a rebel, but his followers soon got out of hand
and raided and ravaged in the usual way.
The revolution led by Thomas lasted for three years. Asia
was overrun and Constantinople was besieged. Tlie siege was
a mistake, for the rebel army was largely undisciplined, and to
such a force the capital was impregnable. Probably Thomas
hoped to be aided by partisans within the city itself. He twice
tried to take it by storm, but was unsuccessful. His fleet was
destroyed, and the Bulgarians came south and slew 20,000 of
his men. He had to take refuge in Arcadiopolis, where he
was himself besieged. After five months his followers surren-
dered him and he was executed.
815. Whilst the Byzantine government was thus occupied, the
caliphate of Cordova had been torn asunder by intestine feud,
and 15,000 Arabs were driven from Spain. Most of these went
to Alexandria. During the rebellion of Thomas the Byzan-
tines had to draw in their outlying forces, and the island of
Crete was left undefended. A force of adventurous Arabs,
825. taking advantage of the opportunity, sailed from Alexandria
and captured the island, Others joined them, and they made
Crete their home, intermarrying with the people. Michael II.
tried to drive them out but failed, and the Saracens retained
possession of the island for nearly a century and a half.
827. About this time also the Saracens obtained possession of
Sicily. Euphemius, a Byzantine officer, rebelled against the
governor and slew him, not without justification. Driven from
BYZANTIUM AT. ITS ZENITH 573
the isltind, Eiiplunnhis took ]-(!fu«^c in Africa and sou^'lit the
help ol' the Mooi-s. These h(;lpe(l hiin gladly, i'or tliey longed
to obtain posfsession of the island. Once landed they did not
leave it again. The natives do not seem to have niad(! nuich
resistance either in Crete or Sicily. To them it merely meant
a chano-e of tax collectors, and the Saracen arm was perhaps
less heavy than the Byzantine. Reinforcements came from
Byzantium, and the Saracens were checked for a moment, then
reinforcements reached them from Africa, and they advanced
again. They made steady progress, but the Byzantine defence
was stubborn, and the Saracen conquest was not complete until
878.
The loss of Crete and Sicily did not greatly vex the Byzan-
tine government. The outlying provinces were valued chiefly
for their revenue, and Crete and Sicily had become unre-
munerative.
Michael II., following the example of his predecessors, kept
up friendly relations with the Western Powers. One of his
correspondents was Louis I. of France (le Debonnaire). After
reigning for nine years he died and left his crown to Theophilus,
his son. 829.
Theophilus. — The new emperor had advantages his father
lacked. He was not only talented and industrious, but he had
been well-educated, and trained in the art of government. He
was a strong Iconoclast, and treated the image worshippers
with severity. Yet his own palace was full of them, and his
queen Theodora worshipped images in secret.
So many fugitives from Persia and Syria took refuge in the
empire that the caliph made it an excuse for war. He invaded
Cappadocia and his fleet descended on Mysia. Theophilus
retaliated, and sacked Zapetra the caliph's favourite city. The
caliph swore to avenge himself by destroying Amorium the 838.
emperor's birthplace. Accordingly he marched from Tarsus
with a huge army, defeated Theophilus with g]-cat slaughter,
stormed Amorium, and slew every human being in the place.
574 THE BYZAKTINE EMPIEE
Notwithstanding liis ill success with the Saracens on the
frontier, Theophilus was a successful ruler, loving justice and
hating corruption, so that the empire prospered during his
reign. He maintained diplomatic dealings with the important
sovereigns in Europe and Asia. He reigned for thirteen years,
842. and died in the prime of life.
Michael III. — Michael III., a child of four years, succeeded
Theophilus, his mother Theodora being regent. Theodora was
a devout image worshipper, and set herself to reverse her
deceased husband's policy, deposing the patriarch and sending
Iconoclastic bishops into exile.
Yet Theodora was loyal to her husband's memory in some
ways. When a council of the Church assembled she demanded
that they should pass an act pardoning all that he had done,
and that they should give her a certificate declaring that God
had also pardoned him. When they demurred she declared
that if they did not yield she would revert to his policy, so
they yielded and gave her the written attestation she required.
During Michael's long minority the image worshippers
triumphed ; the Iconoclasts were bitterly persecuted, and many
were driven into exile. Amongst those most cruelly dealt with
were the Paulician nonconformists, of whom we shall speak
more fully in our next chapter.
856. When Michael III. was eighteen years of age his mother
resigned in his favour. He had been badly trained, and was
a hard drinker. The mother is blamed, but it is not easy for
a woman to control a prince. Michael had many willing to
lead him astray, amongst whom his uncle Bardas, brother of
Theodora, was one of the worst.
At this time Ignatius was patriarch of Constantinople. He
was a good man, and on one occasion refused the sacrament to
Bardas because of his evil life. Bardas persuaded Michael to
banish him, and in his place Photius, chief secretary of State,
was elected head of the Eastern Church. Photius was a man
BYZANTIUM AT ITS ZENITH 575
of noble birth and profound loarnin*)^, quite suitable for tlie
position, but forced into it a<^ainst his will.
In order more formally to ratify the deposition and elec-
tion, Michael summoned a general council. A general council
required the concurrence of the pope, so Michael asked pope
Nicholas to send delegates. He did so, but instructed his dele-
gates to make certain demands with regard to the papal patri-
mony and privileges in exchange for their consent. At the S6i.
synod the papal legates agreed to the deposition and election,
but obtained none of the pope's demands. Perhaps their com-
plaisance had been purchased, at any rate wlien they returned
the pope refused to ratify their act.
The pope now held a synod at Rome, deposed and excom- 863.
municated Photius, and ordered him and Ignatius to appear in
person before his court tliat he might settle their differences.
The Popes were at this time beginning to claim power over the
Church in general, but their claims had never been allowed in
Byzantium, and pope Nicholas overreached himself. The em-
peror was full of wrath, and the citizens of Byzantium were
equally angry. Indeed Ignatius and Photius were wholly
with them in the matter, for neither would have dreamt of
submitting to papal jurisdiction.
On the crest, therefore, of a wave of popular enthusiasm
Michael III. rode to victory. A synod was summoned at Con- S66.
stantinople and attended by the patriarch, the emperor, and 1,000
bishops and abbots. Eight articles were drawn up declaring
that the Roman Church had departed from the true faith. Of
these, six dealt with matters of subordinate interest. But two
were of high importance. One denounced the cehbacy of the
priesthood, terming it a snare of Satan. Another condemned
as rank heresy the Roman doctrine that the Holy Ghost pro-
ceeded from the Father and the Son. The pope was declared 867.
unworthy of his See, and was formally excommunicated by the
synod.
There were various turns of fortune after this, and attempts
to restore amity, but fifteen years afterwards the pope renewed
576 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
882. the ban. The Byzantine emperors and clergy adhered to tlie
statements of doctrine laid down by the synod of Constanti-
nople, and they are held by the Eastern Church to this day.
866. The year of the synod at Constantinople was the year of
Bardas' death. He had been made a colleague by Michael, but
presumed too much upon his position and was slain. His place
was tilled by Basil, a Macedonian, who was raised to the
867. dignity of a Caesar. As Michael lived very carelessly, Basil
got the reins into his own hands and, when tlie time was ripe,
Michael was assassinated. Basil succeeded him, and the dy-
nasty begun in so unpromising a fashion held the Byzantine
throne with credit for 200 years. Before we proceed to deal
with this dynasty, it will be well to consider the position now
occupied by the Byzantine Empire.
Constantinople was in the ninth century the premier city
not only of Europe but of the world. Neither in Europe nor
in Asia had she a rival. The pope of Rome miglit magnify his
office if he liked, but Rome herself had fallen into decay. In
France there were many cities, but they were comparatively
insignificant. In the nintli century Constantinople was easily
first, as much ahead of other European cities as London is
to-day.
Constantinople owed its greatness to its commercial pros-
perity and its military strength. Geographically it was at the
centre of the known world. Such wealth as Europe had lay
mostly on the shores of the Mediterranean. England, France
and Germany were on the fringe. Italy had decayed, Venice
had only begun. At that time the commerce of Europe centred
at Constantinople more completely than it has ever since done
in any one city. Moreover, Constantinople was the entrepot for
the commerce of Asia. The victories of the Saracens in Egypt
and Arabia had made the old trade routes by way of the Red
Sea and Syria unsafe, and the produce of India and China
travelled by Central Asia and the Black Sea to Constantinople,
whence it was distributed throughout Euroj)e.
Constantinople owed much of her commercial superiority to
BYZANTIUM AT ITS ZENITH 577
the enlightened trade poHcy of her emperors. Whilst Charle-
magne was ruining the internal trade of his realm by tamper-
ing mth the prices of produce, and ruining its foreign trade in
order that his subjects might keep their money at home, the
Byzantine emperors were discouraging monopoly, abolishing
privileges, reducing duties and prohibiting courtiers from trad-
ing lest they might interfere with the profits of private enter-
prise.
Perceiving that commerce was the main source of national
wealth, they proclaimed tliat any interference with its freedom
was both a pubKc and a private wrong. This enhghtened trade
policy of the Byzantine emperors and the natural advantages
of Constantinople itself brought great gain to the empire, and
gave the government ample funds for supporting the public
burdens.
The extraordinary pre-eminence of Byzantium at this time
is testified by the fact that Western Europe used its gold coin-
age. For hundreds of years the " bezant " or " byzant," a gold
coin between the sovereign and the half-sovereign, was minted
at Byzantium and circulated throughout Europe, the gold coin-
age of commerce. Even Asia received much of its currency
from the same source. When the hoards of the Moslem con-
querors of India fell into the hands of European invaders some
centuries ago it was found that much of the treasure consisted
of Byzantine coins. Where all tliis gold came from is a mys-
tery. Probably there are rich gold mines in the Turkish
Empire so long unworked that they have been lost sight of.
The wealth of the Byzantine emperors during those cen-
turies enabled them to pay great attention to their mihtary
estabUshment. For this there was abundant need. The Bul-
garian and Saracenic armies were not the undisciplined hordes
some may imagine them to have been. In arms, discipline
and artillery the Saracens were far advanced. Their horsemen
were clad in chain armour, often exquisitely wrought, their
Damascene blades were unrivalled. Their armies marched with
catapults and other machines for besieging cities. The Bul-
VOL. II. 37
578 THE BYZANTINE EMPIKE
garians were scarcely less formidable. Crumn's armies pos-
sessed every military engine known at the time, and his
warriors were clad in steel.
Against these formidable foes the Byzantine armies held
their own, and that so well that neither Saracen nor Bulgarian
general cared to face Byzantine troops without considerable
superiority of numbers.
The scientific attainments of the Byzantines were far from
contemptible. Learning was cultivated not only in the capital
but in the distant provinces, and schools of eminence had been
founded in various parts of the empire. In the reign of
Michael III. a new university was founded at Constantinople
in which, in addition to the usual chairs of philosophy and
literature, there were chairs of geometry and astronomy. Leo,
a layman of high scientific attainment, was appointed presi-
dent. He was a mathematician and inventor, several remark-
able mechanical contrivances are accredited to him. Amongst
other things he designed a system of signalling by which
messages could be flashed from the frontiers from point to
point until at last they were communicated to a dial placed in
the imperial council chamber at Constantinople.
Though the moral tone of society in the Byzantine Empire
was nothing to boast of, yet it was superior to that amongst
the Franks and Saracens. Amongst the Saracens polygamy
and concubinage were lawful institutions. The Franks were
almost equally licentious. Charles Martel, Pepin and Charle-
magne are said to have had two wives living at one time and
many concubines. Charlemagne had no less than nine wives
in succession. In Byzantium tliis sort of tiling was counted
disreputable. We have seen how when Constantine VI. di-
vorced his wife and married another it nearly cost him his
throne.
During the eighth and ninth centuries some progress was
made in the Byzantine Empire towards the abolition of slavery.
The cities were supplied with free emigrants, and it was con-
sidered disgraceful for a monk to own a slave.
BYZANTIUM AT ITS ZENITH 579
The foundation of hospitals and charitable institutions both
by the emperors and by private individuals testifies to the
existence of a philanthropic spirit among the people.
The conversion of the Bulgarians to Christianity in the
middle of the ninth century, largely by the earnest ministry
of two monks, Methodios and Kyrillos, is creditable to Byzan-
tium. The men were imbued with a true missionary spirit,
and deserved the success they achieved.
It is interesting to note that in 865 a new nation, the 865.
Russian, appeared in history. The foundation of the State
which has grown into the Russian Empire was laid about this
time by Scandinavian or Varangian warriors. Their chiefs
having gained mastery over the basin of the Dneiper made a
daring attack upon Constantinople. They could hardly have
known what they were attempting, for they had only 4,000
men when they passed the Bosphorus. It required Kttle exer-
tion to put them to flight, but the wild daring of tliis unexpected
enemy created much alarm.
CHAPTER VII.
A MACEDONIAN DYNASTY.
867. Basil I. — Basil I. who now ascended the Byzantine throne
is said to have been of humble origin. Little, however, is
really known of his antecedents. Some say that his parents
had been carried captive to Bulgaria by Crumn, and that he
came south as a young man to seek his fortune. He was
adopted by a wealthy lady as companion to her son, and when
the son died, Basil became her heir.
Basil attracted the attention of a courtier, and afterwards
of the emperor by liis skill in horse-taming. He had that
magnetic power which animals recognise, and which is gener-
ally allied with firmness of character. But as he was already
the adopted son of one of the wealthiest ladies in the empire
before Michael knew him, it is absurd to pretend that a mere
groom was elevated to the throne.
Basil reigned for nineteen years, and founded a dynasty
which held the Byzantine throne for two centuries. He him-
self was a hard-working and prudent monarch, and the empire
flourished under his rule. Much of this prosperity arose from
his attention to finance. Michael III. had been lavish in his
later years, and the treasury was depleted ; but Basil was care-
ful, and thus replenished it without undue taxation. He also
showed administrative gifts of a high order. His early life
amongst the people helped him, for he understood their ways,
and had some sympathy with their condition.
869. Basil made an effort to heal the breach with Rome, and
secure the support of a certain party in Constantinople by
setting Photius aside, and reinstating Ignatius as patriarch.
He was on good terms vdth Photius, who probably acquiesced
(580)
A MACEDONIAN DYNASTY 581
in the arrangement. But BaKil's concessions had Httle effect.
The pope was only emboldened to increase his demands, and
at last roused such antagonism in Byzantium that he alienated
all. When, therefore, Ignatius died, Basil allowed things to 878.
take their course, and reinstated Photius. After this Photius
remained patriarch until the reign of Leo VI. when he re-
signed, Photius was a man of ripe scholarsliip, and " one of
the most dangerous opponents of papal ambition prior to the
time of Luther " (Finlay, Byz. Emp., bk. ii.. ch. i.),
Basil did some good legislative work. Justinian's great
code had been published in Latin, and Greek was now the
language of the people. Parts of Justinian's work had been
translated, and we have seen how Leo the Isaurian pubHshed
the Eclogia, a legal handbook, in Greek. Basil superseded the
Eclogia by a manual called the Procheiron, and followed this
later by a more comprehensive work, the Revision of the Old
Law. This work was revised by his son Leo VI,, and pub-
hshed as the Basilika. The Basilika remained the legal
standard in Byzantium until the city was conquered by the
Franks, and in Greece until that country was conquered by
the Ottomans. We still possess it, though in an imperfect
state. Basil also published an introductory legal manual, the
EpoMagog^.
Unfortunately the Byzantine theory of government was
despotic. Arbitrary despotism, with its inevitable centraHsa-
tion was the constitution of the empire. Ministers, senators,
bishops, were ahke of royal appointment. Worst of all muni-
cipal institutions were discouraged, and the spirit of self-help
gradually waned before the spirit of centraHsation.
Basil's reign was defiled by a continuation of the Pauhcian
persecution. As we have had occasion to mention this sect
more than once we may perhaps deal with it here somewhat
more fully.
The Paulician Church originated in the seventh century in
connection with the labours of an earnest New Testament
student named Constantine, who suffered martyrdom, Sy-
582 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
meon, the imperial officer charged with his execution, attracted
by the arguments and conduct of the Pauhcians, was converted
and became their leader in Constantine's stead. In their early-
days the Pauhcians had views somewhat akin to those held
now by members of the Society of Friends. They believed
that Christ did not intend to perpetuate water-baptism, but
that by baptism He meant the cleansing work of the Holy
Spirit. They held that eating the flesh and drinking the blood
of Christ consisted in coming into vital union with Him
through His word. They objected to the worship of relics and
to Mariolatry. They recognised no distinction between clergy
and laity, and protested against the assumption of the Jewish
priesthood by the Christian ministry. They highly com-
mended the study of the Holy Scriptures by the laity, a prac-
tice which the priesthood at this time were beginning to
discourage, finding that they best maintained their authority
over the people when they were ignorant of the Scriptures.
The emperor Justinian II. had, at the instance of the
bishop, persecuted the Pauhcians and burned some of them
alive. The bitterness of the persecution had driven many of
them from their native land, and they had found refuge
amongst the Saracens. Their condition afterwards depended
largely upon the goodwill of the emperor. Leo the Isaurian
had much sympathy with them, for like him they were strenu-
ously opposed to image-worship. Nicephorus refused to be
the tool of the hierarchy in the persecution of this good peo-
ple, and during his reign they enjoyed tranquilHty. Under
Michael I. it was not so. At the instance of the patriarch
of Constantinople, though against the will of many of the
clergy, an effort was made to compel all Nonconformists to
return to the Catholic Church.
842. Under the rule of Theodora the priests had it all their
own way, and the work of conversion or extermination went
on with fury. The persecution of the Pauhcians was as
fierce as that against the Albigenses and Waldenses at a later
period. It is said that not less than 100,000 were slain by
A MACEDONIAN DYNASTY 583
the sword, beheaded, drowned, or impaled (Robertson, bk. iv.,
ch. viii,).
Among the Paulician victims was the father of Carbeas, an
imperial oflSeer. Exasperated at the murder of his father,
Carbeas renounced allegiance to the empire, and with 5,000
sympathising followers took to the hills. They were eagerly
befriended by the Saracens and their numbers were swelled by
persecuted men of every sort. The purer doctrines of Pauh-
cianism were lost sight of, and the refugees met sword with
sword, sometimes forming the vanguard of Saracen invading
armies.
The refugees had mostly concentrated in Melitene on the
borders of Armenia, where they founded a small republic, their
capital being Tephrike. Basil I. attacked them and destroyed 871.
many of their villages, but afterwards he met mth a serious
reverse at their hands and lost much of his army. At last the
repubhcans were defeated, Tephrike was destroyed, many were
slain, others escaped into Armenia.
The PauHcians of Asia did not die out. A century later we
find the emperor John I. choosing them on account of their
valour and inducing them to emigrate to the Balkans that they
might increase the colonies of Paulicians and other Noncon-
formists already settled there and guard the northern frontier
of the empire. Here under various names Protestantism sur-
vived, notwithstanding persecution.
In the twelfth century Bosnia became an asylum for the
persecuted. When the work of extirpation in Languedoc and
Provence, begun by Innocent III., was completed, his successors
turned their attention to Bosnia and persuaded the brother of
the king of Hungary to lead the crusade. Persecution went
on for two centuries, the country was wasted, the cities were
sacked, the heretics were burned. But they were not de-
stroyed, for in the fifteenth century we find them making
common cause with the Hussites. In that century 40,000 of
them were driven into Herzegovina. A few years later the 1463.
Turkish conquest put an end to Christian persecution.
584 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
During Basil's reign the Asiatic Saracens did not seriously
assail the empire. They were at war amongst themselves, and
four caliphs were murdered at Bagdad in nine years. As a re-
sult they were weak, and the Byzantine boundary crept slowly
eastward until new themes were created out of the added
territory.
The Moslem corsairs continued to infest the Mediterranean,
But Basil's fleets gained victories over them and crushed them
for a time. He even recovered Cyprus for a few years. Basil's
troops helped the Franks to recover Bari from the Saracens.
They were very successful against the Saracens in Italy, and
almost drove them quite out of the peninsula. But whilst this
878. was going on they neglected Sicily. During Basil's reign
Syracuse fell and with it Sicily was practically lost, though
Catania and some mountain forts held out for a time.
The Slavs did not now disturb the empire as they had
done in former years. Many had settled down to lives of in-
dustry, and they had themselves to ward off attacks by invad-
ing northern tribes, of whom the Magyars were the most
recent.
Such was the weakness of the surrounding nations at tliis
time that had Basil or his immediate successors desired to
seriously extend the boundaries of the empire they might have
recovered most of the territory possessed by Justinian I. 300
years before. Fortunately they did not so desire. The re-
covery could only have been temporary at best ; many years
of retaliatory warfare would have followed, and in time the
empire would have once more broken asunder. Fortunately
for humanity Basil's son and grandson, who reigned between
them for three-quarters of a century, were students not war-
riors, and were content with such things as they had.
886. Leo VI. — On the death of Basil, his son, Leo VI., ascended
the throne. He was not a warrior, and the Saracens made
various successful inroads into Asia Minor. But these did not
materially affect the strength of the empire. In the Mediter-
A MACEDONIAN DYNASTY 685
ranean it was otherwise. The Saracens tliere carried on piracy
on a large scale. The imperial navy had been neglected, and
they took advantage of that fact to plunder the coast ports.
The cities of Greece especially suffered. Encouraged by their
success they attacked Thessalonica, the second city in the em-
pire at tliis time, having a population of over 200,000 souls.
It was sacked, and 20,000 were carried into captivity. These
were first landed at Crete, where there was a slave mart, and
thence they were dispersed over Asia and Africa.
Crete was at this time the centre of the slave trade, the
most profitable branch of commerce in the Mediterranean.
Leo made a vigorous efibrt to conquer the island and put an 912.
end to its nefarious practices. A powerful expedition was sent
but it achieved nothing, being defeated with great loss. It is
interesting to know that there were 700 Russian sailors in the
fleet. In the last chapter we saw how the Russians were be-
ginning to come forward as a nation.
The Bulgarians had been peaceful for some time. Their
conversion from paganism to Christianity had been proceeding,
and made them more friendly. One of the disputes between
the pope and the patriarch in the reign of Michael III. was
with reference to ecclesiastical control over the Bulgarian
Church. The king of Bulgaria, fearing that the influence of
the Byzantine clergy on his Christian subjects might end in
the loss of independence, wished to place his Church under
Latin control, and entered into correspondence with the pope
on the subject. But the Byzantine government objected to
this, for papal influence would certainly have been employed in
a manner hostile to the Eastern Empire.
There was a flourishing trade with Bulgaria, for the Bul-
garians were amongst the most civiHsed and commercial
of the northern barbarians. Moreover, the trade between
Byzantium and Northern Germany and Scandinavia passed
through Bulgaria. Now we have already pointed out how the
Byzantine emperors had generally discouraged monopoly and
allowed trade to take its course. But Leo VI. fooHshly de-
586 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
parted from this rule and allowed certain Greek merchants to
obtain a monopoly of the Bulgarian trade. These men in their
own interests so far interfered with it that they tried to re-
move the depot from Constantinople to Thessalonica. Much
dislocation of trade resulted, and the Bulgarian merchants were
893. seriously injured. Their king complained, and when Leo VI.
refused to remedy the grievance he went to war. In the war
the Byzantine troops were defeated, and Leo was glad to con-
clude a peace.
Leo had a high regard for the Sunday. As early as Con-
stantine the Great a law had been passed commanding the
suspension of business on that day, and Theodosius had legis-
lated in the same direction. Leo went further, revoking
exemptions, and forbidding even necessary agricultural work
on the Sunday.
912. CoNSTANTiNE VII. — Leo died after reigning for twenty-
five years, and was succeeded by his son. He was but a boy
of six years, so Alexander, Leo's brother, acted as regent.
But Alexander died in a year, and after that the government
was nominally carried on by a council of regency. Really it
was carried on by Zoe, Constantine's mother, who had been
excluded from the council but soon obtained a large share of
the power.
The council had at once to face a rebeUion, led by Dukas,
an Asiatic general. Dukas reached the capital and was pro-
claimed emperor by his partisans, but whilst fighting for
possession of the palace was slain.
The council of regency did not rule very successfully.
Simeon, the Bulgarian king, marched to the gates of Constan-
914. tinople almost unopposed. Next year he again came south and
held Adrianople for a time. Zoe tried to check his ravages and
sent an army and a fleet against him. There was disagree-
ment between the leaders and they did not properly support
one another, so that they were beaten. This roused so much
919. feehng in Constantinople that there was a revolution ; Zoe
A MACEDONIAN DYNASTY 587
was compelled to retire ; the council of regency was abolished,
and Constantino assumed supreme power. The same year he
married Helena, the daughter of Romanus Lecapenus, and took
his father-in-law as colleague. This joint-ruler is therefore
known as Romanus I.
Constantine VII. was a mild man, fond of quiet pursuits,
and Romanus I. was ambitious, so that the latter had soon the
larger share of power. He made three of liis sons subor-
dinate colleagues and made another patriarch. Constantine
allowed himself to be pushed aside, and for nearly twenty-five
years Romanus ruled as he liked. But he was hoist with liis
own petard. His eldest son died, and the two others conspired
against their father and banished him. Indignant at this and
having no love for the usurping family, the populace rose,
deposed both the sons, and insisted on Constantine taking the
reins of government.
Constantine, now about forty years of age, was an earnest 945.
student, and fonder of his books than of the business of State.
He was proficient in science and art, a kind-hearted, gracious
man. Works were written by him or under his supervision on
agriculture, on veterinary medicine, and on historical and geo-
graphical subjects. Part of a historical encyclopaedia has come
down to us, enough to show that it must have been a valuable
work ; a geographical notice also of the administrative divisions
of the empire. There is also an important treatise on the
Byzantine government, abounding in information concerning
the peoples on the frontier.
During Constantine's reign the empire flourished. The
revenue was abundant, for the emperors had now for a long
time refrained from the folly of foreign conquest. Over most
of the empire the people prospered and were content. Doubt-
less there was over-centrahsation and there was corruption in
Byzantium, but its government compared favourably with the
other governments of the time.
The Byzantines were the merchant princes of the world.
Constantinople was still the centre of the world's commerce,
588 THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE
the place where East and West exchanged commodities. Her
trading transactions extended to England in the West, to China
in the East. The imperial coinage was the common medium of
exchange among merchants. The Court of Constantinople
was the first in Europe, and was visited by ambassadors from
every civiUsed State.
959. RoMANUS II. — 'Constantine VII, was succeeded by his son
Romanus II. He was twenty-one years of age, and reigned
for four years only. He had his father's kindly disposition,
but was fonder of sport than of books. During Ins short
reign the administration was left largely in the hands of
Joseph Bringas, a man of ability and worth.
Romanus had the good fortune to reconquer Crete. Other
emperors had tried in vain. The conquest was greatly needed,
for the Cretan corsairs enjoyed practical immunity and domi-
nated the archipelago. The islands of the ^Egean bought them
off by the payment of tribute, and great injury was inflicted
on the commerce of the Mediterranean by their depredations.
960. Romanus prepared an adequate expedition, and sent it
under an admiral named Nicephorus Phocas. Chandax, the
principal city of Crete, was blockaded, and though it stood out
for a year it was captured in the end. The accumulated gains
of years of systematic robbery were found there, and were
divided among the troops. The conquest of the island was then
completed, the fortifications of Chandax were destroyed, and a
new fortress was built and garrisoned by Byzantine troops.
The Saracens were either enslaved or expelled, and missionary
monks were introduced among the people to win them back to
Christianity.
The destruction of this pirate's nest was a blessing to the
whole empire, but more especially to Greece. This country,
which in the seventh century had been very desolate, was now
prosperous. The population had increased, new cities had
sprung up, agriculture was thriving. Greece had a practical
monopoly of the finest kinds of wine, oil, and fruit. Thebes
A MACEDONIAN DYNASTY 589
and Athens were famous for their silk. The Greeks were
enterprising, and, aided by Byzantine capital, had become great
traders. Much of the commerce of the Mediterranean was in
their hands. From the ninth century onwards for at least 300
years Greece was a rich and flourishing province.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE HOUSE OP BASIL.
963. RoMANUS II. died prematurely, leaving a young wife and two
cliildren, Basil aged seven and Constantine only two. Tlieo-
phano his widow acted as regent, Joseph Bringas was chief
minister of state, and Nicephorus Phocas, the general who was
so successful in Crete, commanded the army in Asia.
The triumphs of Nicephorus had made him popular, and he
found little difficulty in displacing Bringas and becoming
guardian of the young emperors. As they were so very
young, he was crowned as their colleague, and confirmed his
position by marrying Theophano their mother.
963. Nicephorus II. — The joint-reign of Nicephorus and Basil
lasted for six years. Nicephorus was a good man and an ex-
cellent soldier, but he was a poor administrator, and his reign
was not successful.
The fiscal measures of the emperor were badly conceived.
They worried the people without filHng the treasury. The
government paid their debts in debased coinage, and demanded
payment of taxes in pure coin. This lapse from straight
deahng was unpardonable, considering the position that the
Byzantine coinage had maintained in the commercial world.
With the ecclesiastics Nicephorus had many disputes.
Sometimes he had right upon his side, as when he tried to
check the founding of monasteries, and the donating of land
to the Church by deathbed gifts. Sometimes he was wrong,
as when he demanded that soldiers who perished in war
against the Saracen should be recognised as Christian martyrs.
In tliis matter the patriarch showed commendable firmness,
(590)
THE HOUSE OF BASIL 591
and an enlightenment whicli we would hardly have expected
to find. He declared that Christianity and war had nothing
in common, and that it was contrary to the spirit of Christi-
anity to slay any one, even an enemy.
Nicephorus offended the people by suppressing as far as he
could the extravagant sports and shows to which they had
become accustomed.
With the soldiers Nicephorus was extremely popular, and
as a general he was successful. He endeavoured to complete
the conquest of Cilicia and Northern Syria, and captured
various important cities. His general Nicetas reconquered
Cyprus from the Saracens. But when he invaded Sicily,
hoping to wrest it also from them, his expedition was annihi-
lated.
During this reign Luitprand, bishop of Cremona, visited
Constantinople as ambassador from Otto I., the Western em-
peror, to negotiate a marriage between his son, afterwards
Otto II. and Theophano, step-daughter of Nicephorus. Otto
hoped that Nicephorus would be so pleased with the union that
he would give Southern Italy with his step-daughter as a
marriage portion. But the emperor with commendable pride
demanded that the prince should rather pay for the honour of
the alliance with his house. The negotiation accordingly failed
at that time, but afterwards a marriage treaty was concluded,
and the nuptials were celebrated at Rome.
Luitprand was a historian, and he has left a record of the
impression made upon him by the wonders of Constantinople.
He was greatly astonished at what he saw there. It was still
the greatest city in the world, and was not only famous because
of its arcliitecture and commerce, but also for its municipal
government and philanthropic institutions. It anticipated
much that we look upon as quite modern. Even more than a
century later, when it had somewhat decayed, it amazed the
Crusaders who were accustomed to the squalor which then
prevailed in western cities.
Nicephorus was a worthy emperor, but he was stern and
592 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
he alienated many. His wife was unfaithful to him and con-
spired with her lover John Zimisces, a cavalry oflficer. The
conspiracy was successful, the emperor was murdered and
John Zimisces reigned in his stead.
969. John I. — Revolution was now accomplished at Byzantium
with less bloodshed than in the olden time. Nicephorus had
been content to share his rule with the boy princes, and John
did the same. In fact he married Theodora, their sister, and
thus became one of the family. Theophano, the dowager-
empress who had connived at the murder of her husband for
his sake, was deposed and exiled.
During John's reign there was war with the Russians.
865. We have seen how this new nation, inspired if not founded by
Scandinavian warriors, made a gallant but unsuccessful attack
upon Constantinople in the ninth century. The further ad-
vance of the Russians was checked for a time by the warlike
tribes who inhabited the basin of the Don, but by degrees they
amalgamated with these, and became one people.
907. In the tenth century a Russian fleet approached the Bos-
phorus, and the crews landing made a raid from which they
941. gained much spoil. Forty years later the Byzantines had their
revenge, destroying an expedition commanded by the Russian
king which was ravaging the coasts of Thrace and Bithynia.
The chronicler represents them as explaining their defeat by
saying : " The Greeks have a fire hke lightning, and this is the
reason why they have conquered us ".
The Russians were not only fighters but also traders. Their
merchants settled in Cherson, a thriving and almost indepen-
dent city in the Crimea, and also in Constantinople. The
Byzantine emperors were quick to recognise the excellence of
the Russians as mercenaries, and used them in various expedi-
tions against Sicily, Southern Italy and Crete,
945. In the middle of the tenth century Olga was queen of the
Russians. She went to Constantinople and was baptised as a
Christian. But she was not able to convert Sviatoslav, her son.
THE HOUSE OF BASIL 593
When he reigned he invaded Bulgaria and subdued it. He then 968.
tried conclusions with Byzantium, but was overthrown by-
John I. at Presthlava and Dorystolum (Sihstria). As he was
returning \vith his defeated army and crossing territory be-
longing to the Pechenegs, a Mongohan people inhabiting the
basin of the Don, his army fell into an ambush and he was
slain. Thus reheved of a dangerous foe, John I. now pushed
the Byzantine arms northward, and the Danube became once
more the boundary of the empire.
Whilst the Russian campaigns were in progress the Byzan-
tine armies were engaged also in Syria, where the Saracens
had recovered much of the territory won by Nicephorus. Such 973.
was their success there that the caliph was driven to proclaim
a general Moslem levy. John I. commanded the Byzantine
troops in person, and was cut oflF by death in the midst of liis
conquests.
Basil II. — Basil, the eldest son of Romanus II., was now 976.
twenty years of age. He had been nominally joint-ruler with
Nicephorus and John Zimisces, and now carried on the ad-
ministration by himself. He was an unscrupulous and a brutal
man. He was adventurous enough, and carried the Byzantine
flag over a great extent of territory. But his conquests re-
sulted in no permanent gain either to humanity or to the
empire. They merely meant vast expenditure of treasure and
human Hfe.
John L had pushed the Byzantine frontier to the Danube,
but his conquest of Bulgaria had been superficial. The Bul-
garians and Slavs had blended into one nation, and under a
king named Samuel strove for independence. Basil attacked 981.
them but was defeated, and for some years they remained in-
dependent. Unfortunately their king waxed confident, and
attacked his neighbours. He even invaded Greece and overran
Peloponnesus. But he overreached himself, and in retiring his 996.
army was almost anniliilated.
Basil took advantage of Samuel's weakness and invaded 1000.
VOL. IL 38
594 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
Bulgaria. Having great resources at his command he laid his
plans with extreme care, conquering the country pass by pass,
castle by castle, until he reached the centre of Bulgarian power.
Samuel took refuge in the mountains, but the Byzantine
generals carried on the struggle year after year, ever narrow-
ing the area of his influence. At last they were ready for the
final effort. Samuel's position seemed impregnable, but Basil's
armies attacked him on every side. The Bulgarian army was
routed and 15,000 captives were taken. With a brutahty
wliich it would be hard to parallel in history, Basil bUnded his
prisoners, sparing only one man in a hundred to lead the
others home. When their king met the ghastly company and
saw what had been done, he fell senseless to the ground and
died.
The result of Basil's brutahty was what might have been
expected. The Bulgarians were maddened, and much of the
work of conquest had to be done over again. A new leader,
John Ladislas, was found, and the fighting went on. But the
Bulgarians were not strong enough to resist the Byzantine
1018. armies successfully, and when Ladislas died they submitted for
a time.
Basil now turned his attention to the East. Following
the evil example of ancient monarchs, he transported whole
tribes from their homes to other portions of the empire. Many
Bulgarians and Slavonians were carried into Armenia, and
many Armenians into Bulgaria. The only result was to plant
communities of discontented people in various sections of the
empire ; nothing was added to its strength by the process.
1021. Basil also attacked parts of Armenia wliich had hitherto
maintained their independence. Here also he was for the
moment successful. But the measure of his success was the
measure of his ultimate failure. In weakening Armenia he
weakened a country wliich might have been a splendid barrier
against the Turkish tribes, who now began to alarm the East
and were destined soon to give the empire trouble enough.
The emperor was preparing an expedition against Sicily
THE HOUSE OF BASIL 595
when he died. He died at the age of sixty-eight, and had been
nominally an emperor for sixty-two years. He had reigned
actively for nearly half a century. He enlarged the empire
but greatly reduced its power of resistance.
CoNSTANTiNE VIII. — Constantine, the youngest son of 1025.
Romanus, was now sole emperor. He had been joint-emperor
for more than sixty years, but had taken no part in adminis-
tration. At sixty-four he was too old to change liis habits, so
he left affairs of government to others. He had no son, but
his three daughters were capable women. The eldest was in a
convent ; the second, Zoe, was forty-eight years of age ; Theo-
dora was the youngest. On his deathbed Constantine chose
Zoe as his successor, and espoused her to a noble named
Romanus Argyrus, who put away his former wife at the royal
command.
Romanus III. and Zoe. — Zoe reigned jointly with Romanus io28.
III. for five years. In all she reigned for twenty-six years,
and she had during that time four consorts. We must not
disparage her on that account. There was a strong prejudice
amongst the Byzantines against the imperial rule of a woman.
It will be remembered that two centuries before when Charle-
magne was crowned emperor in Rome, the excuse was made
that there was no emperor at Byzantium, the throne having
been usurped by a woman. Both prejudice and convenience,
therefore, made it desirable that there should be a male on
the throne.
During the reign of Romanus, Maniakes, a Byzantine 1032.
general, captured Edessa. Before the Saracens abandoned the
city they burned much of it. But they left behind a rehc of
extraordinary interest, purporting to be a letter written by our
Saviour to Abgarus, king of Edessa. The rehc had been
treasured in the church there for centuries and was transmitted
by Maniakes to Constantinople.
The story of the letter is narrated by Eusebius, who says
596 THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE
that king Abgarus of Edessa was suffering from an incurable
disease, and, hearing of the miracles wrought by Jesus, he sent
a courier of the name of Ananias to Jerusalem with a letter to
invite Him to come to Edessa. In the letter he justifies his
invitation partly by his desire to be cured, partly by his inten-
tion to afford Jesus a place of refuge against the persecution of
the Jews. In his answer Our Lord blessed Abgarus because
he had shown his faith in Him without having seen Him. He
said that He could not come on account of the necessary duties
devolving upon Him ; but promised that after His ascension
He would send one of His disciples, who would free him from
his sufferings and give Kfe to him and his people (Smith, Diet.
Christ. Biog.).
Fragments of papyrus were found in the Fayum province
in Egypt which proved to be a Greek version of this corre-
spondence. They are kept with much care in the Bodleian
Library in Oxford, where visitors are permitted to inspect
them through glass.
The genuineness of the correspondence has of course been
much disputed, and was disputed in the early Church. As a
rule Catholic writers have maintained its genuineness, whilst
most Protestants have declared against it. The fragments are
ascribed by Mr. Wallace Lindsay to the fourth or fifth century.
Whether genuine or not, the story and the fragments are,
therefore, ancient and interesting.
1034. Michael IV. and Zoe. — When Romanus died, Zoe took as
her consort Michael the Paphlagonian. He was a handsome
young man, but suffered from epilepsy, and during his reign of
seven years he left matters very much in the hands of his
brother John, whose fiscal methods created great dissatisfaction
and did much mischief throughout the empire.
During tliis reign a determined effort was made by the
Byzantines to reconquer Sicily. Maniakes, the general already
mentioned, led an expedition, and had Norman mercenaries
amongst his troops. He was successful, but being suspected
THE HOUSE OF BASIL 597
of treason was recalled, after which his conquests were quickly
lost.
Michael V. and Zoe. — When Michael IV. died Zoe would 1041.
willingly have ruled alone, but there was so much aversion to
purely female sway that she adopted a son, who became col-
league as Michael V. He proved to be a scoundrel, and tried
to thrust his benefactress from her throne. But the people
were loyal to their queen, and he was deposed. For a few
months then Zoe and Theodora ruled jointly, but this did not
succeed, and a fourth consort was chosen.
CoNSTANTlNE IX. AND ZoE. — Zoe's choice fell upon a noble 1042.
named Constantine Monomachus, and he reigned for twelve
years, outliving Zoe. They were years of disaster, but for
this neither emperor nor empress was altogether responsible.
New powers were coming to the front, in Europe the Nor-
mans, in Asia the Seljuk Turks, and tliese were powers against
which even the most competent of emperors would have found
it hard to strive.
Constantine IX. made, however, serious mistakes. The
frontier pro\'inces in the East had been exempt from direct
taxation on condition of their maintaining a permanent militia
for the defence of the frontiers. Constantine having a de-
pleted treasury permitted the provinces to compound for mili-
tary service by money payment. Thus the troops on the
Asiatic frontier were disbanded at one of the most critical
periods in the history of the empire.
In a dispute with the Russians Constantine showed to 1043.
greater advantage. • The Russians were now well to the front
as traders, and some of them were estabhshed as merchants in
Constantinople. A merchant of position was killed in a street
riot, and the Russians demanded satisfaction. Constantine
offered reasonable satisfaction, but their demands were exorbi-
tant and had to be resisted. They sent an expedition, and a
battle ensued in which the Russians were defeated. A violent
598 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
storm increased their discomfiture. Afterwards peace was
established and trade placed upon its old footing. From this
period for a long time peace was maintained between the em-
pire and the Russians. The fact that the Russians united
theologically with the Greek Church in opposition to the
Roman increased the friendship.
1048. The Pechenegs, a people dwelling between the Dneiper and
the Danube, invaded Bulgaria. The Byzantine troops defeated
them so severely that they had to surrender at discretion.
Constantine divided up their army. The more active he en-
listed and sent to the Armenian frontier to face the Seljuk
Turks; the rest he established as agricultural colonists on
waste lands near Sardica and Naissos.
But home is sweet even to the barbarian. When the
Pecheneg troops reached Asia they mutinied and returned
quickly under their own officers to the Bosphorus. They
crossed safely, and by forced marches reached the Danube,
having been joined by their agricultural comrades on the way.
They routed such Byzantine forces as were sent against them,
and at length concluded an honourable treaty for thirty years.
Byzantine lost during this reign any hold upon Italy it
had retained. This was inevitable as soon as the Normans,
who at first served as mercenaries, began to fight for their own
hand. The Byzantine troops were defeated, the emperor of
Germany was baffled, the pope was taken prisoner by these
1055. formidable foes. With the capture of Otranto by the Normans
under Robert Guiscard, Greek authority in Italy came to an
end.
It was in the end of this reign that the scliism between the
Eastern and Western Churches became final. Various attempts
had been made to heal the breach, but they came to nought.
Michael Cserularius, patriarch of Constantinople, now abolished
the use of the Latin liturgy in certain Bulgarian churches and
monasteries, and wrote letters to the Latin bishop protesting
against such of their practices as he deemed erroneous. The
pope took umbrage, and his ambassadors left a bull of excom-
THE HOUSE OF BASIL 599
munication signed by him upon the altar of St. Sophia. The
patriarch rephed by excommunicating the pope, and was
supported in his action by the Greek clergy.
Zoe died in 1050, aged seventy, and Constantine died four
years later. After his death Theodora, the last surviving io54.
daughter of Basil II., became empress. Though aged she was
full of energy. She presided in senate and council, heard
judicial appeals, and paid personal attention to the work of ad-
ministration. Her reign was peaceful, and she died at the age
of seventy-six. With Theodora the race of Basil the Mace- 1057.
donian became extinct.
CHAPTER IX.
THE SELJUKIAN TURK.
1057. Seven centuries have passed since Constantinople became the
capital of the Eastern Empire, and we are approaching an
exceedingly important epoch in its history. It is hard to
reahse that, at a time when this great city was already waxing
old, England had only begun her national existence. Yet the
Basilian dynasty, which held possession of the Byzantine
throne with so much distinction for two hundred years, came
to an end with the death of Theodora nine years before the
Norman Conquest. At the time we have now reached Edward
the Confessor was reigning in England, Godwin was dead,
Harold was earl of Wessex. The land was in a very disunited
state and its future looked far from bright. London was a
busy trading town in a small way ; other EngHsh cities were
little more than country towns.
France was not much further advanced than England.
The Carlo vingian dynasty had terminated ; the house of Capet
was on the throne. The land was covered with castles, the
king had little power, every lord did what was right in his
own eyes. Municipal life was discouraged, and trading on
anything but a petty scale was impossible. In feudal times
the theory of protection was carried to its logical issue. Town
protected itself against town, manor against manor. There
was little exchange of commodities either permitted or possible.
As a result the people in Western Europe were wretchedly
poor, even the highest classes lived in the rudest and roughest
way.
In the Byzantine Empire this was not so. Many centuries
of civiUsation and the free interchange of commodities had pro-
(600)
THE SELJUKIAN TUEK 601
duced wealth, and the regular administration of justice per-
mitted the wealth to accumulate. It is true that the Byzantine
empire had often been raided, and that certain provinces had
suffered terribly from war. But now for some centuries the
empire had been remarkably free from these calamities ; and
when we reflect how much difference even one busy century
has made in our own land we can realise what two centuries
of peaceful trading must have meant to Byzantium.
The city of Constantinople stood alone, the unrivalled mart
of Europe, supplying Western and Northern Europe with the
produce of the East. But though the greatest city of the
empire it was by no means the only city of importance.
Athens, Thebes, Thessalonica, and very many other cities were
important, each of them in its own way.
The Byzantine government was doubtless imperfect : there
must have been corruption : there must have been waste. Yet
it was superior to any other European government of that
day. There was over-centralisation ; the emperor was abso-
lute in the capital and far more absolute in the provinces than
was good for them. This prevented that natural develop-
ment which builds up a strong people, and matters were
neglected in the more remote parts of the empire wliich would
have been attended to had its sections been permitted to
attend to their own affairs. Moreover, money gathered in the
provinces was too often wasted in the capital upon unneces-
sary display. All this would be keenly felt when the empire
fell upon hard times. But at the time wliich we have now
reached there was widespread wealth and contentment.
Wealth was not the only advantage possessed by the By-
zantine Empire over its contemporaries. In W^estern Europe
feudalism was the rule, and the populations consisted mainly
of nobles, priests, and serfs. In the Byzantine Empire it was
not so. Centuries of manufacturing industry and prosperous
trading had led to the development of a thriving middle class.
Compared with the feudal nobility of the West the Byzantine
territorial magnates may have appeared of Httle account. But
602 THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE
this was all to the advantage of the common people. Wher-
ever the empire had rest from war the common people throve,
and that contentment which is born of prosperity made them
yield a more willing submission to the central power.
The wealth of the Byzantine emperors at this time made it
more easy for them to pay for the services of foreign mer-
cenaries, and some of the best soldiers in Europe fought in
their armies. Harold Hardrada, the king of Norway, who
was slain at Stamford Bridge the year of the Norman Con-
quest, had been a captain in the Imperial Guard at Constan-
tinople.
It is well to remember these things because we are now
approaching the time when the Byzantine Empire comes into
contact with the forces destined for its overthrow — the Cru-
sader and the Turk. Not long after this we shall find the
Western nations beginning to interfere in Eastern affairs and
arrogating to themselves a superiority over Byzantium to
which they had no title, but which posterity has yielded them
almost without question. Tested by almost any conceivable
standard, by the wealth and comfort of its people, by the
character of its government, by its industry, its commerce, its
Christianity, its military prowess, its extraordinary history,
the Byzantine Empire was far superior to anything that the
West could show. Byzantium fell, it is true, and from this
circumstance it is easy to assume its inferiority, and to argue
that it must have been rotten at the core. But this does not
follow. Since the world began we know not of any empire
that has made a better struggle for its existence. After cen-
turies of effort Byzantium was destroyed by the united forces
of Europe and of Asia; crushed between the upper and the
nether millstone.
It must be confessed that the interference of the Western
nations with Eastern affairs was undertaken in the first
instance at the solicitation of an Eastern emperor. But little
did he imagine what his unfortunate request would bring
forth. The strange character of the crusading armies, the
THE SELJUKIAN TURK 603
gross ignorance, yet insufferable pride of their leaders, the
utterly irreligious behaviour of men who professed to be
fighting in the cause of religion, the worthless character of the
States which they endeavoured to found, their want of culture
and evident ignorance of the most elementary principles of
scientific government filled the subjects of the Byzantine
Empire with amazement, and caused them to regard the
Western Christians for many ages with hatred and contempt.
If Byzantium had enemies in Europe she had enemies in
Asia not less dangerous. We have already seen how for a
long time the Turkish or Mongol tribes of Central Asia had
troubled Europe. Huns, Magyars, Bulgarians, Hungarians,
and many others had followed in succession. In the end of
the tenth century and the beginning of the eleventh the tribes
inhabiting the region now known as Independent Tartary or
Turkestan broke through their borders and spread on every
side. All Asia was a prey to Turkish invasion. As far east
as Pekin a Tartar kingdom was estabHshed. In Afghanistan
and India, Mahmoud of Ghazni set up a Turkish State, wliilst
Turks of the house of Seljuk threatened Western Asia.
The Turkish tribes had embraced Mohammedanism, but
are to be distinguished from the earlier followers of the
prophet. The Arabs had never been the sworn enemies of
civiHsation. Thousands of years ago the plains of Chaldea
and Arabia produced wise men. The gloriously clear sky
gave unsurpassable opportunity for studying the heavenly
bodies, and the Arabs were always famous for their astro-
nomical knowledge, Abraham came from Chaldea ; the writer
of the book of Job, the oldest book in the Bible, unique in the
beauty of its poetry and the daring of its imagery, was pro-
bably an Arabian prince.
For some centuries after the death of Mohammed, when
the wild frenzy of the early conquest had passed and the
caliphs settled down to the task of government, Islam affected
and patronised culture. The caliphs had much wealth at their
disposal and they patronised literature and science, Universi-
604 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
ties were established at Bagdad, Cordova, and Cairo. The last
had 12,000 students. The Arabs had a science of medicine
and made many discoveries in chemistry. Their surgeons per-
formed extremely difficult operations, and are said to have used
anaesthetics. Arab mathematicians created algebra. They in-
vented the pendulum, built observatories, and constructed
astronomical instruments which are still in use.
The dominions of the caliphs were well governed on the
whole. Taxation was not excessive, roads, canals, and
aqueducts were kept in repair, and postal arrangements were
established throughout. Cities sprang up or increased in size,
and Moslem mosques and palaces were built in a style of
architecture which commands admiration even to the present
day.
So long, therefore, as Arab influence was the ruling force
in Islam, civilisation was comparatively safe. Unfortunately
the Arab had to give way to the Turk, a being who cared
for neither the necessities nor luxuries of civilised life, but
destroyed culture wherever he found it. And in Islam the
Turkish type prevailed.
In the eighth century the capital of the Moslem Empire
was removed to Bagdad. The caliphate of Bagdad reached its
zenith about 800 A.D., when Haroun al Raschid was ruler.
But so wide an empire as the Moslem had now become could
not be ruled from one city. Accordingly, in the course of
time, other caliphates were established, the most important
being at Cairo in Egypt, and at Cordova in Spain. Moreover,
the provincial governors often made themselves independent
of the caliph and ruled as kings. In Asia, Khorasan, Persia,
Mesopotamia, and Syria had thus detached themselves.
This was the divided condition of affairs amongst the
Moslems at the time when the Turks were swarming down
from their inclement homes in Central Asia, and establishing
themselves in the fairer provinces of Northern Syria on the
borders of the Byzantine Empire. The caliphs, unable to
conquer them, diverted their energies, employing them as
THE SELJUKIAN TUEK 605
mercenaries and permitting them to keep whatever Christian
territory they could seize. Gradually, therefore, the marches
on the Byzantine and Moslem borders became peopled with
Turks acting under their own chiefs, and petty States began
to spring up. The Seljuk Turks, in particular, crossed the
Oxus, conquered Khorasan, and dominated various provinces.
The caHph of Bagdad, unable to grapple with them, invited 1058.
their chief, Togrul Beg, to his capital and resigned his tem-
poral authority into his hands, remaining merely a rehgious
officer. Under Togrul Beg and his successors the power of
the Seljukian Turks increased continually, and the Byzantine
emperors had to deal with a foe more dangerous than any they
had yet encountered.
Michael VI. — Theodora on her death-bed nominated Mi- 1057.
chael Stratioticus as her successor. He was a contemporary of
her own, a man who had had his day, far too old to become an
emperor. His accession therefore was merely the signal for
rebeUion. In less than a year the nobles conspired to over-
throw him, and Isaac Comnenus, a popular general in the
Asiatic army, was proclaimed in his stead.
Isaac I. — The choice of the Byzantine nobles was unfortu- 1057.
nate. When Isaac had ruled but one year he was stricken
down by a mortal disease and retired to a monastery to die.
CoNSTANTiNE X. — Constantine Ducas now ascended the 1059.
throne. He had been an excellent official, but proved a poor
emperor, incapable of grappHng with the difficulties Byzantium
had now to face. Though terrible danger was at this moment
impending over the empire, Constantine disbanded part of
the army and cut down the pay of the rest. Possessed by an
injudicious spirit of economy, he neglected to supply the troops
with stores, and left the forts on the frontier unrepaired.
Thus encouraged, the Seljukian Turks pressed forward, and
during this reign they iSrst became a serious menace to the
empire.
606 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
The policy of Constantine X. in Armenia was specially un-
wise, Togrul Beg was pressing the Armenians hard, but these
independent mountaineers were not easily conquered and a
little encouragement and practical help might have enabled
them to successfully resist the Turkish advance. Instead of
sending this help Constantine actually chose this time to send
ecclesiastical envoys to effect a union between the Greek and
Armenian Churches. When the Armenian Christians declined
the religious union, he left them poUtically to their fate. The
result was that Alp Arslan, the nephew and successor of To-
1064, grul Beg, subjugated Armenia and captured Ani the ancient
capital. The Seljukians now had no obstacle lying between
them and the empire, and their invasions became incessant.
Their raiding was of no ordinary type, for they were not
content with plunder, but slew all capable of bearing arms and
carried the rest of the people into captivity. Villages and farm-
houses were burned down, and even wells were filled up by
these monsters. Their object seemed to be to exterminate the
native population in order that they might afterwards fill the
unoccupied lands with their own people.
Constantine was succeeded by his son Michael VII., a boy
of fourteen, the empress Eudocia acting as regent. Eudocia
took as second husband an Asiatic noble, Romanus Diogenes,
who became joint ruler with his step-son.
1067. Romanus IV. — Romanus was a good soldier and an
honourable man. He at once took the field against the Sel-
jukians, and when he could persuade them to fight with him
he generally defeated them. But it was not easy to hunt
them down. They raided the country in scattered bands,
attacking many places at once and eluding pursuers. Cap-
padocia was little better than a desert, Csesarea had been
captured, and the Turks were raiding Phrygia.
1071. In 1071 the Sultan besieged and captured Manzikert, a
town on the Armenian frontier, and early next spring
Romanus endeavoured to recover it. As the Sultan was for
THE SELJUKIAN TUEK 607
the moment in Persia, Romanus ventured to divide his army,
hoping to gain possession of Akhlat, another important place.
Unfortunately Alp Arslan returned quickly from Persia, and
Romanus, with reduced forces, found himself confronted by
the entire Seljukian power. For a whole day the battle was
fiercely contested, but bad tactics and treachery at last gave
the victory to the Turks. The Byzantine army was routed,
and Romanus was wounded and made a prisoner.
Alp Arslan treated Romanus with consideration and allowed
him to return to Constantinople after some months on promise
of ransom. But when he reached liis capital it was to find
that there had been a revolution, that he had been dethroned,
and that Eudocia had been exiled. A few days later his eyes
were put out and so carelessly that he died. Before liis death,
however, he had gathered together as much money as he could
and had sent it to Alp Arslan to show that the failure to
observe the conditions of liis release did not he with liim,
Michael VII. — Michael now reigned alone, and the Sel- io7i.
jukian Turks, encouraged by the weakness of the empire, fell
upon its provinces with new vigour. Alp Arslan fell by the
dagger of an assassin, but liis successors ravaged Asia Minor
without mercy. Meanwhile the empire was weakened by civil
war, many provinces revolted, and within a few years there
were no less than six pretenders to the throne. Michael at
length obtained peace from the Turks by surrendering to
Suleiman, the general of Malek Shah, Alp Arslan's successor,
aU the imperial provinces wliich had come into his possession.
These covered the greater part of Asia Minor. Suleiman
estabHshed his capital at Nicaea and soon became an inde-
pendent prince. Asia Minor now became known to the
Moslems as Roum, and thus began the independent power of
the Sultans of Roum, a power which lasted for 130 years.
JVIichael VII. was the first Byzantine emperor to appeal to
"Western Europe for help against the Turk. He entered into
communication with Hildebrand, ostensibly with the object of
608 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
uniting the Greek and Latin Churches, but really in the hope
of obtaining succour against the Turks. Hildebrand would
gladly have led a crusade, but the state of Europe at that time
made it impossible, and when the Greeks themselves found
that they could only have his help on condition of acknowledg-
ing his supremacy, they refused it at such a price. Thus the
first effort to arouse the crusading spirit failed, and it was an
untold misfortune for Byzantium that it was ever revived.
1078. NiCEPHORUS III. — The reign of Michael VII. gave no
satisfaction to the people, and he became extremely unpopular.
At length he was overthrown and succeeded by Nicephorus III.
Nicephorus was equally unworthy of his high position, and
there were many revolts. Though he reigned but three years,
no less than four rebels assumed the imperial title, and he was
only kept on the throne by the abiUty of Alexius Comnenus,
his commander-in-chief. At length the incapacity of Nice-
phorus became so evident that Alexius himself rebelled and
was proclaimed emperor by the army. He advanced upon
Constantinople, obtained admission through the connivance of
1081. German mercenaries, and captured it. Nicephorus retired to
a monastery, and Alexius Comnenus reigned in his stead.
CHAPTER X.
ALEXIUS I.
Alexius now sat upon the Imperial throne. One member of 108I.
his family had occupied the throne for a short time twenty
years before, but under Alexius the Comnenian dynasty was
established and it ruled the empire for a century.
Anna Comnena, the daughter of Alexius, wrote an account
of his Ufe, and the work is interesting and valuable. Though
meant to praise, the biography does not leave a favourable
impression on the mind with regard to the character of Alexius.
But this may partly arise from the warped judgment of the
biographer. Much allowance must be made for Alexius. He
filled an extremely difficult position at a most difficult time.
To his credit it must be recorded that he saved the empire from
what seemed almost inevitable destruction, and passed it on to
his successor much stronger than he found it.
When Alexius seized the throne there were residing in the
capital two deposed emperors and four emperor's sons. There
was therefore much fuel for conspiracy, and for some years
conspiracy and rebeUion abounded. Many emperors would
have tried to solve at least one part of the problem by the
execution of their rivals, and it speaks well for the kindly
character of Alexius that he permitted them to live unharmed.
He dealt successfully with the rebellions, and when the crusades
brought the citizens of the empire face to face with a common
danger the rebellions ceased.
At the beginning of his reign Alexius had to encounter
serious trouble from the West. The Normans had been making
great progress in Europe. Northern France had long been
under their control, and they had acquired a good deal of Italy.
VOL. II. (609) 39
610 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
Just fifteen years before the accession of Alexius, Duke
William of Normandy had crossed the English Channel with a
band of adventurers and won a kingdom for himself. His
success inflamed the ambition of other Normans, amongst whom
was Robert Guiscard, the duke of Apulia. Observing the
unsettled state of the succession in Constantinople, Guiscard
determined to follow the example of WilHam of Normandy
and find a kingdom for himself. He thought he might have
at least a portion of the Byzantine, and like William he ob-
tained the papal blessing upon his enterprise and was presented
with a sacred banner.
Guiscard sailed from Brindisi with 150 ships and 30,000
men, gained Corfu, seized some Illyrian ports, and besieged
Durazzo. Alexius, who had only just ascended the throne,
raised an army and marched to the relief of the city. The
Venetians, fearing that a Norman power at the mouth of the
Adriatic would be fatal to their trade with the Levant, sent a
fleet to his assistance. Their fleet scattered the Norman
ships and separated Robert Guiscard from his base. But he
only pressed the siege of Durazzo with greater vigour,
Durazzo was splendidly defended by Paleologos, and
Guiscard's efforts seemed likely to end in failure. But Alexius
approached, and, eager to distinguish himself thus early in his
reign, precipitated an engagement. The battle was conducted
by the emperor with little skill ; he was defeated, and a few
months later the city fell. But difficulties arose in Italy and
Guiscard had to return, leaving his son Bohemond in his
place. Bohemond was an able leader, and, for a time, Alexius
made little progress against him. The imperial troops were
again defeated, and Bohemond overran Epirus and invaded
Macedonia. But Alexius had learned wisdom; he avoided
pitched battles, and wore out the Normans in petty engage-
1084. ments. The poHcy was successful, and, at last, aided by
Turkish cavalry, he was victorious at Larissa, and Bohemond
returned to Italy. Next year Guiscard died, and the dread of
a Norman invasion passed away.
ALEXIUS I 611
During his contest vpith Robert Guiscard and Bohemond,
Alexius was willing to buy peace from the Seljukian Turks at
almost any price. Accordingly he acquiesced in the arrange-
ment made by Michael VII. which permitted the sultan of
Roum to keep possession of the greater part of Asia Minor and
to have liis capital at Nicaea, less than a hundred miles from
Constantinople. The Seljukians had done infinite mischief to
the empire. The rich agricultural districts of Asia Minor, long
a fruitful source of revenue, had been torn away. The Greek
cultivators had been exterminated, and nomadic Turkish tribes
had taken their place. Suleiman died, but other warlike 1086.
chiefs succeeded. Northward the Turks were checked by the
Bosphorus, but southward their power extended to Antioch.
Palestine had been under Moslem rule for centuries.
The struggle with Robert Guiscard taught the Eastern
Empire the value of the Norman as a warrior, and Alexius
conceived the idea of enlisting a Norman force, and recovering
by its aid some of the provinces of which the empire had been
despoiled. Often in the history of the world have nations
thus sought help against their foes, and rarely has the experi-
ment been successful. Too often the men who came to aid
have remained to conquer. Had Alexius realised what Norman
intervention in the affairs of his empire would mean he would
have preferred to fight his own battles. For Norman inter-
vention brought about the crusades, and the crusades brought
about the destruction of Byzantium. But in order that we
may clearly understand how these things came to pass we
must for a moment diverge.
In another part of this volume we have dealt fully with
the story of the crusades. Here it is only necessary to say as
much as is required for the sake of the continuity of the
narrative. Let us remind our readers, therefore, that the
crusades, though connected to some extent with the needs of
the Byzantine Empire, were primarily connected with the
question of pilgrimage to the Holy Land. In another place
we have seen how the custom of making pilgi-image to the
612 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
Holy Land began seriously to develop in the fourth century,
after the pretended discovery of the true cross by the empress
Helena, and the building by her and Constantine of churches
on the traditional sites of our Lord's birth and burial. As the
century advanced the practice increased. Jerome, when he
left Rome a disappointed man, went to Bethlehem and built
there a monastery, convent, church, and hospice. Pilgrimages
to the holy places were then becoming common.
Whilst the Roman Empire was strong, pilgrimage was
easy. Even when Islam became powerful and Jerusalem fell
into Moslem hands, pilgrims were not interfered with. The
mosque of Omar was built on the site of the temple, but the
other sacred places were treated with respect and left in
Christian hands. The Arabs were themselves enthusiastic
pilgrims, and they respected holy places and holy men. More-
over, as avowed descendants of Abraham they revered Jeru-
salem, and they knew that Mohammed had acknowledged
Christ as a prophet second only to himself.
In the tenth century the caliphate broke up and pilgrimage
became more dangerous, the safety of the pilgrims depending
upon the character of the possessors of Jerusalem for the time
being. When the Fatimite caliphs had control of Palestine
pilgrimage was generally easy, though one mad caliph. El
Hakim, made it dangerous for a time. The advent of the
Seljukian Turk made pilgrimage almost impossible. To the
Turk nothing was sacred.
We have seen how Michael VII., seeing the Turk at his
1074. gates, corresponded with Gregory VII. on the subject, but
without result.
1083. Some years later Pope Victor III. advocated a crusade and
promised remission of sins to all who took part in it. The
Genoese and Pisans responded and swept the coast of Africa
with pirate fleets. But this was the only result.
There are in existence copies of a letter purporting to be
from Alexius I. to Robert the count of Flanders, declaring
that the Turks were supreme from Jerusalem to the ^gean,
ALEXIUS I 613
that their galleys swept the Black Sea and the Mediterranean,
and that they threatened the imperial city itself.
At a synod held at Piacenza an embassy from Alexius 1095,
appealed for help against the Turk, and Pope Urban II.
countenanced the appeal. At a second council, held at Cler-
mont in France the same year, it was declared that, " whoever
should set out for Jerusalem, not for the sake of honour or
gain, but to free the Church of God, might reckon his journey
as a penance ".
After the council at Clermont, Urban harangued the
people in the open air. He said little or nothing about
Byzantium, to whose sorrows the Westerns were indifferent.
He said a gi-eat deal about the defilement of the holy city and
the dehverance of the sacred places from the Turk. The effect
of his appeal was tremendous. Thousands volunteered, and
crosses torn out of red cloth were given to all who would take
them. Men, women, and children eagerly pledged themselves
to march to the Holy Land, certainly not one in a thousand
having any real idea of what their pledge involved. Next
winter missioners were sent round by the pope. Of these the
most successful was Peter the Hermit. He had himself started
on pilgrimage, but Anna Comnena says that he did not reach
Jerusalem. He was an eloquent man and his appeals lured
many to their destruction ; but the crusades did not originate
with him as is popularly supposed.
We have already discussed the origin of the crusades in
the proper place and need not here return to the subject
further than to say the following. AJexius cared Uttle for the
peace of Jerusalem ; it was the peace of Byzantium that he
was anxious about. The crusaders cared nothing for Byzan-
tium, and were just as ready to fight Alexius as the Saracens.
The pope cared nothing for Byzantium, a Httle for Jerusalem
perhaps, but most of all for consohdating his power in Europe
and gaining supremacy over the Greek Church. On one
subject, however, all were agreed : the Turk was to be driven
from Palestine. " Exterminate," said Urban in his oration.
614 THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE
"this vile race from the land ruled by our brethren; it is
Christ who commands."
The motives of the leading crusaders were, of course,
strangely mixed. Some went to fight the Turk from love of
fighting ; some from hope of gain ; some doubtless went
because their hearts were touched. Among the early cru-
saders many were misguided but sincere.
First went a swarm of pilgrims of all sorts — men, women,
and children. They were led by Walter de Poissi, a man who
deserved a better following. When the money they had
brought with them was exhausted they took to plundering.
This led to retaliation ; many were slain ; many sold as slaves.
Helped forward by the imperial officers a remnant reached
Constantinople.
Peter the Hermit followed with a similar throng. But he
had less control over them than his predecessor. They com-
mitted many excesses and were cut to pieces by the infuriated
peoples through whose territories they passed. A sorry rem-
nant struggled through to Constantinople. Other throngs
followed and with yet more disastrous results.
Alexius was amazed. He had asked for 10,000 armed
knights, and this motley crew arrived instead. But he knew
that disciplined armies were following, and that he must walk
circumspectly. Accordingly he treated the rabble well, gave
them abundant provision, and shipped them to the Asiatic
shore that they might there peacefully await the arrival of the
regular forces. But they could not rest. They attacked their
neighbours, and the sultan of Roum attacked them. Soon
only 3,000 remained of over 200,000 who had set forth.
Whilst these things were happening to the early bands of
1096. crusaders the knights and men-at-arms were making their
arrangements with care. At last they set out in five distinct
bodies and found their way to Constantinople by different
routes.
Alexius had asked for knights and they had come, but not
in the way he desired. He wanted an army of moderate size
ALEXIUS I 615
and of men who would act under his orders ; instead there had
come a multitude of warriors, ill-disposed towards him and
just as likely to attack Byzantium as Jerusalem.
As a precaution Alexius demanded that the leaders should
swear fealty to him before they crossed to Asia, and promise
that they would restore to the empire any conquests they
might make of territory which had formerly belonged to it.
The crusaders strongly objected, but Alexius had his way,
and though their promises were only partiaDy kept, he had in
the end little reason to complain.
When these matters were settled and the crusaders were
ready to cross to Asia, Alexius had almost to use violence before
he could tear them from the attractions of Constantinople.
At last they crossed the straits and laid siege to Nicsea.
When the citizens perceived that their city must fall, they 1097.
negotiated with Alexius and asked him to occupy it with
Byzantine troops. He did so and the crusaders only found it
out when they saw the Byzantine flag flying. They were
enraged, but the emperor pacified them with handsome gifts.
This incident, sometimes quoted as an illustration of the
emperor's perfidy, showed his good sense. He not only acted
in the interests of Byzantium, but in the interests of the in-
habitants of NiciJea, who escaped the outrage and murder
which would inevitably have foUowed the capture of their city
by the crusaders.
A victory at Dorylseum secured the road through Asia
Minor, and after a weary march the crusaders reached Antioch.
During the siege of this important city, many quarrels arose
amongst them, and some, disgusted with the business, returned
home.
After seven months the city fell and there seemed nothing
to prevent the advance upon Jerusalem. Tliis was however i098.
postponed for months owing to disputes, and because some of
the leaders were trying to win principalities for themselves.
At last, after much bickering and delay, they reached the
holy city. It was taken by storm, and there ensued a slaughter i099.
616 THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE
too horrible to describe. " Such a slaughter of pagan folk had
never been seen or heard of ; none knows their number save
God alone."
Alexius had kept out of the turmoil. During the siege of
Antioch, when the crusaders were in dire straits, he set out to
their relief ; but hearing from fugitive crusaders that the Moslem
was advancing in great force he retired, hoping perhaps that
" the Franks and the Turks would worry one another ".
After the capture of Antioch the crusaders demanded that
Alexius should put himself at the head of their army and lead
them against Jerusalem, But he dechned, and we can well
understand his reasons. He could not have deserted Byzantium
at such a crisis, and had he run the risk, he knew well that
the crusaders would never obey him.
Godfrey of Bouillon was appointed governor of Jerusalem,
and thus the Latin kingdom in Jerusalem was estabHshed.
But Godfrey refused the royal title, preferring to be styled
" protector of the holy sepulchre ".
When the crusaders had settled the affairs of Jerusalem
and annihilated an Egyptian army which mustered at Ascalon,
they set out on their homeward journey. The first crusade
was at an end. Godfrey was governor in Jerusalem, Ray-
mond in Laodicea, Bohemond in Antioch, Baldwin in Edessa.
Alexius had recovered for the empire a considerable section
of Asia Minor. Whilst the sultan was busy with the cru-
saders, Alexius had seized Smyrna, Ephesus, Sardis, and many
other important places, almost without striking a blow. The
crusaders had forced back the Turkish frontier in Asia some
two hundred miles. The Seljukian Turks had been hit hard,
nor did they recover the ground they had lost for a hundred
years.
The survivors of the first crusade soon forgot their toils,
and carried home such wondrous tales of their exploits that
those who had not accompanied them were filled with envy
and organised new expeditions. No wisdom was shown in
the management of these and the results were deplorable.
ALEXIUS I 617
Between 1100 and 1102 a.d. countless thousands went to the
East only to die or be sold into slavery. When the remains of
several expeditions met in 1102 at Antioch, "of so innumerable
a host, alas ! scarcely one thousand survived, and these hardly
more than bones ".
Whenever the crusaders failed they laid their failure at
the door of Alexius : Byzantine treachery accounted for all.
Alexius may have done httle to help the crusaders, but there
was little that he could have done. From the beginning they
treated him as an enemy ; they insulted his people, frequently
they ravaged liis territory. Had they gone to Palestine by
sea all might have been well, but they marched through the
Byzantine Empire as through an enemy's country, doing
irreparable damage to the relationship between the people and
the central authority. The crusaders did not ask the advice
of Alexius, nor would they have accepted it if proferred. They
learned little from experience, and showed at all times a lack
of wisdom which sufficiently accounts for their failures.
Bohemond, the prince of Antioch, who, with his father,
Robert Guiscard, had already fought against Alexius, was
captured by the Turks and held to ransom. The ransom was
paid by an Armenian prince, and on his release, beheving that
he had a grievance against Alexius, he again crossed swords
with him. Leaving Tancred to govern Antioch he escaped to
Europe and organised a considerable expedition with which he
returned and laid siege to Durazzo. But Alexius fortified the 1107.
passes, and in a short time Bohemond was in such straits that
he was forced to conclude a disadvantageous peace. He
returned to Italy and soon after died.
The last years of Alexius were comparatively peaceful.
There was little rebellion at home, and liis foreign enemies had
been crushed. Had the Byzantine government and the Latin
kingdoms in Syria co-operated the Turks might have been
driven far back. But there was no unity of purpose. The
crusaders were hard to get on with, and were continually
quarreling amongst themselves. We must remember that
618 THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE
they were often men of different nationalities, that they
followed different leaders, and that they spoke different
languages. If they were ever on friendly terms it was by
chance.
Byzantium never prospered as much after the first crusade
as it had done before. Genoa, Venice, and Pisa were becom-
ing powerful, and they obtained great trading facihties in the
seaports of Syria. Much Eastern trade formerly transacted
in Constantinople now passed through Acre and Tyre. It
was more convenient for France, Germany, and Italy to trade
with the republics for their Eastern goods than with Byzan-
tium. Moreover, these rising repubhcs had no hesitation
about engaging in piratical expeditions, and by their attacks
upon the islands and coasts of the ^gean they did terrible
injury to the commerce of Byzantium. Nations had not yet
learned that it is possible for all to become rich together, and
the republics fooHshly thought that by ruining Byzantium
they were enriching themselves.
Hoping to concihate the republics, Alexius made the
economic blunder of bestowing peculiar commercial privileges
upon their merchants. The Venetians had been granted
access to most of the ports of the empire without the payment
of customs dues at an early period in Ms reign. At a later
period the Pisans were similarly favoured, though to a less
extent. Thus he really subsidised foreigners at the expense
of his own subjects.
During the reign of Alexius there was rehgious persecu-
tion. The sufferers were a sect called the Bogomiles, a
Slavonic word which signifies " God have mercy ". The Bogo-
miles were akin to the Paulicians, of whom mention has been
made more than once. Like the Pauhcians they protested
against the worthless ecclesiasticism by which they were
surrounded. They taught that singing and prayer and parti-
cipation in the rites of the Church, and study of the Scriptures,
were vain unless accompanied by that inward change by which
man was dehvered from the power of evil. Such teaching
ALEXIUS I 619
was but an exposition of our Lord's words to Nicodemus, but
it brought the men who taught it to prison, judgment, and
death.
Alexius died at the age of seventy, having reigned for
thirty-seven years. He had faults like other men, but his
faults have been exaggerated. He was a shrewd statesman, a
good general, and a brave man. Ascending the throne when
Byzantium was in desperate circumstances, he left his dynasty
firmly seated, his enemies weakened, and his empire enlarged.
CHAPTER XL
THE HOUSE OP COMNENUS.
1118. John II. — John II. succeeded his father Alexius I. upon the
Byzantine throne. His mother Irene, and his sister Anna,
hoping to supplant him, endeavoured to persuade the dying
emperor to appoint Nicephorus, Anna's husband, as his suc-
cessor. But Alexius did not waver. John was his eldest son
and had long been in his confidence. He knew him to be
talented and in every way worthy of the high ojSBce. Accord-
ingly, perceiving that liis wife and daughter would seize the
throne if they could, he permitted John to take his signet ring
and assume imperial power without waiting for his death.
The exasperated women, learning what had been done without
their knowledge, hurled an accusation of hypocrisy at Alexius.
The matter would not have been worth mentioning but that
historians have too readily accepted their words as evidence of
the emperor's character. This is a pity. The taunt was
entirely undeserved. Alexius acted on his death-bed, as he had
tried to do throughout his reign, in the best interests of the
empire.
John was an excellent ruler and a popular man. At first
he had to meet palace intrigue fomented by his own family, but
when that had been checked his reign was free from sedition.
He was one of the best of the Byzantine emperors and earned
from his subjects the title of John the Good.
Against foreign foes John fought successfully. It would
have been better for the empire had he fought less and given
more of his attention to home afiairs. The comparative success
of the first crusade, and the establishment of the Frankish
kingdoms in Syria had afforded the empire a brea tiling space.
(620)
THE HOUSE OF COMNENUS 621
Had John and his son Manuel I., who between them controlled
the empire for sixty years, employed that precious time in
rooting out some of the abuses that prevailed throughout the
empire they might have established it upon a firm foundation.
But like the rest of the men of their day, they were carried
away by love of military glory, and wasted the resources of
their country upon the field of battle.
The Byzantine Empire was still great. Constantinople was
still the trading centre of the world, and treaties made with
newer communities like Venice and Pisa show that they recog-
nised her supremacy. But the younger communities were in-
spired with no love for their great rival, and it behoved the
Byzantine rulers to walk warily if they desired to maintain
the front rank. Unfortunately John and Manuel spent their
substance fighting in foreign lands whilst the public property
of the empire was going to ruin. Roads, bridges and fortifi-
cations were neglected, harbours were allowed to silt up, trade
passed away, men became poorer and the population dwindled.
The emperors forgot that the strength of an empire must be
measured by the prosperity of its people.
In their foreign wars John and Manuel did not always
show wisdom. The Turks, against whom Alexius had solicited
the aid of the Franks, had been thrust back, and Christian
States lay in certain places between the empire and its enemy.
It would have seemed true policy to have strengthened these
States. Perhaps it was not easy, for their rulers were diflicult
to deal with. Still, more might have been done. But John
and Manuel displayed almost as much vigour against the Frank
as they did against the Seljuk Turk. They seemed more
concerned that the rulers of the Christian States should yield
them a nominal fealty than that the Turkish power should be
further impaired.
Venice was now becoming an important commercial power,
and was a source of much difficulty at times. The city was
splendidly situated for an emporium, and an exchange where
Western Europe might obtain the commodities of the Mediter-
622 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
ranean and the East. Before the crusades Byzantium fed
Venice with Eastern produce, and a friendly feeling had
been long maintained. The Byzantine emperors valued the
Venetian trade and gave Venetian merchants special privileges.
We have seen, in dealing with the reign of Alexius, that these
privileges sometimes placed their own subjects at a disad-
vantage.
Unfortunately, nations had not yet learned how to live and
let live. Among the Italians especially there was still the old
Roman jealousy which had led to the destruction of com-
mercial rivals like Carthage and Corinth. Nor were men
always content to become rich by patient trading. Many
commercial fleets were little better than pirate fleets, and there
was much robbery and aggression. The Archipelago afforded
a tempting field for these evil practices. The islands were
small and not always able to defend themselves, and before
help could arrive from Byzantium the mischief had been done
and the plunderer had sailed away.
The crusades had made matters yet more compHcated. The
Venetians were no longer wholly dependent upon Byzantium.
There were now Latin ports in the Levant through which the
commodities of Syria found their way. The Venetians made
alhance with the Latin princes and helped them in their
aggressive schemes even when these entailed war with Byzan-
tium. Now the Venetians had excellent war galleys, whereas
the Byzantines habitually neglected their fleet. The result
was that the Venetians scoured the Archipelago and did much
mischief to Byzantine commerce. In order to obtain peace
John had to make substantial concessions, allowing the Vene-
tians to retain islands which had formerly belonged to the
empire.
On shore John's military prowess was undeniable. He
was beloved by his troops, and his campaigns were skilfully
managed. But he went too far afield and frittered away
energies which should have been concentrated upon Asia
Minor. When, therefore, he died, as the result of an accident.
THE HOUSE OF COMNENUS 623
at the age of fifty-five, after a reign of twenty-five years, he
left the empire weaker than he found it.
Manuel I. — On his death-bed John nominated his youngest 1143.
son, Manuel, as his successor. Manuel had many kingly
quahties. He was handsome, brave, and strong, a good soldier,
and so doughty a knight that in single combat he never met
his match even amongst the most famous of the Western
knights. He was also well educated, superior in culture to
any prince of his time. He was not prejudiced against the
Franks, He was married twice, and on both occasions to
Frankish princesses. His children married well, and he exer-
cised a wide influence in Europe. It ought to have been a
great thing for Byzantium to have so accompHshed a prince
upon its throne for thirty-seven years. Yet Manuel's reign
was not a success. As a spectacle it was splendid. Constan-
tinople was never more gay. It was often visited by Latin
princes, and they were entertained with magnificence. But
the splendour was dearly purchased. The Treasury was often
depleted and it had to be replenished by rapacity and oppres-
sion. Little wonder if the harried provincial began to beheve
that he might be happier under Turkish than under Byzantine
rule.
That the importance of Byzantium at this time was recog-
nised is seen by the nature of its treaties with other powers.
The Pisans and Genoese, in exchange for trading privileges,
were content to acknowledge Byzantine supremacy. They
paid duties, promised to assist the empire against its foes, and
submitted civil and criminal disputes to its courts. Manuel
was the first of the Byzantine emperors to conclude a public
treaty with Genoa.
It had been the habit for the islands and outlying districts
of the -^gean to maintain war galleys for their own defence.
Manuel, partly perhaps in pursuance of a centrahsing policy,
principally perhaps that he might replenish his empty treas-
ury, ordered that the money they were accustomed thus to
624 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
spend should be remitted to him, and himself undertook
their defence. This might have answered had the emperor
carried out his part conscientiously. But he took the money
and allowed the ships to decay. The result was disastrous.
Pirates who would not have dared to attack the islands before
did so now with impunity. But worse was to follow.
Manuel became involved in a war with Roger, king of
Sicily, a powerful and most ambitious man, and Roger, taking
1147. advantage of a moment when Manuel was anxiously watching
the movements of Conrad of Germany and Louis of France,
who had embarked upon the second crusade, invaded the
empire.
Roger attacked Greece and inflicted injuries upon it from
which it took long- to recover. Thebes, a rich city, a centre
for the manufacture of fine silk brocades, was mercilessly
plundered. Some of the silk weavers were seized, and carried
with their looms to Palermo, in order that they might intro-
duce this important industry into Italy. Corinth also was
sacked, and its skilful artisans were similarly transported.
Corfu was conquered and retained by the Sicilians. This
invasion did the empire lasting injury. Manuel attempted to
avenge himself by invading Sicily, but his fleet was wrecked
by storms and he did not resume the enterprise.
On shore Manuel I. was almost constantly at war, and for
the most part he was successful. During his reign Servia and
Dalmatia were united under one sceptre, and the ruling prince
formed an aUiance with Roger and encroached on Byzantine
territory. Manuel marched against him and gained so com-
plete a victory that the prince of Servia was glad to swear
allegiance, and thus make peace.
1151. Manuel invaded Hungary, greatly desiring to gain suzer-
ainty over that country. The war lasted, with intermissions,
until 1168, and in the end Manuel was conqueror, and dictated
the terms of peace. But the conquest added notliing to the
strength of the empire.
During the reign of Manuel the second crusade took place.
THE HOUSE OF COMNENUS 625
Godfrey had been succeeded, as head of the Latin kingdom of
Jerusalem, by Baldwin I., and he by Baldwin II. They were
capable rulers, and their successor, Fulk, count of Anjou, was
also an able man. Under him tlie kingdom reached its zenith :
under his successors it dechned. There were elements in the
State itself not favourable to permanence. The population
was strangely mixed. The early crusaders had intermarried
with the Syrians, and their Eurasian descendants had not the
vigour of their sires. Dwelling side by side with these were
Syrians, Greeks, Turks, and Arabs, besides the mercantile
population from Sicily, Venice, Genoa, Pisa, and Byzantium.
In time of peace a State composed of such ingTedients might
prosper, but in time of war it could scarcely be strong.
The first crusade owed much of its success to Moslem dis-
union. But the Moslems were now united, and a consohdated
State had arisen in Syria with a daring and ambitious leader
named Zenghi. When Zenghi had conquered his rivals among
men of his own faith, he crossed swords with the Franks, first
capturing Athareb and afterwards Edessa.
The fall of Edessa alarmed the West and a new crusade was
inaugurated. Bernard of Clairvaux was its chief advocate, and
he persuaded Conrad III. of Germany, and Louis VII. of France
to set out. It was the first time that kings had gone to the
crusades.
Conrad was the first to march. He had a splendid army, but 1147.
was accompanied by an immense horde of pilgrims who could
not be controlled. Manuel sent messengers to say that they
should have the opportunity to purchase provisions if they
would preserve the peace. For a while all went well, but in
Thrace they began to plunder and destroy, and Manuel was
compelled to set upon them with his troops. They behaved
better for a time, but on reaching Constantinople they sacked
one of its suburbs. Manuel had again to use force, and compel
them to cross the Bosphorus.
The emperor gave the Germans an excellent guide through
Asia Minor but there was so little order in the army that pro-
VOL. II. 40
626 THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE
gress was slow. They reproached the guide with every failure,
and so terrified him that he fled for his life. At Dorylseum
the Seljuks attacked them and they were cut to pieces. Those
who were fortunate enough to escape with their lives set out
for home. Conrad with a mere handful reached Nicsea and
joined the forces of Louis VII.
The French had not so many pilgrims with them and did
less damage on their journey. But the army was hostile to
Manuel, and spoke of laying siege to Constantinople and de-
posing him. At length he got them across the Bosphorus and
into Asia where they soon heard of the failure of the German
enterprise.
Hoping to escape the fate of the Germans the French took
a different route. But they had disaster upon disaster, and
reached Attalia in a wretched plight. There Louis had sliips
collected, and with as many knights as they could contain
set out for Antioch. The common people tried to reach Syria
by following the coast, but were destroyed by the enemy
almost to a man. Of the vast numbers who had set out
upon this second crusade only a few thousands reached
the Holy Land.
In Palestine Louis again met Conrad who had come round
from Constantinople by sea, and they besieged Damascus.
But the siege was a fiasco. Conrad now went home in disgust,
Louis followed a year later. A vast number of lives had been
lost without result; the crusade had neither weakened the
Moslems nor strengthened the Franks.
After the failure of the second crusade the Latin kingdoms
struggled on for about thirty years. But the power of the
Turk was steadily on the increase. Between 1146 and 1174
the Moslems were united under Noureddin, a sultan of great
ability. It is interesting to know that he encouraged polo
amongst his soldiers. It was a good game, he said, because it
not only provided recreation but enabled them to have their
1174. horses in readiness to repel any sudden attack of the enemy.
When Noureddin died he was succeeded by Saladin, one of
THE HOUSE OF COMNENUS 627
the greatest of Orientals, under whom the Moslems presented
a united front to the enemy.
Manuel's last war, and by far his most disastrous, was
with Kilidge Arslan, the sultan of Iconium. He had en-
countered Arslan before and had defeated him, and he
renewed war with him with some confidence. The sultan 1176.
would gladly have made peace, but Manuel treated him
haughtily, and the war went on. Entirely undervaluing
their enemy, the Byzantine troops plunged into an extremely
difficult pass near Myriokephalon in Phrygia without adequate
scouting. When the huge baggage train blocked the pass and
the army was divided the Turks suddenly attacked. The
Byzantines were taken at a terrible disadvantage, and defence
and flight seemed equally hopeless. The emperor broke
through and escaped with a portion of his force, and the
sultan, satisfied with his unexpected success, again offered
terms. This time they were not refused. The war was
afterwards renewed and Manuel had some success. But his
pride never recovered the shame of Myriokephalon, where so
fine an army was carelessly thrown away. Manuel died at
the age of fifty-eight, having reigned for thirty-seven years.
Alexius II. — Alexius II. was a boy of twelve when his iiso.
father died. Another Alexius, grandson of John II., became
prime minister, but used his power arrogantly and was soon
unpopular. Intrigue and insurrection followed, and the dis-
contented fixed their hopes on Andronicus, a cousin of the late
emperor. Andronicus was a ruffian who had once attempted
to assassinate Manuel and had deserted to the Turks. He
was now in exile, and had lately been making a pretence of
religious devotion. His former errors were forgotten, and he
was invited to return to Constantinople. He returned as 1182.
requested, drove Alexius, the prime minister, from power,
blinded him, and massacred his adherents. He then became
the guardian of Alexius II., with the title of Csesar, and as
soon as he felt secure he is said to have strangled his young
628 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
ward and seated himself upon the throne. It is right to say
that the death of young Alexius was afterwards denied, and
that some years later a rebellion was raised in favour of a
man who professed to be Alexius II., and whose singular
likeness to him led many to credit his assertions.
1183. Andronicus I. — When Andronicus had firmly seated him-
self upon the throne he reigned well. He made some effort to
improve the civil administration and to reform finance. He
endeavoured to reduce expenditure at court. He tried to
lighten the pubhc burdens by fiscal reform, and to purify the
civil service by giving the judges adequate salaries and pro-
hibiting the acceptance of gifts.
Nicetas, the liistorian, gives Andronicus praise for his
exertions in abohshing the practice of wrecking and plunder-
ing wrecked vessels which prevailed among the Greeks, even
as it prevailed in certain parts of England until comparatively
recent years. Manuel I. had already inserted clauses in com-
mercial treaties trying to check these barbarous practices, and
Andronicus sought to make them effective.
Andronicus deserves full credit for his reforms. Had he
been a younger man he might have lived down the past and
been a benefit to the empire. It may indeed be that some of
the enmity that broke out against him was caused rather by
his reforms than by his wickedness. One can never be sure.
However this may be, advantage was taken of a temporary
absence and an insurrection was raised in Constantinople.
When Andronicus returned he found the city in the hands of
his enemies. He was seized and, though seventy years of
age, he was treated with ruthless barbarity until death put an
end to his sufierings. He bore the most horrible torments
with fortitude and proved himself not unworthy of the house
of Comnenus, a dynasty of brave men of whom he was the
last.
CHAPTER XII.
BYZANTIUM RECEIVES HER DEATH WOUND.
The reign of Andronicus lasted for one year, and it was a 1185.
year of promise. The emperor may have had many bad
qualities, but when on the throne he showed himself a man
of sense and statesmanship. Certainly Isaac Angelus, whom
the mob of Constantinople placed on the throne in his place,
was no improvement. Andronicus had capacity if he had not
principle; Isaac II. had neither. His reign is a record of
oppression and waste. When the people were becoming poorer
every day, and the strictest economy should have been
practised, Isaac II. spent milhons in unnecessary palaces, in
church decoration, and in the maintenance of a most extrava-
gant household. That money might be more readily obtained
administrative offices were put up for sale, and the officials
recouped themselves as best they could.
Prolonged fiscal oppression was now telling its tale in the
empire. In the country districts the population was shrinking
steadily. Men ceased to cultivate land from which they could
barely raise enough to satisfy the tax collector ; some emigrated
to the capital where life was at least cheerful, and where they
might haply obtain some share of the plunder ; some emigrated
into Turkish territory, tempted by land grants and the hope
of lighter taxation.
During the reign of Isaac II. Bulgaria and Cyprus were
lost to the empire. Bulgaria had been under Byzantium for
two centuries, ever since it had been conquered by Basil II.
But the Bulgarians maintained their own language and their in-
dependent ways. Irritated by the imposition of a new land tax
they raised a national revolt and regained their independence. 1 187.
(629)
630 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
In Cyprus the governor, Isaac Comnenus, a relative of
Manuel II., rebelled and defeated the forces sent against him.
He proclaimed himself emperor of Cyprus, and held his own
for six years. He was ultimately overthrown by Richard I.
of England, who gave the island to Guy de Lusignan, under
whom it became a Frankish kingdom unconnected with the
Byzantine Empire.
Whilst the Bulgarian war was in progress a rebelKon broke
out which threatened to drive Isaac II. from his throne.
Branas, a leading general who had been operating against the
Wallachians, assumed the title of emperor and marched upon
Constantinople. Isaac seemed paralysed, and the city would
have fallen but for the courage of Conrad of Montferrat, a
distingaished crusader. Conrad gathered a force of Latin
knights and Byzantine veterans and went forth boldly to
meet the enemy. Branas was routed and slain on the field.
The young Lombard did not remain long in Constantinople,
for Latins were not popular there. Hearing that his father
had been taken prisoner by Saladin, he hastened south, and
increased his reputation by defeating the great Moslem him-
self under the walls of Tyre.
In our last chapter we saw how Saladin became chief of
the Moslems. He was supreme both at Cairo and Damascus,
and had the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem almost at his mercy.
As for the Latins they were hopelessly divided, and when
Saladin tried conclusions with Guy de Lusignan, then king
of Jerusalem, the result was inevitable. A great battle was
fought at Hattin, near Tiberias, and the Christians were
utterly overthrown. Guy and his companions were captured,
Jerusalem fell, and in a few months the kingdom of the
Franks was reduced to a few coast towns and beleaguered
castles.
The fall of Jerusalem filled Western Europe with dismay.
The pope at once sent out emissaries to preach a new crusade,
offering the usual indulgences to all who would join it. On
this occasion little persuasion was needed. Three important
BYZANTIUM KECEIVES HEE DEATH WOUND 631
rulers, Frederick of Germany (Barbarossa), Philip of France,
and Richard of Aquitaine, afterwards of England, took the
cross. Henry II. of England, Richard's father, also took the
cross, but died before he could perform his vow. The common
people were scarcely less moved than their kings. Scandi-
navians took the cross, and, more wonderful still, Italians.
Hitherto the Italians had been wary for the most part, and had
confined their share in crusading to making profit out of the
crusader.
The emperor Frederick made his preparations apart from
the others and was ready first. Desiring to avoid the pits into
which earher crusaders had fallen he spent a year in maturing
his plans. He obtained the permission of the king of Hungary,
and of the Byzantine Emperor to pass through their territory,
arranged for provisions, and allowed no one to accompany his
army who could not pay his way. He knew what Conrad III.
had suffered from penniless pilgrims.
At last the great army set out from Ratisbon, 80,000 1188.
strong. The march through Hungary was easy, but when
Frederick entered Byzantine territory he saw that the emperor
Isaac II. was not dealing fairly with him. He had therefore
to march as through an enemy's country, and precious time
was lost. But when he had reached Adrianople, and began to
plunder the country, Isaac came to terms,
Frederick took a new route, crossing the Hellespont instead 1190.
of the Bosphorus, and proceeding by Philadelphia and Laodicea
towards Iconium. The sultan of Iconium had promised to help
him, but broke his word, and after leaving Laodicea, Frederick
had to fight his way. But he overcame all opposition, reached
Iconium quickly, and stormed it. Here the troops found
abundant provision, and could rest and refit. Everything pro-
mised well, the Taurus range was crossed, and they reached
the plains. But here a terrible calamity befell the host, for
in the Selef, a river of Cilicia, Frederick was drowned. His
death broke up the expedition. His second son, the duke of
Swabia, became leader but could not keep the host together,
632 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
Some set out to Tripoli, some went home and the young prince
reached Antioch with a dispirited remnant, Henry II. of Eng-
land had died a year before these events and had been suc-
ceeded by his son, Richard I. Richard of England and Philip
of France started on the crusade together, but, for conveni-
ence in provisioning, took different routes and met again in
Sicily. There they wintered, and there they quarreled so
seriously that the enterprise was almost wrecked. From Sicily
they set out in separate expeditions to meet again at Acre.
Acre was in Moslem hands and was being besieged by Guy
de Lusignan, whilst Saladin besieged him. Philip arrived
first. Richard's vessels were separated by a storm, and some
were wrecked on the coast of Cyprus. Isaac Comnenus, the
emperor of Cyprus already mentioned, treated the shipwrecked
crews badly, and when Richard arrived he demanded redress.
When Isaac refused he conquered the island and partitioned it
amongst his knights. Afterwards he presented the lordship
to Guy de Lusignan, who founded there a dynasty which
lasted two hundred years.
1191. The arrival of Philip and Richard put new life into the
siege of Acre and it fell. But the crusaders quarreled so much
among themselves that many went home in disgust. Amongst
these was PhiHp of France. Richard now led the crusade.
He was a splendid fighter but a poor general and too fiery
tempered to be popular. The crusaders postponed their march
on Jerusalem until Saladin had time to provision and fortify
it, and their army so dwindled that the investment of the city
was out of the question. Perceiving this, Richard made as
good a treaty as he could with Saladin and went home. His
adventures on the homeward journey have been described else-
1193. where. Before he reached England, Saladin, his great oppo-
nent, had died. The tlnrd crusade had left Jaffa, Acre, and
Cyprus in Christian hands, and had made it a little easier for
pilgrims to reach Jerusalem.
Isaac II. had played his cards badly. He had been
humbled by Barbarossa, had lost Bulgaria and Cyprus, and
BYZANTIUM RECEIVES HEE DEATH WOUND 633
had to buy peace from the sultan of Iconium by payment of
tribute. He became extremely unpopular, and in his absence
from Constantinople his brother Alexius formed a palace con-
spiracy against him. When he hurriedly returned he was
seized, blinded, and sent to a monastery, while Alexius III.
reigned in his stead.
After the death of Saladin there was civil war amongst
the Moslems, and the pope, hoping to profit by their dissension,
advocated a new crusade. There was no general response,
but Henry VI. determined to emulate his father Frederick
Barbarossa, and to lead an army to Syria. There was no
justification for the invasion : the Christians of Syria had no
desire to renew hostilities. They were at peace with the
Moslems and made no complaints.
Three Teutonic armies set out and all safely reached Syria. 1195.
There they ravaged the lands of the Moslems in aimless
fashion and notwithstanding the protests of the Christians.
They captured Beyrout, and were making plans for carrying
the war into the interior when news came that Henry VI.
was dead. Upon this the armies fell to pieces. All who 1197.
could went home ; a remnant left at Jaffa were massacred.
Isaac's brother, Alexius III., who had succeeded him, was
no improvement. The men who helped him in the conspiracy
had to be rewarded, and that this might be done the rest were
pillaged. There was general discontent, rebelKon in the pro-
vinces, riots in the capital. The friendly links which had
bound the provincials to the central power were either broken
or strained to breaking point. Many Asiatic subjects of the
empire emigrated into Turkish territory ; such as remained
had little inclination to lay down their lives for the empire.
In Europe the Wallachians, Bulgarians, and Slavs were in
arms, and in Thrace and Macedonia an independent princi-
pality was set up. Yet the Byzantine Empire had been in
sore straits before and had recovered. Had it been left alone,
under wise emperors it might once more have righted itself.
But this was not to be.
634 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
1198. Such then was the state of affairs when Innocent III.
became pope. He was an extremely ambitious man, and he
at once began to advocate a crusade. But the sovereigns of
Europe were tired of crusading and none responded to his
call. Some barons of the second degree were persuaded, and
an army was gathered, inferior to many that had gone before,
yet destined to do more mischief than them all.
On this occasion it was proposed to travel to Syria by sea,
and to begin the crusade by attacking Egypt. Agents were
therefore sent to Venice to bargain for sea transport. The
Venetians drove a hard bargain. They were to provide trans-
port, but to receive a huge sum in cash and half the cities and
lands that might be conquered.
When the Venetians saw so many fighting men gathered
in their neighbourhood they determined to use them to further
the interests of the republic. They cared for neither the Holy
Land nor the holy places, but for their own aggrandisement
they cared a great deal. Now they were at peace with Egypt,
and had no desire to carry the crusaders thither, but they
were never tired of injuring the Byzantine Empire and of
seizing its possessions. Moreover, Dandolo, the doge of
Venice, had a personal grudge against Constantinople, for he
had been badly treated there. It is likely, therefore, that
from the beginning he plotted to employ the crusaders to ruin
the Eastern Empire.
Dandolo began his schemes by delaying the departure of
the expedition until the crusaders had exhausted their funds,
and had to acknowledge their inability to pay the amount
promised for transport. Meanwhile their leader, the count of
Champagne, died, and Boniface of Montferrat, a man of a
much lower type, was elected in his place. The Venetians
then offered to waive the balance of their demand if the cru-
saders would help them to reduce Zara, a commercial rival on
the Adriatic. Zara was a Christian city belonging to the
king of Hungary, who had himself taken the cross. When
the pope heard of the suggestion he threatened to excommuni-
BYZANTIUM RECEIVES HER DEATH WOUND 635
cate all concerned. But his threats did not disconcert the
Venetians. Zara was captured and plundered, and the cru-
saders spent the winter in its vicinity.
During the winter Dandolo made another move. Alexius,
the young son of Isaac II., the ex-emperor, arrived and offered
great things to the crusaders on condition that they would
restore the Byzantine throne to his father and himself. Dan-
dolo advocated the scheme, and with some persuasion the
leaders agreed. They hated the Greeks in any case, and the
arrangement seemed to promise much spoil. Accordingly an
agreement was signed by which Alexius undertook to pay the
crusaders 200,000 marks of silver, supply them with a year's
maintenance, and reinforce them to the extent of 10,000 men.
To ensure the support of Innocent, Alexius undertook to
acknowledge the supremacy of the bishop of Rome over the
Greek Church.
In the spring the expedition set out from Zara, and having 1203.
on their way received the submission of various important
places, they arrived at Constantinople, and disembarked with-
out opposition on the Asiatic side of the Bosphorus.
Under happier circumstances Byzantium might have defied
the crusaders as it had formerly defied many a foe. But the
carelessness of successive sovereigns had ruined its fortunes.
The army was out of condition, the fleet was dismantled and
decayed. There was discontent everywhere and open revolt
in many parts of the empire, and the Venetians, who had
traded so long with Byzantium and had lived for many years
in the neighbourhood of the capital, knew every weak spot in
the Byzantine armour.
The matter was made worse for Alexius III. by the fact
that the demand of the crusaders that the former monarch
should be restored was specious, and that Isaac had many
friends in the capital. Even if he had been a monarch of
ability he would have had no easy task.
Alexius shut his gates and trusted to the strength of his
walls. These indeed held back the invaders, but the Venetians
636 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
stormed the sea front, and Alexius had no fleet capable of
resisting their attack on that side. Accordingly they soon
efiected a lodgment and fired the city. Alexius fled, and the
Byzantine troops, seeing no need for prolonging the contest,
brought Isaac from prison, and set him upon the throne.
They then informed the crusaders that they had yielded, and
asked that young Alexius might be sent to be joint-emperor.
Thus all that the crusaders had promised to effect was accom-
plished.
The bill had now to be paid. It is to the credit of Isaac
that when they restored him he frankly declared that he
believed it to be impossible to accomplish that which his son
had promised. They did their best, but when they had raised
all they could, by fair means and by foul, they were still
hopelessly in arrears. Moreover, the citizens, maddened at
seeing so much wealth leaving the city, revolted. Isaac died
of excitement, young Alexius was strangled, and an officer
named Alexius Ducas seized the throne.
The crusaders who regretted that they had not stormed
the city when they had the chance now laid siege to it with
great satisfaction. On the other hand, notwithstanding the
terrible disadvantages under which he laboured, Ducas dis-
played much energy, strengthening the defences, and com-
pelling the people to take up arms and man the walls. Had
he been better supported by the citizens he might have suc-
ceeded. But they had little stomach for the fray, and his
dependence had to be placed almost entirely upon his mer-
cenary troops.
1204. After verj^ deliberate preparation the crusaders made their
assault. They concentrated their efforts on the sea wall, but
their first attack was beaten off* with great loss, and they had
to draw back and spend three days repairing damages. The
second onslaught was successful, and night found them in
possession of a portion of the city. After this the Greeks
gave up the struggle. Alexius fled, and Theodore Lascaris,
the commander-in-chief, having attempted to rally the troops
BYZANTIUM RECEIVES HER DEATH WOUND 637
in vain, also fled. The Franks were now in full possession.
A time of unbridled outrage and murder followed. Much of
the city was burned, priceless works of art were wantonly-
destroyed, and Byzantium was robbed for ever of that splen-
dour which had made her for many centuries the admiration
of the world. The painful tale has been told in another place
and we need not further enlarge upon it here.
The pope made a vigorous verbal protest when he heard
what had been done, but consoled himself with the thought
that at last the Greek Church was under his feet. But this
was not so. Men cling to their Church more closely in ad-
versity. Orthodoxy was now synonymous with patriotism ;
and the Latin Church was everlastingly abhorrent to the Greek
race.
The crusaders having given public thanks to God for their
victory, and having made a division of the vast mass of booty
which they had gathered in the city, now proceeded to parti-
tion the empire. Baldwin, count of Flanders, was elected
emperor of the new Latin kingdom. Boniface of Montferrat
became king of Thessalonica. The count of Blois was made
duke of Nicsea and Nicomedia ; the rest took Athens, Achaia,
Thebes, and the other cities amongst them.
The Venetians got a great share of the plunder. A large
portion of Constantinople was allotted to them, and as the
crusaders were of little use as traders, the Venetians obtained
a practical monopoly of the trade of the empire. They also
obtained lordship over many important islands, settlements in
the Peloponnesus, and a large domain along the Eastern shore
of the Adriatic. With the aid of her powerful fleet Venice
was able to retain her hold upon these possessions for a long
time, and her noble families waxed rich upon their iU-gotten
gains.
As for the crusaders, they were not numerous enough to
maintain their position. Each lord had to conquer liis own
fief, and few ever got effective possession. This was especially
the case in Asia, but it was also true in Europe. Had the
638 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
Latins been united they would not even then have been
numerous enough to dominate the Greek population. Being
as they were men of different nationahties, having nothing in
common except the lust of gain, they could not hope long to
retain the provinces allotted to them. Accordingly the native
inhabitants soon recovered such portions of their territory as
had not been acquired by Venice. The Latins were strong
enough to rend Byzantium in pieces, but they were not strong
enough to build up a new empire upon its ruins.
CHAPTER XIII.
THE LATINS IN CONSTANTINOPLE.
Constantinople had been captured, the Greek emperor was a 1204.
fugitive, and Baldwin of Flanders sat on the Byzantine throne.
The capture of the capital filled the empire with dismay. The
future seemed indeed dark. Yet the provinces did not rally
to the support of the government. Such was the eflect of over-
centraHsation. In a country blessed with constitutional govern-
ment and municipal freedom there are many trained leaders,
and when one falls another steps forward. But in the Greek
empire when Byzantium fell all was lost.
Theodore Lascaris, son-in-law of Alexius III., the brave
general already mentioned, had been hurriedly chosen emperor
by the people after the flight of Alexius Ducas, but finding it
impossible to rally the Greek forces he had escaped from the
city before the massacre. He now crossed to Bithynia and
took to the hills. Many fugitives joined him and he held his
own until the Nicaeans, who had shut their gates against him,
accepted him as leader. He was then crowned emperor by 1206.
the patriarch and made Nicaea his capital.
Baldwin I. only enjoyed his glory for a twelvemonth.
The Bulgarians invaded liis territory, and he marched against
them with the haughty contempt of the Frank for the bar-
barian. But he was totally defeated, captured and slain.
ffis brother Henry, who had been warring with Theodore in
Asia, hearing of his difficulties hurried across, but only arrived
in time to succour the remnant of the army and succeed to
his brother as Latin emperor.
Boniface of Montferrat, who had received the kingdom of
(639)
640 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
Thessalonica, was also slain by the Bulgarians, so that The-
odore and Henry were the chief representatives of the Greek
and Latin forces within the empire. A Latin emperor dwelt
on the north side and a Greek emperor on the south side of
the Bosphorus.
Henry found it impossible to conquer Theodore, and had
so much difficulty with the Bulgarians that he was glad to enter
into a truce with Theodore which left little of Asia under Latin
control. In Europe he was in a better position, for after the
death of Boniface he was recognised by the other Latin princes
as their feudal lord. But he could neither conquer the Bul-
garians nor concihate the Greeks.
1207. Theodore invited Pope Innocent III. to arrange a perma-
nent peace between Henry and himself on the understanding
that the Latins should have the European provinces whilst the
Greeks held the Asiatic. The Pope dechned the invitation in
an insulting letter which denied to Theodore the title of em-
peror. Innocent had expected that the fall of Constantinople
would mean the destruction of Greek independence, and was
angry that it was not so. The popes employed the crusades
as a means of increasing their temporal power, and hated the
Greeks, who reverenced neither crusader nor pope. As for
the emperor Henry, he allied himself with the sultan of
Iconium against Theodore, so that the world beheld the
strange spectacle of a crusader taking sides with the Moslem
against a Christian emperor.
Theodore's father-in-law Alexius III., that particular Alex-
ius whom the crusaders had deposed, had, after various turns
of fortune, taken refuge with the sultan of Iconium, and now
haughtily demanded that Theodore should abdicate in his
favour. When Theodore treated this demand with disdain he
united forces with the sultan and marched against him. The-
1210, odore had prepared carefully for the contest and won the day.
The sultan was slain, Alexius was captured, the Turks were
routed. The victories of Theodore had their effect in Constan-
tinople, There was much oppression and religious persecution,
THE LATINS IN CONSTANTINOPLE 641
80 many took refuge in Nicaea and Theodore's following in-
creased continually.
Alarmed at the growing strength of Theodore, and having 1214.
received supplies of men and money from France, Henry in-
vaded Asia. Theodore saw that he could not withstand him
in a pitched battle, and stood upon the defensive, until Henry,
hearing that his European possessions were in danger, made
peace and retired. Two years later he died. He had reigned 1216.
for ten years and was the best of the Latin emperors.
With the death of Henry the male line of the counts of
Flanders became extinct, and the Franks chose Peter of Cour-
tenay, grandson of Louis VI. of France, as emperor. Peter
was in Western Europe at the time, but hastened towards
Constantinople. Hoping to shorten his journey he landed at
Durazzo and proceeded across country. He had thus to pass
through Epirus, and there he was attacked, captured and thrown
into prison. In prison he was probably murdered. The
Latins of Constantinople were for some time ignorant of his
fate, but when they heard of it, they appointed Robert of
Courtenay, his son, to the vacant throne.
Robert was a minor, so his mother acted as regent. During 1219.
his reign, Theodore Angelus, the ruler of Epirus, attacked the
kingdom of Thessalonica or Macedonia, which had fallen to the
lot of Boniface of Montferrat at the partition of the Byzantine
empire. Boniface was dead and Theodore Angelus expelled
Demetrius, his son, and established himself in his place, thus 1222.
ruling supreme from the Adriatic to the ^gean Sea.
The year that saw the expulsion of Demetrius saw the
death of Theodore Lascaris. He had done what he could to
save the empire. He left no son and the throne at Nicsea
was filled by his son-in-law, John III., an able ruler like
himself.
Three years later Theodore Angelus became possessed of 1225.
Adrianople, so that Constantinople was hemmed in on the
north by Angelus and on the south by John III., and the only
VOL. II. 41
642 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
question seemed to be whether Theodore or John would be the
first to capture it,
1228. Robert of Courtenay died young and was succeeded by his
brother, Baldwin II., also a minor. John de Brienne, titular
king of Jerusalem, was associated with Baldwin in the sov-
ereignty, and the young king in the course of time married
his daughter.
The Latin Empire was now confined to the city and suburbs
of Constantinople and the peninsula fronting the capital. But
Constantinople was splendidly fortified and could scarcely be
taken by storm by any army the Greeks could as yet place
in the field. Moreover, it had an abnormally large army, for
Franks still came from the West to join it, attracted by love
1237, of adventure and hoping for plunder. John de Brienne died,
and Baldwin II, became sole Latin emperor.
The financial resources of Constantinople were now sorely
reduced. There were no provinces to tax, and such wealthy
Greeks as still remained preferred the more congenial atmo-
sphere of Nicsea, Poor Baldwin II. had to trudge over Europe
begging from the Western Powers for the support of his
monarchy, and meeting with little encouragement.
On the other hand John III. prospered increasingly. He
was an intelligent ruler, a brave warrior, and wise in the
encouragement of commerce and agriculture. His adminis-
tration was conducted with economy, and he was able to
lighten taxation. Soon he became strong enough to cross to
1230. Europe and drive the Franks out of Southern Thrace. He
1235, even besieged Constantinople itself, but had to raise the siege,
1241. Some years after he conquered Thessalonica so that Con-
stantinople was now hemmed in both on its Asiatic and
European frontiers by one Greek Power. Only its mighty
walls and the strength of the Venetian fieet kept its rightful
owners at bay,
1254. The death of John III. gave the Latin Empire a few more
years of life. He was succeeded by his son Theodore II., an
excellent man, but unfortunately stricken with epilepsy.
THE LATINS IN CONSTANTINOPLE 643
His reign lasted for four years, and he left an infant son.
Michael Paleologus became guardian to the chUd, and after-
wards joint-emperor. Ultimately he displaced his ward alto-
gether, and was crowned emperor at Nicaea.
Michael VIII. came into power at a most critical time. 1259.
The Latin Empire was at a low ebb, and Baldwin II. was in a
hopeless plight. He had tried to raise money in every con-
ceivable way, selling relics, selling the lead from the roof of
his palace, depositing his son as collateral security with his
bankers. The continued existence of the empire depended
on the Venetian fleet. The Venetians were stiU anxious to
maintain their commercial privileges at Byzantium, though
these were not now very lucrative. But a bitter war broke
out between Venice and Genoa, and the Venetians could no
longer give undivided attention to their interests in the Sea of
Marmora.
Taking advantage of the favourable circumstances, Michael 126O.
VIII. attacked Constantinople. But the defence was too for-
midable, so he made a year's truce with Baldwin and retired.
Next year Michael signed a treaty with Genoa, undertaking 126I,
that if the Genoese would help him against Venice and the
Latin Empire, he would, if successful, give them the position
of favour hitherto enjoyed by the Venetians. Whilst waiting
for a Genoese fleet he conferred the title of Caesar on a favourite
general, Alexius Strategopulus, and sent him across the Helles-
pont with a small force of cavalry and infantry. The object of
the expedition was kept secret, but it was bruited abroad that
an attack upon Constantinople was in contemplation, and many
Greek patriots joined the standard. Still the force was absurdly
small for such a service, and Baldwin II., elated by his success
the previous year against a much superior force, treated it with
scorn. So confident was he that he allowed a Venetian ex-
pedition to sail into the Black Sea which reduced his garrison
by about 6,000 men. The Greek general, learning what had
happened from friends within the city, suddenly attempted its
capture. Confederates admitted a chosen few by night ; they
644 THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE
opened the gates to their companions, and at daybreak so many-
Greek troops were within the city that Baldwin lost heart and
fled. The Franks and the Venetians stood to arms, and, as
the Greek forces were small, they might have given serious
trouble. But Alexius, whilst he attacked their quarter, left
their communication with the harbour open, so rather than
risk a conflict they shipped their families and goods and sailed
away.
When the Venetians returned from the Black Sea they
found the fortifications manned by Greeks. It was hopeless
to attempt to recover the city, and when Alexius oflered to
permit them also to depart in peace, they thankfully accepted
his terms. Thus with much wisdom and little bloodshed
the imperial city was recovered by the Greeks.
Michael made his triumphal entry into Constantinople a
month later, and was crowned a second time in the Cathedral
of St. Sophia. Alexius Strategopulus, who had so cleverly
obtained possession of the city, was accorded a well-deserved
triumph.
Under Latin occupation, Constantinople had degenerated
sadly. The city had been plundered of all its wealth. Much
of it had been burned. Costly palaces, private mansions,
churches, and public buildings, slowly built up during many
centuries, lay dismantled and decayed. The Franks had
the rudest ideas with regard to sanitation, and for fifty-
seven years the city had scarcely been cleaned. Its beauti-
ful squares and porticoes were filthy and dilapidated. The
population had dwindled to a mere fraction of what it had
formerly been, and those who remained were spiritless and
impoverished.
Not only Byzantium but the whole empire was trans-
formed. In Asia the loss of territory had not been serious ;
but in Europe, Greece, Macedonia, Northern Thrace, and the
islands of the ^gean had passed from the empire. Worse
than all, commerce had also passed away. The trade of
the Levant was now in the hands of the Genoese and
THE LATINS IN CONSTANTINOPLE 645
Venetians, and Constantinople was no longer the mart of
the Eastern and Western worlds. It could still command
the Black Sea trade, that was about all.
Yet, though Byzantium could never hope to be again to
the world that which she had been, her condition was not
entirely hopeless. History has many examples of nations
which have been humbled in the dust and have again
arisen, and under a succession of able administrators Byzan-
tium might have prospered in a degree.
Michael VIII., unfortunately, did not go wisely to work.
Had he begun by cleaning the city, restoring roads, bridges,
and fortifications, and making every path clear for com-
merce, matters might have righted themselves to some extent,
and an industrious population would have been gradually
attracted to the capital. But he began to build from the
top, tempting back the aristocracy by grants of land, pen-
sions, and offices, and leaving the humbler classes uncared
for. Money sorely needed for trade was frittered away on
the restoration of palaces, churches, and other unproductive
works.
Michael, not unjustifiably, confiscated the property of the
Venetians, and bestowed his favour on the Genoese. Many
Venetians, however, remained, and there was much fighting
between the rivals. Nor was Michael consistent in his prefer-
ence. A few years after he had thus estabhshed the Genoese,
he declared war against them and made a treaty with Venice.
Five years later he had a quarrel with Venice, and the Genoese 1265.
were again in favour. They were allowed to establish a factory
at Heracleia, and afterwards at Galata, a suburb of Constanti- 1270.
nople. Here they prospered until they almost monopoHsed the
Black Sea trade. Had they been paying their way like the
subjects of the empire, this would have mattered little, but as
they were receiving preferential treatment over the Greek
merchants they were winning prosperity at the expense of the
Byzantine community.
The emperor's policy in Asia was unfortunate. His pre-
646 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
decessors, Theodore I. and John III., had been popular Asiatic
sovereigns, and had identified themselves with the people, but
during Michael's reign rapacity and misgovernment abounded.
An insurrection in Nicaean territory was suppressed with great
cruelty, and Bithynia was impoverished and almost depopu-
lated. People of energy emigrated, and large tracts of land
were left without inhabitant. The result was destined to be
of immense importance, for a new Moslem power was appear-
ing on the Asiatic horizon, the Ottoman Turk, fated to be a
more formidable enemy than even the Seljuk had been.
Michael had constant trouble with the papacy. Urban IV.
preached a crusade against him, and he lived in dread of
invasion from papal leagues. Charles of Anjou, the pope's
chief ally, seemed on the point of following the example of
Robert Guiscard and invading the empire. Hoping to disarm
his enemies, Michael tried to persuade the Greek ecclesiastics
1274, to acknowledge papal supremacy. Some of them consented,
and delegates went to the council of Lyons and arranged for
the union of the Churches, But there had been no true repre-
sentation, and the submission was repudiated in Constan-
tinople,
Michael's position was unhappy enough, seeing that he was
threatened with invasion from abroad if he did not submit to
the pope, and with rebellion at home if he did. Perhaps,
therefore, it is not to be wondered at if his conduct was at
1282. times crooked. At last the terrible Sicilian Vespers, when the
native Sicihans arose and butchered all the French in their
island, broke the power of Charles of Anjou and deUvered
Michael from his fears. But the same year he died. He had
reigned for twenty-four years, and though a well-hated man
and somewhat harshly criticised at times, he deserves credit
as the restorer of the Eastern Empire.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE CATALANS, THE OTTOMANS, TIMOUR THE TARTAR.
Michael VIII. was succeeded by Andronicus II., his son, who 1282.
reigned for forty-six years.
Early in the reign of Andronicus the Latin kingdom in
Syria came to an end. There had been several crusades after
the fatal fourth which destroyed Byzantium, and, like the
earlier ones, they had done little but mischief. The Latin
kingdom dwindled until only Tripoli and Acre were left in
Christian hands. In 1289 Tripoli fell, and in 1291 Acre
surrendered. Syria was again entirely under Moslem rule.
There were no more crusades, though every now and then
some pope would try to rouse the crusading spirit. But their
appeals fell upon deaf ears. Two centuries of terrible failure
had taught Europe a salutary lesson.
During his reign chance threw in the way of Andronicus 1303.
a body of troops, who, had he known how to use them, might
conceivably have improved the fortunes of the empire. War
had been waged in Sicily for twenty years between the rival
houses of Aragon and Anjou. The Spaniards had gathered a
force consisting chiefly of men from Catalonia — soldiers of
fortune, living only for fighting and plunder. They called
themselves the Catalan Grand Company, and boasted their
ability to overthrow any troops in the world. Their leader,
Roger de Flor, a man after their own heart, had been first a
knight templar, next a pirate, and was now a general.
When peace was concluded in Sicily, Frederick I. had no
further use for this force, through whose prowess he had
obtained the crown. Invaluable in war, in peace the Catalans
constituted a public danger, and when Roger de Flor offered
(647)
648 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
his services to Andronicus and he accepted them, Frederick
gladly furthered their departure. Roger set out for Constan-
tinople and arrived in due course with thirty-six ships and
6,000 men.
Had Andronicus been ready with a plan of campaign, and
set the Catalans to work at once, all might have gone well.
Properly used, such soldiers would have made short work of
the Turks, and might have regained Asia Minor for the
empire. But the matter was bungled. The troops landed in
Constantinople, were supplied with four months' wages before
they had earned it, and were speedily out of hand. They
quarreled with the Genoese at Galata and fought them, and
when the imperial troops interfered they jeered at them. At
last, to the general relief, they crossed the Bosphorus.
When the Grand Company arrived in Asia matters were
little better. Michael, the son of Andronicus, was military
commander there. He was as incapable as his father of utilis-
ing such a force as the Catalans, and by thwarting them in
underhand ways he raised their ire. Accordingly they went
their own way. At first they attacked the Turks and defeated
them wherever they found them, but they soon ceased to push
their conquest. Roger de Flor, perceiving how insignificant
was the power of the Greeks in Asia Minor, determined to
found a principality for himself, and moved his treasure and
stores to the city of Magnesia. But Magnesia was an inde-
pendent city, and the inhabitants rose against the garrison,
slew them, and seized the treasure. Roger invested the city,
but having no siege artillery he was repelled. Greatly exas-
perated at the loss of their treasure the Catalans determined
1305. to recoup themselves, and plundered on every hand. When
they had ravaged Asia Minor they recrossed the Hellespont
and invaded Europe, a terror to friend and foe.
Unable to use the Catalans, Andronicus now set about
trying to get rid of them, Roger, on a friendly visit to
Adrianople, was massacred with 300 of his men. Upon this
the Catalans threw off allegiance and declared war. They
THE CATALANS, THE OTTOMANS, TIMOUR 649
made Gallipoli their headquarters, and defied the efforts of the
Greeks to dislodge them. For the murder of their leader and
comrades they took terrible vengeance, slaying and torturing
Greek men, women, and children. Their numbers did not
lessen, for volunteers, including many Turks, joined their
band. When at last the country round Constantinople was so
wasted that it had ceased to be a temptation to the spoiler the
Catalans entered the service of the duke of Athens, and
crossed to Macedonia. Here their fortunes declined : they
broke into parties, and ceased to be formidable. But they
were not entirely got rid of for several years, and they had
wrought irreparable mischief.
Whilst Andronicus had been warring with the Catalans all
hope of regaining the Asiatic provinces had passed away.
The Turks had reconquered Lydia and Phrygia, and were
attacking Bithynia and Mysia. The Byzantine dominion in
Asia was now confined to a narrow strip of territory along the
shore of the Sea of Marmora, with one or two cities. The once
well-peopled countries of Asia Minor were sparsely populated,
mostly by Turkish nomads, and ambitious Turkish leaders
were founding principalities for themselves in the districts
which they had conquered.
Michael, the son of Andronicus II., died, and the emperor
chose a grandson as heir. But the young man committed
various follies, and, being apprehensive lest he should be
superseded, he rebelled. Civil war dragged on for seven
years and ended in the deposition of the old emperor.
Andronicus III. reigned for thirteen years. A new power 1328.
was now arising in Western Asia. We have seen how the
Seljuk Turks increased in importance until they established
themselves as sultans of Roum, and had their capital at Nicsea.
We have seen also how the Eastern emperor, alarmed at their
progress, made the fatal error of soliciting help from the pope.
The crusaders forced back the Seljuk Turks until their
capital was no longer at Nicaea, but at Iconium. But they
never really crushed them, and they remained the dominant
650 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
power in the central parts of Asia Minor. When the fourth
crusade destroyed Byzantium the Seljuk Turks might easily
have extended their dominions had they not themselves heen
engaged in conflict with the Moguls, a rival Mohammedan
power. It is in connection with this struggle that we first
hear of the Ottoman Turk.
Aladdin, one of the sultans of Iconium, hard pressed in
battle by the Moguls, was saved by the gallantry of Ertogrul,
chieftain of a small but warlike Turkish tribe. Aladdin
gratefully rewarded his allies by giving them pasture lands
near Angora, and bestowing upon their chief the title of emir
or prince. Further grants of territory extended the dominions
of Ertogrul to the Byzantine frontier, but for the moment he
held all as liegeman to the sultan of Iconium.
1288. Ertogrul was succeeded by Othman his son, from whom the
more familiar name of Ottoman was derived. Othman was a
ruler of great ability, brilliant both as warrior and administra-
tor. Aladdin the sultan having been dethroned and slain by
the Moguls, Othman was released from his allegiance, and
from that time the Ottomans increased in power and the
Seljuk Turks decreased.
1326. Before Othman died, many adventurous Turks had flocked
to his standard and his army had become formidable. In his
son Orkhan he had a worthy successor. The year in which
his father died Orkhan captured Brusa, an important city
lying near the Sea of Marmora, not very far from Nicsea.
Brusa became the Asiatic capital of the Ottomans, and from
1327. it Orkhan planned his further advance. He captured Nico-
media and laid siege to Nicsea. Andronicus III. and John
Cantacuzenos, his chief minister, crossed the Bosphorus and
1329. attempted to save Nicsea. But they were routed at the battle
of Pelekanon, the first battle fought between Greek and Otto-
man. Nicaea held out for some time but was at length taken.
When Nicaea surrendered, Orkhan showed much wisdom.
Instead of massacring the inhabitants he treated them with
lenity. If they preferred to depart they might do so in safety,
THE CATALANS, THE OTTOMANS, TIMOUR 651
carrying their property with them ; if they elected to remain
they were assured of protection. Municipal government was
not interfered with, and the condition of the Asiatic Greek
was made more tolerable under the Turk than it had been
under the empire. When once it became widely known that
this was the case, Orkhan found the work of conquest easy.
Profiting therefore by the incapacity of Andronicus and the
indifference of the people, he continued his aggression, until
little remained to the emperor save a strip of territory on the
coast of the Bosphorus.
Orkhan is famed in history as the founder of the corps of
Janissaries. This was a body-guard of picked troops who
accompanied the sultan wherever he went, and were entrusted
with the safety of his person. The first Janissaries were
Christian captives who adopted the Moslem creed, but later
they became merely a standing army of professional warriors.
The Western Powers had not yet adopted standing armies, so
that the Janissaries were notable. They retained their power
and privileges for 500 years, and were in the end often the
masters rather than the servants of the sultan.
On the death of Andronicus III., his son, John V., suc-
ceeded. He was but nine years of age, and the power fell
into the hands of Cantacuzenos. His mother, Anne of Savoy,
and the patriarch conspired against this minister, and six
years of civil war followed. Cantacuzenos was successful in 1347,
the end and became joint-emperor, John V., now fifteen years
of age, arranging to marry his daughter. The treaty did not
produce lasting peace. Four years later civil war again broke
out, and though Cantacuzenos was again successful he became
so unpopular that he had to abdicate. He retired into a 1354.
monastery, and spent the evening of life writing history.
During the civil wars both sides had accepted aid from the
Ottoman Turks, who had been admitted into Europe and
allowed to remunerate themselves for their services by pillage.
They ravaged Thrace and carried thousands of Greeks out of
Europe into Asia to be sold as slaves. Moreover, they estab-
652 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
lished themselves so firmly in Thrace that they were never
again driven out.
The empire had gone from bad to worse. The Greeks had
utterly lost heart, and the population had decreased to such an
extent that the capacity for resistance was taken away. On
the other hand the Ottomans increased in numbers and in
power. In the year in which Cantacuzenos abdicated, Sulei-
man, Orkhan's son, seized and garrisoned Gallipoli, and John
V, was unable to expel him.
Suleiman was accidentally killed, and when Orkhan died
1359. he was succeeded by his second son, Amurath I. With Galli-
poli as a base for his operations Amurath captured several
1361. cities, Adrianople among the rest. This important city became
his capital, and remained the Turkish capital for nearly a
century. The Turks now lay between Constantinople and the
Slavonic States, and for several years were mainly occupied
warring against these. Parts of Bulgaria, Bosnia, and Servia
yielded to the Turks and paid tribute.
1369. The position of John V. was now so desperate that he went
to Rome and pleaded with Urban V. for help. He was willing
to accept any creed and be converted to any faith if he could
obtain thereby troops wherewith to meet his enemies. But
the day had gone by when popes could stir up the Western
nations to send troops to the East. Accordingly John returned
to Constantinople and accepted the situation. The Byzantine
Empire was now merely a municipality, and John became the
1381. vassal of the sultan and agreed to pay tribute.
The fall of Constantinople would almost inevitably have
foUowed these events but for other important matters. The
Slavonic States formed a league for mutual protection, and
offered a combined resistance to Amurath. A tremendous
battle was fought at Kossova, and though Amurath was vic-
1389. torious he was assassinated immediately after the battle.
Amurath was succeeded by his son, Bajazet I., also a great
warrior. Bajazet completed the conquest of Asia Minor by
1391. capturing Philadelphia, which had long existed as a free town.
THE CATALANS, THE OTTOMANS, TIMOUE 653
The same year John V. died, and Manuel II. succeeded him.
Manuel accepted the same subjection to the Turk which had
been imposed upon his father.
The Byzantine Empire had now ceased to be a bulwark
against the Turk, and that duty had fallen upon the Servians
and Hungarians. It is vain to blame the Byzantine emperors
for this state of affairs. The blame lies wholly at the door of
the popes and crusaders. It was they who rudely tore down
the bulwark and made further resistance impossible. After
the fatal fourth crusade Byzantium became the sport of cir-
cumstances.
The advance of the Ottoman was now causing general
alarm, and a coalition was formed against Bajazet under
Sigismund, king of Hungary. A great battle was fought at
Nicopolis, and the Christian forces were routed. They suffered
terribly, but the Turks also lost 60,000 men. 1396.
After Nicopolis, Manuel, perceiving that the end drew nigh,
admitted his nephew John as a colleague, and, leaving the
government in his hands, set out to Western Europe to repre-
sent to the professedly Christian Powers the state of affairs in
the East. During his absence Bajazet laid siege to Constan-
tinople, and would have captured it but for an extraordinary
turn of Fortune's wheel.
Another mighty warrior appeared on the scene, and another
Tartar horde poured from Central Asia. Timour or Tamer-
lane, his mother a Mongolian, his father a Turk, himself a
soldier from the age of twelve, lame in the leg, cripple in the
hand, but hard as steel and fierce as a wild cat, was now Lord
of Turkestan. Born in 1335, and fighting incessantly, he had
conquered Turkestan, Kashgar, Persia, and Mesopotamia. The
Tigris and Euphrates Valleys fell under his sway, the Georgians 1387.
were crushed, the Armenians submitted in terror. The fortress
of Van held out for twenty days, and when it was captured
the garrison, man by man, were cast from the great rock on
which the fortress stood.
One of Timour's greatest feats was the conquest of Hin- 1398.
654 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
dustan. Crossing the Indus at Attock he swept through the
Punjaub to Delhi. The sultan of Delhi, deceived by a pre-
tence of weakness, came into the open country to give battle,
and was overwhelmed, Delhi was then easily captured and
sacked. The Ganges was crossed, and when every force that
could be brought against him had been defeated, Timour
emerged from India and turned his arms westward. He first
encountered the Ottoman Turks at Sivas. The city was
defended by Ertogrul, the son of Bajazet I. It was captured
and Ertogrul was slain.
Bajazet heard of the fall of Sivas and the death of his son
whilst he lay near Constantinople. He at once raised the
siege and crossed the Bosphorus. Before the rival armies
could meet, Timour had overrun Syria, stormed Bagdad, and
heaped up 90,000 human heads in its public squares.
1402. The battle between Ottoman and Tartar was fought at
Angora. Both sides fought furiously, but the Tartar won.
Bajazet was taken prisoner and died in captivity.
The battle of Angora gave Constantinople a reprieve for
half a century. Manuel returned from the West. He had
failed to obtain help, and he had to promise to Timour the
tribute he had paid to Bajazet ; but these were small matters.
For the moment the Ottoman Power seemed annihilated, and
his mind was at ease.
Timour quickly reduced Asia Minor, but having no fleet he
could not cross to Europe. Christian and Turk alike covered
the narrow seas with ships to guard against the passage of
1404. this new terror. Too impatient to tarry until ships could be
built for his use Timour swung round and returned to Samar-
kand. After a few months' rest he set out for the conquest of
1405. China, but on his way the King of Terrors met and conquered
him.
CHAPTER XV.
THE END OF THE EMPIRE.
After the battle of Angora the Ottoman Power seemed 1402.
annihilated. Had Timour tarried in Asia Minor this might
have been the ending, though Byzantium would probably
have profited little by the change of masters. But he returned
to Samarkand, leaving Asia Minor only half conquered, and
died without finishing the work.
Bajazet died in captivity, and for the next ten years his
four sons fought for the succession. At last Mohammed, the 1413.
youngest, won the day. During the civil war the Seljukian
emirs had again become independent, but under Mohammed I.
they were speedily cast down. The vassal States were too
weak to make serious resistance and quickly yielded again to
the Ottomans, both in Asia and in Europe.
Manuel II. had taken Mohammed's side in the civil war
and was on friendly terms with him. He entertained his
suzerain in Constantinople with as much splendour as his
now reduced resources could command.
Mohammed I. reigned for eight years, and was sue- 1421.
ceeded by his son Amurath II. Against Amurath Manuel
intrigued, and the Moslem revenged himself by laying siege
to Constantinople. At this siege cannon were seen for the
first time in the East. The first assaults were repulsed, and
before Amurath could make progress, he was called away to
his Eastern provinces to quell a rebellion there. When he
returned to Europe, Manuel appeased his wrath by fair pro- i424.
mises and increased tribute. Next year Manuel died. He
was seventy-seven years of age, and had reigned for thirty-
four years.
(655)
656 THE BYZANTINE EMPIKE
1425. John VI., his son, succeeded to a dominion which only-
extended a few miles outside the walls of the city. Rea-
lising his inability to cope with the Ottomans, he accepted the
position of vassal and secured peace in his time. But there
was no hope of recuperation. Both within and without the
city the Greek population had greatly declined in numbers
and in wealth. The city itself, once the wonder of the world,
had fallen very low. Its magnificent walls and fortifications
sheltered empty spaces and a meagre population. A terrible
1431. pestilence, the ninth visitation in a century, made matters
worse.
It is scarcely to be wondered at that John, thus isolated
and weak, should, like so many of his predecessors, have
looked to the West for help. But like them he looked in
1438. vain. Accompanied by the Greek patriarch, he set out on
his heart-breaking errand. Conferences were attended at
Ferrara and Florence, the doctrines of the Roman Church
were formally accepted, the union of the Eastern and
Western Churches was proclaimed. This gratified Eugenius
IV., the pope, but advantaged the emperor nothing. The
pope was kind, he showed John every courtesy and treated
him with liberality, but there was nothing more that he
could do. No Western prince showed the slightest dispo-
sition to place his troops at the service of either pope or
emperor. With a little money and three hundred merce-
naries John returned to find that his submission had
roused bitter hostility among his own people. They declared
that they would rather have the Moslem turban than the
papal tiara in St. Sophia. Considering the treatment By-
zantium had received from Western Christianity we do not
wonder at it.
On the death of John Constantine XI. succeeded to the
imperial ruin. Constantinople had lost every sign of pros-
perity. Its mansions were dilapidated, its churches were dis-
mantled, its very marbles and columns had been sold to the
highest bidder. The fortifications had been neglected ; but,
THE END OF THE EMPIRE 657
had it been otherwise, there were not enough men in the city
to guard the long stretch of rampart. Constantine was able
and brave. But he could not perform impossibilities. The
revival of the Byzantine Empire was beyond the power of man.
We have already seen how the Northern nations had
leagued themselves in order to check the onward career of
the Turks. They now made another effort. The Hungarians
and Poles made common cause under Ladislas, their king,
the pope encouraged them, and a crusade was preached
throughout Europe. But the day of religious heroics had
gone by. The Western governments took no part in the
movement ; only a few adventurous spirits came to the rescue.
The forces of the coalition were led by John Hunyadi, a par-
ticularly gallant general, and they were at first successful.
They crossed the Danube, marched through Bulgaria, and 1442.
twice defeated the Turks. The Ottomans were so pressed
that they sought peace, and the treaty of Szedegin was
arranged. 1444.
Sad to relate, Ladislas, the Christian monarch, per-
suaded by Pope Eugenius, against the opinion of John
Hunyadi, repudiated the treaty and crossed the Danube,
At first he was victorious, but Amurath made a supreme 1444.
efibrt, and at Varna won a complete victory. The slaughter
was tremendous on both sides. Ladislas was slain, Hunyadi
escaped. Some years afterwards Hunyadi again took the
field, but in the second battle of Kossova he was routed 1448.
and captured. He had made a splendid fight, though
enormously outnumbered.
Amurath was succeeded by his son, Mohammed II., an 1451.
ambitious and determined man, Mohammed made up his
mind to reduce the tributary States forthwith, Constanti-
nople among the rest. Easily finding an excuse for aggres-
sion, and without taking the trouble to declare war, he erected
forts on Greek territory at the narrowest part of the Bos- 1452.
phorus. On the southern side a fort already stood, and
amongst them they commanded the strait, blocking the pas-
VOL. II. 42
658 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
sage between the Black Sea and the Sea of Marmora. Other
preparations for the siege were made at Adrianople. Stores and
troops were gathered in abundance, and cannon of an extra-
ordinary size were cast. One brass gun was capable of project-
ing a stone shot weighing six hundred pounds for half a mile.
The emperor did what he could. He had 4,000 troops of
his own and 2,000 citizens volunteered. In addition there were
3,000 Genoese and Venetians. All told, the defenders barely
exceeded 9,000 men, and the attacking force numbered about
70,000 men of all arms.
Perceiving that without speedy help the city was doomed,
Constantine made a jS.nal appeal to the Western Powers.
But they had their own affairs to mind and cared nothing for
Byzantium. The pope sent Cardinal Isidore, a Russian by
birth, with a few men and a little money. The cardinal and
his company fought splendidly when the time came. Indeed,
judging by the fight made by the devoted handful, it is certain
that if Venice and Genoa had sent even a moderate force the
city could once more have successfully withstood the Moslem
assault.
Justiniani, a Genoese, the most experienced soldier present,
was made commander-in-chief. The artillery was commanded
by John Grant, a military engineer who had come with Jus-
tiniani. He is said to have been German, but we have our
doubts.
1453. Having made most elaborate preparations, Mohammed set
out from Adrianople. The roads and bridges on the route
had been carefully examined and strengthened for the passage
of the heavy train of artillery and baggage waggons by which
he was accompanied. The journey was tedious, and though
the army began its march in February it was April before the
whole train reached Constantinople.
Once opposite the city no time was lost. Lines were drawn
out, trenches dug, mounds raised, and batteries erected. The
chief attack was made on the gate St. Romanus, against
which the huge gun of which we have spoken was levelled.
THE END OF THE EMPIEE 659
For a time the defence was conducted with ^eat spirit.
Breaches were quickly repaired, counter-mines were dug, and
when the Turks made huge timber towers and pushed tliem
against the walls, sorties were made and the towers were de-
stroyed.
Some vessels of large size from Chios ran the blockade with
splendid courage and brought stores into the city. Indeed the
result of the early defence of the city was to depress the cour-
age of the Ottomans and raise the spirit of the Greeks. Had
even moderate succour arrived and the number of the defenders
borne any reasonable proportion to the attacking party, Mo-
hammed would have failed to carry the city. But he knew
that the defenders were but a handful and that time was on
his side.
Meanwhile the Moslems showed great persistence and in-
genuity. They constructed plank roads over five miles of
rough country in order that they might transport a portion of
the fleet overland, from the Bosphorus to the Golden Horn,
and they built a floating bridge across the port capable of
sustaining heavy artillery.
The besieged fought on, but being so few in number they
had rest neither day nor night, and became jaded. Slowly
but surely the enemy gained upon them. When at last a
breach was made at St. Romanus the sultan cafled on Con-
stantine to surrender the city. Few men would have hesitated
under such circumstances, but Constantine refused, and the
Moslems prepared to take it by storm.
The night before the assault Constantine rode round the
various forts and encouraged the garrison. Then he partook of
the Sacrament, bade farewell to all in the palace, and asked
their pardon for any wrong he had done them. After that he
mounted his horse and rode to the gate. He had determined
to stand with the rest in the breach and fall with the city.
The battle began at daybreak. The principal attack was
made upon the breach, but the numbers of the assailants per-
660 THE BYZANTINE EMPIEE
mitted them to make subsidiary attacks on other and almost
undefended parts of the fortification.
For two hours the defenders toiled, repelling every attack.
Column after column of Moslems poured forward in a con-
tinuous stream. At first forced troops, recruited from newly
conquered nations, were driven forward under the lash.
These were easily defeated, but they served their purpose.
They wearied the defenders and levelled up the ditches with
their dead bodies. Even when the chosen troops began their
assault they were not at once successful. The citizens were
now fully aroused, and old men and even women were taking
part in the conflict. But it was in vain. The defenders were
worn out : the assailants were always fresh. An entry was
forced simultaneously at the breach and at the circus gate,
other gates were thrown open, and the Ottomans poured in
from every side.
Justiniani had to retire badly wounded in the face just
before the end; Constantine and his brave companions were
trodden under foot. The last of the Byzantine emperors had
fallen with his face to the foe. There was no longer any
resistance. The citizens fled for refuge to St. Sophia. But
there was little refuge for them there. Many were murdered,
the rest were dragged out and set aside for the slave market.
Justiniani escaped to Chios, but died shortly after. Car-
dinal Isidore, disguising himself in the dress of a dead soldier,
was taken prisoner with the rest and ransomed without his
rank being divulged. He reached Italy in safety. The body
of Constantine was found so mauled as to be recognisable only
by its apparel. The head was struck off" by the Turks and
sent round their chief cities in triumph ; the body received
decent burial.
Constantinople was now almost without inhabitant and had
to be repeopled. Mohammed was not content to wait until this
could be accomphshed in an ordinary way. He bought a
number of Greek prisoners from his soldiers and settled them
in one quarter of the city. Thousands of families were trans-
THE END OF THE EMPIEE 661
ferred from the subject provinces and were compelled to take
up their residence in Constantinople and its environs. Others
were tempted by grants of land. Prisoners made in sub-
sequent contests might choose between slavery and residence in
the capital.
When the lust of vengeance was sated, Mohammed dealt
wisely with the Greeks. St. Sophia was turned into a mosque
and forty other Christian churches shared the same fate ; but
the rest were secured to the Greeks by charter, and their
worship was not interfered with. A new and subservient
patriarch was appointed, and the Sultan declared himself pro-
tector of the Greek Church. Confidence was slowly restored
and many who had fled returned.
The Venetians and Genoese quickly made terms with the
conqueror, the Genoese remained at Galata and traders gathered
round. Having fixed upon the city as his capital, Mohammed
spared no pains to make it worthy of its position. The forti-
fications were repaired though the height of the walls was
reduced ; mansions and palaces were redecorated ; artists and
artisans were imported: works of beauty and magnificence
were undertaken.
Before the end of Mohammed's reign Constantinople was
in far better condition than it had been since the ill-fated
Latin occupation. But the Byzantium of former days had
perished and mosque and minaret spoke eloquently of the
change. At last the Roman Empire was at an end. That city
which had been dedicated by its founder to Christianity
and which had for so many centuries stood, a bulwark against
the enemies of Christendom, was now the chief seat of Moslem
dominion, and the Ottoman Turk had taken his position as
one of the first Powers in Christian Europe.
APPENDIX.
TABLES OF SOVEREIGNS.
(1) Roman Emperors.
B.C.
251
27
Augustus.
253
A.D.
253
14
Tiberius I.
260
37
Gaius (Caligula).
268
41
Claudius I.
270
54
Nero.
275
68
Galba.
276
69
Otho.
276
69
Vitellius.
282
69
Vespasian.
283
79
Titus.
283
81
Domitian.
284
96
Nerva.
286
98
Trajan.
305
117
Hadrian.
307
138
Antoninus Pius.
161
Marcus Aurelius.
180
Commodus.
323
193
Pertinax.
837
193
Didius Julianus.
193
Septimius Severus.
353
211
Caracalla.
361
217
Macrinus.
363
218
Heliogabalus.
364
222
Alexander Severus.
37
235
Maximinus.
379
238
Gordian I. and II.
394
238
Maximus and Balbinus.
395
238
Gordian III.
244
Philip I.
249
Decius.
Gallus.
.^^imilianus.
Valerian.
Gallienus.
Claudius II.
Aurelian.
Tacitus.
Florianus.
Probus.
Carus.
Carinus.
Numerian.
Diocletian.
— and Maximian.
Constantius I. and Galerius.
Constautine I., Maximian, Max-
entius in West ; Galerius,
Maximinus, Licinius in East.
Constantine I. sole emperor.
— II., Constantius II., Con-
stans I.
Constantius II. sole emperor.
Julian.
Jovian.
Valentinian I. and Valens.
— II., Gratian and Valens.
— II., Gratian and Theodosius I.
Theodosius I. sole emperor.
Theodosius at his death ap-
points Honorius to rule the
West, Arcadius to rule the
East.
(663)
664
APPENDIX
Roman Emperors in the West, ruling
from Rome, Ravenna, Milan, etc.
395 Honorius.
423 Valentinian III.
\ 455 Maximus.
457 Majorian.
461 Severus II.
467 Anthemius.
472 Olybrius.
473 Glycerius.
474 Julius Nepos.
475 Eomulus Augustulus.
476 Odovacar.
478 Western empire nominally
ended.
(2) OSTROGOTHIC SOVEREIGNS
IN Italy.
Roman Emperors in the East, ruling
from Constantinople.
395 Arcadius.
408 Theodosius II.
450 Marcian.
457 Leo I.
474
474
Leo II.
Zeno.
488
Theodoric the Great.
491
Anastasius I,
526
Athalaric and Amalasuntha.
518
Justin I.
535
Amalasuntha and Theodahad.
527
Justinian I.
586
Witigis.
540
Hildibad.
541
Totila (Baduila).
552
Teias.
Empire momentarily reunited by Justinian,
(3) Byzantine Emperors.
565
Justin II.
963
578
Tiberius II.
969
582
IMaurice.
976
602
Phocas.
1025
610
Heraclius.
1028
641
Constantine III. and
Her- 1034
acleonas.
1041
641
Constans II.
1042
668
Constantine IV.
1054
685
Justinian II.
1057
695
Leontius usurps.
1057
698
Tiberius usurps.
1059
705
Justinian II. restored.
1067
711
Philippicus.
1078
713
Anastasius II.
1081
715
Theodosius III.
1118
717
Leo III.
1143
741
Constantine V.
1180
775
Leo IV.
1183
780
Constantine VI.
1185
797
Irene.
1195
802
Nicephorus I.
1203
811
Stauracius.
1204
812
Michael I.
1204
813
LeoV.
820
Michael II.
829
Theophilus.
1204
842
Michael III.
1222
867
Basil I.
1254
886
Leo VI.
1259
912
Constantine VII.
1261
959
Romanus II.
1282
Nicephorus II. and Basil II.
John I. and Basil II.
Basil II. sole emperor.
Constantine VIII.
Zoe and Romanus III.
— and Michael IV.
— and Michael V.
— and Constantine IX.
Theodora.
Michael VI.
Isaac I.
Constantine X.
Michael VII. and Romanus IV.
Nicephorus III.
Alexius I.
John II.
Manuel I.
Alexius II.
Andronicus I.
Isaac II.
Alexius III.
Isaac II. and Alexius IV.
Alexius V.
Latin occupation of Constanti-
nople. Byzantine emperors
rule from Nicaea.
Theodore Lascaris.
John III.
Theodore II.
Michael VIII.
Constantinople recovered.
Andronicus II.
APPENDIX 665
1328 Andronicus III, 1448 Constantine XI.
1347 John V. 1453 Constantinople captured and
1391 Manuel II. occupied by the Ottoman
1425 John VI. Turks.
(4) Latin Usurpers in Constantinople.
1204 Baldwin I.
1205 Henry of Flanders.
1216 Peter of Courtenay.
682
Abu Bekr.
634
Omar.
643
Othman.
656
All.
661
Muavia I.
679
Yezid I.
683
Muavia II.
683
Merwan I.
684
Abd al Melik.
705
Walid I.
715
Soliman.
717
Omar II.
720
Yezid II.
724
Hisham.
743
Walid II.
744
Yezid III.
744
Ibrahim.
744
Merwan II.
750
Abu Abbas.
754
Mansur.
(6)E
1099
Godfrey of Boulogne.
1100
Baldwin I.
1118
— II.
1131
Fulk of Anjou.
1143
Baldwin III.
1163
Amalric I.
1173
Baldwin IV.
1185
— V.
1186
Guy of Lusignan.
1191
Conrad of Montferrat,
1219
Robert.
1228
Baldwin II.
1261
Constantinople recovered,
(5) Caliphs.
775
Mehdi.
785
Hadi.
786
Haroun al Raschid.
809
Amin and Mamun.
813
Mamun alone.
833
Motasim.
841
Wathek.
847
Motawakkel.
861
Montaser.
862
Mostain.
Moslem tvorld noxo greatly divided.
1055 Seljuk Turks occupy Bagdad and
begin career of conquest.
1288 Ottoman Turks begin their
career, gradually superseding
Seljukians.
1453 Ottoman Turks capture and
occupy Constantinople.
(6) Kings of Jerusalem.
1192 Henry of Champagne.
1197 Amalric II.
1205 — III.
1210 John of Brienne.
1226 Isabella.
1228 Frederick II.
1268 Hugh of Lusignan.
1291 Acre is captured by the Sara-
cens, and Syria is entirely in
Moslem hands.
INDEX.
Abbas, 394, 407, 438-42.
Abbassides, 438-47.
Abdalla, Mohammed's father, 386.
— General, 407.
— of Medina, 400.
— son of Zobeir, 429-32.
— the Abbasside, 438.
— governor of Syria, 441.
Abd al Melik, 432, 433, 553.
Abd al Muttalib, 387.
Abd al Rahman, 421.
Abd er Rahman, 437, 440.
Abgarus, 595.
Abraham, 383, 384, 603.
Abu Bekr, 389, 392, 394, 398, 409, 412,
415, 416, 417, 421, 422, 426, 545,
546.
Abu Lahab, 385.
Abu Muslim, 438, 441.
Abu Sufyan, 399, 401, 407, 422, 425,
438.
Abu Talib, 387, 388, 391, 393.
Abwa, 386.
Abyssinia, 379, 380, 392, 393, 405.
Accius, 19.
Achaia, 637.
Achilles, 152.
Acre, 476, 477, 489, 491, 492 493, 494,
505, 506, 510, 519, 522, 618, 632.
647.
Acroinon, 562.
Acte, 72.
Actium, 5.
Adela, 478.
Aden, 381.
Adeodato, 329.
Adhemar, 465, 470.
Adolphus, 310, 311, 314, 327, 356.
Adrianople, 220, 248, 250, 273 357,
570, 586, 641, 648, 652, 657, 658.
.^lia Capitolina, 131.
.^lia Pactina, 58.
.^milianus, 191, 192.
.^tius, 313, 314, 321-26, 330-33, 358.
Afranius, 26.
Aglabites, 443, 446.
Agricola, 110, 111, 136, 153, 155.
Agrippa, husband of Julia, 37, 38.
— Herod I., 49, 57.
— Herod 11., 57, 99.
Agrippina, wife of Tiberius, 38.
— mother of Nero, 59, 60, 71-74,
149.
Aigues Mortes, 515, 520.
Aistulf, 566.
Aix, 569.
Ajnadin, 418.
Akaba, 409.
Akhlat, 607.
Akiba, 131.
Aladdin, 650.
Alans, 186, 246, 252, 304, 312, 321, 322,
327.
Alaric, 251, 292, 297, 300-11, 315, 341,
354.
— II., 348.
Albania, 542.
Albigenses, 502, 506, 582.
Albinus, 166, 167, 185.
Alboin, 526, 527.
Alemanni, 193, 199, 200, 242, 243.
Aleppo, 418, 481, 486.
Alexander the Great, 94, 124, 174, 175,
179, 380, 439.
— Bishop, 228, 262.
— Emperor, 181-84.
— Leo's brother, 586.
Alexandria, 5, 51, 88, 92, 174, 196, 204,
211, 228, 230, 238, 259, 262-64, 405,
420-23, 428, 475, 487, 498, 540, 547-
49 572.
Alexius I., 459, 464-67, 470, 478-80,
608-20.
— II., 627, 628.
— III., 498-503, 633-36, 689, 640.
— IV., 498-501, 636, 639.
— v., 501, 503.
— Strategopoulus, 643, 644.
Alfred, 148.
Algeria, 295.
Algiers, 428.
Ali, 388-447 passim, 549.
Alice, 492.
Allectus, 211.
Al Nadir, 391, 399.
Alp Arslan, 455, 606, 607.
Alps, 185, 193, 200, 219, 252, 311, 338,
527.
Amal, 344.
Amalafreda, 352.
(667)
668
INDEX
Amalasuntha, 351-53, 366-69.
Amalfi, 457, 475.
Amalric, 481, 486, 487.
Ambrose, 252-59, 274, 278-82, 291, 800,
329.
America, 337.
Amida, 542.
Amiens, 460.
Amin, 443.
Amina, 386.
Ammonius, 263.
Amorium, 445, 572, 573.
Amr, 406, 418, 420, 421, 426, 427, 548.
Amurath I., 652.
— II., 655.
Anastasius I., 360-62, 365.
— II., 555, 556.
Anatolius, 358.
Anbasa, 436.
Ancona, 119.
Andalusia, 312, 327.
Andes, 30.
Andrew II., King of Hungary, 506,
507.
Andronicus I., 628, 629.
— II., 647-49.
— III., 649-51.
Andronicus, author, 14, 15.
Anglesea, 109.
Angora, 11, 650, 654, 655.
Ani, 606.
Anianus, 322.
Anna Comnena, 609, 613, 620.
Anne of Savoy, 651.
Annesi, 269.
Anthemius, 334, 335, .355, 358.
Antioch, 124, 125, 131, 143, 175, 186,
189, 193, 238, 244, 248, 283, 288,
359, 870, 418, 458, 469-72, 479, 480,
484, 490, 519, 536, 542, 554, 555,
616, 617, 626, 632.
Antiochus, 356.
Antium, 75.
Antoninus Pius, 134-39, 141, 142, 146,
156, 157, 164, 243.
Antonius Primus, 88, 89.
Antony, Mark, 8, 4, 5, 24.
Aper, 205.
Apocalypse, 147.
Apollonia, 4.
Appian Way, 45, 347.
Apulia, 311, 610.
Aquileia, 144, 185, 233, 253, 256, 287,
823, 324.
Aquinum, 155.
Aquitauia, 437, 452.
Arabia, 168, 879-447, 439, 451, 545, 569,
572, 576, 603, 604, 625.
Arabia Petrsea, 119, 126, 128.
Arabian Nights, 442, 570.
Aradus, 549.
Aragon, 647.
Arbela, 439.
Arbogasb, 255-57.
Arcadiopolis, 572.
Arcadius, 253, 257, 281, 284, 285, 300-5,
354, 355.
Argos, 301.
Ariadne, 859, 360.
Arianzus, 269, 274, 275.
Arius, 228-30, 238, 259, 262-66, 268, 271,
278-80, 285, 327, 829, 848-51, 855,
362, 867, 368, 531.
Aristides, 132.
Arkas 471
Aries, '226, 227, 310, 322, 832.
Armenia, 8, 79, 80, 124, 125, 128, 142,
143, 193, 211, 212, 241, 874, 433,
445, 456, 541-48, 551, 583, 594, 598,
606, 617.
Armiuius (Hermann), 40.
Arpinum, 22.
Arsaces, 97.
Arsuf, 477, 489, 519.
Artavastos, 562, 568.
Artaxerxes, 182, 193.
Arunca, 20.
Ascalon, 473, 489, 513, 616.
Aspar, 357.
Aspermar, 554.
Assyria, 829.
Asturias, 435.
Athalaric, 351, 353.
Athanagild, 274.
Athanaric, 246, 251, 266.
Athanasius, 228, 230, 262-65, 268, 272,
276.
Athareb, 481, 625.
Athens, 15, 22, 24, 32, 124, 180, 182,
195, 235, 269, 274, 856, 376, 589,
601, 687, 649.
Attalia, 484, 626.
Attalus, 148, 307.
Attila, 317-24, 319, 325, 326, 830, 332,
344, 357, 451.
Attock, 654.
Atyo, 28.
Augustine, 24, 281, 290, 293, 294-99,
308, 328, 456.
Augustulus, 335, 336.
Augustus, 8-11, 15, 29-62, 88, 89, 97, 98,
108, 109, 114, 117, 119, 127, 129,
183, 136, 154, 178, 315, 380.
Aulus Plautius, 55.
Aurelianus, 193, 199-202, 207, 327.
Aureolus, 195.
Aus, 894.
Austria, 494, 506.
Auvergne, 832, 835.
Avars, 526, 528, 530, 532-34, 538, 541-
45, 568.
Aventine, 42.
Avidius Cassius, 143, 145.
Avitus, 332, 333.
INDEX
669
Axidares, 124.
Ayesha, 396, 412, 415, 421, 424-26.
Azof, 318.
Babylon, 420, 547.
Babylouia, 125, 329.
Backhouse, 265.
Badr, 391, 399.
Baduila. See Totila.
Bagdad, 441-47, 486, 584, 604, 605,
654.
Baise, 50.
Baian, 526.
Bajazet I., 652-55.
Baldwin I., Jerusalem, 468, 472, 477,
480, 481.
— II., 475, 478, 480, 481.
— III., 481, 484, 486.
— IV., 488.
— v., 488.
— I., Constantinople, 503, 625, 637,
639.
— II., Constantinople, 504, 625.
Balkans, 248, 251, 267, 374, 530, 534,
541, 552, 563, 570, 571.
Balkh, 428.
Baltic, 189, 242, 818.
Bangor, 297.
Bann Kainuka, 400.
— Kuraizah, 403.
— Nadir, 401.
Barca, 549.
Barcelona, 311.
Bar-Cocaba, 131.
Bardas, 574, 576.
Bari, 465, 466, 584.
Barmecides, 442, 443.
Basil, 266, 268-76, 288.
Basil I., 576, 580-84.
— II., 590, 593-95, 599, 629.
Basilike Library, 360.
Basiliscus, 334, 345, 359, 360.
Basques, 435.
Bassorah, 420, 422-25, 446.
Bassus, 5.
Batavia, 90, 91, 110.
Bath, 56, 109.
Bathsheba, 254.
Bavaria, 506.
Belbeis, 547.
Belgians, 341.
Belgrade, 345.
Belisarius, 331, 852, 366-75.
Benevento, 550.
Berbers, 428, 433, 440.
Berengaria, 492.
Berenice, 99.
Bernard of Clairvaux, 482-85, 625.
Bercea, 370.
Berytus, 88.
Bethlehem, 45, 62, 290, 292, 808, 611
612.
Betriacum, 88.
Beyrom, 633.
Bibars, 517, 519, 521.
Bilal, 396, 406.
Bilbilis, 152.
Bithynia, 120, 123, 156, 182,
208, 220, 242, 479, 536, 587,
649.
Blanche of Castile, 516, 518.
Blandina, 148.
Bleda, 319.
Boadicea, 109, 110, 149.
Bodleian Library, 696.
Boethius, 349, 350.
Bogomiles, 618.
Bohemond, 465-69, 472, 479, 480,
611, 617.
Bokhara, 428, 433.
Bona, 295.
Bonifacius, 313, 314, 327, 828.
— of Montferrat, 503, 634-41.
Bononia, 4.
Bonus, 541, 543.
Borcovicium, 130.
Bordeaux, 436, 437, 456.
Bosnia, 583, 652.
Bosphorus, 171, 194, 220, 231, 435,
483, 587, 543, 554, 556, 557,
598, 611, 625, 630, 631, 635,
651, 659, 664.
Bostra, 387.
Boulogne, 55, 56, 210, 216.
Bouvines, 508.
Boweib, 418.
Bowness, 130.
Branas, 630.
Brecon, 110, 111.
Bregetio, 244.
Brindisi, 4, 5, 18, 610.
Bringas, 588, 590.
Britain, 7-233 passim, 242, 243,
252, 287, 303-5, 308, 319, 376,
525.
Britannicus, 58-60, 71, 73, 98.
Brocchus, 198.
Brotheric, 255, 280.
Brusa, 650.
Bruttium, 311.
Brutus, 4, 32.
Bryce, 567, 568.
Buda Pesth, 319.
Bulgaria, 361, 374, 435, 486, 468,
552-57, 568, 564, 570-80, 585,
593, 594, 603, 629, 632, 633,
640, 652.
Burgh-on-Sauds, 130.
Burgundy, 812, 321, 382, 347, 349,
493.
Burrus, 73, 74.
Bury, 48, 147.
Busento, 808.
Busir, 439.
194,
592,
610,
466,
579,
640,
245,
466,
464,
586,
639,
489,
670
INDEX
Buvides, 447.
Byzantium, 167, 194, 228, 231, 379-
447 i)asslm, 451-522 passitti, 525-
661.
Cadiz, 434.
Gsecilian, 226, 227.
Csecina, 85-88.
Cselestius, 297, 298.
Csesar, Julius, 3-97 passim, 114, 129,
156, 193, 343, 541.
Csesarea, Palestine, 88-92, 477, 493,
519, 540, 606.
— Cappadocia, 193, 269, 271-75.
Cagliari, 520.
Cairo, 420, 421, 427, 433, 444, 478, 486,
487, 497, 507, 514, 516, 604, 630.
Calabria, 308, 311, 562, 563.
Calagurris, 151.
Caledonia, 110, 111, 136, 169, 170, 309.
Callinicum, 254, 280.
Calpe, 434.
Calvin, 299.
Calpurnius, 80.
Camolodunum (Colchester), 56.
Campania, 15, 43, 89, 182, 308, 311,
833.
Campus, 108.
Cana, 507.
Canada, 337.
Candahar, 428.
Cannae, 248.
Cantacuzenos, 651, 652.
Capelianus, 184.
Cape Wrath, 111.
Capitol, 50, 89, 102, 105, 108, 152.
Cappadocia, 8, 95, 142, 193, 266, 269,
271-74, 345, 433, 536, 542, 573, 606.
Capri, 38, 39, 43-45.
Caracalla, 169, 171-76, 197.
Caractacus, 56, 57, 109.
Carausius, 210, 211.
Carbeas, 583.
Cardiff Castle, 480.
Caria, 153.
Carinus, 205-7.
Carlisle, 130.
Carnuntum, 217.
Carpathia, 325.
Carrhfe, 175, 186, 193.
Carriden, 136.
Cartagena, 333-34.
Carthage, 18, 19, 94, 169, 196, 211, 243,
294, 297, 315, 328, 331, 334, 352,
368, 423, 428, 433, 479, 540, 549,
551, 553, 622.
Carus, 26, 205, 207.
Cascus, 128.
Caspian, 318.
Cassiodorus, 347, 351.
Cassius, 4.
Catalan Company, 647-49.
Catania, 584.
Cato, 16-18.
Catullus, 28.
Caucasus, 374, 543.
Celestine, 497.
Cerialis, 91, 105, 110.
Cestus Gallus, 92.
Ceuta, 434.
Chalcedon, 176, 194, 535, 536, 638, 540,
541.
Chalcis, 288.
Chaldea, 420.
Chalons, 202.
Champagne, Count of, 482, 489, 493,
634.
Charismans, 513, 514.
Charlemagne, 440, 442, 556-71, 677,
578.
Charles of Anjou, 516, 520, 521, 646.
Charles II., 75.
Charles Martel, 436, 437, 452, 658, 566,
578.
Chatti, 111, 112.
Cherson, 553, 554, 592.
Chester, 109, 110.
Chesters, 1.30.
China, 78, 317, 513, 576, 588, 654.
Chios, 659, 660.
Chosroes I., 124, 366-74, 405, 416, 629-
44.
Christianity, 61-70 sgq.
Chrysostom, 270, 283-87, 305, 355.
CibaUs, 220.
Cicero, 4, 17-29, 32, 33, 161.
Cilicia, 24, 125, 167, 193, 235, 468, 490,
542, 554, 591, 651.
Cirencester, 110.
Cirta, 328.
Civilis. 91, 105.
Civita Vecchia, 119.
Civitot, 464, 466.
Claudius I., 5, 37, 53-60, 71, 74, 79, 87,
97, 98, 106, 109, 114, 149, 162, 154,
165.
— II., 198, 199.
Oleander, 160, 161.
Clement III., 459.
— v., 476.
Cleopatra, 5.
Clepho, 527.
Clerkenwell, 477.
Clermont, 459, 460, 613.
Clodia, 37.
Clyde, 110, 136, 170.
Cniva, 190.
Colaman, 464.
Colchester, 56, 109, 110.
Colchis, 374.
Cologne, 312, 463.
Colosseum, 96, 103, 108.
Colossus, 549.
Comana, 286.
INDEX
671
Comedy of Errors, 16.
Commodus, 145, 158, 163-68, 197.
Gomo, 150, 155.
Courad III., 483, 484, 486, 491, 493,
505, 624-26, 630.
Conrad of Montferrat, 488, 489.
Constance, 512.
Constans, 233, 234, 263, 264.
— II., 548-50.
Constantia, 219, 223.
— wife of Maurice, 530.
Constantine I. the Great, 200, 216-40,
246, 261, 263, 266, 268, 271, 286,
304, 308, 310, 356, 376, 456, 547,
612.
— II., 233-35.
— III., 548.
— IV., 442, 550, 552.
— v., 560-64.
— VI., 564-67, 578.
— VII., 586-88.
— VIII., 595.
— IX., 597-99.
— X., 605, 606.
— XI., 656-64.
— a Paulician, 581, 582.
Constantinople, 230 sqq.
Constantius, father of Constantine,
208-16, 222.
— son of Constantine, 233-35, 263-66,
276.
— husband of Placidia, 311, 313, 356.
Copts, 405, 539, 547.
Corbulo, 79.
Cordova, 434, 435, 440, 443, 444, 672,
604.
Cordoba, 149, 152.
Corfu, 610, 624.
Corinth, 50, 194, 301, 374, 622, 624.
Corsica, 149, 333.
Cossacks, 325.
Council of Aries, 264.
— Clermont, 459, 460, 613,
— Milan, 264.
— Nicsea, 228, 229, 262, 266.
— Piacenza, 459.
— Trent, 293.
Crassus, 211.
Cremona, 30, 88.
Crete, 444, 447, 572, 573, 583, 588, 592.
Crimea, 194, 548, 59*2.
Crispus, 231.
Crumn, 570, 571, 578, 580.
Crusades, 447, 451-522, 609-61 ijassim.
Ctesiphon, 125, 143, 186, 205, 238, 419,
441.
Cucusus, 286.
Cynthia, 35.
Cyprian, 196.
Cyprus, 125, 423, 425, 474, 476, 492,
494, 516, 518, 548, 591,629-32.
Cyrene, 125.
Cyrus, 540.
Cyzicus, 551.
Dacia, 112, 118, 119, 126, 128, 144, 145,
199, 200, 325, 340, 358.
Dagobert, 477.
Dalmatia, 10, 302, 335, 466, 567, 624.
Damascus, 387, 418, 424, 426, 427, 429,
431-34, 4.39, 441, 447, 484-87, 495,
505, 539, 546, 577, 626, 6.30.
Damasus, 288, 289.
Damietta, 507, 509, 516-18.
Dandolo, 496-503, 634, 635.
Dante, 31, 32.
Daras, 366.
Darius, 439.
Dastagerd, 544.
Daventry, 56.
David, 254, 506.
Deborah, 506.
Decebalus, 112, 118.
Decius, 187, 188-95, 197, 198.
Delhi, 654.
Delia, 34.
Delphi, 80.
Delta, 7, 439.
Demetrius, 641.
Democritus, 27.
Deo-gratias, 329.
Desiderius, 566.
Diocletian, 16, 171, 205-23, 230, 231, 302.
Dion Cassius, 159, 182.
Dizabul, 529.
Dneiper, 579, 598.
Dneister, 246.
Dobrudscha, 190, 534.
Domitia, 112.
Domitian, 95-97,103, 105-18, 146, 152-56.
— Ahenobarbus, 59, 71.
Domninus, 252.
Donatists, 226, 227, 295, 296, 297, 315,
329.
Dorylfflum, 467, 615, 626.
Dorystolum, 593.
Douai Bible, 290.
Douglas, 452.
Drusus, 5, 8, 34, 37, 39, 44, 53.
Dryden, 16.
Dukas, 586.
Durazzo (Dyrrhachium), 352, 465,466,
610, 617, 641.
Dutch, 341.
Easter, 229.
Edessa, 371, 468, 472, 477, 480-82, 486,
536, 549, 595, 596, 616, 625.
Edgar Atheling, 471.
Edict of Milan, 224.
Edward, Confessor, 600.
— I., 520, 521.
— II., 477.
— III., 238.
672
INDEX
El Arish, 478, 480.
Elbe, 8, 203.
Eleanor, 492.
El Hakim, 612.
Elis, 301.
Ellak, 325.
Emesa, 175-77, 181, 418, 439, 447, 547.
Emico, 404.
Emmelia, 269.
Ennia, 49.
Ennius, 15-19.
Ephesus, 194, 484, 616.
Epiphanius, 349.
Epirus, 301, 373, 610, 641.
Ertogrul, 650, 654.
Erzeroum, 124.
Etna, 128.
Etruria, 15, 151.
Eucherius, 306.
Eudo, 436, 437.
Eudocia (Athenais), 356.
— wife of Romanus IV., 606, 607.
Eudoxia, wife of Arcadius, 284, 285,
305, 326, 331, 354, 355.
— wife of Valeutinian III., 356.
Eugenias, Emperor, 256, 301.
— III., Pope, 482, 483.
— IV., Pope, 656, 657.
Euphemius, 572, 573.
Eusebius, 225, 263, 266, 271, 595.
Eustace of Boulogne, 465.
— crusader, 465.
— Grenier, 480.
Eutharic, 351.
Eutropius, 284, 354, 355.
Ezekiel, 381.
Fabma, 547.
Fast of Atonement, 397, 398.
— Ramadan, 398.
Patima, 388, 396, 400, 401, 415, 421,
446, 468, 467, 487.
Fausta, 218.
Faustina, 135.
Felicitas, 169.
Ferdinand, 441.
Ferrara, 656.
Festus, 78.
Fez, 444.
Fife, 10.
Firmus, 243.
Firth of Forth, 110, 111, 136, 170.
Flavian emperors, 87-113.
Flavian, Bishop, 253.
Flavins Clemens, 107.
Florence, 303, 656.
Florianus, 203.
Forfar, 110.
Fostat. See Cairo.
Frederick I., Barbarossa, 489, 490, 491,
631, 632, 633.
— II., 506, 508, 509, 511, 512, 515.
Friends, Society of, 582.
Pritigern, 246-48, 251.
Frontinus, 109-11.
Pronto, 156, 157.
Pucine, Lake, 55.
Pulk of Anjou, 457, 474, 481.
Fuscus, 112.
Gabriel, 383.
Gainas, 301, 354, 355.
Gaiseric, 314, 326-28, 330-34, 357, 358,
368.
Gaius (Caligula), 39, 44, 47-57, 83, 89,
92.
— (Jurist), 137, 365.
Galata, 645, 648, 661.
Galatia, 11, 433, 536.
Galba, 56, 84-93, 151.
Galen, 143, 144.
Galerius, 208-23.
Galgacus, 110.
Galilee, 62.
Galla, 253, 256, 310.
Gallienus, 192, 193, 197, 198, 266.
Gallipoli, 649, 652.
Gallus, Emperor, 190-92, 196.
— Julian's brother, 233, 284.
Gandzaca, 542, 544.
Gaza, 418, 514.
Gelimer, 331, 352, 368.
Geneva, 312.
Genghis Khan, 513.
Genoa, 458, 471, 481, 519, 612, 618,
623, 625, 643, 645, 658, 661.
George of Cappadocia, 238.
Georgia, 653.
Gepidae, 346, 373, 526, 528.
Germanicus, 5, 37, 39, 40, 41, 44, 48,
53, 71.
Germanus, 369.
Gerontius, 310.
Geta, 169, 171, 172.
GhibelUne, 515.
Ghuzni, 428.
Gibbon, 161, 162, 175, 179, 186, 479.
Gibraltar, 204, 312, 328, 434.
Gilsland, 130.
Glycerius, 335, 345.
Godfrey, 465-79, 513, 616, 625.
Godric, 478.
Godwin, 600.
Gcethia, 266.
Golden Horn, 556, 659.
Gordian I., 184, 185.
— II., 184, 185.
— III., 186, 187.
Gothland, 189.
Gottschalk, 463. »
Gradischtge, 118.
Graham's dyke, 136, 170.
Granada, 441.
Gratian, 241-59, 273, 277, 279.
INDEX
673
Gregory, Emperor, 548, 549.
— Bishop, 263, 264.
— Nazianzen, 261, 269-74, 278, 283,
288.
— II., Pope, 566.
— III., Pope, 561, 566.
— VII., Pope, 454-60, 607, 608, 612.
— IX., 509, 512.
— X., 521.
Guelph, 515.
Guizot, 343.
Gundobad, 349.
Guy de Lusignan, 488, 491-94, 630,
632.
Habet-Dedm, 329.
Hadi, 442.
Hadrian, Emperor, 94, 95, 127-36, 141,
142, 146, 156, 170, 243, 383.
Hadrian, Pope, 566.
Hadrianople. See Adrianople.
Hafsa, 400.
Halima, 386.
Hamadan, 419.
Hamah, 481.
Hamza, 400.
Hannibal, 541.
Harold, 600.
— Hardrada, 602.
Haroun al Raschid, 442, 443, 564, 570,
604.
Hasan, 401, 415, 424-32.
— General, 431-33.
Hashim, 386, 392, 422.
Hattin, 488, 650.
Hejag, 432.
Helena, 222, 232, 456, 612,
Heliogabalus, 176-81.
Helius, 80, 81.
Helvetia, 86.
Henry I., England, 480.
— II., England, 489, 492, 631, 632.
— IV., Germany, 463.
— VI., Germany, 490, 494, 497, 508.
— I., Latin emperor, 639-41.
Henry de Lusignan, 516.
Heraclea, 570.
Heracleia, 645.
Heracleonas, 548.
Heraclius, General, 334, 532, 537.
— Emperor, 405, 416-20, 537-47, 548,
554, 556, 558, 563, 565.
— officer, 326.
Herat, 428.
Herculaneum, 100-2.
Hermann, 40.
Hermann of Salza, 510.
Hermanric, 244, 246, .351.
Herod the Great, 49, 57, 94.
— Antipas, 49.
— Agrippa I., 49, 57.
II., 57.
VOL. II. 43
Herodias, 280.
Heruli, 373.
Herzegovina, 583.
Hezekiah, 540.
Hierapolis, 370.
Hijra, 395.
Hildibad, 372.
Hildebrand (Gregory VII.).
Hindu, 413, 414.
Hindustan, 653.
Hiong-Nu, 317.
Hippo, 295, 297, 298, 315, 328.
Hippolytus, 158.
Hisham, 436-38.
Hodgkin, 261.
Holland, 204.
Holy Roman Empire, 567, 568.
Holy Sepulchre, 472, 477, 478, 481.
Homer, 14, 15, 16, 32.
Honoria, 311.
Honorius, Emperor, 253, 257, 281, 296-
313, 354, 356, 357.
— III., Pope, 509.
Horace, 14, 20, 28, 30, 32, 33, 34, 151,
156.
Hormisdas, 530, 532.
Horteusius, 24.
Hosein, 401, 415, 424-32, 438.
Housesteads, 130.
Hugh de Payne, 475.
Hugh of Vermandois, 465, 466, 470,
472, 479.
Hunain, 408, 409.
Hungary, 231, 319-24, 325, 327, 463-
66, 475, 484, 490, 506, 513, 583, 603,
624, 631, 634, 657.
Hunyadi, 657.
Hunneric, 331.
Huns, 246, 312, 317-25, 335, 355, 357,
374, 526, 603.
Hussites, 583.
Hyksos, 380.
Iberia, 374,
Ibrahim, 438.
Iceni, 56, 107, 109.
Iconium, 479, 490, 626, 627, 631, 633,
640, 649, 650.
Ignatius, 574, 575, 580, 581,
Iliad, 32.
India, 179, 379, 380, 413, 452, 457, 498,
576, 577.
Indus, 428.
Inferno, 31.
Innocent II., 482.
— III., 497, 502-8, 634, 635, 637,
640.
— IV., 515.
Irak, 416, 417, 432, 441, 446.
Ireland, 110, 297.
Irenseus, 159.
Irene, 442, 443, 564-70, 620,
674
INDEX
Isaac I., 605.
— II., 490, 498, 500, 501, 629-36.
— Comnenus, 492, 630, 632.
Isabella, 493, 505.
Isauria, 276, 359-61, 555, 556, 568.
Ishmael, 383.
Isidore, monk, 263.
— Cardinal, 658, 660.
Islam, 379-447, 451-522 passim.
Ismalians, 446.
Isonzo, 346.
Issus, 541.
Istria, 231, 569.
Italica, 117.
Italicus (Silius), 109, 151.
Jape, 407.
James I., 54.
Janiculum, 79.
Janissaries, 651.
Jeddah, 381.
Jericho, 489.
Jerome, 137, 277, 287-93, 308, 456, 612.
Jerusalem, 51, 57, 62, 65, 92-98, 131,
230, 238, 330, 368, 397, 418, 419,
433, 451-522 passim, 539-47, 612-16,
630.
Jezebel, 280.
Joanna, 492.
Joannes, 313.
Job, 603.
John of Cappadocia, 867.
— of Ephesus, 534.
— King of England, 506.
— Pope, 350, 362.
— de Brienne, 505, 507, 509, 511, 642.
John Grant, 658.
John I., 583, 592, 593.
— II., 620-23, 627.
— III., 641, 642, 646.
— IV., 643.
— v., 651-53.
— VI., 656.
Joinville, 516, 520.
Joppa, 117, 418, 478, 489, 493, 494, 497,
519, 632, 633.
Jordan, 232.
Jordanes, 247.
Joscelin I., 480, 481.
— II., 482, 486.
Josephus, 93, 94.
Jotapata, 93.
Jovian, 241-49, 259, 264.
Jovinian, 290, 291.
Jugurtha, 28.
Julia, 37, 38.
— Domna, 169, 171, 175.
— Msesa, 176.
— Mamea, 181, 183.
Julian, Emperor, 233-235, 240, 241,259,
265, 269, 271, 276, 277, 360.
— Count, 434.
Julianus, 112.
— Didius, 165, 166.
Julius Nepos, 335.
Justin I., 350, 362, 364.
— II., 525, 529.
Justina, 245, 250, 254.
Justinian I., 133, 237, 331, 349, 351-56,
362-76, 386, 501, 525-29, 545, 559,
581, 584.
— II., 433, 552-54, 565, 582.
Justiniani, 658-60.
Justin Martyr, 138, 147.
Juvenal, 109, 155.
Kaaba, 382, 388, 389, 392, 404, 406, 408,
431, 447.
Kabul, 428.
Kadesia, 418.
Kahina, 433.
Kairwan, 428, 434, 443, 446.
Kariba, 425.
Karijites, 426, 433.
Karmathians, 446, 447.
Kashgar, 653.
Kerbela, 429, 438.
Kerboga, 469.
Khabour, 212.
Khadijah, 387-89, 391, 393.
Khaibar, 404, 405.
Khalid, 401, 406, 407, 416, 417.
Khalil, 522.
Khartpert, 480.
Khazars, 543, 559.
Khazraj, 394.
Khorasan, 418, 428, 432, 438, 439, 441-
43, 446, 604, 605.
Kilij Arslan, 464, 627.
Kitchin, Dean, 442.
Knights of St. John, 475-77, 488, 489,
510 519.
Knights' Templar, 475-77, 488, 489, 510,
519 522.
Knights Teutonic, 475, 476, 491, 510.
Kobad, 361, 366, 381 -WJ passim, 546.
Kossova, 652, 657.
Koutouz, 519.
Kuba, 396.
Kufa, 410, 418-32 passim, 446.
Kuraish, 386, 422.
Kyrillos, 579.
Lactantius, 215, 223, 304.
Ladislas, 657.
Lselianius, 201.
Lsetus, 169.
Lalla Bookh, 441.
Languedoc, 583.
Laodicea, 253, 468, 472, 484, 616, 631,
Larissa, 610.
Lateran, 227.
Laurentius, 196.
Lebanon, 292, 497, 553.
INDEX
675
Leo I., Pope, 324, 330, 844.
— IV., Pope, 444.
— I., Emperor, 334, 335, 344, 358, 359,
361.
— II., Emperor, 345, 359.
— III., Emperor, 435-37, 451, 452, 555-
67, 581, 582.
— IV., Emperor, 564.
— v.. Emperor, 571, 572.
— VI., Emperor, 581, 586.
Leontius, 553, 554.
Leopold, 494.
Lepidus, 3, 4, 5, 24.
Levant, 622, 644.
Lewes, J. D., 123.
Liberius, 347, 374.
Licinius, 218-28.
Liguria, 349.
Lilybaeum, 853.
Lincoln, 110.
Lindsay, 596.
Lithuania, 477.
Livia, 5, 37.
Livy, 30, 33, 34, 50.
Loire, 312, 436.
Lollius Urbius, 136.
Lombards, 200, 328, 373, 526-28, 533,
550, 565, 666.
London, 56, 75, 110, 211, 492, 576.
Longinus, 527.
Lorium, 138.
Louis I., 573.
— VI., 641.
— VII., 482-86, 624.
— IX., 504, 515-21.
Lucania, 311.
Lucanus, 152, 156.
Lucilius, 20.
Lucilla, 160.
Lucius, 37.
Lucretius, 14, 27.
Luciillus, 45, 885.
Lusitania, 74, 85.
Luther, 299, 561, 581.
Lycia, 549, 552.
Lydda, 418, 451.
Lydia, 649.
Lyons, 105, 148, 167, 252, 512, 646.
Macedonia, 346, 854, 549, 576.
Macrina, 269.
Macrinus, 175, 176.
Macro, 49.
Maecenas, 5, 29-35.
Magnentius, 234.
Magnesia, 648.
Magyars, 320, 552, 584, 603.
Mahmoud, 603.
Maitland, 289.
Majorian, 388.
Malaga, 484.
Malek Ahdel, 498, 506.
Malek Kamel, 509.
Malik Shah, 455, 607.
Malta, 477.
Mamelukes, 445, 519.
Mamun, 443-45.
Maniakes, 595, 596.
Mansur, 441, 442.
Mansurah, 517, 519.
Mantua, 30.
Manuel I., 483, 486, 487, 621-28.
— II., 653-55.
Manzikert, 455, 606.
Marcellinus, 334.
Marcellus, 37, 212.
Marcia, 158, 159, 163.
Marcian, 320, 357, 858.
Marcius Turbo, 128, 129.
Marcomanni, 144, 146.
Marcus Aurelius, 70, 135, 188, 140-48,
156-59, 165, 166, 195, 197.
Mardaites, 558.
Mardia, 220.
Marguerite, 516.
Margus, 206, 320.
Maria, 487.
Marmora, 194, 204, 230, 551, 556, 643,
649, 650, 658.
Marseilles, 218, 469.
Martial, 109, 152.
Martin, Pope, 551.
Martina, 548.
Martyropolis, 542.
Marwa, 382.
Mary of Magdala, 64.
— Virgin, 290, 887.
— daughter of Isabella, 505.
— sister of Moses, 387.
— the Copt, 405, 408.
Mathew, Father, 459.
Mauretania, 184, 192.
Maurice, 580-36.
Maxentius, 216-23.
Maximian, 207-23.
Maximin, 183, 184, 185.
Maximus, joint Emperor, 185.
— Governor of Britain, 252-58, 309.
— Emperor, 326, 382.
Mayence, 457, 463.
Meander, 484.
Mecca, 379-447 passim, 458, 545.
Media, 143, 544.
Medina, 379-447 passim, 545.
Medway, 56.
Mehdi, 441, 442, 446.
Melisend, 481.
Melitene, 571, 583.
Memnon, 128.
Memphis, 420, 547.
Meiia'chmi, 16.
Merivale, Dean, 148.
Merseburg, 464.
Merv, 439, 443.
676
INDEX
Merwan I., 432.
— II., 438, 439, 440.
Mery-sur-Seine, 322.
Messalina, 58, 59.
Messina, 492.
Methodios, 599.
Metz, 484.
Mezecius, 551.
Michael I., 570, 571, 582.
— II., 572, 573.
— III., 574-80.
— IV., 596.
— v., 597.
— VI., 605.
— VII., 606-8, 611, 612.
— VIII., 643-47.
Michael, son of Andronicus, 648, 649.
Midian, 119.
Milan, 18, 156, 195, 208, 223-27, 234,
242, 253-56, 264, 278, 280, 294, 295,
300, 302, 329, 834, 346, 348, 527.
Milman, Dean, 279.
Mina Valley, 382, 411.
Mincio, 324.
Misenum, 45, 101, 150.
Modestinus, 169, 181.
Modestus, 272.
McBsia, 112, 145, 187, 190-200, 206, 222,
247, 264, 266, 302, 344, 528, 549.
Moguls, 650.
Mohammed and Mohammedanism,
193, 369, 379-447,451-522, 545- 661
passi77i.
Mohammed I., 655-61.
Moharram, 430.
Mokanna, 441, 442.
Moli^re, 16.
Monico, 294, 295.
Mongolia, 317.
Mongols, 603.
Montaser, 445.
Moore, 441.
Moors, 573.
Morocco, 428.
Moselle, 464.
Moslemah, 557.
Moslems, 379-447, 451-522, 545-641
passim.
Mostain, 445.
Mosul, 469.
Motamed, 446.
Motanna, 418.
Motasim, 445.
Motawakkel, 445.
Mount Moriah, 475.
Mozeley, Canon, 298.
Muavia I., 422, 424-28, 432, 433, 438,
549, 551, 553.
— II., 431, 432.
Mucianus, 87-89, 105.
Muir, Sir William, 546.
Mukaukis, 405.
Munro, 33.
Musa, 433, 434.
Musab, 394, 432.
Muta, 407, 412, 415, 416, 545.
Mutina, 4.
Mylasa, 153.
Myriokephalon, 627.
Mysia, 573, 649.
Nablus (Shechem), 147.
Nsevius, 15, 16.
Naila, 424.
Naissus (Nisch), 198, 222, 463, 598.
Najran, 410.
Naples, 102, 150, 152, 369, 373, 465,
511, 550.
Narbonne, 311, 436.
Narcissus, 58.
Narses (of Justinian), 366, 367, 373,
527, 528.
— (of Phocas), 536.
Navarre, 492.
Nazareth, 488, 511, 519, 521.
Nazianzus, 274, 275.
Nebuchadrezzar, 383.
Negus, 392.
Nehemiah, 267.
Nemea, 80.
Nero, Emperor, 59, 61,71-84,87-95,98-
103, 107-9, 124, 146, 149-52, 154,
155, 158, 178.
Nero, Tiberius Claudius, 5, 37.
Nerva, 114-16, 117, 119, 146.
Netherlands, 91.
Nettleship, 33.
Nevahend, 419, 548.
Newcastle, 130.
Newman, 274.
Niblis, 193.
Nicaea, 182, 228, 249, 262, 286, 457,
467, 479, 484, 503, 607, 611, 615,
626, 637, 639, 642, 643, 646, 649,
650.
Nicene Creed, 229, 260, 261.
Nicephorus I., 443, 568-70, 582.
— II., 588-93.
— husband of Anna, 620.
Nicetas, 628.
Nicholas I., 575.
— IV., 522.
Nicodemus, 619.
Nicomedia, 208, 212-16, 230, 232, 263,
266, 533, 637, 650.
Niebuhr, 137, 143.
Niger, 166, 167.
Nile, 128, 191, 507.
Nineveh, 542.
Nisbis, 186, 241.
Nismes, 436.
Nola, 11.
Norbanus, 107.
Noricum, 144.
INDEX
677
Normans, 454, 596, 598, 600, 602, 609,
611.
Norway, 602.
Noureddin, 482, 486, 487, 626.
Novograd, 190.
Numerian, 205, 207.
Numidia, 28, 294, 368.
Obeidalla, 446.
Octavia, 5, 37, 71.
— Nero's wife, 59, 74, 75.
Octavius. See Augustus.
Odenathus, 193-95, 200.
Odeum, 108.
Odo of Bayeux, 466.
Odovacar, 335, 846, 360, 567.
Olga, 592.
Olybrius, 385.
Olympia, 80.
Omar I., 392, 400, 410, 425, 441, 452,
547, 548.
— II., 436.
— Mosque of, 452, 475, 511, 612.
Ommeyads, 422, 427, 432-39, 440.
Oppius Sabinus, 112.
Orestes, 335.
Origen, 187, 196, 290.
Orkhan, 650, 652.
Orleans, 312, 322.
Orontes, 484.
Osama, 412, 415.
Ostia, 55, 119, 295, 326, 330, 444.
Ostorius Scapula, 109.
Ostrogoths, 190, 244,246,247, 302,818,
335, 344, 345, 857, 361.
Othman (Caliph), 398, 400, 406, 421-
27, 432, 548-50.
— (Turk), 650.
Otho, 74, 85-91.
Otranto, 598.
Otto, 508.
Ottoman Turks, 650-61.
Ovid, 14, 30, 35, 36.
Oxford, 596.
Oxus, 419, 433.
Pacorus, 142, 143.
Pacuvius, 18.
Padua, 33,
Palatme, 50, 52, 177.
Paleologus, 504, 610, 648.
Palermo, 466, 624.
Pallas, 58.
Palma, 119.
Palmyra, 193, 194, 200, 201, 444.
Pamphylia, 484.
Pannonia, 144, 145, 166, 187, 191, 199,
200, 220, 242, 244, 252, 302, 344,
345.
Pantheon, 103.
Papinian, 169, 172.
Papinius Statius, 109, 152.
Paradise Lost, 17.
Paradiso, 31.
Paris, 235, 308, 312.
Parthia, 5, 7, 8, 40, 79, 97, 117, 123-28,
142-45, 168, 175, 182.
Parthomasiris, 124.
Paula, 289, 291, 292, 456.
Paulicians, 570, 574, 581-83, 618.
Paulina, 184.
Paulus Claudius, 91.
Paulus, jurist, 169, 181.
Pavia, 198, 347, 373, 527.
Pechenegs, 593, 598.
Pelagius, 292, 297, 298.
— Cardinal, 507, 509.
Pelekanon, 650.
Pella, 418.
Peloponnesus, 593, 637.
Pelusium, 487.
Pentapolis, 569.
Pentecost, 67, 68.
Pentland Firth, 111.
Pepin, 560, 566, 578.
Perennis, 160.
Perpetua, 169.
Persia, 7, 182-87, 194, 201-12, 238-41,
248, 361-80, 413-19, 433, 451-56.
Persian Gulf, 125.
Pertinax, 164-66.
Peter the Hermit, 460-64, 468, 473, 479,
618, 614.
Peter Bartholomew, 469, 470.
Peter of Courtenay, 641.
Petra, 119.
Petronius, 51.
Phaon, 81.
Pharaoh, 558.
Pharsalia, 21, 152.
Philadelphia, 631, 652.
Philip I., Roman Emperor, 186-88, 197.
— I., King of France, 465, 480.
— II., King of France, 489, 492, 493,
505, 631, 632.
— III., 521.
— IV., 476.
Philippi, 4, 32.
Philippicus, 554, 555.
Philippopolis, 190, 466.
Philo, 47.
Phoenicia, 302, 375, 379, 549.
Phocas, 532, 535-39.
Photius, 574, 575-80, 581.
Phrygia, 160, 360, 606, 627.
Piacenza, 459, 612.
Picenum, 311.
Pictor, 16.
Picts, 223, 242.
Pincian, 82, 307.
Pisa, 458, 471, 481, 612, 618, 621, 623,
625.
Pisidia, 665, 669.
678
INDEX
Piso, Calp., 40, 80, 81, 149, 152,
— Licinian, 85.
Pityus, 286.
Pius v., 153.
Placentia, 86, 200.
Placidia, 310, 316, 356, 357.
Plautia, 58.
Plautius, 56, 91, 109.
Plautus, 16, 18.
Plotina, 127.
Pliny the elder, 101, 102, 150, 151, 155.
— the younger, 70, 101, 106, 109, 120,
123, 132, 153, 155, 156.
Po, 306, 324, 370.
Poitiers, 487, 452, 558, 566,
Poland, 513.
Polentia, 303, 305.
Polybius, 58.
Polycarp, 147.
Pompeii, 100-2.
Pompey, 3, 49, 383.
Pontine marshes, 347.
Pontius Pilate, 45, 51, 52, 76, 92.
Pontus, 8, 204, 269, 433, 542, 545.
Poppeea, 74, 75, 80, 85.
Porta Asinaria, 370.
— Flaminia, 370.
— Salaria, 307, 308.
— Eomana, 658-60.
— Viminalis, 42.
Portugal, 312, 327.
Postumus, 195, 201.
Pothinus, 148.
Presthlava, 593.
Primus, 105.
Prisca, 119.
Priscus, 153, 190.
Probus, 203-7, 242.
Procheiron, 581.
Proclus, 362.
Procopius, 245.
Propertius, 35.
Provence, 335, 465, 484, 583.
Prussia, 189, 194, 477.
Pruth, 246.
Pulcheria, 320, 355, 357, 358.
Punic Wars, 15, 17, 18, 345.
Puteoli, 50,
Puy, 465.
Pyrenees, 192, 303, 311, 312, 321, 327,
436, 437.
QuADi, 144, 146, 242, 244.
Quadratus, 132.
Quintilian, 35, 109, 151, 153, 155.
Quod-vult, 329.
Radagasids, 302-4.
Esetia, 144, 200, 303.
Raihana, 403.
Rakka, 434, 444.
Ramadan, 427.
Ramleh, 478, 479, 493.
Ratisbon, 484, 490, 631.
Ravenna, 145, 169, 193, 217, 267, 302,
306, 310, 313-16, 321, 324, 327, 346-
51, 362, 369-73, 528, 550, 562, 569.
Raymond of Toulouse, 465, 466, 472,
479.
— Count of Tiberias, 488.
Red Sea, 119, 380, 381, 576.
Reggio, 308, 369, 550.
Reginald of Chatillon, 488.
Resina, 102.
Rhazates, 544.
Rhodes, 22, 425, 477, 549.
Rhone, 515.
Richard I., 489, 492-95, 505, 630, 631.
— of Cornwall, 512.
Ricimer, 332-35, 358.
Riviera, 335.
Robert Guiscard, 465, 610, 617, 646.
— of Courtenay, 641, 642.
— of Flanders, 465, 466, 480, 612,
— of Normandy, 465-68, 472, 480.
Robertson, 583,
Roderick, 434.
Roger de Flor, 647, 648.
Roger of Sicily, 478, 624.
Roman Empire, 1-376.
Rome, 1-376, 451-641 passim.
Romanus I., 587.
— II., 447, 588-90, 593.
— III., 595, 596.
— IV., 455, 606.
Romulus. See Augustulus.
Roncesveaux, 440.
Roum, 464, 479, 607, 614.
RuEnus, 257, 288, 290, 301, 354.
Rugila, 319.
Rukyyah, 396, 400, 421.
Russia, 128, 325, 513, 533, 579, 585,
592, 593, 597, 598,
Rustem, 418.
Sad, 419, 421.
Saes, 542, 543.
Safa, 382,
Safed, 519,
Safiyah, 404,
Saladin, 446, 487-95, 519, 626, 630, 632.
Sallust, 28,
Salona, 215, 219,
Salvius Julianus, 133, 137.
Samara, 445, 446.
Samarcand, 433, 654, 655.
Samaria, 57.
Samaritans, 52, 147.
Samnium, 311.
Samuel, King of Bulgaria, 593, 594.
Sanskrit, 267,
Sapor I., 193, 194, 211.
— II., 232-35, 241.
Sarablagas, 542,
INDEX
679
Saracens, 193, 379-447 jjossiw, 451-22
2)assi7n, 546 sqq.
Saragossa, 435.
Sardica, 264, 598.
Sardinia, 16, 334, 368, 373, 433, 550,
555.
Sardis, 616.
Sargon, 383.
Sarmatia, 128, 129, 186, 220, 231, 232,
242, 345.
Sarus, 542.
Sasima, 276.
Sassan, 182.
Sassinides, 419.
Saturninus, 107, 204.
Sauda, 396.
Save, 250.
Saxa Rubra, 219, 223.
Saxons, 189, 210, 242, 312, 319, 339,
376.
Scandinavians, 579, 685, 592.
Scapula, 56.
Scinde, 433.
Scipio, 17.
Scotland, 110.
Scots, 242.
Scott, Sir Walter, 452.
Scribonia, 5, 37.
Scutari, 220, 500.
Scythians, 190, 203.
Selef, 490.
Seine, 322.
Sejanus, 39, 42, 44, 45, 51.
Seleucia, 143, 205.
Selinus, 125.
Seneca, 72-74, 80, 107, 149-62,
Sennacherib, 540.
Septuagint, 292.
Serena, 300.
Sergius, 541, 543.
Servia, 198, 230, 624, 652.
Servius Tullius, 200.
Seth, 383.
Severus, Alexander, 181-83.
— Flavius Valerius, 216, 217, 223.
— Julius, 131.
— Libius, 334.
— Septimius, 130, 166-70, 172, 174,
176, 197.
Severianus, 142.
Seville, 117.
Sextus, 3, 4, 5.
Shahen, 540.
Shahr Barz, 539, 542-44.
Shakespeare, 16.
Sheba, 380.
Shebib, 433.
Shirkhuh, 487.
Shushan, 419.
Sibylla, 489, 491.
Sicily, pdssim.
Sifan, 427.
Sigismund, 653.
Silchester, 110.
Silistria, 593.
Silverius, 369.
Simeon, 586.
Sinaitic Peninsula, 119.
Singeric, 311.
Singidunum, 345, 533.
Sirmium, 203, 204, 208, 250, 528.
Siroes, 544.
Sixtus, Bishop, 196.
Sivas, 654.
Slavs, 316, 374, 532-38, 549-52, 563,
664, 584, 593, 594, 618, 652.
Smargadus, 628.
Smith, 273.
Smyrna, 147, 616.
Socrates, 67.
Soliman, 434-36, 655.
Solomon, 380, 471, 547.
Solway, 110, 130, 136, 170.
Soudan, 446.
Spain, passim.
Sparta, 194, 301.
Spoleto, 191, 192, 372.
St. Albans, 56, 67, 66.
— James, 57, 66, 2S6, 602.
— John, Apostle, 65, 147.
Baptist, 475, 502, 604.
Eleemon, 476.
— Marks, 502.
— Paul, 46, 67, 76, 78, 79, 267.
— Peter, 57, 64, 66, 79, 607, 661.
Peter's 667.
— Sophia', 285, 365, 525, 699, 644, 656,
660, 661.
— Thomas, 507.
— Timothy, 78.
Stadium, 108.
Stamford Bridge, 602.
Statius, 18.
Stauracius, 670.
Stephen, 271.
— of Blois, 465, 466, 470, 472, 478,
479.
Stilicho, 257, 300-6, 326, 327, 354.
Strasburg, 322.
Stridou, 287.
Suetonius Paulinus, 109, 110.
— Tranquillus, 166.
Suevi, 193, 304, 312, 327.
Suleiman, 607, 611.
Sulla, 22.
Sulpicianus, 166.
Sviatoslav, 692.
Swabia, 490, 491, 631.
Sweden, 189.
Symmachus, 349, 350.
— Bishop, 361.
Syracuse, 103, 204, 444, 550, 551, 584.
Syria, lyassim.
Szedegin, 657.
680
INDEX
Tabuk, 409.
Tacitus, 14, 76, 77, 106, 109, 111, 118,
150-56, 189, 202, 203,
Taginse, 373, 527.
Taif, 393, 408.
Talha, 424, 425.
Tancred, crusader, 465-68, 472, 479,
480, 617.
— King of Sicily, 492.
Taranto, 15, 115, 550.
Tarik, 434.
Tarsus, 193, 219, 235, 241, 479, 573.
Tartars, 190, 246, 317-19, 823-25, 513,
519, 526, 654.
Taurus, 359, 361, 547, 562, 631.
Tehuda, 428.
Teias, 873.
Teleruachus, 303.
Tenchebrai, 480.
Tennyson, 28.
Tephrike, 583.
Terence, 18-20, 156.
Terni, 153.
Tetricus, 202.
Teutons, 190, 317, 318, 825, 827, 366,
867, 508, 567.
Thagaste, 294, 295.
Thames, 56, 98.
Thebes, 601, 624.
Theobald, 497.
Theodahad, 353, 369.
Theodemir, 344, 345, 859, 860.
Theodora, wife of Justinian, 363, 364,
367 525.
Theop'hilus, 573, 574.
Theodora, daughter of Maximian, 208,
222.
— niece of Manuel, 486.
— sister of Zoe, 597-600, 605.
Theodore, brother of Heraclius, 543,
544.
— Angelus, 641.
— I., Lascaris, 501, 503, 636, 639-41,
646.
— Triarius, 860.
— II., 504.
Theodoric the Great, 321-23, 332, 841-
53, 359, 360, 362, 866, 878, 527.
— II., 332.
Theodosius I., 250-57, 259, 260, 268,
273, 277-80, 281, 284, 300, 301, 305,
310, 814, 326, 354, 356.
— II., 237, 313,319, 320, 856, 857.
— III., 305, 435, 555.
Theophano, 590, 591.
Theophilus, Emperor, 445, 573, 574.
— Bishop of Alexandria, 259.
Gcethia, 266.
Thermantia, 301.
Thessalonica, 220, 251, 255, 280, 301,
345, 503, 583, 586, 601, 640,
642.
Thessaly, 346.
Theudas, 874.
Thibet, 317.
Thomas, General, 572.
Thorismund, 321, 823, 332.
Thoron, 497.
Thrace, passi7)i.
Thucydides, 28.
Thuringians, 347.
Tiber, 134, 176, 177, 179, 289, 444,
445.
Tiberias, 417, 488, 519, 546, 630.
Tiberius I., 7, 8, 11, 80, 36-52, 55, 60,
76, 92, 98, 114, 154.
— II., 528-33, 554.
— Alexander, 87, 92.
Tibullus, 34.
Tibur, 32, 134.
Tigellinus, 74.
Tigris, 125, 212, 239, 241, 416, 419, 441,
445, 653.
Timestheus, 186.
Timour (Tamerlane), 653-55.
Tiridates, 80, 124, 211, 212.
Tirmus, 201.
Titus, 88, 93-107, 830, 342, 368, 530.
Togodumnus, 56.
Togrul Beg, 605, 606.
Toledo, 260, 434.
Tolosa, 312.
Tomi, 36.
Totila, 372, 873, 527.
Toulouse, 828, 382, 486.
Trajan, 116, 117-28, 131-88, 141, 146,
153-56, 188.
Trapani, 521.
Trebizond, 194.
Treves, 208, 217, 222, 230, 244, 268,
463.
Tribonian, 865.
Tricamaron, 368.
Trinobantes, 56.
Tripoli (Africa), 384, 551.
— (Palestine), 479, 489, 490, 505, 519,
521, 549, 647.
Tristan, 521.
Troy, 15, 31.
Troyes, 322.
Tufa, 846.
Tullia, 24.
Tunis, 428, 443, 510, 521.
Turin, 219, 228, 303.
Turkestan, 190, 317, 529, 653.
Turks, 320, 444.
— Ottoman, 581-661 passim.
— Seljuk, 446, 447, 451-522 passim,
626, 529-650 passim.
Turkey, 447.
Turnu Severin, 119, 129.
Tuscany, 811.
Tusculum, 17.
Tyler, 265.
INDEX
681
Tyne, 110, 130, 136, 170.
Tyre, 381, 481, 489, 493, 494, 505, 618,
630.
Uhud, 401, 406.
Ukaz, 381.
Ukbah, 399.
Ulfilas, 247, 251, 266, 268, 284, 299,
327.
Ulmann, 261.
Ulpian, 169, 181, 182.
Umbria, 191, 192, 200, 373.
Umm Kulthum, 396, 401, 421.
United States, 189, 337.
Uprauda, 362.
Upsala, 267.
Ur, 241.
Ural, 318.
Urban II., 459, 460, 462, 473, 613.
— III., 489.
— IV., 646.
— v., 652.
Uriah, 254.
Utica, 15.
Valence, 321.
Valens, officer of Vitellius, 85, 86, 88.
— joint with Valentinian I., 242-
51, 259, 264, 271-73, 276, 279, 300,
318, 563.
Valentia, 243.
Valentinian I., 242-49, 259, 264, 279.
— II., 250, 252-56, 259, 279.
— III., 311, 313, 321, 323, 325, 326,
330, 344, 356-58.
Valeria, 208, 219.
Valerian, Emperor, 192, 193, 196-98,
266.
Valerius, 295.
Van, 542, 653.
Vandals, 189, 268, 298-300, 304, 305,
312, 314, 315, 325-34, 347, 352, 357,
358, 361, 366-68, 375.
Varahnes, 532.
Varangians, 579.
Varna, 657.
Varro, 20.
Varus, 8, 40.
Vatican, 23, 157.
Venetia, 302, 303, 323, 527.
Venice, 324, 481, 497-504, 562, 569,
570, 576, 610,618, 621, 622, 634-38,
642-45, 658, 661.
Verdun, 463.
Verina, 359.
Verona, 28, 137, 187, 346, 347, 527.
Verus iElius, 134.
Verus Lucius, 135, 141, 143, 156, 160.
Verus Prisons, 143, 144.
Vespasian, 56, 87-99, 102, 105, 106,
110-17, 131, 146, 151, 153, 173,
383.
VOL. II. 43
Vesuvius, 100-3, 150, 156, 359.
Vetranio, 234.
Vezelay, 483, 492.
Via Sacra, 98.
Victor III., 458, 612.
Victoria, 201, 202.
Victorinus, 201.
Vienna, 504.
Vienno, 148, 310.
Vindex, 81.
Vindobona, 145.
Virgil, 14, 15, 17, 26, 27, 30-3, 50, 100,
151.
Visigoths, 190, 246, 247, 311, 312,
314, 318-22, 327, 335, 345, 347-49
434.
Vitalian, 184.
Vitellius, 52, 85-91, 102, 105.
Vitry, 482.
Volaterra, 151.
Volckmann, 464.
Volga, 318.
Vologeses, 79, 142.
Vulgate, 290, 293.
Walamir, 344, 345.
Waldensians, 582.
Wales, 57, 109, 415.
Wallachia, 535, 633.
Walia, 311, 332.
Walid I., 433-35, 555.
— II., 438.
Wallsend, 130.
Walter de Poissi, 463, 464, 614.
Waraka, 389.
Wathek, 445.
Watling Street, 110.
Weser, 192.
West Kilpatrick, 136.
Westphalia, 267.
Widemir, 335, 344, 345.
Wigtonshire, 110.
William I., 457, 465, 470, 480.
— II., 480.
Witica, 434.
Witigis, 369, 370, 372.
Worms, 484, 494.
Xeres, 434.
Yathrib, 383, 394, 396-406.
Yemen, 381, 382.
Yermuk, 417, 546.
Yezdegird, 182, 418, 419.
Yezid I., 428, 429, 431.
— II., 432, 436.
— III., 438.
York, 170, 172, 216, 223.
Zabeir, 421.
Zaid, 401, 402, 407, 412.
Zainab, 401.
*
682
INDEX
Zapetra, 573.
Zara, 634, 635.
Zeid, 389, 421.
Zeinab, 396, 397.
Zenghi, 481, 482, 486, 625.
Zeno, 836, 345, 346, 359, 360, 361.
Zenobia, 194, 200, 201.
Zimisces, 592, 593.
Zobeir, 424, 426, 429, 430, 432.
Zoe, 586, 595-99.
Zoroaster, 546.
Zuyder Zee, 319.
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